Against Ierome Osorius Byshopp of Siluane in Portingall and against his slaunderous inuectiues An aunswere apologeticall: for the necessary defence of the euangelicall doctrine and veritie. First taken in hand by M. Walter Haddon, then undertaken and continued by M. Iohn Foxe, and now Englished by Iames Bell.

¶The thyrd Booke. (Book 3)

HAuyng striken of two heades of this monstruous Hydre already, and man∣gled the same in gobbettes reasonably well (the terrible Serpent neuerthe∣lesse beyng not as yet throughly van∣quished) there remaineth yet one head more, or booke: Wherein this vgly ver∣mine besturreth him selfe to freshe as∣saultes, betaketh him to new threate∣ninges, casteth out new poyson, yea whole flouddes of slaunde∣rous reproches, and lyes, agaynst our new Gospell (as he tear∣meth it:) like as the old Serpent did long sithence agaynst the woman and her child, but chiefly agaynst our litle England. And yet he doth so vse the matter, as that he would not seéme to enue∣mine all the whole Ilande with this contagious fleing infectiō. For he doth know (as he sayth)* 1.1 that in this lād are very ma∣ny good and Catholicke mē, which neuer shronke away frō their vowes, and othes made to the Pope of Rome: and that many of our Englishe Nation haue willyngly runne out of their countrey: as also not a few in nomber that tarry still at home, who persistyng neuerthelesse in the same opinion of Romish Relligion, are restrayned from vtteryng their con∣sciēces more for feare,* 1.2 then for any zeale they beare to this new Gospell: Moreouer also that there be many noble mē, yea many whole shyres in England (as he is enformed by a certeine Portingall Marchaunt a frend of his) that are not coathed as yet with this Lutheran moraine: And therfore that this his accusation in not bent agaynst whole Englād, neither agaynst those particular persons & places, as Had∣don doth misconster of him, but agaynst those Lutheranes and those new Gospellers onely: From which sort of people he doth louyngly aduertize Queene Elizabeth of very good will, and harty affection,* 1.3 that she take very good heede and be warely circumspect. And to the end she may foresee the same more prouidently, he will foreshewe vnto her certeine markes and tokens, by the which (beyng guided, as by The∣seus clewe of threede) she shall not mysse to discerne the

difference betwixt true Relligion, and false: betwixt true Prophetes, and false Prophetes: and by what markes the one may be easily discouered from the other.

You haue now the proposition of this booke: All the rest that is patched together,* 1.4 in the processe of the whole worke, tendeth euen to this effect almost. First he maketh promise to set downe certeine signes, and tokens, by the which he will make manifest the difference betwixt true Relligion, and false, and betwixt true Prophetes, and false. Afterwardes annexing a description of his Church he doth display the same abroad very curiously in the maner of a very fayre and beautyfull picture, painted out (as it were) in a Table to be viewed. Next vnto this he maketh a cōparison betwixt the two Churches: so magnifieng his owne Church with wonderfull prayses and cōmendations, that it is not possible to aduaunce it more highly: & agaynst so embasing & thrustyng downe vnder foote the p••stiferous sectes of the Lu∣theranes, that all mē may worthely hate them, and detest them. Of the which (by Gods permission) shalbe spoken hereafter in place fitte for the same.

And first of all commeth to hand an infringible Argument of Osorius, now once agayne repeated out of his letters writ∣ten to Queéne Elizabeth. Which bycause he braggeth was not confuted by Haddon, so much the more behoueth vs to note ad∣uisedly, his wonderfull skill vttered in knittyng vppe the knotte therof: So that if we be no more able to vnlose it, then Haddon was, we should at least stand maruelously amazed at the inscru∣table ingeniousnes of the man: For determinyng with him selfe to make a playne demonstration, that these new Gospellers (as he calleth them) should not in any wise be harkened vnto, but should be banished out of all common weales, as common pla∣gues, and maisters of all misrule and wickednesse: he frameth his Argument vpon this pointe:* 1.5 That whereas, they tooke vpon them to restore the auncient puritie of the Gospell, infinite mischiefes doe reigne notwithstandyng amongest their Auditories. And that these teachers do keepe Schoole no where, but they make the whole coūtrey there the worse for thē.* 1.6 To this Sophisticall quicke Haddō makyng aūswere affirmeth, that it is neither true, that Osorius fableth of y^t way∣wardnesse

of this people: neither yet though it were true, that it is preiudiciall to the defence of the cause now in hand. For the controuersie here doth concerne properly matters of Relligion: to the which if the conuersations of the professours were not cor∣respondēt: or if the séedes of Christes Gospell did not fall vpon y^e fruitefullest grounde altogether, but were choaked vppe with thornes: or that the Corne were ouergrowen with Cockell and Tares: the fault therof was not in the word, but in the people. For humane actiōs had neuer so good successe in this world, but that the greater sorte were alwayes delighted with the worst: and the worst part many tymes preuayled beyond the best. And that this came to passe long sithence, not onely in the tyme of Christ and his Apostles, but in the age of the holy Martyrs al∣so, and doth likewise happen by a certeine continuall order and enterchaunged course of the world, dayly and hourely, so that not onely the Preachers of the word, but the Church of Rome it selfe, neuer wanteth matter sufficient of great & greéuous com∣plaintes. And albeit (as the maners of men are) through the cā∣kerd peéuishnes of wayward frowardes the most sacred word of God be euill spoken of amongest the Paganes, and Infidelles, yet, if the matter be debated amongest wise, and discrete perso∣nages, it will not be thought matter reasonable, that the thyngs which of their own nature are good, should be called in question, and condemned for the naughty behauiour of naughty packes abusing the same. And therfore that Osor. did amisse herein, to wrest the whole state of the question to maners, and euill con∣uersation, which did onely concerne matter of Relligion: More∣ouer also, though neuer so straight Inquisitiō were made of the life, and maners of the professours of the worde: yet behoued not Osorius to bende him selfe so sharpely agaynst our Prea∣chers, with any accusation, before he had throughly acquited, or at least wise aunswered the griefes and complaintes of many others of his own Catholickes, which are much more haynous and worthy of speédy reformation.

To these reasons of Haddon let vs heare what Osorius doth (I say not) dispute, but with open mouth cry out: first he vaun∣teth and triumpheth that his argument is not resolued: After∣wardes this gallant glorious Thraso doth meruaile very much

with what face Haddon may deny this to be trew, seeing that the very poreblinde do see it, and is common in euery barbours shoppe, sealed with the testimony of all men, yea wherewith the Siopodes are so well acquainted also: as he sayth, that it is mer∣ueile that any man could be so shameles to deny it to be true.* 1.7 For what is he that doth not onely cōceaue in imagination, but also not behold with hys eyes, yea: & feele it in the whole body, to the great griefe of hys hart: that luste doth raunge euery where allowed: vnbrydeled licenciousnesse pestereth euery corner vnpunished: Sanctuaries & Religious houses lye tumbling in blo••d: that Temples and Churches be rob∣bed and spoyled: Treasons practised agaynst Princes and Gouernours: Finally all places (whersoeuer these doctours teach schoole) to be in a tumult and vproare? And foras∣much as Haddon doth not onely heare all these, not by re∣port onely, and conferēce of histories, but also behould the same with hys eyes, openly and vsually frequented, how can he say that these things were neuer done?

March on couragiously in this dexteritie & sharpnes of witte O Benedicte. But go to: let vs cōsider awhiles y^e force of this in∣geniouse man Whersoeuer these new preachers (sayth he) do plant themselues and teache, there may you see all thinges polluted with most filthy Brambles, Cockell, and Darnell. The man hath spoken. But how shall I knowe this to be true that ye speake Osorius? for sooth he is past all shame, that de∣nyeth it. And why so I pray you? Because the matter is know∣en, & published abroad euery where to Natiōs, Countryes: Ilandes, & all people, finally bruted abroad & ratified by the report of all mē. Behold gentle reader a very wōderfull & eui∣dent demonstration, concluded not w^t arguments, & silogismes (as men are wont to dispute in y^e schooles of Chrisippus & Cra∣tippus) but ratified, yea sealed also, as oratours vse to verifie their causes before the Iudges) by the testimonye of publique seales, and witnesses, yea and that not by the report of a few, but of all maner of mē, of y^e people of Calecute (I suppose) of y^e Mas¦sagets & Antipodes, & men of a new world, yea beyond all her∣ring, as they say. So farre & so wide doth this Prelates know∣ledge of all thinges outstretch it selfe, that he can test vpon hys

fingers endes, what all men do euery where, what they speake, and what they heare: what may you require to be of more credite Christian reader? sithence the worlde it self, and the whole com∣passe of the same produced, is wittnesse againste these newe pro∣phettes, the Lutheranes?

* 1.8Which if might speak altogether with one mouth, woulde vse this testimony, as I thinke. Whatsoeuer disorders, and mis∣chiefes, whatsoeuer lust, and vnpunished licenciousnes, what∣soeuer outragious sacrilege, whatsoeuer treacherous treason and conspiracies, were euer hard of amongest any people, the same be chiefly and aboue all others frequented, and raigne es∣pecially amongst the cōmon weales of the Lutheranes, through the doctrine and preaching of their Prophettes. In witnesse whereof we all, and euery of vs, as many as liue in this world, doe set to our seales, Ratifie, and confirme the same to be true with our handes.

The worlde it selfe (I think) if it could speake, would not speake otherwise forsooth. And because it cannot speake for it selfe, it hath appoynted Osorius to be proctor of the cause to speake for it: In a matter therefore so manifest: so approued, and fealed, is there any so impudent an Haddon, that will dare to deny this? But that ye may wonder yet a great deale more at his Rhetoricall amplification, he proueth it to be true, not onely by y^e suffrages of dumme men, but cyteth to witnesse a∣gaynst Haddon himselfe, his owne eyes and eares. Do ye not see (sayth he) with your eyes?* 1.9 what should Haddon seé with his eyes, do ye ask Osorius? doughtles he might seé many horrible and vnspeakeable abhominations, if he liued nowe: for who is so blinde that cannot see? so Impudent that will denye? that all places: are ouerladen with forlorne villanies, lecheries murthers. Robberies. Treasons. Uproares and conspiracies? But if inquisition be made for the speciall place: where these ab∣hominations do raigne most•• what place may we poynt out vn∣to you more notorious then Rome it selfe? the mother See of the Catholicke Church? where Harlottes, Bawdryes, howses of Stewes, Brothell houses, and all kyndes of filthy lechery, are opēly haunted, not onely not punished, but made also very gain∣full marketts to the Popes treasory. Where you appoynt the

chiefe Seé of your whole Religion, the same may I boldly, and with great reasō approue to be y^t caruell, and Botche of true re∣ligion, the Metropolitane Citie of all abhominations: the But∣cherow and shambles of Christian Bloud, the sincke of thefte and auarice: the very forge and schoolehouse of all Treasons, Trecheries, seditiones, and abhominations. If the bodyes of mortall men be the Temples of the liuing God, who hath vyo∣lated and defiled more temples of GOD, with fire, fagotte and goare, then the Bishoppes of Rome? And in good tyme is the vproare of Germany remembred in this place: If it might be lawfull for me to bryng forth what I could, out of histories, Recordes, and Reportes, how easy a matter were it for one per∣ticuler example onely (which notwithstanding is altogether im∣pertinent to religion) to spread abroad whole decades and I∣liades of seditions. Tumultes, & Schismes? how easily might I poynt out by name, tyme, and place not onely the practises of conspiracies agaynst princes? but the cruell murthers, poyso∣ninges, Banishmentes and famishings procured against them one in y^e neck of an other? Briefly in what countrey soeuer these Droues of Monckes and Nunnes do build their nestes: what els shall a man seé? then all thinges polluted and contaminated with most filthy and shamefull villanies and stench? yea y^e whole world bearing witnesse. Tell me I beseech you good holy father whose doctrin is this? Si non casté tamen cauté, if not chastely, yet warely: is it Luthers? or some one of your profession? who ma∣keth marketts of Incestuous marriages? who alioweth the con∣cubines of priestes for hys commoditie and pleasure? who per∣sequuteth the lawfull marriage of priestes with fire and sword? To leaue ouer in the meane space the vnspeakeable abuses and misteries of your couert Paphia, to the couert consideration of your couled cōfessioners, who be priuie & partakers of your hid∣dē abhominations: And to passe ouer withall, y^e Crementines, Beneuantanes, Peters, Aloisianes, Casianes or that Cacus rather: nor him onely, the commendation of whose vnspeakeable filthines opēly proclaimed, did denoūce y^t stincking lechery was not only notpunished, but also highly rewarded by some of you.

But Osorius hath found out here a very prety starting hoale to escape out at. For sithe he perceaueth himselfe to be vrged so

narrowly that of Necessitie he must pleade for the honesty of his Church, beyng neyther able to hyde, nor excuse her filthines, he wringeth himselfe into this moushoole, that although he can not deny,* 1.10 that in all the societie and course of mans lyfe, and that in the most fruitfullest corne stincking weeds of iniqui∣tie do grow euery where among: yet this doth neuertheles not empayre the force of his argument: for he meaneth not in this place to make comparison of men and to set maners agaynst maners: but he affirmeth the ground of the Argu∣ment to be•• this. To witte, whereas the preachers of the new Gospell, Luther, Bucer, Zuinglius, Martyr, did vnder∣take this vpon them, to weede this corne cleane from the chaffe, and to pluck vp the noysome weedes by the rootes, and did bryng no ioate of their promise to passe: nay rather whereas more wickednes hath bene seene to buddle vpp a fresh through their meanes,* 1.11 hereupon he doth conclude as it were at a vauntage that the doctrine of these men is not onely vnprofitable,* 1.12 but also pestiferous and noysome: and not to be beleued in any wise, on the other side, to witte, in the Catholique Chur. although Auarice and Ambition doe raigne in many, and the sinowes of luste are not altogether rooted out: yet because amongst them no newe prophet doth arise on thys wise, taking vpon hym so great a charge as to restore to her former and primitiue bewty, and Apo∣stolicke nea••tnes, the decayd Church, and the doctrine of the same ouermuch weakened: therefore the Argument is not of like force agaynst them.

To this effect almost doth Osorius frame his talke in words ouerlauish inough, but in matter so nakedly and coldly, that I am very loath to aunswere him. The summe of this conclusion tendeth to this effect.

If any such new Prophet should arise amōgst thē which would take vpō him to make a reformation of the cor∣rupt maners of the church, to the aūciēt purity of the gospell, & did not brīg to passe the same according to his promise, no credite should be geuē to that prophet.

Luther, Bucer, Phillip, Caluine, Martyr did take vpon them to reforme the maners of the Church, and made

all thinges worsse.* 1.13

Ergo, They ought not to be beleeued.

O Saint Sophistry, what kynde of Sophisme is this. If a new Prophet should arise, that would endeuour by all meanes possible to reduce to amendement of life, such as he were able, and could not atchieue his desire in all, ought he not therfore to be taken for a Prophett? I think this be not true. What if heé could not preuayle w^t many, shall he forthwith be accepted for no Prophett? Go to: what and if hys preaching entred but into a very few? yea what if none almost were profited thereby?* 1.14 do yeé think it reason, y^t the estimation of the preacher be measured ac∣cording to the number of beleuers? or vnbeleuers? or rather ac∣cording to the spirite, and truth of hys embassye? Noah the eighth Prophet and preacher of righteousnes, did neuer cease calling and cryeng out vpon the people, to thend hee might al∣lure all to amendment of life:* 1.15 and yet eight persons onely & no more were reserued out of that generall destruction of man∣kinde. When Moses was sent to the Egiptians?* 1.16 how many of all that whole multitude became a heare bredth the better for his preaching? nay rather who waxed not more indurate? Esay the Prophett doth cry out vnder the person of Christ.* 1.17 Who haue beleued our teaching? If we will measure Gods Prophetts after this rule, what shall we say to Ieremy,* 1.18 and the rest of the Pro∣phetts? what shall we say to y^e Apostle Steuen?* 1.19 to Paule?* 1.20 who cōplayned bitterly that all had for saken him, and were fallen away to the vanities of this present lyfe?

Now ensueth the Minor of this Sillogisme. But Luther Melancton. Zuinglius, Bucer, and Caluine, which took vp∣pō thē this charge, yet reaped no fruit agayn of innocēcy of lyfe, nor of Charitie from amongst them that they were cō∣uersaunt withall. &c. First I would fayne learne, what it was, that these men did take vpon them to doe: To call backe the life, and most corrupt maners of men of that age to the perfect rule of the Gospell? Truely they vndertooke a very hard charge, farr exceeding all humayne power and abilitie. Go to, and where did Luther, Zuinglius, or any of the rest, make any such promise of themselues by word, or sillable of word, so much at any time? Surely I haue perused many of their works: yet could I neuer

finde any such thing hitherto. If you haue glaunced vpon anye such thing by chaunce, why do you not set down the place openly that the reader may perceaue, that you deale not with forged lyes, but with good matter: not of any desire to cauill, but of an vpright Iudgement: not coldly and lyengly, but simply and playnely: not keeping a Iangling with vnsauory speaches and forged vntruthes (which many men do blame you for) but so and in such wise, as you may seeme to haue made plaine demon∣stration of a true and iust reporte, with as true and vpright a minde, to haue the truth knowne by true proues and testimo∣nies: and not to mock and delude men with fables. Surely it were to be wished of all good men, that all Christians by profes∣sion, and name, would by all meanes possible leade their lyues truely Christianlike, in all poyntes agreable with the doctrine which they professe. And it is not to be doughted, but that these new Gospellers, as you call them, did wishe this with all theyr hartes, if wishing could haue auayled. But to bryng the same to passe, as was neuer in their power, so did they neuer enter into any such couenaunt, nor euer obliged themselues by any promise priuy or aperte, that they would accomplishe the same: Wherin how much you were not only deceaued in Luther, but how much ye speake also against your self, do ye but coniecture hereby. For whereas Luther did professe, that the substaunce of mans sal∣uation did consist not in the life, & maners of men, but in y^e onely fayth of the Sonne of God: how doth this agree together, y^t he (whom a little earst you accused to be the subuertour of all ho∣nest accions, and vertuous endeuour) should nowe take vpon him to stoare and enriche the lyues and conuersacions of Chri∣stians, with aboundance of vertuous plantes and seedes of godlines? Albeit there neuer lacked in them a certayne Godly carefullnesse to exhort to all honest endeuours, yet were they ne∣uer so franticke, as to make so glorious bragges of reforma∣tion of lyfe. They trauelled earnestly, euery one according to his abilitie, as beseémed godly and well disposed personages, if not as much as they could haue wished, yet as much as was geuen them by the holy ghost. And if they attayned nought els, yet this they atchieued surely, that though they coulde not re∣store y^e pure simplicitie of y^e Euāgelicall life, yet they brought to

passe that men by reading and comparing the holy scriptures, beganne to haue a very euident feeling, and a thorough taste of the corrupt and stincking matter of your absurde and filthy per∣nitious doctrine: the durty puddle wherof, albeit they mistrusted that they should not be able to clense throughly, for the vnmea∣surable tyranny of your aucthoritie, and power: Yet thought they not conuenient for the credite, and function that they bare, to suffer the same to be any longer cloaked and dissembled w^tall.

And therefore stept forth amongst the rest Martine Luther,* 1.21 and yet he was neyther the first, nor yet so long agoe, neyther so much of his owne voluntary will, as necessarily of relieng duety, not for hope of lucre, ne yet to pamper vp the paunch (as Hosius belieth him) neyther of any hope at all to purchase any authori∣ty (as Osorius mistaketh him) but forced thereunto by the im∣portunacy of others, yea and that not without manifest perill of his lyfe. Whereupon if any thinge chaunced afterwardes con∣trary to your expectations, ye can iustly accuse no man, but your selues: which were the first authors of this flaming Bea∣con, the heate whereof doth parch the very skinnes of your backes. And what the very cause and occasion thereof was, nei∣ther are the histories so obscure, but that they tell playnly, nor is the tyme so farre spent: but you may easily call to minde the ve∣ry time, and season, whenas Leo the Pope of Rome, sending abroad hys commissioners of receipt, and plāting his treasories throughout all the Dominions of Europe, appoynted a gene∣rall marte (as it were) of raking hys Marchandize together: Whereupon diuers holy cloyster Marchauntes arriued into Germany, And amongst them a certayne Fryer of S. Domi∣nicks order, named Tetcelius, but in very deéde a mony mar∣chaunt, and a Regrator of the Popes markett: laden with par∣dons and Bulles, and proclayming generall fayres for the vt∣teraunce of them: wherein remission of sinnes, the kingdome of heauen, and freé liberty to feede on fish or flesh were to be bought for a few pence. Which proclamation seeming not a little iniu∣rious to the people, and tending to the ouerthrow of the Gospell of grace, and mouing godly consciences to no small griefe, and displeasaunce of mynde, and that not without iust cause: Luther a man continually exercized with inward agonyes, and vnquiet

passions of consciences, thought it not in any, wise tollerable for his part to permit such horrible erroneous impietie so directly a agaynst conscience, and the manifest truth of the gladsome Gos∣pell to be husht vppe, and past ouer, in tymerous and fearfull s••ilence. Albeit he was well assured, that this stincking and con∣tagious weed could not be touched without present perill of life. Wherefore he beganne to make a show of himselfe, meaning to defend y^e quarrell of the Gospell but by a very slēder & slight at∣tempt as it were. And first he propoundeth certayn propositiōs onely, and principles of questions agaynst these gainefull mar∣ketts of pardons, and Bulles, not of any vayne desire to con∣contend, or dispute, nor without an humble maner of submission of the cause: thincking nothing lesse, then that the successe there∣of would be such as we now see is come to passe. If the contra∣ry part had with like moderation tempered their affections, and eyther cōtented themselues by saying nothing, to haue yeal∣ded to the truth, or to haue sought the aduauncement of Christs glory, rather then to haue serued the Popes pompe and ambi∣tion: these smale sparckles had neuer burst out into so great flames. But now by the meanes of their owne waywardnes, it came to passe in them, as for the more part it falleth out with common brabblers, who hauing many tymes the worst ende of the staffe, and hauing no right in deéde to any part thereof, striue so long, till at the last they lose euery inche thereof, and at the shutting vppe, catch a rappe for their labour.

Agaynst these propositions of Pardones, Tetcelius vnmea∣surably ragyng, not contented with no lesse intollerable arro∣gancie and insolency to aunswere them him selfe, but sturred vp agaynst Luther a neast of Dominicke hornettes: caused his propositions, and Assertion of Pardones to be openly burned: framed Articles agaynst the man, & exclamed with open mouth agaynst him, that he ought to be burnt like an hereticke. And bycause the Popes power should not be destitute of frendes, in a matter of so great importaunce, immediately started vp one Prierias the Prouost of the Friers, who like a Lordlike fellow challengeth Luther into the field. After them stept forth a thyrd of the same crew, Iames Hochstratus, who espyeng a fit tyme to purchase credite and fame, would ieopard a ioynte amongest

them, and as though there wanted furniture sufficient enough to mainteyne the challenge, thrust more coales into the fire, and teazed vp the Uniuersities of Paris, Coleyne, and Louaine, a∣gaynst poore Luther to condemne him.

Luther beyng thus vexed through y^e madd outrage of these Friers, was driuen to this issue, that of necessitie he must prose∣cute his propositions with a more large and ample discourse: & so sent the same to Leo then Pope of Rome, with Letters em∣portyng his humble submission: most humbly beseéchyng, that he would not geue credite to the slaunderous reportes of his aduersaries,* 1.22 alledgyng for his excuse that he published his pro∣positions touchyng Pardons, not of any euill will or malice to∣wards his grace, but onely by way of disputatiō, wherof he hath now treated more at large, and therfore would most humbly be∣seéch him to vouchsaue benyngly to read, and accept it: As tou∣chyng his owne person, he was so affected towardes that Seé, that he would willingly submit to the authoritie therof not one∣ly his writings, but his sauetie and life also withall, in all humi∣litie and lowlynesse: and whatsoeuer his Maiestie should deter∣mine thereupon, he would no lesse reuerently esteéme of, then as a decreé of the chief Uicare of Christ, vnto whom he did acknow∣ledge all obedience due in earth next vnder Christ. In this so humble & lowly submission of this prostrate person, in so weigh∣tie a matter, and in so wholesome counsell, what this Uicare of Christ did, and how this heyre and Successour of S. Peter be∣haued him selfe, I doe make no great inquiry after. This one thyng I aske and demaunde of you Osorius that you would vouchsafe to aunswere me: what thinke you would Christ him selfe, or Peter haue done in this case? First would not Christ him selfe haue throwen to the grounde those money tables, and Bowthes of Choppers and Chaungers? and scourged those va∣garaunt regrators cruelly byeng and sellyng in the Temple of god, with whippes of knotted cordes? would he euer haue suffe∣red his Church (which was appointed for Prayer, and Prea∣chyng) to be tourned into a denne of Theéues? a Bowthe of bro∣thells? and market of auarice? what would Peter haue done, whose successours these Byshops challenge them selues to be? who on a tyme (not keépyng the right course of the Gospell, and

therfore reproued of Paule) yelded so humbly? would he haue refused the offered obediēce of so humble a submission? or would he not haue vouchsaued it very gently? or els would he not haue thanked the partie for so gentle a remembraunce and frendly counsell.* 1.23 But now what this most humble seruaunt of the ser∣uaūts of God did (who vpō earth representeth vnto vs the per∣son of Christ, and the Maiesticall chayre of Peter) how insolent∣ly and outragiously he dealt in this matter, what Tragedies he raysed, what thunderboltes and wildefire he threw out of his bloudy turrettes agaynst Luthers life, is neédelesse to make any mention in this place, sithence it is faythfully set downe in Hi∣stories, and all men remember it well enough.

Euen such were the begynnynges of this troublesome tem∣pest, which ganne spread it selfe abroad in euery coast, Where∣by you may easily vnderstand (I suppose) that Luther thought vpō nothyng lesse at the first, thē to heare of any innouatiō or al∣teratiō of customes or ceremonies: but enduced partly through the necessitie of the matter, partly by the prouocation of some peéuishe waywardes, did onely set downe a few propositions: wherein he gaue no attempt agaynst the state of the Romishe Seé, neither did as yet vtterly abandone all Pardons & Bulles, but required onely a moderation to be vsed in them. And it was not to be doughted, but if the vnsatiable greédynesse, or the vn∣speakeable crueltie of the aduersaries could haue restrayned it selfe within the boundes and limittes of modestie and measure, Luther would haue holden his peace: As appeareth by his Let∣ters directed both to the Bishop of Rome, and to Cardinall Ca∣ietane, signifieng vnto them his vnfayned scilēce therein, so that his aduersaries mouthes might be stopped also: which request was not onely reasonable, but agreable also to pietie, in men of their profession especially: for as much as Luthers Assertions conteyned nothyng preiudiciall to the Byshop of Rome: and the matter had not as yet gone so farre forth, but might haue bene easily husht vp if at least they could not otherwise finde in their hartes to yeld to the manifest truth. But the Pontificall cou∣rage of the Byshop would not so be daunted: neither could the vnmeasurable mawe of his greédy Cormorauntes be so easily satisfied: and at the last the old Prouerbe (Gold is good chaffer

howsoeuer it come) bare the Bell away.

After this hūble maner therfore, assoone as Luther had pro∣poūded y^e sayd question, Prierias gaue y^e first onset agaynst him: after him preste in place diuers Coronelles, and Captaines of that band: Thē rusht in whole routes of Monckes and Friers, with their hoeboobe to the people. Out flewe Articles, Re∣straintes, curses with booke bell and candell, countermandes: finally the Byshops of Rome his thunderboltes, with a terrible Bull linkte thereunto: In this perplexitie here would I fayne learne of Osorius, if he would vouchsafe to tell me, what Luther should do? he will say Luther should not haue entermedled in the cause at all. But what man of any reasonable Iudgemēt could or ought to endure so horrible impiette? But whē he saw he could not preuayle, he should haue forsaken his tackle. But by this meanes he must haue put his conscience in daūger of drownyng. Then yet at the least he should haue behaued him selfe in the matter somewhat more modestly: Who could haue expressed more humblenes and modestie? He should haue submitted him selfe and his cause to the tribunall seat of the Pope: And herein what part of duetie left he vndone? if humble submission could haue auayled any thyng at all. The truth wherof to the end may be more apparaūt vnto you, and to the Reader also, harken I pray you to the secōd Letters of Lu∣ther written to the Pope, as him selfe endited them.

Euerlasting peace be vnto you most holy Father.* 1.24 Necessi∣tie forceth me agayne, beyng a poore outcast of men, and an abiect of the earth, to presume with a word or two to your ho∣lynes, and the whole Maiestie. May it please your holynesse ther∣fore mercyfully to encline your Fatherly eares, as the eares of Christes very Uicare, to this your poore sheépe a litle whiles, & to accept of his seély bleatyng. There was lately in these par∣ties a very discrete person, named Charles Miltitius, your ho∣lynes Secretary and Chāberlaine, with a greéuous complaint to the most renowmed Prince Fridericke, touchyng my vnre∣uerent behauiour, and vnaduised rashnesse agaynst the Church of Rome, and your holynes requiryng punishmēt for the same: y^e hearyng wherof greéued me not a litle, sorowyng that my great and inward carefulnes of duetie, and good will employed for the

aduauncement of the honour and dignitie of the Churche of Rome, was accused for vnreuerent, and condemned for so mar∣uelous wicked, namely in the audience of the very head of the same Church.

But what shall I doe most holy Father? I am altogether voyde of counsell herein: I am not able to endure the power of your wrath, and how I shall escape it, I know not. He doth re∣quire me to make a recantation of my disputations: whiche if might be done to any such purpose, as is imagined would come to passe, I would do it w^tout any let. But whereas now through y^e unportunate resistaūce & exclamations of my aduersaries, my disputations are scattered farther abroad, then euer I thought they would haue bene, and withall are more deépely rooted in the hartes of many men, then can easily be pluckt vp agayne: be∣sides this also sithence our countrey of Germany doth wōder∣fully floorish at this day with pregnaunt wittes, sounde Iudge∣mentes and aboundaunce of learnyng, I perceaue that if I doe honor y^e Church of Rome, I must be throughly aduised to make no recantation at all. For in this maner to recant were nothyng els, but to contaminate and defile the Churche of Rome much more thē before, and to betray her to the open reproche and ma∣nifest infamy of all Nations and toungues.

Those euen those (O most holy Father) whom I withstoode to witte those (which with their most vnsauory preachynges vn∣der colour of your holynes haue made a Relligion of those dete∣stable marketts, and haue defiled the holy place with the shame∣full and abhominable Idolatry of Egypt) haue wrought all this mischief and outrage w^t vs in Germany: & as though this were not villany enough, do accuse me (who withstoode them in their monstruous beggyng) to be the authour of all their misdemea∣nour before your holynes. Now (most holy Father) I doe here protest before God, and the world, that I neither was willyng: nor at this present am willyng, to impeach the Maiestie of the Churche of Rome, nor the authoritie of your holynesse by any meanes: nor by any colourable practize to deface the same: but doe freély and frankely confesse, that the Iurisdiction, of this Church,* 1.25 is aboue all thyngs, and that nothing in heauen aboue, or in earth beneath is to be preferred aboue the power of this

Church,* 1.26 sauyng onely Iesus Christ my Lord and my Sauiour. To the contrary wherof let not your holynes beleéue any vntrue surmises deuised agaynst your poore Luther.

And that one thing which I am able to do herein, I do vowe here to your holines: That is to say, to surcease her after from dealing any more with this matter of pardōs, & will become al∣together mute (so that mine aduersaries likewise will lay down their glorious and reprochefull slaunders raysed agaynst me) & will publish an instrument of my scilence herein, that the cōmon people may know and acknowledge the dignitie of y^e Church of Rome, and yeald due reuerence to the same, and not to impute the rashnes of this beggarly pardoners to that honorable Seé: nor to imitate y^e sharpenes, which I haue vsed or rather haue a∣bused agaynst the Seé Apostolicke: & wherein I was somewhat ouerlauish agaynst these lewde Lurdeynes: This will I doe in hope, that this disorder rashly raysed, may by Gods grace, and this meanes be alayed agayne, if it be possible. For in all that doyng, myne onely endeuour was that our mother Churche of Rome might not be infamed for other mens couetousnes, and that the vnlettered people might not be carried into errour, and perswaded to set lesse stoare by charitie, then by those Pardons. All other thynges as beyng but matters indifferent, I do make not great accompt of. If besides this I can do any thyng, or can learne how otherwise to please your holynesse, I will yeld my selfe vnfaynedly at your commaundement. Christ preserue your holynes for euer. Frō Aldenburghe, the iij. of Marche. 1519.

Now I beseéch you Osorius, what can be more myldly writ∣ten then these Letters of Luther? more beseémyng a godly and well disposed mynde? or on all partes more duetyfull in respect of humanitie? The which I thought it not amysse to set downe in this place, that the shamelesse slaunder of Hosius might be made more apparaunt hereby, who produceth Luther into y^e o∣pen Stage standyng agaynst y^e whole world, entryng into that combate for none other cause, but of a greédy desire to purchase credite, to hauke after the glory of the worlde, and to plye the paūche: who as one pricked in the buttocke w^t a boddkynne whē he perceaued this market of Pardons to come in question a∣mongest the Dominicke Friers by the motion of the brothers

of his own fraternitie, begā therfore to sturre these coales. And this he iustifieth to be true by wordes vttered out of his owne mouth. For whenas in y^e beginnyng of his disputation agaynst Eckius he seémed somewhat to passe the boūdes of modesty, and was aduertized therof by some,* 1.27 y^t in Gods cause he should mo∣derate him selfe in y^e spirit of lenitie: he affirmeth, that he brake out into these speaches: namely y^t those disputatiōs were neither begon for Gods sake, nor could be ended for Gods sake. Which wordes to be either falsely imagine vpon Luther by his aduer∣saries & neuer spokē of him, or els not vttered in that sense as they be alledged by Hosius, the matter it selfe doth expresse the same w^t open & euident proofes. And yet it may be, that Luther both spake truly, & Iudged no lesse of Eckius, whom he knew to be a notable Parasite of y^e Pope. For what is he y^t wayeng due∣ly both the glorious insolency of Eckius, & the manifest perill of Luther, will dought hereof, y^t all these broyles were neuer vnder taken of Eckius for Gods sake, but begun & ended also onely for the Popes sake? Surely they can in no respect be construed vpō Luther not by any probable coniecture so much, considering he was by Eckius forced to disputatiō very much agaynst his will. But we will speake of Hosius an other tyme by gods permissiō.

To returne now to Osorius. For as much as Luther de∣meaned him selfe so humbly, as you seé, and prostrated him selfe wholy euen vnder the feéte of the Pope, what would you haue had him doe els Osorius? I suppose veryly he should haue done this, namely haue recāted, and fallen vpon his kneés (as boyes are wont, when they feare the rodd) & should haue yelded a fault where none was. Nay rather why dyd not the Pope rather throw away his proude ambition and filthy Iucre, and embrace the wholesome counsell of his brother? and sithence he disdayned the mā,* 1.28 why did he not douch••afe to yeld to the truth? If he be so humble a seruaunt of the seruauntes of God (as in name, & title he professeth to be) why shamed he to harken vnto a godly man, a learned Doctour, and a graue Deuine, not onely teachyng the truth, but also castyng him selfe downe so humbly? Nay rather why shamed he not to abuse the name of his Christ, & his Gos∣pell, in so false and filthy a matter? Why shamed he not to blind the eyes of the people with such smoakes? and to delude thē (for

whom Christ shedd his most precious bloud) so craftely? finally why durst he spurne so malapertly agaynst the expresse authori∣tie of the word? and for as much as there is nothyng of more va∣lour and more excellēt in this life, then freé remission and forge∣uenesse of Sinnes, which we do enioy by the onely bloud of the sonne of God, what more pestilent practize of lyeng and deceite could haue bene imagined? or what ought he to be adiudged els then the very enemy of mans saluation? who betrayeng vs of the most precious iewell in the world, doth sell vnto vs smoake, and dead coales, in steéde of true and perfect Treasure.

These thynges beyng so manifest and cleare,* 1.29 as nothyng cā be more manifest and cleare, for as much also as Luther defen∣ded so honest and rightfull a cause, as no man euer better: and whereunto he was not allured by any his owne affectiō, but for∣ced rather by the peéuishe frowardnesse, and manifold iniuries of others euen agaynst his will: which also he could neither re∣cant without haynous offence, nor mainteyne without perill of lyfe: where be those ianglers now, which slaunder Luther, as that he sought meanes of him selfe to disturbe & alter ceremo∣nies? where be those whō you rayle at so much (I pray Osorius) Who do set vppe Schoole no where, but that they make all thynges more abhominable? Finally where be these new Gos∣pellers, who so vayne gloriously tooke vpō them to restoare the puritie of Gods pure Euangely? Nay rather where was your shamefastnesse? where was your honesty, when you wrate this? where was your Logicke, whē you ouerflowed so monstru∣ously with filthy lyes in steéde of true & honest Argumentes? For what so simple a witted mā may be foūde, that cā not seé a great mayme & want to Iudgement in you, in this kynde of Logicke, when he shall view, and read so wynde shaken and rotten Argu∣mentes? where in all your Assumptions ye vouche no maner of truth: nor yet of all the same Assumptions any one hangeth a∣greably with the other. For first begynnyng with a manifest¦lye, you Assume on this wise. Your Prophetes (say you) and your Apostles tooke vppon them,* 1.30 and bounde them selues with an oathe that they would restore the pure and liuely wellsprynges of the Gospell. Which is most false: where dyd they vtter any such promise in word, or halfe a sillable of a word

so much? But what doe you assume hereof? But nothyng is a∣mēded in your Churches through their endeuour: Hereof we shall seé the proofe hereafter. Goe to conclude at the length. Therefore those new Gospellers of yours be not of God: O wonderfully not concluded but confused Argument of yours, as are all your Argumentes els. But if I may be permitted to builde such scattered Cobbewebbes together without morter or lyme, why may not I as lawfully argue on this wise.

Ierome Osorius Bishop of Siluano, hath taken vpon hym to confute the Lutheranes.

But his attempt hath little preuayled, vnlesse it be to make their cause more manifest.

Ergo, The purest Elleborus doth grow in Antycyra.

But let vs proceéde: and because you haue taken your plea∣sure hitherto w^t our Gospellers & teachers reasonably well Syr Ierome: may we be so bold to enquire likewise what your Gos∣pellers and great Doctours haue performed at the lēgth? what fruites, what notable marchaundizes they haue enriched their people withall? what aunswere will you make to this? They did neuer promise any such thing (say you) I do beleue you: But I demaund not of you what they promised, but what they per∣formed? howe much they profited to the restoring of the pu∣ritie of your Churche? what they ought to haue done? this is the thing that I do aske. You suppose that they haue well ac∣quited themselues, when by your testimonye they neuer made any vaunt of themselues, to bring any thyng to passe: euen as though,* 1.31 when your friend shall stād destitute of your helpe, you care not how naked you leaue him, so y^t you binde not your selfe vnto him with any parcell of promise. But I am of an other o∣pinion, and this I reason with you: not because you haue not profited, nor giuen any hope of profiting, or help towardes the restitution of the puritie of your Churche: but this I say, and do expostulate with you: because the most pure doctrine orday∣ned & instituted by Christ himselfe for our behoofe, ratified by y^e Prophets and Apostles, and most wisely deliuered ouer vnto vs by our elders, is wholy altogether, or surely for the most part therof (I say not) not conuerted, but vtterly subuerted by you: & because you haue obtruded vpō vs such an estate of the Church

is neyther Christ, nor his Apostles (if they were nowe aliue) would euer acknowledge which if any man will dought whether be true or no, from whence shall be he better certified, then if he throughly peruse the very shape and lyuely Image of that Ro∣mish Church, which your self do represent vnto vs here? compa∣ring the samewith the true Apostolique, and that auncient Romaine Church that was for many yeares agoe.

Therefore let vs now harcken to Osorius preaching of hys owne Church.* 1.32 First (sayth he) we haue neyther the Gospels of Luther, nor of Melancthon, nor of Carolostadius, nor of Zuinglius, nor of Caluine, nor of Bucer: but we do firmelye retaine the Gospells of Mathew, Marke, Luke, and Iohn &c. This is well done indeéde if it be true that you say, and I wolde to god it were so. I would to God Osor. you woulde stande faste and vnremoueable within the limytts and bowndes of that doc∣tryne, which the Actes & wrytinges of the Apostles, and Euan∣gelistes haue deliuered ouer vnto vs: and beyng contented with the same Gospelles, you would not seeke for any other meanes of Saluation, but such as in these sacred Scriptures, is en∣sealed vnto vs by the finger of the holy Ghost. But what is the cause then, that yee defraud the godly of these Gospelles? why do you hyde them in darcknes? and why do you ouerwhelm them, not vnder a Bushell onely, but with fagott also and fire, and by all meanes possible els consume them? As to that where you say, that you renounce the Gospelles of Luther, Melāch∣ton, and Caluine, truely I doe wonderfully commend your stoughtnes herein. But because I neuer chaunced to see anye such Gospelles:* 1.33 I do earnestly desire you: O holy father, for the loue ye beare to S. Fraunces to S. Bruno, Finally for the loue of that fifth and euerlasting Gospell, which the Dominick Fry∣ers not long sithence beganne at Paris, in the yeare of our Lord 1256. in the tyme of Pope Alexander the iiij. That your ho∣lines will not be squeimish to acquaynte me, what maner of gos∣pells those be of Luther, Melanchton, Bucer, Caluine &c. whereof you make mencion. If you can shewe none such, it re∣mayneth therefore: that we hang vppe this accusation also vpon the file of your other staūderous lyes so long, vntill in your next false inuectiues you acquite you of this cryme.

* 1.34We haue heard touching the Gospelles. Let vs now seé the fayth of hys Church. Which he vaunteth franckly not to be of many coates, but one Vniforme, not lately risen vp, and ioyned with vayne confidence, but deliuered from the Apo∣stles themselues, not depraued with any peeuish interpre∣tation or corruption of madde or franrick usage.

Go to, and what if in like phrase of speeche I make euident, that Luthers fayth was one and vniforme,* 1.35 yea the same that all the Catholicke fathers of the primitiue churche did professe? not start vppe yesterday, or for a few dayes agoe? not grounding vpō any variblenes? nor toste to and fro, by any vnsteadfast assu∣rance? but proclaymed by the Apostles themselues? and wholly cleared from all madnesse and outrage? What if I shall shewe playnely, y^t all these quallities be in Luthers fayth? what shall remayne then, but that Osorius shall become a Lutherane whe∣ther he will or no (if it be one vniforme fayth that he so much esteé∣meth) or if he hold a contrary fayth, then must he needes proue an open lyar? But Osorius will not credite my wordes which I shall speake touching Luther: and why then shall I creditte O∣sor. speaking for his owne fayth? namely sithe he voucheth no∣thing in proofe, but bare wordes. But if the truth thereof shall be decyded, not with wordes, but with substanciall matter, by howe many euident demonstrations shall I be able to Iustifie, that there is nothing in Luthers fayth, but is agreable with the truth, and the Auncient age of the primitiue Church in euery poynt? And that in Osorius fayth be many thinges, whiche do not onely vary cleane frō thē both, but are also manifestly re∣pugnaunt, and contrary to them both? But let vs drawe neere to the matter.* 1.36 The fayth that you professe is vniforme: you say: If by this generall word Fayth, you meane the Articles of the common Creéde (forasmuch as there is no Churche of the Lu∣theranes but doth professe the same as well as you) I seé no cause here, why you should challenge a more speciall preroga∣tiue in vniformitie in this poynt, then the Lutheranes. And I would to God the Fayth of your Church would stay it self with the Lutheranes vpon those Articles onely, where doughtles is matter sufficient enough, for our saluation. But now how ma∣ny by hangers do you couple to this vniforme & common Creéd

how many new straunge stragglers, bussardly blynde and vn∣knowne Raggmalles to the Auncient fathers? And so couple them together, as thinges most necessary to mans Saluation, and for these also keepe a greater coyle, then for the very articles of the Creéde. Wherof we shall treate more at large in place fitt for it by Gods grace.

And therefore whereas you say that you obserue one vnifor∣mitie of fayth, I would first learne, what poynts you do ground this vniformitie vpon. For although I may not deny, but that in certayne Decrees and Decretalles is a certeine consent and agreément of conspiring doctrine (such a one as it is) yet if a mā will thoroughly sist many of thē, wherein Luther doth dissent frō you, he shall easily perceaue y^t Luth. hath not so much swarued from your vniformitie, as your fayth is raunged altogether out of the right pathe of the true Christian fayth, from the doc∣trine of both Testamentes, from the Apostles and Prophetts, yea and from the footsteppes of the Fayth of your owne prede∣cessors of Rome: whereby appeareth euidently: that this fayth which you so gloriously vaunt, is not auncient, but new fangled: not deliuered from the Apostles, but patched together with mens Tradicious: not grounded vpon any certaynty, but full of vayneglorious braggery: finally not vniforme, but of many shapes and vtterly a Bastard, vnlike the true vniformitie of Fayth. Such as procure to themselues so many hyreling ad∣uocates,* 1.37 patrones and intercessours in heauen besides the onely Sonne of God, Such as do worhip God otherwise then in spirite and truth, with alters, superalters, Images, Pictures, Signes, Formes, and Shapes grauen in wood and in mar∣ble: Such as before God do hunt after true righteousnes by o∣ther meanes, and merytes, then by onely fayth, in the Sonne of God: or do apply to themselues the effectuall grace of his great liberalitie otherwise, then by this only Fayth: Such as do pro∣mise Remission of Sinnes by any other meanes, to themselues or to others, but through the onely bloudshed of the Immaculate Lambe: Such as with the price of pardons do sel that to others which Christ gaue freely: Such as do dayly sacrifice him for the quick and the dead, who by one onely oblation once for all, did make attonement for all things in heauen, and in earth: such

as make to thēselues a way passable to the kingdome of God, & life euerlasting, by any other meanes and wayes, to witte, tho∣rough the merites of Saintes, through vowes, Masses, or∣ders and Rules, and through straightnes of profession, by the merite of holy orders, humble confessions mens absolutions, and satisfactions, through building of Abbyes and such other trum∣pery (barganing as it were with God for merite meritorious, and not for the onely death of Christ crucified for vs) Such as do thrust into Churches, other Sacramentes then Christ dyd euer Institute, and commaund to be kept: Such as robbe y^t lay people of one part of the sacrament contrary to the ordinaunce of the church: and in the other part leaue nothing but that which can be no where els, then in heauen: and which if were present naturally, ought not to be ministred as meate, according to the veritie of the scriptures: All these (I say) and an infinite table more of the same hiewe, cleane contrary to the scriptures, Such as do retayne in fayth, mayntayne in vse, clogge consci∣ences withall: and proclayme to be obserued in their Temples: how dare they be so shamelesse, to vaunt an obseruing of one vni∣forme Fayth agreéing with the Prophettes, and Apostles, vn∣defiled and cleare from all spotte of Noueltie, or wrinckle of de∣formytie?

Wherfore you must either cōuince all these patcheries to be falsly burdened vpon your Church, as I haue rehearsed them: or els you must needes confesse that your fayth is neyther vniform nor Auncient, nor sprong vppe with the Apostles, nor yet consonaut to sound doctrine. And in the meane time to passe o∣uer that (whereat I cannot choose but laugh) I meane this addi∣cion: not ioyned with any rashe or vayne confidence. As though any one thing vnder the heauens can be more arrogant & vayne,* 1.38 thē that perswasion of yours, whereby you are wont to bring poore simple soules in beliefe, that such as are buryed in the cowle & weéde of a Francifcane Fryer, are forthwith defen∣sible enough agaynst all the Deuilles and furies of hell? Againe in buing your pardōs, who soeuer shall make best stake with you as soone as theyr coyne shall cry chink in your boxes, shall haue as many soules (as they) will deliuered out of purgatory, and send them vp presently fleéing rype to heauen: To passe ouer in

the meane tyme other gamboldes & toyes (not a few in nūber) much more foolish & apishe then these, being desirous to make an end once, not for lack of such good matter, more then sufficient.

Euen as fruiolous and vayne, may I say, is all the rest that followeth concerning your Church: vpon the which when yeé haue bestowed neuer so many delicate colours, and besmea∣ared her with neuer so freshe and oryent oyles, & berduers, yet shall you seeme to doe nothing but bedawbe olde rotten putrifi∣ed walles with new morter. Let no man sinisterly interprete of these wordes, as spoken agaynst the true church of Christ. I do knowe and confesse, that Christ neuer wanted, neyther shall euer want his Church, which shall continue one vniforme, holy, Apostolicke, and truely Catholicke: which being builded vpon the rock of the Apostles, shall enioy generall participation in one body, and within one bowells as it were with the whole cō∣munion of all the saynetes and godly faythfull throughout all the whole world. And I cannot wonder enough truely, with what face you dare so hedge vp within the boundes of the Ro∣mish particuler Church onely, this vniuersall Church, which is not restrayned within any limittes of place, nor tytles of persōs, by the publique authoritie of the christian Fayth: but is disper∣sed abroad generally and without compasse farre and wide vp∣on the face of the whole earth, wheresoeuer the Apostolique Fayth is of any force: in so much that to your seéming, may beé no Catholique Church now, but that Romishe at Rome: from which your Church and Synagogue ye banish and expell all such as professe Christ after any other maner then after the Ro∣mish Fashion,* 1.39 none otherwise then as if they professe no Fayth, nor followed any order of any Church at all. And hereof aryseth that your crabbed and snappish accusation agaynst Luther Me∣lanchton: Zuinglius Caluine, Haddon, and others not be∣cause they are not Christianes, but because they are not Roma∣nistes not because they haue swarued an heare breadth from the doctrine of the Apostles, and Euangelistes, but because they will not become treacherous traytours agaynst the Apostles, and the expresse worde of God, as your high Bishop is. O sin∣guler cause: O profound and Catholique accusation.

But how wisely should you haue done in this, if you hadde

brought to passe that it might haue bene notified to the Christi∣an people, that your Romish Church were and is a sound mem∣ber of the true Church of Christ, rather then that the vniuersali∣tie of Christes Church should be forced to so narrow a hoale of subiection, as Rome is. For this sufficeth not (Osorius) though you cry out a thousād times wider the you do,* 1.40 that your church was foūded by Christ, established by the Apostles, defēded with the army of Martirs,* 1.41 amplified & beautified with the traditions, of godly men: and made strong and for euer in∣uincible agaynst all the battery and countermoyles of He∣retiques by power of the holy ghost: without the whiche no hope of Saluation may be hoped for &c. If besides vayne crakes of smoky speeches, ye shewe no demonstration of sounde proofe, why these bragges of yours should be true, let vs graunt your saying. Or els if onely speeches shall be credited, and if to babble and prate whatsoeuer a man listeth, may like you to al∣low of for an vndoughted Oracle, Why may not I as well w^t the like lauishnes of tongue, gene lill for loll? and saye that thys Church of Rome, whereupon you bragge so much, was neuer erected by Christ but hath degēdered frō Christ vnto Antichrist from the auncient & primer paterne of the primitiue Church of Rome, to a certayne new fangled kynde of lyfe, & doctrine: not Instituted by y^e Apostles, but frō the Apostles quite fallen away into Apostasye not garded with y^e army of Martyrs, but gorged embrued, yea and drucken with the bloud & slaughter of infinite Martyrs such & so many, as neuer any Nero or Maxentius did euer send more to heauē, thē this Babilonicall strūpeth hath done.

Now where you adde, beautified with the traditions of holy and godly men,* 1.42 and made strong and for euer inuin∣cible against all assaults and battrry of Heretiques and shall so continue permanent by the ayd of the holy Ghost.

Truely in these very wordes you feéme to resemble those persons, which in the Prophett did call darcknes light, and light darcknes,* 1.43 euill good, and good euill. First as concerning mens tra¦ditions, how holy those men were I know not this is most true, that your Church is fully fraught with traditions and doctrine of men in deed, in so much y^t who so shall vncloache your Church of those traditions, and Implementes of mens patcheries, shall

leaue her altogether naked, without all kynde of furniture to couer her shame except it be a poore ragge of Moyses Iaunitas & solitudo.* 1.44 Haue we not heard the Romishe church very notably defended by this Camille, Camell, I had almost sayd? now sake an other vnuāquishable argumēt such as all y^e Heretiques wed∣ges with all their. Beatelles and malles can not beate abroad, when they haue done all that they can: where he knitteth vpp the knott forsooth on this wise. Agaynst all the assaultes of Here∣tiques defensible by the power of the holy ghost, & shall cō¦tinue inuinciblefor euer. How shall this be knowne? forsooth because the Numa of our age. Osorius doth Iustifie the same with hys wordes, who is no more able to make a lye, then the Pope is able to erre. what remayneth therefore for vs to do, but that beyng vanquished with the truth, we become the Popes vassalles, and worshippe the foothstoole of hys feete? But to aun∣swere briefly to this Parrotte. I will demaund this one thing first, not of Osor. but of the whole brotherhood & fraternitie of Shauelinges. If they beleue themselues to be so garded by the power and force of the holyghost, agaynst all the assaultes of he∣retiques, as this reuerend Lord the Lord Bishop of Sylu, doth boast: why do they vphold their pylfe with such outrage and Ti∣rannye? with such boochery, and blood? with such horrible bur∣ninges? stiflinges? fryer? fagotts? emprisonmentes? Rackinges? Constrayntes to recantation? Famine and sword? Finally with all maner of horrible tortures? without measure, without end, raging vpon the bodyes, vpon the goodes, vpon all ages indif∣ferently young and olde, men, women, and children, and all sexe and degrees of people? yea of them also which doe confesse and professe the same Christ the eternall Sonne of God whō they do? why do they broyle, moyle, and turmoyle all thinges with such cankred Ranckor? with such furious outrage w^t so many dead corpses, pilladge & polladge? as that (all peacible tranquillitie beyng now vtterly taken away from out of al Christian natiōs) there is no part thereof, be it neuer so small, which is not ey∣ther crusht downe with more cruell and sauadge persecution then any Turke would haue vsed, or at least, that had not rather lyue vnder the Tyranny of the Turk, then vnder the Iurisdicti∣on of such a church? What? can it possibly enter into anye mans

thought, that these are the fruites of the holyghost, or are guy∣ded to the leading, and conduct of our most meeke Sauiour Iesu Christ? If you haue grounded such an indefesible confidēce vpon the truth of your cause: if you stand so defensible by the protection of the holyghost, agaynst all assaultes and attemptes of heretiques, why then with a safe conscience, and vndaunted courage: do ye not committe your cause to the Lord, the protec∣tor of the same? and rest your selues assured vnder his sauegard following herein the good and godly councell of Gamaliell: If the doctrine (sayth he) be not of God, it will easely shiner in peeces though all the world seeke to vphold it. Now this so great slaugh¦ter & bootchery, so great horror of Sauadge & brutishe crueltie, so execrable Phalarisme and Tyrāny from whatsoeuer authour it raungeth so rudely, it sauoreth nothyng at all of the sweéte, and amyable countenaunce of the holy Ghost surely, nor of the naturall lenitie and humilitie of the Euangelicall doctrine.

But which he addeth last of all, is of all y^e rest most magnificēt and Triumphaunt, promising assuredly of the euerlastyng victory of his Churche, that it shall remayne inuincible for euer. For euen thus he speaketh, wherein he seémeth in my con∣ceite to differre very litle from that foolishe reioysing of a people mentioned in the Apocalipse, who worshyppyng that same very Romishe Beast vndoughtedly, did ascribe vnto her that vnuan∣quishable power of continuaunce, euen by a like phrase of speach, Who is like to the Beast (say they) and who is able to fight agaynst her?* 1.45

And this much hitherto of the fayth & the Church of Rome, It ensueth next in order, that we heare henceforth of the great Uicare of Christ somewhat, and of the high and chief gouernour of the Church.

* 1.46Bycause (sayth he) by the Gospell and testimony of Mar∣tyrs and the fayth and agreement of all holy Fathers: Is there any more yet? Finally we haue knowe the same by ex∣perience and proofe of thynges. &c.* 1.47 Goe to. And what is it, that you did know good Syrs? That it could not possibly be, that the Churche should be one, vnlesse it haue one chief head the same highe Vicare of Christ. It is well: and what doe ye conclude vpon this strong Reason at the last? Forsooth

that for this cause we yelde most humble obedience to the Byshop of Rome, who is Christes Vicare vpō the earth. &c. Good GOD: what doe I heare Osorius? haue you pyked such a kynde of doctrine out of the Gospell and the Recordes of the Martyrs that there must neédes be one Churche on the earth? wherein also of necessitie much be such a head as must beare chief principallitie, rule, and superioritie ouer all the rest? In deéde if you meane this of Christ, I am wholy on your side.* 1.48 For he in very truth is the onely husbād of his onely spouse, and Prince of Princes and the very head of all thynges without exception, he onely is the highest and greatest of all. But whereas you prouide two Princes for the Churche at one tyme together, as it were an office committed vnto two persons, wherof the one may supply the place of the other, as though the other might in the meane tyme lye vpon one side doing nothyng, I pray you (good honest men) did you euer learne this rule in the Scriptu∣res? Nay rather doth not the Gospell of Christ (whereas it cō∣maundeth all men to obedience and subiection) prescribe that the Ministers of the Church aboue all others chiefly, should cast away all Souereigntie and Lordlynes?* 1.49 and should be conten∣ted with pouertie? in so much that amongest the Apostles them selues, it would admitte to superioritie? Moreouer doth not Christ him selfe also throughout the whole Euangelistes, very earnestly stirre vppe his Ministers to follow his example? who was him selfe so farre of from desiryng any superioritie, as that he refused the same vehemētly, when it was offered: & would he (thinke you Osori.) like well of such brabbling, as we make now a dayes amongest our selues for Lordshyps and dignities? And can you so boldly now take vpon you to be Proctour for this high Monarchy to be established in your Church, cōtrary to the example of Christ? defendyng the title therof by the Gospell and the Recordes of Martyrs, contrary to the example of Christ him selfe, and the prescript rules of his Gospell? and yet in the meane tyme, not vouch so much as one text out of the Gospell, or the Histories of the Martyrs, to make your party good? Al∣though I am not ignoraunt altogether, that you haue certeine Sentences and wordes in the Gospell, which (by wringyng & wrestyng) you doe accustome to force to your purpose whether

the Gospell will or no: yet for as much as Haddon hath suffici∣ently enough aūswered those places in the first booke, & sith also nothyng can be superadded hereto, that hath not already bene spoken, it shalbe but neédelesse to rubbe that gall my more.

But what he meaneth by Martyrs, or what kinde of Mar∣tyrs he vnderstandeth, I can not well perceaue. If his meanyng respect those first & auncient Martyrs of the Primitiue Church, surely we haue ouer fewe monumentes of them left vnto vs: yet none at all makyng ought for that Romishe Sinagogue. But if you conceaue of the Martyrs of this later age in our dayes, I am well assured, that not onely the monumentes, but the very bloud of thē also doth long sithence cry vnto the heauēs for ven∣geance against that vnconquerable Ierarchy of yours. I speake here of true Martyrs.

And as to the Fayth and agreément of holy men, vnlesse ye ioyne also hereunto a perpetuall consent of places, and tymes, generally, and the truth also withall: ye shall no more preiudice our cause, then if you tell me of the consent and agreément of the Iewes, cryeng out agaynst Christ Crucifige, Crucifige. And therfore in my conceipt, your shall doe farre better, if in steéde of this consent of men (whereupō you bragge so lustely) ye follow the counsell of Augustine.* 1.50 Let not this be heard amongest vs (sayth he) This say I, this say you: but thus sayth the Lord: and there let the Church be sought out.

Now what the experience of Osorius doth seé, let him selfe looke thereto. Sure I am that Cyprian seémeth to haue expe∣rimented an other kynde of experimēt,* 1.51 where he writeth: Here∣upon grow all maner of Scismes (sayth he) bycause the head is not sought for, & mē come not to the wellspring it selfe, neither are the ordinaunces and rules of the heauenly Maister kept, nor obserued. Wherein I thinke you seé matter sufficiēt enough, by how much the testimony of this Martyr, doth differre from you: whereas you do racke all thynges to humaine authoritie onely, he calleth all men backe to the very founteines of the Scriptures rather. And yet doe I not deny but that humaine authoritie doth many tymes auayle very much to bridle y^e vnruly raungyng of sectes, if Osorius would limitte this authoritie humaine within cer∣teine measurable boundes. But he raketh all thynges now to

the authoritie of the Romishe Seé onely, as though there were none other authoritie elles, that might stay sectes and Schis∣mes, besides this Romishe Pope onely. Which Assumption is altogether vntrue. And therefore to make the same appeare more euidently: Let vs note the wonderfull Logicke of Oso∣rius somewhat more aduisedly.

The Authoritie of the Romishe See beyng taken away (sayth he) will be an occasion that heresies will grow in vse.* 1.52

How shall this be knowen? bycause Osorius doth seé it: for such are the strongest pyllers of Osorius buildyng for the more part. Thus sayth Osorius:

Thus is well knowen to the world: who doth not see this? Experience teacheth all men this.

But what if some meéry conceipted Carneades of the Acade∣mickes schoole, will deny your bare Affirmatiues to your teéth? what if he will geue no credite to your opinions? no nor yet to your wapper eyes that are bleared & dimme with rācour & ma∣lice? as it is a kynde of Philosophers (you know well enough) very hard laced & scarse applyable to credite any maner of bare Affirmatiues: Nay rather what if some other hauyng bene en∣ured to contrary experiēce, will contend with you on this wise? & say: That he doth seé with his eyes,* 1.53 y^t this Romish Seé (wher∣of you speake) is the chief Metropolitane of all sectes and here∣sies, what shall become of this your notable defēce? The thyngs which are seene with the eyes (say you) whiche are knowen, which are notorious in all mens mouthes, which experiēce witnessing also doth ratifie to be true, which are sensibly felt with eares and eyes: to call these thynges in question, whether they be true or no, is meare ignoraunce: but to de∣ny them is a point of most shamelesse impudency.

Not so Osorius: we do not deny the thynges that men do seé with their eyes: But the thyngs that you do Assume falsely, for thinges certeine, concludyng false and slaunderous cauilles for meére truth, those thynges we do constantly deny to be true: not bycause we trust not mens senses, which be of soūde Iudgemēt, but bycause we geue to credite no Osorius lyeng. But goe to. Let vs moue forewardes a litle, that we may seé the thyng at the length that this sharpe sighted Lynx doth so easily seé.

Forsooth he doth see (sayth he) that noysome sectes and

troublesome controuersies would forthwith raunge in the Churche, if the authoritie of the Romishe see should be cleane put downe.

I beleéue it in deéde. But with what eyes doth he seé this? with that left eye I thinke, which is couered with a pynne and webbe of desire to slaunder: But if he would vouchsafe to open agayne that right eye, I would not dought, but that experience (wherof he speaketh) would teach him a new lesson.* 1.54 For if this Romish authoritie were vtterly abolished, he shall by experience proue that this will forthwith ensue, which many of vs through the inestimable benefite of God, haue proued to be most true in all places, namely: that common weales shall recouer their aū∣cient priuiledges, consciences shall possesse their wonted freé∣dome, men shall be restored to the sauetie of their lyues: all Chri∣stendome shall enioy peace and tranquilitie: he shall seé horrible fiers quenched: whole pyles of Fagottes and fier cōsumyng •• bodyes of Christians to Ashes to be extinguished: stockes to be set wyde open: imprisonmentes, rackynges, recantations and Fagottes to be shaken from mens shoulders: he shall seé the ly∣ues and goodes of many thousands to be saued out of the ••awes of death, and frō the bloudy bootchers knife: he shall seé pilladge polladge, confiscations of goodes, Popish exaction, deceiptfull buyng and sellyng of Pardons, fayres and gaynefull marketts of dispensations, taxes of Citizens, spoylinges of the Cōmons, tenthes, first fruites of benefices, yearely contributions of By∣shops, great impositions of Monasteries, payementes of penti∣ons for Palles, for mysters, for ringes, for liberties: for exemp∣tions: Finally for whores and concubines to be diminished and vtterly abolished: he shall seé their drousie superstitions, and ce∣remonies, and their triflyng traditiōs, geue place to the Orient bright Sunne shynne of the truth: Temples cleansed agayne from filthy Idolatry: Kynges to become Kynges, and Lordes of their own: and once agayne at the last to beare their sword thē selues, which before bare nothyng but bare titles, and scarse titles onely: he shall seé Citizens and Subiectes deliuered from straunge Tyranny, and subiect to their lawfull authoritie, & ••o them onely to yeld obedience, vnto whom they ought to doe: Fi∣nally he shall seé cōmō weales begyn to take breath agayne, af∣ter

a certeine sort now at the length, and the hartes of the fayth∣full to rayse them selues vp, at the ioyfull countenaunce of their auncient sauetie, and to geue most humble thankes to almigh∣tie God, for their most happy peace and deliueraunce. Certes (Osorius) if the chaunges and chaunces of thynges (which men seé with their eyes & feéle by practize and dayly experience) may without checke be open to the viewe of the worlde, you should playnly discerne and seé all those thynges, if you were here in England, and not in England onely, but in Germany, in Den∣marke, Sweuland, Scotland, Polande and the more part of Fraūce, in Switzerlād: finally throughout all incorporatiōs, and freé Citties this authoritie vtterly abolished. Goe to: And where now are those sectes & Schismaticall dissentions, which you do obiect agaynst vs? If you know not this to be true Oso∣rius, or if happely you be ashamed to confesse the thynges that you know, I will confesse the same for you, and will speake the same as frankely, as truely. If I shall say, that euen with you in the very Court of Rome, in your Churches, in your Mona∣steries, Colledges, Rules and Orders of Friers, briefly where∣soeuer that shauelyng marke of the Romish Prelate is emprin∣ted, or wheresoeuer that authoritie is of most force, that there are whole swarmes and sectes most outragiously raungyng, I feare nothyng lesse, least that my wordes may seéme to emporte more then the truth:* 1.55 Nay rather I am sure I haue yet spoken very litle. I should haue spoken in this maner rather: All and singular this your Papae••e, how large and wyde soeuer it is outstretched, is nothing els, but a very sect, and a certeine migh∣tie faction, armed with the power of men, directly agaynst the Gospell of peace. But of this hereafter shalbe spoken more at large. In the meane space, bycause this place requireth, that I aunswere rather for our owne Preachers, then accuse others: I returne to the complaint of Osorius. Where makyng mention of sectes, although by name he expresse to sect at all, yet may it easily be coniectured, what he doth mumble inwardly in his se∣cret conceipt.

But I suppose, he would haue the very same to be spoken, that we, assoone as we turned away from that Romishe Patri∣arche (throwyng our Ryder as it were, to the grounde whose

spurres and snaffle we were affrayd of before) are now raunged the fielde kickyng and flingyng into many brambles and thic∣kettes of contrary sectes: wherof he meaneth some to be Luthe∣ranes, some Zuinglians, others he entituleth with factious names of Caluinistes, Buceranes & Swenckfeldianes. But as this slaūder is no new thing, so neither did those names of sects grow, or arise from them, but are of your owne coynyng. For neither Luther, Zuinglius, nor Caluine did lead any flockes of Scholers at any tyme, nor euer erected any Schooles or sectes in their owne names, as beyng of this mynde, and pro∣fession alwayes, that they could like nothyng worse, then that a∣ny man should abuse either his owne name, or any other mans name whatsoeuer, to the dissoluyng of the bonde of peace, and vnitie of Christian name. And therfore these be your own ima∣ginations, voyde of all colour of truth, forged by your own sel∣ues not raysed out of any other spryng, then of that stinckyng puddle of malice, and slaūderous cauillyng. Wherein you feéme to me to differre very litle from the peéuish affections of wemē: who if cōceaue neuer so slender an offence, & waxe whotte with∣all: fall forthwith to playne scoldyng, and auenge them selues with cursing & brawlyng: not vnlike the custome of litle boyes, which amiddes their pleasauntest pastimes iarryng for small trifles (as they will easily be moued) waxe very angry, so that (in steéde of weapon) whatsoeuer cometh next to hand they flyng at their fellowes heades. Such is the dealyng here agaynst Lu∣ther, Zuinglius & others: who neither varyeng frō Christ, nor from the cōmunion of the Gospell, nor frō fayth in any respect, nor yet disagreéyng one from other in matter of substaunce, nor in the principles & foundations of Christian doctrine, nor in the thynges that apperteine to true Relligion, or worshippyng of God, finally not in any Article of the Catholicke Creede: yet by∣cause they hold not with the Pope of Rome: hereof ariseth all that treason against the Maiestie of the Deuines: here of malice tooke the first rootes in their hartes, and out of that pestilēt roote budded out those heresies, sectes, & schismes, not which be so in deéde, but such as seéme to be so in the Iudgement of the slaun∣derer. For what so small a gnatte may there be that rācor & ve∣nemous hatred will not by and by transforme into an Elephāt?

Behold (say they) what a sturre these heretiques keépe a∣mongest them selues.* 1.56 The Zuinglians scold agaynst the Luther∣ranes, and yet do not the••e Lutherans agreé amongest them sel∣ues in all thynges: in which kyngdome how many factions may a man easily perceaue? for scarsely the Ministers of one Church doe consent together firmely in all pointes. All which albeit be not as true, as they are bitterly heaped together of these ian∣glers, to bryng the Lutheranes into hatred: yet see I pray you how iniuriously they deale herein, that they will not permitte one man to swarue from an other in any particular thyng what∣soeuer? Which I am not assured if did happen to the Ap••stles them selues, yea after the commyng of the holy Ghost. In deéde this was to be wished for (if wishyng could preuayle) that gene∣rally all might haue consented, and concluded together in one mutuall vniformitie. And yet vpon this vniformitie alone stand not all matters besides, neither is y^e Sinagogue of y^e Scribes & Phariseés for this cause of any better estimation, bycause they conspired together, and were all of one mynde to spoyle Christ and his Apostles. Agayne neither did the Apostles not rightly departe and sequester them selues from the Phariseés sect, by∣cause certeine small sparckles of dissention were scattered a∣broad amongest them. And albeit a few Christians were mole∣sted and troubled throught some small contrarieties, and variaū∣ces arisen amongest them selues, in the swathlyng cloutes of the Primitiue Church, though also the Corinthians were deui∣ded and soundred in partes, as particuler affection preuayled: yet was not that cause sufficient enough to proue, that they might therfore renounce Christianity, and reuolte to the Phari∣seés sect agayne.

If we make sectes and schismes, as often as interpretours doe varie in opinion, in their seuerall Expositions of the holy Scriptures, amongest so many of all the Rabbines (which haue wonderfully trauailed in the explication of the old Testament) how many (I say) of them do agreé together in all pointes? what a difference is there in their Commentaries? yea how often doe the Hebrues them selues varie in their Expositions? so that the old Prouerbe may be well verified here: so many heades, so ma∣ny wittes. Amongest the Expositours of the new Testamēt is

somewhat a more agreable and consonant agreément. And yet amongest them all, how many are you able to name, that do not in some one thing or other, vary and dissent? how many and how great controuersies and disagreémentes in opinions were a∣mongest the most approued Doctours of the auncient Church? so that whiles euery particular person endeuoureth to preserue his seuerall errour inuiolable, scarse any one is throughly cleare from some fault or other at the least. After the same maner may it be adiudged of Luther & Zuinglius: who if in one onely place of Scripture do varie a litle, what maruell is it? sith you your selues (that reprehend others so much) offend more often & more filthyly in many thynges?

But you will say peraduenture, that this contention had not growne betwixt the Lutheranes and the Zuinglianes, if they had kept themselues within the bosides and Iurisdiction of the Church of Rome. Truely I may easily beleeue you Osorius. For the Bishop of Rome would long sithence haue burn••d theyr bodyes. For this is the Popes best corriziue wherewith he ea∣teth out the canker of controuersies most speédely: And yet neuerthelesse: if the Iurisdiction of the Pope of Rome be a mat∣ter so warrantable to knitte fast the knotte of vnitie amongest men: From whence then commeth to passe:* 1.57 That within the ve∣ry walles of that Court hath bene so many broyles and conten∣tentious debates? so many kindes and names of settes? so ma∣ny contrarieties of opinions? so many Brotherhoodes of Reli∣gions & factions diuers in opiniōs? which the Romish Seé hath so long fostered vp, nor was euer able hitherto to bryng to any such vniforme order, as that they might not vary from amongst themselues in some poynt or other, by the space of so many hun∣dred yeares? For looke how many conuenticles of orders be a∣mongest them, so many factions are they. The Dominickanes do not agreé with the Mynorites, nor the Benedictines with y^e Barnardines. Yea euery particuler faction is many tymes dy∣uided in it selfe. The Obseruauntes do hate the Coletes: The Couent Fryers (a third kynde vnlike to the other two) doth en∣uy them both: hereunto if you list to adde the Iangling opini∣ones of the Schoolemen: how great warres are commonly be∣twixt the Scotistes and the Thomistes about Congresum and

Condignum? touching originall Sinne in the blessed Uirgine? about solemne vowes? and simple vowes? betwixt the Camo∣nistes, And the Scholemen touching auriculer cōfession? which thone part affirmeth was established by man, the other part doth say that it was ordayned by God: The olde brabble about Nominales and Reales is knowne of euery body, common and stale now. In fine, what man is able to rehearse the maners of diuisiones, whereof as euery particuler sect hath hys Patrone, So euery Patrone hath his seuerall assertiones, whiche are quite contrary to others. So doth Thomas de Aquino dissent from Peter Lombard, Occam cannot agreé with Scotus: Hali∣ensis: opugneth Occam. Albert Pighius Impugneth Cardinal Caietaue.

And to speake nothing of other things:* 1.58 in the one onely mat∣ter of the Lordes Supper: how variable are the controuersies and opiniones of their owne fraternities? whiles some teache that Christ is present, flesh, bloud, and bone? others vtterly de∣ny that: othersome ascribe vnto him a body of dimensiones, o∣thers otherwise: some say that the body is torne with the teéthe of the communicants at the tyme of the communion: others are to squeimish, at that they cānot abyde it. There be some agayne that say that the body of Christ is consecrated by the deuine o∣peration. And that by this Pronowne (hoc) the bread is noted: others had rather to call it indiuiduum Vagum. Some thinke that Myse may gnawe the body of Christ truely and in deede, which others Iudge to be to grossely spoken: Some are of opi∣nion that the accidentes of bread and wyne may nourish, many do deny that, & say that the Substance of the bread remayneth.

But these thinges may seeme but very trifles. I will come now to y^e very secrette closett and of this Seé, and will treat now not of the externall schismes and deuisions, of Friers, Moncks, and opinions,* 1.59 but of the very Seé of the Bishop of Rome it selfe. For the first creation whereof how soeuer Osorius paynt it out in wordes as that it was erected not by any pollicy of man, but by the power of the holy ghost, yet hath he vouched for proofe thereof not so much as a sillable out of the holy Scriptures, yea though he did: yet should he gett no more thereby, then if he cast his capp against the wynde: for although in the first booke some

reasons, wrongfully wrested,* 1.60 seeme to haue bene gathered by him to this effect out of the holy scriptures: yet those haue bene both learnedly and playnely confuted by our Haddon already. Yet because there is now nothing touched els, then that whiche doth magnifie that holy Tabernacle onely, it may be lawfull for me with as good leaue, to set downe myne opinion also touching the same See: Which Seé, (in y^t case wherein it standeth now a daies) I may boldly tearme to be not an holy sacred Seé, but a deadly Secte rather, not y^e mother church, but the Metrapoli∣tane of all vnsaciable couetousnes: not instituted by Christ, but purchased by ambitiō, raysed by fraud, armed with power, and force of mighty Monarches, defended with bloud and booche∣ry: which carrieth a resemblaunce, not of true Peace, but an hor∣rible vysor of discention: which doth not aswage cōtenciouse and troublous sectes, but which is rather an vncessaūt whirlewinde, and troublesome Tempest of y^e whole world: Finally is nothing els (how great soeuer it is) but a very naturall Secte: for if thys word Secte do take his name as deriued from the word Secta∣ri: in what one place throughout the whole scriptures are there any names, Seés, or Tytles of any person set down (for a pat∣terne for vs to imitate and followe) but the onely example of Christ the sonne of God? Although Paule did rebuke the Corint. as backsliders from Christ, and that worthely, which called thē selues, some after the name of Peter, some of Paule and some of Apollo, considering that they were all members of one Christ: what cōmunication would y^e same Paule vse now to the Roma∣nistes, who glory so much vpon the chayre of Peter and the suc∣cession thereof?

* 1.61Peter sate at Rome (say they) and what matter is it where Peter sate or where he stoode? so that Christ sitte in our hartes: And what if I deny Osorius that Peter euer sate at Rome? by what argument will you iustifie that he sate there? or if one or too small stories perhappes fauour your cause: I will proue for one, tenne to the contrary, which perhappes you shall not so ea∣sily confute. But to admitte that he sate at Rome, what is it to the purpose, where Peter sate, more then where he walked? vnlesse in your conceipte, Peter seeme more holy sitting then walking: or whā he sate at Rome, then whē he walked at Cesa∣ria?

But he sate in such wise at Rome (say you) as bearing So∣uereigntie in Rome. O wonderfull and inuincible defence.* 1.62 But I pray you graunt vnto vs that Rome is now in the same estate that it was when Peter sate there: Such Tirannous Emperors and such Martyrs. And I will surely wonder, if the Pope of Rome would euer craue for such a souereigntie yea though it might be geuen him. But let vs returne agayn to Sectes and tu∣multes: because y^e question doth properly cōcerne those matters.

And therefore forasmuch as your tongue vaunteth so glori∣ously of your deépe knowledge in tryall, experience, and know∣ledge of the chaunges and chaunces of this world, and of Aun∣cient Antiquitie (wherein you bragge not a little, that you are not vnskilfull) surely you could haue alleadged nothing more di∣rectly against your selfe then this same, and more properly to serue to the truth of our cause: for that no one thing hath terrifi∣ed vs from pertaking with the fraternitie of that Chayre of pe∣stilence more, then the very same that wee haue long sithence found true: confirmed herein by our owne knowledge and dayly experience: Namely that Brambles and Briars of tumultes & Scismes do not fructifie, and take so deépe root in any prouince or Nation in the world, as within the Iurisdiction of this your Romish Ierarchie. And as I haue spoken somewhat already of other their trinckettes, so will I now touch a little of the very Toppe Gallaunte of their Pontificall Shippe. Let any man of sound Iudgemēt take a full and perfect view, of all the vsage of the church of Rome, as it is now, and as it hath continued in lōg processe of tyme. The Fruits whereof what are they? but very tumults & Sectes. Their dayly practizes abroad, what be they? but mighty Factions: Their endeuours at home, what be they? but Scismes: and ciuell disturbances: where y^e popes and Cardinalls themselues enioy no peace, but are at warres with Christ: And in the same warres also, are at ciuill muty∣nes, and vproares amongest themselues. It were a very long and tedious peéce of worke to gather a breuiate of all the brab∣les, Schismes, and horrible tumultes frequented in that Seé, these many hundred yeares, and to sett them in order, as either the auncient Histories of elder yeares, or the monumentes of latter tyme do minister wonderfull aboundaunce of many, It

shall suffice to speake sūmarily (as it were) of a fewe, by meanes whereof, a more perfect coniecture may be made, what is to be iudged of all that whole Seé.

¶ A description of the Antiquities of Rome out of the Chronographers. Mar∣tine Mounck of Chester, Rodulpe, Pla∣tina. Volaterranus. Blondus. Sabel∣licus. Phrigio. Mercator. Anto∣nyne Cardinall Benno. Barnes Hermane.

* 1.63IN the yeare of our Lord God .369. Damasus was Pope of Rome. Who was chosen Pope not without wonderfull se∣dition, by meanes of the bitter contention of the Clergye. At this season, the Church of Rome beyng but newly deliuered from cruell persecutions, beganne to picke vppe her Cromes, and in some reasonable calme to grow and take hart. Yet was it not aduaunced to so great possessions as yet, nor to so great maiestie of Souereigntie. The name of Vicar either generall or vniuersall, sounded not as yet in any mans eare: no man had as yet attained so deépe an insight, to be able to perceaue, that this Seé was erected by anye warrant of Christe his owne mouth: no man did as yet so much as dreame of the Election, of the order, nor of the name of Cardinalls. These names of a Prince of Bishoppes, of Vicariat or Vicar See, of Head of the Churches: were not heard so much as to tingle in y^e eares of any Christians as yet. All whiche Titles were graunted to pope Boniface the 3. enthronized through Ambition, three hundered yeares after. by the gifte of Phocas the Emperour Although in deede some sparckles of thys venemous Ambitiō began to be kindled as then in the Heades of diuers Popes: So that whereas Vrsinus A Deacon practized to beé pro∣moted to the very same Popedome, It came to passe that a tumult being raysed, they fell together by the eares,* 1.64 tryeng whether of them should be Pope, not by yealding of voyces one∣ly, but euen by playne handistrokes euen in the very Minister

of Sicimus, whiche skirmishe continued so long vntill Vrsinus was vanquished, and the voyces preuayled for the stablishng of Damasus.* 1.65

In the yeare of our Lord .420. was enthronized in that Seé Pope Boniface the 4. of that name: against whome the Clergy conspiring, An other Pope named Eulalius was chosen in the Minister of Constantine, in a like vproare of the clergye, & was set agaynst Boniface.* 1.66 Honorius The Emperor being troubled with this sedicion, did banish them both out of the Cittie, vntill by the commaundement of the same Emperour, Boniface the first Pope created, was restored to the Seé.* 1.67

In the yeare of our Lord God .499. a great tumult was raysed, that troubled the whole Citie, and deuided it into parts, about the choosing of too Popes Simachus, and Laurentius:* 1.68 whereof the one was proclaymed Pope in the Minister of Con∣stantine, thother in y^e Minister of our Lady. Whereupon a Si∣node being called at Rauenna, Simmachus was created Pope. But the aduerse part of the latter faccion, storming thereat, cal∣led Laurence back agayn in an vproare. Theodorick the Em∣perour for thappeasing of that sedition addresseth forth one na∣med Peter Altinates to Rome, who expelling both Simmachus and Laurentius should occupy the Popedome. But Simmachus could not so be quayled: who gathering agayne a conuocation of Bishoppes together, spake so lustely for himselfe, that he obtai∣ned the Popedome agayn, Laurentius and Altinates being vt∣terly bannished. Whereupon the warres began to grow muche more whotter then before. Much Christian bloud was spilte on both partes. Finally the cruelty waxed so horrible, that the very Noonnes began to be a pray to the confederates.

In the yeare of our Lord God .768. Pope Constantine be∣yng conuinced of Scisme, and bereft of both hys eyes:* 1.69 and be∣sides him also an other Pope named Phillippe being deposed by force of Armes: one Stephen was made Pope, who gathe∣ring a Synode at Rome, doth first vnpriest, and afterwardes newpriest agayne all such as Const. before him had priested.

In the yeare of our Lord God .873. Pope Anastasius doth inuade the Popedome agaynst pope Benedict.* 1.70

In the yeare of our Lord God .907. Leo was Pope about

40. dayes more or lesse against whom one Christopher ray∣sing vppe a power, and apprehending him,* 1.71 casteth him into pri∣son, and at last getteth the Popedome: wherein he sate skarse seuen whole monethes, but being circumuented with like fraud by Sergius his successor, and throwne into prison, was requi∣ted with the selfe trechery that he offered before.

In the yeare 968. a conuocation of Bishoppes being Som∣moned throughout all Italy: Pope Iohn the 13. being detected of horrible crymes, and refusing to make his purgation before Otho the Emperour:* 1.72 Leo the viii. of that name (being as yet a lay man) was in his place by the generall election of all y^e Bi∣shops, & the Emperours consent appointed Pope: gaue orders, & executed all other functions appertayning to y^e dignitie. Not long after (yea euen the very day of Themperours departure from Rome) the Romanes taking hart of grasse agayne, brea∣king the othe, which they sware to the Emperour (wherein they bound themselues that they would neuer choose any to be Pope without the consent of the Emperour or his sonne Ottho) did a∣gaynst all right and equitie, through a Schisme, appoynt one named Benedict, Pope agaynst Leo. But there passed not ma∣ny dayes, before the Emperour (besieging Rome) did so tor∣ment and afflict the Romanes, that they made a couenaunt with the Emperour to restore Leo agayne, and depose Benedict frō y^e Popedome. After whose death, in the yeare 966. Iohn the 13. was aduaūced to y^e Seé. Who beyng the same yeare taken pri∣soner of Ieofredus Earle of Cāpania, through y^e coūsell of Peter then Lieuetenaunt of y^e Citie, and thrown into prison,* 1.73 was with∣in a whiles after deliuered by Ottho, and restored to libertie: he sate as Pope seuen or eight yeares. Of this Iohn y^e 13. thus wri¦teth Platina. This Iohn from his very youth was a meruei∣lous wicked man, and geuen altogether to lechery, and did ex∣ceede all the Popes his predecessors in filthinesse of life: and be∣ing taken in aduoutry, was thrust through with a sword & slayne

* 1.74In the yeare 973. After this Iohn: was enstalled Bene∣dicte the 5 in an vproare also, but not continuing Pope longe: For the very same yeare, being taken prisoner by Cinthius a Citizen of Rome, he was cast into Adrians Doungeō. Some say that he was carried into Saxony. After him succeéded Do∣nus.

2. one whole yeare: next vnto him Boniface 7. two yeare:* 1.75 who fled to Constantinople with the Treasures of the Church of Rome.

In the yeare 995. The Emperour Otto did ordayne Gre∣gory the .5. a Saxone to be Pope. The Romaines in a Tumult & Schisme, placed Iohn. 17.* 1.76 This Ioh. about the x. moneth of his Popedome being slayne, Syluester. 2. was aduaunced in his place: by the practise of Crescentius and the Romanes. But the Emperour Otto the third retourning within a whiles af∣ter, put Rome to the Sack. Crescentius was slayne: Syluester his eyes were put out of his head, and Gregory was restored. Phrig. Blondus. &c.

In the yeare 1047. Benedict the 9. hauing obtained the popedome by corruption and bribes: and being altogether vnlettered, did ioyne an other with him named Syluester to execute hys office in ecclesiasticall matters: wherewith many be∣ing displeased, there was a third brought in vpon the necke of them two, who onely alone should execute the office. Cardinall Benno addeth moreouer: that by this meanes it came to passe, that the Church of Rome seemed to be deuided into parts.* 1.77 The Church of Rome (sayth he) was rent in sunder by the meanes of these iii. popes, through grieuous schismes, mortall warres, and incredible bloudshed: and vnder the colour of honny, hauing swallowed vppe poysō, was almost choaked with vnspeakeable Heresyes.

The noyse of these broyles being blowne abroad: to witte, two warring agaynst one, and one agaynst two, about the possessi∣on of that Seé, king Henry the 3. came speedely to Rome, and called a Synode: In the which all these iij. popes Benedicte. Siluester and Gregory were condemned: and fourth is placed into the Chayre, named Clemens. 2. by whom the sayd Henry was crowned Emperour: the Romaynes affaying themselues vnto him hy an oathe, that they would neuer choose pope with∣out his consent: that so Schismes & factions (which were wont to grow by reason of the popes Elections) might be vtterly ex∣tinguished. But the Emperoure was skarse departed out of Rome, before that the Romaynes (vnmindefull of their oathe) had poysoned the sayd Clement,* 1.78 whom he had made pope the 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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ninth moneth after, in the yeare 1048.

* 1.79In the yeare 1058. Benedicte the 10. contrary to the de∣crees of the Canones was chosen pope by the Romaynes, be∣ing thereunto brybed with mony.

* 1.80In the yeare. 1062. Alexander 2. was promoted Pope by the Clergy of Rome: where he continued 11. yeares, vntill the Emperour Henry, at the earnest suite of the Romaines in a ge∣nerall Councell holden at Basile, did create the Byshop of Par∣ma to be Pope, with the generall consent of the whole Councell: whiche two Popes deuided the Patrimony of S. Peter with sword and slaughter euen at Rome in the meadowes of Nero: vntill at the last in an other Councell (after that Alexander had acquited him selfe reasonably well of the crime of buyeng y^e Pope dome, which our men call Simony) was restored agayne, and Cadolus Byshop of Parma deposed.

* 1.81In the yeare. 1083. Hildebrand beyng deposed the Empe∣rour Henry the 4. (in a Councell holden at Bresse in Italy) did appoint Clement the 3. to be Pope:* 1.82 But the Romaines rebel∣lyng agaynst him, do chuse an Antipope named Victor 3. who being poysoned before two yeares were fully expired:* 1.83 Vrbanus 2. doth succeéde him:* 1.84 a wicked man in all respectes resemblyng Hildebrand: who reuiueth y^e warres, & prosecuteth the outra∣ges, excommunications, and cruell decreés that were begon by Hildebrand. Who also in a Councell holden at Cleremount established this ordinaunce amongest others, that no person of the Clergy should take the Donation of any Benefice (our com∣mon people call it Inuestiture) of any secular Prince.

In the yeare. 1100. Paschalis 2. entred vpō the Bishopprike: he sate in Peters chayre 18. yeares,* 1.85 duryng which tyme many false Popes were chosen. Plat. Blond. Amongest whom were Albertus, Theodoricus, and Maginulphus. Whom Paschalis did excommunicate, he kept continuall warres agaynst Viber∣tus, whom the Emperour Henry the 4. had erected before to be Pope, and did excommunicate Henry him selfe, and raysed by Henry the 5. against his father. He was a warlike man, a schis∣maticke, An enemy to Princes, proude and ambitious.

In the yeare. 1118. Gelasius 2. had against him a false pope the Archbyshop of Bacchara placed by Henry the 5. and Gela∣sius

him selfe fleing from Rome, dyeth in Fraunce.

In the yeare. 1124. Calistus. 2.* 1.86 pursuyng Gregory his Cō∣petitour with fier and sword (whom Henry the Emperour had preferred to that dignitie) inuaded Sutrium, and wanne it by force, and therein tooke the same Gregory also. Which Grego∣ry beyng set vpon a Camell with his face turned to the tayle of the beast, and made a mockery to all men (not without great re∣proche to the Emperour) he caused to be carried to Rome, and shearing him a Moncke, thrust him into a Monastery, into per∣petuall imprisonment. Amongest all other one especiall decreé was published by this Calistus. As the Sonne of God (sayd he) came to do the will of his Father, so must Christians do the will of their mother. Dist. 76. Cap. Ieiunium.* 1.87 So that accordyng to this Diuinitie. As GOD is the Father of Christ, by the same Reason ought the Church of Rome be taken for y^e mother of all Christians. He first Instituted y^e order of Cardinalles,* 1.88 twelue in number.

In the yeare. 1130. Innocētius y^e 2. beyng pope (which be∣fore had to name Gregory)* 1.89 an other named Peter sonne of Leo was ordeined to the place by the Romaines: whom they called Anacletus. Betwixt them two was great sturre and mortall warres. Which Schisme grew to a generall reproch, and was notoriously infamed by a Uerse for the same purpose:

Petrus habet Romam, totum Gregorius orbem.

Peter is Lord of Rome, and Gregory of the whole world.

This Innocentius amongest many other notable enterpri∣ses atchieued, tooke the Citie of S. Germaine by force.* 1.90 He besie∣ged Rogerius Duke of Apuleya in the Castell Gallutius, whō within a whiles after Guilliam Duke of Callabria did set at libertie, by raysing the siege, & tooke the pope prisoner. AEmil. Lib. 5. Blōd. Plat. The same Innocētius did keépe a marueilous broyle in Syria amongest y^e Byshops about the alteration of the estate of the Church. Guil. Tyrius Lib. 14. Cap. 12. de Bello Sacro.

In the yeare. 1159. Alexander 3. was chosen Pope in a schisme. At what tyme a certeine man named Octauianus Vi∣ctor 4. was sent for, placed & cōfirmed in the Popedome by the Emperour Fridericke 1. Both whom Alexander the 3. doth ••ursue with horrible curses. This schisme continued amongest

the false popes, succeédyng in order no lesse thē 20. yeares. The Emperour doth inuade all the possessions of y^e Church. Assoone as Victor was dead, Guido was created Pope agaynst Alex∣ander.* 1.91 After Guido agayne one named Iohn, Abbot of Syr∣mia. This Alexander tooke truce with the Romaines on this condition, that the Consuls should not be first admitted to beare rule, before they should prostrate them selues at the popes feéte, and sweare faythfully to become bonnaire and buxome to the Pope, and the Church of Rome. Blond. 6. booke.

In the yeare. 1182. albeit the first begynnyng and entring of Lucius 3. into the Popedome was somewhat cleare from se∣dition:* 1.92 yet within a whiles after him selfe did minister cause of great Tumultes: bycause he practized to roote out the honorable name of Consuls out of y^e Citie of Rome.* 1.93 not much degenerating from Lucius, was for his troublesome head called Turbulentus.

But bycause this place doth minister oportunitie to treate of sectes and schismes: why do we protract any more tyme? For if a sect be defined truly to be any opinion whatsoeuer, oppugneth the naturall meanyng of the Gospell: how great a champion of sectes may Pope Innocen••ius the 3. of that name be called?* 1.94 I meane that Innocentius the most detestable enemy of the true Gospell aboue all other, who in the yeare. 1215. in the Coūcell of Laterane sowed the feédes of all the broyles and troubles al∣most in the Church, wherewith the whole Christian Nation is molested at this day. Whenas first he established the heresie of Transubstantiation: he yoaked Christians to auricular Con∣fession: commaūded that Remission of Sinnes should be recea∣ued none otherwise, but at the deliuerie of a Priest: spoyled the lay people of the one part of the Sacrament: was the first de∣uisor of this Tyrannicall persecution by fire: namely of all such as durst but once quacke against that Catholicke Seé of Rome. This is that Innocent Pope, who was the very authour of all the bloudshed and calamities in the Church, which hath & doth consume the Protestaunts and Papistes at this day.

Not much vnlike vnto this monster were his next successors Honorius 3. Innocentius 4. Gregorius 9 most rebellious tray∣tors agaynst y^e Emperour Fridericke the 2.* 1.95 in whose tyme the

order of Friers Beggers was instituted. Here also commeth to memory that in the tyme of this Pope Gregory 9. (of whom I made mention before) and through his occasion chiefly, began the schismes and factions of the Guelfianes, which mainteyned the authoritie of the Pope: and the Gibellynes who sought the preseruation of the state Imperiall. By whiche occasion, how cruell and horrible warres were arered (scarse calmed in an hū∣dred yeares afterwardes) the auncient Recordes and confe∣rence of Hystories, whereof you vaunt a plentyfull knowledge, can manifestly declare vnto you.

I come now to Celestine 5. which was Byshop but halfe a yeare in the yeare. 1294. whom after the first moneth of his Popedome succeéded, or rather rusht lyke a ruffler into that Seé Boniface 8. who kept this Celestine in prison. Platin. AEmil. But by what pollicie this Pope aspired to the Popedome,* 1.96 I would desire, Osorius to tell me in his next Letters, if he write any after to our Queénes Maiestie. For if this Boniface did cast that Celestine into prison (as he sayd) not of any malice, but of purpose to take away occasiō of mutine, that might haue growē by the confederates on the contrary parte touchyng the Pope∣dome: why did he not restoare him agayne then, when the tu∣multes were pacified? why did he craftely deuise his exile, by a deuilish practise of the soūde of certeine voyces imagined to be sent from heauen into the Chamber of the Pope? Marius.

This Pope Boniface y^e botcher of y^e Decretalls was so ma∣liciously enflamed against certeine Cardinalles of the houses of Colūne & Vrsine (as many as remained fautors of y^e Gibelline factiō, beyng him selfe y^e most factious of all others) that he put to the sacke, and razed to the hard earth all their mansions and Castells, wheresoeuer he came. This is that most holy and An∣gelicke Patriarch, who beyng at Genua vpon an Ashewednes∣day, threwe Ashes into the eyes of Porcherus Archbyshop of Genua without regard of reuerence either of the place, of the tyme, or the persons that were present:* 1.97 speakyng after this ma∣ner. Memento home quod Gibellinus es & cum Sibillinis in Cine∣rem reuerteris. That is to say. Remember mā that thou art a Gibellyne and with the Sibyllines shalt returne agayne in∣to dust. At the length in the most cruell Itallian warres betwixt

the Sicilians fauoryng the partes of the Arragones, and Robert the Duke of Calabria (whenas this pope would not seéke by his authoritie to pacifie the Timult, though thereunto required sundry tymes very instantly) beyng not lōg after taken prisoner him selfe in an vproare, and carried to Rome, did pyne him selfe to death for sorrow and anguish of mynde.

What shall I speake of Innocentius 6. and of Gregory 11. whereof the one in the yeare. 1352.* 1.98 did after an vnspeakeable maner of cruelty commit to flamyng fier one Iohn a Frier Frā∣ciscane, bycause he taught what would become of Antichrist and of the popes of Rome. From the other diuers Cities of Italy reuolted in a seditions tumult, as Volaterane recordeth, what shall I say of all that other factious rable of popes succeeding in order? who by meanes of certayne ciuill disturbances in the Citie of Rome, forsooke the Citie, and translated the Seé into Fraunce, continued the Election of popes in the French Na∣tion, excludyng the Romaines 74. yeares. After this maner y^e Court of Rome (playeng as it were vpon a rollyng Stage) al∣beit it chaunged their Seé now and then, yet neuer founde any place of assured rest. For it was scarse as yet returned agayne within the walles of Rome from her long and werysome exile, but it was wellcomed home immediately with a new Tumult.

* 1.99For in the yeare. 1378. whenas Vrbanus 6. was by force enthronized in the Popedome, by meanes of the Italians, the French Cardinalles mislikyng the same, did chuse an other one Robert Gilbonensis, to witte Clement 7. which held his Seé likewise at Auinion. The vnitie of the Romishe Seé by this meanes rent a sunder, in that diuision and Schisme, eche Pope did excōmunicate the other: the variable people fauored both y^e popes. This schisme cōtinued by y^e space of 40. yeares. Vrban•• (to be auēged of y^e Cardinalles,* 1.100 & y^e wronges susteined by y^e pro∣curemēt of Iohn kyng of Sycile) procureth wōderfull vproares. Charles kyng of Hūgary raysed an army agaynst Ioane who fauored the clayme of Clement: whom afterwardes Ludo∣wicke duke of Angew deliuered. The same pope furnished one Iohn Hachut an English man with munition & men, whō Vr∣banus the v. had made Generall of his Army before) & sent him with a bande of Florētines to Naples agaynst the sayd Ioane,

of whom we made mention before, and withall sounded the defi∣aunce agaynst Charles the Kyng of Naples, bycause he would not make his nephew Prince of Campania. At the length this Pope beyng straightly besieged by this Charles, was priuely conueyed to Genua. He kept 7. Cardinalles in fetters, whereof fiue he drowned in y^e Riuer of Tiber beyng tumbled and knitte vp into sackes. He ruled the roast. 11. yeares: and Clement sate 13. In this Schisme also Princes were deuided: Some fauo∣red the confederates of Clement, some the faction of Vrbane. Germany, Italy, and England, gaue ayde to Vrbane. Spayne, Fraunce, and Chatelone stoode with Clement: they that tooke part with neither of them, were called Newtralles. Those two Popes did thunder, eche agaynst the other wonderfull chappes of curses, and excommunications, wherewith they tare one an other in peéces: they did curse, they did excōmunicate, they cal∣led one the other by y^e names of Antichristes, Heretiques, Ty∣rauntes, Theeues, Traytours Vsurpers, Sowers of Darnell, and Sonnes of Beliall:* 1.101 Which two lusty Rufflers beyng both dead at the last: the same quarell continued betwixt the Succes∣sours: vntill the yeare. 1409. To passe ouer in the meane tyme the cruell horrible storme more then Schismaticall, begon vn∣der this Pope Vrbanus betwixt the Schoolemen of Paris, and the Dominicke Friers, about the Originall Sinne of the most holy and pure Uirgine and mother of Christ Mary.

In the yeare. 1389. Boniface 9.* 1.102 was appointed to succeéde Vrbanus. And after two yeares Benedict 13. was appointed to succeéde Clement. This Boniface (as witnesseth Crantzius) gouerned as a Byshop, but reigned as a cruell Tyraunt, & pro∣cured many of the Citizens of Rome (whom he suspected to be false to his person) to be apprehended, and executed by the Mi∣nisters of the Law. He oppressed the Church with a new contri∣butiō which he called by a new name Annates, first fruites: and thus it was: that whosoeuer should be aduaunced to a Byshop∣pricke or Benefice, should pay one whole yeares reuenew ther∣of in money. By meanes of which law, the Histories make men∣tion that he became as it were Lord of the whole world. Blond. Platina.

In the yeare. 1405. Boniface 9. beyng dead, was enstalled

Innocentius 7. a Pope of two yeares continuaunce:* 1.103 I know not what a sturre he kept with his owne neighbours at Rome: wherof 11. beyng throwen out of high windowes by the handes of Ludowicke his nephew, & by the procuremēt of the Pope, brake their neckes.* 1.104 After him not long after succeéded Gregory 12. A Pope of threé yeares. All this whiles yet liued Benedict 13. But when commaundement was geuen by the Councell of Pyse, to both these Popes to departe from the Seé (and neither of them willyng to yeld, nor come to any reason) beyng both con∣demned for heretiques: Alexander the 5. was chosen:* 1.105 and Gre∣gory and Benedict banished both. This Alexander did most wickedly dishinherite Ladislaus the most mighty Kyng of Na∣ples and Ap••lia, and deposed him from his fathers kingdome. And gaue the same to Ludowicke, Duke of Angew. He sate 8. monethes.

In the yeare. 1411. This Alexander beyng dead, start vp Iohn 24. who partly by corrupting y^e Cardinalles with money,* 1.106 partly with power of Souldiours, did by terrour and violence enforce y^e Election to him selfe. By this Popes meanes Sigis∣munde the Emperour called a Councell at Constance the 4. yeare of his Popedome: in the which Councell threé Popes be∣yng deposed, to witte Benedict 13. Gregory 12. and Iohn 24.* 1.107 Martine 5. was enstalled Pope in the yeare. 1417. In which Councell, wherein this Martine was enstalled Pope,* 1.108 we read that it was decreéd. That the Authoritie of a Councell lawfully Sommoned, and gathered together, was aboue the Authoritie of the Pope: which decreé by what law or right might be establi∣shed, I can not seé if it be true that our Osorius pleasauntly fa∣bleth: namely: That the Popes Authoritie is instituted and gouerned not by humaine Decrees, but by the most mani∣fest ordinaunce of Christ, yea euen by the heauenly Autho∣ritie absolutely.* 1.109 But loe here how fittly the old Prouerbe may be applyed: Like will to lyke. Such cookes, such platters. For it mattereth not very much, whether part haue the preéminence, the Councell or the Pope. For they both conspired agaynst the direct Decreés of Gods word, and by generall consentyng trea∣chery condemned Iohn Husse and Ierome of Prague two holy Martyrs of Christ to be burnt to ashes. And not long after the

same Martine not shewyng him selfe the Minister of Christ, but a warlike chāpion, an impe of bloudy Bellona, did sharpen and set on edge the Germaine swordes agaynst the Bohemians. And whenas the Emperour Sigismu••de, at the same Councell did vse much treaty with the pope, for a reformation to be had as well of the inordinate maners and presumptuous pride of the Clergy, as of y^e rebellious con••i••macie and licentiousnes of the laytie:* 1.110 It pleased this most holy Father (after much deba∣tyng of the matter) to haue this Article of reformation of ma∣ners to be differred vntill an other tyme, and forthwith brake vp the Councell, whether the Emperour would or no: and made quicke dispatch to Rome. 1418. as Volaterane recordeth.

In the yeare. 1431. After this Martine, Eugenius bare the stroke, in whose entrey to the Popedome began no small broyle to arise betwixt him and the Cardinalles Columnens•• by whose procurement, was a strong battell fought:* 1.111 wherein many were slayne and many taken prisoners. The pope escaped by takyng his heéles: afterwardes a peace was proclaymed. Platin.

About the same tyme in the yeare. 1435.* 1.112 was a Coūcell cal∣led at Basile. But Eugenius despising this Councell raysed vp a contrary Councell, first at Bonnony, then at Ferrara, and a∣none at Florence: where amongest other thynges that Decreé of Constance, which determined that the Councell was of more Authoritie then the Pope, was reuoked, and made fru∣strate. And therefore Eugenius refusing to come to the Coun∣cell of Basile, is deposed.* 1.113 And in his place is adopted Amadeus Foelix 5. in the yeare. 1442. whereupō sprāg vp a new schisme some enclinyng to Foelix and some holding fast with Eugenius, the Germaines were called Newtralles.* 1.114

At this councell of Basile before mentioned Sigismunde be∣ing dead (whō the wrath of the Lord did afflict with wonder∣full Calamities after the death of Iohn Husse) Fredericke the 3. was chosen & crowned Emperour: by whose authoritie the councell of Basile was confirmed & allowed agayne: cōtra∣ry to the decreé of Eugenius: At the very same season the Hū∣garians cōtrary to their othe and fidelitie raysed an armye a∣gaynst Amurathes the Turkishe Emperour, and were ouer∣throwne by him in battell and much Christian bloud spilt. The

King of Hungary was s••ayne, & with him also Iuliane a Car∣dinall. And Huniades himselfe was ouercome to the great de∣cay of Christendome, and reproche of Christian name. From thence the Turk enuadeth Peloponesus, subdued it, & brought it vnder his subiection. Egna••. By meanes of which one bloud∣shed and Turkish victory chiefly, the power of the Christianes was much more weakened then euer before, and all through the treachery of this pope especially.* 1.115 The same Eugenius tea∣zed Lewes the Dolphine of Fraunce to wage battaile agaynst the Heluetians and the Basileanes, where was a mighty and cruell battell fought: whiles Eugenius kept this sturre, the Councell of Basile proceéded neuerthelesse. In the which the Cannon of Pragma was agreéd vpon, confirmed and published before the whole Councell, after the Testimony of Rob. Gagni. in hys 10. booke. Whereunto Constant. Phrigio addeth fur∣ther,* 1.116 saying:

which I would to God (fayth he) had bene hitherto obserued and kept: But whatsoeuer hath any smack of sounde do∣ctrine is abolished.

Thus much he. To this also may be annexed, that which Thom. Rhedonēs.* 1.117 a Frenchman a Carmelite Frier and a Martyr wrate hereof: who because he sayd, that in Rome were many abhominations, and that the Church needed much reformation, and the vnlawfull cursinges of the pope ought not to be feared: was (after many tortures) burned at Rome in the tyme of this same Eugenius in the yeare 1436. out of Anto∣nine and other partes. 3. title: Cap. 10.

I suppose that there is no man now that doth not very playnely perceaue and see (though I would surcesse here to pro∣sequute any more) how men may duely and vprightly esteéme of all this whole Seé and pontificall religion: whiche seémeth for no other purpose erected, but to some discorde, and rayse vppe vproares and Tumultes. Whereupon it seemeth so much the more straunge to me, that Osorius dare be so shamelesly Im∣pudent, to obiect sectes, and sedicious troubles to our Chur∣ches, sithence himselfe cannot with honesty deny so many cruell and mortall diuisions of factions, so many contentious Sediti∣ons and mutines, to haue sprong vp and continued euen in the innermost bowells of that most sacred Seé, being also of so lōg continuance, and which himselfe cannot by any meanes blotte

out to speake nothing in the meane time of those sectes of errors and wicked doctrine, moyling and turmoyling one agaynst an other in such an vnmeasurable quantitie skattered abroad, that there, is skarse any one thing (wherein they agreé amongst thē∣selues, and differ from vs) but that in the same they flee cleane a∣way, not from vs onely, but from Christ himselfe also.

But to let passe these sectes and factions of the Romanistes. I will tourne agayne to the obiections that do properly touche vs. For thus doth Osorius contend agaynst vs, accusing the Gospell that we professe, on this wise, as though it yelded none other fruits but sectes & troublesome cōmotiōs: And thys he affirmeth commeth to passe, for none other cause, but because we haue shaken of the authoritie of the pope. which if had neuer bene banished, or if might be restored to her auncient estimation in our Churches: These Tu∣multes either had neuer bene, or els might haue easily bene pacified.

All which tend hereunto at the laste, to witte, that we should humbly submit our selues to the Bondage of the Pope: for this is the pleasaunt bayte whereat Osorius would haue vs fayne to be hooked, this is his whole practise and endeuour. But be∣fore hee shall be able to allure vs to that, he must furnishe hys hookes agayne with fresher bayte, somewhat more handsomely couched. For with this touchangle he may fishe a good while, & catch a foole at the last.

But go to, Let vs eyther imagyne and confesse vnto him, that these sectes and Diuisions of opinions do waxe somewhat rawe in many places, after that this romish Authoritie is neglected: what shall he winne thereby? doth he surmise this to be matter sufficient to make vs forsake y^e Gospell of Christ? and to knitt y^e romishe halter vpon our neckes agayne? or doth he iudge it a reasonable matter, (because there want not some in some places that are ouer greedely geuen to sectes and deuisions) that it may not therefore be lawfull for others, which teache sound doc∣trine, to professe boldly before the people the rules, and order of good and honest lyfe? But where hath Osorius gone to schoole for this Logick or Sophistry rather? to frame an argument from that whiche is not the cause, as though it were the verye

cause, and to conclude a meere fallaxe of the Accident,* 1.118 for a true and a knowne matter? which maner disputation if may be admitted, I seé no cause to the contrary, but by the same rea∣son, the Orator Tertullus might seeme to hane had as good a challenge long sithence agaynst the Apostle, as this our Tulli∣an Rhetorician doth now mayntayne agaynst the Lutheranes. For in the Apostles tyme neither wāted stoare of false Apostles, and false brethren, dogges, euill workmen. Philetians, Her∣moginistes Simonistes, and Nicholaitans: neyther was there any lack of faccious Fyrebrāds amōgst the Corinthians, which did practize to withdraw the Galathians from the simplicitie of the engraffed word, fayning themselues to be Iewes, when as in deéde they were nothing lesse. After them ensued Chorinthians which denyed that Christ was come in the flesh: many Anti∣christes. Libertines. Seuerianes. Nouatianes. Sabellianes. Nepotianes. Manicheans. Arryans. Pelagianes. Cataphrigi∣anes & Donatistes. And yet for all this,* 1.119 Christiā Religiō ought neuer y^e worsse to be esteemed by reason of these sects, & trouble∣some faccions, wherewith it was entangled: what one Age of the Church was euer without some such, as entruding them∣selues among the other godly teachers and ministers of the Church, would not now and then minister much matter of dis∣cention, and deuision? for as one maner of wheate doth not fruc∣tifie alike in euery soyle, so can there none so pregnaūt an earth be found, in the which y^e good & carefull husbandman, shall sow the pure and cleane corne of the Euangelicall wheate neuer so carefully, but that the same Enuious man will forthwith creépe in, and throw amongst the same noysome Darnell, and hurtfull weédes: Neither doth the wheate cease therefore to be any more wheate, because it is intermedled with Chaffe, and Darnell. Euen so no more hurtfull is this wilfull and ouerthwart way∣wardnes of cōtrary sectes, to y^e sound doctrine of y^e pure truth. Nay rather it could not appeare to be a true Church at all, vn∣lesse it were assaulted now & then with such kynde of Batterye.

If it were so, that these dissentions of opinions did but nowe onely peepe abroad, eyther by Luther as author, or by anye hys allowance: your obiection perhappes might serue to some pur∣pose. But who hath euer more earnestly or more effectually op∣pugned

those Phanaticall faccions of opinious, then Luther hath done? Let not this accusation of Osorius be filed vppe a∣mongst the other hys false reproches and lyes, vnlesse all y^e wri∣tinges and speaches of Luther euery where, yea and experi∣ence it self do Iustifie my saying to be true. Who did euer more sharpely rebuke y^e seditious vproares of Mūster then Luth. did? who did more seriously & zelously confute y^e frantick articles, and vnreasonable requests of y^e Boores of Germany? whēas not one of all your generation opened his mouth to the contrary, then Luther did? who appeased and pacified their Tumultes, but the Protestantes Lutheranes?* 1.120 what writing can be of more em∣portaunce then that of Luther agaynst the confederates of Mū∣ster? After these sprong vpp also the secte of the Laweles which through Luthers. industry, trauell and wryting, was by and by husht vppe, y^e Author thereof being reclaimed. And it is well en∣ough known, what meanes he vsed for y^e suppressing that tēptes of Carolastadius & the Suenfeldians. Zuinglius in hys booke entitled Elenchus contra Catabaptistas. Caluin. de hereti∣cis: Bullenger of Tiguirine in hys inuectiue agaynst the sectes of our time: the Basileanes against the Georgianes. The Heluetianes, and people of Sauoye and Lumbardie: how seuere and earnest pursuers were all these in rooting out of wic∣ked opinions, how estraunged and alienated from all desire of Faccions, all these I say haue geuen vnto vs notable presidēts and examples therof. And to speak nothing of other Churches, what hath bene done in England long sithence? yea and of late also towardes the ouerthrowing, and confuting of erroneous opinions, Let your Portugall Marchaūt certifie you by letter, your notary what soeuer he be, or in what corner soeuer yee lurcke, whō I suppose to be sent ouer into England, not for any other purpose, but to become Osor. hys spye. Go to, & where is now y^e experience of Osorius, by the wh he hath found out in Lu∣ther (as he sayth) so many sectes, and diuersities of opinions.

But the names of Sects had neuer bene so raked vp toge∣ther, no nor any sound of any such should euer haue bene heard at any tyme. If abode had bene made in the Fayth of the Pope and of the Romanistes. So likewise also I suppose that if weé had not bene diliuered from that Ethnick Paganisme of the old

Idolatrye, this Botche had neuer infected our Churches: ney∣ther had Ierusalem bene euer troubled at anye tyme, vnlesse Christ had bene borne: neyther had so great, and so many swar∣mes of Heretickes flusht abroad, vnlesse the Apostles had prea∣ched the Gospell: why therefore are we not weltered back agayn into that puddle of Paganisme or Iewishnes, hauing shaken a∣way from our shoulders the most sincere and pure religion of Christ, according to the choppe Logicke of Osorius, that wee may shroud our selues safely from the company of those wilde faccious Sectes, and daungerous diuisions?

But (Osorius though fallen away at the last from his tackle of mans experience) hath gathered more courage yet vnto hym, takyng handfast of the Ankerholde of Christ his owne wordes for the proofe of the Popes Chayre: so that nowe this Seé seémeth no more humayne or terrestryall, but hea∣uenly and Angelicall,* 1.121 Affirming that this power is established not by the ordinaūce of man, but chiefly by the very words and ordinaunce of our Lord and Sauiour Christ himselfe. Surely if Osorius can perswade that to be true, he shall beare the bell away. But by what reason will he make it apparaunt vnto vs: not with one, nor with a simple and naked reason but, with a double horned Argument, that shall cutt like a sworde: for besides the authority of holy Scriptures and the Te∣stimonyes of all auncient antiquitie also (whereof he boa∣steth himselfe not a litle skilfull) he affirmeth that he know¦eth it to be true by experience. But go to, it remayneth that you declare vnto vs, what authoritie of the sacred Scripture that is at the length? and wherein that testimony of auncient an¦tiquitie is to be found? Thou must needes attend a whiles, per∣happes he will tell theé hereafter gentle reader: For as now be∣cause Osor. is not at leysure to tell theé, let it suffice theé, that y^e man hath spoken it: and vouchsafe at this present, to interprete all hys speaches to be very Oracles: as sweéte, as honny. And this much hitherto touching the Maiesty of the Seé of Rome.

* 1.122The next vnto this hath he placed in order the obedience that they yelde vnto Princes: which I maruell if any man can reade and not laugh at: so also I beleue sure that Osor. himselfe could not stay but laugh at himselfe: or els doughtles he was dispo∣sed

to dally with vs, when he wrate these wordes so pleasauntly deuised, and so cunningly coulered.* 1.123 But we (sayth he) do not re∣fuse the aucthoritie of any lawfull power. Howe truely you speak herein, & how reuerētly you esteéme of princes how obedi∣ently you behaue your selues to the higher authoritie, and how hūbly you do acknowledge it, and how you refuse no commaun∣dement of the Magistrate: Weé will take a taste, if it please you by the conference of faythfull Historiographers, by the course & affayres of experience whereof the actes & monuments of Princes doe make mencion. Finally by search of antiquitie it selfe, whereof you make your selfe experte and well beseene.

And to beginne first with the Empire of Greece:* 1.124 the lawfull succession whereof contynued from Constantine the founder thereof about 500. yeares more lesse: if y^e Bishop of Rome at y^t tyme would not haue refused to be subiect to the authoritie of the higher powers: why then did Hadriane, and after him Leo 3. (hauing rooted out the kingdome of Desiderius and the Lom∣bardes contrary to their faith an allegiaunce) presume to be so hardye, as to pluck away the imperiall maiesty afterwardes from the right and true heyres? vnto the whiche aswell they the Bishops thēselues as also all the Italiane Natiō had submitted and obliged them selues by othe, no lesse then the Greékes: and why did they at theyr owne appointemente trāslate the same frō the Greékes to the Frenche nacion? And although Charles him self,* 1.125 vnto whom the Diademe Imperiall was geuen, seéme wor∣thy to be registred amongst the most vertuous & famous Prin∣ces, as one that endued the Church of Rome with greatest treasures possessions and liberties: Yet was not that cause suf∣ficient, wherefore the maiestie of the sacred Empyre should beé vyolated and oppressed with manifest iniuries, Namely: sithēs the ouerthrow of that state, could not choose but draw after it wonderfull troubles, & rancour of hartes. Which thing happe∣ned in very deéd not long after. For euen by the meanes thereof chiefly it came to passe, y^t not only the Emperours of the East & West were enflamed agaynst ech other with perpetuall, deadly, and vnquenchable hartburning, hatred and enmity, but also that Greéce (being left naked of those helpes) became an open Road to the Turkes and Sarracens: for the suppressing of whose pow∣ers,

and recouery of which countrey,* 1.126 I knowe not whether the whole power of y^e Romanistes (when they haue retched it to the vttermost) will be euer able to preuayle: But to admitte that this translation of the Empyre came either of the speciall proui∣dence of God, or to attribute the same to the worthines of Ca∣rolus, or the Necessitie of the tymes, or to mittigate the matter with some plausible and colourable excuse: Yet is not this ex∣crable sawcines of these Romish Bishopps sufficiently accqui∣ted hereby, which durst be so presumptuously arrogant at that tyme, or the Popes of this present, which do imagine that their authoritie (which they claime from Peter) may priuileadge their insolent vsurpacion ouer the kingdomes of the earth, and theyr iniurious transposing them where they liste, nor doth waraunt their shamelesse challenge of lineall succession in the same au∣thoritie, as deriued from Peter himselfe vnto their Successors. But to release them of this quarrell: let vs proceede to that which doth ensue.

The State of Greece therefore being on this wise rent and torne a sunder, the Maiesty of the French Empire begann from thenceforth to aduaunce it selfe: whiche being as yet freé from the Tyranny of the Pope did preserue the royaltye of the Ma∣iestye by their owne prowesse well enough: yet could it not gard it selfe altogether so safely, but that it was now and then circum∣uerted with the fraudulent crampes and iniurious practises of this Sacred Seé. For whereas it was established by most aun∣cient ordinaunce euen from the tyme of Constantine the great, That it should not be lawfull for anye persone throughout all Christendome to take vpon hym the dignitie of a Bishop, vnlesse the Imperiall Maiesty beyng thereunto sollicited, had ratified the Election:* 1.127 whereas also the very same ordinaunce was con∣cluded vpon and confirmed betwixt Hadrian and Charles the great, that the Pope should hold him contented with his By∣shoppely preminence, and authoritie ouer the Clergye and administer the thinges that appertayned to the fūction of a Bi∣shoppe, to the preaching of sound doctrine, and the regyment and direction of ecclesiasticall discipline: but the Interest and authoritie of choosing and appoynting Bishoppes, shoulde be specially resyant and reserued to the Imperiall Maiesty, and to

hys posteritie according, to the receaued and approued consti∣tucion of hys predecessors: And that no Election of any Bishop not so much as of the pope hymselfe, should be adiudged legiti∣mate, vnles the Emperour had geuen hys consent: nor that it might be likewise lawfull for the pope beyng chosen to call a coū∣sell of Bishops, nor to make anye innouacion or alteration of rites or Ceremonyes of the Church, neyther yet to determine any thing without the aduise and ratification of the Emperour: All these I say, being by auncient custome, long before the time of Constantine the great: approued by custome, established with Iudgement, & enacted by law, decreed vpon afterward by the full cōsent & assent of both partes, not w^tout y^e publique voy∣ces and full acclamacions of the whole Synode, and recorded also as an especiall Decree of the sacred Councell: who coulde euer haue beleaued, that the Bishoppes (which doe owe a most humble and duetifull reuerence to the higher power) would en∣fring, or swarue one title so much from these their owne decreés beyng so cleare, so manifest and so notoriously concluded vpon? But now, such was the tyme that nothing coulde make them to bee myndefull of their duety: not reason, not prescription of antiquitie: not shame, not their oathe and fidelitie: but that they would attempt first to picke a quarrell agayust the same their decreés deliuered by Constantine, concluded vpon with Charles, and with great carefulnes and seueritte mayntayned by the Successors of Charles immediately after the death of Charles, & afterwardes vyolētly to breake thēa sunder, mau∣gre y^e power and Maiesty of the Emperours? As hath bene a∣boundantly declared before in Stephen 4. in Pascalis. 1. Ha∣driane. 2. Martine. 2. Hadriane. 3. and many other the Suc∣cessours of the sayd Hadrian, although that Fraunce seémed in this behalfe somewhat of better courage and constancy in bryd∣lyng the insolency of the Popes, then Germanie was.* 1.128

Afterwardes the whole ofspring of Charles lyne beyng in cō∣tinuaunce of time cleane worne: the Maiestie of y^e Empire was turned ouer vnto the Saxons. Where the same conditions and couenauntes were reuiued by the Emperours Otto the first, and Otto the thryd. For there is extaunt as yet a Decreé remai∣nyng of Recorde amongest the popes Cānones, where the pope

after the example of Hadrian, doth say that he doth geue full power vnto Otto the Emperour, to Elect the pope, to establishe the Seé Apostolicke, and to confirme Bishops: and denounceth withall a great, & greéuous penaltie vpon all them, that would be so hardy as to Consecrate any Bishop without authoritie of the Emperour thereunto first had and obteined. Wherefore all the predecessours of Charles the great, & his successours good Emperours euen vntill the tyme of Otto the thryd, preserued with them selues the chief and onely Iurisdiction of the Popes and Byshops Election inuiolable. And withall conueyed the state of the Empire vnto them selues, either by lawfull succes∣sion, or by approued Election, without all authoritie of the By∣shop of Rome: wherof that Decreé chiefly of Otto the thyrd con∣cluded vpon with Gregory 5. is a very playne and euident de∣monstration: whereby it was generally proclaimed, that from thenceforth all the right and Iurisdiction of Electing the Ro∣maine Emperour should remaine with the Germaines onely:* 1.129 And that it should not be lawfull for the Byshoppe of Rome to create any Emperour, but such as y^e states of Germanie should aduaunce to that dignitie.

These thynges I thought good to recite touchyng the law∣full Election of Emperours and Byshops: to the end the Rea∣der may with lesse difficultie conceaue and Iudge aright of all that shall hereafter be spoken, and of the whole substaunce of the Pontificall obedience. First whereas Osorius doth say, That this power is mainteyned not by any ordinaunce of mā but by the appointement of Christ him selfe. This is easily con∣futed by the Edictes of Emperours mentioned before. By whō it was enacted that the Election of Byshops ought none other∣wise be ratified and legitimate, then by the confirmation of the Maiestie Imperiall. Now touchyng that which he hath anne∣xed in prayse and commendation of the popes obedience: That they do refuse no ordinaūce of any lawfull authoritie: Here∣in me seémeth he speaketh altogether, as though he neuer Read any of the antiquities of the former ages, or monumentes of Hi∣stories. Otherwise who so will vouchsafe diligently to peruse the Actes of the popes, those especially, which succeéded Otto, and Henry the thyrd: what do all their pollitique enterprises,

Counsels and proude contentions emporte? what do they sauor of? whereunto tende they? what denounce they? nay rather what do they proclaime and testifie other then a peruerse wayward∣nesse of a continuall bent rebellion agaynst the lawfull power of the Princes of the earth? And although their arrogaunt insolē∣cy, beyng a long tyme reasonably well snafled by the Greéke and Frenche Emperours (which would yeld them no further prero∣gatiue then the Auncient Constitutions permitted vnto them)* 1.130 could not raunge so licentiously to that hawtynesse and might whereafter they hunted: yet neuerthelesse takyng this yoake of subiection very greéuously, which did foreclose them all passable way to that largesse of Maiesty (whereby they were in hope that they should oppresse the Emperours) they left no occasion vn∣sought, nor flackt any oportunitie offered, which might mini∣ster vnto them some matter of title or clayme, to translate vnto them selues the dispensation of causes Ecclesiasticall, and Ele∣ction of Byshops: for if they could once bring that to passe, they knew it would be matter of no difficultie: either to hinder the Election of the Emperour,* 1.131 that it should not proceéde otherwise then they listed, or to depose them that were Elected, if they li∣ked them not. And hauing attempted this deuise sundry tymes in vayne, at the last after the death of the Emperour Henry 3. they crept couertly into an occasion of colorable entraunce, effe∣ctuall and plausible enough, as they supposed, whereunto they bente all their force, endeuour, & imagination to the vttermost of their power.

Pope Benedict 1. slyly entryng into conference with some of the familiares of the foresayd Henry,* 1.132 immediately vpon the death of Conrade his Father, practized forthwith to dishinhe∣rite him from the Empire, and withall to aduaunce in his place Peter Kyng of Hungary, presentyng vnto him this precious Owch to set on his cappe.

Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa coronam.

The Rocke gaue Rome vnto Peter, and the Pope the Crowne vnto thee.

Henry the 3. beyng dead left behynd him a sonne named Hē∣ry 4. a very babe & tender of yeares.* 1.133 Agaynst this young Prince was a conspiracie practized by certeine State of Saxony, with

whom conspired also many Byshops, but chiefly aboue all the rest Gregory 7. pope of Rome. The Emperour is conuented of heresie, for lewdly disposing the goodes and possessions of the Church, and geuyng Ecclesiasticall promotions to vnworthy personages. This pretence was plausible enough: The Em∣perour is cited to Rome to defende his cause, and by the Pope adiudged to penaunce, namely: That renouncyng his Imperi∣all dignitie, he should doe penaunce dayly, by the space of one whole yeare at the Church doore as Peter & Paule:* 1.134 yea besides this also: that barefooted and barelegged he should personally crooch and creépe to kisse the popes feéte: whiles this pageaunt was playeng, the meane while Rodolphe Duke of Saxon is suborned to inuade the Empire, vnto whō the Diademe is sent with this Inscription.

Petra dedit Petro, Petrus Diadema Rodolpho,

The Rocke gaue vnto Peter, and Peter geueth the Dia∣deme vnto Rodolph.

The young Emperour vnderstandyng the matter, dispat∣cheth away into Germany. Rodolphe beyng in fiue battels dis∣confited and put to flight whiles he laye a dyeng, was presented with his right hand which he lost in the battel: which when he beheld he spake to the Byshops that stoode about him after this maner. This is the right hād wherewith I vowed my Fayth to y^e Emperour. Now is the same hand become a witnes and testi∣mony of my breach of fidelity, and detestable treason against my Souereigne, euen by your procurement & prouocation chiefly.* 1.135

After this when the other confederates of the same Saxon conspiracy (whō the pope had inueigled to reuolt) to witte Her∣man of Luxemburgh, Ecbert Marques of Saxon, Duke Otto with his sonnes Conrande and Henry the grosse, Echarde sonne of Ecbert, Vdo, Geberde and others, had suffered lyke punishmentes (the Emperours good fortune alwayes preuai∣lyng) The pope surceased not his practize neuerthelesse:* 1.136 whom sufficed not to teaze straūgers to treason, vnlesse he had seduced the naturall Sonnes of the Emperour, to witte, Conrade the first, and immediatly after his decease, Henry his other Sonne agaynst the Father. Wherepon ensued afterwardes horrible broyles, and at the length the death of the Emperour also.

And yet that vnhappy conspiracy of Henry the Sonne ioy∣ning with the Pope agaynst Henry the Father, happened not happely on his side afterwardes.* 1.137 For when Henry the Sonne did withstād the same inordinate Articles of y^e Byshops, which his Father refused: Lotharius is pricked forewardes agaynst him by new practizes of the pope, euē the same Lotharius whō agaynst his Fathers will he had made Duke of Saxon before: who mainteining y^e quarell of y^e pope, after that he vanquished y^e army of Henry y^e 5. the Emperour now left destitute of frēdes, and throughly weried out with the continuall trechery of the Byshops, was constrayned to relent, and yeld ouer his right.

The Emperours therfore beyng thus weakened, and for the most part brought vnder subiectiō: immediatly began to spryng vp the Absolute power and Monarchy of the pope,* 1.138 about the yeare. 1094. by the speciall practize of Hildebrand and Vr∣bane 2. which did forbyd that no man from thenceforth should receaue any Ecclesiasticall promotiō (they call it Inuestiture) of any Temporall Authoritie. Whē they had accomplished this with effect, they began to attempt an other matter much more waighty, to witte, that they, to whom the Byshops did owe due obedience before, should now become the popes Uassalles, and stand at his courtesie. For wheras the Byshops were so sub∣iect to y^e Emperour hitherto, that no Election of any pope could be holden legitimate if the Emperour had not ratified it: And a∣gayne whereas alwayes heretofore the lawfull authoritie of the Imperiall Succession was deriued from the Fathers to the Sonnes, without any graunt, allowaunce, or confirmation of the pope: These Sacred and holy Fathers outragiously boy∣lyng with an inward charitable zeale to vnlade the Princes of that heauy burden of authoritie, and to lay it vpon their owne shoulders: what do they? forsooth vnder colour of false surmise both horrible agaynst God, and outragiously presumptuous a∣gaynst men, they pretende y^t this authoritie to erect and set vppe earthly Empires and kyngdomes, and to dispose, and trāspose them at their pleasure, where, when and to whō they listed, was geuē & cast vpon them frō aboue, not by any terrene ordinaunce but euen by Christ him selfe: and that it was now no more law∣full for any man to clymbe to the state Imperiall, but at the

will and lawfull Election of the Pope. And hereof are many Decreés extaunt abroad shamefully forged by them, and much more shamefully countenaunced and faced out.

* 1.139The Maiestie of the Empire beyng thus brought in subie∣ctiō, and worne quite out of countenaunce: the intollerable arro∣gancy of the Byshops grew to such outrage, that not contented to haue pluckt out their owne neckes out of the colier of lawfull obedience, drew also vnto them selues, the Emperours interest & lawfull authoritie, in creatyng the Pope, in enstallyng of By∣shops, in callyng of Councels, in disposing Ecclesiasticall pro∣motiōs, finally in administryng all Ecclesiasticall matters: and the Emperours them selues beyng thus made subiect vnto thē after a most execrable sort, did moyle, turmoyle, & oppresse: en∣forcyng them not onely to sweare allegeaunce, and obediēce vn∣to them, but to prostrate them selues to kisse euen their stinkyng feéte also: extollyng and magnifieng their owne absolute power and Monarchy in the meane space aboue all the kyngdomes of the earth, gloriously vauntyng that the Imperiall Maiesty was seuēty tymes seuen tymes Inferiour and baser then the glory of the Popedome was:* 1.140 alledging this similitude for a speciall Ar∣gument, that as God (sayd they) had created two great lightes in the firmament: and as the creation of heauen and earth had not two begynnynges but one begynnyng: Euen so now was left nothyng for the Emperour, no not in the lowest Sphere of the world, wherein he might beare any preéminence, but that the whole Chaos of all power generally seémed to be fast locke vp, and ensealed within one onely begynnyng. And that the pope of Rome onely (if we may beleéue the Popes Parasites)* 1.141 must now be Lord of Lordes, and Kyng of Kynges, to whō is due the ful∣nes of all power, & more then Princely authoritie ouer all ma∣ner of subiectes. All which beyng so vndoughtedly true, ratified with the generall consent of all Historiographers, that no man can be able to deny it: I beseéch you Osorius by your beautyfull foreheaded, if you haue not rubbed all shamefastnes away from it: where is shame become? where is fayth? where is Catholicke obedience so many tymes bragged vpon by you? wherewith you affirme boldly, that you do not refuse the commaūdement of any lawfull authoritie? for the cōfutation of which wordes of yours,

what shall I say vnto you? so much as the liues of them, whō you defend most, do most of all bewray you to be a great lyar, though I held my peace. Chronicles and Hystories are full of examples, complainyng of no one thyng more greéuously, then of a certeine singular, continuall, and vnappeasable rebellion of this your holy order, agaynst the lawfull Magistrates.

Call to remembraunce Osorius how discretly and humbly Pope Iohn the 12.* 1.142 of that name behaued him selfe: who conspi∣ryng first with Berengarius the 3. & afterwardes agayne with his sonne, most trayterously supported their treachery agaynst Otto the first, beyng the lawfull Magistrate: And how after∣wardes beyng sommonned to the Councell by the Emperour, he disobeyed his lawfull commaundement and refused to come. And for that cause beyng deposed from his Ecclesiasticall fun∣ction, by the generall consent of the whole Councell, did not yet so geue ouer his trayterous practizes agaynst the lawfull Ma∣iesty. Anno. 963.

It would make a great Uolume to gather together all y^e se∣ditions and contentions one after other, that happened betwixt the Emperoures & the Popes afterwardes.* 1.143 I will here & there touche and runne ouer some, as many as shall suffice for the pre∣sent purpose. And first of all. What shall I speake of Gregory the 7. of whom I can neuer speake sufficiently enough. Who af∣ter that he had contrary to the auncient Decreés, and receaued custome of y^e Elders, wrested & wroong out of the handes of the Emperour Henry the 4. all right of chusing the Pope, of dispo∣sing the promotions of the Church, & of callyng Councels, not satisfied as yet with this horrible treason, agaynst the Imperi∣all Maiestie: Rusheth moreouer most furiously like a brute sa∣uadge Tyger, agaynst the Emperour his own person, thunde∣reth out excommunications agaynst him: dispencing with his subiectes for their Oathe of allegiance, which they had sworne vnto him: what shall I say that this most arrogaunt Mastigo would scarse after threé dayes admit to come within the walles of Canusium the Emperour him selfe,* 1.144 with his Empresse and young Sonne, threé dayes (I say) submittyng them selues bare¦footed and barelegged, in frost and snow, at the gates of the Ci∣tie. And yet beyng not herewith contented, did notwithstanding

not absolute him from his fault, which was none at all, without doing a whole yeares penaūce. Besides all this the greédy Cor∣moraunt beyng not yet with all these reprochefull iniuries fully gorged, became so monstruously madd, as to prouoke by all meanes possible Rodolphe Duke of Sue••ia to driue him out of his Empire in the yeare. 1074.

Not long after this Gregory succeéded Vrbane 2. & Pasca∣lis: wherof the one did teaze Conrade sonne & heyre of the same Emperour by his first wife,* 1.145 to wage warre agaynst his natu∣rall Father: the other after that Conrade was slayne, enlured Henry the 5. his other sonne vnto like outrage agaynst his own Father the Emperour. In the yeare. 1300. O miraculous and Catholicke reuerence towardes y^e higher powers: to speake no∣thyng in the meane tyme of the warres that Pascalis maintey∣ned agaynst Ptolome, and Stephen Cursus a Romane Citizen of great power: and agayne how the same Pope prouoked An∣selme Archb. of Canterbury to pricke proudely and insolently agaynst Henry 1.* 1.146 Kyng of England.

After the death of the Emperour Henry the 4. succeéded in the Empire Hēry the 5. who beyng no more courteously entrea∣ted of Pascalis, and Gelasius 2. and of Albert Arch. of Meniz (through whose deadly practizes, and infinite seditiōs the Em∣perour beyng throughly worne out) was driuē at the last to that extremitie, that maugre his hart, he must agreé to the Popes commaundement,* 1.147 yeld to his will, stand to his courtesie, and de∣liueryng ouer y^e preéminence of the Imperiall scepter, was cō∣strained of necessitie, to thrust his necke into y^e yoake of the Pon∣rificall tyranny. 1122.

By meanes of which submission and yeldyng of Henry 5. it is scarse credible to be spoken, how monstruously these holy Fa∣thers raysed their crestes, what outragious attēptes they pra∣ctized afterwardes, whereby they might bryng to passe to haue the Empire vtterly troden vnder their feéte, which them selues had miserably wasted, and taken out of the Emperours handes before: and withall how they might reteigne vnto them selues the authoritie of y^e keyes of the whole Church, wherof they had vnlawfully likewise dispoyled the Emperour; pretēding an au∣thoritie from aboue geuen vnto them by Christ him selfe: where∣by

they were made Lordes my Iudges of all Churches, By∣shops, Pastours, Kyngs, finally Lordes of whole Christēdome in all causes aswell Ecclesiasticall as Temporall: Whereupō they enforced the Byshoppes to purchase their Election at the popes handestand to these keyes they annexed freé and absolute power to ordeyne, dispence with, and to coyne new lawes: the breach and violatyng of the which must be taken for as haynous offence, as if they had Sinned agaynst the holy Ghost, according to the Decreé of Demasus. For euen so they spake of them sel∣ues:* 1.148 besides this also they armed them selues with those terri∣ble gunneshottes of Excommunications, of Decreés, enioy∣nyng of penaunce, and cursinges: and withall did rake vnto them selues a certeyne Heauenly power out of the very Hea∣uens,* 1.149 and exercized the same vpon the earth, so that from thence forth no humane creature might be so hardy, as once to mut∣ter agaynst this new vpstart Peacocke (whereupon the De∣cretalles of Gratian had bestowed no small plumes of gay glit∣teryng feathers) euen now hatched and peépyng abroad at the first, to establish an absolute monarchy & power by the Decreés & Councels of Byshops (of let purpose as it were) to ouerthrowe the Maiesty Imperiall.* 1.150

Now these holy Fathers beyng thus throughly garded with this munition and engynes, hauyng also subdued the highest power of y^e world, do begyn to bende their force agaynst the In∣feriour powers & Potentates. And first Innocent 2.* 1.151 choppes away at one blow the auncient order & dignitie of Senatours of Rome, and doth besiege Rogerius in the Castell of Gallucius, in the yeare. 1130.

How execrable y^e insolency was of Alexander 3.* 1.152 & the Car∣dinalles agaynst Fridericke Barbarossa, agaynst whom beyng their liege Lord & most worthy Emperour, besides horrible thū∣der••rakes of curses, they raysed all Italy, and the Venetians, is well knowen to all men by the Hystory thereof. Anno. 1159.

But I can not tell whether the vnmeasurable insolency of Hadriā the 4. did exceéde the outragies of all the rest. Who first sweépyng the Citie cleane from all Consuls, & dignitie of Con∣sulshyp, did challenge vnto him selfe the whole and onely supe∣rioritie, and rule ouer all: By meanes wherof grew wonderfull

disturbance, and disquietnes. After this the same Pope d••d with a sterne countenaunce behold Frederick Themperour, because he did vnaduisedly take the lefte styrrope in hys hand when hys holines alighted from horseback, and was greuously offended w^t hym for the same. Not long after he arereth wonderfull tra∣gedies agaynst William the Prince and lawfull heyre of Apu∣lia, perswading Frederick agaynst hym first: And because heé could not winne Themperour thereunto: he prouoketh Emanu∣ell the Emperour of Greece to bidd him battell. In which Bat∣tell Emanuell was ouerthrowne, and the Pope taken prisoner: Peace beyng forthwith cōcluded with William: within a whiles after the sayd Pope beyng wonderfully wrothe agaynst Them∣perour (because in hys letters he wrate hys owne name before the popes, and because he presumed to sweare the Bishoppes of hys owne prouince to keepe their due allegeaunce vnto hym, without consent of certaine Cardinalles) he teazed all the Ci∣ties of Italy for the most part to a traytorous reuolte, and to this confederacie conspired also the more part of the Cardi∣nalles together with the pope,* 1.153 he himselfe skattereth abroad terrible flashes of flaming excommunications. Finally the con∣spiracye is ratified with a solemne oathe: namely. That if the Pope should dye none should be admitted into the Election, ex∣cept he were a confederate of this faction: by meanes whereof the knotte of this sacred societie, might neuer be seuered. But loe a straunge chaunce, whiles our holy father is most busie a∣bout hys excommunications, and cursinges, a flye slippyng downe into hys throate,* 1.154 stopt vppe hys pypes, and choaked him to death, in the yeare 1159.

After the death of Adriane, the sentence of the cursse remai∣nyng yet in force: Frederick addresseth to the Colledge of Car∣dinalles, that the sentence may be determined. But Alexan∣der the Pope would not suffer Iudgement to proceede,* 1.155 who as thē had teazed vp the Myllanoyes agaynst Cesar, and ouer∣ranne Italy it selfe with a very bloudy battell. In the which, the Citie of Myllayne was rased to the ground, and Genua put to the sack, ouer and besides many thousandes of Romane Ci∣tizens slayne. The Pope betaketh him to his heéles and esca∣peth away by flyght: whom whiles Otto the Emperours some

doth pursue by Sea, falling himself in the handes of hys Ene∣mie, was brought captiue into Uenice to the Pope: Through which mischaunce, Themperour enforced to conclude a peace, was driuen to yelde to very hard and straight conditions: And though he prostrated him selfe in Uenice at the Popes feete, the Monster neuerthelesse not contented with this humble submis∣sion of Themperour, besides this treadeth very contumeliously vpon Themperors necke with hys feete:* 1.156 commaunding to beé proclaymed Super aspidem & Basiliscum ambulabis. &c. Albeit neyther the Emperour himself in this humble submission could altogether suppresse hys heroicall courage, but vttering agayn a singular president of a worthy personadge, answered y^e Pope on this wise. Non tibi sed Petro: noting hereby, that this honor what soeuer so humbly offered,* 1.157 was not done for any feare heé had of the Tyraunt, but for the reuerence that he did owe vnto Peter: whom the Pope with open mouth entercepted most ar∣rogantly saying. Et mihi & Petro. This was done in the yeare 1177.

I beseéch you hartily Syr Ierome: if you neuer haue reade these Monumentes, where is that knowledge of yours in An∣tiquities, whereof ye bragge so much? But if you will confesse that you haue read them: what maner of obedience to higher po∣wers is this whereof you write? We do refuse no commaun∣dement of the Lawfull power. How truely ye speake, let this one History besides infinite other examples teach you. Wher∣in enter I pray you into a due cōsideratiō of both y^e personages, of Themperour & of the Pope, and marke well their speaches, the gestures and behauiour of them both: If any thing could beé added to expresse y^e singuler lenitie and humilitie of thone, or the Monstrous Luciferlike Insolency and arrogancy of that other: were it possible to finde a more notable paterne of vn∣speakeable pryde in kyng Tarquin, or Leo y^e proud? Finally in any other mighty Monarche, or in Lucifer himselfe? And yet y^e same Lucifer being the Prince and Captayne of all pride, durst not Michaell Tharchaungell reproche with any word of des∣pight, whiles they disputed together about the body of Moses. But attempering the intemperate heate of speaking euill, vsed this speach.* 1.158 Let the Lord rebuke the (sayth hee) If it were not

lawfull for Michaell to speak reprochefully to the Deuill, what shall we say vnto thē, which blushe, not not onely to speake euill, and cursse the higher powers and Emperors (to whome for the authoritie of their maiesty, they ow•• due reuerence and obedi∣ence) but also most shamefully treade with their feéte and heéles vpon the neckes of them, whose feéte Christ himselfe (if had bene presēt) would not haue disdayned to washe, & wype cleane with some clothe? Nazianzē can in no wise disgest the execrable hau∣tines of such as (cōtemning the authoritie of the higher powers to the which they ought of duety assubiect themselues) will pre∣sume so proudly to pearch through intollerable pryde, to make thēselues their coequalles: speaking on this wise. It is the pro∣perty of all euill seruauntes to renounce mastershippe, and to rebell agaynst superioritye, and that which is superiour in degree to make fellowlyke vnto themselues.* 1.159

But what would Nazianzen haue sayd, If he had bene pre∣sent with Theodore the Marques, and had beholden this good∣ly spectackle: and this so highe authoritie of the maiestie it selfe, not onely prostrate at the Popes feete, but troden vpon also with the durty heeles, of so proud a caterpiller? would hee not haue cryed out with open mouth (being troubled with the straū∣genesse of the matter) that very Antichrist was come playnly & personally to be seene?

We haue spoken of Frederick the first: not much vnlike vn∣to whom may the troublesome estate of Frederick the second be adiudged,* 1.160 sauing that thone seémed to be entangled with two Leopardes onely, and this endured the continuall assaultes of three most venemous Uypers. For immediately after the death of Innocent the 3. Honor the 3. like a warelike hackster set∣teth vpon Themperour, ruffleth agaynst him with hys cruell Bulles of excōmunication, and cursinges, depriueth him of the title of Emperor,* 1.161 and (as Marius reporteth) raged so furiously agaynst hym, that he supported and mayntayned the rebells that reuolted in Tuscane agaynst the Emperiall maiestie. After him Succeéded a farre more mōstruous Hydre Gregory. 9. a very proud man, a very helhound, whelped for none other purpose but to sowe treachery and treason: who as Frederick was addres∣sing a supply into Asia for the Necessary defence of the Christi∣anes

agaynst the Saracens, calleth him back frō his iourney, immagineth deuises of lettes, pyketh quarrells agaynst hym, and accuseth him of I knowe not what crymes, forceth him to make hys purgation at Rome, putteth him to pennaunce, stir∣reth vppe vnspeakeable conspiraces agaynst hym, wrappeth him in horrible curses, Finally raged in such outrage agaynst him, because he did depart without taking leaue, and not fini∣nishing hys pennaunce, that he sent a countermaund to y^e Chri∣stian armye in Syria, to renounce hym for their Emperour and not to followe hys conduct: finally hee graunted all suche as would fight agaynst him, lyfe euerlasting. The Emperour thus miserably circumuēted with y^e cruell cramps of the Pope, was so hindered from hys iourney, that he coulde by no intercession be released of that blinde and ridicoulous course, before he had with payment of an hundred xx. thousand ounces of golde,* 1.162 stopt the throate of that vnsatiable Prelate, I should rather haue sayd rauening wolfe, in the yeare 1226.

The same may be spoken of Innocētius 4.* 1.163 Who nothing at all degenerating from Gregorius madnes, doth himselfe al∣so no lesse insolently ryde vpon the same Frederick and rayseth vproares agaynst him. For flying to Lyons in Fraunce, doth likewise thunder out new stormes of curses against hym, and af∣terwardes forceth the seuen Electours to choose a new Empe∣rour in the yeare 1240.

With like rage Vrbane the 4. (whom men by nickname called Turbanus) beyng enflamed, did cause the Frenchmen to make a roade into Italy agaynst the Successors of the sayd Fredericke in the yeare 1262.* 1.164 this enterlude beyng played, and Turbanus departed, forthwith stept foorth vpon the stage a fresh lusty ruffler Clement 4. A Byrd of the same fea∣ther, filling the ayre with hys croaking. For he like a iolly Chā∣pion supported by all meanes possible Charles Earle of An∣geow with men & municion, & caused hym to leade a strong ar∣mie into Italy against y^e Nephewes of y^e same Frederick: where Manfredus beyng slayne, Charles by the authoritie of Cle∣ment the pope is proclaymed King of Sicille, and Ierusalem: vnder this condiciō, that he should pay to the Pope euery yeare 40. thousand franckes: This beyng done Conradinus the

Sonne of Conrade true inheritour and King of Sicile chal∣lenging y^e kingdome of his Auncestors,* 1.165 marcheth forward with certayne Ens••gnes of Germaynes a long the Coast of Viterbia: whom the popes holines beholding, spake openly that he was lead like a Lambe to the slaughterhouse: hereupon the Trum∣pets sounding allarme, and the armyes ioyning in fight, & the Traytours discouering their treacherye, Conradinus & Fre∣dericke of Austriche were taken prisoners. The Pope beyng demaunded, what he would haue done with Conradine, aun∣swered like a most horrible Tyger: The lyfe of Conradine (quoth he) is the death of Charles. Whereupon Conradine and Fredericke both after sundrye reprochefull skornes, and villanies, were cutte shorter by the heades, at the commaun∣dement of the Pope, in the yeare. 1268.

* 1.166Thus much of Charles whom Clement 4. did thrust into the kingdome of Sicile: This is the same Charles whom Ni∣cholas 3. (beyng offended with) doth first depriue of the Lieue∣tenauntship of Hetruria. Thē entring into compositions with Peter King of Arragon, allureth him with the fayrest speaches possible to challenge agaynst hys auncyent Title to the King∣dome of Sicile. Whereupon not long after followed wonder∣full slaughter, and a conspiracy agaynst the Frenchmen, who at a watchword geuen by the sound of a Bell, were all slayne in Sicile men, women, and children: which slaughter though were performed in the tyme of Martyne his next Successor, yet was procured and occasioned by the meanes of the same Nicholas: who also entruded vpon y^e dignitie of Senatorshippe in Rome, which hee forcibly had wrested out of the handes of the Ro∣maynes, and the sayd Charles, also into his own possession.

What shall I speake of Martine 4. who beyng a Frenche∣man borne, did mayntayne the confederates of Charles very carefully agaynst Peter king of Arragon, y^e force of wh Charles Pope Nicholas before hym had vtterly suppressed, he sent out against Peter the cursse of excommunication, because he addres∣sed a Nauye agaynst him, the same did he also agaynst Micha∣ell Paloeologus, and raysed warres agaynst the Fryollers: in the yeare 1284.

What shall be sayd of Honorius 4. who also doth excom∣municate

the same Peter of Arragon king of Sicile, sturring vp agaynst him Phillippe King of Spaigne, in which Battell Peter being wounded, dyed within a whiles after. Anno. 1285.

Next vnto these succeedeth Boniface, which may be sayd to be a meete Successor for such predecessors, equall with the proudest of hys forerunners in pryde and in Tyranny: who dra∣wing forth the first thread of hys treason from Celestine the Pope (whom he circumuented by wonderfull crafte and pollicy, and threw out of hys chayre headlong into prison, there keeping him prisoner) straight wayes conuerted all hys furious out∣rage against the Families of Columnensis and Vrsines, as ma∣ny as were of the faccion of the Gibellines, and after a strange & vnspeakable maner of beastlines, casting ashes into the eyes of the Archbishoppe of Genua: was in each respect so farre of to be commended. for the duetifull obedience (wherewith Osor. doth dignifie hys Catholickes so much) as this glorious com∣mendatione vaunted by Osorius is voyde of all truth. But I come agayne to Boniface:* 1.167 who after had first excommunica∣ted Phillippe the Frenche King, did also sundry tymes most proudly put back Albert the Emperour making great suite for hys confirmation, neyther would in any wise confirme him, be∣fore he had promised by couenaunt y^t he should conquer Fraunce and thrust Phillippe out of hys kingdome. And no maruell if this pope could ouerthrow kinges, forasmuch as he challenged y^e prerogatiue of both Gouernemēts, both spirituall & Tempo∣rall, as appeareth in the sixt booke of the decretalles, whiche amongest others Gratiane hath patched together: in the yeare 1294.

Moreouer what shall we say by Clement. 5?* 1.168 Who was so farre of from acknowledging any obedience to y^e lawfull Magi∣strate, that amongst his decreés he enacted that Themperours chosen by the Electours, might be called Kinges of the Ro∣maynes, but could in no wise become Emperours before they had receaued their name and dignitie imperiall of the Pope: be∣sides this also, that after the death of euery Emperour, y^e meane Regiment, vntill the confirmation of a new, ought to be at the order and disposicion of the Pope, and hys Successours one∣ly. 1305.

Next after thys Clemēt. 5. Succeéded Clemēt 6. being en∣dued with no sparcke or more Clemēcy then hys predecessour: vngentle by nature: fierce & full of trouble, who most shameful∣ly abused Ludouicke Thēperour,* 1.169 desturbed y^e Imperiall state vnmeasurably, & did excommunicate all Byshops, and Princes, that held with Themperour: deposed frō y^e Electorship the Arch. of Mentz, because he fauored the Innocency of Themperour, & displaced him frō his Byshoppricke: enforced y^e Archbishoppes of Treuers, and Saxone, to determine vpō an other Emperour to be chosen. And when Themperour sent Embassadours to the Pope to be receaued into fauour, The Pope drew him out an Instrumēt with these cōditions annexed, to witte, that he should confesse the errors and heresies of his Princes, and Cytties, (which were none at all) that he should depart frō his Empyre, and should committe hymselfe, his Children, and all his goodes and possessions to hys mercy, and from thenceforth should neuer meddle with any of them, without hys permissiō and sufferāce. Which articles, albeit Thēperour was not vnwilling to yealde vnto, yet because the Pope perceaued, that the States of the Empyre woulde not accepte it: hys owne sacred holynes vpon Easter day appoynteth an other Emperour Charles 4.* 1.170 At the last Ludouick beyng poysoned (not without the procurement, and practize of this most mercifull Clement) departed thys lyfe as Ierome Marius doth record, within a yeare after the E∣lection of this Charles in the yeare 1347. At the length the same Charles (whom the Pope annoynted Emperour contrary the ordinaunce of all the States) to thend to confirme the dig∣nitie Imperiall to hys sonne and hys Successors, so ioyneth in league with the Electors, what with fayre promises & bribes: that he passeth ouer the reuenewes of Thempyre to the Elec∣tors: & this did he to establishe the Succession in hym and hys posteritie, as Aeneas Siluius doth report. Agayne the Elec∣tors bound the sayd Charles by oathe, that he shoulde neuer re∣quire restitution of those reuenewes agayne: which the Elec∣tors do enioy euen to this day. By meanes whereof it came to passe, that the Romayne Empyre beyng thus embased, and the Reuenewes of the same empayred: The Turkishe outrage hath long sithence freely possessed a great part of Christendome

without resistaunce: and is like to preuayle further yet, for as much as, the power and force of the Christianes beyng rent a∣sunder and skattered abroad, there is now none other power or Potētate, that is eyther able, or dare aduēture to withstand the mighty puyssaunce of that outragious furye. And the verye cause of all these mischiefes haue for the more part issued out frō that pestilent sincke of Rome: who building hys rauenous neast with none other furniture more, then with the scrappes that heé skrapeth together through violent seditious partaking of facti∣ons, and dissentions of Princes, hath brought Christendome to so small a handful now at y^e last, y^t the Christian Princes iarring alwaies emōgest thēselues: do seeme y^t they will neuer be willīg to be at one and agreé togethers, for prouisiō to be made against the Turckes, nor will be able at any tyme to make their par∣tyes good agaynst the cōtinuall inuasuones and Roades whiche this Tyraunt doth dayly make into Christendome. But we haue shewed Recordes and examples sufficient: whiche if be not true: Let Osorius himselfe confute them by hys Antiquitie, whereof he vaūteth so singuler a skill. But if they be most true (as they be in deéde) & if he shall neuer be able to disproue thē: where is now become that wonderfull obedience to the lawfull Magistrate? where is that consideration of the Maiestie, which (as he sayth) refuseth no ordinaunce of the higher power? but doth yelde that vnto Cesar that belongeth to Cesar, & y^t vnto God y^t is due vn∣to God? he addeth moreouer: For we beleeue, according to the testimony of Paule, that lawfull Magistrates are so esta∣blished by the ordinaunce of God, that he that resisteth the lawfull aucthoritie outh to be adiudged not so much to resiste man, as to resiste God himselfe. If these wordes were as hartyly and vnfaynedly vttered as you professe honorably in wordes, I meruayle thē frō whēce came that so cruell rebellion,* 1.171 of that Ecclesiasticall Seignorie, agaynst the Superiour pow∣ers? and from whence those mōstruous turmoyles of Empires, and so execrable alterations of States, these many hundred yeares came at the first? The principall causes of all whiche tumultes, commotiōs, and alterations, ••prang from no where els, then fromout that boyling fornace of the Popes canckered contumacye, agaynst their liege Lordes, and Emperoures.

From hence came the warres of the Emperour Henry the 4. & 5. then of Fridericke 1. and 2. from hence the battell of Ludo∣wicke of Bauiere, and Ludowicke of Austriche. In which vp∣roares the Maiestie of the kyngdomes was not onely violated, the power of the same weakened, & Princes combatyng against ech other (like the brethren of Cadmus) destroyed: but Churches also were miserably torne, and many godly consciences driuen into greéuous anguish of minde, and most perillous staggering vncerteintie, through these outragies of the Byshops: who to extoll and enlarge their false forged dominion (conceaued by as false forged opiniō) were in effect the very cankers and botches of the Church, and of all Europe besides.

What stroake then shall the authority of Paule (who forbid∣deth all resistaūce) beare amongest these ruffling Prelates? who delightyng and sporting them selues priuely to seé Princes and their Subiectes together by the eares,* 1.172 and to rende and teare a sunder common weales, and the publique peace and tranquili∣tie of the Church with Ciuill discentiōs, seditious Bulles, and pestilent Libelles: who through their priuiledges and immuni∣ties, exemptyng them selues from publique Iustice, and Ciuill Lawes, do vse, abuse, Monarches and Tetrarches, lyke bonde∣slaues, after their owne lust and pleasure: do blesse them: curse them: commaunde them: intreate them, rewarde them, punish them: allow, disallow: set vp, set downe, treade vpon with the heéles, yea with their Papane power and Maiesticall preroga∣tiue, cast downe into hell: betray thē & poyson thē: how true this report is the Grecian, Frēch and Germany Emperours, play∣ne patternes of their fury doe euidently and aboundauntly de∣clare:* 1.173 the smart therof felt Chilpericke the French kyng, whom the Pope deposed from his kingdome, and thrust into a Monc∣kery. Henry the 2. kyng of Englād,* 1.174 whose Princely crowne ta∣kē frō his head you reteigned by the space of foure dayes. Iohn kyng of England, who was first driuen out of his kyngdome by Pope Innocent 3. & at the length poysoned by a Monke. He∣nry 7. Emperour of Germany, whom ye destroyed by poyson, as ye did Victor likewise,* 1.175 whose lyfe also a certeine Relligious lo∣zell of your owne order cut short of, a white or a blacke Moncke (for he was a Dominicane Friar) by ministryng vnto him the

Sacrament dypped before in deadly poyson. What shall I say of Phillippe the French kyng,* 1.176 agaynst whom Pope Boniface 8. did procure Edward kyng of England to mainteyne mortall warres? what shall I speake of Henry 6.* 1.177 Emperour of Rome agaynst whom as rebelles reuolted the Byshop of Collen and Leodicensis, in which tumult Leodicensis was slayne. And for breuities sake to passe ouer infinite other Dukes and Princes of Sycile, Arragon, Tuscane, Calaber, Naples, Venice Ger∣many, Fraunce, England, Boheme, Italy, Rome, Emperours, Kynges, Princes, Marquestes, Dukes, Counsellours, Sena∣tours, Consuls, whom I dare auow were neuer more horribly molested in all their whole lyues, then through the malice & tre∣chery of your holy Fathers, and their fraternitie: So that this whole Seé of yours may seéme to haue attayned that loftyness of absolute power and sole superioritie to none other end, then to teare, rende abroad, and dissipate lawfull authorities Poten∣tates, and Magistrates, established by the ordinaunce of al∣mighty God.

What happened but of late dayes by the attēpt of Pius the 2. I thinke is not yet slipt out of your remēbraunce,* 1.178 who would not graūt to the cōfirmation of the Bishop of Iseberg. vnlesse he would promise that y^e Bishop of Mentz should neuer assemble y^e Electours before the Pope were made acquainted, yea & gaue his cōsent thereto. Which if the pope might haue cōpassed once, doughtlesse he had wonne the spurres for the suppressing of the authoritie of the Electours for euer. This insolēcy the Byshop of Iseberg. did stiffely oppugne: whom (beyng for the same scor∣ched with the horrible lightening of the popes curses, & deposed from his Byshoppricke) the Palatine Fridericke vndertooke to defend in this righteous and lawfull cause,* 1.179 apperteinyng to the state of the Electours and sauety of Germany. By meanes wherof when the matter came once to handy stroakes, the iust and righteous cause preuailed. Now I beseéche you Osorius. Such as challenge vnto them selues a Lieutenauntshyp not of one Citie onely, but of the whole world: such as teach that Em∣perours do not reigne of them selues, but vnder the Pope: such as affirme that all right to create Kynges and Princes doth be∣long vnto them selues: were these persons euer of the mynde to

geue due honor to the high powers, whenas they acknowledge no power on earth aboue them selues? whenas of late yeares Pope Clement the 7.* 1.180 bent his thunderboltes of excommunica∣tion agaynst Henry the 8. Kyng of England: whenas also of late Pope Pius 5.* 1.181 waxed very wroch agaynst our most Souereigne Lady Queéne Elizabeth, and threw out agaynst her his truell curse, and seditious Bull: whenas he cutteth her of frō her Re∣gall dignitie, and the congregation of Christians: assaulteth her with slaunders and reproches: nameth her pretensed Queéne: proclaimeth her refuge for runneagates: whenas he procureth her subiectes to become traytours and teazeth them to armes a∣gaynst their naturall Princesse: yea whenas he releaseth them in this behalfe of their Oathe of allegeaunce: do these Prelates obey the counsell of Paule•• Wherein euery soule is commaunded to submitte it selfe to the highe powers? Which place of Paule Chrisostome interpretyng. Doth say that not onely Byshoppes. Prophetes and Euangelistes, but also the Apostles them selues are subiect to the same law.

Let vs briefly runne ouer the remnaunt of Osorius Fable.* 1.182 So that hereof it cōmeth passe that we doe Decree that nor onely the Cannons of the Byshops, but also the ordinaun∣ces of Princes (beyng not directly contrary to the Lawes of God) ought to be obeyed most duetyfully. To this end ten∣deth his talke: to witte•• That these holy Fathers may not seéme 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; to warre against God. For whosoeuer resisteth the law∣full Magistrate resisteth God. And therfore you do decreé, that the ordinaunces and lawes of Princes (beyng not contrary to the lawes of God) ought to be as duely obserued, as the Popes Decrees. But you may pype vppe this kynde of cater∣brawle Osorius to such as are not yet well acquainted with your Catholick maskings, in some other world if it please you, in Noua Hispania, or els in Calecute. For with vs thinke not to finde any so foolish to follow you fantasticall all deuise, and to cre∣dite your affirmatiōs: who being ouermuch enured to your ing∣glyngs, are sufficiently instructed in those your wyly beguilye & are to well acquainted with your ambitious hawtynes, your continuall cruell combattes with Princes, your suppressing of Kynges, your exemptions from politique and Ciuill lawes: so

many hundred yeares. Now that you haue brought to passe by your vnmeasurable and vnsatiable Tyranny,* 1.183 that the Monar∣ches and chief Potentates of this world are become subiectes & vassalles vnder your authoritie, daryng not to mutter, no nor so much as to hisse once agaynst your cōmaundementes, vnlesse your fatherhoodes gape vpon thē: Osor. like a fine man steppeth forth, endeuouryng to persuade w^t his sweéte eloquēce, that all y^e Packe of their Popish priesthoode is already trussed vpp, & offe∣reth it selfe alwayes most humbly applyable to all the ordinaū∣ces, & Commaūdemētes of Princes, and higher powers, which are not repugnaunt agaynst the lawes and ordinaūces of God.

But come of now, let vs take a tast of this your Seraphi∣call obedience, and let vs set down for example, that which may come to passe hereafter, or at least that, which is hartely wished for to come to passe in deéde. Put the case, that this your noble Sebastian Kyng of Portingall (whom for the reuerence I beare him, I name a puissaunt Prince) should geue you an ex∣presse commaundement, that all Idolles, Pictures, and Ima∣ges should be pluckt out of your Churches. Surely this com∣maundement were nothyng disagreable to the ordinaunce of God: I beseéch you tell me, what would Osorius do here? would he obey the commaundemētes? I dare scarsely beleéue him. But there is no such matter commaunded by your kyng, nor shall e∣uer be commaunded. What your Prince shall do hereafter nei∣ther doe you know your selfe Osorius, neither am I inquisi∣tiue to knowe whereabout your Noble Kyng of Portingall doth bestew his tyme at this presēt: but I speake what he ought to do. And what if the Lord (in whose handes are the hartes of Princes) do by secret inspiration of the holy Ghost, enduce him to cōmaunde it at one tyme or other: The Pope (say you) would not permit it: yea Syr, I do beleéue this in deéde. And therfore y^e king should not aduēture to geue any such attempt, though he were wholy bent thereunto: Neither would Osor. obey, though he did it. Yet surely the word of God would permit it, though the Pope and all his Cardinalles do spurne and kicke agaynst it. In the meane tyme, O wonderfull authoritie of Kynges in those Nations, and O miraculous obedience of Catholickes: whereas neither Princes are at libertie, to enact and establish

that in their owne common weales, that they ought to do: nor is lawfull for the Subiectes to obey their Princes lawes, in mat∣ters approued by the word of God, vnlesse the Popes authori∣tie beyng farre higher then either the authoritie of man, or pow∣er of God, be obteyned first. By whose crafty deuises, after that the Lordes and Princes be forced to that issue, that it may not be lawfull for them, to institute any ordinaunce, but such as shall please the Byshops, and Priestes: then are all those shaue∣lynges at elbow by and by, to execute whatsoeuer their Princes commaunde them: whenas the Princes may not commaunde a∣ny thyng in deéde, but as they shalbe guided (and lead as it were by the lippe) of their owne Subiectes. O singuler & superexcel∣lent obedience of such Subiectes towardes their Magistrates.

Departyng a whiles frō Portingall, let vs turne out penne towardes Spayne, though swaruyng but litle frō the question. Not many Monethes agoe arriued there an English Shyppe richly laden with English wares, & in the same besides sundry Passengers, were xx. Mariners more or lesse: who beyng vn∣der sayle on Seaborde, did worshyp the Lord after their coun∣trey maner,* 1.184 in their owne mother toung. This shyppe whether carried in her right course, or forced by Tempest, arriued at the length vpon the coast of Spayne: The Shippe had scarse thrust her nose into the Hauen, but by what occasion, I know not, the holy Inquisitours beyng flocked together flew into the shyppe. They Sommon the Mariners to appeare before the Inquisi∣tion, and by constraint of oathe enforced them to shew the bookes of their Common Prayers: hereupon threw into prison. Queéne Elizabeth hauyng intelligēce of the matter, addresseth Letters vnto Kyng Phillippe for the deliuery of her Subiectes: The Kyng desirous to graunt her request, made aunswere, that there wanted no good will in him to do what he might, to the vt∣termost, and that he had also to his power and Princely authori∣tie, entreated for them very earnestly:* 1.185 but that the Maiestie of the Sacred Inquisition in his kingdome was of such force, that him selfe must neédes be obedient vnto it: do ye not seé here a no∣table kyng Osorius? who may commaunde nothing, more in his kyngdome, thē shall like the subiectes: are ye wont in this sorte to obey the cōmmaundement of your kyngs? Yes ye obey in deéde,

but such ordinaunces, as your selues do make,* 1.186 not such as they commaunde: nor do ye otherwise obey, then as it may serue your owne turnes, and when you list your selues.

About fiue hundred yeares sithence, more or lesse, how fewe kyngs haue bene in this litle Brittaine, that haue not bene greé∣uously molested by beggerly Monckes? and amōgest all others by the Monckes of Caūterbury chiefly? how insolently did An∣selme withstand William Rufus,* 1.187 and Henry 1. kynges of Eng∣lād? how proudly did Theobald behaue him selfe agaynst kyng Stephen?* 1.188 How great & vnspeakeable Tragedies played Tho∣mas: Archb. of Caunterbury agaynst Henry 2.* 1.189 Which Tho∣mas your holy fathers for his treachery and Treason haue shry∣ned for a Sainte? The Byshop of Elye an execrable Traytour not onely to kyng Richard 2. his own person,* 1.190 but to all the No∣bilitie of England besides, it is a wonder to seé, what a sturre he kept: No man is ignoraunt of the manifold iniuries that kyng Iohn suffred at the handes of Stephen Langton.* 1.191 No lesse tray∣terous was Edmund Archb. of Canterbury agaynst Henry the 3.* 1.192 Which Henry succeéded Edward his sonne, whom Iohn Peccham resisted wonderfull obstinately,* 1.193 leauyng after him a successour Robert:* 1.194 who degeneratyng nothyng at all from his successours trechery, was at continuall iarre with the kyng, ech of them an Archbishop, eche of them a Traytor to the Maiestie. What shall we say of Gualter the Archb?* 1.195 whom sufficed not to take away Adrian Byshop of Herford frō the Temporall Iud∣ges, in despight of the kyng, and his Counsell, and to set him at libertie vnpunished: but he must also become a confederate of Queéne Isabels conspiracy agaynst kyng Edward the 2. And to passeouer in y^e meane space the sundry outragies, conspiracies, and seditions agaynst their owne Princes by Ludeines of that coate: was there euer so beggerly a Moncke, or so lowsie a cowled lozell that (being supported by the popes authoritie, and armed with the granneshotte of his excommunicatiō) would not quickely contemne, and set at nought any Potentate, or Magi∣strate, were he neuer so mighty? Whereas an auncient custome was established by solemne consent amongest the auncient anti∣quitie, that Byshopprickes, & the dignities and possessiōs Ec∣clesiasticall should not be disposed and geuen, but by speciall cō∣firmation

of Kynges and Princes: and that no Appeale should be made to the Pope of Rome, for any cause without the kyngs consent. Popish ambition preuailed so farre forth (immediately after the enthronizyng of Hildebrand) That kynges were cal∣led kynges onely in name: but the rule, order, and administratiō of all causes, caught away from kynges, should remaine with Monckes, and such like shauelynges, who would both rule the roast, and the game. After Becker was slayne, Kyng Henry 2. made earnest intercession with cappe in hand, to the Monckes of Caunterbury (Priour wherof was one Odo) that for his sake they would vouchsafe an Archb. of his admittaunce, and withall nominated him. The request was honest, yea it was a request of one, which neéded not to desire it, but might of very iustice by the prerogatiue Regall, institute and appoint Byshops, within his owne kyngdome: All which notwithstandyng, in contempt of the kynges authoritie, and without any regard had to his humble petition, was an other chosen (not whom the kyng desired) but whom the Monckes them selues liked best,* 1.196 in the yeare. 1173. The like vnto the same was done also in the Election of Bal∣dwyne the next successour in the yeare. 1184. In which Elec∣tion the kyng was compelled to yeld to the Monckes, whether he would or no. And where is now that Catholicke obedience of Monckes towardes their Monarches? where is the com∣maundement of the Apostle: Wherein kinges are commaunded to be honored?

* 1.197I will adde hereunto one example more: for to recken vppe all would make a great peéce of worke. Pope Gregory the 9. sent his Legate Otto by name into England, as the other Popes were accustomed before him to doe, to gather vppe his haruest sheaues together (plentyfull enough I warrant you) they call it Procuraria. This haruest was on this maner. That euery par∣ticuler Church throughout all England, should pay one yearely reuenew of foure Markes to the pope: the summe was infinite. Letters were deliuered to the Archb. And Byshops commaun∣dyng them to assiste the Legate in gatheryng this money, and withall should prouide threé hundreth of the fattest Benefices to be employed vpon iij. C. Italians of the popes appointment. Kyng Henry 3. vnderstandyng the matter, calleth a Synode of

Byshops caused cōference to be vsed with the Byshops in their cōuocation house, & first addresseth his Letters to the pope tou∣chyng their aūswere, aswell in his owne name, as in the behalfe of his Subiectes: when he could not this way preuayle, he ope∣neth the matter to his Counsell and states assembled in Parlia∣ment: writeth to euery particuler Byshop, declareth vnto them the great inconueniēce that would ensue by meanes of that col∣lection: humbly beseécheth them that they would not be so ear∣nestly affected towardes Straungers, as to seéke the vtter spoyle and vndoyng of their natiue Countrey, wherein they were borne, nor would so empouerish their owne Churches. Af∣terward he doth threaten them, yea denounceth the penaltie of the lawes and auncient Statutes of his Realme agaynst them openly. Finally vpō their allegeaunce chargeth them, that they deliuer no money out of the Realme, whereby the Common weale may be empouerished. If ye consider the authoritie of him that doth commaūde, what could be of more authoritie in a Re∣alme? if ye way well his purpose, what was more profitable for the Countrey? or more agreable to Gods word? Let vs now be∣hold a singuler president of Catholicke obedience: which if were as playnly discernable in the lyues and maners of your Clergy Osorius, as you haue notably painted it out with your penne. I would not thinke you to be more worthy of credite, thē your Ca∣tholickes worthy of commendation. Now how ready and dili∣gent they were in performing the Kynges commaundementes, the matter doth more then sufficiently declare it selfe. For it was so farre of, that the pope would yeld any iote at all to the Kynges Requestes, that he seémed to grow into great choller a∣gaynst the Kyng, yea and to threaten him for the care he had of his owne Realme. The kyng of England (sayth he) which doth kicke and spur••e agaynst vs now, hath is Coūsell:* 1.198 But I haue my Cousell also which I will follow. &c. and withall sendeth o∣uer Letters with expresse Bulles to the Byshops, & to the By∣shop of Worcester chiefly: whereby he was cōmaunded to pro∣secute the popes practize by all meanes possible, at a day pres∣cribed thereunto, which was the Assūption of our Lady: agaynst which day Auditte must be geuen of this sacred Receipt. Ad∣dyng also thereunto, that whosoeuer should withstanding his

proceédynges herein, should be presently accursed,* 1.199 yea if it were the kyng him selfe: what thinke you of these dealynges (right reuerend Father) is this to obey Princes commaundementes suppose you? or rather to commaunde Princes what they shall doe?

What may we say to that request, whereas the same Henry accordyng to his princely prerogatiue (and as of right he might lawfully haue done) aduaunced into the Bishopprick of Can∣terbury one Richard, who being repelled by the Monckes, and in despight of the king, an other (A Moncke of the same house named Gualter) beyng enstalled, the king not a little displea∣sed with the vnhonest refusall, made meanes to the Pope by his letters and Ambassadours: who after hys wonted maner, more inclinable to the Monckes, then to the King, coulde be by no meanes reconciled:* 1.200 the King, because he would not seéme to be ouercome of hys owne Monckes in his owne Realme, was enforced to growe to composition with the Pope, and to graunt hym a tenth of all the goodes moueable in England and in Scotland. The most holy Father vndermyned with this crampe, yelded by and by. But it shall not be amisse for the bet∣ter declaration of the matter, to sett downe the very wordes of the Author: Our Lord the Pope (sayth he) beyng inwardly infla∣med aboue all things to suppresse the hautines of the king, recōfor∣ted with these promises, was made to consent. This much Mathae∣us Parisiē.* 1.201 Which graūt how pestiferous & pernicious became afterwardes to the Realme, can skarsly by any estimate be com∣prehended An. 1229. Raunge at random now (Osorius) and spare not to vtter whatsoeuer shall come into your harish Elo∣quence, as lowdly as ye can, of the humble obedience and ready inclination of your Clergye towardes the Lawes and com∣maundementes of Princes.

But ye annexe a tagge to your poynt, Which ordinaunces are not contrary to Goddes lawes. And what may bee con∣strued I pray you of that, where Charles the great, and Otto the first, one a Frenche Emperoure, the other a Germaine (to the singuler benefite of the Empyre) dyd ordayne, yea and that not without the generall consent and agreément of the bishops and the Councelles, that no person should be chosen pope of

Rome, without the consent and confirmation of the Emperour: and that the right of appoynting Bishoppes, and the determi∣nation of ecclesiasticall causes, should be ordered by the Tem∣porall authoritie: This ordinaunce so holy,* 1.202 so faythfully insti∣tuted by them, so long, and so firmely obserued, and kept by their Successors, euē vnto the warres of Themperours Hen∣ry the father, and the sonne, and the Popedome of Hildebrand, yea and Cannonized also amongest your decreés: will you af∣firme to be contrary to the Law of God? if you do graunt it: how came it to passe, that they were established by your popes, which could not erre? if you deny it:* 1.203 how chaunced that Hildebrande and the other Lordinges Successors of that Seé, did abrogate the same so wickedly? And with what face may the ordinaūces of Princes be sayd to be duetifully obserued of them, who do so litle shame to speake agaynst their owne Princes, and oppugne their ordinaunces? who accompte it no small part of their Ma∣iestye to delight, and pastime themselues in scorning theyr Lawes, deryding and denienge their requestes? In like ma∣ner to be so bolde to Inferre somewhat of our owne Countrye Lawes. It was an auncient custome here in England tyme out of mynde, that the Byshoppes and the subiectes of the Realme should sweare their allegeaunce to their kyng, accordyng to a fourme thereof prescribed. And also that no person whatsoeuer should be so hardy to appeale to Rome, without the kinges cō∣maundement. Moreouer that in Election of Bishoppes, and disposing of Ecclesiasticall promociones (namely such as were of greatest estimacion) should haue the first and chief voyce afore all other. &c. out of Parisiensis.

Of these auncyent ordinaunces, you shall heare what our Auncient kynges do testifie in the Chronicles themselues.* 1.204 For in this wise King Henry 1. speaketh. There is an auncient cu∣stome (sayth he) of my kingdome ordayned by my Father that no person shall sue any appeale from vs to the Pope: whosoeuer will at∣tempte to enfringe this custome, doth offend agaynst our Maiestye, and the Crowne of England. He that will seeke to dispoyle vs of our Crown, is an enemy & Traytour to our persō &c. Now agayn Let vs heare the wordes of y^e same King to hys Subiect: What haue I to do with the popes letters? I will not breake the Lawes of my

Realme &c. And out of all question, These constitutions remay∣ned sound, safe, and inuiolable, vntill the tyme of Hildebrand: By force of which ordinaunce Lanfranck was appoynted Arch¦bishoppe of Caunterbury, by William King of England. Dū∣stane enstalled Byshoppe of Worcester by Edgar: Odo by A∣delstane. Oswalde made Archbyshoppe of Yorke by Edgar. without any consideration had of the Bishop of Rome. So were also other Bishoppes admitted by other kynges. Which aunci∣ent lawes and ordinaunces of Princes, if your clergye had euer determined with themselues to obey as inuiolable, what ment Sainct Anselme, Sainct Beckett, Langton, and many other Archbyshoppes, and Moncks of Yorke, Canterbury, and Do∣uer? what did they meane I say, who roonning to Rome in their often chase & rechase, sweating & turmoyling, spent & cōsumed great Sommes of mony about pacifieng of tryfles? wh would haue bene concluded at home with lesse charge, and more ease, if they would haue harkened vnto their owne princes, and obey∣ed their lawfull lawes and ordinaunces, rather then haue bene so much addicted to the pope. But what do I moyle my selfe in thys huge and vnmeasurable Gulfe, measuring Sandes and Seas? Do you not see and playnely perceaue, what a large worlde you haue opened vnto me to treate vpon, when you allu∣red me hither, that I should out of hystoryes and auncyent re∣cordes vnfolde and displaye abroad the controuersies, priuye grudges, Iniuries conspiracies, Treasons, Accusacions. Quarrelles, Reproches Slaunders, Poysones, Armyes, Bat∣telles. Excommunications and voyadges practized, sustayned, supported, and continued by the Clergye agaynst Emperors, Kinges, and higher powers? All which notable enterpryses and attemptes of yours, If I would but Imagine in my conceipt, that I might be able to comprehend & vtter in writing, I might well be counted as wise as a woodcock that would occupye my self about nombring of the swelling waues of the Lybyan seas, or seeke to know the continuall course of the flashing foame, and the boysterous billowes of Eurus blastes. And as though these wandring wyndes had not eyther blowne abroad sufficient store of lyes, or not incredibly monstrous enough: yet crawleth fore∣wardes neuerthelesse in hys continuall course of lyeng, this glo∣rious

paynter of praises, to poolishe and make gallaunt this ho∣ly mother Church of Rome, with all kinde of gorgiouse glitte∣rings and beautiful plumes. Meaning the same I suppose, that Plato did sometyme in Socrates:* 1.205 to expresse the patterne of a perfect philosopher: Xenophon in Cirus the Image of a per∣fect Emperour: Cicero of a perfect orator in Crassus: Curtius of a perfect captayne in Alexander: and Isocrates a president of a perfect princely prince in Nicockles: so would he take vpon hym to blaze out the beauty of this pontificall Sinagogue: by the which he might represent a resemblaunce of a singuler and incomparable shape of a most pure and true Church, without wrinckle or spotte, paynted as it were in tables with conning Craftesmans Arte most merueilous to view.

Now therefore touching the institution, and disciplyne of this Church we haue heard already: as the which beyng erected first by Christ, enlarged by the Apostles, established by the Martyrs, amplified with doctors, and defended by thinspira∣tion of the holy ghost, doth perseuer in one vnyforme fayth al∣wayes vnuanquishable agaynst all the assaultes of all hereticks in the worlde. It remayneth now that we note Osorius hys dis∣course touching the externall discipline therof: to witte, worship∣ping, ceremonyes, and Rytes: in the defence of the which heé vt∣tereth the liuelinesse and quicknesse of hys witte. And here at the first choppe appeare vnto vs the most notable Schooles, of Monckes, Friers, and Noonnes:* 1.206 Orders of Sainct Bruno. S. Benedict, Sainct Frauncis, Sainct Dominick, Sainct Brigit, Sainct Beguine, Sainct Barnarde, and Fryars Carmelittes, which although seeme to be but ordinaunces of men: yet because they hinder nothing to the studye of Gods lawe, but are profita∣ble helpes rather to such as are desirous to aspyre to true god∣linesse, it standeth with good reason to think that they did spring from the holyghost, who was the first founder of them. And here loe is newe matter nowe to vtter freshe eloquence, with Rhetoricall brauery of Comendatory acclamations. Uerely I doe beleéue that Osorius wanted some fitte argument, to whett his excellent witte vpon, when he fell and was forced into these straightes, to become a prating proctor for Monckes. I speake of these Monckes who haue bene lately hatched, long sithence

the tyme of Basile and Barnarde. And therefore that he purpo∣sed to vtter his skill in this leane and barrayne, matter as many others haue done before him in fayned deuises, and counterfayte toyes: not because they thought there was any thing praisewor∣thy in the same, but to sharpen their wittes and to make a shew of their pregnancy of stile, by way of daliaunce: & by trifles to try how they were otherwise able to declaime in matter of em∣portaūce, if Necessitie should require therunto. So did Homere sometime describe the battell of myse and frogges: Vergill hys Gnatt. Ouide his nutte: So did Policrates prayse Busirides: Glauco one of the secte of Plato commended vnrighteousnes: Fauorinus the Feuer quartan, and Thersites: Sinesius magnified Baldnes: of this sort we reade to be the tragicall co∣medie of Seneca in the prayse of Claudius, deifieng hym. Apu∣leius extolleth the Asse. An other commendeth Grillus, Ano∣ther compareth a Byttell with an Egle. And there want not some which were willing to delight themselues and others, in blasing the prayse of Folly. But all these are but Tryflers in re∣spect of one of late yeares, named Iohn Casus Archbish. of Bene¦uentane, y^t popes legate vnto the Venetianes: who shamed not to take vpō him to magnifie most horribly and w^t more thē dete∣stable impudency, not Feuers quartaines: nor Baldnes and want of here: but that stincking filthines, that shame it selfewill not permitte a man to speake with tongue, whose nimblenes of witte our Osorius seémeth in this hys resemblaunce somewhat to be enclined vnto: vndertaking to commend these hys compa∣niōs as the fellow Citizens of Lothe dwelling in Sodome. But to let these filthy matters goe, not meete for chaste eares: let vs retourne to our matter agayne.

* 1.207Besides this Rable of couled generation, that be neuer suf∣ficiently commended: there are added also to amplifie the royal∣tye of this Romishe Sinagogue, other ornamentes not a few, and of no small emportaunce: first and aboue all others, the ho∣norable signe of the Crosse: aduaunced not in Temples, and houses onely, but sette abroad also in high wayes, and crossed vpon mens foreheades also. Ouer and besides this crucifixe (be¦cause mans memory shall not want matter to be occupyed vp∣on) prouision was made that Innumerable Images and pic∣tures

of he Goddes, and sheé Goddes should likewise be placed in Churches of the Catholickes,* 1.208 holy remembraunces of holy Saintes (I warrant you) whose pictures they doe not onely worshippe very religiously here vpon earth, but Inuocate the Saintes themselues, in heauen: And these they do make their patrones and proctours in heauen, as neéde shall require: men very prouident and circuumspect surely: for if the Intercession of Christ alone, or the sheéding of his precious bloud fayle hap∣pely to finde fauour with hys father, they shall forthwith steppe forth and help them at neéde, and become mediators for the sinnes of the people. Emongst these Saincts dwelleth Sainct Tho. Beckett Archbishop of Canterbury,* 1.209 for whose blouds sake the Church doth desire, that their prayers may wend into the very place, where Tho. did ascend. There also dwelleth S. Anselme, Sainct Dunstane. Sainct Christopher, Sainct Mar∣garete, and Killdragon, Saincte George, and a great nom∣ber more like vnto thē. Of which euery blinde man, may easily seé by many famous histories, y^t some were Traytoures, some Factious and seditious, yea some also, that were neuer borne as yet, and are very braynesicke Imaginations, not of men, but pield deuises of olde Dottards onely, to occupy idle heades withall.

But because Osorius doth so stoughtly defend these Idolles as necessary helpes, and meanes, to rayse vppe mens forgetful∣nes. Herein I do meete with two occurrantes, at the whiche I can neuer wonder sufficiently:* 1.210 first, whenas no pictures, nor a∣ny maner of Grauen Image (as farre as I can learne) are to be seene in any Temples, or Sinagogues of y^e Iewes, Turcks, Sarracenes, Moores, Moscouites, Tartareanes, in Asie, in A∣phricke, in Europe, finally in no part of the whole worlde, no not so much as in the Temples of Infidells, eyther of the liuing or of the dead: I do much maruayle, howe the Papistes onely can be dazeled with such a monstruous blindenes in vnderstan∣ding, and drowned in such a Bottomeles gulfe of phanaticall forgettfulnesse, to seéme in their owne conceiptes skarse religi∣ous, vnlesse they bedawbe their Temples on euery side, with pictures, and Poppettes: moreouer if those Mawmettes, and signes of Sainctes, be erected in their churches for none other

ende, but to put the beholders in remembraunce of the Saincts themselues (as Osorius doth stoughtly mayntayne) I meruell then what that should meane,* 1.211 that in the Churches of the Pa∣pistes, the rude and vnlettered multitude of Christianes are per∣mitted euen to this day to prostrate themselues before them, to sett vp burning Tapers, to cense them with Franckencense, to perfume them with sweete Odours, and to hang pelting gam∣boldes vpon them, made of waxe, wood, ledd, or other metall? Why is Ierome reported to knocke his brest when hee kneéleth before the Crucifixe? why doe men gadde to and fro, hither and thither, on pilgrimage vnto them? why do they visite, prayse, pray vnto, & kisse thē with their lippes? why do they buy of thē myrackles and ease of diseases for mony? what greater honor was euer geuen to the Gentiles Idolles in times past, euen emongest the Infidells, then is now a dayes frequented, in y^e Churches of Christianes? Is all this nothing els, but to make men mindefull? and to helpe the memory?* 1.212 But the Israelites were commaunded in tymes past to reserue in their houses some remembraunce of their Auncestoures which might a∣wake their forgetfullness for the benefites that they had re∣ceaued. This is true in deéd:* 1.213 So was the memory of the Bra∣sen serpēt reserued a long tyme: but whē crawling and kreéping Supersticion beganne to abuse the same to playne Idolatrye: Ezechias is worthely praysed for banishing this same very mo∣nument from amongst the people: Euen as he dyd most proui∣dently prouide, that the Bookes of Salomon entituled de cu∣randis morbis should be abolished likewise, assoone as the com∣mon people beganne to abuse them to wytchcraft, and enchaūt∣ment, as it is reported in the Greék Commentaries.

But let vs proceéde to the Remnaunt of this Catholicke description. To witte, to the thinges that appertayne to fayth, to workes, and the Sacramentes of our most sacred mother the Church. For neyther is the Fayth of the Catholickes, such as is playnly seen to be of those heretiques, which doth eyther diminishe all hope of attayning honest lyfe, or vtter∣ly all feare of ••afety:* 1.214 but it doth worke thys rather, both to make men more willyng to embrace vertue, and yet desiste not neuerthelesse to stand in the meane tyme alwayes in

feare of the seueritie of Gods Iudgement. And why so I pray you? For whosoeuer are caried with ardent fayth vnto Christ,* 1.215 those doth he beautifie with most aboūdant stoare of vertue: Moreouer whenas the same men do know, that the same Christ will be a seuere Iudge against them, which will not do hys commaundementes, they are alwayes in conti∣nuall feare. Well: and whereunto tendeth all this (Osorius) so maisterly debated touching Fayth, Hope and Feare? for I cō∣fesse playnely, that such is my dul capacitie, as is not able to cō∣ceaue you more then an Asse, vnlesse you open these thinges that ye treate vpon more distincktly, and playnely: and except ye come at length somewhat nearer to the matter, whereupon you debate. If you meane thus, that Fayth doth not weaken a∣ny mans hope so, but that he may, and ought (through Gods assistaunce) lyue godly and vertuously, in this worlde: who will gaynesay you herein? Nay rather what one thing doth y^e Fayth of the Gospell emprinte in vs more deepely, then a desire to lyue godly? or what doth it teach more carefully, then that there is no good worke, but such as is coupled with Fayth, and be∣gonne by Fayth? But if the sence and meaning of your wordes tend to this ende, that ye thinke all the force of Fayth to consiste onely in this,* 1.216 to open euery mans hope to attayn that perfectiō in this lyfe, which for our workes sake, may make vs righte∣ouse in the sight of God: I am altogether agaynst you, and dare boldly affirme, that this is not the voyce of a Byshoppe, or of a Deuyne, but of a most filthy heretique: Moreouer where you annexe Feare hereunto, if you vnderstand it thus, that Christi∣an Fayth ought alwayes to be lincked together with the feare of God, this will no man deny. But if you racke out Feare of Gods seuere Iudgement (not adding any distinction) to that extremity,* 1.217 that it leaue vnto vs no assuraunce of our sauetye, but deteigne all men in a wauering mammering, ye seéme to me: That your affirmacion thē should emplye thus much, that in the Scriptures is no promise at all, euen as though GOD would now deale with his elect, by the onely rigour of the law, and not by promise and Grace.

No lesse blockishe is the same also which marcheth next in rancke, touchyng Workes:* 1.218 wherein the dignitie of this Church

deserueth singuler and wonderfull commendation, if it be true that is beleéued to be true in that Church.* 1.219 For the Catholickes do beleue (sayth he) that the good workes of godly persona∣ges are such, as are not defiled with the leste infection of vn∣comelynesse, but be of all partes so vpright and holy, that they make those men both righteous and holy, by whō they be exercized. But touchyng this matter, & the matter of Free∣will also, hath bene spoken sufficiently already.

* 1.220The next Fable that ensueth, concerneth Ceremonies and Sacramentes: in the which the holy mother Churche of Rome doth obserue this order: That it beleueth that the holynes of all the Ceremonies & Religiō of Sacraments, not newly in∣stituted, nor yet deuised by the witte of that fine man Had∣don, but most auncient and of greatest antiquitie, and pre∣serued by the full and generall consent of all holy Fathers, ought most purely and reuerently be worshypped. &c. So that no man may dare be so bold without singuler impudencie, as once so much to grudge agaynst these Ceremonies so holy, so aunciēt, of so long continuaunce, euen from the age of Euan∣der, as I suppose: instituted (as he sayth) by wonderfull trauaile of holy Fathers, and established by so autenticke cōsent, though otherwise they be growen into neuer so huge a quantitie, that they may seéme to ouerwhelme the Christian people, with the vnmeasurable rable of them: and albeit many Christians are so wedded vnto thē (y^t bidding adiew to Christian Fayth) no small nomber do repose their chief ankerhold of holynesse and righte∣ousnes in those trinckets: yea though also they striue to preserue them, much more stoughtly and couragiously then for the law it selfe and the commaundementes of God.

And so runnyng lightly ouer those Ceremonies, he presseth foreward to the Sacramentes: of Confession first, and next of the Euchariste. But whē we fall (sayth he) First, what meaneth this word, Falle? For if the consideration of all your righ∣teousnesse, be settled in an interrupted course of liuyng well, in the giftes of holynes, and righteousnesse, powred into you euen by Christ him selfe, as your Assertiō doth emporte: by what rea∣son can these Falles, and spottes of filthy life stand together with so great, and so many ornamentes of righteousnes, recea∣ued

of Christ him selfe? or in so great righteousnesse, what neé∣deth any confession? But for as much as you be men, let vs as∣cribe this to the frayltie of mans natu••e, that as men you may lumper and trippe: Go to then, to what Sanctuary do ye after∣wardes fleé for reliefe? Forsooth to a rotten plancke, that may saue a man amyddes the swallowyng gulfe, beyng throwen ouer boorde into the Sea:* 1.221 To the Iudgement of the Priest (say you) And why not vnto Christ rather?* 1.222 Forsooth bycause (in his ab∣sence) entreaty is made by Proctours and Aduocates. But was Christ absent, whenas Iohn doth send vs backe agayne vn∣to him notwithstandyng? speakyng on this wise.* 1.223 And if we haue sinned: we haue an Aduocate with the Father Christ Iesu, and he is the propiciatory Sacrifice for our Sinnes: Why did he not say, we haue a Priest vpon the earth, if there were either any first, or second Table, besides Iesus Christ onely? In deéde he worketh by his Embassadours: as he sometyme taught by the mouth of his Apostles, and by them wrought miracles, and euen now al∣so proclaimeth his Gospell, by his godly Ministers: yet doth he neuerthelesse worke in heauen continually, though he worke by his Ministers here on earth. Furthermore neither doth he so vse the seruice of those Seruauntes and Ministers in all thynges (whose externall Ministery he necessaryly employeth to many thynges) as though he could of him selfe doe nothyng without their seruice. Lastly: all be not his true Embassadours, which by forreine badge, and cognizaunce, doe vaunt them selues to be his Embassadours.

But let vs proceéde, and what doe ye now, when ye tumble in heapes together to confesse your selues to the Priest, as to an honorable vmpier? what doth he geue you at the length?* 1.224 Making first a straight Inquisition of the Sinnes, he doth by force of his wisedome searche out the wounde, which beyng dis∣closed, he applyeth a playster thereunto accordyng to the qualitie of the grief, as seemeth most conuenient. But what if you happē vpon such a Priest (as be now a dayes ouer many) not much vnlike vnto them, whō Plautus doth describe in a cer∣teine place.* 1.225 Fooles, wittlesse, naturalles, blockisse, doltishe, asses, dronckardes? &c. But let vs admitte that there is no Priest, but such as is most worthy of this function. This Priest then accor∣dyng

to the capacitie of his wisedome, considering y^e qualitie of y^e trespasse, what plaister doth he apply to y^e soare? a very whole∣some one I warraūt you. For accordyng to y^e dignitie of his per∣son (for he representeth the person of Christ) he pardoneth & ab∣solueth the offendour cleane of all sinne: yet so, as enioyning cer∣teine penaunce to the new clensed soule: so that the trespassour may vnderstād, that he is bounde to make satisfaction for y^e tres∣passe. In which doyng I can not maruell enough at your mani∣fest giddynesse of idle brayne, beyng so barreine not onely of dis∣cretion, but voyde also altogether of common sence and feé∣lyng almost. The offendour (say you) is acquited by the abso∣lution of the Priest. Undoughtedly to be absolued by a Priest is a very gay Iewell, if it be true (as it is true in deéde) that God doth geue absolution first. But to assure vs that you tell truth, what do ye alledge out of the Scriptures? Forsooth the wordes of the Gospell:* 1.226 He that heareth you, heareth me, and he that despi∣seth you despiseth me. I do heare you, and do acknowledge these wordes to be the wordes of Christ. But we must returne againe to the principall pointe of the questiō, how shall I be assured that this Priest of yours is trnly of that nomber, whom Christ doth point vnto vs by this pronowne you?* 1.227 You will say that the sha∣uen Crowne ought to be a sufficient warraunt vnto vs. Ueryly neither doe I reiect this outward vocation, which is made by men: neither ought we to expect the same maner of Embassa∣dours to be sent by Christ now, as he fent his Apostles hereto∣fore. And yet for as much as the Beast mentioned in y^e Apoca∣lips,* 1.228 hath his proper peculiar marke, which Christ doth curse: will you shew me no better marke for your Priest, then a bald scraped scalpe? sithence Christ sendeth vs to the cōsideration of fruites, and Spirituall markes of Doctrine and Truth? But I will not much striue with you here. Let all Crowes be white for me, and let the absolution of the marked Priest be an vndough∣ted Oracle for me also. This is the pointe that I stand vpon and demaunde.

Whenas the Trespassour doth obtaine of your Priest this absolutiō, wherof you spake before: From whēce doth this abso∣lution receaue the effectuall operation? from the priests marke? or from the Fayth of the Repentaunt rather? If from the priests

marke onely: then what doth Fayth and Baptisme worke in vs? or whereunto serueth the Article of the Creéde? I do beleeue Re∣mission of Sinnes? Agayne if it depend vpon the onely Fayth of the Repentaunt, to what purpose is this Priestly Confession? But if you will couple both these together, as that in your ima∣gination the one can be of no force without the other: how will this kynde of couples agreé with your doctrine? who (makyng so curious & exact a distinction of all the other partes of penaunce) will in all that Sacrament leaue no chinker at all for Fayth, to peépe through? no nor will be acquainted with the name of fayth in any part therof? And what if a Iew, or a Turke do with a sor∣rowfull cōtrite hart, ioyne the Confession of his mouth, & with∣all satisfaction of the guilt, as you terme it? be his Sinnes wa∣shed cleane away therfore? I do not thinke so: what if a Christiā man beyng endued with a pure fayth, bewaylyng his offences vnfaynedly and withall his hart, lookyng vpon Christ with the eyes of Fayth (as vpon the brasen Serpent) do craue pardon of him, without any hochpotte of priestly Confessiō, shall he ob∣teine no salue for his soare? If you deny this, as your Lombar∣dine questioners do. Then would I fayne learne, where was that priestly Confession, before it was first instituted by Inno∣cent 3. and thrust into the Church to be frequēted .1215? where was this so vnaduoydeable necessitie then, whē Christ spake vn∣to the woman, thy faith hath saued thee?* 1.229 And in an other place speakyng of an other woman, Where he forgaue her many sinnes, bycause she loued much?* 1.230 And agayne where excludyng all other by helpes, he willed the Maister of the Synagoge to beleeue onely?* 1.231 and sayd vnto an other all things are possible to him that doth be∣leeue.* 1.232 And to the sicke of the palsey, all sinnes are forgeuen thee,* 1.233 without openyng mouth to any confession at all? what? shall we say that Sinnes are not therfore forgeuen, bycause this word of confession was neuer heard of before? or shall we say that God hath not heard their confession, bycause there wanted priestes at that tyme? If it suffice not to open the secretes of the hart vnto GOD, what do these wordes of Chrisostome emporte? where writyng vpō the 51. Psalme Homel. 2.* 1.234 If thou be ashamed (sayth he) to confesse thy Sinnes to any mā, confesse them dayly in thy hart: I bidd thee not to confesse them to thy fellow seruaunt, which may

reproche thee: cōfesse thee to him that may heale thee. And agayne in an other place, I bidd thee not to come before the people, nor that thou accuse thy selfe to others: But I will haue thee follow the wordes of the Prophet, saying: Open thy sinnes vnto the Lord. Confesse thy faultes therfore vnto God: open thyne offences vnto the true Iudge with harty prayer, not with thy toūg, but with a re∣morse of consciēce. &c. And yet I speake not this, as though that priuate confession of sinnes ought not be receaued in the church as vnprofitable: whereas the counsell of a godly Minister is de∣sired, or consolation required by troubled consciences: where the exercize of priuate absolution (which is the word of the Gospell) is by authoritie of the Gospell vttered by the Ministers. And yet I doe so allow of it, as that this name, priuate Confession, (wherewith you haue wickedly entangled Godly consciences) may neither participate w^t any nature of a Sacrament, nor be deliuered to any, as cōmaūded by Gods law: Moreouer neither so necessary at all tymes, as though without it, sinnes were not forgeuen to the contrite and sorowfull in hart, groūdyng them selues vpon the infallible fortresse of Fayth.

Wherfore if you be so farre in loue with this sacred eare cō∣fessiō Osori. you may a Gods name go to your Priest, as oftē, & as much as ye liste. If we content our selues to be washed in y^e bloud of Iesu Christ: if we repose all our hope & affiaunce what∣soeuer in him alone, trouble vs not nor hinder vs, I beseéch you. For thus are we directed by the authoritie of the Scriptures, to beleéue, that to be dypped ouer head & cares in this most com∣fortable and sacred fonte, is sufficient for the clensing and pur∣gyng of our sinnes: and agayne that neither this most blessed bloud of Iesu Christ is any other wayes effectuall vnto vs, nor appliable to our comfort any other wayes, then through Fayth onely: which is to beleéue in his name. Whatsoeuer Resem∣blaunce of truth your decreés do expresse vnto vs, doughtlesse the Scriptures cannot lye:* 1.235 wherein we are taught that our hartes are washed cleane, by Fayth: and that remission of sinnes is receaued through Fayth, which is in Christ Iesu.* 1.236 Addyng moreo∣uer the testimony of all the Prophetes, that it must come to passe that as many as beleeue in Iesu Christ: shall obteine forgeuenesse of their sinnes.* 1.237 So, that neédelesse Stole of your Catholicke confes∣sours,

is altogether fruteles towardes the cleansing of our con∣sciences. In the meane space if the soule be afflicted with some more greéuous scrupule, wherein brotherly consolation may seéme to be requisite, we gaynsay no man that will goe to some godly & learned Minister: nay rather we do hartely allow ther∣of, & we our selues also do the same many tymes: yet such is our repaire togethers as tendeth rather to seéke counsell, and com∣fort, then for any necessitie to craue pardon for our sinnes.* 1.238 Nei∣ther do we compell any man to do so, nor do we make (to speake Chrisostomes owne wordes) a necessitie of Freédome, neither make we a Sacrament therof: Nor yet require we a Beadroll of all their Sinnes, neither doe we enforce any person to state tymes of the yeare: Finally we do not burdeine them with any clogge of satisfactory penaunce, which of all other is most horri∣ble. Wherein it is a wonder to seé, what is be fallen vpon you, and the rest of your Catholickes (Osorius.) I thinke veryly that Dame folly her selfe (if could speake with toung) would neuer vtter, nor do any so wittles a foolery,* 1.239 as hauing first pardoned & acquited the offendour cleare from crime, to enioyne him after∣wardes to penaūce, whereby he should be compelled (after par∣don receaued) to make satisfaction notwithstandyng: and so to send him after into Purgatory, where he must satisfie to the vt∣termost far thyng. I beseéch you (Right Reuerēd Father) for the honor of your great wisedome, if all the filthynes of your con∣sciences be thoroughly clensed first by Confession, to what pur∣pose serue any satisfactory and penall lawes, where the offence beyng pardon, remaineth nought now to be satisfied? If they be not throughly clensed, whereunto then auayleth that Priestly Stole, & Priestly crossing? what becommeth of that absolution which you promise? who will euer say that his offence is forge∣uen, which must be forced to make satisfaction by some maner of composition? Moreouer if Christ haue made full satisfaction for our Sinnes,* 1.240 and if his satisfaction be a generall release of punishmēt and crime: what other neéde is there of any humaine satisfaction? Agayne if Christes satisfaction be not a full satis∣faction, but that there must be enioyned a Temporall punish∣ment, then do I demaunde further, what is it that the Priestes Stole and Crossing, or the Popes pardons cā geue more to the

releasing of punishment and crime, thē the bloud of Iesu Christ the sonne of God was able to geue?

But to proceéde: Now that this Catholicke people haue with this spunge of penaunce cleane purged all the spottes and blottes of conscience so happely: what? do they stay here? No I suppose: but steppyng foreward from vertue to vertue: The myndes beyng furnished after this maner,* 1.241 they doe forth∣with addresse thē selues to that most holy mystery, of all o∣ther most miraculous, the Euchariste: not rushyng rashely thereunto, nor with vnwasht handes (as the Prouerbe is) but with feare and tremblyng, doe humbly kneéle vpon their kneés, & with great reuerence open their mouthes to the priest, ready to receaue that heauenly banquet, in y^t which they tast not any bread at all, no wine at all, no nor any other terrestriall mat∣ter, nor yet that substaunce which they do seé with their eyes, and handle with their fingers: but all substaunce of bread and wine beyng vtterly driuē away, they do at one morsell receaue & swal∣low down the very same body of Christ, which was borne of the virgine Mary, and y^e naturall bloud shed out of his side (though vnder the forme colour and kynde of wine and not of bloud) con∣trary to all sense and feélyng of eyes and hādes, yea the very bo∣dy in deéde, naturally, corporally, and substauncially present: the very same Christ (I say) full and whole, in qualitie and quā∣titie, with all his dimensions, euen as he sitteth now at the right hand of the Father, so that Christ may seéme now to dwell no lō∣ger in heauen, but to haue translated him selfe into much more precious and purer tabernacles: And hereupon this cōmeth to passe. That Priestes, Monckes and Bishops, as the very fami∣liar guestes of Christ,* 1.242 Nourished with this heauenly foode, and dayly more and more strēgthened thereby, doe attaine those heauenly and euerlastyng treasures so happely, doe withstād the rage of lust so stoughtly, and keepe their vow∣ed chastitie most purely.

And no maruell: for whosoeuer be so nourished with the most sacred body of Christ, and carry him about dayly not in their myndes onely, but in their bodies also: how can it be chosen, but that of very necessitie,* 1.243 All drousinesse of sinnes must be shakē from them, and an heauenly dawnyng of cleare light must

shyne in them, and must needes be replenished with heauē∣ly treasures, and out of the same yeld most glorious fruites of righteousnesse. All which to be true the presidentes of their Angelicke holynes, and chastitie, scattered abroad euery where, (of the which the commō people tell so many and so commenda∣ble tales) doe manifestly declare. Let not this be forgotten a∣mong, that whereas in the sacred holy Masse is such a miracu∣lous operation also, which (as it were a certeine soueraigne Pa∣nax, and a casket full of Pādoraes treasory) may serue to cure y^e greéfes of all malladies,* 1.244 is medicinable for the pestilence, for all noysome cōtagions, preseruatiue agaynst thūder, agaynst Infi∣dels, agaynst misfortunes, agaynst Agues, a present remedy to obteine seasonable weather, liquour of life for y^e sicke, & a cleare acquitall to the dead from all paynes of Purgatory, a medici∣nable drenche for sicke Horses and Swine: what maruell is it, if these dayly worshippers of so heauenly a treasure, beyng garded with the garrison of so inestimable a Iewell, do become such creatures, as in whose maners nothyng can be espyed, but altogether chast, and maydenly? yea poolished & beautified with all blossomes of vertue?

But amongest these, this one thyng chiefly happeneth ve∣ry straunge and incredible to be spoken, especially in those By∣shoppes, and Massemongers, who beyng enuironed about with so many comfortable Sacrifices dayly, whenas they be other∣wise rauished with so ardent and zealous affection towardes all other partes of Relligion, towardes Masses, toward py∣pyng and singyng, toward Confessions, and such like holy exercizes: that to heare any Godly Sermons, to Preach the Gospell of peace (wherein the glory of Christ and the sauetie of the people consisteth chiefly) they are so hard frosen, and so tho∣roughly benommed, as that they seéme scarse warme: yea and altogether without sense and feélyng of their duety towardes Christ, or of any carefull regard at all of their flocke, or of any remorse of conscience to performe their function. I speake not here of Oso. nor of a few others like vnto him: against whō this complaint happely may not so truly be enforced, namely sithēce this Bishop is carefull and diligent in curyng his owne charge (as him selfe telleth vs) But of other Massemongers and sha∣uelynges

what will Osorius him selfe say vnto me? who to the great fraude and detriment of the Church, do so carelesly, & ne∣gligently, attend their charge, yea and neuer come at it at all? They doe performe their duties by the ministery of others.* 1.245 (say you) And such as of them selues are lesse able and vnfitte to preach, do yet procure good wise and Relligious mē, not of Bucers or Martyrs Relligion, but such as are nouseled vp in the readyng of holy Scriptures, Doctours, and holy Fa∣thers of the Churche, who haue skill to teache the people pure, chaste, and Relligious doctrine. Be it as you say Osori∣us, but in the meane space where is that power and efficacy of that wonderfull Sacrament, wherewith men are so inflamed, and so raysed vppe (as you say) to all earnest and studious ende∣uour of godlynesse, and to the desire of attainyng all heauenly Treasory? At the least where is that charitie (which beyng al∣wayes ready and inclined to doe good to all men by all meanes possible) ought not deteigne, and foreclose other men from the knowledge of holy Scripture? And what shall we say then to those pastours and shepheardes (who hauyng charge of Christs sheépe, either of them selues can not, or will not feéde their flock) do not onely not opē their mouthes them selues vnto them, but also do forbidd them the vse of the Scriptures, in that lāguage wherewith they be acquainted? whereby they might more easily attayne to the vnderstandyng of the same by their own industry. This contumelious iniury beyng not in any respect collerable in the Church of Christ, nor defensible by any coulourable ex∣cuse, yet this delicate Rhetorician (to helpe the ignoraūce of the vnlettered) seémeth to haue foūde out of his perspectiues, a cer∣teine old wormeaten quircke, or shift, framing his Similitude from the pearcyng light of the Sunne.* 1.246 Which beyng either vnpearceable for the clearenes therof, doth blind the sight, if the eyes be ouer much bente thereunto: or if it shyne not at all, profiteth not to thē that are enclosed in a darke doū∣geon, or do turne their eyes frō it. In like maner they which turne away their dazeled eyes from the bright light and knowledge of holy scripture, or do force the eye sight of the mynde thereunto more earnestly then is needefull, do waxe blynd altogether. Wherfore sithence it is so, he concludeth

herupon, that it is a very great poynt of wysedome in them to foresee, that the Rude people be not altogether defrau∣ded of all light of Gods word, nor yet that they may be op∣pressed with the ouermuch clearnes thereof.

For Aunswere. For as much as the word of God is (as your selfe do confesse) the light of the worlde, I beseech you Osorius what can be more appropried or peculiar to light, then that it spread it selfe abroad ouer all places and persones? or what can be more contrary vnto light, then to be pent vppe vnder a Bu∣shell? And what els doth your discreéte foresight and prouident prouision, but shut the word of God close vnder a Bushell, when as you procure so pretely, that the sacred Testament of Christ may not be deliuered in any other Language,* 1.247 but such as the vnletteredd cannot vnderstand? And what is this els I pray you, but that the rude multitude shall see no light at all, but be ouerwhelmed with a perpetuall dazellnes of sight, whiles heé that readeth, may not vnderstand what heé doth reade? and whiles also in your Churches, Masses, Ceremonyes, Suppli∣cations and Sacramentes, they seé nothing but vtter darcke∣nesse, and heare nothing, but in an vnknowne Language?* 1.248 but in holy Sermones (say you) we do enstruct and teach them as much as shall seeme Necessary to the endeuour of god∣lynes, and Charitie. As though amongest all other, this were not the least porcion of your care, whenas Bishoppes beé for the more part busily exercized about other affayres, some very flowbackes, some bussardes, and blockheades, vnappt al∣together to teache: and whenas Priestes attend their singing and piping, no tyme canne be spared for preaching.* 1.249 I speake of many of this sort: For the whole charge of teaching is thro∣wen vpon momish Monckes, flattering Fryers, and others such lyke Religious Rackhells, altogether almost. And these do teache the people in deede. But what do they teach Osorius? the word of God? or the traditions of men? do they preach the Gos∣pell? or do they seek to please seély women? doe they persequut their Enemyes, and reuenge priuate griefes? or preach the kingdome of heauen? or do they scatter abroad olde false fables out of the legend of lies? or out of pupilla oculi•• or out of manipu∣lus Curatorum? doe they barcke agaynst the Lutheranes and

Zuinglianes? and with full mouth keépe a sturre about the reall, natural, corporal, Identicall formes and presence, more then me∣taphysticall, in the Sacrament? For these be commonly the Theames about which theyr whole prating preaching is spent.

But go to. Admitte that amongst those are many also, which in their preaching do expresse these thinges, which be auaileable to the endeuor of godlinesse and piety, and for that cause do sette open, & display to the view of their audytory, the glorious crown os eternall Glory, and the horrible paynes of euerlasting Tor∣mentes: Yet sithence the people and vnlettered are admitted to heare such preachers, why may they not also be permitted to reade at home in their houses, the Prophettes preaching vnto them in the olde Testament? and the Apostles, yea Christ hym selfe in the new Testament, teaching them more perfectly? for∣sooth you descry me here a great and daūgerous Rock, to witte, least being dazeled with the brightnes of that light, which they are not able to endure, like as men that bend the force of their eies directly agaynst the sunne beames, they may be ouertaken with blindnes. Truely I do know and confesse, that there be ma∣ny thinges of such nature, as will require a necessary modera∣tion, and quallification of light. Of which sort is the inaccessible brightnes of the glory of Gods Maiestie: So was also y^e Ap∣parition of Christ, when he was manifested vnto Paule: the brightnes whereof exceeded the reach of mans capacitie. Not much vnlyke vnto y^e same, is y^e cleare beholding of y^e vnspeakea∣ble righteousnes of God: and the contemplation of our owne Sinnes without confidence in Christ: Whereof Barnarde speaketh very fittely, in a certayn place:* 1.250 the prayer of a Sinner is hindered two wayes (sayth he) eyther by ouermuch light, or by no light at all: that Sinner is enlightened with no light, that neyther seeth hys owne sinnes, nor confesse them: Agayne that Sinner is blinded with to much light, which seeth hys sinnes to be so great, that he doth dispayre of release from them.* 1.251 Neyther of these two do pray truely. What then? this light must be quallified, that the Sinner may behold hys sinnes, and may pray to be forgeuen them. In these therefore Osorius and in others like vnto the same, you might well haue required a certayne quallification. But where was euer any daunger to be feared of ouermuch lightsomnes

in any man, that were willing to reade the Scriptures?* 1.252 The Psalmist doth call the light of the Lord, a bright light enlighte∣ning the eyes, not blynding the eyes: And agayne,* 1.253 Blessed is that man called, that doth exercize himselfe in the Law of the Lord day and night.

And therfore, forasmuch as the kingdome of Christ is y^e ve∣ry principall matter handled through the whole Scriptures:* 1.254 what man is able to bend the eyes of hys mynde or of hys body sufficiently to the searching out of the glory of this kingdome? Whereas Paule himselfe wryting to the Ephesianes of the in∣comprehensible Maiestie of this glory, desireth nothing in his prayers more earnestly, then that God would vouchsafe to open the eyes of their hartes, whereby they might perceaue and knowe the heighth, length, breadth, and depth of the knowledge, and loue which is in Iesu Christ. And the same Paule doth pray in an other place, that the Ephesians may know,* 1.255 Wher is the vnmeasura∣ble greatnes of hys power towardes vs &c. But where can a man attayne to any more perfect, or plentifull knowledge hereof, then in reading the holy Scriptures? We heare the saying of our Maister Christ, cōmaunding all persons without exception, on this wise. Search the scriptures: What? And shall we suffer the Romish Philistines to stoppe vpp agayne from vs the Ce∣sternes of holy Scriptures, which y^e mouth of y^e Lord hath dis∣couered vnto vs? Albeit I know that there be many which doe wickedly wrest, and wrieth the holy Scriptures, to their peuish sensuality, and corrupt hereticall affections: Yet forasmuch as this commeth to passe, not through the fault of tounges, in the which the enlightned efficacy of the holy Ghost doth speake in∣differently to all creatures ingenerall without exception, but through the peruerse waywardnesse of some men, abusing good thinges for the most part, to an euill purpose: I seé no cause why the reading of holy scriptures (in what toung soeuer,) may be a∣ny thing preiudiciall to the lay people: so y^t they be endued w^t an earnest godly desire, wh is the best interpretor to the vnderstan∣ding of Gods word: On the contrary part, where so euer wāteth this godly affection of minde; (which is gouerned by the holy Ghost,) there the reading is very perilous doubtles, yea euen in the learned themselues. Therefore where these wise fathers are

so prouident to preserue the vnlettered from gathering a dim∣nesse of vnderstanding, by reading Gods word: I cannot discern wherein their wisedome may be praysed. To my iudgemēt they should do much more wisely, if themselues would employ theyr carefull endeuor to read the scriptures,* 1.256 least themselues (which do take vpon them to be guides of the blinde) doe become most blinde of all others: So also if they doe eschue those thinges chiefly, which they finde to be manifest vntruthes, & contrary to the sincerity of the written word. But now whereas these godlye Catholickes do so behaue themfelues, as that they cannot choose but feéle the Gospell of Christ directly repugnant agaynst their intollerable pride, their horrible cruelty, theyr peéuish decreés, their stately dignities, their vnmeasureable couetousnesse, their pompous trayue, and theyr vnspekeable lust, and portlye Lord∣linesse, their filthye superstition, and abhominable Idolatry: what maruell is it, if they prouide so circumspectly, that the greater part of the people may not become acquaynted with the Scriptures? because they may more freely disport them∣selues, in that generall blindenes of men, and rule the roast as they list.

There remayneth now to treat of, the Authority of Popes and Byshoppes,* 1.257 because Osorius doth make a freshe challenge herein, and offereth the field with a new onset, albeit of the same matter hath bene spoken sufficiently already. And because as se∣meth by his writing, the same doth consist chiefly in this: that it may restrayne the lictiousnes and vnbrideled lust of men, and may exclude from the congregation of Christians such as persist their wickednesse wilfully and obstinatelye. &c. Doubtlesse mankinde may thinke that the state of mans life is come to good passe, if it be so that the generall ordering of pub∣lique chastity must hang vpon your authority and regiment, •• semeth to me to be of this cōdition, as if the ouersight of the common treasory should be credited to a Spēdall, or a Dicer: or the Liuetenaūtshippe of a Prouince should be cōmitted to a no∣toryous Traytor. And surely hereof I thinke it comes to passe, that we are so much beholding vnto them, for the vnspeakeable virginity of our maydens, and for the incredible chastity of the matrons: y^t we haue also so few hoorehunters, and adulteries cō∣mitted

in our parishes: that there be no Brothell neastes of fil∣thy foules in the city of Rome, and that we heare of no priestes Concubines, within, nor without the walles of that Citye: so great, and so wonderfull silence vsed in holy confessions: So y^t it is altogether neédeles now to rippe vp y^e remēbraunce of that Constantinopolitane Deacon & matrone for whose cause Nec∣tarius the Byshoppe there did abrogate all manner of priuate confessions.* 1.258 And that I may now passe ouer in silence innume∣rable other in no respect more chaste examples, and factes of Byshoppes and Priestes, which being notwithstanding not vn∣knowne vnto your selues, ye lulle a sleépe in confesūons: As it is not my part in deéde to rippe abroad the rude reuelles of your liues, nor to sturre abroad the stincking dunghill thereof: pype vp and play your pageauntes as priuely ye liste, though not so chastely as ye ought, yet as couertly as ye canne:* 1.259 your mysteries appertayne not vnto me. There is one that beholdeth you, whose eies ye can neither deceaue, nor escape his iudgement. This one thing will I be bold to speake, that it is not all golde that gliste∣reth: nor are they al gelded which vowing y^t vow of chastity, are presmounted to Byshoppes and priestly dignitye. Nay rather it is greatly to be feared, least among those selfe same counterfeyt Eunuches, are ouer many, which vnder the visor of yealing Eu∣nuches play the partes of crauine Chereas.

But if those flames, and firebrandes of lust and lechery heé throughly mortified by this pontificall prouision (as you say) herein surely I do commend your diligence, and allow wel your prouidence. But this maketh me to wonder in the meane space, what should be the cause, that (whereas you yeéld ouer all other forrayne haynous offences to the sword of the ciuill magistrate) ye reserue to your coram, and court of conizaūce, onely all man∣ner of presentmentes touching lechery, incest, adulteries, forni∣cation, and other such filthy stench of inordinate incontinēcy. And I know not whether there lurke also any other mysticall matter of closer conueyaūce to be decided by that Censure Apostolique. For where this your vnmaried life (which you professe contrary to the commō course of nature) is subiect to so many the more horrible filthinesse, you haue bene very wisely circūspect in this behalfe, to sequester the ciuill magistrate from intermedling

herein, reseruing the consideration thereof to your owne courts and conūstories, and that of some singuler suttlery and pollicy, as it seémeth. By meanes wherof if any thing fall out vnhonest∣ly handled amongest men of your coate, the same may be coucht close in your couert confessions, but if any lay persō shall chaūce to tread his shoe awrye, the commodity thereof may redound to your coffers as profitable for the pursse: wherein although (to say the truth) I cannot tell what certeintye I may determine of your dealings, yet this one thing doth minister me much matter of suspicion: That amongst so many dayly and hourely whoore∣domes and adulteries (wherof some lay men now and then paye for the pottadge, especially the poore) neuer any priest hetherto hath bene knowen to be cited to your courtes for whooredome or adultery, or put to any penaunce for the same.

But to confesse thus much vnto you, which cannot well be de∣nied: that in all well ordered common weales, consideration ought to be had of no one thing more circumspectly, then that pro¦uision to be made vpon some greéuous penaltye for the punish∣ment of filthy lust, and vnbrideled licentiousnesse of leud liuing: yet do I not seé any such great necessitye, why the authority and ouersight of such punishmentes, should be more appropriate to the iurisdiction of your consistories, then to the temporall magi∣strate. And to admitte that in some respect, it may be lawfull for you to determine in such cases of incontinency: Yet this impor∣teth no such necessity, as that the christiā people should aduaūce your pontificall royalty to so outragious an excesse, or that the popes and byshops them selues should magnifye their maiestie with such Pompeous Lordlines, so farr aboue Kings and Em∣perors, as to ouerlord thē: or that they should ouerflow in such an vnmeasureable excesse of Possessions and treasure: or that they should become so mighty Monarches of the world, ruffling in so glorious & glittering a shew, waited vpō w^t so huge a train of attendauntes and seruice: or that they should in so princely pallaces lead so delicate and sumptuous liues, in idlenesse and lust, pampering vp palfraies for their pleasures, and dogg•• for delight: or that they should not be contented to be caried on horse backe, but (as the Arke of God in the olde time vpō mens shoul∣ders) beyng hoyst vp aloft vpon the shoulders of Dukes, offerre

themselues to the gaze of the multitude, not so much to be uew∣ed, as to be kneéled vnto, and worshipped. And can you say now that this Seraphicall maiestie was either deliuered vnto them from others? or raked to themselues by their owne tyranny, for the punishment of lust, and not rather to support and mayntayn it? As though if popes and byshoppes were orderly vsed (as sit∣teth meétest for their personages,) the world should want meéte magistrates to punish fornication and adulteries: I speake not this to the derogatiō of the authority of godly ministers, and bi∣shopps, which I do hartely with they may throughly enioy, yet would I the same to be no vsurped power, but a true and lawful authority.* 1.260 Neither, do I desire the authority of good and Godly Byshoppes to be empayred, (that authority I meane whereun∣to they are authorized by Gods word), but I like not that Tra∣gicall Tyranny of counterfait Cloysterers, and popish prelats. Let them therefore enioy that authority that Christ hath endued them withall, a Gods name: so that they employe the same to publique commodity and aduauncement of Christes glory, and not to their priuate profit, and cherishing of idlenesse & Pompe.

And forasmuch as the countenaunce of euery Ambassadour dependeth vpon the maiesty of the person whom he represēteth, surely the authority of such as represent the person of Christ vpon earth, must neédes be of very great estimation: For this was the legacy that Christ himselfe the Testator of the new Te∣stament bequethed vnto them.* 1.261 He that heareth you, heareth me, and he that despiseth you, despiseth me. And agayne, whose Sinnes soeuer ye remitte, the same shall be remitted. &c.* 1.262 This is a great authority doubtles: but due consideration must be had of the cau∣ses, whereupon this authority must be exercised, & of y^t persons with whom it must be reūant. That is to say: in none other per∣sons, but in those, to whom the same Testator speaketh, saying: Receiue ye the holy ghost. &c. Moreouer y^e whole force of this E∣uangelical authority doth consist in the power of the holy ghost,* 1.263 not in the glorious ostentation of Pompe: and must be employ∣ed to edify withall, not to destroy: to subdue all hauty arrogancy, extolling it selfe agaynst y^e knowledge of God, vnto the obediēce of Christ: not to cut the throates of the poore flocke, which seéketh nothing els, but the obediēce and glory of Christ. And therefore

such as represēt the maiesty of Christ vpō earth, if they be bold of counterfayting and hipocrisy, must neédes be exalted, yea and in great authority. But in the meane space, let such braggers and boasters be well aduised, what, and whose person they do repre∣sent,* 1.264 not the person of Moyses, but of Christ: not of a controller, but of a teacher, a comforter, a fauourer, a refresher, and of one that is full of compassion: not of a furious fretter and raging reuenger of euery gnatte in the Skie. For he was a milde Ser∣uaunt, but preseruing all, poore, yet enriching all: boasting very litle, but geuing aboundaunce: Iniuried of all, but iniurious to none: Humble in hart, meék in speéch, base to behold, but in pow∣er mighty, teaching with authority: so voyd of al color to auēge, that he would pray for his enemies, and not so much as brusing a broken reéde vnder his feéte: enlightning all men comming in∣to this world, burning none. And the day shall come, when he shall come againe in glory, to iudge both the quick and the dead. All which notwithstanding he remayneth one selfe same person still, which continually crieth out in the gospell, * 1.265it is not I that doe accuse you, before the father, but there is one that doth accuse you. Now such as will take vpon them, to represent the person, must resemble him likewise in manners and life. And yet the Church of God is not without her Iurisdiction I confesse. But in this Church I recken to be reūant aswell Emperors & Prin∣ces, as Popes and prelates. Moreouer a distinction also must be made here betwixt the flesh and the spirit: that without confusion of Iurisdiction ech authority may enioy it own priuiledge. But of this hereafter by the sufferaunce of God.

Hauing thus ouerrunne the principall poyntes that concern the censures, consistories, and chaunceries of the holy mother Church of Rome. It followeth now in order that with like dili∣gence, we harken to that which is vsuallye done in Churches. Wherein the godly reader is to be forewarned (by some preface as it were, to keépe his coūtenaūce somewhat grauely a whyle, & not to smile) whiles our Osor. reckē vp in ranck, y^t comely kalē∣der of his church holidayes, and solemne ceremonies of his dou∣ble feastes, in a long brabling beadroll. And yet hath he not i••••∣bled vp all the ceremonies thereof, nor his euer able to number them. For they are as infinitely past number, as they be ridicu∣lous

and Apish. But brauyng out the better sort of them, he fet∣cheth their pedigreé from a wonderfull farre compasse, you will say, that the man was either at excellent good leysure, or desti∣tute of some necessary matter to occupy his pregnant witte vp∣on, which would vndertake so weérysome a course for his Rheto∣ricall ••uffe, in so tunable trinkettes of these Romish Reliques.

And first of all begynnyng at the Kalendes of Decēber: at what tyme the Church of Rome makyng preparation for the commyng of the Lord,* 1.266 and so forth proceedyng fore∣ward to other state feastes, as euery of them commeth a∣bout by the course of the yeare, from the begynnyng to the end, doth accustome it selfe to great solemnitie and prayer, and setteth downe in order the hygh and solemne ceremo∣nies celebrated in euery seuerall feast for renewyng the ioy∣full remēbraunce of Deuine thyngs. But in the meane tyme, how idelly the common people bestow the tyme in these feastes,* 1.267 how they plye y^t paūche franckly, tappe the canne freély: hoppe & daunce lustely, swill and swincke soundly, make meéry mighte∣ly: drinke drōke deuoutely: scratch and byte boystorously, moyle and turmoyle madly, dyce, carde, & surffett sumptuously, more like bellygoddes, then godly, defilyng them selues more in fil∣thy behauiour beastly, then in tenne other workyng dayes em∣ployed orderly: Osorius maketh not a word so much slyly, and herein hath he not played the foole, very wisely? Moreouer he maketh no mention at all of the maner of the prayers vsed in these Sacred Saturnalles, in their croochynges, maskyng Masses, Anthemes, Songes, Sonettes, Sacrifices, lamenta∣ble Dirges, in their gaddynges & Processions, how odious and filthy vnseémelynes, how horrible Idolatry,* 1.268 impietie, and superstition, isvsed in those Prayers, Hymnes, and cunnyng chaunting, euen abhominable to be named. Wherein I so much the more commende the wisedome of the man: who thought bet∣ter craftely to cloake those clouteries, then to display them to the view. As when in that solemne feast of S. Thomas Becket the Church prayeth very deuoutly, that the bloud of S. Thomas may make a way for their prayers to wende, where Christ our Lord and Sauiour before did ascende. And agayne makyng Inuocation to Thomas him selfe, it prayeth on this wise, O

sweete S. Thomas geue vs thy helping hand, confirme them that stand, rayse them that are fallen, reforme our maners, conuersatiō, and liues, and direct vs into the way of peace. &c. Not vnlike vnto that where amongest other Cōfessours S. Swythune is called vpon, that he would vouchsaue by his godly intercession, to wash a∣way our sinnes: Where S. Rocke is spoken vnto. Honor and glo∣ry be geuen vnto thee, holy S. Rocke, how glorious is thy name, bles∣sed Rocke, which with thy intercessions and prayers hast skill, to cure all diseases? come downe and preserue vs from botche and pe∣stilence, and graunt vs a sweet and wholesome ayre. Whenas also S. Albane is commaūded to powre out his prayers, for the sauetie of the faithfull: When Wenefred is called vpon, that she will bring them to the heauenly ioyes, which doe celebrate her memo∣ry: Whenas in the Feast of all Saintes prayer is made to the Saintes, that their merites may bring vs to the kingdome of hea∣uen. &c. And that the holy company of Martyrs, the confession of Priestes, and the chastitie of the Uirgines, may clense vs from our Sinnes. &c. Agayne in the Anthemes song of the blessed Uirgine Mary mother of Christ: Let the Reading of the Gospell helpe vs through the merites of our Lady. And agayne where they pray, that the merites of our Lady may bring vs to the heauenly king∣dome. Agayne in the Feast of the Inuention of S. Stephen, in the Legendes of Dunstane, in the miracles of S. Nicolas, and S. Katherine, in the Assumption of our blessed Lady: in the Feast of Corpus Christi: in Reliques Sonday, in the Feast of the fiue woundes of S. Asisian, what monstrous Fables, what an incre∣dible quantitie of detestable lyes, what maner, and how fruite∣lesse and wittlesse trinkettes, toyes, and trifles, what guegawes & more thē childish maskyngs & mommeries in the rest of your holy dayes are heaped vppe and haled together, to delight and please simple wemen and fooles? I suppose surely one Homere were not able to recken vppe all the rable of them in one whole Iliad.

But let vs heare Osorius him selfe telling his owne tale of his holy dayes. The holy Fathers (sayth he) did make prepa∣ratiō for the commyng of Christ. This is true: and we know that he is come long sithence, & do hartely reioyce for it. What doth Osorius and his holy Fathers, looke for els? That Christ

the Sonne of GOD shalbe yet looked for to come agayne in the flesh? No. But that we call to remembraunce the hartie and earnest affections of the holy Fathers that were before vs. What a iest is this? As though it sufficed not them, which did looke for the cōming of Messias to haue their reioysing in Christ if they were holy men in deéde, vnlesse they leaue their solemne & holy Feastes behind them to be celebrated, aswell as y^t memori∣all of Christ? or as though we may seéme not to haue done our dueties sufficiētly, if we do embrace the commyng of our Sa∣uiour with all mindefulnes and fayth, vnles we sticke fast in the shadowes that went before?

At the length our myndes beyng in this sorte prepared for the commyng of Christ:* 1.269 Christemasse day forthwith ap∣procheth. Yet euē here in this very entrey may some scrupule arise, whether Osor. Ralēder do halte ye or nay. For Christ was not borne in the day tyme, but in the night. But I will not trou∣ble Osor. holy dayes about this. In which feast day accordyng to the solemnitie of the day, Organes and other instruments of Musicke sounde very loude: Psalmes and Hymnes are song in pricksong and descant: Notes are warbled & song as loude as the throates can stretch. The Belles from the Turrettes on highe make a wonderfull ianglyng, and fill the whole ayre with their noyse: So that now in so great and pleasaunt a melody of Organes, songes, notes, voyces, and ringyng of Belles, no∣thyng wanteth, but our Osorius to daunce in the midle of the Quier with his myter on his head: to speake nothyng meane whiles of waxelightes, of their gorgeous attire in Copes, and Uestimentes, of the furniture of Aultars with Siluer plate, of perfumes, burnyng of Frankensence, and odoriferous smelles, of the glorious varietie of Siluer & Gold, of their solemne Pro∣cessions, and their gay maskyng at Masses. For vpon this one Feast euery shauelyng may say threé Masses, accordyng to an auncient custome. And all these tend to this end at the lēgth, to rayse vs vppe to behold the mighty Sonne of God in the weakenesse of a very young sucklyng Babe lyeng naked in the Cradle. After this sort forsooth do our Popes and Byshops vse to make a shewe of Christ their Sauiour vnto the people, horne in extreme pouertie, them selues ouerflowyng in vnmea∣surable

Riches: lyeng naked in a Cradle, them selues like Mo∣narches dwellyng in Princely Pallaces: wrapped in ragged & beggerly swathlyng cloutes: them selues glitteryng in purple, gold, and precious stones: contented with a litle milke, them sel∣ues engluttyng Partriches, Peacockes, Woodcockes, Phe∣saūtes, & most delicate Cates, alwayes stuffing their crawes w^t most exquisite vyandes: lyeng in a maūger, whiles them selues sing sweétly in Churches with Organes, Shawmes, & Trum∣pettes, ••ullyng in melody & delightes. A good fellowshyp Chri∣stian Reader, is not here a notable shew of Christ? As though Christ the Sonne of God appeared for none other purpose, but to become a gazyng stocke, and to keépe mens memory occu∣pyed with the onely outward history of his beyng on earth.

But the first day of Ianuary, which is the eight day after the byrth of Christ, and so forth in the other feasts: what is done in euery of the solemne Feastes, but a remembraunce of y^t thing done before? Of the Circumcision of Christ: of geuyng him a name: of the Childe beyng sought out by the wise men, of the blazing Starre that guided the wise men, of purifi∣eng the Virgine that was most pure of her selfe, and other circumstaunces belongyng to the same: we call to remem∣braunce also Symeon embracyng Christ in his armes: the reioysing of Anna, finally the Oracles and Prophecies of them concernyng Christ. And what more after all this? And all these are celebrated by the Church (sayth he) after a most solēne maner, yea & with tor••helight, & waxelightes, bur∣nyng on midday forsooth to the view of the beholders, to the end, the remēbraunce of the same may be more deepe∣ly emprinted in their mynds. Behold here a new assēbly, new ioyes, new trippyng & dauncyng, new sightes & shewes, goodly spectacles & helpes are set out for weake memories. But such they be yet, as do onely feéde y^e eyes of the beholders, edifie their myndes nothyng at all: to witte: Hymnes, Prayers, prayses, sweete songes, and sweete lessons I confesse, but such as y^e vnlettered mul∣titude vnderstand not so much as sillable: The Organes pyping in the meane space, the Belles Ringing: And why do ye not shoote of Gunnes aswell to awaken the people, if happely they fall a sleépe in the Church? But how much were it better for the peo∣ple

Osorius, and more beseéming your personages, if the rable of the holy dayes were cut shorter, which rather engēder sleuthe and idlenesse, then pietie and godlynes: and that ye would con∣uert your Ceremonies, Masses, Diriges, blessinges, prayers stretched out in a superfluous lauishnes of babblyng, Hymnes, Canticles, Uersicles, and these Festiuall melodies, into whole∣some and holy Sermons, whereby you may trayne the godly & well affected hartes of honest Christiās, through some godly ex∣hortatiōs & instructiōs, frō that fruitelesse gazing vpō palpable poppettes, to know the principall pointes of true holynesse and euerlastyng saluation: which might rather edifie their fayth, thē delight the eares & the eyes. Now what auayle all these vayne toyes, though vpon Ashewednesday they Crosse and besmeare their heades and foreheades with Ashes?* 1.270 though they carry a∣bout Palmes and scatter flowers from out their Turrettes v∣pon Palmesonday, though on good Friday and Easter Euen they washe the feéte of the poore,* 1.271 though they consecrate oyle and fier, washe the Altares, blesse the Fontes, creépe to the Crosse barelegged and barefooted, and offer egges also?* 1.272 what auayleth it if Easter day be celebrated most melodiously and so∣lemnized most sumptuously? what if Asscention day and Whit∣sonday,* 1.273 and the Feast of all Saintes be passed ouer with no lesse brauery? if besides this outward shew & vayne glorious pompe nothing be ministred els to rayse vppe Fayth to the contempla∣tion of matters of farre greater importaunce? For what may we thinke, when Christ was first Circumcized, when he was first named A Sauiour, whē in floud Iordan he was Baptized of Iohn: and manifested agayne to be the Sonne of God by a most excellent voyce from heauen: when as he was tempted of the Deuill after sixe weékes fasting: whenas hauyng finished y^t triumphe of his Resurrection, & asscended into heauen, he pow∣red vpon his Apostles clouen fiery tounges, may we thinke (I say) y^t all these were done to none other end, but y^t we should in remembraūce of them, keépe idle holy dayes in pastyme & play? And yet we do not much finde fault with the memorials of those thyngs in godly affected myndes, whēas they be rightly taught vnto them, as certeine helpes, and aydes of godly exercizes: euē so also we do not vtterly reiect those holy dayes approued of aū∣cient

tyme, by vse and custome: yea rather we do in many places reteigne and keépe the same Holy dayes as they doe, albeit not with like ceremony, as farre as we may without reproche of superstition. For euen we also do assemble our selues together, and come to the Church celebratyng the memory of the byrth of Christ, his Resurrection, and Ascention, and the Feast of Pe••∣therost also, but not as a memoriall alone, (whereof we ought to be myndefull euery day and euery houre) but seékyng an occa∣sion of the day, to heare somewhat that may conduce to sounde and pure Religion, and the edifieng of our fayth vnto saluation.

* 1.274And therfore we doe not simply deny, and reiect these holy dayes, but the maner of solemnizyng the same, the stinking abu∣ses, superstitious worshyppyng: y^e multitude of holy dayes, your so••ges and sonnettes for the most part idolatrous, your pray∣ers and inuocations most manifestly repugnaunt and iniurious to the glory of Christ: those we do vtterly abolish, and not with∣out cause. The Iewes had their solemne holy dayes in tymes past, though in nomber not so many, yet prescribed by God him selfe. They had also their bloud offringes and Sacrifices, Fa∣stynges, Easter, Solemnities, and the brasen Serpent: wher∣of as lōg as they folowed the lawfull vse (as beyng certeine sig∣nes, and meane instruments, & shadowes leadyng to the endes, whereunto they were instituted) they were acceptable enough vnto God. But after that by turnyng catte in y^e panne, they pla∣ced the chief worshyppyng of God, and principall marke of true Religion in those thynges, which of their owne nature were the last, and of least valew: how horrible and execrable they became in the sight of God no man can tell you better, then Esay y^• Pro∣phet:* 1.275

What haue I to do with the multitude of your sacrifices, 'I am full of them: the Burnt offring of your Rammes, and fatte of your fattlinges, the bloud of your Calues, of your Lambes, and of your Goates I would not haue: when you come before my presence, who sought for these thinges at your handes to walke so in my Courtes? offer no more any Sacrifice in vayne: your Incense is abhominable in my fight: your new Moones, and Sabbathes, and other holy dayes I will not away with: your assemblies are wicked: my soule hateth you Kalendes and solemne Feastes, I am greeued with these things and ouerladen with them. And when you stretche forth your hands

vnto me, I will turne away my face from you, and when you multi∣plie your prayers, I will not heare you. &c.

And yet God him selfe ordeined all these thynges in his owne law. What then? Doth God condemne the thynges which he commaunded? No truly: but bycause they wrested & forced those thynges to an other end then they were instituted for, bycause they were fastened wholy to those, and had settled the chief foundation of Religiō in these Rites, neglecting in the meane tyme the greater and high mat∣ters of the Law: this now was it that the Lord could not away withall.

Go to: Lets vs also now take a through view of your nota∣ble Feastes and solemne worshyppynges,* 1.276 and let vs compare your ordinaunces (who liue now vnder the Spirituall law) with that people that liued vnder the carnall Law: For they neither worshypped their Sacrifices nor burnt offringes, at any tyme: they neuer painted the resemblaunce or counterfaite of Gods coūtenaūce in table, or picture: they neuer bedecke their Tēples w^t Images: they did neuer set downe any visible signes or por∣traictes of Patriarches, or Saints to be gazed vpō: neither did they euer gadde on Pilgrimage to visite thē: to their Psalmes & Prayers they had nothyng patched els: nothyng intermixt frō els where: they made no intercessiō to Saintes & Sainctesses: they neuer made inuocation to the dead: In their Lessons was neuer any thyng heard but Gods scripture onely: nor any thyng pronounced out of the Scriptures, that was not in their mo∣ther toung intelligible enough of all sortes young and old indif∣ferently. Briefly there was nothyng exercized, but by the ex∣presse prescript and commaundement of Gods law: so that the state and condition of the Iewish Feastes may seéme to be farre more ••afie and tollerable, then yours, if we haue respect to the onely outward forme & superstition of myndes. And yet as I sayd before, I do not stand so much in this point, but that Chri∣stiās may haue their holy dayes, and solemne Feastes, wherein they may refresh them selues, & be raysed to the remembraunce of Gods benefites, and manifold mercyes bestowed vpon vs, so that y^e same be obserued w^tout preiudice of fayth, in simplicitie of vnfayned piety. Neither am I so curious to haue y^t comely tra∣ditions of our elders to be abolished, so y^e true Religiō, remaine

meane whiles vndeffled:* 1.277 the vse wherof cōsisteth not in outwards ceremonies, nor in corporall exercises: nor in places and times, but in spirit & truth: & so, that false preposterous & hipocriticall deuotion be abandoned, wherewith God waxed wroth and was highly displeased. For how many christiās may a man seé, which do measure the chiefe worshyppyng of God by any other endes almost, then by their dayly frequenting churches, often? hearyng of Masses, keéping the euens and holydayes orderly, fasting the Ember dayes carefully,* 1.278 reiterating their Paternosters and A∣ues often and solemnely: powring out their Synnes into theyr priestes bosomes in Lent treatably, croochyng and kneélyng to the Crucifixe barefooted and barelegged humbly: Receiuyng the very body and bloud of Christ vnder the formes of bread & wyne once a yeare, yea euen in their death beddes deuoutly, and that besides there remayneth nought to be superadded to attain perfect saluation beleuing stedfastly, nor that they be ought in∣depted to Christ vdoubtedly, but suppose vnfaynedly that they ought forthwith for these causes receiue heauen for theyr meéd of very duety.

I besech you: If Esay the Prophet liued now agayne amōgst Christiās, or S. Paule the Apostle: and should behold these our serions and toylesome triflinges in our temples, these cunnyng counterfaytes, Images, Alters, bread worshippinges, and the whole face of Christian Religion so transformed into Apishe ce∣remonies: & should seé how prety holy you will shew your selues in trinckets and toyes, and how retchles and vnmindefull of the principall poyntes of doctrine: how niggardly skraping from relieuing the poore, how vnmeasurably prodigall in buildyng of Temples, in decking of Monasteries, in enriching of churches, in costly coapes, in Iewels and plate, in dawbing of walles, in glyding of postes, how excessiuely sumptuous: In corporall ex∣ercises which are of small value how foreward and couragious: but in the exercise of true pietye (whiche is profitable for all things) how litle or no care at all employed, as that it may seéme we haue either forlorne all mercy and compassion, or that pitty and mercye haue forsaken their owne intralles and vowelles. Moreouer in iudging our brethren, how frowardly headstrong, in burning and killing, how ••oo••cherly cruell and Sauadge. If

Esay the Prophet and the Apostle Paule (I say) did behold these thinges, and withall did seé before their eyes, such and so much christian blood sucked out & spilt by your meanes: so many thow∣sandes of martires murthered, and sent vnder the Altar: would not he most rightfully? or woulde not God by the mouth of his Prophet, in much more fiercenes and vehemēcy of stomack, re∣dubble y^e saying agaynst you more iustly, then he did sometimes agaynst y^e Iewes? I will not accept your holidayes, your sabbaothes, & solēne feastinges: your assēblies are wicked, my soule hateth your kalēds & solēnities, I am greued with thē, & am ouerladē with thē. Why haue we fasted, and thou hast not beholden vs?* 1.279 Behold in the day of your fasting, your mindes are enclined to wickednes: You fast to contention and strife, and oppresse your brethren cruelly, wrong∣fully and without cause. Be your washed: be ye clensed, remoue away the euill imaginations of your hartes out of my sight. What would Paule haue added moreouer? who endued you at the first with a farre other manner of doctrine, if he should now behold your doc∣trines, your rites, inuocations, decreés, masses, multitude of ho∣lidayes, your ceremonies, worshippinges, croochings and kneé∣linges, and the disorderous abuses of all your religion: if heé should note that the cōfidēce & affyaunce (wh he taught to be pla¦ced in Christ onely) were by you transposed & translated into an infinite heap of aduocates & proctors & rent euen in sunder by you: Would he acknowledge you for Christiās I pray you? or at least standing in great feare of you, would he not exclaim agayn vpon you? You obserue dayes and monethes,* 1.280 I am afrayd of you. &c.

But it is well: Osorius doth now at length beginne to speak somewhat to the matter. I do confesse in deed (saith he) that al those things wherof I haue made mēciō, & all others of the same sort which I haue omitted (for I think it not needfull to rehearse al by name) are not of any such great perfectiō:* 1.281 for they be certayne principles, & certayne ••ecessary helpes for vs, where with as yet our weake and mortall estate hath some familiarity and acquayntaunce, and of this we haue good proof by dayly experience. &c. The lōg processe ther∣fore that you made of state feasts, and other gadding holydayes in y^e yeare, belike are of y^e quality then, (as you haue said Osor.) of y^t wh though you seéme to haue rehearsed very many, yet haue

you not remembred all: In deéde in this you speake the trueth: For you haue ouerskipt almost an innumerable multitude be∣sides these, to witte: the feastes of the Sayncts and she Saynts: And first of Saynct Iohn Baptist, the feastes of the Apostles & Martyrs, moreouer of Confessours, Uirgyns, Byshoppes and Abbots: of the inuention and exaltation of the holy crosse, of hal∣lowing of Ashes, of Gangeweéke and procession, of Saincte Mi∣chael, of Sainct Peters chayre, Sainct George, Sainct Nicho∣las, Sainct Katherine, Sainct Thomas, of the assumption, cō∣ception, natiuity and Annnuciation and visitation of our blessed Uirgine Mary: of the patrone of the church, dedication day, and Relicksonday. And who is able wich toung to expresse all, which in such clusters are crepte into the Kalender, that it might iustly haue bene feared, least (if the popes holines had cō∣tinued a while longer in good credite) all working dayes should haue bene turned into holydayes, or euerlasting Iubilees.

But forasmuch as Osorius is contented to pare away these skrappes, as not altogether so necessary for his commentaries, we will be contented also to make as litle account of them, and to returne agayne to Osor. description wherein the same also which he doth very fittely deny, is not altogether true, namely: that the things which he rehearsed, are not valuable as perfect, but are certayne principles and necessarye helpes prouided for such as groaning yet vnder the burden of flesh and blood, are not throughly hūbled in spirite. But I beseéch you (good honest man) what maner of speache is this? what kynde of helpes be these wherof you treat? is it euen so Syr?* 1.282 to carry candles burning at hygh noone in the eyes and gaze of all men, call you this a helpe for weake memoryes? or rather a playne president of ridiculous superstition? to worshippe the crucifixe barefooted and bareleg∣ged), to fall groueling before Images, to sette vp tapers and cā∣dles burning before them, to part stakes of the honour due vnto God, with he Sayntes and sheé Sayntes, to make vowes vn∣to them, to craue their helpe in mishappes and misfortunes, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as much to theyr merites, as to Chryst himselfe: to nourish th•• ••••noraūce of the vnlettered in an vnknowne toūg, to remoue the vnlearned multitude from the reading of scriptures, to car∣ry them with dumme and colde ceremonies where ye list, to

feéde the eares with musicke, and song, whose soules you ought to haue fed with the word of God, and enstructed vnto fayth: fi∣nally to make a greater brable and sturre for the breach of these holy dayes, and neglecting those ceremonies, yea to hate your brethren more deadly, rack them to more tortures for these peé∣uish Bables more spightfully, then for not performing the lawe of the Lord: Will you perswade vs to account these to be princi∣ples of piety? or shall we boldly call them rather mysteries of in∣iquity? and playne blockes and lettes of true Religion?

What shall we thinke of this? that not contented yet to haue so largely debated of the celebrating of holy daies, and the mani∣fold Fruit of the same, he proceédeth further & beateth the naile to this issue, that he maketh now of the very same principles, a very necessitie, which earst he vouchsafed no place towardes the attayning of perfection. So that now these shadowes and signes of holy thinges (though of themselues vnperfect) doe yet yeélde great helpes to perfect pietye not onely in these that are weak, but seéme also very necessary for the most perfect men, and most purely catholicke, towardes the attayning of perfect Re∣ligion,* 1.283 Because mans minde hath alwayes some familiarity and acquayntaunce with transitory thinges of this worlde. Which if be not poolished with this most excellent skanning of mysteries, waxeth of her owne nature very dull quickly, and is ouerwhelmed with forgetfulnesse. And no maruell: For as much as this new and wonderfull light of the Euangelicall knowledge (which hath transsigured those Lutheranes) hath not yet shined so brightly in the eyes of those mē, nor are as yet so throughly carried away from this corporall fa∣miliarity, as that they cā wāt these signes of heauēly things without great perill, as these Celestial and Diuine men can do, For with this skoffe doth he note them (whom Luthers doc∣trine hath enstructed) by a certayne figure called Sarcasmus.* 1.284

But to aūswere your pleasāut scoffe (good maister Bishop.* 1.285) First what acquaintaūce & familiarity you haue with the state of murtall men let other men iudge:* 1.286 Surely I could hartely wish that you Massemongers and Shauelinges would take lesse ac∣quaintaunce of your neighbors wiues and daughters, with c••̄∣cubynes and drenches of Baudrye: to stay here, and to rippe vp

no more of your horrible dealinges. But if you be not as yet e∣straūged frō y^e assaults of y^e flesh, as you do affirme, nor haue yet so mortiffed the flesh, but the generall ftaylty of nature will vio∣lently carry you away typsituruy, as well as other men, now and then, into the naturall infirmities of the flesh, what meaneth thē that rash temeraryous rushing rudely into vowes, wherewith very solemnely you sweare sacred and perpetuall virginity, both to God and vnto men?* 1.287 As though there were nothing to be fea∣red in you, of that naturall and general disease of imbecillitye, and weakenesse, that is otherwise common to all men ingeneral? Which if you doe as faythfullye performe, as you doe rashlye sweare, and vow (beyng a matter aboue the reach and capacity•• of humayne ability) I cann seé no cause to the contrary, but that we may reply these Surnames vpō you much sooner, to witt to call you Celestiall men and more then Diuine. For as concer∣ning Luther and others of his profession, howsoeuer it pleaseth you to mockemeary (being a very merry man, tricke and trym altogether for holydayes, & all kind of pleasureablenes) yet did they neuer challenge to themselues so Celestiall & Deuine na∣tures, but that (as men compassed about with weake and frayle bodies as all other mortall men are) they wāted their introduc∣tions, yea and enured themselues to the same not vnwillingly.

For both Religion, and the Church of Christ hath her rudy∣mentes, hath also her ceremonyes and introductions,* 1.288 not onely profitable (to say as you say) but very nacessary also. I speake of those rudimentes and ceremonies chiefly, which Christ himselfe deliuered to his Church, in number but very few, but in vse of greatest force and effectualnesse. Namely: Baptisme and the Supper of the Lord:* 1.289 the one whereof Christ did institute as a pledge of our profession: the other as aperpetuall memoryall of himselfe. For other rudimentes of piety which are practised in externall actions, Christ left none besides these, of any expresse commaundement. And yet if there be any other ceremonies pro¦fitable and appliable for the present time, the Lutheranes doe not altogether abolish them: But the matter doth bewray that these ceremonies, rytes, Gamboldes, holidayes, and new fang∣led ceremonies (which your Clergye doth daylye patche vpon the olde) are for the more part, not onely fruitles, but also verye

Botches and Cankers of the pure and true Religion. And thys much hetherto of the holy and sweét mother church of Rome, and of the vniuersall Regiment of her fayth, ceremonies, and holy∣dayes. Of the which because Osorius seémeth to himself to haue spoken sufficiently, returning at the length to the Lutheranes, bendeth his declamation against them, raked and skraped from out of the very bowels of Rhetoricke: wherein he thrusteth him∣selfe vpon the stage to play the part and to expostolate with Lu∣ther in such wise, as that in all that notable furniture of words, skarcely ought can be found els, then was sometimes especial∣ly noted in Anaximenes by one on a time to witt, to haue whole fludds of words, but not a dropp of good matter.

It were great pitty to rehearse the whole speéch a fresh, then the which nothing can be more ouerlauish and babling. The ef∣fect thereof (as briefly as may be compiled together) tendeth to this end. These Lutheranes do seeme to haue taken vpon them, a very great and labour some burthen: Who seing the Church of Christ lamētably entāgled in such dissolute licē∣tiousnes of maners & doctrine,* 1.290 almost ready to fall to the groūd, could not onely be cōtēted to be agreeued thereat, & with bare prayer & well wishing hartes helpe to vnder∣propp it, but that they would attempt to put their handes therto also, & by their industry, practise the reformation of that which was past al recouery: and because they saw that the inuētiō of man was not able to coūteruayle so great an incōuenience by any meanes,* 1.291 they vndertook the matter by the onely word of God, renouncing all humaine pollicy and industry. Go to and to what end are all these so farre fetche and false also Osorius? at length our Tertullius goeth forward. But because the efficacy of Gods word doth consist, not in brauery, and braggery of wordes, but in vertue, in the due∣tyes of lyfe, and the workes of righteousnes.* 1.292 He doth desire therfore, that some president of this deuine workemanship may be shewed him, wherein some shew at the least of this recouery and preseruation of the Church, may shew it selfe. But forasmuch as there could not possibly be a Reformatiō, vnlesse those obstackles were vtterly takē away, which gaue the first occasion of this generall craze: euen as in Phisicke,

wholesome potiones are not ministred, before superfluous and noysome humors be throughly purged: & in buildings, like as vnlesse the olde walles and rotten postes be first pluc¦ked downe, no new building is supplied: euen so and after the same maner the Lutheranes did purpose with them∣selues to proceed with theyr worke. Which Osorius misly∣keth nothing at all. For he thinketh it expediēt, that super∣stitions be vtterly cut of: because vertue commōly hath not greater Enemies then her owne counterfaytes. Moreouer where he seeth many abuses taken away, scattered abroad, & krusht in pieces, neither doth Osorius reproue this in thē: so long as this alteration is profitable for the Christian cō∣mon weale: and that in stead of these which be remoued, some supply be made of better. Nowe what is throwne downe he doth see playnely: but what is new builded he se∣eth not: yea it is apparaunt enough what thinges are moy∣led vppe by the Rootes, but what is planted in that place, he confesseth he cānot as yet discerne. But this he doth see, namely: the authority of the Byshoppe of Rome to be affli∣cted: Monasteries and Nooneries rooted vppe: and theyr goods and possessions haled away: the deuotion of ceremo¦nies and Religion of Churches defyled: Images, Pictures, Crosses and altars broken in pieces, and troden vnder foot: the holy ordinaunces, Lawes and traditions of the Churche abrogated: finally no hope of true deuotion, nor any free∣dom of wil to be left soūd & safe: Where in this life nothing is left so holy, but is defiled with some spot: no abilitie of will so great, which is not yoaked fast with fatall and vna∣uoydable Necessity. All which so many, in this wise disorde¦red, rent & torne a sūder by the Lutherans, albeit do moue many mens harts to rue: Yet Osorius of his ouerflowing a∣boūdaūce of patiēce & cōstācy, could take all this in much more better part, and be lesse a greeued thereat, if he could be perswaded that the losse and ouerthrow of those things might agree with the safety of the Church, and the maiesty & glory of the Gospell. But now perceiuing the matter to fall contrary: hereupō he is both greuously and with good cause offended with these Sectaries Lutheranes who hauing

vndertaken so great a Charge as to restore to the former health & integritie the disciplyne of the Church being gre∣uously syck & weakned: hath so performed no iote at all of that their promise, as that all thinges rather become worse and worsse, and the new supplies farre more ill fauoured & weake then the olde buildinges: But how will this right re∣uerend father proue his saying to be true at the last? For sooth whereas the purity of the Gospell,* 1.293 and the whole meanes of reforming the Church consisteth in this, that men maye be taught to leaue the beholding of earthly thinges, and rayse vppe their mindes vnto hea••en, to embrace modesty, to be endued with an earnest desire to liue chastely, to yelde due obedience first to the Church, afterwardes to the princes & Magistrates temporall: to prepare themselues a way into heauen, by meekenes, patienee, grauity, constancy and o∣ther heauenly vertues: These I say and other heauēly orna∣ments like vnto these, if would appear, either in their chur∣ches where they teach, or in the maners of them, which are professours of their doctrine: No man could be ignoraunt then what men might iudge of this newe Gospell, and the fruit thereof. But now whereas he doth playnely see that the professors of this new Gospell, are not onely not made better, but also much worsse, and much more filthy of theyr conuersation: as amongst the which, lust rageth more out∣ragiously vnpunished, presumption of minde more readye to committe all manner haynousnesse: more vproares, and much more troublesome: more theeuery, moreouer more conspiracies against Princes: finally more horrible attēptes (if Report be true) be hard to be euery where: the worlde may easily iudge by these so manifold and so great tokens, that these men haue entred vpon a vayne enterprise, & vn∣dertaken much fruitlesse labour in that lamētable moilyng of thinges which they haue subuerted. &c.

Behold here (gentle Reader) though not euery word, yet the force and effect of euery word fully set downe, and the whole purport of Osorius Inuectiue, vnlesse I be deceaued. All whose superfluous and neédeles bablyng, whereas he might haue con∣cluded together in one Sillogisme, yet this idle trifler chose ra∣ther

to come aloft with Peacocklike ruffling of his Rhetoricall plumes, blazed abroad after a sort, and to swell in brauery of e∣loquence: In the which he hath placed the whole mayne batte∣ry of h••s eloquence with shotte and powder,* 1.294 and by all meanes possible els to beate downe if he can, the gladsome light of the glorious Gospell of Christ. But all in vayne: for mightier is the force of the Veritie enuironed about with heauēly garrison, thē that it can be dasht out of countenaunce with Irishe hooboobbes, or wandryng crakes of loftie speaches. Let Osorius bende and enforce all the cramps and artillery of his eloquence, and shoot of all his powder and shotte: yet is this cause of more power thē can be vanquishable with such smoakes: These be but Apsen leaues Osorius, which you haue scattered abroad, meére slaun∣ders, swollen and puft vp with rancour and malice. You must gather a fresh supply, or els fleé the field. Where the chiefe trust of your fortresse is crazed and faultie, there the more you teaze the aduersary, the sooner wil he make a breache vpon you, & you shall be lesse able to endure his assault.

You say that these wonderfull men took vpon thē a very great and daungerous enterprise.* 1.295 And who bee these won∣derfull men, whom you note? The Captaines (I thinke) of these Euangelicall affaires. Luther, Melancthon, Bucer, Zuinglius, Caluine, Haddon and other like sproughtes and issues of the same plantes. And why doe ye not ioyne in nomber with them Paule, Peter, Iohn, all the Apostles, and Prophetes, nay rather Christ him selfe the authour and graūde Captaine of this Gos∣pell•• For as much as the other neuer attēpted any thing, but vn∣der their conduct and stādard. Go to: and what is that so great and perillous an enterprise, that this lusty gallants of the Gos∣pell haue entred vpon? may a man be so bold to know it? First bycause they tooke vpon them the Cure of the wounded Christian Church. I do heare you: but you haue not declared yet, who they were that wounded her first. But abroad with your peddlers packe. Moreouer that they would settle the Gos∣pell in her aūcient renowme and Maiestie: that they would restoare the auncient earnest zeale to godlynes, the aboū∣daunce of Charitie, and that desire to lyue the heauēly life, wherein the Churche florished in the Apostles tyme: That

the Gospell beyng cleansed, and the superstitions thereof wholy rooted out, they would reuiue the liuely sprankes of the auncient Church being vtterly extinct. &c. Truly if these notable men did take this enterprise vpō thē, if euer they made any such promise, if they made any such vowe or oathe, that they would bryng these thynges to passe. I confesse they vndertooke a very great and hard enterprise in deéde. But where did you e∣uer Read any such matter in all their bookes? or which of them did euer make any such promise of him selfe? Tell the truth O∣sorius, was this any promise of theirs? or a false forged deuise of your own? was it their bragge? or the vnshamefastnes of your slaunder? was euer any man yet so madd as to conceaue in his secret imagination, or to dare to make any such promise to re∣forme the Gospell? then the which no one thyng in the world can be more sincere and pure.

When Luther began first to peépe abroad,* 1.296 he attempted a∣gaynst the Popes Pardons, somewhat franckly, yet modestly notwithstandyng, not so much allured there unto by any his own motion, as prouoked by necessitie of coaction, nor yet offryng a∣ny challenge, but beyng iniuried first, and almost wearied out with the importunacie of others. Afterwardes beyng for y^t same cause cōuict by Leo thē Pope of Rome, he purged him selfe, but very humbly, as was declared before: And this was to cleare him selfe Osorius, not to purge & cleanse the Gospell: with like submission & humblenesse he testified his innocencie and vttered his conscieuce before the Emperour freély, standyng then in pe∣rill of his owne life rather, then making any bragge or vaunt of him selfe. Phil. Mclancthon beyng Sommoned to appeare be∣fore the Councell,* 1.297 rendered a Confession of his Fayth, not so much of any hope to do any good, as enforced by necessary con∣straint of obedience to make aunswere for him selfe, beyng in no lesse hassard of his life then Luther. The same in his common places of Diuinitie, what vaunting or bragges hath he vttered? Bucer,* 1.298 and before him then Huldricke Zuinglius,* 1.299 also after them both Iohn Caluine & many other Deuines besides those, for the earnest desire they had to know the truth, applyed their wittes & industry to the readyng of holy Scriptures. For what could they do more cōmēdably? wherein whē they had well tra∣uailed,

read, and vnderstoode them, immediately began the co∣uert conueyaunces of fraude and desceipt to be made manifes•• none otherwise then as thynges that lurcke before in darknesse, do at the enlightenyng of a candle or torche immediately disco∣uer them selues.

Now let Osorius tell vs what he would haue these faythfull Pastours do? should they be mumme and say nothyng? their cō∣science would not permitte them: For this had bene not to teach the flocke of Christ, but to forsake it: not to guide, but to beguile it: not to play the Shepheardes, but wolues & Theéues: should they truly then and freely vndertake to defend the forlorne estate of the Veritie? Euē this is it, this is the very thyng they vnder∣tooke (if you be ignoraunt thereof Osorius) and besides this no∣thyng els. Whereas you say that this was a great and a hard enterprise, you speake herein but the truth. For whereas Veri∣tie is a matter of great importaunce, and doth commonly engē∣der to it selfe hatred: surely they could not haue attempted any one thyng with more perill of their owne liues, nor more daun∣gerous for that present tyme: yea I cā not well tell whether the Apostles them selues professing the Fayth of Christ first, or the Prophetes when the•• reproued mens traditions, superstitious obseruatiō of ceremonies, to much affiaunce in Sacrifices, and the blind and preposterous opiniōs of their people, did euer en∣ter vpon matter of more difficultie or daunger. And therfore as touchyng the substaunce of the matter, I do confesse that it was a perillous and an hard enterprise when they vndertooke the de∣fence of the Veritie. And yet they neuer attempted it of any such courage, or confidence, as to dare to promise any good successe of their labours to any others. For neither was the state of that tyme so appliable, as would permit them to promise any thing of thē selues, though they would neuer so fayne: wherein if they could escape without losse of life, albeit they atchieued nought els, yet they might well iudge that they had done a notable ex∣ploite. So farre was it of, that they could euer imagine, or dreame of so great a renewyng of the Church, of the vtter ouer∣throw of the pope and Idolles, and the like successes that ensued thereupō: the which thyng Luther shameth not to confesse sim∣ply without all dissimulation,* 1.300 as that he could neuer so much as

hope for the hundreth part of those thynges which God of his meare mercy and goodnesse brought to passe in them. Whereby we do you to vnderstand Osorius, that these matters were not begon by mans power or pollicie, nor through any lightenes or braggyng of men, but performed & perfitted by the onely worke of the holy Ghost doubtles. And therefore this Tertullus ma∣kyng his foundation with a manifest lye doth with like deceaue∣able falsehoode proceéde to the rest of his declamation that so he may seéme neuer vnlike him selfe.

You (sayth he) haue afflicted the Authoritie of the Bishop of Rome. &c.* 1.301 O affliction: O cruell tormentes: O holy Mar∣tyrdome: O greéuous passions and woundes, which this God∣ly Pope doth suffer for Christes sake. Whiles I was readyng these wordes of yours Osorius. I began to be sodenly in some doubt: whether this were an ouerscape of your penne, or the ouersight of Theobald your Printer: whenas in steade of the Pope afflicted. You would haue sayd the Lutherans afflicted or at least you should haue sayd so. Certes if you indifferently and vprightly render a iust accompt of all the imprisonmentes: set∣ters, gibbettes: burning plates: pyles of flaming woode: recāta∣tiōs, beheadings, boocheries, fiers, repeales: armies: tortures, hostes, rackynges, and persecutions by fier and fagot, it will ea∣sily appeare whether part hath afflicted, and doth dayly afflict the other. But bycause mention is made here of the afflictions of the Romish Authoritie: it were neédefull for me to enquire of Osorius first, what kinde of Authoritie Osorius doth define vnto vs? For if he meane that Iurisdiction which the Byshop of Rome hath ouer his owne Seé of Rome, and the other Prouin∣ces aunexed to the same, limited him by the Councell of Nice: no man will striue agaynst him for this Authoritie. But if by this name of Authoritie, he will haue to be signified that hygh and vniuersall Authoritie, which the Pope doth exercize and v∣surpe equall with God him selfe ouer all Churches, Prouin∣ces, Pastours, and Byshops and aboue all generall Co••••cels: This Authoritie for as much as the true written Veritie doth not geue vnto him in any place, yea rather oppugneth it very mightely:* 1.302 and doth call it the See of the Beast, to the which also it threateneth a vyall of vtter darkenes: it can by no meanes be

auoyded, but one of these must neédes come to passe, either that this vnmeasurable Authoritie of the Pope, must geue place to the Scriptures of God, or that this vniuersall Byshop shall tri∣umphe and haue the victory, the Scriptures of God beyng vt∣terly vanquished, and put to sci••ence: For as much as these two Authorities beyng so directly contrary eche to other can not stand together.

* 1.303For if Christ would not permitte any superioritie amongest his owne Apostles, will he suffer it amongest Byshoppes? If the Lord himselfe came for this purpose (as the scriptures do wit∣nesse) to become a minister to others: to wash the feét of his dis∣ciples, if he refused to be a king, being sought vpon earnestlye for the same: will there be any so proude a Disciple of Christ, that will with his heéles treade vpō the neckes of Emperours? and will blaze abroad Scepters and Diademes of S. Peter, in the poore and base Church of Christ? what although the Pope of Rome will take vpon him, more then the Authoritie of the Scriptures will allow him: shall it not be lawfull therfore for godly Pastours, & learned Deuines, to professe freély (by y^e te∣stimonies of y^e holy Scriptures) that, which they seé with their eyes, and feéle with their handes, but that they must be accoun∣ted scourgers of the Seé Apostolick? But how much more wise∣ly should the Byshop of Rome haue done, if wormyng out this ragyng ringworme of madd ambition, and keépyng him selfe within his owne limittes and boundes of Scriptures modest∣ly, he would endeuour to bring to passe, to become faultlesse him selfe? and voyde of all iust reproche of deserued infamie? Now beyng so pestered w^t botches & blaynes on all partes, what mar∣uell is it, if he complaine of pinching at y^e least touch of an vlcer? Moreouer neither should our Osorius also demeane him selfe in any respect lesse discretly, if laying aside this foule fashiō of flat∣tering, he would more simply and plainly deale herein with Au∣thorities, and testimonies of Scriptures, rather then with dis∣ordered affections: nor would enter into so contentious a bra∣blyng about the Popes Authoritie: before he had by good and warrantable proofes made manifest to the world, by what right the Pope were able to mainteyne his challenge touchyng the sayd Authoritie.

Concernyng the ouerthrow of Mōckeries and Nunneries,* 1.304 and their goodes and possessions scattered and spoyled: although I can not deny, but that they might haue bene in some places cō∣uerted to better vses: yet are there no small nomber of Regiōs, and freé Cities, where those goodes and Selles are conuerted into Schooles of learning: hospitals for Straungers and sicke persons, and other good vses, farre more seémely and profitable, then when they were receptacles and dennes of idlenes, slouth, I dolatry and superstition.

I speake not now of the liues of these Caterpillers, I touch not their hypocrisie, I sturre not out the stenche of that puddle. Bycause these are externall and incident to mās nature. As for these beyng naturall diseases of the belly, and the flesh I leaue to thē selues. But I enter now into the due consideration of the very inward and best part of Monckish profession: to witte: the Rules of the order, their ordinaunces, their Statutes, and the very foundations of their Religion: I meane the whole course of Monckery, which I do altogether accuse. Agaynst this I do w^t full mouth exclame, & from the very bottome of my hart pro∣fesse, that this order of Monckery is wicked and detestable, fi∣nally such and so wicked, that if all thinges els within the same were founde, yet this their very lurking in dennes, after that maner of liuing, can haue no maner of partaking with the kyng∣dome of Christ. Of other Monasteries other may Iudge better then I: but of such as were in England, I can speake fully, of myne owne knowledge: the first foundations & erections wher∣of if a man behold, it will euidently appeare, that they were in∣stituted for none other end and purpose,* 1.305 then for the redeémyng of soules out of Purgatory, for Remission of sinnes, and for ob∣teinyng of life euerlasting. And what could haue bene deuised more cruell agaynst Christian Relligion? or more repugnaunt to Christes Gospell? Therfore as touchyng these Temples, Dennes, and buildyngs of Relligious houses, I do not so much maruell y^t they are thus razed to y^e grounde: as I maruell more at this, that they could so long cōtinue, to so great preiudice, cō∣tumely, and reproche of the Sonne of GOD. But it is euen the selfe thyng, wherof the Lord him selfe did long sithence Prophe∣cie:

Euery building that my heauēly Father hath not planted (sayth

he) shalbe pluckt vppe by the rootes.

* 1.306But what holynes of Ceremonies: do you tell vs of here O∣sorius? If ye meane those old shadowes of Ceremonies prescri∣bed in old tyme by God, surely these vanished quite away, im∣mediatly vpon the discouery of the cleare light and bright bea∣mes of the Gospell: And yet they did not so vanish away (as I supose) That ceremonies for ceremonies, shadowes for sha∣dowes, or newes shapes should supply the old: for what had this bene els, then frō Iewishnes to reuolt backe agayne to Iewish∣nes? But if you meane of Ceremonies deuised by men: surely of such you may read the Scriptures greuously complatnyng eue∣ry where.* 1.307 They do worship me in vayne teachyng the Doctrines & traditiōs of mē.* 1.308 And in an other place: The houre cōmeth, and now is: whēas the true worshippers, shall worship the Father in spirit and truth. And how often do we heare Paule the Apostle callyng vs backe from those hungry elementes of ceremonies? and that ve∣ry feruently?* 1.309

If you be dead with Christ (sayth he) from the ele∣mentes of this world, why are you then holden backe, with ceremo∣nies, as though you were liuing in the worlde?

And to the Galat.* 1.310 How is it that you turne agayne to the weake and beggerly cere∣monies, whereunto agayne ye desire to be in bondage a fresh? Now by what reason can you ascribe holynes to those thinges, which are called in Paule Beggerly Elementes? and are onely corpo∣rall exercizes, scarse profitable to any thyng, and which do ra∣ther make a Iew, then a Christian man? For what is Christia∣nitie els, then a spirituall life and worshipping? Euen as God him selfe whom we do worship is a Spirite. And the armour wherewith we mainteyne his warfare is spirituall: & our inhe∣ritaunce and countrey is sayd to be heauenly and not earthly. For although we be clogged yet with infirmities of the flesh, we do not liue as bondslaues to the flesh. But are risen agayne to∣gether with Christ in Fayth, Spirite, and Truth: seékyng not the uisible thinges of this world but heauenly: neither betray∣eng the freédome wherein we were called: and agayne not abu∣sing the freédome (wherein we do dwell) to the lust of the flesh: But what fréedome of Religiō is this, if we be holdē as yet bōd∣slaues to the Traditions of men? Paule crieth out. That one of vs should not Iudge an other in meate and drinke, or in the part of

the holy day, or new moone, or of Sabbathes: And will Osorius tye necessity to y^e keépyng of these. Be I not here taken at the worst.

I speake not this, as though I thought simply,* 1.311 that no con∣stitutions of men, nor ceremonies are tollerable in the Church, without the which there can be no Congregations nor Chur∣ches of Christians in this life. But this present treaty concer∣neth those ceremonies not which are brought in by any kynde of necessitie, but by way of superstition: not which come in for de∣cency or order, but are instituted as especiall matter of piety & godlynesse: In the which many men haue grounded their hope of Saluation, the chief foundation of Relligion, and hauen of affiaunce: wherein they flatter thē selues, and condemne others: vpon the which the greater part of Catholickes now a dayes do fawne ouer greédely, nor do onely dwell vpō them, but euē bury thē selues aliue in thē. And euē these Ceremonies do so nothing at all agreé with the pure and sincere Relligiō of Christ, as that no pestilent botche can be more deadly cōtagious vnto it: Of y^t which many famous & godly men haue sundry tymes complay∣ned bitterly, and not without cause. For wise men, and men of experience did perceaue this to be true (as it is most true) that the effectuall force of the Gospell was extinguished, true pietie neglected, & not the consciences onely, but the lyues also of men endaungered, through none other so perillous a contagion, as this glitteryng pompe of gorgeous Ceremonies. Amongest the which this is one, that Reporte telleth of two persōs in Fraūce,* 1.312 who not many yeares agoe were in daunger to be burned, for none other matter, but bycause they did eate flesh two dayes in Lent, beyng constrained thereunto by necessitie of sicknesse. Be∣hold the fruites of Ceremonies: to witte: that for mens Tradi∣tions, we shall breake the Cōmaundements of God, recōptyng murther to be a more tollerable offence, then to leaue a peltyng cōstitution of a Pope vndone. I could rehearse six hūdreth like exāples out of y^e Monuments of our own Martyrs chiefly, who were more often and more sharpely punished, for despising mēs Traditions, then for breakyng the Cōmaundementes of God:* 1.313 in so much that a mā would thinke, that the whole face of Chri∣stian Relligion had bene estraunged into Ceremonies, or els to hang more vpon these, then vpon the word of God.

* 1.314And whereas you say, that Images, Signes, Crosses and Altares are throwen downe. I thinke veryly that Luther and the other ministers of the Gospell cannot be duely charged with this slaunderous reproch: forasmuch as they neuer put their handes to the breaking or plucking downe of Images, nor is it conuenient for any priuate person to presume vpon any in∣nouation in Christian cōmon weales or Churches by force and vproare. But if the Magistrate do execute his office godly and peaceably, acording as he may lawfully do, in the things which he doth perceiue to be consonaunt with the word of God: What maketh Osorius here with vs (being but a priuate man himself, and a meére straunger) to keépe a skolding or medling with our matters? If the famous king of Portingall Sebastian be of the mind to remayne a fawtor and follower of those Romish super∣stitious Ragges in Altares, Pictures, Signes, and worship∣pyng of Images: He hath on the one side the testimonies of the Scriptures, on the other side the Parasiticall pratyng of Monckes, let him follow which he will: let him doe in hys owne Realme, vpon his owne perill, what him pleaseth best: On the o∣ther side: If the most vertuous Queéne of England Elizabeth, (by the guiding of Scriptures) haue thought it more conueni∣ent to expell and Banish out of her Realme, the stincking pilfe of durty superstition (the sight whereof no Christian Prince can endure without great perill & daunger of himselfe and hys sub∣iectes:) Truely she doth nothing herein, but that she may safe∣ly do, & iustify the doing therof, by the manifest authority of the sacred scripture, and singuler examples of most famous and re∣nowmed kings: Unlesse peraduēture Osorius doth make small account of the commendable remembraunce of Ezekias,* 1.315 Iosias Iosaphat and others, which brake downe and krusht in peéces Altares, Idolles, Groanes, and the Brasen Serpent. Or the ex∣ample of Gedeon also,* 1.316 who though were not a kyng, did yet cut downe the Groaue, and tare abroad the Altar. What now? The same which was lawfull for the kinges of the Iewes, in the carnall law, shall not be as lawfull for our Rulers and Poten∣••ates in the spirituall kingdome of Christ? shall that which re∣doūded to their glory and prayse in the olde law, be condemned in our age in Christian Princes for Sacriledge?

And what if Osorius had liued in that season: when as Epi∣phanius Byshoppe of Cypres,* 1.317 (seing the Image of Chryst a∣gaynst the manifest authoritie of the Scriptures (as he sayed) paynted in a veyle) rent it in peéces with his owne handes? what if he had liued in the time of Origen? or in that florishing age of the primitiue church? at what time Augustine, Lactantius, Am∣brose Eusebius would not suffer in the church, this kind of Pa∣••anisme? at what time as yet was not any shadow so much of an Image, in the temples of Christians? Or what & if afterwardes he had happened in the Court of Phillippicus, Leo Isaurick an Emperor of Greéce, and of his sonne Constantine the fifth? or of Leo the 4?* 1.318 What if he had bene present at those threé councels Constantinople, vnder Constantine the fifth Emperour, or at the Elibertine and Franckfordine Councels, vnder Charles the great? in the which, Images were vtterly Banished out of Churches, by most manifest argumentes out of the holy Scrip∣tures, and by the generall consentes and voyces of the whole counsell: at what tyme great and inuincible reasons were allead¦ged to proue directly that the Images of Chryst, of our Ladye, of the Apostles, & Martyres, (as neuer instituted by any tradi∣tion of Christ, of the Apostles, no nor of any y^t auncient Fathers) ought not in any wise be brought into Churches, or being brought in, not to bée permitted and suffered in any respect.

The Catholicke Church (say they) standing amids Iewishnesse and Gen∣tility,* 1.319 doth neither allow the bloody Sacrifices of the Iewes, and in Sacrificing doth vtterly abandone all manner of Gentility & gaze of Images.

And agayne a litle after. Whosoeuer shall practise to e∣rect Pictures, or Images of Sayntes, after the errour of the Gen∣tiles, shalbe adiudged a Blasphemer. &c. And so concluding at the last.

We (say they) that are inuested in Priestly dignity, being assē∣bled together, do with one voyce determine and decre, that all man∣ner Imagery, of whatsoeuer mettall, wood, or stuffe, deuised by the wicked practise of paynters, shalbe vtterly abolished out of the chur¦ches of Christians, as execrable and abhominable. And whosoeuer shall presume to sette vppe a••y such Image, either in the Church, or in his priuate house, or secret closet, If he be a Byshop or a Deacon: Let him be deposed: If he be a seculer or a lay person, let him be hol∣den aceursed: and turned ouer to the punishment of the Imperiall

constitutions: as one that doth wilfully impugne the ordinaunces of God, and breake the Rules thereof. &c.

Not vnlike vnto this, was the decreé established in y^e Elibertine coūcell:* 1.320 It seemeth good vn∣to vs, that Images ought not be in Churches, and that no thing be paynted vpon the walles that is reuerenced or worshipped. &c. Of these I say, and of other the like decreés of councels, if Osorius had bene an eye witnesse himselfe: or would yet vouchsafe to peruse the monumentes of auncient Fathers, he would surelye conceiue an other opinion of Images, he would beleue the testi∣mony of Lactantius,* 1.321 who sayth: that there is no Religion, where any picture is in place. Agayne he would geue creditte to Chriso∣stome:* 1.322 saying: we do enioy the presence of Sayntes by reading their writinges: hauing therein a present view not of their bodyes, but of their soules. To this may be added the testimony of Amphilo∣chius,* 1.323 Byshoppe of Iconium: We esteeme it not worth the labour to paynt any corporall shape of Sayntes in coloured tables, because we haue no need of them but we ought to be mindfull of their good liues. And from this differeth very litle that which Theodore Byshoppe of Ancyra teacheth:* 1.324 We thinke it vnseemely to paynt in materiall colours the countenaunces and counterfaytes of Saynts, but we ought to delight our selues now and thē, with the beholding of theyr vertuous liues, which theyr writinges do deliuer vnto vs, as certayne liuely Images of the soule. But such as erect theyr por∣traictes lett them tell vs what profitte may redownd vnto them by the same.* 1.325 Is it because the maner of remembraunce by this spe∣ctible view doth helpe their memory? But it appeareth manifestlye, that all such Imaginations are vayne, and dyabolicall deuises. &c. Moreouer Eusebius Byshopp of Pamphilia (writing to Con∣stantia Augusta for aunswere to here request made vnto him for the Image of Christ,)* 1.326 Denied that it could be possible, that the resplendizaunt, and most orient exellency of his Maiesty, could be portrayed by any dead resemblaunce, or any trisling picture. U∣sing this reason. If that his heauenly disciples (quoth he) were not able to behold him in the Mount, who f••lling flat vpon the earth, confessed that they were not able to behold so great a sight••, howe much lesse can the fashion of his flesh be resembled, or endured si∣thence he had put of mortality: and washing corruption cleane away, had now translated the shape of a Seruaunt, into the glorious Ma∣iesty

of a Lord and God. &c. To passe ouer of sette purpose the reasons of Nazianzen, Basile and Athanasius debated vpon this matter,* 1.327 in the same coūsell. For what neéd I cyte any more Testimonies of men, sithence the Lord himselfe doth witnesse the same out of heauen?

The voyce of our God cryeth out in his word,* 1.328 Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen Image, nor the likenesse of any thing. Contrary to this crieth out the Pope in y^e Trydētyne counsell, let vs make our selues grauen Images: we will make vs Ima∣mages and Pictures: who shalbe obayed? the pope? or the Lord? What hath the temple of God (sayth Paule) to do with Idols?* 1.329 How shall the Temple of God stand (sayth the Pope) without Ima∣ges and Pictures?* 1.330 The Popes Parasites prate apace in theyr decreés: The honor that is done to the Image of Christ, is done to Christ himselfe. For the honor of the signe doth redownd to the thing signified. But the voyce of Chryst cryeth out farre otherwise, which doth teach, that the honor done vnto the first patterne can neuer be employed better, then vpon his liuely members and liuely Images.* 1.331 Whatsoeuer you haue done to the least of my brethren, you houe done it to me: He that receiueth you, receiueth me. Iohn the Apostle doth geue this lesson:* 1.332 My litle children beware of Images? What doth the Pope with his Try∣dentyne hyrelynges decreé out of his triple Crowne? My sweét Babes retayne Images with you:* 1.333 and seé that there be no saint in heauen, which may not haue a Temple on the earth: nor let any place of the Church be seéne voyd, without some Imagerye, whosoeuer shall either teach or thinke the contrary, let him be accursed. And by thys meanes what make ye els of the Tem∣ple of God, but a denne of Idols? The Lord crieth out by the mouth of his prophet Iere.* 1.334 Theyr Pictures are the doctrine of va¦nity: and Abacuc y^e Prophet,* 1.335 calleth Images the workemanship of lying. And you make carued Images and woden Images bookes of the lay people.* 1.336 On which side shall the fayth of the chri∣stians bestow it selfe? shall they beleue the Prophets of God? or the liyng of the Papistes? If we that be christians doe liue by fayth, and if fayth come by hearing, and hearing by the worde of God, and not by Images: why are your Temples so open and common receptakles of dumme Stockes and Blocks? and

so fast lockt and shutte vppe from the word of God to speake freély to euery nation in their mother toung? Nay rather why are the liuely Images of the liuyng God mangled and cutte of? and why are his lyuely Temples consumed with fire and sword, for dead Images of dead soules?

But to admitte thus much, that Images and Pictures may happely serue to some vse, els where, then in Churches, and besides the case of worshippyng: Yet by what testimonye of the Scriptures, do ye presse common weales not onely with the vse of Images, but w^t a necessity also of hauing thē in chur∣ches, and chappelles? as though Christian Religion were not e∣stablished vpon a sure Rock and defesible enough, vnlesse it must be vnderpropped with the Popes pelting poppets: how is it then, that they which freély preach agaynst this neédeles necessi∣ty, and fruitlesse fawning vpon Images, (accordiding to the prescrypt Rule of Gods word) yea so protest the same, as ne∣uerthelesse offering not a finger so much, nor any kinde of force in the meane time to the ouerthrow of those altares, and Ima∣ges, but referre the matter wholy to the Magistrate: not respec∣ting ought els, but that all Christians, should worshippe God onely and alone: Shall these professors (say I) which teach the trueth be accused? or they rather which agaynst the direct word of God, enforce the people to manyfest Idolatry? But of this briefly, and as it were lightly ouerrunue, whereof Haddon hath both grauely and aboundauntly discoursed before.

* 1.337Behold yet how this slaundrous mountayne swelleth and in∣creaseth. You haue most wickedly condemned sorrowfull contrision of the hart and good workes of the godly: you haue cutte of all hope to liue vertuously and Godly, by cō∣firming a certayne notable vnpunished Licentiousnesse of li∣uing. &c. Where finde you this Osorius?* 1.338 In the golden Le∣gend (I suppose) or in the seuen sleépers dreame. If you haue found any such thing in any their writings, that doth condemne Contrition, Godly teares, and workes of good men: Set downe the Authors name then, (good Syr) cite the wordes and place if you can: If you canne not, what meaneth then, this your vnces∣saunt outrage of lying and slaundering? But happely Osorius is not so much to be blamed for this as his Notary is, who ra∣king

together certayne scrappes out of other mens writinges very ill fauouredly, and more illfauouredly deprauing them: doth make a most illfauoured and framshapen deliuery of them to Osor. For by the matter it selfe it is apparaunt, that Osorius was neuer exercised in the bookes, whereat he barketh so much. This sentence I confesse is in one of Luthers Articles•• namely: The righteous man doth offend euen in his best workes.* 1.339 And hereupon Osorius concludeth his argument. Ergo: A righte∣ous man doth not worke any good worke, but all that he doth, is wicked and mischieuous. But where did this Portin∣gall learne his logicke? whereas the right order of concluding, after the Rules of Logicke, should haue bene rather on this wise: The righteous man doth offend do he neuer so well. Ergo. The iust man doth worke well. For vnlesse he did worke good workes, how could he offend in a good worke? As if a man shall frame an argument on this wise. Osorius doth lye in all his Bookes: Hereof therefore canne not be denyed, but that he wri∣teth Bookes: Or els how could he lye in his bookes, if he wrote no bookes at all?

And yet neither did Luther in that Article affirme symply, that the righteous man doth sinne in euery good worke?* 1.340 But an∣nexing thereunto an exception conditionall, he doth qualifye the sharpenesse of the proposition, expounding himselfe with the te∣stimonies of Gregory and Augustine on this wise: If God pro∣ceed in his iudgement (sayth he) straightly, without all considerati∣on of mercy. Meaning hereby, not that God should take good workes from righteous men, but should despoyle works of that perfection, which of it selfe were able to counteruayle the cleare iudgement of God: so that the perfection of our righteousnes consist not now in doing well, but in acknoledgement of our owne Imperfection, and humble confessing the same. For this do we heare Augustine speake,

Vertue (sayth he) wherewith man is now endued, is so farre forth called perfect, as the true and hum∣ble acknowledgement of mans owne imperfection, ioyned with an vnfayned confession of the same, doth make it to be accepted for perfect.

Now what poyson lurketh here I beseéch you worshipp∣full Syr? Unlesse perhappes you thinke thus, that because God doth not commaund impossibilities, for this cause, they

that be regenerated may in this life accomplish the law of God fully and absolutely: and that your selfe be of the number of them which in this life abcomplish all righteousnes throughly, If you thinke thus of your selfe, what better aūswere shal I make you,* 1.341 then the same which Constantine the great did on a time nip∣pingly to Acesius a Nouatian (who denyed that such as were fallen, could rise agayne by repentaunce.) Set vppe your Lad∣ders (quoth he) and clymbe you vppe to heauen alone Acesius. Furthermore where you are wont to obiect in this place impos∣sibilitie of performing the law: surely this doth not so much em∣paire Luthers assertion, nor helpe your presumptuousnes: si∣thence Augustine doth aunswere you sufficiently in Luthers behalfe.* 1.342

All the cōmaūdemēts of God (saith he) are thē reputed to haue bene performed, when whatsoeuer is left vndone, is pardoned.

And in his booke de perfectione iustitiae debating this question whether the commaundements of God were possible to be kept: he doth deny that they be possible to be kept:* 1.343 But he affirmeth that neither in this life they be possible to be kept, nor to keep them, commeth of nature but of the heauenly grace. But hereof hath sufficiently bene spoken already before, so that it shall not beé needfull to do the thing that is done already.

* 1.344It remayneth next now, that we enter into the discourse of the holy ceremonyes, decreés and ordinaunces of the Church, because he complayneth for the suppressing of these also, where∣in what iust cause he hath to complayne, shall hereby apeare. If we consider duly and aright the auncient ordinaunces, and de∣terminations of the primitiue Church. Amongest which aun∣cient ordinaūces of the Church. I suppose this was establshed: That no man should be abridged from freédome to marry, and from eating all kinde of meates, fish, or flesh, as euery man foūd himselfe best disposed. It was an auncient ordinaunce also, that aswell the lay people as priestes without exception should com∣municate vnder both kindes, the bread and the wine. And that nothing should be redde in the Churches besides the scriptures. Moreouer that the Scriptures should be read openly to all per∣sons generally in their mother toūg y^t euery man myght vnder∣stād it. The auncient ordinaūces of y^e church, did neuer admit a∣ny more sacramentes then two: nor widdowes vnder threéscore

yeéres old: nor vouchsafed any (y^t were but newly entred into the profession) to beare any rule in the congregation: nor any els, but such as were knowne both godly and prayseworthy, aswell for the soundnesse of theyr doctrine, as for the continuall course of their liues: It was an especiall prouiso of the auntient discipline, that no one person should haue any more Cures the•• one: nor should receiue out of any Church any greater contri∣bution, then should seéme sufficient for necessaryes onely, and not to mayntayne prodigality and lust: It was also an auncient custome amongst the elders, that the newly professed should be applied to reading of lessones, and singinge onely: And the Priestes in the meane time should apply preaching of the word. Amongest other aūciēt ordinaūces, that Canon of the counsell of Nyce seémeth worthy to be placed here, which prouided that the ouersight of all other churches should beé committed to threé or foure patriarches equally, in such wise, as that no preheminence of superiority should be amongst them, but all to be equall in dig∣nity. Adde vnto this, the generall discipline of the church, which did not hang vpon one mans sleéue onely, but was exercised indif∣ferently in all places, agaynst all notorions offences without re∣spect of persons.

Now therefore where Osorius complayneth that the ordi∣naunces of the auntient and primitiue Church are taken away, * 1.345 & abolished, herein he doth not amisse: So do many godly perso∣nages more beside Osorius complayne very bitterly of the same. But in the meane space I do maruaile much, what monstruous deuise this Byshoppe coyneth agaynst vs, who neither liketh with the abolishing of the auncient customes of the primitiue Church, nor can in any respect disgest those men, which do ende∣uour and desire onely to haue a generall reformation. For to saye the trueth, whereunto tendeth all the endeuour of those men, whome Osorius here wringeth vpon so sharpely, but that those auntient decreés and ordinaunces (wherewith the Church of Christ was endued at the first) might recouer agayne theyr for∣mer dignity, from which they haue bene lamentably reiected? If they could bring this to passe, by any meanes, nothing coulde please them better. But if their harty desires attayne not wished Successe, no men are more to be blamed for it Osorius then you

your selues:* 1.346 who vnder a deceauable and craftie vysor of anti∣quity, practize earnestly and busily alwayes, that no Monumēt of auncient antiquitie may remaine: but haue forged vs a cer∣teine new face of an vpstart Church, with certeine straunge and newfangled Decreés, and Decretalles, which the true and aun∣cient antiquitie (if were alyue agayne) would neuer acknow∣ledge otherwise, then as misbegotten Bastardes.

But to proceéde: this Rhetoricall amplificatiō waxeth more hotte yet & in more choler?* 1.347

Moreouer neither contēted (sayth he) with the lamentable desolatiō of these thynges, ye haue dispoyled mā of all freedome of will, and haue bounde fast with a certeine fatall and vnauoydable Necessitie all the actoins and imaginations of men, be they good and godly, or be the perillous and pernitious, cōtrary to Nature, Rea∣son, and the law of God. &c.

Touchyng the freédome of mans will and that fatall necessitie (as Osorius tearmeth it) bycause aunswere sufficient is made already before: It shall be neédelesse to protract the Reader with a new repetition of matters spoken already. To be brief, and to draw once somewhat nearer to the Epilogue of his notable Oration, hauyng dispatcht that part of the accusation now, wherein he hath discouered whatsoeuer hath bene spoyled by the Lutheranes: he bendeth his eloquence to declare, by the rest of his talke, what supply hath come in for that which hath bene spoyled. And here our proper fine Orator, takyng a through and circumspect view of all thynges I war∣raūt you, can espy no one thing (of all y^t is reformed) any thing prayseworthy, nor any thyng in any respect aunswerable to the promises of these men: who promising to cure the woundes and blemishes of the Church, haue brought it into farre worse case, more putrified, and fuller of corruption.

* 1.348And why so? Bycause they do see that not onely the pro∣fessours, but the hearers also of this new Gospell are not onely not made better, but defiled with many more hay∣nous offences more prouoked to troublesome diuisions, to venerous lust: to theeuery, and murther, and to all other horrible practizes. This is a stale deuise and an old practize of a pratyng Rhetorician: that when thou seést thy selfe confoun∣ded with truth of matter, to fleé forthwith to slaunderyng, scol∣dyng

and backbyting. But to aunswere you somewhat hereun∣to. What? do ye note all the professours of the word Osorius? or some particuler persons? I thinke neither you will, nor iustly can iustifie your saying agaynst all:* 1.349 no more can ye agaynst ma∣ny of them: for as much as ye know not throughly, the one halfe of our conuersations. But if you thinke thus of some particu∣ler person, why do ye maruell so much at this? sithence the state and condition of mans life attained neuer yet so perfect a feli∣citie, but that there was alwayes iust cause of cōplaint agaynst the maners of many men, and the worst part commonly were more in nomber thē the better. Yea in Paradise it selfe: sithence man and woman alone, beyng but two onely could not liue long together in that humaine flesh, without sinne, how much lesse is this to be wondered in a multitude? And yet in respect of those some persons (whom you note as it were with a coale) I know some also, and could note them by name, whose commendable conuersation of life I would rather chuse, then all the holynes of all your Portingalls whatsoeuer: vnlesse you demeane your sel∣ues more godly at home in Portingall, then some of you lately behaued your selues here in England, whom notwithstandyng I will not at this present openly diffame, nor speake of them all that I know: concealing their names of set purpose, to the end your noble Nation shall not be infamed for their lewdenes by a∣ny reporte of myne. And therfore let all that be Catholick be heauenly and Angelicke also for me. And in this sort also had it bene as seémely for you (good Catholicke Syr) not to haue rusht so rudely with your vnmanerly penne agaynst them, whose maners be altogether as farre from your knowledge, as their names be.

As touchyng report, what hath bene carried vnto you, or what not, I do not so much esteéme: which (as you know) carri∣eth lyes for the more part, rather then truth. But admitte that y^e report be true: marke yet I pray you, how iniurious and slaū∣derous you are both in respect of the persons agaynst whō you do inueighe so much,* 1.350 & in respect of the cause which you do de∣fende. For wheras they do treate vpon Relligion and doctrine onely, you apply all the action to life and maners, without all cōsideratiō of the differēce betwixt these two. For whereas Rel∣ligion

is referred to God onely: and maners respect mans state, and condition properly: hereby it commeth to passe, that in that one nothyng ought to be permitted, except it be most sincere and pure: and in these other nothyng at all can be founde that is in a∣ny respect perfect. Now if the order and course of mans life be not in all pointes correspondent to that absolute, and exact rule of doctrine, which we professe: yet doth this neither countenaūce your errour: nor preiudice the sinceritie of the Relligion that is taught out of the Gospell. Wherfore this was altogether be∣sides the cushian Osorius, to raunge so lauishly agaynst men, & to speake so litle of the matter and substaunce of the question, which concerned not mens maners, but the pointes of doctrine properly. But peraduenture this place serued here to the Rhe∣toricall commō place of vice and vertue, taken out somewhere of some Oratours booke, which perhappes you would haue cleane forgotten, vnlesse you had furbushed it a fresh at this present. Wherein notwithstandyng I do neither disallow your diligence much, nor despise your Rhetoricall florishyng, and beautifieng of righteousnesse. For I know and confesse that this integritie of life (which you commēde so highly) apperteineth much to the dignifieng of the Church. But yet this great boast maketh but small roast, and serueth as litle to this present cause.

Which in deéde is this: That a playne demonstration ought to haue bene made by the testimony of the Scriptures, not what is pure, or what is corrupt, in mens maners: but in the cōtrouer∣sies of Relligion what is true, and what is false. Now if you be not so well furnished with Scriptures, as to be able to debate throughly of the controuersies of Relligiō,* 1.351 and therfore would conuerte your penne to this Rhetoricall kynde of cauillyng, and scoldyng: thē should you haue for seéne this much, that this your hideous barkyng might at the least haue resembled the barking of those dogges, that were trayned vppe lōg sithence in the Ca∣pitoll of Rome, not to barke at honest Citizēs walking abroad in the day tyme, but to driue away theéues & gadders by night, and to discouer thē with their barkyng. But you so frame your accusation now, I know not how preposterously & ouerthwart∣ly, as that ye seéme more worthy to be noted for a Sycophant, thē an accuser: as one who passing ouer those lazye Drones and

waspes, which of all others chiefly ought to haue bene beaten a∣way farre from the Hyues of the Church: ye rush onely vpō thē altogether, whose worthy trauailes (if you were an honest man) you would thinke neuer to be able to requite w^t cōdigne thanke∣fulnes. And yet in this your accusation agaynst them, you do so enforce the whole bent of your Inuectiue and speach, as that no part thereof at all carrieth any shew of truth, nor agreément in it selfe.

First you doe say,* 1.352 That these men tooke vpon them this enterprise of a great courage, arrogancie, and boldnesse, whereby they promised to reforme the corrupt maners of the Church, accordyng to her former auncient beauty: and to bryng this to passe, they bounde them selues by solemne oathe. Which I haue already declared to be most vntrue: yea y^e whole world witnessing same, though I would hold my peace. Yea annexe further, That many ordinaūces well established in the Church first, are taken away by them and abrogated. Which also hath bene disproued to be no lesse friuolous & vaine. Nay rather, if I should tell you, as it is in deéde: you should haue sayd rather. That many thynges haue bene brought into the Church by your Catholickes, long sithence the tyme of the Apostles and auncient Fathers: so weake of them selues, so fri∣uolous, and so absurde: as could by no meanes endure the gliste∣ryng Beames of the Orient Gospell,* 1.353 but must neédes immedi∣ately at the very sounde of the Trumpet of truth, fall downe of them selues to the grounde, and vanish quite out of sight, yea without touch of breath as they say. And hereupon came it, that the Seé of that Beast was darkened: hereof came it, that the Denne of momishe Monckes neuer founded by God, were roo∣ted cleane: vppe hereof came it, that their goodes and possessions were dispersed abroad: their temples destroyed: their Images, Altares, Idolles, Monumentes of prophane superstition shyue∣red in peéces: Finally whatsoeuer was repugnaunt to Christes Gospell, whatsoeuer apperteined not to his glory, whatsoeuer hypocrisie had heretofore builded vpon the Sandes, and not vpon the Rocke Christ: came all to vtter ruine. And there is no doubt, but that your Mytred pride Osorius together with that intollerable arrogancy, and insolent hautynes of Romish Pre∣lates,

their Princely trayne: Lordly and ambitious Titles, and all that Luciferlyke pompe of abhominable lyfe, wherein they riotte and reuell in despight of Christ & his Gospell, shall come to the lyke ouerthrow, which doth euen now by all lykely conie∣ctures threaten your vtter subuersion.

* 1.354I come now to the other part of your cauill, which is in all respectes as vntrue and friuolous. Wherein you conclude af∣ter this sort: That sithence the Preachyng of this Gospell, no Reformation of life hath ensued, nor that y^e conuersation of their Auditorie is any ioate at all bettered, but rather made much more worse then before: But how doe you know this to be true, beyng so farre distaunt frō this end of the world? Reporte hath told you so: Ueryly a fitte messenger for Osorius his grauitie.* 1.355 But do you so stoughtly warraūt all your slaunders vpon heare∣say good Syr? and do ye thinke it enough for you to treade down the Gospell of Christ, with your graue and solemne voucher of hearesay onely? what? can you so quickely harken vnto Reporte, & geue no credite or eare to Christes Gospell? Is it so in deéde? hath fame so bewitched your eyes, that you cā discerne nothyng but that, which is altogether remoued? nothyng but wickednes? lechery? murthers, and theftes, tumultes, and conspiracies? Fi∣nally nothing reformed nor bettered with vs sithence the embra∣cyng of this Gospell?* 1.356 what say you to this? when the people be instructed to repose all their hope, and affiaunce of Saluation in Christ onely: to seéke and craue of this onely patrone and Medi∣atour, a preseruatiue for all maladies, reiectyng all peltyng drugges of mens traditions: to hold them selues assured in this onely vnpenetrable Rocke: to lamēte & bewayle all their sinnes before him: finally to make a sure couenaūt with thē selues vpō an vndeceauable Faith, to haue y^e fruition of all things appertei∣nyng to saluation & euerlasting cōsolatiō in him & by him: when godly consciēces entangled before with innumerable snares, do begyn to be recomforted with that gladsome Trumpe of Euan∣gelicall Grace: and to acknowledge & embrace the inestimable riches of Gods glory in Christ Iesu: whēas Kyngs hauing sha∣kē frō their shoulders that intollerable yoake of seruile Popish bondage, do know how to preserue their owne Seignories and right: and Subiectes to yeld due obediēce to their Princes, and

Magistrates: finally when as Idolles, and Images beyng sub∣uerted, euery person is taught to open his owne cause vnto the liuyng Lord, in spirite and truth, and to lead his lyfe accordyng to the prescript rule of Gods ordinaūce, and not after the Apish Decreés and Decretalles of the Pope? and to surcease here frō many others of the same sort: which beyng in number infinite al∣most are you onely & alone so bussardly blind, that can discerne none of all these, & can accompt all these pointes of so necessary reformation to be altogether fruitelesse, and nothyng worthe?

But their maners remaine yet vnreformed, or rather worse then they were, sith this Gospell was receaued.* 1.357 Harkē a whiles you Portingal. Truly I may selfe haue heard the Iewes obbray∣ing vs christiās w^t the same faults, wherwith you do reproch vs now touching disordered life. And it may be peraduēture, that amongest the Iewes, some Phariseés may lead their liues some what more precisely, accordyng to the outward integritie of the law, then many Christiās do now a dayes: shall the Fayth ther∣fore (which the Christians do professe) be esteémed any iote lesse ualuable and sounde? I beseéch you Syr, in what countrey liue you, that cā so earnestly reproue vs for not keépyng the discipline of our profession? What and if your Auditory (say you) be not onely not made better. &c. First render an accompt of your owne Auditory Osorius, then make inquisition of ours after∣wardes. But that we may with lesse difficultie aunswere the faultes, wherof you condemne vs, I would fayne learne of you first, who those be that you note by the name of Auditorie? If you meane the Lutherans or Zuinglians: surely I know no Lu∣theranes nor Zuingliās here. For as much as we here in Eng∣land do all professe to be y^e disciples not of Luther, nor of Zuin∣glius, ne yet of Caluine, but of Christ the Sonne of the liuyng God onely. But go to: bycause it hath pleased you to accuse vs by the name of Sectaries thereby to teaze mē so much the more to hate vs:* 1.358 tell vs I pray you first this one thyng, whether those Lutheranes and Zuinglians be the men, with whom these hay∣nous wickednesses murthers and theftes be so ryse vnpunished? Truly I do confesse this simply and truly, which also I do la∣ment hartely, that there is a great nōber of people euery where, not here in Englād alone, that be endued with no feélyng of Re∣ligiō

at all, nor moued with any earnest motion of mynde to any contemplation of heauenly thynges. But such do I neither re∣compt Lutheranes nor yet worthy to be reckoned amongest the nomber of true Christians.

* 1.359Of this sort of people are some (the multitude whereof is in∣finite) who like Players vpō a Stage (fashioyng them selues to the present tymes, & maners of Princes) turne, returne, and ouerturne them selues after euery blaste of Religiō, accordyng to the tyme and place where they lyue: ready alway to follow a∣ny kynde of profession, now this, now that, wherein they may best mainteine their countenaunces, dignities, and worship in good likyng, and without perill, but as for these I vouchsafe neither the name of Lutherās, nor Catholicks, but Newtralls, a rascall, & most abiect people of all others. And this also your selfe do cōfesse playnly in this booke, namely: that you know ma∣ny in this our Realme constaunt, & vnremoueable Catholickes, whom likewise you will not haue to be nombred as the Audito∣rie of this Gospell. To Passe ouer withall innumerall infidels, Atheistes, Paganes, counterfaites, hypocrites, false brethren, false Gospellers, which vnder pretence of Religion, do nothyng els but cast a myste before the eyes of the world,* 1.360 and serue their owne turnes, to the great daunger and hinderaunce of the god∣ly. Now in this so huge a multitude of people, and so manifold varietie of affections, what people be they agaynst whom you do in so great clusters impute so great wickednesse, lust, outrage, tumultes, murthers, conspiracies procured agaynst Princes, and other more monstruous abhominations, vnspeakeable, and intollerable?

Euen such be (say you) the Auditorie of your Gospell. What do I heare? haue we then any other Gospell in England then is with you in Portingall? is not one selfe same Gospell euery where? are not Gods lawes the same in all places? is Christ deuided amongest vs? or doth any Christian in the world admitte any other Gospell then the Gospell of Christ? But you beyng a meéry conceipted mā meant happely to sport your selfe, with that nyckname agaynst such as haue harkened to Luther, Zuinglius, Bucer, Caluine and others their lyke as vnto their Schoolemaisters: Be it so, yet do I seé no cause, why you should

call their doctrine a new Gospell. But go to, let vs seé yet, how true your slaunder is, that you charge these men withall. I do confesse that there be now very many, and heretofore haue bene many also, who with Luther and those others do agrain in the ex∣position of holy Scripture,* 1.361 whose doctrine you are not able to confoūde, though ye would, whose lyues you cā not iustly charge with any infamous crime, no nor able to imitate them. Of the liuyng at this day were not so conuenient to speake: I will say somewhat of others that are gone.

And of those chiefly, whom that furious swellyng gulfe of Mary lately swallowed vppe, which beyng in number many in so fewe yeares: Make Inquisition of all their lyues, search out their maners, studies, exercizes, functions, speaches and deédes whatsoeuer, sift them, peruse them, yea prye into them with that captious head & pearcyng eyes of yours as narrowly as ye can. And first in Cranmer Archb. of Canterbury: who after by y^t hea∣ryng this Gospell, began to sauour of Christian profession, what wickednes was euer reported of him?* 1.362 with what outrage of lust was he enflamed? what murthers, what seditious tumults, what secret cōspiracies were euer sene or suspected so much to proceéd from him? vnlesse ye accompt him blame worthy for this: That whea kyng Henry father of the same Mary vpon great displea∣sure conceaued, was for some secret causes determined to strike of her head, this Reuerend Archb. did pacifie the wrath of the fa∣ther with mylde & cōtinuall intercession, preserued the life of the daughter, who for life preserued, acquited her patron with death.

As concernyng his Mariadge if you reprochfully impute y^t to lust,* 1.363 which Paule doth dignifie with so honorable a Title, I do aūswere: that he was the husband of one wife, with whō he cō∣tinued many yeares more chastly,* 1.364 & holyly then Osorius in that his stinking, sole, & single lyfe, paraduenture one moneth, though he fleé neuer so often to his Catholicke Confessions. And I seé no cause why the name of a wife, shall not be accoumpted in eche re∣spect as holy, with y^e true professours of the Gospell, as y^t name of a Concubine with the Papistes. To speake nothyng els of this sort of people more vnseémely, yet perhappes truly.

With Cranmer lyued Nicolas Ridley, Byshop of Londō,* 1.365 coupled in one partakyng of Religiō, and one maner of Martyr∣dome,

who ledd such a lyfe alwayes vnmaryed, as in the which all his aduersaries were not able to reprehend, not onely any no∣torious crime, but also not so much as a blemishe reprochewor∣thy, so farre as I euer heard. Not much inferiour to them both in all commendable worthynes, and dignitie, crowned also with the same crown of Martyrdome did shyne that famous Prelate,

Ferrar Byshop of S. Dauides: what shall I speake of Iohn Hooper Byshop of Worcester and Glocester?* 1.366 whose integritie of lyfe, voyd of all cause of reprehension, vnweryable trauaile in teachyng, feédyng, & visityng, might be not onely a notable pat∣terne to all Romish Prelates, though neuer so Catholicke, but make them also ashamed in their owne behalfes. To passe ouer a nomber of the like, Taylours, Saunders, Rogers, Philpottes, Barnes, Ieromes, Garrettes,* 1.367 whose vertues to rehearse and cō∣mende with condigne prayses, for their vnblameable lyues, nei∣ther the tyme serueth, nor is my simple skill able to expresse ac∣cordyngly.

What one man did this litle Ilād at any time nourish vp, or euer shall seé more holy, and more chaste, then was Thomas Bil∣ney (whom no posterity ought euer to forgette) after that he be∣ganne to harken vnto,* 1.368 and apply his mynde seryously to this doctrine, namely to the Gospell of Christ? sauing that in all ex∣cellency of vertuous life Iohn Bradford seémeth worthy to be ioyned with him,* 1.369 who wholly and altogether did so dwell in the feare of the Lord, and in a certayne inward earnest meditation of heauenly life, that liuing here on earth, he seémed to haue bene translated (as it were) into an heauenly soule, before he was vio∣lently taken from hence, so leane, spent and worne out with often abstinence, vnmeasureale trauayle, and so spare a dyette, that he seémed an Anatomy, nothing but skinne and boane. In ear∣nest prayer so continualy exercised, that before he was burnt, his kneés in handling seémed almost as hard as Camels hoofes. Of all these, and many others like vnto these (which I could set downe vnto you, gathered out of most faythfull hystoryes: Re∣port could not certify you, but other thinges it could: It could report lyes and vntruethes: And no maruell. If you aske the cause, I will tell you. For weé are carryed according to the wic∣kednesse of this our age into sundry affections, partes and facti∣ons:

We do esteéme of contreuersies not with that reuerence and simplicity of hart, as beseémeth vs, & as we are taught by the prescript word of God, but through sinister & corrupt affecti∣ons, conceiue an euill opinion of them: And wrest and wring the truth it selfe, (whether it will or no) to colour and cleake Sectes and diuisions. And therefore as we are for the more part more greédely carryed to harken vnto plausible matters, (such as concerne our owne commodity and preferment ra∣ther then the glory of the Sonne of God) so neuer wanteth stoare of notable talebearers, skilfull purueyors for such it∣ching eares, notorious Sicophantes euen for the same purpose raysed vp by the iust iudgement of God.

Hetherto haue I spoken of such onely as were famous for their learning, doctrine, dignity, iudgement and ecclesiasticall function. Besides these I could recken vppe vnto you, of the meaner sort of people, sixe hundred more or lesse, consumed to Ashes, in that fiue yeares persecution:* 1.370 vpon whose bodyes al∣though ye Romanists did furiously rage according to your sa∣uadge, and brutish natures, yet shall you neuer be able to raze out the remembraunce of them, from the posterity, so long as this world doth endure. And as for theyr vertuous liues, and cō∣mendable monumentes of their godlynesse, left behinde them, all the packe of your popish prelacy, priestes, and parasites, will neuer be able to reach vnto.

Let me be so bolde to annexe somewhat of Luther him∣selfe, Reported euen of him, who is so much the more to be bele∣ued, as he seémed to be wholly seuered from partaking his doc∣trine. For after this maner Erasmus writing to Thomas Arch. of Yorke in a certayne Epistle concerning Luther,* 1.371 doth con∣stātly affirme, that his life was irreproueable by all mens iudge¦ment: and addeth furthermore which he confesseth to be no smal argument of his commendation: That he was of such integri∣ty of maners, and common conuersation of life, that his ene∣mies could finde nothing whereat they might cauill. And albeit the credite of this testimony seéme but of small estimation with you, as appereth by your writing:* 1.372 Yet whoseuer is endued with sound iudgement, shall easily perceiue that in respect of theyr age and countrey wherein they were both borne, he was better

acquaynted with the whole life and cause of Luther then you were. I could also recite vnto you the testimony of Fisher By∣shoppe of Rochester, touching the same Luther, out of an Epi∣stle of his, written to Erasmus: who although was more outra∣giously bent agaynst Luthers doctrine, then beseémed him, yet made he much more honest and commēdable report of Luther, then you do. The words of Roffensis as I finde them are these. Luther of whom you wrate vnto me, is a man endued with singu∣ler dexterity of witte: and hath the scriptures at his fingers endes: For I haue readde ouer his writinges very earnestly. And as wil∣lingly would I haue some conference with the man, if I might with out any preiudice to my person: that I might debate many matters with him, which trouble me. &c.* 1.373 Agayne in an other Epistle to Erasmus. I doe heare say that Luthers Commentaries vpon the Psalmes and vpon the Epistle to the Ephesians shall shortly come forth in print. I am maruey lously delighted with the mans witte, and his wonderfull knowledge in the scriptures. Truely I could wish that he had quallified his speeches agaynst the high Byshoppe, and masters appertayning to the See Apostolicke. &c. But go to, if this be your reason Osorius that the soundnes of the doctrine, shalbe aportioned according to the liues of the teachers, I be∣seech you, forgette a whiles that your collericke passion of your blinde affection, & vouchsafe to aunswere vprightly: What fault finde you in y^e liues of Phil. Melancthon, Mart, Bucer, Oeco∣lampadius, Zuinglius, Peter Martyr and Iohn Caluyne? For their liues were not led in hugger mugger, nor theyr conuersa∣tions so closely cloystered, but that there be yet eye witnesses, & liuing Recordes, by whome this question may easily be decided betwixt vs, whether I doe Imagine or flater more in praysing, then you erre more monstrously in slaundering them.

And where are now those horrible wickednesses? mōstruous sacrileges? murthers? lust? outrages and Treasons?* 1.374 Surelye wheresoeuer they be, they are not in Luther, nor euer publi∣shed by his doctrine, sithēce his doctrine is none other maner of doctrine, then is of all true Christiās: therfore let Osorius him selfe looke out who these be, and what Auditory of what Gospell they be whom he accuseth guilty of such horrible crimes: what∣soeuer they be, surely they are neither Lutheranes nor Gospel∣lers.

And forasmuch as there is none so holy a profession, but doth shrowd oftentymes many such persons, as in deéd are no∣thing lesse then they seéme in outward countenaunce, Osorius doth argue skarse Clarkly like a doctor herein, that valueth the dignity of the doctrine, by the quallity of the Auditory. Logiti∣ans call it Fallax consequentis.* 1.375

For whereas Signes are not all of one nature, but some cal∣led accidentes: some likely hoodes, many perpetuall and necessa∣ry, he learned Logitians therefore teach that an argument can not lightly be deduced from Signes,* 1.376 except it be from snch Signes onely, which in their owne nature appropried to the thinges it selfe, haue alwayes a perpetuall and necessary cause of consequence, coupled with them. For Parentes are not al∣wayes to be adiudged wicked, though their childrē be vnthrifty and go out of kinde. Nor is the scholemayster to be blamed al∣wayes, if his schollers profitte not in learnyng accordingly. Nero was enstructed by a very godly Mayster in all godly and vertuous preceptes of learning and life: yet what man was euer more wicked? The soundnes of doctrine doth not alwayes appeare in the maners of the Schollers:* 1.377 And sometimes also the matter fareth quite contrary, as that vnder the veyle of ver∣tuous maners, may lurcke perilous poyson of most contagious doctrine. Doctrine therefore ought alwayes to be measured by her owne principles and groundes chiefly from whence it ta∣keth her Roote. Otherwise whereas all those are accounted Christians in name and profession, which are infected with sem∣blable vyces and corruptions: It should follow vpon this rule of Logick, that Christian doctrine were in this respect worthy to be blamed, because many Christians, at this day, do abuse the name of Christians, to cloake and couer theyr wicked and abho∣minable lustes.

I haue aunswered all the partes of Osorius Inuectiue rea∣sonably well: Wherein he bringeth himselfe expostulating with y^e Lutheranes by a figure called Apostrophe or a Rhethoricall sleight rather? but in such wise as that you may not so easily dis∣cerne Osorius, as that old witch called Slaunder it selfe spea∣king in the wordes of Osorius.

This quarrell therefore being now throughly canuassed

which seémed to pinch Haddós maisters most: He remoueth his camp, & bendeth his whole force now agaynst his opposed ene∣my Haddon, whom he determineth to assayle on euery syde. First,* 1.378 touching the most auncient profession of the Church, next concerning a comparison made betwixt both Churches, to seé whether of thē do resemble the Apostles Church nearest: In which part many things are discoursed of all partes: of the ordi∣naunces of both Churches, of manners and lyfe, of prea∣ching, of Masses, of the communion, of the variablenesse of opi∣nions, of the Papane, of Images, of praying to Sayntes: of sa∣crifice and of Purgatory. For these be almost the chiefest furni∣ture of this wiffeler.

* 1.379And first as touching Prescription of Antiquity, Osorius perpleding, demaūdeth of Haddon, in what wise he defendeth y^t his innouation or new gospell: If Haddon were present, this matter could not be destitute of a sufficient Aduocate. And be∣cause Haddon can not now come, I will by your patience aun∣swere, not so artificially peraduenture as him selfe could haue done, yet as effectually in his behalfe as shall satisfie y^e cause, though can not stopp your ianglyng: which cause neuerthelesse remaineth vnuāquishable, not so much by any my defēce, as for∣tified thoroughly w^t her owne strength and force of y^e truth. And y^t I may know first, what I ought to defend, & what you meane to oppugne, it behoueth vs to cōclude vpon this point. For you do so entangle all your discourse w^t I know not what crooked & crabbed conueyaunce, and choppyng of matters together, knit∣tyng and reknittyng one thyng vpon an other, that ye neither a∣greé with your selfe, nor any man els can perfitly determine what your meanyng is. You doe accuse Haddon (I suppose) and our Preachers of Nouelty.* 1.380 But we must thē know where∣in you define this Noueltie to consiste. In the lyfe that we lead? or in the doctrine which we do professe? If you meane of our ly∣ues: but therein wicked may we be, new we cā not be. For what is more auncient then vyce? If the question be of doctrine onely, why thē do ye transpose the Disputatiō, which is onely institu∣ted vpō doctrine, & racke the same to y^e lyues, & maners of men? and then at last to cōmaunde Haddon to deliuer vnto you some example of that auncient Vertue? As though if he could not do

so, he should be forthwith condemned for an heretique? I know we lyue not Apostolicke lyues, no more then we worke the mira∣cles which the Apostles wrought: what then? what is this to the purpose.

Haddon affirmeth (as he may iustifie it well enough) that our Church here in England doth not vary from the institution Apostolicque in any thyng:* 1.381 meanyng doctrine, fayth, and Reli∣gion. If this seéme not to be true in your cōceipt, it behoued you then to oppugne that which he doth defende. For his defence cō∣cerneth the principles, and substaunciall pointes of Christian doctrine, wherein he sayth that our Churches do vary nothyng at all from the institution of the Apostles. You or the other part (ouerpassing the matters apperteinyng to doctrine,) do writhe and wreste the state of the whole questiō to morall vertues. And in your owne conceipt seéme, that you haue very notably bestur∣red your selfe agaynst Haddon, if you winne this much of him that the Lutheranes haue not attained to that excellencie of A∣postolique integritie: And hereupon you spende and wast all the smoaky pouder of your miserable Rhetoricke: wherein you both bewray the weakenes of your cause to much, & the subtill steight of your deépe deuise. For if it would haue pleased you to deale franckly here, and not sticke to discouer the very grief of your minde, this lyfe of ours (howsoeuer it be) was not the matter that made vs heretiques:* 1.382 nor that made you and your Catho∣lickes to be so maliciously incensed agaynst vs. For how filthy soeuer we seéme to you, and your fraternitie, wollowyng & wel∣tryng in all abhonimation, if besides this licentiousnesse of ma∣ners had bene nought els, doughtles we should haue found both your fatherhoode, and the rest of your profession our good Mai∣sters enough, and not onely our good Maisters, but most fore∣ward felowes, and mates of the same vyces and of all kynde of abhomination besides, yea and not fellowes onely, but our aun∣cientes and Captaines therein. For what filthynesse in all our liues, what pride, ambition, cruelty, sauadgenes, robberies, dis∣reipt, violence, arrogancy, lust, despising of Magistrates, was euer so monstruous in any of vs, wherein you do not vnmeasu∣rably exceéde vs? And therfore if dissolute maners, and vnbrid∣led course of licentious lyfe, haue made you so skittish, and for∣ced

you to boyle in so beastly rancour agaynst vs: surely this trō∣pet ought so much the rather haue bene founded agaynst your popes of Rome, your Cardinalls, & other your Copesmates of y^e same crew, by how much more greéuous matter may be foūde in them to be quarelled at & reproued. But this is not the prick that makes you to kicke, bycause we breake Gods commaunde∣mentes by liuyng wickedly,* 1.383 but bycause we yeld not to the De∣creés of your traditions, bycause we do not humble our selues to your Cannons and Lawes: but chiefly aboue all others, bycause the light of the Gospell spreading her glorious beames abroad, and the whole world at the length hauyng shaken of her wonted drousines, euē Coblers and Tyukers begyn to discerne a Frier from a Fursebursh, a Moncke from a Marmyan, and the Pope frō a Puppet: bycause the vgly vysours and counterfaite hypo∣crisie of Frameshapen Religion is layed open to the view, by∣cause the errours of doctrine, blyndnes of Iudgementes, and most false pretences of antiquitie be openly discouered to the worlde, hereof come all these stormes, hereof arise all those Tragicall outcryes and exclamations of Osorius agaynst the poore Lutheranes.

Syth it is euen so, and for asmuch as all this controuersye betwixt vs, consisteth not vpon examples of good lyfe, but vpon the chiefe principles and foundation of Doctrine, and Religion: reiecting all vnnecessary circumlocutions, come agayne to the matter Osorius, and stand fast vpon the speciall poynt of the question:* 1.384 The controuersye at this present, concerneth mat∣ter of Doctrine, and Fayth: which onely matter must either con∣uince vs for Heretiques, or arquite vs for Catholiques. And here writing agaynst Haddon, you require vs to cleare our selues from all suspicion of Noueltye. There is nothing more easy to be done: But sithence you prouoke vs to this challenge (my Lord,) become a man of your word then: and let not your dis∣course runne at randone, from the state of the question: And let vs conclude (if it please you) vpon this poynt: That whether of vs can iustify his part best, by testimony of Fathers, and Anti∣quity of tyme, the same to goe away with the garland. But who shall be vmpyer, you will say? yf I vouch the scripture, you will forthwith cry out that it is to obscure: neither doe I deny, but

that in certeine propheticall, and profound, and deéper misteries it is in deéde somewhat obscure:* 1.385 but in matters of fayth, & salua∣tion, the holy ghost would not haue it so obscure, but that euery in∣different, and godly reader, might gather thereof matter suffi∣cient, for the necessary instruction of fayth, and abilitye to dis∣cerne. And for mine owne part, I will require none other witnesse or vmpyer herein, then the Reader himselfe whatsoeuer he be, so that he will stand vpright, and will lay aside all priuate affectiōs, and all partialytye of foreiudgement, and geue sentence accor∣ding to the very touchstone of the manifest Scriptures.

But our Osorius and his companiō Pighius will exclayme a∣gayne, and say y^t none ought be iudge in this cause but the Pope of Rome: neither will I forsake him, condicionally, so that he will faithfully, sincerely, & simply without fraude or guile, exclude pri∣uate affection, nor will be addicted to one part, more thē the other: & setting aside his authoritye awhiles, will promise to become an vpright, & sounde vmpier of the cause together w^t scripture being Iudge.* 1.386 For otherwise I thinke it not to stand with conuenience of reason, that any man shall be in his owne cause, both a pleader, a witnes, and a Iudge: Neither doe I thinke that any such one, will euer become in indifferent Iudge, nor will any discrete man admitt any such person to be Iudge. And yet I stand not so much vpon a Iudge herein. This one thing doe I wishe onely, that with the obiections of our aduersaryes, our aunsweres may be heard with indifferency. And I assure you, if I could preuayle with wishing, I would desire nothing more hartely, then y^t the re∣nowned king of Portingall Sebastian a prince of excellent Ma∣iesty,* 1.387 (sith I suppose verely that the arbitriment, detreminatiō, & iudgement of this cause doth concerne Christian Princes chiefly) would vouchsafe of his singular clemēcy according to the aunciēt Lawes of Athens, to geue eare indifferently to both cause, and to lend his princely eares but euen a litle whiles, not vnto me, but to the cause it selfe, whereof I shall entreate. I would not doubt (his highnes being iudge,) but that I would easely iustify, that all, whatsoeuer the Catholickes doe alledge at this day for their an∣tiquitye,* 1.388 are but bare bragges: And that with vs remaineth no∣thing wherein they may iustly condemne vs of Nouelty. And in this behalfe I can not wonder enough, what came into Osorius

minde, to exact of vs a warrant of our Nouelty, seing that of his owne Antiquitye he can yeald vs no manner of warrant at all.

* 1.389But let vs harken a while to those notable reasons of our ad∣uersaryes, wherewith they doe defend their Antiquitye: which being throughly confuted, we will presently proceéde to the argu∣mentes, which they doe obiect agaynst our new masters of this new Gospell, as they terme it. There is a principle in the ciuill Lawe: The lawes (sayth they) are fauorable to the party in posses∣sion, in a title of prescription.

* 1.390Yf prescription of fifty yeares doe cleane cut of all cha∣lenge, what shall be sayd then of them which affirme their continued possession in doctrine, a thousand yeares and more.

By the same prescription of time (say they,) the priestes of the old lawe did chalenge vnto themselues, a law∣full right to sit in Moyses chayre.

Ergo, Mans lawe doth adiudge no man a wrōgfull dis∣sensor, being able to prescribe fifty yeares possession.

Aunswere: The priestes of the old lawe doe chalenge a right to sitt in Moyses chaire, in respect of the continued prescription of time. I doe confesse this to be true in deede: And yet this prescription notwithstanding, the Lord did call the very same priestes theéues, and murtherers. Agayne touching their allega∣tion of the wrongfull disseisor by lawe, and prescription of time, I doe aunswere. In the ciuill lawe this is true in deéd: but not so in Gods lawe. And yet there is also a rule in the ciuill lawe: A wrōg∣full disseisor shall not ohtayne, though he prescribe neuer so long continuance of possession. Agayne: An ordinaunce begunne wic∣kedly at the first, is not sayd to be allowable for prescriptiō of tyme. But as concerning Gods lawe, there be many notable testimo∣nies of most worthy personages, which disproue the same for an vntrueth. Namely emongest all others, the saying of Augu∣stine chiefly:* 1.391 The veritye being discouered, custome must geue place to trueth: let no man preferre custome before reason, and trueth: because reason and trueth doe alwayes exclude custome. And Gregory:* 1.392 Yf you pretend custome (sayth he) you must note what the Lord sayth: I am the way, the trueth, and the lyfe: He doth not say, I am custome: doughtles euery custome, though

neuer so auncient, though neuer so generall, must geue place to the trueth: Emongest whome also, heare what Cyprian doth say:* 1.393 If Christ onely must be harkened vnto (sayth he) we may not regard what any other did thinke conuenient to be done before our time, but what Christ hath done first, who is aboue all other. For we ought not to followe the custome of men, but the trueth of God, for as much as the Lord spake by the month of his Prophet Esay, and sayd: They worshippe me in vayne, teaching the doctrines and tradicions of men. Moreouer: whereas themselues knowe this rule to be infallible, that no custome shall prescribe agaynst the prince,* 1.394 how much rather ought it be sayd: no time or custome shall prescribe agaynst God? Otherwise what shall we say of An∣tichrist, which because he hath possessed his Seé more then an hundreth yeares: shall he therfore not be accounted for Antichrist for his title of prescription?

Hitherto therefore, the reasons wherewith the Catholickes do maintayne their Antiquitye, are declared. It remaineth now, that we purge our selues of the cryme of Nouelty, fasly obbraydid agaynst vs by Osorius:* 1.395 especially, sith Osorius doth vrge vs so earnestly thereunto: wherein I would gladly conferre with that indifferent, and vpright reader, (whome earst I spake of,) or with any other Catholicke man, who hath any sparke of sound and vp∣right iudgement: And I would enquire of him first his iudge∣ment vpon this poynt of doctrine: whereas we beleue and professe, that our nature euen from our first creation, is so vtterly lost, and forlorne, that in our selues remaineth no helpe at all to rise agayne without Christ: agayne y^t Christ the sonne of God, taking our na∣ture vpon him, hath made so perfect satisfaction for our sinnes, that there remayneth nothing wherein: his deseruings haue not sufficiently enough satisfied for all generall,* 1.396 yea for the sinnes of the whole world: Moreouer that these his merites are so by won∣derfull dispensation spread abroad with ouerflowing plenty vp∣pon all mankinde, through the singuler, and inestimable benefitte and mercy of God, that a freé passage is made wide open for all miserable wretches, & penitent sinners, (being endued with fayth) to haue freé accesse vnto Christ: and so layd open, as that freély through fayth, without all merites of ours, without all the works of the lawe they be pardoned and accepted: vpon this poynt I say

I would fayne heare the opinion of the godly, and Catholicke Reader, whether this Assertiō hane any maner of Nouelty in it, which hath not proceéded from Christ himselfe, from Saynt Paule, frō the holy Ghost, and from the sacred word of God. I thinke no man will say so.

* 1.397What meaneth this? That where the same scripture doth teach vs, to repose all our affyaunce not in workes, but in Christ onely, grounding our selues in the meane space assuredly, vpon the infallible promise of God, whereof we haue no mistrust, but that he which promised freely, the same will performe most faith∣fully, not for any our sake but for hys Sonnes sake onely, in whom we do beleue: so that now there be no reason els of any our righteousnesse in the sight of God, then through fayth onely: Let the Godly and vpright Reader iudge here agayne with me, what Nouelty, or Sacriledge is in this manner of Doctrine?

* 1.398If according to the authority of Tertullian; that thing ought to be preferred that was first diliuered, I will aske again of any indifferēt Reader whether this custome were receyued in the Church first, namely: that we should acknowledge one onely Aduocate and Mediator of God and men, the man Christ Iesus? Or whether we should seéke vnto many Aduocates and Media∣tors for the ease of our miseries?

Of Inuocation, adoration and worshipping this is not a new but an auncient comaundement: Thus shalt worshippe the Lord thy God and him onely shalt thou serue:* 1.399 And agayne, thou shalt make to thy selfe no grauen Image, nor the likenes of any thing &c.* 1.400 And with what face then do you accuse them of inno∣uation, who obserue these thinges according to the prescript rule of the auncient commaundement?

God did institute in his Church two Sacramentes,* 1.401 as ap∣peareth euidently, which he commaunded vs to obserue very carefully and deligently. If we do not frequent these in that sin∣cerity of Religion, as we ought to doe: Let vs be condemned. But if we doe herein according to duetye, and simplicitye of true Religion: I pray you what Noueltye is in thys our do∣inge?

If we measure the auntient Fathers and Authors of true doctrine by number of yeares: we say with Iustine: Paule is the

Father of Fathers,* 1.402 whose authority is of such credite, that if an Aungell of heauen would bring any thyng contrary to that which Paule hath taught, let him be holden accursed.* 1.403 But the same Paule gaue freé liberty to all persons ingenerall to take wyues, and did dignify the Mariage bedde by this tytle, honourable. And called the forbidding of Mariage the doctrine of Deuils: And there were amongest the Apostles, some, which did not on∣ly marry wiues, but did lead them about with them also, accor∣ding as was lawfull for them to do: And how is this contrarye to y^e auncient custome & examples of the Elders,* 1.404 If ministers (who are appoynted to the ministery in Churches) marry wiues for the necessary comfort of theyr liuelyhood? We read the scrip∣tures to the vnlettered people in their mother toung: we do cō∣municate with them also vnder both kindes,* 1.405 both bread and wyne. If the Apostles did not vse the same: Lett Osorious haue the prise.

I will further debate thus with this vpright and frendlye Reader, & desire him that he will vouchsafe to peruse all y^e parts of our doctrine, and view with his eyes euery angle and corner of our Churches:* 1.406 Peraduenture he seéth no portrayctes of I∣mages, blazed abroad to be worshipped for pence: he beholdeth Bare wals, and iudgeth them more like vnto Barnes then vnto Churches: Yet was the most Auntient Temple of Salomon e∣uen such an other Barne: yea such a Barne also was the Ta∣bernacle of God more auncient then the other in the Law car∣nall: & may not we wante the gaze of Images in the spirituall Law?* 1.407 He seéth no tapers lighted at high noone, no palmes, no Reliques, no belles, no oyle, no spittle, no consecrated fire, nor water: he seéth not the Sacramentall bread lyfted vppe aloft & worshipped: he seéth no markette of pardōs, no Iubiles, no sacrificatory Masses, no shauelinges nor beardlesse Priestes: no differences of dayes, of monethes, yeares, garemēts, meates and colors, no stately and pompeous supplications, and Pro∣cessions, besides innumerable other Byshapes of frameshapen Ceremonies, all which whether ought to be tollerated in Chri∣stian Churches, I do not at this time discusse. Yet this I deale with, and enquire of my Reader, whether our Churches (which doe lacke all these trumperies) deserue rather to be condemned

of nouelty, or do more neérely resemble the liuely and perfect patterne and countenaunce of the most true and most auncient Church?

But Luther doth teach that freéwill hath no power at all:* 1.408 that whatsoeuer a man doth, is sinne: that whatsoeuer good or e∣uill we do, commeth of absolute and vnauoydable necessity, &c. And what can be spoken so sincerely, but by sinister construing may be depraued? For how deépely doth not the deadlye sting of Momus wound, if it may freély pearce without resistaunce? Lu∣ther doth embase the power of freéwill in deéde, but in that man onely that is not yet regenerate: but in thinges appertayning vnto God, & wherin he weakeneth the effectuall force of freéwill: he doth strengthen and establish it with the accesse of Gods grace. Of the greatnesse of Sinne, and distinction of necessity, hath bene spoken so much already that it is neédelesse now to re∣double the same agayne: All which (notwithstanding) the indif∣ferent Reader shall finde nothing to be spoken by hym, that was not spoken before his time, and drawen from the very foun∣taines, and most auntient springes of the Prophettes and Apo∣stles: as hath bene declared before, both out of the Prophette Esay, who recoūteth all our righteousnesse no better worth, then a foule menstruous clothe, & out of Moyses, Paule & the Prophets who haue taught this doctrine to be most assured. That it is God that doth harden the hartes: that doth deliuer ouer into reprobate mindes: which hath created the wicked man the euill day: and that there is no euill in the City, that the Lord hath not wrought. &c. All which if a man should preach in these dayes in the same wordes, there is no doubt but Osorius would accuse him of hereticall nouelty.

* 1.409Of the iustifyng fayth, Luther did discourse very aboun∣dantly and profoundly, and with all no lesse faythfuly and truely: Whose iudgement we do all embrace gladly and ioyfully: And render vnto God most harty thanks for this his inestimable be∣nefite, finding nothing in this doctrine, that is not throughlye approued most true, not onely by the testimony of the Apostles, but by the generall consent and agreément of the most auntient Prophettes. Paule doth teach: that man is iustified in the sight of God by fayth without workes:* 1.410 Luther doth teach that we are

iustified by fayth onely:* 1.411 what difference is there here I pray you? Osorius ascribeth rewardes to workes, Paule doth openlye take away all rewarde from workes: Whose Iudgement is more true or more auntient? And what kinde of new doctrine is there here now? If Luther (agreéing with Paule) excludynge workes, do establish fayth onely in the doctrine iustification, and yet not so altogether excluding workes, as that he woulde haue no workes practized, but so and in such wise, as they may not be sayd to iustify: so that now godly and carefull endeuour in faythfull workes should not be sequestred, but wicked confi∣dence, and vayne superstitious glorying vpon merites vtterlye cutte of rather. With which kinde of doctrine if Osorius be of∣fended, as with a certayne new fangled Gospell: whether is it more reasonable, that the euerlasting truth of GOD shall geue place to Osorius persuasiōs? or that Osorius should reuoke his errour, according to the rule of the trueth? In this therefore that Luther teacheth, that fayth onely doth iustify in the sighte of God, is no new doctrine, but the doctrine of Paule. But that the minde and meaning of Paule may the better be conceaued, it might haue bene added out of S. Iames (the best Interpre∣tor of Paule, as y^e which doth more fully expresse the meanyng of Paule) what manner of men they be, whom onely fayth doth iustify, not wicked obstinate Sinners: but humble and prostrate Sinners onely, truely and vnfaynedly repentaunt Sinners: For otherwise such as raunge outragiously, and willfully in their Sinnes, nor are touched with any remorse of sorrowfull minde for their wickednes cōmitted, nor moued w^t any earnest desire to obtayne forgeuenesse: vnto such I say, Paule doth not bouchsafe to ascribe either Fayth, or any righteousnesse at all: no more doth Iames defraud y^e others (which with repentaūce haue an earnest desire of Saluation) of any part of Iustificatiō.* 1.412 No more do euen those, which though be moued with neuer so great a remorse of Conscience, obtayne any mercy at Goddes handes by any other meanes possibly, then through onely fayth whiche is in Christ Iesu our Lord. Whereby you may per∣ceaue sufficiently, that in the Doctrine of Iustification all workes are excluded, and Fayth onely weareth the gareland. But that y^e meanyng of the Apostle may appeare more playnly

(to be so bold to vse schoole tearmes,) the predicatum, must neédes agreé w^t his subiectum on this wise: as where it is fayd, y^t fayth onely doth iustifie: this is true in deéde: but whom? Not the proud, not the obstinate, stubborne, and outragious sinners: but those sinners onely, which (stricken downe with an earnest acknowledgement of their sumes, and entring into a serious meditation of amendement of lyfe) doe most humbly flee vnto Christ through fayth, euen with all their hartes. Such that doe on this wise, simply, and vnfainedly repēt: (for Luther speaketh not a word of others) if a man doe teach to be freely iustified through fayth onely (agreéing herein with Paule, with Iames, and with Christ himselfe) doth this man seéme in your eyes to teach a new Gospell? or rather a most true and most most auncy∣ent Gospell?

It were a tedious peéce of worke to runne ouer all the places of doctrine. Let this be the summe: (to speake breefly,) Martine Luther did publishe many articles:* 1.413 Iohn Caluine hath set forth his Institutions:* 1.414 Melancthon hath made a collection of Com∣mon places:* 1.415 the same also hath done Wolfg. Musculus: Hen∣ry Bullenger hath written his Decades:* 1.416 Peter Martyr hath made sundry commentaryes vpon the old Testament,* 1.417 and the newe: and discoursed notably vpon the Sacrament. The same did before him Hulderick Zuinglius, Iohn Oecolampadius.* 1.418 Marine Bucer hath geuen vs many aunsweres, and Apologies: Emongest those may be placed the Apologie of Iohn Iuell,* 1.419 no lesse famous and worthy: Of Antichrist now openly and in good time discouered, (besides many other things hath Gaulter Ro∣dulph compiled a treatise.* 1.420 Of many other matters lykewise ma∣ny writers haue treated largely: Finally, the professions, and con∣fessions of many natiōs, peoples, prouinces, Kingdomes, Cities, townes incorporate, proclaymed & published in writing, through all their seuerall Churches, by generall agreément, conspiring, and concluding all with one assent, in one vndoughted trueth. In all whose writinges, monuments, and confessions, If you canne shew any thing new, neuer heard of before, or that is not aūswera∣ble, and correspondent to the auncienty, and doctrine of the Apo∣stles, I geue you here freé libertye to exclayme agaynst those doc∣tours of the new Gospell, as lowde, and wyde as ye canne. But

if hitherto your selfe haue found no such matter, nor euer shall be able to shew any such, to what end raungeth this shamelesse & vn∣bryveled impudency, in matter so manifestly false?

You call it a new Gospell shamelesly enough, yelding no rea∣son that moueth you to call it newe: Wherein you haue set be∣fore our eyes a very playn, and euident demonsiration of your foo∣lishe vanitye. For if we should confesse the trueth in deéde: to what purpose is all this brabble, contentiō, and discention emongest vs? but for this onely matter, because we do endeuonr to reclayme you y^t haue forsaken the true & natiue simplicitye of the true and aun∣cient Gospell, roauing at randone after I can not tell what new∣fangled, straunge, and imaginatiue deuises of mens traditions: and are desirous to haue you come home to the auncient antiqui∣tye of the true, simple, and pure Euangelick veritye agayne. If any man shall doubt hereof, and thinke this vntrue that I speake:* 1.421 the apparant proofe is at hand. Uouchsafe vs once this one peti∣tion, that ye would be but willing to haue the Christian doctrine to recouer, and returne to her auncient state, and first institution, euen the same state wherein it florished in those most auncient dayes of Christ, and his Apostles, weéding out by the rootes all that pilfe, and baggage, that hath ouergrowen the Churche since their departrue hence, and wherewith they nor any of them were euer acquainted: we will desire none other condicions, or couenauntes of vnitie, and attonement to be concluded vpon be∣twixt vs. Whereby the godly and indifferent reader may by this onely argument coniecture, where those maisters doe lurke, whome Osorius doth accuse of Noueltye. Howbeit this nick∣name of newe Gospellers, (wherewith the Catholickes doe ob∣brayd vs) is no newe reproch: For in lyke manner the Prophets in times past, thapostles, yea Christ himselfe were called New fel∣lowes, because they taught new doctrine.* 1.422 Tertullian, and Eu∣sebius also do record y^t this nickname was vsually frequēted, euē in the very swathling clowtes of the Church. But they did easely deliuer themselues from that reproch of Nouelty. Wherein albeit we haue not attayned so prosperous a successe, as they did, yet haue we yelded our endeuour in the same cause, as farre forth as we trust the godly and indifferent reader will be satisfied, and plea∣sed withall.

I haue spoken now of our Antiquitie. It remaineth that you aunswere lykewise Osorius as much as you may for your Anti∣quitye. For it is agaynst all reason, and iniuriously handled to exact a speciall accoūpt of an others Antiquitye, that can render no reason for your owne. And therefore, whereas this religion of yours (which vnder visor of a true Church, you do falsly call by the name of a Catholicke Church,) is ou••rwhelmed with infinite preceptes, lawes, and doctrines of men, oppressed with innume∣rable decreés, decretals, extrauagantes, Quintines, Sixtines, Ceremonies, Traditions, Rules, Prescriptes, Edictes, Can∣nons and Synodalles, Rites, vowes and curses. Let vs be cer∣tified therfore, how much antiquitie is resiaūt in the whole rab∣ble of these your inuentions and deuises.

* 1.423And to begyn at the very toppegallaunt of all your Religi∣on that highe Prelate the Pope him selfe: let vs first take a view of all his Titles, by the which he is called, to witte: Uni∣uersall Byshop, Prince of Priestes, high and supreame head of the Church on earth:* 1.424 Christes Uicare generall, the onely Suc∣cessour of Peter, the most holy Father: most Reuerend Byshop: keépyng ioynte Consistory together with God: the onely Mo∣narche of the visible Church, Byshop of Byshops.

These Titles and Additions of names, I doe not enquire whether were euer named, or heard of in the tyme of Christ, or of his Apostles: neither do I aske whether they were receaued into the Church, in the tyme of Gregory, sixe hundreth yeares after y^e Ascēsion of Christ: For no mā will euer say so. This is it that I doe aske, whether if y^e Apostles of Christ, or if Christ him selfe lyued at this day, he could endure these blasphemies, whe∣ther he would not thunder out, y^e same wordes or greater thē the same, wherewith he reproched the Iewes, and Phariseés long sithence:* 1.425 Woe be vnto you Pharisees, whiche loue the chief and highest Seates in the Synagogues, & loue to be saluted in the mar∣kettes, and to be called of men Rabby. &c. What shall I speake of the dignity of y^e Pope?* 1.426 whereby your Parasites do make this Romish Byshop not onely greater then all Byshops, and higher then all humaine power, but better also then the generall Coun∣cels, and all the whole Churches besides: wherein you geue him libertie to dispence with whatsoeuer, and howsoeuer he will: al∣together

as him listeth, yea though it be cōtrary to Gods Com∣maundementes: to make Lawes and Articles: to throw downe vnto hell: to open and shut fast heauen and Purgatory, to whom and from whom he will: to release at his pleasure promises and oathes of allegeaunce, wherewith Subiectes are bounde either to God, or to their Princes: and whereby you haue coyned him a ioynte Consistory together with God: by the which you autho∣rize him to treade vpon most mightie Emperors: to transpose Kyngdomes and States: to make markettes of Pardons: and to make new kyndes of worshyppynges.

It is manifest and playne that all these were deuised by your Parasites, not deriued from the Apostles: all which how∣soeuer you couer and cloake with neuer so fayre a vysour of fay∣ned antiquitie, yet the sacred Hystory of the Euangelistes, and the writynges of the Apostles do determine the contrary: Christ him selfe submitting him selfe vnto Caesar, did not deny to pay tri∣bute: he rebuked his Apostles striuing together about preemi∣nence by the example of a child, he taught them to embase them selues in all humilitie: permitted vnto them no libertie of bea∣tyng Rule: Paule appealed to Caesar as to an higher power: Pe∣ter makyng him selfe equall with the Elders, called him selfe Fellow Elder not Prince of Priests. He was neuer called head of y^e Church, nor euer so taken: For proofe wherof heare y^e testimo∣ny of Chrisostome an auncient witnesse:* 1.427 Let euery soule submit it selfe to the higher power, yea though he be an Apostle, though he be an Euāgelist, or Prophet or whatsoeuer he be: For this humility doth not subuert power. &c. I make no mention here, with what thunderyng wordes Gregory doth inueighe agaynst thē,* 1.428 which did practize to depraue this Ecclesiasticall equabilitie, with ar∣rogaūt Titles,* 1.429 and to blaze her with more beautyfull feathers, thē she was hatcht withal: whom he vouchsafeth no better name, then very forerunners of Antichrist. Hystories are full hereof, that those Titles of Pontificall pride were first graūted to pope Boniface the 3. by Phocas a murtherer. But the fulnesse of all power began to be plumed by) litle and litle in the tymes of his Successours, at the last in the tyme of Hildebrand it became throughly ripe.* 1.430 And yet the Greéke Churches stoode alwayes a∣gaynst it, nor would in any case allow thereof vntill the yeare of

our Lord 1400. at what time Pope Eugenius 4. by fraud, and great summes of mony did purchase this singuler prerogatiue of superioritye, from the States of the Church, and the pieres of the Greéke Empyre. To be briefe: The profession which our Churches doe generally acknowledge touching Christ, to be the onely head of his Church: is most euidently confirmed by the most auntient, and approued testimonies of the Apo∣stles. On the contrary parte, this your head of your Romishe Church, though magnifyed with neuer so glorious titles, how truely it may maintayne such singularitye, I know not: Sure I am: you can not iustify it by any Antiquitye at all.

* 1.431The same that I haue spoken of the Papane, may be very∣fyed of the first creation, and election, of Cardinalls: of whome was neuer so much as name heard of,* 1.432 in y^e age of thapostles, or in Gregories time, no, nor a thousand yeares after Christ. For in those former ages, from Gregory I. vnto Pope Iohn 29. the election of the Pope was alwayes Resiaunt with the Em∣peror, and the people of Rome. After which time the people be∣ing excluded frō geuing their voyces, the election was (through the practize of Parasites) posted ouer to certayne Cardinalls: The Pope must be taught (say they,) and not heard.

* 1.433Euen with lyke fraude, were the people perswaded, that the Masse was a very auntient thing, not begunne of late, nor pro∣ceéding from any others, then from the Apostles themselues, more then xv. hundreth yeares agoe. But Paule, many yeares after thascention of Christ, wryting to the Corinthiās, doth say: that he did deliuer vnto them, the same which he had receaued of the Lord: Wherein he spake not a word of those stagelyke gam∣bols, apish gestures, of transubstantiation: of one onely kinde to be deliuered to the people: of any sacrifice for the quicke, and the dead: of inuocatiō of Saintes: or praying for the dead: All which together with that high feast of Corpus Christi, frō whence they tooke their first footing,* 1.434 and who were the Authors thereof, Histo∣ries make mention playnely enough. The wearing of Coapes at the tyme of Communion was first brought in by the bounti∣full liberality of Charles the great. The practize, and custome of priuate Masses beganne vnder his sonne Lodovick Pius:* 1.435 At what tyme was a decreé made in a councell holden at Agathe,

that the lay people should be admitted to receaue the Sacramēt threé times of the yeare onely. This custome was afterwardes abridged from thrise, to once in a yeare, by a constitution made in the tyme of Clement 3.* 1.436 who also described certaine Rites to be obserued in celebrating y^e Masse: whereas a litle before, Pope Alexander the 3. had instituted the vse of vnleauened bread a∣bout the tyme of Frederick Barbarosa, and taken away the other part of the Communion from the laye people.* 1.437 The pride and arrogancy of the Popes waxed then so outragious, that at the last, they shamed not to commit horrible sa∣criledge in the whole vse of the Lordes supper,* 1.438 and turned it to the worshypping of an Idoll: the true vse thereof, being vtterly abolished. But for the carrying abroad of this cōsecrated bread, was a speciall feast, and holyday graunted by Pope Vrbane the 4. by the mediation of Thomas Aquinas, a litle before Gre∣gory the 7. As concerning the Cannon of the Masse, appea∣reth playnely, by the whotte contention raysed about Gregories Cannon, and Ambrose his Cannon, that it was clowted vp, and patcht together with many other trinckets more of the lyke sort, by diuers, and sundry Popes: and not instituted in the pri∣mitiue Church, nor yet ordeyned by thapostles: During the time of which contentiō, the common Churches were in a great perplexitye, not resolued, whether of those two Cannons they might receaue. Besides which Cannons, were diuers other Cannons made for the vse of the Masse, ech contrary to other, botcht vpp partly by Gratian, which afterwards were enlarged with new vpstart, and more horrible blasphemies by Pope Gre∣gory the 9. about the yeare of our Lord 1227. and after him, by Pope Boniface the 8. about the yeare of our Lord 1330. And this is euidently to be found in Historyes euery where.

Touching Images,* 1.439 Idols, pictures, pilgrimages, wor∣shipping of Sayntes, and praying for the dead, yf antiquitye be demaunded, what it can say: I would desire you to aunswere me at a word (Osorius,) whether you thinke those Ages, and Chur∣ches to be more auncient, that neuer hadd the vse of them? or els those, which haue had them?

Concerning the Celebrating of the Communion: If you can Iustify by any probable recorde, or testimony, that the florishing

age of the Apostles,* 1.440 or of the auncient Fathers, that euer any mention, or motion was made of the lifting the bread aloft, of transubstantiating it, of worshipping it, of hanging it vppe, of carrying it about, of sacrificing it for the sinnes of the people, of deuouring it alone, or of any of all these toyes, (which you haue chopt into the Church at this day,) you shall winne the victorye. But if you can not: Surcease then at the length for very shame to vrge Haddon so earnestly to defend his Noueltye, seing your selfe are not able to defend your owne, by any manifest or pro∣bable authoritye.

Agayne for mariage of Priestes forbidden by publique au∣thoritye,* 1.441 Choyce of meates, Uigilles, State holydayes, and Imber dayes, ouer much babbling in your intercessions, and prayers, ioyned with a certeine opinion of Religion, and obtei∣ning forgeuenes for the same: Be it generally spoken as before.

I will not speake much of your Canons, Decrees, & Decre∣talls,* 1.442 by force whereof, you haue erected to your selues a plaine Emperiall, kingly, and poltique Superioritye in the Churche: contrary to all Antiquitye, and cleane contrary to the nature of the Gospell. It is vndoughted true, that y^e Sonne of God, was sent from aboue, not to establishe any worldly, or seculer princi∣palitye, in this world: but a spirituall, and euerlasting king∣dome, which is vnited, and knitt together, by the preaching and ministery of the word: not by any humaine power, force of Armes, Imperiall dignity, bodely pollicy. And as for your infi∣nite rable of Lawes, innumerable decrees, and Cannos, parte∣ly Sinodals, partely Prouincialls: some prerogatiues of the Pope, others peculiar of seuerall Bishopps, wherewith Chri∣stian consciences are so miserably entangled: to what end tend they all at the last? or what doe they emplye other? then vnder the title of the Church, to fortify you a kingdome, & Tyranicall Ierarchye vpon the earth? Which no power, nor potentate of this world may be able to counteruayle. Otherwise what doe these wordes of your Decretalls emport,* 1.443 wherein you chalenge vnto Peters chayre, the authoritye of the temporall sword? If any man gaynesay you herein, you doe forthwith exclayme, that he doth not well vnderstand, (to speake your owne wordes:) that saying of the Lord. Putt vppe thy sword into thy sheathe. A∣gayne,

where you force thone sword vnder subiection of the o∣ther, so that the Temporall sword, must of necessitye be subiect to the spirituall sword. And at the last, measuring the proporti∣on of your Authoritye, by ynchmeale as it were, how much and by how many degreés it surpasseth the Temporall authoritye:* 1.444 you alledge for profe these wordes. Whereas the earth is seuē times greater then the Moone, and the Sonne eight tymes greater then the earth, it remaineth therefore, according to this proportion, that the Popes superexcellency, must sur∣mount in dignitye, all kingly royaltye, fiftye times, sixtye degrees. At the length, hauing on this maner enthronized your Ierarchye, ye haue forced the matter to this passe: That if any man will be so hardy, as once to mutter, agaynst the Maiestye of this triple dignitye, you haue Decreés, and Cannons, (farre worse then Cannonshotte,) to hale the poore Heretique to the stake, and consume him to Ashes.

I come now to the orders and armies of Monckes and Fri∣ers,* 1.445 and that whole generatiō of Cowled Crauines: whose first foundation if you search for, we shall finde that they are start vp long sith the age of the Apostles, and that purer age of the pri∣mitiue Church. If you desire to know to what ende they were erected, the matter will declare it selfe manifestly, that these cā∣cred Caterpillers were sent for a speciall plague onely, to de∣uoure the Gospell of Christ, and to fill vppe the full measure of the mystery of iniquitie: which is enough thoughe I speake no more of them. Howbeit I deny not, but that in the tymes of Augustine, Ierome, and Basile, wanted not a great nomber of men, and wemen, who (either forced through cruelty of persecu∣tion, or loathyng the losenes & licentious life of the commō peo∣ple) did abandon them selues into desertes and solitary places, chusing rather to liue farre from company with a few, then a∣myddes the turmoyles and troubles of worldly affaires, to be carried from the quiet and tranquillitie of their myndes. But Monckery was then a sequestration & departyng frō the world, not a profession in the world: And euen those Monckes were thē in nomber but few, & none other but of the lay people: whom not Religion, not coates, not cowles, not colours, not rules, not vowes did sequester from the company of the laytie: nor were

they soiourning then in y^e Cities, or Townes. But coucht close vpon toppes of moūtaines, or in vnhaunted woodes and fennes: nor lay snortyng in slouth, or pamperyng the paunche vpon o∣ther mens purses: but either liued moderatly with their own re∣uenewes, or gatte their liuyng with the sweate of their browes: Emongest whom was no foundation layed as yet of those threé Vowes,* 1.446 with the other trinckettes apperteinyng to the same vowes, namely: wolle, flaxe, colour, cowle, leather belt, or gyrdle of knotted coard, shoes cut or whole, fish, egges, pulse, heary cloth, scilence, night Orisons: The Seraphin had not yet ouer∣spread the world with his sixe Monckish wyngs:* 1.447 wherof the first was all orderly obedience, the second Euāgelicall pouertie, the thyrd immaculate virginitie, the fourth most humble humilitie, the fift peacemakyng Simplicitie, the sixt Seraphicall Chari∣tie: of whom though I dare not affirme, that they were not alto∣gether voyde of those godly gifts, yet was not so Celestiall, and Seraphicall a profession of them flowen from out the fiery Fir∣mament into the earth as yet. And no maruell: for as much as these Seraphicall fraternities of Cowled Cloysterers, nor the roysting vpstartes of Religious rowte,* 1.448 had not yet cloyed the earth: namely: first the Carthusians, whose founder was Bruno, erected vnder Pope Vrban the 2. in the yeare .1084. Then the order of Cistersians,* 1.449 which start vppe within a whiles after in the yeare .1098. Emongest the which was Bernarde not the least ornament of that order:* 1.450 out of whō sprang a fresh sprought of momish Monckes.

After them followed the order of Templars or Almaines which tooke their name of the Hospitall of S. Iohn in the yeare .1128.* 1.451 The Order of Premonstratenses were founded by Ca∣liste 2.* 1.452 in the yeare .1124. The order of Gilbertines in y^e yeare .1152.* 1.453 by Eugenius the 3. The Order of Brother Preachers, who tooke their name and begynnyng from Dominicke a mur∣therer and most cruell persecutour of the Valdenses,* 1.454 vnder In∣nocent 3. in the yeare .1216. Immediatly after ensued the fac∣tions of Franciscanes in the yeare .1228.* 1.455 vnder Gregory the 9.* 1.456 To whom within a whiles after were added y^e orders of Ere∣mytes, Austen Friers, & Reformed Carmelites whom the moūt Carmell did vomite out vnto vs. There followed also an other

order of Austen Friers vnder Honorius the 4. in y^e yeare .1286. Neither did these monstruous vanities of new fangle Religiōs cease at men: but the Serpigo crawled further into womens cō∣sciences also, who beyng allured by the exāple of men, began af∣ter a litle sittyng abrood, to hatcht vp such cheékynes, & to flocke together in coueyes & herdes. Wherof some were called Sisters Clarites,* 1.457 broched by Dominicke first. Some Brigittines surna∣med of one Brigitte a Scithiā borne, their couey peéped abroad at the first in the begynnyng of Vrbane the 5. his Popedome.

In the Councell of Laterane was a Decreé published by Innocent the 3. with a speciall prouiso for the abandonyng of diuersities of Religions,* 1.458 that from thenceforth no Couent of Cloystered company or cowled crew should be erected: in the yeare .1215. And yet in despight of the authoritie of this Decreé, how many clusters of factious Friers, haue bene forged emongest your holy Fathers sith that tyme.* 1.459 Besides the orders of Minorites, Austens, Brigidines, Crossebearers and Scour∣gers, there is peépte abroad within these few yeares (good lucke a Gods name to the Pope and his Puppettes) the order of Ie∣suites in the yeare .1540.* 1.460 promising I know not what by the title of their names: Sure I am they haue hetherto accompli∣shed nothyng correspondent to so sacred a name: But it seémed good to the Lord Iesus peraduenture to fulfill so the Propheti∣call truth of his Gospell: Many shall come in my name. &c. What followeth, let them selues looke to it.

I haue spoken of Mounckery: I haue spoken also of some o∣ther orders, and ordinaūces of the Romish Church: for to rippe vp all were an infinite peéce of worke. It remaineth now: That Osorius say somewhat for him selfe likewise, and make some shew of wares if he haue any in all that his Romish Church,* 1.461 wherein he liueth now (except a few Articles of the Creede one∣ly, wherein we can iustifie as auncient a prescription of posses∣sion as they can) that be not either new, straunge, and lately vp∣starte, or els altogether Poeticall stagelicke and mockeries. Wherfore if we measure Antiquitie by y^e age of Christ & his A∣postles: & the nearest yeares next ensuyng the same age: where∣in also if Osorius will abide by it, y^t nothyng ought to be allowed in the Church, that doth not sauour of that primitiue and Apo∣stolicke

antiquitie: then shall Osorius daughtlesse at this one blow choppe of the Popes head, triple Crowne, Church and all: for as much as he shall neuer be able to vouch any thyng either in the receaued Doctrine, Religion, Rites, or Ceremo∣nies of his Church, that euer saw the age of the Apostles, or is in any respect correspondent to that first patterne and president of the primitiue Simplicitie. There is such a generall Meta∣morphosis and alteration, yea all thynges are turned into so frameshapen a newfanglenesse: that it may seéme they haue not onely forgoen the aunciēt ordinaūces of the primitiue Church, but also to haue vtterly excluded them selues from all acquain∣taūce with that same Church, with the Gospell, yea with Christ him selfe, of whom the Apostles gaue testimony and preached.

* 1.462The Apostles did not acknowledge that same one Christ a∣ny where, but in heauen: and him ascendes into heauen they did so apprehend by Faythe, that they would neuer seéke him els where then in heauen, and so in heauē sittyng in the flesh, as that they would no more know him after the flesh: as men not drea∣myng so much vpon his carnall presence, nor ouer greédely affe∣ctioned to enioy him after that fleshly maner, but were other∣wise wholy settled, and vnmoueably fixed in mynde in that spiri∣tuall presence of his Maiestie. But to you sufficeth not to appre∣hend Christ by Fayth sittyng in heauen, and to worshyp in spi∣rite, as the Apostles & blessed Martyrs did,* 1.463 vnlesse after a flesh∣ly and bodyly maner, with your fingers, you handle, the reall, corporall, substanciall, identicall presence of Christ, behold the the same with your eyes, and choppe him vppe at a morsell. Which deuise of yours doth argue, that you seéme to be carried with a wondrous senselesse opinion of errour, as neither to ac∣knowledge one & the selfe same Christ, whom the Apostles did: nor to worshyp him in heauen onely: but to imagine to your sel∣ues two Christes, of that one Christ: namely, one Sauiour in heauē, and an other in earth, and him also to Sacrifice dayly in your Masse.

* 1.464In the Apostles tyme the Communion was ministred not once in a yeare onely, nor at the Feast of Easter onely, nor with Bread consecrated into y^e body of Christ, but in a thankefull re∣membraunce of the Lordes death (the bread and wyne beyng e∣qually

deliuered to the people) at all tymes whensoeuer any as∣sembly of well disposed did meéte together for that purpose.

They neuer sayd nor song any priuate Masses:* 1.465 nor institu∣ted any Sacrifices for the quicke and the dead, being throughly satisfyed with one sacrifice onely: which beyng once finished, they were assured that the whole action of our Redemption was accomplished. For so are we taught by the testimony of the A∣postle.* 1.466 By his owne bloud he entred in once, the euerlasting redemp∣tion being accomplished. And agayne. For this did he once, when he offered vppe himselfe. And imediately after. We are sanctified by the onely offering of the body of Christ Iesu once offered for all. Moreouer in an other place writing of one Christ onely:* 1.467 One God (sayth he) one Mediator of God, and men, the man Christ Ie∣su. &c. But how shall there be but one onely Christ, or one onely Sacrifice of his body once offered, of whose body you doe exact dayly a new & fresh sacrifice to be made for the sinnes of y^e peo∣ple? Or how cā he be sayd to be but one, accordyng to y^e propor∣tion of a body, of whom you doe imagine a presence accordyng to the whole nature of his flesh, both absent in body in the hea∣uens, and in the same body neuertheles, at one selfe instaunt, on the earth? Do ye not seé how absurdly these your patcheries con∣curre and agreé with the naturall meaning of the Scriptures? and how farre they be from all reason? And what is this els, then to preach vtterly an other Christ then whom the Apostles haue taught? They acknowledge him to be heauenly, you make him earthly. Theyr doctrine doth rayse vs from the earth vppe on high, where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God the Father: Your doctrine what doth it? whereunto tendeth it? whether doth it call the mindes of Christians? but from aboue downeward, out of heauen into the earth, withdrawing the senses from the Spirite, to the flesh: So that we must seéke for Christ there, not where he is, but where you imagine him to be present. The A∣postle Paule when he preacheth vnto vs the liuely feature of this Christ (who taking vpon him the shape of a Seruaunt, suf∣fered death in the same shape, once for our sinnes vnder Ponti∣us Pilate, and afterwardes accomplishing the mistery of our re∣demption rose agayne for our iustification) doth teach vs playn∣ly, that he ascended into heauen, not leauing his body (wherein he

suffered) behinde him here on earth, but taking vpp the same bo∣dy into heauen, was with the same receiued into glory: whom al∣so he affirmeth, he knew no more now, according to his fleshlye presence, that is to say, according to the capacity of his carnall senses. And that besides this Christ onely, he knew none other Christ, nor this Christ otherwise, then according to the new cre∣ature onely, namely: visible in spirite, with the eyes of fayth, and not with fleshlye eies. Let vs make now a comparison be∣twixt this Christ of our Gospell, with that your Christ of the Pope, in the same manner as you do fashion him, and make a gaze of him to the eies, and eares of the people after the order of your Gospel: which seémeth to me to be after this manner: not as hauing taken vpon him, the shape of a seruaunt, but the forme of bread, is in the same forme of bread, and vnder the ac∣cidents of bread made of wheat, set out to the gaze of the people to be tooted vpon, and is of Christians worshipped, and offered to God the Father, and this not once, but dayly: not vnder Pon∣tius Pilate, but vnder the Pope of Rome, not a Sacrifice one∣ly for the quicke, but for the soules in Purgatory also, to the washing away of theyr synnes: Which Sacrifice being ended, he is buried in deéd, but buryed or rather drowned in the paunch of a priest, from whence he neither riseth agayne, nor ascendeth afterwardes, but descendeth rather: nor is euer looked for to come agayne from thence. And this is that same Christ, not the Euangelicall Christ, but the Papisticall and poeticall Christ: whom thought the Apostles or Euangelistes neuer knew, yet must we be enforced (will we nyll we) to honor and worshippe ne∣uerthelesse as the very Sauiour of the world forsooth. Whom may not suffice to lift vppe hartes and mindes on high to him onely, which dwelleth in heauen, vnlesse we also lift vppe our fleshly eyes, to this visible Christ, and kneéle and crootche vnto him with great reuerence: yea although the eyes themselues do behold nothing but bread and wine, yet the eyes must lye, and all the sences must be deceiued,* 1.468 neither may in any wise be repu∣ted other then verye herityques: but in despyght of eyes and senses all, we must of infallible persuasion of fayth firmely be∣leue, that it is now no more bread and wine that is seéne: But y^e (bread and wine being thrust cleane ont of dores) Chryst one∣ly,

yea, whole Christ doth possesse euery part of that place, who though be not present in his owne naturall shape, nor in the same proportion of body which he tooke of the Uirgine Mary, yet in the selfe same nature, trueth, substaunce, Identity notwithstan∣ding, vnder other formes forsooth and yet not figuratiuely, but truely, most absolutely, perfectly and fully, must in the same whole body and the same naturall blood be contayned, felt, seene, and without all contradition worshipped.

These be the misteries of your diuinity, as I suppose, by the which you haue begotten vnto the world a new Christ:* 1.469 I knowe not whom, altogether an other Christ, neuer borne of the Uir∣gine Mary doubtles, whom the Gospell neuer knew, nor the A∣postles euer taught, nor the Euangelystes euer saw: I adde also: whom neuer any of you hath seéne hetherto yet, nor shall euer seé hereafter. And yet these so wittelesse, so dotish, and monstruous deuises of drowsy dreames (then which nothing can be spoken or imagyned more false, and more monstruous) you shame not at all to vaunt to be most auntient and most true, as the Gaby∣onites of olde time did theyr shooes. And for the same your Po∣pish Christ made of bread,* 1.470 you stick not to aduēture limm & life more earnestly, then for the true Glory of that Christ, whom we do most certaynely know to be in heauen, where also we do wor∣shippe him: And euen this doth your horrible butchery of an in∣finite number of our Martyres declare to be true by most plain and euident demonstration.

With the blood of whom because your holy mother y^e church seémeth so beastly dronken long sithence, this one thing would I fayne learne of you,* 1.471 what special cause was it that enforced you, to vtter such outrage in the shedding of so much blood of your naturall brethren: was it because they defrauded Christ the Sonne of God (which was borne for our sakes, crucified, rose agayne, ascended vp into heauē, sitting now a Lord in heauē) of one dramm so much of his due honor? nothing lesse: Was it be∣cause they abused or defiled the Gospel? I thinke not so: Was it because they brake the auntient ordinaūces and approued doc∣trine of the holy Apostles and Prophettes in any one thing? or because they went beyond the bondes prescribed by the auntient fathers? none of all these: But the cause was, for that they refu∣sed

to allow of that newfangled and vpstart Idoll of the Popish Masse,* 1.472 and that lately sprōg vppe Breadworshippe, contrary to the doctrine of the Apostles, yea contrary to Christ himselfe: and because they would not in this behalfe be as furiously fran∣ticke as the Papistes themselues.

In the meane time, we speake not this, as though we were of opiniō, that Sacramentes should be defrauded of theyr dewe honor.* 1.473 For it is one thing to reuerence the Sacramentes accor∣dyngly, and an other thyng to conuert the Sacramente of Christ, into Christ him selfe: and to worshippe earthly Sygnes, for the heauenly Christ: in the one whereof is a kynde of Reli∣gion, in the other manifest Idolatry. To the whiche wanteth nothyng now, but that they chaunt lustely together with Ie∣roboam: These be thy Gods O Israell. But we shall be vrged perhappes with the wordes of Christ in the Gospell.* 1.474 This is my body &c.* 1.475 As though in the wordes of Christ (which be Spirite and life) it be so rare & vnaccustomed phrase of speaking, to vse Tropes and figures now and then, seing there is no kinde of doctrine that more vsually delighteth in figures,* 1.476 Tropes, pa∣rables, Similitudes, metaphors, allegoryes & mysteryes, thē the mystycall speéch of the sacred scripture: especially when mē∣tion is made of Christ hymselfe, or when Chryst hymself would vouchsafe to expresse hys great and inestimable benefittes to∣wardes vs, and the euerlasting efficacy of hys death and passi∣on: I know not how it had rather, vnder certayne shadowes, and mystycall resemblaunces, as vnder Allegoricall cloudes (to speake as Ierome doth) signyfye the same more modestly, ra∣ther then to proclayme it openly in wordes.

By meanes whereof we ought many tymes to consider, That in the Propheticall Scriptures, Christ our Lord & Sa∣uiour is called by sondry and seuerall names, accordyng to the diuers & seuerall operation, and effectuall power and workyng of his Diuine Maiestie and pleasure towardes vs. For in that he doth enlighten the Darckenes of our mindes, he is called the light of the worlde:* 1.477 In respect of his wonderfull might and po∣wer, surmounting all power whatsoeuer, he is called the Lyon of the Tribe of Iuda: In respect that he guideth vs, he is called the way: In respect that he leadeth in, he is called the dore: In respect

that we are none otherwise engraffed then in him, he is called the Vine, and we the Braunches. And so according to the nature of his Innocency, and our deliueraunce, he is called the Lambe of God: in respect that he loueth his Church, with more thē an husband∣ly loue, doth cherish it, endow it, cloath it & beutyfy it, he is cal∣led an husband, he is called also the Rock: sometime a grayne of Corne dead in the earth, many times a Serpent set vppe vpon a Crosse: sometymes a wellspring gushing out into life euerlasting. And so in diuers and seuerall respectes, he is called by diuers & seuerall names. In like maner bycause he feédeth and defen∣deth vs, he is called A good Shepherd, and bycause he feédeth vs with none other thyng thē with y^e death of his owne body, & shed¦ding of his bloud: He is also called our meate, our bread, and our drinke.* 1.478 Moreouer bycause this bread and this drinke is of the Lordes owne mouth cōmaunded to be receaued, to renew y^e re∣mēbraunce of him: for this cause those elementes do put on the nature of a Sacramēt,* 1.479 and so vnder this very couer and myste∣ry of a Sacrament are called his owne body and bloud.

Whiche least I shall seéme to iustifie of myne owne proper knowledge. Let vs heare the testimony and agreable consent of Augustine. Who reasonyng of Sacramentes, and of the like∣nesse of thyngs wherof they be Sacramentes, doth vtterly deny y^e Sacramentes can be in any respect Sacramentes at all, vnlesse they haue a likenesse of some things: and for that cause in respect of the likenesse of the thyngs them selues, he affirmeth that they are many tymes called by the name of the thynges them selues:* 1.480 So an Argumēt may be framed out of August. on this wise.

The Sacrament of the last Supper hath a likenesse of the body of the Lord.

No likenesse is the thing it selfe, wherof it is the likenesse.

Ergo, The Sacramēt of the Eucharist is not the body of Christ.

But if Osorius be of opinion that Christes wordes ought to be taken simply accordyng to the bare letter of the flesh,* 1.481 let him har∣ken agayne to the same Augustine. This is a Mystery (sayth he) that I tell you, which if it be vnderstoode spiritually, will quicken and geue life. And the same Augustine in an other place, ope∣ning playnly the figure of the same wordes,* 1.482 doth witnesse direct∣ly on this wise: The lord doughted not to say. This is my body,

when he gaue the signe of his body. I could vouche many other graue and auncient Testimonies, witnessing the same, namely: Tertullian, Origene, Ierome, Chrisostome, Theodorete, Ge∣lasius and others. But of this matter I do not meane to make any curious discourse as now: There shalbe hereafter more fitte place for the same, more at large by Gods grace. In the meane space for my learnyng, I would fayne learne one Questiō of O∣sorius, who albeit hath not bene ouer much studied in Augu∣stine, yet hath at the least bene busied amongest the Rhetoriciās. Let vs therefore consider the matter by the circumstaunces of Rhetoricke.* 1.483 And to graunt this much first, that Christ is omni¦potent which accordyng to the power of his Diuine omnipoten∣cy can, and is able to do all thyngs in heauē and in earth: what matter should moue him now both to take away his owne body from hence (which) was but one onely body) from vs? & yet with∣all should leaue the selfe same body behynde him with vs? which though could not be done accordyng to the nature of humani∣tie: yet to graunt that it might be done miraculously: what pro∣fit then or what necessitie was there to worke a miracle herein? You will say, bycause the spouse the Churche could not lacke the presence of her owne husband Christ. And wherfore I pray you? For this is the thyng wherein I desire to be taught of you chiefly Osorius, sithence it is not credible that miracles (which are wrought agaynst nature) should be wrought rashly without some singuler or especiall consideration: I am now therfore de∣sirous to know, what cause you will alledge. To feede vs with his body, you will say. What? to feéde our bellyes? or our soules? Surely our soules he hath fed already sufficiently enough long sithence in that very day, wherein he washt away the Sinnes of the whole world, and pacified all thynges both in heauen and in earth once for all. What, to feéde our bellyes then? But he doth aboundauntly feéde vs, with other foode dayly: Moreouer nei∣ther cā Augustine nor yet y^e Scripture it selfe disgest this,* 1.484 that man shalbe fed with mans flesh, and drinke mans bloud. Do not prepare your teeth (sayth he) but your hart. And agayne in an o∣ther place as many tymes els also, inuityng vs to a spirituall eating of Christ:* 1.485 Why doest thou make ready thy teeth and thy bel∣ly (sayth he) beleeue, and thou hast eaten. Agayne, to beleeue in him

(sayth he) is to eate that liuely bread. Moreouer annexe hereunto, That whenas Christ hath accomplished all the partes and du∣ties of his holy office, which neéded y^e vse of his flesh, to performe the worke of our redemption: In the which flesh he satisfied all the partes of the law, pacified the wrath of his Father: ouer∣came Sinne and death: and the Deuill him selfe beyng the au∣thour of death hath troden vnder foote for euer & euer. In which flesh he rose agayne, and ascended into heauen, like a most tri∣umphaunt Conquerour: Frō whence he doth euen now also mi∣raculously nourish, preserue and comfort his Church here on earth, through the vnspeakeable power of his excellent omnipo∣tency, so that now to the full accomplishment of our Saluation seémeth no one thyng at all to remaine vnperformed, but that onely last day of Iudgement. These matters therfore beyng vndoughted true: what thyng may that be now Osorius: where∣in his fleshly presence may seéme in any respect necessary from hence forth?* 1.486 and not rather his absence in the flesh more com∣modious for vs? namely, sith him selfe hath spoken in the Gos∣pell. It behoveth you that I go, for if I go not, the comforter can not come: If the corporall presence of Christ seéme in your con∣ceiptes so necessary, and so effectuall vnto Saluation: Then be∣thinke this with your selfe,* 1.487 how long the Apostles should haue neéded the vse of his bodyly presence: how weake they were: how grosse their vnderstandyng was, notwithstandyng their dayly: familiaritie and acquaintaunce with God and man: notwith∣standyng so may miracles seéne with their eyes, notwithstan∣ding so many apparaunt demonstrations, notwithstādyng their dayly teachyng proceédyng from that heauenly voyce: yet loe whē he should ascēde into heauē, doth he not cast their increduli∣tie in their teéth? And what was y^e cause hereof els, but bycause the effectuall power and mighty force of the comforter, could not enlighten their hartes, vnlesse the fleshly presence of Christ had bene first takē away from them. And do you not yet cease so drowsily to dreame vpon Christes flesh? and euen for that cause haue you made such an horrible slaughter of so many thousand soules, continuyng still in that sauadge and vnappeasable vn∣mercyfulnes? And yet after this so great and cruell a bootchery, may ye not endure to haue that your notable Prelate called by

the name of Antichrist? In deéde is this your aūcient Religion, my Lord? to speake nothyng in the meane space of that, where∣vnto the Rhetoriciās are wont to fleé, whē they assayle their ad∣uersaries most greéuously by an Impossibilitie of proofe: as this, that it is not possible for you to proue that your fleshly Assertiō of the Sacrament by any reason, or by any deuise or imagina∣tion.* 1.488 For how can you possibly bryng to passe, that two contra∣dictories may be verified of one selfe same body,* 1.489 at one selfe in∣staunt? so that the same selfe body of Christ (seyng you will haue it one selfe body) may be at one selfe same tyme, in one, and in diuerse places, at one instaunt of tyme, both glorified, & not glo∣rified?* 1.490 visible, and not visible? corruptible, & incorruptible, which is not onely wonderfully absurde to be spoken, but as impossible to be done: and which also will admitte no miracle at all, name∣ly that the thyng that is true by nature, should be false by mira∣cle, and be conceaued both true & false at one instaunt of tyme. But bycause we determined not to prosecute Disputation, here∣of in this place, but to treate onely of the antiquitie of doctrine, I returne agayne to your Church, which you garnish with a ve∣ry gorgeous, but in very deéde counterfaite and false title of An∣tiquitie: wherein you deale also as subtelly and craftely: Not much vnlyke to harlottes, who (when they will be atcompted for honest) do as much as they may frame them selues to the resem∣blaunce of vertuous matrones, from whose conuersatiō and ma∣ners they do varry notwithstandyng altogether.* 1.491 Euen so fareth it with your Church: I speake of that shape and countenaunce of the Church that now is, not that which was long agoe. For as I may not deny that the Church of Rome in that pure and primer age deserued wonderfull yea the principall commenda∣tion of all others, not onely in respect of the noumber of Mar∣tyrs that suffred there, but also in respect of her vnstayned since∣ritie and Fayth: euen so (comparyng the Church that now is, with the Church that then was) The example is so farre of frō any liuely resemblaunce of the first patterne, that it seémeth quite transformed, and (I can not tell how) mishapen into a certeine chaungelyng Else, without any mauer of likely ap∣plyable nesse to the feature or countenaunce of that first and auncient simplicitie and sinceritie.

For such was the lyfe of Christians in that purer age,* 1.492 that they would not swerue one tytle so much from their profession: Moreouer such was their profession, that it would not raunge an hearebredth from the prescript rule of the Institutions Apo∣stolique. And such was the rage of persecution then, as would now supper them to be Idely sluggish, or to geaue themselues to vnlusty Lazines. As for delightes, and pleasures, to rake ri∣ches together, to build pallaces, to seéke the exalting of them∣selues by honorable titles, and dignityes, they had neuer one minute of spare tyme to bestowe their wittes vpon. Their dayly exercise then was a continuall wresting agaynst the world, and the Deuill. They spent all their tyme in labors, and perills: their whole lyfe was a paynfull turmoyle: all their power was nought els but prayer. Their fortresse was grounded vpon Christ: Yea for Christ onely was their whole warfare. Neither were those valiant souldiours destitute in y^e meane time of a singuler Chefe∣tayne: Christ himselfe was the chief generall of this Army: who did either mitigate the horror, and cruelty of their agonyes, by his omnipotent power: or with some comfortable restoratyue, qualifie their greéues: so ordering, and attempering the proceé∣dyngs, and alterations of his Church, that he would neither suffer the vaynes, and sinowes of the same to gather any infecti∣on, by ouerflowing plenty of ytching delights of this flattering world: nor to be discouraged or vanquished with any immoderat assaultes, or excessiue stormes of aduerse fortune: and at the last would conduct them to a ioyfull Triumph, and end of all their Troubles, and afflictions.

And this was the very order of the first foundation,* 1.493 and buil∣ding of that auncient Church: So that neither tickeling entice∣mentes of the world, could defile the lyfe of the godly, nor any contagious error infect their doctrine. For the very same ordi∣naunces, and rules of doctrine, which thapostles receaued of Christ and the holy ghost, the same also which came from the A∣postles vnto the Church, were reteined with vnremoueable cō∣stancye. So also was nothing at all, mingled, or chopt in for vse, or worshippe, vnlesse being deliuered from Christ, or his Apostles, had the rootes thereof vnseparably planted in the knowen authoritye of the sacred worde. Inuielable as yet was

that sacred rule of this commaundement. See that you adde no∣thing, nor diminishe any thing.* 1.494 And that other also of Saint Paule: Whosoeuer shall teach you any other Gospell, lett him be holden accursed:* 1.495 And this also: They doe worshippe me in vayne, teaching the doctrine, and traditions of men. &c.* 1.496 Those superflu∣ous swarmes of superstitious traditions of men were not yet growen in vre: men were not yet ouercloyed with the cumber∣sume clusters of crabbed constitutions. For it seemed good to the holye ghost, not to burdeine the Gentiles with the ordinaunces prescribed in the old lawe. That vnmeasurable heape of ragged Rytes, were not yet raked together, nor hard of in the Church: Nor was there any neéde of naked ceremonies, where sufficed to euery person to serue and worshippe God in spirite and trueth. Nether was any thing worshipped then, but his Deitye alone.

* 1.497Afterwardes in deéde, the age of the Apostles being runne ouer, and the number of Christians encreasing: certaine ordi∣naunces were instituted by the Fathers, and Elders, which did apperteine to the well ordering, and gouernmēt of outward dis∣cipline. Yet euen in these was such a moderation, & consonauncy obserued, as should nether extinguishe the glory of the Gospell, nor entāgle consciences with combersome charge: but serue onely for preseruation of necessarye orders: For due obseruati∣on of the which, was graunted to the Church, a certayne autho∣ritye and power, to dispose and determine (according to the na∣ture of places, and necessitye of tymes) such thinges as might seéme most agreéable,* 1.498 and couenable for their assemblies. But this authority, (hedged in as it were, within her certein limits, and boundes,) as was but humaine, so forced it not such a ne∣cessitye of obseruance, as did those other commaunded imme∣diately from God. For lyke consideration may not be taken of humaine precepts, commaunded by men onely, as must be had of thordinaunces of God. Hereof commeth it, that the breach or not performaunce of that one, being done without arrogant cō∣tēpt, or reprochful disdayn, is not punishable as mortall & dead∣ly sinne. In lyke maner, the godly ministers of the Church were not without their due honor,* 1.499 and authority, yet such it was, as exceéded not the appointed lymittes, and measure. For as then function ecclesiasticall was a Ministery, and seruice, not a Mai∣stry,

or Lordshippe:* 1.500 which consisteth in two thinges chiefly: In preaching the worde, and ministring the Sacraments: and in directing outward discipline, and ordering maners, and mis∣demeanours. In which kinde of ministery, although cōmaunde∣ment be geuē to yeald due obediēce vnto the pastors,* 1.501 yea though we heare these wordes spoken of Ministers: He that heareth you, heareth me: Yet tend they not to this end, that they may af∣ter their owne wittes, and pleasures, make new innouations, frame new fashions of doctrine, and coyne new Sacraments, thrust in new worshippings, and new Gods, or thereby to erect a kingdome in the Church. But their whole power and autho∣ritye is restrayned to the prescript rule of the Gospell: not to dis∣pence, and dispose thinges after their owne luste: but to be the dispensors, and disposers of the misteries of God. Wherevpon in matters appertayning to Gods Lawe,* 1.502 conscience is bound to yealde due obediēce to the pastoures according to this saying He that refuseth you, refuseth me.

In other thinges that concerne the Tradicions of men, or that haue no assurance of their creation by any principle of doctrine: herein ought speciall regard to be had. First to what end they are commaunded: then also by what authoritye they are brought into the Church. For the ordinaunces which are thrust in,* 1.503 vnder such maner, and condition as may enfeéble true confidence in the Mediator, as may dispoyle cōsciences of their freédome, and ouerthrowe the maiestie of gods grace, or are linked together with a vayne opinion of righteousnes, of wor∣shipping, of remission of sinnes, of merites, of Saluation, or of vnauoydable necessitye: Such, I say, ought without all respect to be hauished, and abandoned, as pestilent batches from the communion, and congregation of the Church. Consideration also must be had of the difference betwixt these thinges, which the Church doth charge mens consciences withall by mans au∣thoritye onely, and the thinges which are established, and pro∣claimed by the expresse word, and commaundement of God. For although the Church may of duety require a certein subiuection to the ecclesiasticall ministers, as that we ought to obey the or∣dinaunces, that are instituted for preseruation of ciuill societye, and couenable decency: Yet must the ministers be well aduised,

least vnder pretence,* 1.504 and colour of ecclesiasticall authoritie, they eyther commaund the things that are not expedient, or oppresse the simple people with vnmeasurable Burdeines, or thinke with them selues, that the Church is tyed of neccessity, to any Lawes established by men.

Euen so, and the same that hath bene spoken of mēs Consti∣tutions, may in effect be applyed to Iudicall Courts, & Iudge∣mentes. For although authoritye be committed to the Church to iudge,* 1.505 and determine of doctrines, and outward misdemea∣nours: & although the resolution of doubtfull cōtrouersies, the discouerie and opening of matters obscure, the declaring, and debatyng of matters confuse, the reformation, and amende∣ment of matters amysse, be left ouer to the Censure, and iudge∣ment of the Church many tymes: Yet is not this ordinary au∣thoritye so arbitrary, and absolute: but is also fast tyed to the di∣rect rule of the worde. So that in matters of controuersie, this Authoritie came conclude, & commaunde nothing, but that which y^e word of the Gospel must make warrantable. Neither hath this authoritye any such prerogatiue to make any alteration of Gods Scriptures, or to forge false, and vntrue interpretations, which may auaile to establishe an authoritye of men, or of orders: or to make any new articles of fayth: or to bring in straunge Inuocati∣ons, which are directly repugnant to the manifest authoritye of the Scriptures. And therfore we creditt the Church as a Mistres and a teacher, foreshewing the truth: yet after an other maner al∣together, then as we be bound to obey the word of the Gospell, preached in the Church, by y^e mouth of Gods faythfull ministers: which authoritye, when they put in execution according to the au∣thoritye of Gods word, we doe beleue them: yet so neuerthelesse beleue them, as that our creditt is not grounded now vpon the testimonie of the Church, nor vpon men, but vpon the worde of God: namely because their iudgemēt is agreable, and consonant with the rule of the sacred scriptures, and with a free confession of the Godly, iudging directly, accordyng to the voyce and worde of God.

The Church therfore hath authoritie, in decyding controuer∣sies of doctrine? Yet so, that it selfe must be ouerruled by the au∣thoritie of the word: Otherwise the Church hath neither authori∣tye,

nor iudgement, contrary to the consonancy of the Scrip∣tures. In lyke maner in discipline, and reformation of maners, the Church may determine, and iudge:* 1.506 But here also considera∣tion must be had of the differēce: For the censures ecclesiasticall are of one kinde: but Iudgements temporall, of an other kinde. For in forinsicall, and temporall causes, when Iudgementés are geuen, although they receaue their authoritie from the word of God, yet are they in force, in respect of the authoritye of the Prince, and the Magistrate. And therefore they minister correc∣tion, with punishment corporall, according to the qualitye of the trespasse. But the iudgements of the Church are farre vnlyke: For in those maner of offences which appertayne to the ecclesia∣sticall Consistorye, the Church hath her proper iudgements, and peculiar punishments. Wherewith it doth not afflict, or crucifie mens bodyes notwithstandyng, nor pursue vnto death: but cut∣teth of from the congregation onely, and common society of men, such as doe wilfully, and stubburnely sett themselues agaynst the Ministerye: and such as doe harden themselues, and obsti∣nately perseuer in wickednes, agaynst order, and conscience, and continue in errors, and other notorious crimes, contrary to the prescript rule of sound doctrine: Agaynst such the Church thun∣dereth out endles excommunicatiōs, denoficing the horrible curse of Gods euerlasting wrath, and vnappeasable displeasure, ex∣cept they repent. And these punishmentes of y^e primitiue Church (in old tyme called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) as were neuer ministred, but vpon greuous, and vrgent causes: so was there no hope of release from the same, vnlesse playne demonstration were made (by open, and publique confession) of true and vnfayned repentaunce. Which kinde of censure, the aūcient Fathers deuided into threé degreés, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Excommunication.* 1.507 Whereby all maner of of∣fenders, aswell spirituall, as temporall, were, as it were cut of from all societye, and partaking of the Church, and Sacramēts, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Depriuation: Whereby such as were but newly professed, were remoued from their function. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Se∣questration. Whereby all offendours whatsoeuer, were excluded from the Sacraments, some from partaking of all the Sacra∣mentes, and some from the Communion onely: whom the Gre∣cians doe note by this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Remouyng from

the Communion table onely.

And thys was the very order and gouernement of the pry∣mityue and Apostolique Church, wherein florished not one∣lye that sincerity of doctrine (whereof I spake before) but al∣so Ecclesiasticall discipline touching distrybution of digni∣tyes, placing of elders, ordering of times, reading of lessons, frequenting of exercises, Inquisition of lyfe, Reformation of manners, and other profitable ordinaunces established after the best manner, was dayly exercised. All which the prymy∣tyue and vndefiled antiquity of the auntient Fathers obserued purely and sincerely (after the age of the Apostles) and in all re∣spects very reuerently and orderly: as the decrees and Canons of godly assemblies and Synods, together with the Hystoryes and Monumentes of auntient Fathers do playnely and mani∣festly record.

* 1.508Hauing now described and faythfully expressed the verye face and countenaunce of the auncient primitiue Church, I re∣ferre me to any equall and indiferrent iudgement, to discerne whether the Lutheran Church or the Lateran Churche of Rome to resemble that primitiue Church neérest. And as for that primitiue Church of Rome, hath bene aboundauntly and sufficiently spoken of already. Now could I wish that the Ro∣mish prelates would vouchsafe to deliuer likewise some painted vysour of theyr Ieratohye, if it myght please them: or if they re∣fuse so to do, we will not disdayne to do so much in their behalfe, whereby godly mindes may euydently perceyue, the true cau∣ses, that moued those Lutherans iustly to sequester themselues from that Romysh Reuell: In which theyr sequestration not∣withstanding from Rome, they haue not remoued themselues one ynche so much the more from the Church of Christ. I speak of the Romish Church (once agayne I say) in that state that it is now. The first Institution whereof touching doctrine and Tra∣ditions, if be sifted and searched by comparing of her first foun∣dation to the true Church of Christ: it will euydently appeare that thys Romysh Church (being but a late newfāgled vpstart) doth expresse no sparke of resemblaunce of that auncient anti∣quity, but patcht and botcht vppe altogether with new opini∣ons, erroneous abuses, Idolatries, traditions deuised by au∣thority

of men, ioyned with an opinion of necessary worshipping and obseruaunces.

It is most certayne that the foundations of Christes church were grounded first vpon sure,* 1.509 playne, infallible and vnmouea∣ble demonstrations proclaymed from aboue, in the writinges propheticall and Apostolicall, which be builded vpon the true knowledge of the essentiall will of God: vpon true inuocation and prayer, vpon vnfayned obedience to godward, vpon assured acknowledgemēt & affiaūce in y^e Mediator, wh is very God and very mā, and which doth display abroad y^e kingdome of Christ to be a spirituall, and an euerlasting kingdome, not temporall, nor instituted or gouerned by mans pollicye or power: but be∣gonne by the preaching of the Gospell, and enlarged by fayth in them, which doe beleue and obay the word of doctryne and life, with a pure and sincere affection.

On the contrary part the foundations of the Romish Ierar∣chy are builded vpon the decrees of Popes:* 1.510 entangled with most intricate and (I know not what) most crabbed and crooked que∣stions of Scholeianglers: Polluted with most manifest errors vtterly dissentyng and cleane contrary to the prescript rule of Gods word, which being apparaunt enough in very many mat∣ters besides, yet is notably discernable in iiij. principall pointes chiefly.* 1.511 Fyrst, Because this doctrine doth abolish quite the doc∣trine of the law, of repentaunce, of righteousnes by fayth, and commaundeth a mammering doubtfulnesse: out of which puddle yssueth an outragious ouerflowing Sea of papisticall errors. Secondaryly, because it doth transpose merites and worship∣pings (which are proper and peculiar vnto the sonne of God) in∣to adoration, oblation, and application of the consecrated breade for the quicke and the dead, by merite meritorious, in theyr masking Masse, and without theyr masse, whereas in very deéd the Gospell doth playnely teach, that the benefittes of the sonne of God are not applied to any person, but in respect of euery theyr proper and peculiar fayth. Thirdly, after the manner of Infidels: Because it translateth to dead men Inuocation, which ought to be yelded to God onely. Fourthly, because it commaū∣deth traditions of men: Mounckish vowes, Canonicall satis∣factions, pilgrimages, and innumerable such dredge with an

opinion of merite, worshyppyng and necessary obseruaunce: and doth preferre the same, before the commaundementes of the law which God hath commaunded to be especially obserued. To this Beadroll appertayne more then dottered Bussardly fables of Purgatory, Pardons, secret and compulsary confesūon, pom∣pous Processions and superstitious supplications, wherein is carryed abroad to be gazed vpon, the consecrated bread: profa∣ning of the Lordes Supper, making sale thereof as it were in open Fayre or Markette, Magicall consecrations of naturall thinges: to wytte, of water, wyne, oyle, salt and such like.

* 1.512What shall I say of that more then whorysh shamelenesse? when as the Popes without all proofe or probabilyty of aunciēt antiquity, of a certayne insolent arrogancy, not by any Dyuyne authoryty, but through theyr owne trayterous treachery, haue raysed to them selues, not a true Catholicke and Apostolycke Church, to Christ Iesu: but a Seraphycall Ierarchy, exceédyng all earthly prymacy, superiority, and potentaty. Wherein reyg∣neth in place of Christ, a proud Popysh Peacock: For the Apo∣stles, cormoraunt Cardinalles: For Martyres, monstruous Mounckes: for professors, pestiferous persecutors: For fathers, Bellygod Byshoppes, and Gorbelly Abbottes: For Euangeli∣stes, cruell Canonistes, Copistes, Decretaries, Summularyes seditious Sententioners: For Minysters, sheépysh shauelinges: And for Pastours, Maskyng Massemongers: Who hauyng ra∣uenously Raked the ryght of the Church, haue turned and chaū∣ged it into a newfangled fashion of an earthly kingdome: where it may not suffice to serue Chryst Iesu our pastor and head one∣ly, to settle our selues vpon hym whollye, to depend vpon hys mercy onely, Unlesse we become vassals and bondslaues to thys popysh Byshoppe, and honour him as a certayne other Chryst vpon earth: who (vnder a delycate vysor of gloryous name, coū∣terfaytyng the hornes of the immaculate Lambe) doth vnder the person of Chrystes Uycar on earth attempt nothyng els in very deéde, but that he may be the chiefe Monarch of the whole world: and that all others Princes and Potentates of the earth may become buxam and bonnair vnto hys beck and commaun∣dement. For may it be lawfull Osorius, for a man to speake the trueth franckely, and in playne wordes to call a Toad a Toad?

Let that vysor of presumptuous pretence be pluckt from your pates, and but a litle whyles turne downe that tytle and cloake of the Church, wherewith you couer your selues, and lette vs behold y^e thyng as it is in deéd: to wytte, the whole course of your conuersation, your treasury, myghty Maiesty, gallant trayne, pryncely pallaces, stately dignyty, pompous pryde, terryble Lawes, your lofty Castles, presumptuous power: what diffe∣rence shal we seé betwixt the hyghest gouernemēt of an Empyre, and the supremacy of the Pope? betwixt the courtes of Kinges, and the Reuelyng Rout of Rome? betwixt Princes parliamēts, and the Popes generall councels?

Now if you lyst to take a view of the gallaunts themselues:* 1.513 what is y^e Pope himselfe other thē y^e Monarch and chiefe Ruler of thys world? sauyng that other worldly Prynces be crowned wyth one single Dyademe onely: but thys Ruffeler can skarse be satisfied wyth a Tryple Crowne. Cardynalles what do they represent els, then kynges? and kynges Sonnes? what do the Patryarches, Archbyshoppes, Byshopps, and Abbottes in that pontificall kyndome,* 1.514 shew themselues other, then earthly pryn∣ces, Dukes, Earles? equall, or rather exceédyng them in sump∣tuousnesse, wayted vpon wyth stately trayne, wheresoeuer they goe and Ryde: and many of them also Rynged and Chayned? to whom a man may lawfully lyncke the Lubberly Rowt of mon∣struous Mounckes, and false Fryers in stead of a gard: Finally, what one thing is done in any common wealth or pryncely courtes, that these iolly Rufflers haue not conueyed into the Church of Christ, by ambytious emulation? Kynges and Em∣perours (enduced hereunto for necessary preseruation of theyr state) doe ioyne vnto them counsellors and Piers: Those haue theyr Ambassadours and Messengers: they haue also theyr pry∣uy ligiers, and skowtes: what? doth the Pope want his consisto∣ry? hath not this most holy father his Synodaryes? doth he lack his legates nati & legates de latere, (who wheresoeuer they be sent) vse no lesse pompe thē any other Piere, or potētate of high∣est nobility, yea though he be neuer so sumptuous? No more is he destitute of his skowtes and spyes, whom he hath priuelye lurkyng euery where, armed w^t treason at a pynche, in princes courtes, in theyr councels, yea in y^e closettes & pryuy chambers

of Kynges and Queénes?

Do ye not thinke that thys is a comely concordaunce Oso∣rius? and a reasonable resemblaunce of Chrystes lyfe and com∣maundementes? agreéable with the Apostles and Euangelists? with the auncient Fathers? w^t the ordinaunces of the primitiue Church? and with the former presidēt of the Elders? The Lord cryeth out in the Gospell.* 1.515 As my lyuing Father sent me, euē so do I send you. What? and do you thinke that he was so sent into the world, that he should establish a new Regyment on earth and like an other Romulus builde an other stately and Emperiall Rome? Or do ye thinke that the ministers of Chryst were sent after any other sort, then the Sonne himselfe was sent from the Father?* 1.516 Christ proceédeth yet foreward: Receaue ye the holye Ghost (sayth he) whosoeuer Sinnes you shall forgeue, the same are forgeuen them, whosoeuer Sinnes you shall retayne, the same also shalbe retayned. Other power then this he neuer did entitle his Church withall, nor yet gaue this power to any, but vnto them onely, whom he purposed to endue with his holy spirite.

If we will value the Church of Christ, by Christ his owne Lawes, and not after the decreés of Popes: what can be more e∣uident then the wordes which he spake vnto his Disciples?* 1.517 Ye know that such as will seeme to rule ouer Nations, are Lordes o∣uer them: theyr Princes haue dominion ouer them. But it shall not be so with you, for he that will be greatest, shall humble himselfe & minister to all the rest. For the Sonne of man came not to be mini∣stred vnto, but to minister to other himselfe, and to geue his lyfe to be a redemption for many.

* 1.518Agayne: Who made me iudge betwixt you? we are taught like wise in Paule,* 1.519 that the weapons of our warrefare are not carnall, but mighty in the power of God, wherewith we captiuate all vn∣derstanding and wisedome in subiection vnto Christ. And agayne: Let euery man so esteeme of vs as the ministers of Christ and Ste∣wardes of the misteryes of God:* 1.520 And the same Paule in an other place:* 1.521 Not because we be Lordes ouer your faith, but we be helpers of your ioy: For by fayth you are made perfect. In the same sence also Peter.* 1.522 Not being Lordes ouer the Clergy, sayth he. And a∣gayne in the thyrd chapter of the same Epistle (meaning to ex∣presse the efficacy of the Gospell) he doth call it a ministery not

of the flesh, but of the spirite. And therefore to the end he may make vs more spirituall,* 1.523 he doth wisely forbidde not the mini∣sters onely, but generally all other to be alike, fashioned to this pre∣sent word: what would he now say,* 1.524 If he did beholde the shape and vgly deformity of the Romish Church, as it is now? if heé aduised well the Royaltyes of S. Peter, the fulnes of power, the authority of both swordes, the Keyes of all Churches stollen away, and hanged all vpon the Romish bunch, the toppe gallaūt of the pontificall maiesty, the Cardinalles, the Legates preuay∣ling aboue Prynces, the empalled and Mytred Byshoppes, the orders of Shauelings, the swarmes of Mounckes and Fryers, the Lawes, Bulles & decreés which they vse as forcible as Cā∣non shotte, theyr might and power fearefull, yea terrible also to Princes? The Lord hymselfe cryeth out mightely in the Gos∣pell, that his kingdome is not of this world: nor canne away with the thinges that are mighty of the earth. But our pontificall pre∣late will storme and waxe wroth, if y^e world enioy any thyng, that is not subiect vnto his power.

And this Ierarchy meane whiles more then wordly,* 1.525 they fayne (and God will) to be the Church: at whose becke, as at the sight of Gorgones vgly face, they make astonyed all the Mo∣narches and Tetrarches of the earth. And the same haue they magnified with the name of Catholicke forsooth:* 1.526 By vertue of which name they will haue to be notyfied, not a congregation dispersed vpon the face of the whole earth, agreéing together in one conformity of doctryne, and worshypping of Christ (whyche doth make a true Catholicke Church) But they meane hereby that onely Ierarchy which they will haue tyed fast to y^e Romyshe Seé. And hereunto for the greater aduauncement of the autho∣rity, they haue deuised a trymme tytle of Antiquity. Behold (say they) was there euer any Church if y^e Church of Rome were not a Church? glorying (as it were) vpon the tytle of Antiquitye, whereas neuer any one thing doth differre more from all anti∣quity: wherein these Romish skippiacks seéme in my conceit not much lyke litle boyes playing the Comedyes of Plautus vpon some stage: where one playeth the part of Chremes an other of Menedemus or Cremilus: who beyng not yet come to be hoary and grayheaded by course of yeares, because they will sette a

graue countenaūce vpon the matter and seéme olde men before the gazers vpon them about on the Skaffoldes: they put vpon them counterfayt trynckets: to witte, a white hoary beard vpon theyr chynne: gray and white lockes vpon theyr heades: coun∣terfayting theyr gate with stooping and crooching: they rest their handes vpon some staffe shaking and tremblyng: and fashion theyr voyces bigge like olde men, doyng all this with a certayne witty and crafty conueyaunce of counterfayting: so that if you behold theyr outward handling and gesture, you would say they were olde men, but if you discharge them of theyr Roabes and plucke of theyr vysours, you shall finde them nothing lesse then such as they haue fayned themselues to be. Not much vnlike is this dottrell Ierarchy of Rome, which it is a wonder to seé how many yeares it vaunteth of continuaunce,* 1.527 in wordes, in voyce, in countenaunce, gesture, and outward resemblaunce: Fiftene hundreth yeares and more (say they) did our predecessors beginne to sitte in this chayre, euen from the first foundatiō of the prymitiue Church: which being erected in Christ himselfe, established by the Apostles, confirmed with a cō∣tinuall course of neuer fayling Succession, receiued by ge∣nerall consent from the Auntient Fathers, and from them hath remayned & bene deriued vnto vs by aperpetuall and permanent deliuery of Succession. But your Church which you call an Euangelicall Church, where was it euer seene or heard at any time of any man? These verely be the vysours and stagelike gugawes, wherewith this Romish counterfaytes haue played their tragicall partes, & wherewith they haue be∣guiled many simple people hetherto. But lett vs plucke of theyr visors, and discouer this bellygod Pope a whytes, that we maye throughly behold what manner of puppette this smoath Apish Church is within.

About fiftene hundreth yeares sithence and more, they say that this Church (wherein they raygne now like Lordes) was and hath had vnchaunged continuaunce. Albeit this be but to small purpose, what cōtinuaunce things that are false and altogether vntrue do prescribe vpon: Yet if the age of y^e Church be so great, as they pretēd it to be: lette them shew thē out of all the antiqui∣ties of thinges, places, tymes, or persons, what one of all the A∣postles

or Euangelistes: what one auncient Father, or auncient Church did euer heare the name of vniuersall Pope,* 1.528 before these thousand yeares last past? or if they now heard it, would permitt it in the Church? what Law did euer enforce and binde all chur∣ches generally to the ordinary Succession of one Churche? or euer appoynted so great a toppegallaunt of Maiesty? which as before the chiefe and hyghest iudge may clayme prerogatiue of Iurisdiction ouer all causes in the world to be decided within hys owne consistory? which might arrogantly challenge the ful∣nesse of power? which as it were out of one high court of parlya∣ment, might rule ouer all Churches, and beare dominion ouer all the world as ouer one peculier dioces? which might challēge the authority of both swordes? might be Lord ouer the Spyritu∣alty and Temporalty? which being the wellspring and Closette of the whole Law, finally beyng King of Kinges, Queéne and Princesse of all potētates, and rulers, might surmount in supe∣riority all earthly dignity, seuenty times sixty degreés? when as there are not yet much more then a thousand yeares sithence Gregory a Pope of Rome, did frāckely and openly confesse that there was neuer any of his predecessors, that would euer take vpon him this name of Singularity, or enter vpon any such hawtinesse of arrogant title, to be named with such an heathenish name: wherein (sayth he) was a wonderfull iniury committed a∣gaynst Christ the head of the whole Church, vnto whom should a sharpe and dreadfull account be rendred by him whosoeuer heé were, that would enterprise to bring vnder his owne subiection all the rest of his members, vnder the name and tytle of Vniuer∣sality. And ouer and besides annexeth hereunto with great vehe∣mency of speéch,* 1.529 whosoeuer doth call himselfe vniuersall Byshopp, or doth attēpt to be so called, the same doth by that his intollerable pryde, denounce him selfe playnely to be the very forerunner of Antichrist.

Let the Romanistes shew, where was not onely the order,* 1.530 but the name also of Cardinals litle aboue one thousand yeares sithence: or where this prettye forme of election was heard of which is now frequented in the Romish Church, before that Pope Nicholas 2.* 1.531 gathering together a Couent of Piers ap∣parelled in purple, from amongest the Deacons of that Citye.

and the neighbour Byshops there, did transferre all the right and interest of chusing the Pope to a few Cardinalles, contrary to the prescript custome of the auncient Fathers. Touchyng the Elec∣tion of Cornelius a Byshop of Rome,* 1.532 the wordes of Cypri∣an are very euident: which I haue thought good to inserte in this place, Cornelius was made Byshop (sayth he) by the Iudgement of GOD and his Christ, by the consent of all the Clergie almost: by the voyces and acclamations of the people that were present, and by the Congregation of the Auncient Priestes, aud godly personages.

For as yet Emperours were not professed Christians. At the length Constātine being Emperour, the Church was go∣uerned after his time,* 1.533 vntill the time of Henry the 4. in such sorte, that neither Byshoppes should be created, but by thau∣thoritye Emperiall, nor councells Sommoned, nor Ecclesiasti∣call Reuenewes distributed by any Byshop, before the Empe∣rors grace did allowe thereof. That this is true, appeareth by the Recordes of most aūcient monumēts, but aboue others chie∣fly, by that decreé of Charles the great, and Otto, Emperours proclaymed in a Synode of Byshopps. The forme of the de∣creé is extant in the 63. Distinct. The force of which decreé re∣mained firme, and inuiolable, during the whole lyne, and race of the sayd Charles, vntill the time of Otto. the 1. And after him also vntill the Battels, and ouerthrowes of Henry the 4. and Henry the 5. For as concerning the forme of the oathe annexed to the same distinction, (whereby they doe falsly imagine, that themperor Otto, did sweare him selfe to the Pope) it is many∣fest by the autētick, and true Recordes of Histories, that it was shame fully forged, and counterfait, as also the graunt, & Dona∣tiue of Ludouicus Pius, which is immediatly set before the same oath in the distinction, which Recordes doe playnely con∣uince the same to be detestable lyes. And where now be these xv. hundreth yeares, whereupon they prate with so full mouth so much?* 1.534 The olde Cannons that are called the Canons of the Apostles, doe with wonderfull seueritye, manace, and threaten them, who (frequenting the Church, & hearing the preachings) doe sequester themselues from receauing the Communion. On this wise did Pope Calixt, (who would doe nothing without the Censures ecclesiasticall) exhort and perswade all men to commu∣nicate

publiquely together, wheresoeuer the supper of the Lorde was ministred. The wordes of Ierome be in each respect, no lesse euident. The Supper of the Lord (sayth he,) ought to be ge∣nerall to all: because Christ himselfe did equally distribute the Sa∣crament to all his disciples that were present. And how doth this geare agreé with the celebrating of your priuate Masses?

The same Canons prouided,* 1.535 that the Byshop should be deposed, which would ioyne a ciuill office, with a spirituall fūc∣tion. The same also did Pope Clement detest as horrible hay∣nousnes. And what doth the Pope then meane by that newe power of both swordes?* 1.536 is it because he will be armed to fight a new combate with the Dragon, that fought agaynst the Aungel Michaell? Many yeares sithence did the Councell of Carthage forbid, that nothing should be read in the Churche, but the Canonicall Scriptures: Which Scriptures Iustiniā the Em∣perour commaunded to be vttered with a lowd, & audible voyce, that the people might gather some fruite thereby.

If Antiquitie of time, or authoritye of Councels, could haue obtayned any creditt amongest the Romanistes: the olde coun∣cell Elibertine did decreé, that nothing should be paynted in the Church, that might be an occasion to moue the people to wor∣shippyng. So did also Epiphanius that aūcient Father accoūt it for an intollerable sacriledge, yf any man would be so hardy as to set vp in Churches of Christians, any kinde of Image, yea though it were the Image of Christ himselfe.

The Auncient Fathers were no lesse godly zelous, then ze∣lously studious to perswade & enduce the people to the Readyng of holy Scriptures, and to the buying of Bookes of the same, that emongest themselues euery one in his seuerall familye, wyues with their husbands, children with their parentes, the plowgh man at the plowe,* 1.537 the weauers in their Loomes, women and maydens spinning and carding, might debate of the holy Scriptures, and sing some sonets and songes of the same: as Origen, Chrisostome, and Ierome do testifie.

It was not tollerable in the time of Augustine, that A Moūck should idely cōsume his time in slouth, and sluggishnes, or should (vnder visor, and pretence of holynes) lyue vpon an other mans trencher, but by the sweate of his owne browes: such a one also

Appollonius also doth lyken to a theéfe. There was an aunci∣ent custome of this Land, instituted from the auncient fathers, that no person should appeale to the Pope for any cause, with∣out the kings leaue:* 1.538 at what time our kings yelded to the popes no submission at all. Whereupon, when Anselme did deliuer the Popes letters to the king: What haue we to do (sayd the king) with the Popes letters, we will not breake the lawes of our king∣dome: Whosoeuer shall presume to infring the Custome of our Realme, the some is a traytor to our Crowne, and dignitye: he that doth take away our Crowne from vs, is an enemy, and Traytor to our owne person,

* 1.539There was an ordinaunce sometime within the Realme, no lesse profitable then auncient: That if any man did possesse two Benefices at one time, bearing charge of sowle especially, the same should be depriued from both. And this ordinaunce con∣tinued so long in force, vntill the Pope with his medley of dis∣pensation, innouating all thinges,* 1.540 and turning all thinges vp∣sydowne, after his owne lust, and pleasure, did leaue nothing in Churches, that had any smatch of Antiquitye.

* 1.541And no maruell, though he were so malapertly sawcy with y^e Lawes of our Realme, when as in the last Councell holden at Trydent, skarcely 24. yeares sithence, by publique authoritye, and consent of the whole Councell, an Edict was established, that no person should enioy two benefices at once: this Cannon notwithstanding, there is so litle regard of authoritye of that Councell emongest these Prelates: that a mā may easily seé now a dayes, many Monasteries, two Byshopprickes, yea sometimes threé or fowre swallowed vp into one paunch, all at one tyme.

* 1.542The same may be verified of the Coūcels of Cōstance, and Basile: Where though many matters were determined vpon wickedly enough, this decreé notwithstanding was published being good and profitable for the Church: That generall Coun∣cells assembled together by lawfull Sommons, were and ought to be esteémed better, and higher in authoritye then the Pope: And yet this decreé sone razed out by the power of the Pope, how quickly was it dispatcht? so farforth doth nothyng delight these fine heads of Rome, that whether it be old, or new, no∣thyng can please them, but that which is for their owne toothe.

Wherein I would wishe, that Osorius would marke diligently this one thing, sithence this Seé doth conuey her lawfull discent not frō any decreés of mē, but frō christ himselfe, as he affirmeth: what doe these Fathers of y^e Coūcell of Constance, and Basile, meane by this decreé: Wherein they commaunded, that the Ro∣mishe Seé, should be gouerned by the generall Councells.

Now what may be spoken or imagined, of the Prouisiones Reseruations,* 1.543 yearely penciōs, Pardons, Priuiledges, Exemp∣tions, Dispensations, Graces, Preuentions, Expectatiues, Palles, Uisitations, and other lyke snares and trappes of that Romishe Seé? what? shall we number these trinketts also e∣mongest thother sacred Reliques, receaued in that Apostolique age, aboue xv hundreth yeare sithence?

I come now more neare vnto those partes of Religiō, wher∣in all the glory and vaunte of your Antiquitye triumpheth chie∣fly. And first, that doctrine of Trāsubstantiatiō your onely God∣desse and chiefe vpholder of that your popish kingdome: From whence did it issue? and who was the author of it before Pope Innocent 3.* 1.544 in the Councell of Lateran, not many yeares ago? At what tyme the consecrated hoste was commaunded to cast away all her nature of Bread: or at least before Nicholas 2. and his Successor Hildebrand in a Councell holden at Rome? at what Councell, Berengarius was forced to Recant. And why were not Pope Gelasius, Theodoret, Augustine, Tertullian, Origen, Eusebius, and with them also, the whole Greéke Chur∣che cited to Recant. For the same error of Berengarius? Why was not the Church of Moskouites compelled to abiure, which from thence euen to this day, doe minister the Communion with bread broken, and distributed in deéde, but not consecrated into the body of the Lord? To passe ouer other Churches, why was not all this Church of Saxons in our kingdome condemned for hereticall, which maintayned the same cause, that Berengarius did? as of late hath bene declared by certeine auncient Re∣cordes, lately found out emongest vs in the Saxons tongue. Although this opinion of consecrated bread, beganne to sparc∣kes•• abroad, not many yeares agoe, after the Councell of Nice the second, Sommoned as it seémeth by Iohn Damascen, who was the first founder of this doing deuise, and afterwardes

agayne vnder Lanfranck: yet was this heresie neuer stablished, nor were they taken for heretiques, who did celebrate the Sa∣crament of the body, and bloud of our Lord, vnder naturall bread and naturall wine, before that Councell of Laterane before men∣tioned: vnder Pope Innocent, in the yeare of our Lord 1215. or vnder Nicholas, in the yeare 1062. Neither shall Osorius be euer able to finde it out, when he hath throughly perused all the Libraries of his Antiquitye that he can.

Not long after, came the worshipping of the bread, lyfted vpp, & hoisted vpp aloft, to the gaze of all the people, by y^t meanes of Honorius 3. next Successor of Innocent aforesayd: Which matter was of all other most neédefull. For whereas the nature of bread, had once banished it selfe cleane away: and nothing now re∣mayned vnder y^e outward formes of bread & wyne els, but y^e true, & naturall substaunce of fleshe, which should exhibite it selfe to the mindes, and sences of the worshippers corporally: It could not possible be, but a worshipping must neédes ensue hereupon.

These erroneous foundations beyng thus layd, as one er∣rour doth commonly engender an other:* 1.545 there vpstart an other Whelpe of the same litter, as notorious a mistery of iniqui∣tie as the other. To witte, of this Sacrament first Transubstā∣tiated, then worshipped, at the last sprang vppe a Sacrifice of this Sacrament offred. And no maruell at all in neéde. For af∣ter that the simple people were once throughly persuaded to be∣leue, that Christ him selfe was wholy present, with all his whole true body, and the true Passion of his body: they could not now stay here with onely lookyng vpon, and worshippyng their Sauiour so lifted vppe, and blazed abroad to their viewe: but would also craue helpe of him, not for them selues onely, but for their parentes, and frendes also, that were dead: And hereupon grew this Sacrifice of the Masse (so named of the people) plau∣sible for the people in deéde, and as profitable for the Priestes purses. Which subtile deuise of blynd errour, though was the most pestilent botche that euer could haue infected the Church, and most deuilishly repugnaunt to Gods sacred Testament: yet these crafty counterfaites could coyne coūcell colo••able enough notwithstandyng, to make this peltyug puppet gaynefull for their purses. For where no shift could be imagined to frame the

Apostles and Euangelistes to be Proctours in this cause: they ranne by and by to Doctours: and wheresoeuer they could pyke out any mention made of a Sacrifice, either of the Altar, or of the Priest, the same by crooked conueyaunce they would wrest and wryng to be good Testimony for their doctrine. Wherein how honestly they behaued them selues, shalbe seéne hereafter by Gods grace.

Next coosin germaine to this,* 1.546 began to challenge a right in the Church, Eare Cōfession. Which beyng an egge (as it were) of the same broode, was hatcht vp and fully plumed, at the very same Laterane Councell, as appeareth sufficiently by the very wordes of the same Councell: the true report whereof ensueth: Let euery faythfull person of what estate degree or sexe so∣euer he be,* 1.547 after he commeth once to yeares of discretion, confesse all his Sinnes alone faythfully to his owne Cu∣rate once in the heare at the least. Behold here the very first Institution of priuate and Eare Confession, which is in vre at this day: or els if it had bene instituted before, or decreéd vpon from aboue, to what end neéded so carefull a Prouiso to be made by men, whereby the people should be forced to a generall necessitie of reckonyng all their Sinnes to the Priest? Now therfore if this were an ordinaunce and tradi∣tion of the Romish Church: where is that bragge of Antiquity, whereby the Papistes would proue that this priuate Confessi∣on came from the Apostles? where is their glorius boastyng of the continuaunce and deliuery therof from thence euen to this present age? Surely Chrisostome & others do tell vs an other tale: for this writeth Chrisostome.* 1.548 I constraine thee not to come to the middes of a Stage, and to call many witnesses. Tell thy sinnes to me alone. &c. And agayne the same Chrisostome.

If thou be a∣shamed (sayth he) to tell to any man thy Sinnes,* 1.549 that thou hast done, tell them dayly in thy soule. I do not say Confesse them to thy fel∣low Seruaūt, who may reproche thee: tell them to God, that taketh care for them. &c.

Moreouer the same Chrisostome in an other place. I do not say vnto thee come forth into a Stage nor disclose thy Sinnes to others,* 1.550 but I will haue thee to obey the Prophet say∣ing: Disclose thy Sinnes vnto the Lord: In the sight of GOD therfore confesse thy Sinnes, before the true Iudge, vtter thy sinnes

with prayer, not with toung but with the testimonie of thine owne conscience and so trust to obteine mercy at the length. &c. Certes if Nectarius Byshop of Constantinople, had euer suspected that this Eare Confession,* 1.551 had bene authorized by any expresse word of the Scriptures, he would neuer haue abrogated the same for the defilyng of a certaine matrone by a certeine Dea∣con in the Churche, vnder colour of Confession: what shall we say to that, where Erasmus but of late yeares writyng of Con∣fession durst not ascribe the institution therof to Christ,* 1.552 as vn∣to the authour therof, but yeldyng him selfe willyng to learne, if any man could make proofe by sufficient Arguments, that Cō∣fession had his begynnyng at the Scripture: how happened that amongest such a multitude of Monckes and Deuines, not one would steppe forth to withstand this challenge of Eare Con∣fession as then? To passe ouer in the meane space that, which the same Erasmus in an other place expressing his meanyng playnly:

It appeareth (sayth he) that in the tyme of Ierome, priuate Confession of Sinnes was not as yet receaued in the Church, which afterwardes was profitably instituted by the Church, so that the Priestes and lay people vse the same accordingly. But herein some scarse skilfull Deuines are not alitle deceaued, bycause where the auncient Fathers wrate touching publique and generall Confession, all that doe they straine to this secret whispering, a quite contrary kinde of Confession. &c.

To passe ouer also many other thynges for breuities sake, whereof if there should be generall collection made, there is no dought but this vysour of Antiquitie would be easily pluckt of.

* 1.553The same be sayd also of the Sacramentes of Orders, An∣noylynges and Matrimony: The vse of which thynges albeit grew by litle and litle, euen with y^e first age of the Church, & are also reteigned vntill this day amōgest vs: yet do we vtterly deny, y^t they were Registred amongest the noumber of Sacra∣mentes: afore a very few yeares sithence. And Osorius shall neuer be able to prooue the contrary.

There hath bene a solemne custome of long tyme in the Church of Rome, that such as entred into any order Ecclesiasti∣call (foreswearing to be coupled in wedlock) should sweare them selues to obserue perpetuall vow of vnmaried lyfe: If any man

be of opiniō, that this Tyrāny was brought in by the Apostles, and not rather directly agaynst the ordinaūce of the Apostolicke Church, is much deceaued in imagination: whereas that law was neuer begon, nor euer heard of, before the tyme of Hilde∣brand. And although I can not deny, that there were many vnmaried Ministers many dayes agoe in the Church of Christ at that tyme, when as there was not such a huge multitude of Priestes, and more plentyfull giftes of chastitie possessed Chri∣stian Churches: yet did neuer any man read, or heare, y^t this ne∣cessitie of vowyng chastitie, became a publique & cōmon coacti∣on before Hildebrād was borne. How earnestly the Germaines did set them selues agaynst this wicked prohibition decreéd by Pope Gregory the 7. (at what tyme the Archbyshop of Mentz Sollicitour of this Popish decreé was almost slayne,) let the Histories beare witnesse. As touchyng what was done in Eng∣land I will note somewhat my selfe. For on this wise writeth Henry Huntyngton in his Chronicle.* 1.554 Anselme (sayth he) did prohibite Mariadge of Priestes in England, which was neuer pro∣hibited before. Which seemed to some a matter of wonderfull con∣tinēcie, but to other very pernitious, and perillous, least whiles they should couet for a cleannes, that surmounted their power, they might rushe healong into horrible filthynes, to the great reproche and dishonour of Christian name. This much he,* 1.555 with whom also accordeth the testimony of Monumetensis, touchyng the same matter. Herbert Byshop of Norwiche (sayth he) by the commaun∣dement of Anselme, and a Decree of a Prouinciall Synode, did en∣deuour by all meanes possible to sequester the Priestes from their Wiues in his Diocese. And when he could not bring it to passe, he was constrained to send to Anselme for Counsell. This is to be founde in a written History pag. 240. The same also happened to Gerrarde Archb. of Yorke about the same tyme.

Now what will Osorius say to this? If I shall be able to shew him out of our own auncient Recordes, more then 40. Re∣cordes and Rolles, which doe make mention,* 1.556 not onely of our Priestes companying together with their Wiues, but also that do by publique authoritie and law of the land prouide, that their Wiues ought to be endowed in landes and possessions? There was an old Decreé in the Councell of Gangren. That no man

should make any difference betwixt an vnmaried Priest, & a ma∣ried Priest, as to Iudge the one more holy then the other, in re∣spect of his vnmaried lyfe. I will annexe the wordes of the Coūcell: If any man doe take exception betwixt a Maried Priest, at that in respect of his Mariadge, he ought not to minister the Com∣munion, and so sequester him selfe from Communicating with him, let him be accursed.* 1.557 There ensued after this the Councell of A∣reletens. the 2. wherein was a contrary Decreé made, that no person should be admitted to Priesthood, that was Married to a Wife, vnlesse he vowed to depart from his Wife. &c. Whereun∣to also agreéd a Decreé of Pope Lucius long after the other. Whereby Priestes, and Deacons, and such as serued the Al∣tares, should lyue continently.* 1.558 And this hetherto tollerable e∣nough. But what kynde of cōtinency he did meane, let vs marke by the sequele. But if it happen (sayth he) that a Minister doe go to bedd to his Wife after he haue once receaued orders, let him not enter within the Chaūcell, nor be made bearer of the Sacrament, nor yet come a neare the Altar. &c.

As touchyng Images, Inuocation, Sacrifies for Sinnes, and Freéwil, hath bene spoken sufficiently before. And what shall I adde more of the rest of the rascall rable? to witte: of Purgato∣ry, of Satisfactory Constitutions, of vowes, of other lyke pel∣tyng pelfe of the newfangled Romish Traditions, and of the an∣tiquitie of all the rest, but euen as they be in deéde? namely, that in them all appeareth no countenaunce of true Antiquitie,* 1.559 but are deuises altogether of mens inuētions, bastardes, and misbegot∣ten chaungelyngs of Scholeianglers, and cowled crauens, not grounded vpon any authoritie of the Scripture, altogether vn∣knowen vnto the aūcient primitiue Church: the most part wher∣of hath bene hatcht & thrust abroad into the world, within these 500. yeares: within which compasse of tyme, that noumber of yeares began to be fulfilled, which was long before Prophecied of, for the lettyng louse of Sathan into the world, whose libertie out of that bottomles gulfe of hell,* 1.560 was foretold by the Prophe∣ticall Scriptures should be after a thousand yeares, to the end he might now preuaile to deceaue the people dwelling vpon the foure corners of the earth Gog and Magog. &c. By meane of which pe∣stiferous deceauing, it is scarse credible to be spoken, what mō∣struous

ruine & dissipation of Empires and Kyngdomes with in these 500. yeares, what an alteration hath ensued in y^t church chiefly, how much of Christian force hath bene decayed through Ciuill warres, & priuate grudgynges, & how greatly the power of foreine Nations hath increased, to our destruction and vndo∣yng, And how in the meane tyme, whiles the Turke doth in∣uade the Christian Church without, seékyng with foreine force to vndermine it, The Popish Prelates be no lesse busily bent to builde vppe their fortresse of furious Tyranny euen within the bowels of the same Church, and to fill vppe their Coffers with Treasures: they moyle and turmoyle all thynges, Procure warres and bloudshed for the establishment of their primacy, sturre vppe Ciuill warres and commotions, turne all thynges vpsidowne: Wherupō commeth to passe, that doctrine is nought sett by: by how much their treasory aboundeth in & ouer flowing-plenty, by so much (to speake with Ierome) their vertues are pyned away w^t famine & skarsity: Idolatry, ambitiō, & supersti∣tiō haue growne to an vnmeasurable excesse: all things are defi∣led with abuse: Religiō ruleth the roast with violence, & cruelty: Finally all things are come to nought. Trueth is turned to playne lying, and treachery: The place of sincere fayth, posses∣seth false hipocrisie: Praying for the dead, kneéling and crow∣ching to Images, supplyeth the place of the true, and pure worshipping of God. The word of the Lord, is troden downe with mans authoritye. The most godly and auncient ordinaun∣ces are transformed into new fangled traditiōs: the simple mea∣ning of the Scriptures, is entāgled w^t scholetrickes, and So∣phystrye: Luste, and vnbrideled licentious outrages preuayle aboue godly conuersation, and seueritye of discipline: Presūp∣tuous pride, and greédy desire of Lordlynes and superioritye, doe wrestle agaynst lowlynes, and humilitye: huge heapes of new Noueltyes increase dayly: errors and falshode flocke a∣broad vnmeasurably: Finally the whole state of the auncient Church, is become a very stage of an earthly Monarchye, and a filthy forgeshoppe of foolishe fond ceremonies. But now, as∣soone as the Lord of his louing mercy & good pleasure towardes vs, vouchsafed to amend this dayly drowsy darkenes, w^t some glymering of dawning day, and to refresh the razed Rent of his

ruynous Church, and to restore a recouery of his auncient re∣cordes of written veritye: the Braynesuck beastes of Romyshe rowte ganne fret aud fume: and our sweéte shauelinges seéke at the length,* 1.561 that we render them a reason of our Noueltye? And because veritye Euangelicall, oppressed with Tyranny (through y^e Reuell of Sathās raunging abroad these few yeares) eyther durst not shewe it selfe into the open world, or could not be heard to plead for it selfe, through their outragious vilaines, & being now quickened from aboue, beginneth to display her oryent beames: she is called to corā, before these cloisterers, (as though Christe, and the doctrine Apostolicall were some straunger in the world) and commaunded to Iustifie her chalenge of Anti∣quitye to them, which are neither able to render any reason of theyr counterfayt Antiquitie, nor Iustify the trueth of their own cause, by any recordes, or reportes of probable auncienty, or by any testimonie or president of the prymatyue Churche what∣soeuer.

Wherein me seémeth they behaue themselues no more mo∣destly and shamefastly, then theéues, and murtherers, which breakyng in by nyght into an other mans house,* 1.562 hauing by vi∣olnce and wrong, either slayne, or thrust the true owner out of dores, chalenge vnto themselues a title of possession: And so pleadyng in possession by wrongfull disseisin for tearme of cer∣teyne yeares, doe plead occupation, and prescription of time, agaynst the lawfull heire that hath right by lawe to recouer, and demaund Iudgement, thrusting the true heire out from his true inheritaunce: who in ryght, & equitye demaundeth restitu∣tion. For what other thing doe they herein? who finding their cause to be no way bettered, by vouching of Scriptures which make nothing for thē at all, fleé ouer forthwith to y^t. Fathers, & Custome continued of olde, by long prescription of time, crying out agaynst vs with full mouthes, that they haue enioyed their possession in the Church, more then xv. hundreth yeares: and commaund vs to tell them where our Church was litle aboue xl. yeares sithence.* 1.563 And because they aske it, I will tell them: conditionally, that they will distinctly tell me first, what they doe meane by this worde Church. If they meane the people, perhappes we were not all borne then: if they vnderstand the

Roofes, Walls, and Tymber of the Churches,* 1.564 they stand euen now in the same place, where they were wont to stand, & are en∣uironed with y^e same churchyardes, where they stood of old. But yf they speake of the doctrine, verely it was in the word of God, and in the Scriptures, discernable enough, where also it re∣steth now, rested euer heretofore, and shall rest hereafter for e∣uer. If they demaund of the forme of gouernment. It was in the primitiue Church, and many yeares after, in Asia, Greece, Affrick, & Europe, dispersed abroad in all Churches: at what tyme euery particular Church, was gouerned by theyr peculiar Patriarches, and not pente vppe, and straighted into one hole, vnder the commaundement of one man onely: when also neither was any Byshoppe called vniuersall Byshoppe, no nor my Lord Byshoppe of Rome, called as then vniuersall Byshoppe.

I haue now told where our Church was before these fourtye yeares. It remayneth that I be so bold to demaund agayne of them, but especially of our Osorius, that he vouchsafe to de∣clare vnto vs, where this fine Ciceronisme, thys braue poolyshed speach, where thys exquisited eloquence of writyng, and spea∣king, where this gorgeous furniture of fyled toūges, & this py∣ked and straunge statelynes of style,* 1.565 was fourty yeares agoe? where this wonderfull increase of Artes, and Mathematicall sciences was? will he eyther say, that it is newely found out now? or restored agayne rather? and deliuered long sithence from olde auncient teachers? If he will confesse that they be not new, nor speciall deuises of our proper wittes: but renewed, and reuiued rather out of auncient authors: let him then so account him selfe satisfied in his question touching the state of the Church: not that it is a newe vpstart, but reuiued from olde: not garnished with new Coapes, but returning agayne in her old Fryse gown. For we doe not now build a new Church,* 1.566 but we bring forth, and beautifye the olde Church.

But now if any man will seéme to maruell what the verye cause & reason should be, that these artes, and disciplines do ra∣ther in these dayes now florishe agayne at length, after so long scylence, and so long continuaunce in exile and banishment, and would neédes know y^e very true & naturall cause hereof. What better aūswere shall I make him, then that it is done by the spe∣ciall

prouidence of GOD? who of his inestimable goodnesse vouchsafed, in these latter dayes, to discouer abroad into y^e world the famous Art of Emprinting:* 1.567 By meanes wherof, aswell the seédes, and principles of all liberall sciences, as the knowledge of Diuinitye are extant and in dayly exercise, not newly begon now, but sproughted vppe of the olde Rootes, and recouering their olde beauty. So that you haue lesse cause to wonder Oso∣rius, that our Deuines beyng enlightened thus w^t so opē a light of the manifest scriptures, and furnyshed with so great store of bookes, and helpes of learning, doe seé much more in matters of Diuinitye, than many our Elders haue done: Which helpes and furnitures of bookes, if had bene so plentifull in those aūci∣ent yeares of Gregory 7. Nicholas 2. and Innocent 3. for the exercise of wittes, as we seé them now dayly, and hourely hand∣led, and frequented: beleue me Osorius, The Pope of Rome had neuer so long lurcked in his lazye denne, nor so long had be∣witched the senses of selly ones, with his leger demayne, and crafty conueyaunce: Nor had Osorius euer sturred his stumpes so stoughtly in this quarell agaynst Haddon: Nor had Had∣don bene forced to this streight, to make defence of his Nouel∣tye at this present.

* 1.568But here some one of Osorius Impes will say peraduenture: For as much as the state & condition of the Church is such, that wheresoeuer it be, it must neédes be visible and apparaunt to be seéne, not thrust vnder a bushell, but set on hygh vpon an hill, that it may shyne clearely vnto all: and for as much also, as the Chur∣che of Rome was euer (euē from the very swathlyng cloutes of Christian Religion) of that excellency, as to be able to Iustifie her dignitie, and renowme, by the whole and full agreable con∣sent of all estates, times, and places, euen vnto this day: and that none other Church besides this one alone, can mainteyne so lōg a continuaunce of yeares, and so great a title of authoritie: who may dought hereof, but that this Seé of Rome is the onely Seé, where onely is refiaunt a true face, and profession of the true Church? And that on the contrary part, the Lutheranes Church beyng but of a few yeares continuaunce, and neuer heard of be∣fore, must therfore be accoumpted not worthy of place, or name of a Church. For this is almost the whole strength & substaunce

of their defence. And I am not ignoraunt, how plausibly this probable shew glittereth in the eyes of vnskilfull and vnlettered people: For so do Philosophers define Probabilitie: to be such as seémeth probable, either to all men, or many, or at the least to wise personages.

But in heauenly thyngs ought a farre other maner of cōside∣ration be had.* 1.569 For if we grounde our selues vpon many, we are taught by Christ himselfe: That many are called, but few are cho∣sen. And agayne in an other place, That his flocke is a very litle flocke. And afterwardes he demaundeth, If when the Sonne of mā shall come, whether he shall finde any Faith vpō the earth. Neither are those thyngs alwayes best, wt delight many. Agayne, if we shall depend vpon the Iudgemēt of the wise, we heare likewise y^e same Lord him selfe geuing thākes vnto his Father, that he had hiddē those thinges frō the prudent, and wise of this world, and re∣uealed them to litle ones. And agayne we read in Paul, The wise∣dome of this world is very foolishnes with God. And therfore where as they would haue y^e Church to be placed on high, apparaūt to the view of all the world, truly they Iudge not amysse herein, namely if they meane of y^e preaching of y^e word.* 1.570 And yet this is no good Argumēt notwithstādyng, that euery Citie vaūced on highest hill, shall be forthwith esteémed the true church of God:* 1.571 or els what shall be sayd to that famous & great City mētioned in the Apocalips? Which was foreprophecied should be built, not v∣pon the Toppe of on hill onely, but vpon seuen hills? Or what shall we Iudge of that exceédyng wondering and worshyppyng of so many Nations, so reuerētly hūbled to that Beast? whose marcke it is sayd that small and great, young and old, riche and poore free∣men and bondmen, yea and those in noumber not a fewe, but vni∣uersally all shall be marked withall in their right handes, and in their foreheades? Uerely if common sence, and consent of people do make a Church, where was euer a greater consent, or more well likyng, and greater admiration of fautours and frendes?

But they say that y^e cōsent & cōmunitie of their Church is v∣niuersall & Catholick,* 1.572 which may not erre by any meanes. Now let vs seé how they proue it. The Apostle (say they) in his Epi∣stles did greatly cōmēde the fayth of the Romaine Church. This is true. Peter also did both consecrate the same to be

a See and instruct it in the Fayth. I am in dought of this: But what hereof? After the Apostles tyme, many of the Apostles Disciples (say they) learned Doctours and holy Martyrs, I∣gnatius, Irenaeus, Cyprian, Tertulliā, Augustine, and all that auncient age of graue Fathers did alwayes most gloriously esteeme of this Church. Is there any more yet? In the tyme of Basile, Nazienzene & Chrisostome the Church of Rome was not onely had in highest estimation, but also was diuers tymes sought vnto for counsell and ayde: neither will I deny this to be true, couple herewith if you will, that whē other Churches were tossed and turmoyled euery where with Schismes, and rent in sunder with seditious factions: no one Church besides stoode so long in so quiet a calme, not assaulted with any such contētious sectes, or variable opiniōs, which did not a litle aduaunce the e∣stimation of the Church, and gate it no small authoritie: Go to, and what shalbe concluded at the last out of all this? For sooth,

The Church of Rome whiles it reteigned the sounde do∣ctrine and simplicitie of the Fayth, was commended of the holy Fathers, by the name of a Catholicke, and an Apostolicke Church.

Ergo, The Church of Rome is the head and Metropoli∣tane Church of all other Churches, which hath neuer hetherto swarued from the true tracke of the truth, nor shall euer erre: vnder the which all other Churches must be subiect of very necessitie: the cōmaundement wher∣of is an haynous obstinacie to disobey: From the which to depart is manifest Schisme: agaynst the which to re∣sist, and stand is playne heresie: all the cōmaundements whereof to sweare obedience vnto, is the surest way of sauety: moreouer also a very necessary Article of eter∣nall Saluation.

You do seé (I suppose) the whole force and subtiltie of your Catholicke cutted Enthymeme. Whereof if you will seé a right proportion, it is this.

* 1.573The Church of Rome was allowed of the holy Apostles, or the most auncient Fathers, and all the most appro∣ued Doctours of the Church, for Catholicke, and A∣postolicke.

But our Church is the Church of Rome.

Ergo, Our Church is approued for Catholicke and Apo∣stolicke, by the consent of all the godly.

First we aunswere to the Maior proposition:* 1.574 The auncient primitiue Church of Rome was approued by the famous cōsent of the learned, for Catholicke and Apostolicke. Peraduenture it was so: yet was not this Church of Rome accompted so alone: nor yet to this end so accompted, bycause it should be the vniuer∣sall Church of all other Churches. For this will forthwith be gayne sayd by the Councels of Nice, Mileuitane, and by Pope Gregory and all the learned Deuines of that age vntill the cō∣myng of Boniface 3. Moreouer neither was it for that cause so famously commended with so great consent, bycause it was the Church of Rome, but bycause it was a Christian Church. Nei∣ther for any prerogatiue of the place (though) Peter sate there a thousand tymes) For euen this also will an aūcient Pope Gre∣gory deny, as appeareth euidently by the Decreés.* 1.575 Neither the places: nor the dignities do make vs more acceptable to our Crea∣tour, but either our good deedes doe couple vs vnto him, or our euill deedes do exclude vs frō him. Moreouer not bycause it can pres∣cribe an ordinary Succession of Byshops.* 1.576 For Ierome also will not admit this. They be not children of holy ones forthwith (sayth he) that occupie the possessiō of the holy ones, but they that practize the workes of the holy ones. But bycause with the Succession of Byshops they did ioyne agreable profession in true Religion: bycause they did apply them selues to imitate the Fayth, Reli∣gion and order of worshyppyng instituted by the Apostles: by∣cause they did not varry frō well ordered Churches, in any part of sounde doctrine: For this cause I say, namely for their sin∣cere, vnstayned Fayth, and constaunt vprightenes of Religion, not defiled with filthy stenche of erroneous doctrine, the Church of Rome obteined of the auncient godly Fathers, to haue a place amongest the Catholicke & Apostolicke Churches.

But what is this, O ye Apostolicke Princes to this your Romish Church, in the state that it is now in? the disorderous order whereof, as it is at this day, reuelyng with Cardinalles, riotyng in Court, glorified with this title of Uniuersall head, garnished with tripple Crowne, garded with the double sword,

magnified with Patriarches, and innumerable other titles of dignitie, armed with Abbottes, mounted with Mounkes, sa∣luted souereigne with shauelyngs, and infinite skulles of fectes, fortified with those Canons, Decreés, Decretalles, and Res∣criptes, pampered vppe with Pardons, exalted with Idolatry, sumptuous in superstition, entangled with so many snares and Articles, embrued in so bloudy a bootchery of Saintes (that might easily fill vp a thousand Toonnesfull of Babilonicall hor∣rour and crueltie) aduaunced with so many more then Pharisa∣icall Traditions, and peltyng Ceremonies, which would easily ouerlade a monstruous Carricke, glitteryng in gold, precious stones, and pearle: enriched with large and great possessions & patrimonies, beautified with purple and scarlet: finally so bla∣zing in brauery, with the Royalties of S. Peter: If S. Peter, if Paule the Apostle, if the holy Fathers, and aūcient Doctours of that pure & primitiue Church had seéne these glorious gaw∣dyes which we seé: veryly I doe beleéue, they would so litle ac∣knowledge this Church for Catholicke, that they would euen from the bottome of their hartes vtterly abhorre it, and would scarsely acknowledge it by the name of a Christian Church. And thus much to your Maior.

* 1.577Now I do aunswere to your Minor: wherein you haue com∣mitted a great eskape in the word which the Logitians do terme aequiuocum or ignoratio Elenchi. For this word Romayne Church is in the Maior taken after one sort, in the Minor after an other sort: In the Maior it noteth such a Church, as did re∣tayne the true worshippyng of God, and sincerity of Religion, as into the which were no poysoned infections of sinister Doc∣trine, no filth of false opinyons crept: But in the Minor thys word Church is of a farre contrary condition and quality, as the which doth carry no resemblaunce at all of that auntient and primitiue Church besides a bare name onely,* 1.578 and a certayne whorysh dissembling counterfayt of outward Succession. In all thynges els, which do make a true, vnspotted and vndefiled Church, it beareth so no countenaunce at all, as that it seémeth rather vnder the name and Tytle of the Church, to be at defi∣aunce with the Church rather, and vnder the name of a Christiā souldior, to fight agaynst Christ her captain & trayterously to be∣traye

him to Antichryst. For if Christ be the verity it selfe, surely counterfayt verity (as Origen sayth) is very Antichrist.* 1.579 And therfore if they will iustify theyr consent and Antiquity, by good argument: Let them yelde vs such a Church of Rome, as the auncient Fathers did honourably esteéme of, and then shall it not want our agreéable and mutuall assent and allowaunce: And let them make vs a playne demonstration of those orna∣ments which are worthely ascribed to a true Christian Church, and we will confesse it to be a true Church. Where the Church is (sayeth Irene) there is the holy Ghost, and where the Spirite of God is, there is also the Church and all grace:* 1.580 But the Spyryte is the verity, therefore verity is the life of the Church:* 1.581 without the which the Church is blinde and euen dead, being aliue, and de∣serueth not so much as the name of a Church, no more then the portrai••t or counterfayt of a man, doth deserue to be called a mā properly: whereupon the Church is with the Apostle very fittely called a sure pi••ler, and a foundation, not of mans authority, but of Gods verity.

And by the testimony of Lactantius that Church is called the onely Catholicke Church,* 1.582 wherein God is worshipped a∣right: which Church if the ofspring of the auncient Romanistes did now professe as truely, and in the same forme as the Catho∣licke Fathers did extoll & prayse it with such great commenda∣tion, there would be no controuersy at all. On the other side, if they haue determined w^t thēselues neither to admit the trueth within theyr Citie themselues, nor to tollerate the same to beé preached being brought in by others: let them accuse themselues & not the Lutherans, who had rather patiently endure cōtinuall enmity and hatred of them, then to become open aduersaries of the truth. Moreouer lette them also cease hereafter to pray in ayd of antiquity, & number of voyces, for defence of their church: forasmuch as they can alleadge no true report of y^e one, and y^e o∣ther can helpe them nothing at all. For if it may be lawfull for vs (renouncing the verity) to mayntayne one cause by vouching an∣tiquity, and number of nations, namely in those thynges,* 1.583 which appertayne properly to Christ and his Church: then let vs not spare to argue after the same forme of Logick.

The Religion of Mahumette hath bene of as long a continu∣aunce

of tyme and yeares, as the Church of the Pope:

Ergo, Mahumettes Religion is of as great authority as the Popes.

And agayne.

The greatest part of Priestes haue long sithence bene ouer gre∣dily couetous:

Ergo, They that doe inueigh agaynst theyr greedy Auarice most, be accounted Cosen Germaynes to the valdenses heresy.

Agayne

The greater part of the people did cry out Crucifige and stoaned Stephen to death: And the most part of mē do at this day fol∣low their owne sensuality and lust:

Ergo, Let vs all ioyne together in sensuality and lust.

If on this wise we shall thinke to measure the truth and sin∣cerity of Religion, by the standard of Antiquity, and number of yeares, what shall we winne by this argument? when we doe heare that many are called but few are chosen,* 1.584 when as fooles al∣so be in number infinite, when as from the highest to the lowest all are become couetous, when as euen from the Prophette to the Priestes all worke deceit: What shall we win (I say) by this argument, but that the part of Sathan (which is more in num∣ber) shall be of greater force, and seéme to tryumph agaynst the Lord?

But to lette passe the Romysh Church: I returne to our own Church. In the which Osorius hauing alleadged nothing he∣therto, nor being by any meanes able to alleadge any matter truely, that may seéme either new, or straunge in our doctrine, or that doth in any respect swarue from the institution and disci∣pline of the Apostles: he runneth away from the question, that concerneth the sincerity of Religion and doctrine, and commeth to this point, to catch some occasion of outward life and maners of men, whereby he may reproch vs (subtlely enough I warrant you) imitating herein the old crafty Rhetoricall Foxes, who feéling themselues altogether vnable to prosecute the cause which is specially in hand with effect, do wring the state of y^e Question an other way, or enforce the whole bent of theyr accusation a∣gaynst theyr aduersary with some contrary cauillation, turning Catte in the Panne: that so being not otherwise able to compas

theyr cause it selfe, they may yet at least entangle theyr Aduer∣sary with some perill and daunger. Not much vnlike hereunto happeneth now to Osorius in this kinde of controuersy: who be∣ing not able to mayntayne the cause of his guilty Church with any iustifiable argumentes: bendeth himselfe wholly to defame our Churches with falsehoodes and vntruethes. And on this wise at length addresseth his assault agaynst vs, as finding no∣thing offensiue to any man in our fayth, in our Religion, in our manner of worshypping, nor our Church ordinaunces: he pre∣sently rusheth vpon our liues, and rippeth abroad the vnhonest behauiour of men:* 1.585 and in this discourse he spendeth all his pow∣der and shotte of slaunders, lyes, outcries, figures, and all his exclamations of accusation. And therefore it behoueth me also to alter the state of my defence, so that from henceforth I shall not need to aūswere for our doctrine, our fayth, our Sacramēts and the institution of our Churches, which differ not frō the in∣stitution Apostolicke: but for the liues onely, and the outward conuersations and maners of our Ministers.

And first, It is well truely, and I do prayse you Osorius, so do all the rest of vs likewise acknowledge our selues indebted vnto you in a whole Cartlode of thankes in this behalfe. For si∣thence you apply all the force of your accusation to reproue our euill demeanor, and corruption of maners onely, hauing els no matter of reproch iustly to charge vs withall, surely euen by this onely testimony of your owne mouth, you doe fully acquite vs, in such wise as all men may well & playnely perceaue, that all thinges els are well stayed, and sound with vs concerning o∣ther poyntes of our doctrine and christian profession. All which if you thinke may be tollerable enough amongest vs, why may ye not aswell release vs of your action of heresy and schisme, in so much as all hereticall waywardnesse consisteth, not in conuersation of life properly, but in doctrine and Religiō. But if it be our doctrine that you and your Catholickes doe mislike chiefly, why do you not prosequute this action agaynst vs? why do ye not stay here? why runne you away like a coward from your challenge? wherefore do ye turne ouer all the substāce and rigor of your accusation agaynst our liues and manners, leauing our doctrine in the field? why are ye so lusty and frolicke

in that one, and so white liuered and caponlike in this other? You do accuse vs of Nouelty: If you charge the doctrine of our Religion with this Noueltye, declare them in playne wordes in what part of Doctrine, and in which one article of the com∣mō Creéd, we do vary frō the Apostolique or propheticall scrip∣tures. Nay rather what doe our Churches professe at this day, y^t we haue not drawen & taken from the Apostles, the Euange∣listes, yea and from Christ himselfe, the very author and foūder of fayth? which also we mayntayne and keép very Religiously? you haue tofore treated (I confesse) of freéwill, of righteousnesse of workes, and of certayne other principles somewhat: but so haue you handled your selfe therein, that it had bene better for you to haue bene silent and mumme, for the further you roll in this puddle, the more durt cleaueth to your backe, and both be∣wrayeth where you haue bene, and maketh you to loase y^e whole grace of your market. And now perceauing your selfe destitute of ayde in this kinde of conflict, you flye the field cowardly, and renew your skirmish in narrow streights, inuading the corrup∣tions and escapes of maners and lyues with lyeng and slaun∣tyng. Wherein I would not so much reprehend you, as though you had delt much amisse, if in this behalfe you proceéded against vs with a good & simple meaning, and as we do all with you alto∣gether: who are no lesse agreéued with that outragious corrup∣tion of maners, thē your selues are. Now euē here also you shew your selfe so cold, and vnprouided, as that by your vnskilfull hād∣ling of the matter, you disclose rather the scabbe of your owne Fi∣stula, then minister salue to any others soare. For you do not ther∣fore so earnestly reproue our lewdenes and misdemeanour, how horrible so euer it be, bycause your mynde is so much agreéued thereat, or bycause you haue any earnest desire to bryng vs to a∣mendemēt: but this rather is the whole scope of your scoldyng,* 1.586 that as it were occasioned by these, you might pyke out some fitt matter to whett your cursed and slaunderous toung more freély agaynst Luther and other godly Ministers, and bryng them in∣to hatred & contempt: conceauyng in your imagination to bryng this to passe, that if the world would by your meanes but con∣ceaue euill of the Lutheranes, as y^t their Churches did swarme, and were ouerwhelmed with abhomination of life: then the cre∣dite

of our doctrine should be easily crackt, & those godly perso∣nages, which tooke vpon them to restore the sinceritie of the Gos∣pell should be accounted for errant heretiques, & most execrable false Prophetes: for hereunto is your whole Rhetoricke stray∣ned Osorius.

But let vs seé how well this Rhetoricke doth agreé with the Rules of Logicke. And bycause (as your selfe say) it is not suffi∣cient for a mā to affirme what him listeth with bare wordes one∣ly, let vs behold not your vayne ianglyng, but the very substaūce of your meanyng. And to begyn now with the principall part of the controuersie, to witte, whereas in the defence of our Church Haddon had sayd (as true it was in deéde) that our doctrine was neither new, nor did differre any iote from the Institution, and discipline of the Apostles: all this saying of Haddon, Osori∣us doth vtterly deny, & doth Reply agaynst it, that our Church hath no affinitie at all with the Institution, and discipline of the Apostles,* 1.587 nor any continuaūce in Antiquitie. And who so? Now marke his reasons gentle Reader, and marueile a whiles at the wonderfull dexteritie of this Portingall Prelate: For Haddon (sayth he) doth bryng no president or example of that aun∣cient vertue. Fourth a Gods name. Moreouer in all that Church appeare no exāples of that heauenly vertue. What vertues speake you of here good Syr? Miracles? What? doe ye looke for such miracles in these dayes? No. But luste (say you) raungeth in your Churches: wickednes is ryfe: hygh wayes and passadges are replenished with theeues:* 1.588 treasons, and conspiracies are common practizes of the people: treache∣ry and villany bringeth all thynges into perill: for the sim∣ple puritie of the Gospell, these fellowes haue in all cōmon weales scattered abroad horrible wickednes: for concorde and charitie, execrable dissentions: pride in steade of mode∣stie: for Religiō, Sacriledge: for freedome, seruile bondage, for Ciuill orders, outrage, finally for trāquilitie and peace, cruell and detestable tumultes and commotions. And who be they, I pray you? Luther (I thinke) Melācthon, Bucer, Cal∣uine, Zuinglius, Haddon and such others their like. Go to, is there any more yet? And all these mischieues (say you) after the doctrine of these men tooke place, were in such wise not

rooted out, as that they encrease rather dayly more and more amongest vs, and are growen to greater heapes: all which mischieues notwithstandyng, if were but light or meane at the least, the matter were not so great: for that might haue bene pardonable in respect of the weakenesse of mans Nature: But what shall we say now of that most horrible and execrable haynousnes, wherewith they haue practized the dissipation, ouerthrow, vtter spoyle, and con∣sumyng of all thynges both publicke and priuate with fire and sword, yea the most holy thynges of the Church. Be of good cheare now. I suppose this whotte flamyng Rhetoricall smoake is come almost to an end. Can Osorius amplification adde yet more hereunto? surely these be great matters, yea ve∣ry great in deéde, but yet you shall heare farre more haynous. For whereas emongest other kynde of liuyng creatures which nature hath formed,* 1.589 to the destruction of mankynd, some do bewitche with their eyes, and lookyng on: some do in∣fect with touchyng: others doe kill with their teeth, and some with their tayles: These Lutherās do so contriue their matters, that they doe not onely poyson the bodyes, the soules, and the lyues of men, with the contagion of their wickednesse: but vpon what grounde soeuer they set foo∣tyng, I doe not say, they defile the same with those former small faultes, but wheresoeuer they tread with their feete, they leaue the same lande contamined, and poysoned with many more, ye more execrable abhominations. And why doth he not adde this also withall? that what shyppe soeuer they enter into, of purpose to sayle ouer Sea, they do also drowne the same shipp into y^e bottome of y^e Sea with ouer burdē of their wic∣kednes? why then clappe your handes, reioyce you Osorians, & congratulate this yonr notable Rhethoriciā: who (if you haue not yet learned the arte of lying and flaunderyng) haue here a nota∣ble Schoolemaister whom ye may follow: And so when you haue magnified this your exquisite Maister triumphauntly enough, write some Epitaphe for this wretched caytife Haddon, worthy his impudencie, who notwithstandyng all these horrible abhomi∣nations, shamed not to stand in the defence of this new doctrine, agaynst this great Doctour Osorius.

Moreouer, that the singuler excellency of this your Maister may shyne so much the more notably. Behold now not the Rheto∣ricke, but the modesty and humanitie of the man. For whereas this might haue sufficed him (if at least he might haue woonne this much) which we can in no wise deny, to witte, that our ma∣ners are not correspondent to that most exact, and exquisite rule of most holy, and Apostlicque Religion: Which thyng these new Apostles vndērtooke to bryng to passe: yet the sweete man contented of his incredible courtesie to acquite vs of this quarell, doth now deale with vs after this maner: not to compare vs (as he might of his Pontificall authoritie doe it well enough) with the Apostles, nor with auncient Fathers of the primitiue Church: but doth referre vs to our owne forefathers and doth require this onely at our handes, that we Englishmē, should frame our selues to the grauitie, ver∣tue, Religion, and holynes of our aūcestours, and by their example become like vnto them in lyke integritie of lyfe. But for as much as we can not aspire to the glory and re∣nowme of their vertues (which were also by many degrees inferiour to the Apostles) how much and how farre discre∣pant therfore is the Institutiō of our Church in this point, that it may carry any resemblaunce at all of that Aposto∣licke institution and discipline, which discipline ought to expresse it selfe not in vayne ostentation, and tauntyng: but in superexcellent examples of righteousnes, chastitie, since∣ritie, Religion, and charitie, and a life altogether vndefiled, vnreproueable conuersation, and a most serious desire and endeuour of heauenly vertue. You haue heard godly Reader the knittyng vppe of the conclusion of this Peroratiō, fetcht out of the very entrailes of all Rhethoricke. Now take an Argument of y^e same somewhat more compendiously knitte vppe, not w^t floo∣rishyng figures of Rhetoricke, but framed euen in y^e very schoole and Arte of Logicke and comprehended in fewe wordes, that it may easily appeare, how to Iudge of the same more certeinly and to aunswere the matter more fittely.* 1.590

The life of the Lutheranes (as he calleth them) is haynous and farre vnlike the life of the Apostles, and their own auncestours.

Ergo, The doctrine that the Lutheranes do professe in their Churches, is altogether discrepant from the Do∣ctrine and Institution of the Apostles.

* 1.591For as much as this is the whole force, and Summary con∣clusion of your Argument Osorius. It remaineth agayne that we aunswere vnto the same. And what aunswere may we frame more fitte, and agreable to the matter, then to deny the Argumēt? For I beseéch you, where did you learne this Logicke to knitte such fleéyng fruitlesse moates together? or where haue you learned this Diuinitie, to measure mens doctrine, and pro∣fession, by maners and conuersation of life? When Haddon de∣bated with you of Fayth onely, and Religion: it behoued you to haue aunswered the same accordyngly: which if seémed in your conceipt to varry from the Institution Apostolicke in any pointes: the same should haue bene layd open by you, the Articles shoulde haue bene noted by some speciall marke, and conuinced with Scriptures: those errours should haue bene refuted with lawfull Testimonies and authorities: those heresies should haue bene discouered, and confuted. But you (omittyng that part of the controuersie which belonged to doctrine) skyppe away to other matters, not such as are of no importaunce, but such neuerthelesse, as concerne the present matter nothyng at all, accordyng to the old Prouerbe, which is the way to Canterbu∣ry? a pocke full of plummes. And this much to the Conclusion of your euillfauoured clouted Argument.

* 1.592I come now to aunswere that part of your argument where∣with you vrge vs most, namely Manners (albeit the same hath bene once done already) but so I would aunswere you, as that I would desire you to aunswere me first simply to a few questions. First whereas you Rayle so franckly agaynst the maners of our people, do you know this that ye write to be true by any sure ar∣gument or knowledge of your owne? but how canne you attayne vnto it being so meare a straunger, and so farre seuered from vs by distaunce of place? Or els haue you conceaued it to be so, by some coniecture of your owne head? but we take you for no Pro∣yet. Or haue you beleued it vpon some vagarant tales, or re∣ports of others? but talebearers may deceaue you, & haue decei∣ued many. Or did you dreame of any such happely, ouercharged

with some wine of Creéte? But the men of Creete haue bene al∣wayes accounted lyers. Agayne euery fond dreame, is not by and by a prophecy:* 1.593 As Basile reporteth. Moreouer do you inueigh a∣gainst all the Lutheranes generally? or agaynst some particuler∣ly? if you meane all: you speake vntruely: If you speake of many, tell vs when did you number thē? if of some perticuler persons, it standeth agaynst all reason that the offence of a few dissolute persones should be a cōmon reproch to the whole order of My∣nisterie. Now agayne lette vs seé what kinde of offences they be, wherwith you charge vs? what? do you meane therfore all kindes and sortes of abhominations Osorius without any exception? or those small and veniall faultes rather? No. But euen the most hainous, the most wicked, not to be named, Lust, murthers, Conspiracies, Treasons, Tumultes, Pride, Sauadgenesse, Vp∣roares, Destructions, and Dispensations, and what not? I maruaile of one thing much, that whiles you are exquisite skil∣full in numbring and multiplying our faultes, as that no horror and filthinesse of life can be found in all yonr Rhetoricke, whiche you haue not by all wayes & meanes of Amplification stretched out to the hard hedge agaynst the Lutheranes: That ye forgot to obbrayd the Lutheranes with one poore abhomination amongest all the rest,* 1.594 which my selfe will not name here, but will referre you ouer to the gentle remembraunce of Cardinall Casus and to his brethren, and to that Catholicke crewe, and most holy children of that most holy mother Church S. Maryes.

But I returne to our owne Catalogue, what? say you that all those abhominations therfore raunge abroad with vs vnpunished? yea in deéd Syr. What? with vs English men onely? or do ye not cōprehend in y^e same Cataloge Frēch men also, Germaynes, Da∣nes, Switzers, Bohemyās, Polans, Rettes, Scottes & all other natiōs Fautors of y^e Lutherāes doctrine also. Yea truely: wher∣soeuer throughout the whole world, the doctrine of these men hath bene published, wheresoeuer these new Gospel∣lers doe set theyr feete on the ground, they doe defyle the heauēs, the ayre, and the earth, with the horror of theyr in∣iquity. Good words, good Syr. What? be those notorius crimes so common and generall amongest vs alone, that the same can∣not be found any where among you Catholickes? yes: but not so

much: In deéd do you thinke that there is not euen as much? and will you geue me leaue then to aunswere hereunto as I thinke? Surely I will not speake much, neither is it neédefull, namely in a matter so apparaunt.* 1.595 This one thing will I speake boldly, and the same also no lesse truely, then as Demetrius on a time was sayd to aūswere Lysimachus: A Strūpet doth behaue her selfe more modestly amongest vs Osorius, then Penelope doth amon∣gest you. By this one bethinke your selfe now Osorius what my opinion is of all the rest.

And yet do I not in the meane space deny, but that we are by many degreés farre vnlyke to the life which the Apostles did lead, and which indeéd beseémeeh the true professors of the Apostolicke doctrine. Neuerthelesse as we dot glory much of our vertues, so neither do we so stroake and flatter our selues in our vyces, but we iudge the same worthy of sharpe correction and chastisement. But whē you haue reckoned vppe all the spottes of our ill fauou∣red life, and agrauated the filthinesse thereof as much as you may, yet are you to aunswere me directly to this, namely, whether ye think these faultes to be proper to men? or to doctrine? if vnto mē, let your exclamation therefore touch them, which haue deserued to be exclaymed agaynst. They be Lutheranes (say you) that be so abhominable: There be Lutheranes also that do liue godly. And I thinke that all your Catholickes doe not lead theyr liues like A∣postles. Now if the former faultes be proper to the doctrine: But it hath bene long sithence declared, that this doctrine is none o∣ther, then which Christ and his Apostles deliuered. Wherefore if these faultes and licentiousnes of life be imputed to the doctrine, and professors of the same doctrine,* 1.596 then look about you Osorius how farre your slaunderous speéch doth stretche, and whom you touch therewith: for euen all those (whom you doe accuse for Lu∣theranes) do beleue in Christ, and not in Luther: nor do acknow∣ledge any other Author of theyr faith, then all other Christian men doe, so that this profession can not iustly be charged with a∣ny crime which cleaueth not fast to the Gospell of Christ, and is common also to the Apostles themselues.

But the doctrine of Luther (say you) hath discouered vn∣to them this liberty, and ministred occasion of this dissolute life. If it shall be enough for Osorius to affirme in bare wordes

onely that, whereof he hath not hetherto made any proofe, nor is euer able to iustify: We are vtterly ouerthrowen, for he impu∣teth all that huge heape of haynous abhomination to Luthers doctrine. And why so Syr Byshoppe? how do you proue this to be true? Luther did open the fountaynes of the Gospel of grace: he did display abroad to the view of the world,* 1.597 the freé promises of God, which had bene pent vppe in a deépe doungeon of long scilence, and almost pyned awaye with long emprisonement: he raysed vpp and recomforted with the comfortable confidence in the Medyatour, consciences that were vtterly foredone and forelorne, yea and this not altogether vnfruitfully: he discouered the force and efficacy of fayth learnedly: he confuted the vayne & talkatiue opinion of vayne confidence in mans righteousnes: the part of the Law which consisteth of workes, he bounde within her proper lymittes and boundes: he enclosed it within her pe∣culiar persons and Tymes, and seuered it cleane from the Gos∣pell: he called backe the slippery mindes of men, from carnall superstition, and fryuolous Iewish zeale to the spirituall wor∣shipping of God and true Religion.

It followeth.* 1.598 Forasmuch as Luther, Melancthon, Bucer Martyr, Caluine and others of the same crew haue stuffed their bookes full of these thinges, and taught the same also openly in theyr Sermones euery where: what haue these new Gospellers brought to passe by theyr new doctrine be therto as yet els, then cut in sunder the very Sinowes of se∣uere discipline? scattered abroad ouer the whole world ly∣centious lust, murthers, and vproares? filled all common weales with abhominations, Tumultes, pride, Bondage, vp∣roares, vnpunished liberty to sinne, outrage and all abho∣minable infections of mischiefes, and vntimely deathes? in steed of Concord, Cleanesse, modesty, freedome, Religion, & peace? I beseéch you Osor. for the loue you beare to your cha∣stity, modesty, freédome and Religion, what aunswere canne you make hereunto? Can it not be lawfull for vs to preach the Gos∣pell of God, but that we shall forthwith ouerthrow all vertue? may we not comfort and cherish wounded and pyned cōsciences, but we must withall open an high way for the wicked to raunge in all outrage vnpunished? Is it not possible to distinguish the

law from the Gospell•• to make a difference betwixt the workes of the Law, and the righteousnesse of fayth, to display the force of y^e heauenly grace; but we must be accounted enemies of Gods law?* 1.599 and rooters out of honesty? Is this the manner of your rea∣soning? and the superaboundance of your eloquence? or the bar∣raynenesse of your iudgement, or super infirmity of your slippe∣ry braynes? And yet what wonder is it, though Luther be so in∣famed sithence Paule himselfe being in the same predicament, could not by any meanes escape the venemous snatches of like vypers, nor could skarse shake them away from his hand. For so we read that it was obiected against Paule, yea euen of his owne brethren, namely: That he taught a defection from Moyses.

* 1.600Howbeit it was so much the lesse to be marueled: That the same should be obiected agaynst Paule, in that tyme especially, when as the Iewes were: yet chiefe rulers of the Temple it selfe, and Moyses ordynaunces were as yet, in their chiefe force and authoritye. What? and haue we profited this farre now at the length after so great, and long labors employed, after so many aduertizements of thapostles, after so many instructions of the holy ghost, after so many examples of the Church, after so many miracles, so many bookes, so many testimonyes of lear∣ned men, so many helpes of sownd doctrine, that we must after all these neédes ••unne back vnto old Iewishnes agayne? & may we not now skarcely open onr mouthes, to preach Iesus Christ the Sonne of God,* 1.601 but we must seéme Iniurious to Moyses? For what els did Luther meane? Whereunto els tended all his doctrine, trauaile, endeuour, and thought? but that the graci∣ous mercy of God, discouered in the Gospell, might through his minystery he commended to weak•• and aflicted consciences? and glorified of them? In which maner of doctrine yf any thing seéme displeasaunt to your minde, let your owne minde and Imagi∣nation offend you rather then Paule, or Luther. For there lur∣keth a plague, or pestilence, not in the Doctrine, but in the minde, which in my iudgement seémeth to be such, as that if you had liued in the tyme of Christ, with the Scribes and Phari∣ses, being of the same mind wherewith you gnaw this doctrine so viperously now, you might haue bene fellow mate with them which cryed out Crucifige, Crucifige, agaynst Christ. Not so,

(say you,) but the wickednes, and abhominations of this age doe much displease me: with that am I worthely offended. And what good or godly man is not throughly displeased herewith? Peruse who will the writings of Luther, Melanckton, Bucer, Zuinglius, Martyr, Caluine, and he shall easely peceaue that this deadly decay of Godly lyfe, was no lesse greuous to euery of them, then to your selfe: that I neéde neuer speake of this be∣sides, to witt, that Luther being very oftentymes disquieted with the maners, and vnthankefulnes of his own countrey men, did long before with a very propheticall vehemencye foretell, that the same lamentable slaughter should befall them,* 1.602 for their vngratefull contempt of Euangelicall lyfe, wherewith not long after they were greuously pinched. And how then may any rea∣sonable man credit you Osorius, that lye so impudently vpon these men, whom you make to be Authours, and standerbearers of all those mischyeues, and Tumultes?

But here is yet another argument clowted vppe, and patcht together with the lyke stuffe: whereby he would proue vpon trust of hys Rhethoricke. That these false Prophets Lutherans, were not sent from God. Let vs first note the wordes which he citeth out of the Scriptures.* 1.603 Marke well (sayth he,) What the Lord spake of a false Prophet: The Prophet that is puft vp with pride, and will speake in my name the thing that I doe not commaund him to speake, or in the name of any other straunge Godds, let him be slayne. And if in your se∣cret conceypt you thinke with your selfe, how shall I vnder∣stand, that it is not the word of God, that he hath spoken. Take this for a signe: Whatsoeuer that Prophet shall Pro∣phecy in my name, and it come not to passe: that hath not the Lord spoken, but the Prophet himselfe hath imagined it, through the pride of his owne hart, and therefore thou shalt not feare him. &c. Where is this? Seéke for it Reader in the old Testament, or in the new, for eyther it pleased not Osorius to note the place, or perhappes it serued not for his purpose so to doe. But the place is to be found in the 18. Chap. of Deut.* 1.604 Go to: and what is it, that this wonderfull Philoso∣pher of this world, hath pyked out of these words?

Forsooth, hauing vttered this much first by way of preamble.

It followeth now (sayth he,) that we see what Luther, Me∣lancton,

Bucer, Caluine, and the other iolly companions haue promised and vndertaken to doe, what hope they haue geuen of their glorious promises, to witt, that it should come to passe, that they would call home agayne the dis∣cipline of the Gospell to her auntient sinceritye, re∣store Religion, hold vpp the Church that was ready to fall downe: That is to say, that they would fully restore the de∣cayed fayth of the Church, restore lenitye, Chastitye, Con∣cord, Vnitye, Modestye, Obedience, Charitye together with godlynes, and great bountye of godly loue. All these things wherof they promised largely, and in many wordes to bring to passe: it lacketh so much of thacomplishment of their promise, that they haue left all things in farre more worse case, more peruerse, more filthy, and more deformed by the meanes of their goodly trauayle: as men that haue placed Sacrilege, in stead of Religion: Crueltye in stead of Lenytye: Tumults in stead of Peace: Ciuill warre in stead of Concord: Licentiousnes of lyfe in stead of chastity: Con∣tempt of Magistrates, in stead of Obedience: Pride in stead of Modestye: Finally in stead of Charitye, and Pietye, En∣mitye and hatred amongest good men: Monstruous wic∣kednes, and vtter ouerthrow, and confusion of all com∣mon weales. The matters being so (to conclude at the last) who can thinke that any man may doubt, that these men were sent from God, or moued by his holy spirite?

Breéfly: passing ouer all friuolous circumlocutions of words, to gather the whole matter agayne together into a shorte breui∣ate. Behold here a full sillogisme, after this maner and forme.

* 1.605The Prophets which doe prophecie in the name of God, yf it come not to passe as they haue prophecied, are not sent from God.

It is so farre of that Luther, Melancton, Bucer, or Caluine haue performed the thinges that they promised, that all haue proued in farre more worse case.

Ergo. Luther, Melancton, Bucer, and Caluine, were not sent from God, but are lying Prophets, and therefore ac∣cording to Gods lawe, worthy of euerlasting death.

I am in doubt, whether I may aunswere, or laugh: Thone

of both paraduenture the Reader will looke fort thother the fond∣nes of the argument doth perswade me to doe. For what can be spoken more senselesly? what can be more crookedly wrested out of the whole Scriptures? what could haue bene attempted more cruelly, and falsly agaynst godly personages? what could haue bene concluded more absurdly? First there is a place vou∣ched out of the Scripture, wherein the people is taught, how they may discerne a false Prophet frō a true: namely by the true successe, & euent of thinges: as farre forth as y^e thinges foretold doe happē or not happē. And yet in this behalfe also speciall con∣sideratiō of choyse ought to be hadd, & some secret inspiration of the holy ghost: For although Caiphas be sayd to haue foretold, as the trueth was. Yet will you not geue him a place emongest the holy Prophets: So also neither did Balaam lye altogether when in a Propheticall speach, he foretold the people of God, good and gladsome tidings: yet I thinke you will not nūber him emongest the Godly Prophets of God.* 1.606 The Spirite that was raysed by Saul in the name of Samuel, to foreshew what should become of the successe of the battell, dyd not tell otherwise, then as it came to passe afterwardes:* 1.607 Lykewise also in the Acts of thapostles: The Prophetisse at Phillippos dyd prophecye ma∣ny things of Paul, and Timothe which were true and maruai∣lous: yet will no man assigne her a place emongest the true Pro∣phetisses. What shall we say of the Deuil himselfe? which dyd foretell to Siluerster the Pope,* 1.608 that he should neuer dye before he came vnto Ierusalem? what? was not the sequel aunswera∣ble to hys former tale? How then Osorius? are those then to be accōpted the true Prophets of God, which doe foretell y^e thinges that shall come to passe? I thinke not so: Neither doth the Scrip∣ture affirme the same to be true. The true Prophets of God doe pronounce truely from out the true treasures of the hart. And not contrarywise, all they that doe tell true thinges altogether, ought alwayes to be takē for true Prophets of God: But what∣soeuer he be that teacheth false Doctrine, and is found a lyar: it is most certein that he is not sent of God. Telling trueth ther∣fore namely in Successes humaine, doth not alwaye asrgue him that doth foretell the same to be a true Prophet of God. But lying doth alwayes bewray a false Prophet. And this is it, wher∣of

the Scripture would haue vs to be forewarned in this place. For the wordes of the Scripture doe not so directly determine, that euery person whosoeuer foretelleth the trueth of euery thing is therefore sent from God. But it setteth downe this speciall marke: That yf any Prophet haue foretold any thing in the name of the Lord, which doth not afterwades come to passe, By thys marke (sayth the Scripture) shall you know, that a man hath spoken it, and not the Lord:

Then which signe (say you) no thing can be more sure, nothing more euident, nothing more commodious for our sauetye.

And thys also doe we confesse as well as you doe. And so much hitherto for the Maior.

But to aūswere the Minor now, what is any of all this to Lu∣ther? Melancthon, and their companyons? Because they haue promised (say you) so largely and so lowdly, whereas they gaue so great a hope of themselues by their glorious pro∣mises, that it should come to passe, that they would call backe agayne the decayed lyfe of the Christians, and the dissolute maners of the Church, to the auncient purity of the Gospell: they did so performe nothing of that they pro∣mised, that they left all thinges in far worse case then they receaued them. I will aunswere to both. And first your alle∣gation of their promises, we haue shewed already how it is al∣together vntrue: to the iustyfying of which flaunder agaynst thē you haue not brought forth one sillable so much hitherto, out of all the writinges of Luther, or Melancton, wherewith you are able to charge thē: Whereas on thother side it will be no matter of difficultye for me to conuince you for an open lyar, by innume∣rable places out of Luther himselfe: Emōgest many I will cyte one, by the which the Reader may easily vnderstand, how farre of Luther was from that glorious kinde of braggery of Refor∣mation, wherewith you doe slaunder him most Impudently. For after this manner doth he make a reporte of himselfe, writing v∣pon the Psalmes of degreés.* 1.609

I doe gladly vse (sayth Luther,) mine owne experience: for what is it, or how much is it, that he hath geuen to me alone? I did desire no thing els, then that this abuse of pardons might be taken away: But behold what an vnmea∣surable Sea of Gods marueilous bounty and liberality ensued ther∣upon?

So that it is generall true, that no man dare wishe so much as God is ready to geue. The cause is the mistrust fulnesse of our hart, the lacke of hope, and weakenes of fayth.

Thus much Luther. Go to now, and where is now that glorious hope promised, and bragge of promise, whereas himselfe cōplaineth of wāt of hope, of mistrustfulnes of hart, and weakenesse of fayth? or vpon what confidence could he dare promyse so largely, and boldly to o∣thers that which him selfe confesseth playnely, he durst not be so bold as to wish for? But put the case, they promised all that you haue spoken: what then? you adde forthwith: But they dyd not performe their promises•• what they performed, or what they did not performe in the reformation of manners, I doe not so much stand vpon: Nor do I speake all here that I could: But leaue it to the iudgement of him that shall iudge the quicke and the dead: Euery person canne iudge himselfe and his owne cause best: but of others it is very hard to determine any cer∣taynty. Malice is alwayes a blinde iudge. Malepart slaunder is a lying witnesse. It had bene more sittyng for you and your modesty, beginning at your owne home, to haue first purged your owne faultes, to haue pluckt the beames out of your owne eyes, before you had vttered such insolent waywardnesse in trou¦bling of other mens studies. Admitte that it may be freé for a man to proclaime openly to the world the notorious faultes and offences of others,* 1.610 which either himselfe doth seé, or doth gather vpon common report: yet this iudgement as it may be frée, so ought it be vpright & iust. But you, enflamed with (I know not what) outragious insolency of minde, not of any iudgement but of a certayne franticke fury, do so handle your cause, as though he were no good man, nor could be a good man, whosoeuer doth beare the name of a Lutherane, that is to say, a professed Chri∣stian: and as though neuer any such abhominations could haue infected the world, if Luther had nener taught at all: thē which slannderous maner of speéch, what could impudency it selfe haue spoken more impudently or more vntruely?

But not to tary long vpon this poynte, and to graunt you also that you Assume so impudently: For this I suppose you as∣sume, as matter most certayne that these men did performe no part of that which they promised. Goe to, and when weé

yelde you all that you will, to witte: that they entred into large promises, and that they performed nothing, and that all things became worsse: to what end tēd all these at y^e last? what doe these mountaynes of Gilboe bring forth at the length? Come of Lu∣ther now with all thy Lutheranes, and take a full con̄clusion of all, and goe hang your selues.

Ergo, You be false Prophets, deceitfull and fraudulent se∣ducers not onely to be eschued of men, but by Gods law worthy to be burnt also.

The Cocke crewe and it was day all abroad. But that weé may be so bolde to sift out this rusticall Logicke: what doe I heare Osorius? Is it so? ought all such as breake theyr promi∣ses and couenauntes, be forthwith accoūted false prophettes, & worthy to be slayne? There be many thousand men and weomen, which make many promises now & thē, nor doe alwayes accom∣plish theyr promises,* 1.611 but do swarue oftē fro their words & break promise, shall they be all accounted false Prophettes forthwith? There was sometyme a Pope of Rome Iohn the xxij. of that name, who by his acquayntaunce with the Starres, made great brags of a promised lōg life: who neuerthelesse dyed in the viij. moneth of his Popedome. Yet will you not reckon him for a false Prophette I suppose. What shall we say to Pope Grego∣ry the seuenth? who hauing secretly suborned some persones to murder the Emperour, himselfe in the meane time pearchyng in some pulpitte the morrow vpon Easter day,* 1.612 did in his sermō boldly protest before the people, that if Henry the Emperour did not dye before the Feast of S. Peter next ensuing, (for that day had he appoynted for his Prophecy, and for his treason al∣so) the people should neuer geue any more creditt vnto him: nor acknowledge him for theyr Byshoppe, but should driue him and banish him frō massing, yea frō the Church also as a sacrilegi∣ous person. But what chaunced afterwardes? when as the Em∣perour by good fortune had escaped hys treason, the Pope with a pretty shift hudled vppe the matter on this wise, saying, that when he spake of the death of the Emperor, he did meane y^e death of his soule, and not of his body.

There are diuers histories extaunt, wherein may be founde that many Popes of Rome haue promised many and great mat¦ters

to Emperours and Kynges very largelye and lowdely, to wit••e, of the power of election, of creating Byshoppes, of the ti∣tle of submission, and many other thinges:* 1.613 who did neuerthelesse so not accomplish that which they had ratified by publique pro∣mises, and autenticke decreés, as that through their treachery & treason they brought all things to vtter confusion almost. Pope Boniface 8. did promise to the Emperour Albert the kingdome of Fraunce, by deposing of Phillippe, yet did he not hold pro∣mise herein. Gregory the 7. did with many large promises putt Rodolph in hope to attayne the Empyre agaynst Henry the 4. but his hope being frustrated, he was not so good as his worde. Pope Innocent. 3. did promise to Ludowicke the French king the kyngdome of England vnder this condition, that he shoulde driue King Iohn out of his kindome: which notwithstanding was neyther the Frēch king able to do, nor the Pope able to per∣forme. In matter so infinite what should I speake more? What your selfe promised in your Baptisme Osorius, what you promi¦sed also when you tooke orders of priesthoode, and a••terwardes likewise vpon solemne protestation, when you were enstalled a Byshoppe, I thinke you remember. What? haue you performed all those promises? what if some secret cōtract be made betwixt you & your Porting all spye here in Englād, that, whatsoeuer he may smell out either of our courtlye affayres, what the Prince doth, what her counsellers and courtyers do, what is done in the cōmon weale, how English traytours with couert dissimulatiō doe persist firme in theyr oath to the Pope, how the Lutheranes liue and bestow theyr tyme: in what estimation the Masse is a∣mongest Englishemen: That of all these and such like he shall certify you faythfully, by some true transcript, and he in the meane space, either hūdred about some more profitable affayres do breake promise with you: or do certify you vntruethes, and abuse your worshippe with lyes and false reportes: will you ac∣count him forthwith for a false Prophette, worthy to be stoaned to death? I do not thinke it. And why so? Because you will say, that herein is great difference and oddes, when as men we pro∣mise any matter to men, in the person and fidelitie of men, and when as we promise or foreprophecy in the name and person of God, thinges to come to passe: for in that one, the breach of pro∣mise

is deceit, and lying, in the other impiety and vngodlinesse: in that first, men onely are hurt, in the other iniury is commit∣ted agaynst God. And therefore if all these your accusations be bent agaynst these persons, as agaynst false Prophettes: Make it manifest then if you can, where either Luther, or any other of the abouenamed vndertaking at any tyme the person of a Pro∣phette, did prophecy of thinges that should come to passe, by the appoyntment and purpose of God, wherof the Lord neuer spake word? If you can not: Then doth not your argumēt, which you haue strayned out of Moyses cleane agaynst Moyses will, and altogether besides the Cusshian, make any thing at all a∣gaynst them.

Besides this commeth yet an other argument of the same stampe, skrapte out of Ieremy, agaynst those false Prophettes before, contriued with no lesse subtlety, then blazed abroad with vanity. And the place, which himselfe dayneth not to note,* 1.614 is in the 23. chapter.

Marke therefore diligently: with what wordes God hath taught to discerne betwixt false prophettes, and true Prophets: If they had persisted stedfast in my councell (sayth he) and had declared my wordes to my people, they had surely turned my people away from their euill way, and frō their wicked thoughts,

Out of these wordes of Ieremye Osorius writinge to the Queénes Maiesty doth frame an argument on this wise.

If af∣ter the arriuall of this new Gospell (sayth he) and this doc∣trine of new religion: had also arriued together with the same shamefastesse, integrity, innocency and grauitye of lyfe, and vprightnesse of manners, if seuerity of life, if graue behauiour, and ciuility of manners and honesty had bene raysed vppe out of that darckenesse, wherein it was long drowned. &c.

I should waste much tyme to rehearse euery par∣ticuler sentence, wherewith this trifling Rhetorician, like an huckester of eloquence, doth make a huge heape of wordes in a neédelesse, long, and tedious rehearsall of vertues and vyces: wherein he might haue done much better in my iudgement, if leauing this Childish copye of countenaunce, and glorious mul∣plying of variety, he had entred vpon the matter more brieflye, playnly, and more effectually. The purport of his discourse was that he should haue cōuinced Luther, Melancthon and the pro∣fessours

of the same doctrine for false prophettes. And to make this manifest, he would vse an argument framed out of Ieremy by the signes, notes, and markes wh the prophet doth sette down in speciall wordes, as I sayd before, out of which wordes, if he would haue argued, he must neédes haue concluded after thys manner.

The Prophets which in the time of Ieremy did prophe∣cye glad tidinges to the people,* 1.615 if they had followed therein the councell of God, they had called thē back to a Reformation of lyfe.

Luther doth preach to the people in the name of the Lord, and yet reduceth them not to a better life.

Ergo, Luther is a false Prophet.

If Osorius doe conclude his argument after this maner (as he neédes must by the wordes of the Prophet) The argument must be denyed for the fallax of the consequent.* 1.616 For it consisteth of 4 propositions, contrary to the rule and true forme of a sillo∣gisme. For the Minor ought to haue bene inferred on this wise. But those Prophets in Ieremies time, which did denoūce glad∣some tydings to the people, did not restrayne thē frō wickednes. Ergo. They were false Prophets &c. And so by this reason. The argument would stand well I confesse: yet should it not touch Luther at all: who was nether any of the number of those false Prophets, nor euer took vpon him the name of a prophet. But the argument would be otherwise, yf beginning at the vniuersall, he would descend to the particuler, on this wise: It will appeare euidently who be the true Prophets of God: by this token, if they reduce their auditory from Impyety to the endeauor of vertue and godlynes: Luther tooke vpon him the name of a Pro∣phett, and yet reduced not his auditorie from vngodlynes. Ergo Luther and others of the same marke be false prophets. First to the Maior: Haddon doth make this aunswere: namely de∣nying that to be true, which is affirmed in the Maior. Yf it be vnderstoode of the generall predicatum.* 1.617 For this supposition is false, that all such as doe not reduce their anditory to amend∣ment of lyfe, be not true Prophets of God: For Ieremy him∣selfe was not a lying Prophet: yet was not his preaching so ef∣fectuall, as to allure all that hard him to a reformation of lyfe.

The same may be veryfied of Iohn Baptist, and of Chrst him∣selfe, the high and chiefe Prince of all Prophets: what shall we say to Noah the eight Partriarche of righteousnesse? who not∣withstanding did prophecye, and foretell the people by the ex∣presse word of God of the generall floud, and destruction of man∣kinde, hanging ouer their heades a hundreth yeares before it happened: yet was it so farre of, that he could encline the people (to whō he was sent) to amendement of lyfe, that of all the gene∣ration of Adam, were no more but eight persons onely saued.

But here Osorius will take me vppe agayne for haltyng, and tell me,* 1.618 that thys is not the meanyng of the Prophett, as though he should vnderstand, that all the Auditory generally should be reclaymed, but those persons onely which doe beleue, and obeye the preaching of the Prophets: Go to, and what error was euer so peruerse, what heresy so absurde, that found not cre∣ditte, and fawnyng fawtours somewhere? Agayne, yf you be∣hold the lyfe onely, you shall many tymes finde the conuersati∣on, and manners of some heretiques lesse reproueable, then of some of the chiefe and principall Protestantes, or Catholickes. And what is become now of that marke of your difference Oso∣rius, whereby you teache a distinction betwixt true and false Prophets? to witte, by the amendment of lyfe in them, which in fayth doe obey theyr doctryne. But to graunt you that signe and marke euen to the full, which you chiefly require to be graun∣ted. We come now to the Minor. But Luther (say you) did neuer reduce any persons from vngodlynesse of lyfe, by in stilling into them, this kinde of Doctrine, but made all worse rather euery where.* 1.619 I do heare you, and do aunswere: yf your Assertion stretche to all: surely this happened not vnto Christ him selfe (as your selfe doe confesse) to restore all ingenerall: if you doe affirme that none at all were chaunged through that doctrine, I will conuince you herein, by as many witnesses, as your Catholickes made Martyrs w^t in these few yeares, beyng a most horrible spectacle of your cruelty•• who in the profession of this doctrine (which you tearme Lutherane, and I name Chri∣stian) liued very vertuously and suffred death very constātly, and couragiously. If therefore you meane of some particuler per∣sons, then is Luther reasonably acquited by your owne mouth,

and by the example of the Prophett Ieremy: When as (your selfe witnessing the same) nether all, nor many were there,* 1.620 but a few of them onely that came to the Prophet, which did harken vnto him, and did gladly embrace his doctrine. Finally,* 1.621 for as much as all that place of the Prophett Ieremy hath relation to none other, but to them onely, who (chalenging to them selues authority propheticall, as men diuynors of things to come) did foretell what should come to passe: how doth this touch Luther, or Melancthon or others of the same society, which did neuer prosesse of themselues any such foreknowledge of things to come? when as yet there wanted not some, who in∣spired with the holy ghost doughtles, did lōg before prophecy of the selfe same persons, whom ye doe so maliciously inueigh a∣gaynst, which is not the least porcion of their commendation, and prayse. For on this wise Iohn Hus was reported to haue spoken a litle before his death.* 1.622 That after a hundreth yeares come and gone, they should aunswere to God and him euerychone. Frō what spirite this Prophecy issued, I am not inquisitiue to learn: but the matter it selfe did approue the same to be most true by the se∣quell, euen then when the hūdreth yeares being expired. M. Lu∣ther began to oppose himselfe against y^e hygh Byshop of Rome: Whereunto what aunswere you will make now, aduize your selues. Surely he doth accuse you of horrible crymes, namely of Blasphemy, heresy, Idolatry, error, superstition, rebellion, conspiring with Antichrist, and treason agaynst the Maiestye of Christ the sonne of God. There are many other predictions, and prophecies reported in historyes touching the same matter: but for examples sake, this one shall suffice. And yet neither is it alwayes simplye true in all men, which Osorius by his positi∣on would proue, to witte, That the Prophets of God must be measured by the successes, and euentes of thinges altogether. For it is manifest that it proued otherwise in Ezechia, and in the Niniuites, thē was foretold thē by the Prophet of God. &c.

Behold yet a freshe supply of arguments, & it cōmeth playn∣ly to passe here, that is wont to happē in a Canuizado or sodein skarmishe, where whatsoeuer commeth to hand is forced against the Enemye. And because some small controuersy (I know not what) arose betwixt Hulderick, Zuinglius, and Martyne Lu∣ther

about 4. wordes onely in the whole Gospell (albeit in all other thinges besides,* 1.623 they did very well agreé and in this also not otherwise differing in opinion but about very small circum∣staunces) Forth rusheth Sathan by and by, and of a gnatte maketh more then an Elephant of India, and of a very litle geo∣metriall point, draweth forth an infinite Shpere: so ingenious, & nimble witted is Dame Slaunder.* 1.624 For as much as in Gods spirite is no discention (sayth he) therin should haue bene a full and vniforme consent and agreement of mindes be∣twixt them, if they had bene Gods Ambassadoures. Go to: and what more then? therefore, where as they were at great discention, it followeth necessarily hereupon, that they were not raysed vpp by the inspiratiō of the holy ghost, but sturred vpp by the flaming fyrebrandes of the furyes of hell, and that they applyed themselues not to teach men, but to peruert men.* 1.625 Of the discention and variable opinions of Deuines, and Churches hath bene spoken of before, so that it shall be but neédeles to repeate the same agayne, onely I will aunswere here to the argument. God is not the Author of dis∣cention, but of peace: I doe know this, and confesse it to be most true. So also is the same God the fountayn of all righteousnes, and father of all consolation. The same is also Author of Ma∣trimony, and of all good thinges. Go to now: where can you finde in all the estates, courses, and actions of this transitory lyfe, that fulnes and absolute perfection of righteousnes, of con∣solation, or of peace, yea in the most holy estate of matrimonye, as may be aunswerable to that absolute patterne of perfection? Lett it suffice vs to haue receaued the first fruits thereof, though we possesse not the Tenthes. There will come a day, and a place, when as no darkened cloud of discention shall ouershadow this perfect peace betwixt vs. In the meane space whiles we lyue in this vale of misery men, with men, we shall neuer be desti∣tute of one thing or other, that will alwayes argue vs to be men, dwelling in the tabernacle of Imperfection. And therefore if Osorius will be so nyce, as to exact of vs so precise a knitting to¦gether, of vnvariable minds, as may in no poynt swarue frō ech other: lett himselfe become a president hereof in his owne Coū∣trey, and shew himselfe an Angell emongest his owne people.

And what maruell is it, if in so great varietie of Iudge∣mētes, and amongest so many men, two men onely dissent some∣what in matter of so small importaunce? whenas in this your so vniforme a Church (whereof ye boast so proudly) there is no par∣cell of Religion almost,* 1.626 or order in profession: wherein Schoole agaynst Schoole, Uniuersitie agaynst Uniuersitie, Colledge a∣gaynst Colledge, Councell agaynst Councell, Canon agaynst Canon, doe not mainteine continuall iarryng. How is it then Osorius, that with shuttevppe eyes ye can so lightly ouerlooke, and not looke vpon so many, and so monstruous Beames ouer∣spreadyng your Churches, and not passe ouer one litle moate in our Church without controllyng your brethren, but that ye must burst out into such whotte fury of hellish firebrandes? With the Spirite of God (say you) is no dissensiō. This is most true. And so it is true also, that Luther & Zuinglius be not taken for Gods, which can not erre, nor dissent eche from other in some pointes. Neither doth it therfore follow hereupon, that bycause they do not reteigne a mutuall constaunt cōsent of myndes in all thyngs, that therfore they were not raysed vppe by God. Other∣wise, after this Logicke, how many auncient and godly Fathers will you banish out of all Churches? was there neuer any iar∣ryng betwixt Moyses and Aaron? That contention betwixt Paule & Peter about the mainteynyng of the libertie of the Gos∣pell:* 1.627 and agayne that separatyng a sunder of Paule from Bar∣nabas, is well knowen to all mē. It whiles the Lord him selfe ly∣ued vpon the earth, the Disciples them selues could be at vari∣aunce about preéminence, and superioritie, what maruell now if his Disciples do not so well agreé together in all pointes, sithēce Christ is not present emongest them? who were more familiar then Basile and Gregory Nazienzene? and yet in this maruei∣lous consent of qualities, and studies, wanted not a certeine of∣fence and breache of that mutuall amitie. Victor did not of all partes agreé with Policarpus. How earnest a conflict deuided Iohn Byshop of Constantinople and Epiphanius Byshop of Cypres? Neither did Augustine in all thynges agreé with Ie∣rome. And yet I thinke you will not say, that these men were not raysed vppe by the grace, and Deuine inspiration of God.

Well now. Let vs seé what this so great dissention was be∣twixt

them, which as you say proceéded from Luther? What a brable was there betwixt them (say you) about wordes? what varietie and inconstancy of opinions? how disorderly, how intricately, and ouerthwartly do they speake? in how many sondry matters and Argumentes do they not onely not a∣gree with others, but also disagree eche from other? For∣sooth if you will know Osorius,* 1.628 and sith you require the same, I will shew you in few wordes, what and how monstruous this cō∣flict was betwixt thē. First they do all togethers with one voyce confesse one God: they doe all with one Fayth acknowledge the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost. They do all with one mynde agreé togethers in the Articles of the Christian Creede. with the true auncient, and Catholicke Fayth of the Church of Christ.* 1.629 Of this Church they do all acknowledge the authoritie of the Scripture to be chief next vnder Christ: the second place and dignitie they do yeld to the Church, to the auncient and ap∣proued Councels. The godly and auncient Fathers they do all with one consent allow, and yeld vnto, so farreforth as euery of them is founde to agreé with the expresse word of God: Here∣sies and false opiniōs reproued by the authoritie of holy Scrip∣ture, and the sacred antiquitie of the Church, they do all gene∣rally oppugne: besides this authoritie of Scripture, & the most couenable proportion of Fayth, whatsoeuer hath priuily craw∣led and crept in by stealth, into the profession of Fayth, and true worshyppyng of God, they do all vtterly, and worthly abhorre: whatsoeuer is most aunciēt in Fayth, and most approued by cō∣staunt allowaunce of antiquitie, the same is had amongest thē in greatest admiration. In the acknowledgemēt of one onely Me∣diatour in heauen, one onely Sacrifice for Sinnes, which is resiaunt not in the earth, but in heauen, in confessyng one onely generall head of the vniuersall Church, in all these is there no discention, nor brawlyng about wordes or Sentences.

Moreouer, in this they agreé together all, & be of one mynde and iudgement all, namely, that the Pope of Rome is the very Antichrist, whereof they haue assured and vndoughted proofe, by the certeine and infallible Rules, and forewarnynges of the ho∣ly Scripture, and by his horrible persecution of the word of God. Besides this also, that all Idolles and Images ought to

be abolished out of the Church of God: That those choppyng & chaungyng of Pardons ought to be abhorred. That all affiauce of righteousnes of God ought to be settled in the onely Fayth of Iesu Christ, and in nothyng els. That superfluous vowes and Traditions of men (which do yoake fast and clogge Christian li∣bertie, and well disposed consciences) ought vtterly to be aboli∣shed. That Ceremonies and Constitutions, which are ioyned with an opinion of righteousnesse, of worshyppyng, of Salua∣tion, & merityng, ought worthely to be banished & abandonned: that Priestes Concubines ought to be conuerted into lawfull Matrimony, that those mōstruous vpstartes of disguised pro∣fessions, rules and orders ought be rooted out, that all thyngs may be reduced and leuelled accordyng to the one vniforme con∣formitie of the Gospell of Christ. In all which howsoeuer the Lutheranes do differre from you, surely their mindes and agreé∣mentes are vnited together in one mutuall and constaunt well willyngnesse of hartes, so that in these they vary nothyng at all from the vnitie of the sacred Scriptures, nor swarue from the truth. What can be required more to fill vppe the full measure of concorde and vnitie?

And that I may not passe ouer this also, that in the matter of the Sacrament (wherein consisteth the substaunce of the aduer∣saries accusatiō agaynst vs) I know not one of all those besides Luther onely (whom you call new) to witte,* 1.630 Melancthon, Bu∣cer, Zuinglius, Martyr and Caluine, but do all with one mu∣tuall assent conclude vpon this point, namely to withstand and roote out that your more then dotyng deuise of Transubstantia∣tion. And in this mynde be all out Churches at this present firmely and vnseparably knit together. And I trust in God will from henceforth dayly encrease, and grow to a more stable and corroborate concorde, aswell here in England, as also that it will come to passe in all other Churches shortely, that all such Ido∣latry beyng extirped and pluckt vp by the rootes, no blocke nor obstacle shall remaine, to occasion the Iewes to withdraw them selues any longer from the embracyng of the true and pure sim∣plicitie of our Christian Fayth. well now: And wherein is that disagreément now in all this so great a concorde and vnitie of of myndes, whereof you preach? where is this brabblyng about

wordes that you speake of? where is this varietie of opinions, that doth neither agreé with it selfe, nor with others? where be those flamyng firebrandes of furies? where fleé those enflamed flashynges of wildfire and gunnestones?* 1.631 where els? but euen e∣mongest you your selues Osorius, and emongest those your mō∣struous Cyclops, who lyke furious hellhoundes with wildfire & brimstone haue rusht into y^e seély sheépefolds of Christ w^t more then beastly Sauadgenes, and haue with fire and fagotte burnt so many thousandes of Christians & consumed them to Ashes.

And yet ceaseth not this lyeng spirite but lyke a false Pro∣phet shouldreth forewardes.* 1.632 They do alter and chaunge the Articles of our Fayth (sayth he) and affirme now this now that, nor do persiste in any stable opinion. And do neuer al∣most determine vpon any Iudge, by whom controuersies may be decided.

Emongest all other your rable of lyes Osorius perhappes that your wiffler and Spye not the best talebearer in the world hath reported this vnto you.* 1.633 And I am much deceaued, if this same Outryder of yours be not the coyner of all this heape of vntruthes, and forger and furtherer of all those furious traynes of terrible fireworkes. But to thend you may not from henceforth geue ouer much credite to such fleéyng tales, herein trust me Osorius, that as touchyng the articles of our fayth (yf you meane the Sacraments) whosoeuer reported this vnto you, did play the part of a notable Sycophāt, and was minded to abuse your credence and worshippe very shamefully. And in some respect I can not chuse but aduertize you of a great want of discretion in you, that can so cleane forgett the very synowes of Philosophicall wisedome, which ought to haue bene relieued in tyme with that precious salue of Epicharmus Sentence: Re∣member not to be to light of beliefe.* 1.634 All the Sacramentes that were instituted by Christ, we doe obserue in due and coue∣nable order throughout all our Churches, and haue reteined the same with a neuer interrupted course of continuaūce, hitherto: on the contrary part, all such as were not established by Christ, but thrust in from els where, those if we haue chaunged, then at the least accuse vs for our inconstancy herein, when you shall haue first made good proofe that they be Sacramentes, As tou∣ching

those Seuen, which you do tearme by the name of Sacra∣ments, though we differ from you in the name,* 1.635 yet haue we not so vtterly abrogated them, but haue them in vse and dayly prac∣tize as well as you. In deéde we do acknowledge but two Sacra∣ments onely, The rest though we call thē not by y^e name of Sa∣craments, yet doe we dayly frequent them in our Churches ne∣uertheles as farre as is cōuenient. Neither was any great scru∣ple made emongest vs in this poynt, the matter being of it selfe so euident and cleare: Or yf any question hadd chaunced at any tyme about the same, there was no cause why we should gadd to Rome for a pelting Oracle in that behalfe: we haue at home more worthy helpes, and more learned councells, God be pray∣sed for it: we haue also the Bookes of the holy Scriptures: we haue emongest vs godly, and faythfull interpretours of the scri∣ptures, many other writers, and graue iudgements of learned Fathers. Neither wante our Pastours their seuerall spirituall giftes, nor our Churches plentifull aboundance of Gods large and bountifull benefites powred vpon them: so that it is altoge∣ther neédelesse to ronne a roauing to Rome, and seéke vnto that Apish Ephod, as to the heauenly Oracle for counsell. We haue the law, & the Prophets, and expositors of the Prophets. Our Churches be replenished with Pastours, Bishops, Doctours, & faythfull ministers, furnished with vnderstādyng & knowledge of tounges: graue and sounde of iudgement, many notable per∣sonages endowed with singuler giftes of wisedome, learning and vertue,* 1.636 so that in thinges appertayning to the gouerne∣ment of a Church, we seéme not any iote inferior to the Byshop of Rome, or to the whole Colledge of Cardinalls, and band of Byshops, vnlesse it be to this one Osorius alone.

What should I reckon vpp the rest, which Osorius doth pro∣secute afterwardes, with no lesse tedious, then vayneglorious discourse of wordes, touching the chaunge of the confession of our fayth, touching the weake and forlorne defence of Haddon, all whose force (as he sayth) consisteth in brawles and slaunders: touching the Apology of the Church of England, whereof that lying & false Prophet doth make Haddon the Author: touching the counter aunswere agaynst the sayd Apology: touching the style, Arguments, phrase & flattery of Haddons writing, tou∣ching

his glosing, flattery in displaying the vertues, and pray∣ses of his Queéne. Finally touching the meare childishnes, and ignoraunce of Haddon. As one thath doth explane (sayth he) nothing openly, speaketh nothing purely, concludeth nothing substātially, and in the finess of the Latine tongue seeme••h as it were some chaungeling Else. For with this note doth he vouchsafe doe dignify Haddon, as that he thin∣keth him not onely a smatterer, and some outcast in the art of Eloquence, but calleth him also very Babishe:* 1.637 in lyke phrase of speach I suppose, wherewith that glorious coward Thraso did sometyme rayle vpon poore Phedria. But go to, whiles this babishe Haddon lyeth sucking at the brest, and crawleth creé∣ping yet lyke a seely goebyground, from out what heauens is this wonderfull Giant slipt downe at the last? from whence came this vnconquerable champion? out of the Iles of Calecute I suppose. For I doe verely thinke that this Osorius was not begotten vnder our clymate, nor made of the same mould, chat other frayle men are made of: but composed of the very pryme and blossome of pearle, and framed of the fragrant flowers of Narde, and his Eloquence nursed with the pure milke of the very Muses, engendred as it were of y^e finest filme of Cicoroes braynes, (as the Poets haue fayned Pallas to be borne and nourished in Iupiters Bosome) And except that rotten braine of this doating dotterell recouering now some freshe sappe, hadd discouered him now to be twise a childe, and a very Babe, sure∣ly he would haue bene a notorious Goliath ouer these litle moa∣thes, and simple shrimpes. Perhappes that stately tooforked Myter vaunced on highe vpon his hoary heares, making him seéme higher in stature then other men, doth rayse the crest of that glorious Combe. And hereupon hangeth that hawtye houering of this heroycall Gyant from aloft, from out the fiery firmament as it were despising and loathing these small snigges of Babish Haddons.

But enough now of Haddons childishnes: let vs therefore seé, what it is that is raked out of Cyprian agaynst Haddon. And first all that which Haddon doth very learnedly and truely discourse in prayse of y^e godly Martyrs, who by their exile, em∣prisonments, losse of goodes, yea of lyfe also did with shead∣ding

their bloud confirme and enseale the true, and vndough∣ted sinceritye of the Gospell: all this glorious renowme of com∣mendation and prayse, purchased with their paynefull labors, and trauell, this glorious Thrsonicall Osorius doth transpose wholy from them vnto others, and this also not without a pre∣tye nypping skoffe. To witt: Vnto Roffensis: More, Byshops, Priestes,* 1.638 and Charterhouse Mounckes, men (as he sayth) endued with singuler pietye and Religion: Whereof some yea not a few of them dyed here in England, many fly∣ing out of England and Ireland, as outlawes and Banished men, hadd not escaped the axe, or the halter, vnlesse they in running away hadd preserued their liues more happely then the courtesy of our men would haue done. And vpon this by and by is Cyprian chopt in place, his wordes being ne∣uerthelesse not noted, as either vnknowen vnto him, or craftely cloked: whereunto we are commaunded to geue our atten∣dance. Now what sayth Cyprian? Whosoeuer (sayth he) as a without the bowndes of the Church, though they suffer death for the testimonye of Christ, the same doe not deserue the crowne of Martyrdome, but the punishment dew for treason rather. Where finde you this Osorius? for sooth in Cyprian. looke for it Reader: peraduēture after you haue perused Cyprians booke ouer,* 1.639 you may finde it. The place perhaps is extant in his 4. Booke and 2. Epistle. Where he speaketh on this wise. Although they be slayne afterwardes for the name of Christ, being remoued from the Church, and diuided from vnitye, and Christian Charitye: they cā not be crowned as Martirs at the time of their death: For those are the very wordes of Cypryan which no man de••••••th to be most true. For who doughteth hereof, that the Church is the euerlasting kingdome of Christ, where all the hope, and trea∣sure of our saluation is fast lockt vpp, and enclosed•• from whose pleasaunt habitatious yf we willingly exclude our selues, we must worthely perishe: But thus goeth the matter Osorius, that Cyprian in deéde hath spoken very well, but you out of Cypri∣an haue forged a foolish fable.* 1.640 For in all y^e his discourse of y^e vni∣ty of y^e church, neither do we rend asunder, nor passe beyond the bowndes thereof: But you Osorius doe not measure those bowndes and lymittes aright, and withall doe wrongfully and

vntruely define the Church of Christ.

In this pointe therfore lurketh all the errour, not in our va∣riaunce and Dissentiō, but in your false Definitō. For let there be a true Church graunted, yea such a Church, as was in the tyme of Cyprian,* 1.641 and we will quickly yeld to that vnity. Cypriā could in no wise disgest such, as forsaking the Church of Christ like stragglers went an other way, namely, to the Gentiles (as he sayth) to worldly delightes, and pleasures to heretiques & Schismatiqués. And Osorius is a great deale more squeymish at those, which fleing frō Iewishnes, from heretiques & schismatiques, do dedi∣cate thē selues to y^e true Church of Christ. For if a man may tell troth, what els do Luther, Melancthon, Caluine, Bucer, and others their lyke, agaynst whom this cruell scourgemuttō chau∣seth so extremely? They are fallen (sayth he) from the vnitie of the Church. To whom Osorius I pray you? Are they not come home to Christ? to Paule? to the Gospell? to the Apostles? to the Law? and to the Prophetes? what? is this to turne vnto and par∣take with heretiques, and schismatiques? or to turne away and forsake heretiques and schismatiques rather? If you be of that mynde, beware least you bewray your selfe to be one of Anti∣christes lymmes, before you proue Luther an hereticke. If to depart frō them, whose wicked opinions are manifestly contra∣ry to true Religion, and do seduce from the truth, which is in Christ Iesu, be accoumpted a pointe of Schisme: why then is the people commaunded in the word of the holy Ghost,* 1.642 and that not in one place onely, to depart from out amyddes of thē? Addyng thereunto also the daunger thereof, least ye become partakers of their Sinnes sayth the holy Ghost. And therfore you seé perill not in departyng, but in tarryeng rather there, frō whence we ought to depart. Now what maner of people that is, from the which the holy Ghost doth call away, I leaue to your Iudgement Oso∣rius, and to others that can Iudge therof.

* 1.643But in the meane space, say you, Unitie and the peace of the Church is torne a sunder. I do aunswere. Woe be to that peace, woe be to that Vnitie, which wageth warre agaynst Christ. If you will enter into Vnitie, and amitie with him, you shall haue no dis∣corde emongest your selues. I do know and cōfesse this to be most true, that Cyprian speaketh: Who soeuer he be (sayth he) and what¦soeuer

he be, if he be not within the Churche of Christ, be is not a Christian: bycause without the precinctes of Christes Church, is no sure roade of sauetie. And wherfore then doe Luther and these Lutheranes (say you) teare abroad these hedges of y^e Churche and withdraw them selues from the Vnitie thereof? I do aun∣swere in the behalfe of the Lutheranes. They haue not forsaken the Vnitie, but you haue crackt a sunder y^e veritie of the Church. They haue not offended in forsakyng the Church, but you haue greéuously erred in definyng y^e Church. For if a man should ar∣gue with you at this present in wordes and speaches, as I doe deale with you in writyng, and would vrge vpon you to define vnto him this Church (which you mainteyne) in her true and na∣turall substaunce, what aūswere would you make? I wis the ve∣ry same Definitiō I suppose y^t all your Catholicks haue ima∣gined,* 1.644 to witte. That the Church is a multitude of people, such as is bounde to obey the Pope of Rome, seuered from other Nations by certeine Ceremonies, which the Popes haue or∣deyned) fast tyed to the ordinary cōtinued course of Succession of Byshops, and to that onely interpretation of Scriptures, which the Byshops and Councels doe deliuer. And this is the true proportion and full Definitiō of your Church (if I be not deceaued) But this Definitiō the learned in Logicke will deny to be good & sounde,* 1.645 where the thyng defined is not of all partes equiualēt with the Definitiō. Which rule is not obserued here. For to admitte this vnto you, y^t in y^e true Church of Christ must be Popes, & Byshops, who must be obeyed, who also must haue an ordinary outward succession, and who may challenge vnto them selues a speciall prerogatiue in the interpretation of the holy Scripture: yet is not this by and by true, that all Popes & Byshops, which are entituled by the name of Popes and By∣shops, which do pretende a continuall succession, which do car∣ry the countenaunce of consentes, which do challenge a right in the interpretatiō of Scriptures,* 1.646 are the true sheapherds of the Lordes flocke. And why so? forsooth bycause that thyng wāteth, which makyng specially for the purpose, you haue specially left out, namely, the truth of sounde doctrine, which may be able to treade downe and crushe in peéces errour and hypocrisie. That is to say; That Byshops do truly and vnfaynedly become the

same in the sight of God, which in vtter shew they would fayne seéme in the sight of men: Agayne that Succession be not of per∣sons onely, but a speciall Succession of Fayth & vertuous lyfe: that y^e obedience of the people may not proceéde so much of feare of punishment, as of harty affection and willyngnesse of mynde: that y^e interpretation of scriptures be not wrested to the main∣tenaunce of errour, and mens sensualitie, but be directed and aunswerable to the meanyng of the holy Ghost, and the true & naturall sense of the Scripture.

For these be the true markes Osor. whereby a true Church is discernable from a false: not the title and name of a Church, not the authoritie and Succession of Byshops, not the opinion of a multitude besides the truth of Gods word: But the very Rule of the word must be kept, which will so describe vnto vs a true Church, by true markes, tokēs, boundes and foundations, That it be a Congregation dispersed abroad euery where ouer the face of the whole earth,* 1.647 vnited & agreéyng together in soūd•• doctrine of Fayth, and the true worshyppyng of God, which be∣yng sanctified by the holy Ghost, and admitted by partaking the Sacramentes, do truly beleéue in God, through the Sonne of God Iesu Christ, accordyng to the doctrine of the Gospell, al∣though some be enlightened with more spiritual graces & gifts, and some with lesse.

By this standard, and Rule, let vs measure now the Argu∣mentes of Osorius.

* 1.648Luther and Melancthon, are fallen away from the Pope of Rome and his Cardinalles.

Ergo, Luther and Melancthon haue rent in sunder the vnitie of the Church.

The onely Church of Rome hath an ordinary succession from Peter.

Ergo, The onely Church of Rome is the true Church.

The great part of Christendome doth acknowledge the Church of Rome.

Ergo, The Churche of Rome is the Mother Churche and Queene of all Churches.

The Churche of God hath a promise that it shall neuer erre.

Ergo, He that doth interprete the Scriptures otherwise then after the meaning of the Church of Rome, or that doth not acknowledge him selfe obedient to the Ro∣mish Decrees in all thynges, is an heretique, and doth sequester him selfe from the boundes and communiō of the Church.

To this aunswere shalbe made briefly and logically.* 1.649 These be meére fallacyes and deceites of the Equiuocation, deriued from a false description of the Church, and the succession thereof and from false markes. For as touching the names and Ty∣tles, as touching the long pedigreés of neuer interrupted course of Succession: as touching the consent of the multitude, and the promises made by God: if the other tagges were tyed to these poyntes and made suteable, namely, sound doctrine, & true god∣lynesse,* 1.650 surely it would seéme somewhat to y^e purpose y^t Osorius mayntayneth. But now whatsoeuer they bragge and vaunt of tytles and other reliques without the especiall coupling and cō∣ioyning of the Euangelicall and Apostolicall doctrine, is alto∣gether nought els but smoake and winde, nothing auayleable to establish the true vnity of the Church.* 1.651 First as concerning the name of y^e Church, we do heare Christ himselfe speaking: Many shall come in my name. Touching Successiō we heare out of Ie∣rome, Not they that sitte in the places of Sainctes. &c. Touching the multitude.* 1.652 Augustine doth teach vs. That the consentes of voyces, must be weyed and measured, not numbred.* 1.653 Touching Gods promise made for perseuerance in the trueth, harken what Iohn Baptist, speaketh.

Do not say we haue Abrahā to our Fa∣ther. For God is of power to rayse vppe sonnes to Abraham out of these stoanes.

If Osorius will argue after this maner why should not these arguments be of as great force.

The high Priest of the old law in the Iewish Regiment did beare the face and name of the Church with full allowaunce and cō∣mon consent of all the multitude yea euen in the tyme of Esay, Ieremy, Amos, Elias and Christ. The same also did conuey theyr Succession from the priesthood of Aaron: And did vouch also theyr authority, seat, lawe and the promise agaynst Ieremy, agaynst the Prophettes and agaynst Christ. The Law

(say they) shall not perish from the Priestes.

Ergo, Those high priestes did enioy a true Church nor coulde possibly erre at any tyme.

But if Osorius shall thinke with him selfe that these Argu∣mentes were not forcible enough in the olde Church, why should they be more effectuall in the new Churche? In the olde lawe it was lawfull to examine the very prophettes themselues, if they spake the word of the Lord, yea certayne infallible tokens were set downe whereby they might be discerned. In like maner e∣uen in the new testament we are commaunded to proue the Spi∣rites if obey be of God: being forewarned by the spirite of God that we beleue not euery spirite:* 1.654 And what kinde of people then be these Popes and Cardinals of Rome, which of a more then Imperious Lordlynesse doe commaund and require all men to receaue and reuerence their Satutes, Ordinaunces, Ceremo∣nies, opinions and all theyr wordes and deédes ingenerall, with∣out exception and contradictiō, vpon greéuous paynes and Pe∣nalties that shall ensue agaynst him, whosoeuer dare presume to make a question of the right of their authoritye? or to make any doubt of any theyr deuises and imaginations?

And so geuing the slippe to all those, he commeth downe a∣gaine to our Church, with a maruailous blaff of windy words, but with no reason at all, imagining to proue agaynst Haddon, that there is nothing in our Churche comparable with the auntient Church:* 1.655

nor that any example out of the auncient Recordes or Antiquityes can be alleadged for our Church that doth fauour of any smacke of antiquitye: And that on the contrary part, the whole vniuersality of antiquity doth in their behalfe (as he sayth) beare witnesse agaynst vs. And that with them remayneth nothing at all, but that which is throughly established by the testimony of the holy Scrip∣tures, by the authority of the godly Fathers, and by all the consent of all antiquity.

How vntrue this is, hath bene sufficiently declared before by the testimony of the auncient historyes, as muche as may suffice for this present purpose. Of the same stampe is the like deuise that followeth. For whereas Haddon doeth take exception a∣gaynst Osorius writyng on this wise. In y^e aūcient & most pure

age of the Church (sayth Haddon) was neither name of Pope,* 1.656 nor leaden Bulles for remission of sinnes: nor martes and mar∣kettes of Purgatory: nor croochyng to Images, nor gadding on pilgrimage, nor sacrificing Masses for the quicke and the dead, nor many other such Bables &c. These wordes of Haddon as though had bene vomited out from a wonderfull surfett of fu∣rious frēsye, Osorius in great choler doth challenge, and confu∣teth with these reasons.

Because without reason (as he sayth) without any testimony or exāple of antiquity, without ar¦gument or proofe at all, he hath spoken bare affirmatiues onely without proofe, and the same in such wise spoken, as that he seemeth to haue done nothing but spoken.

And first for y^e Supremacy, what doth he shew?

But we (sayth he) are wont to make playne demonstration by the authoritye of the sacred Scriptures, by the testimony of the holy Fathers, by the autenticke Recordes of auncient antiquity, by reasō, vse, and experiēce, and by innumerable examples, that this was the Supreame head of the Church alwayes. &c.

If you haue so great and infinite a number of examples, wherewith you be able to iustify this Supremacy, as you say: why then out of this vnmeasurable heape vouche you not one example at the least, for examples sake, whereby we may likewise discerne this supremacy?* 1.657 hitherto as yet I do heare nothing but bare words, and smoake, and not a sparcke so much of Reason, example, or proofe. But you committe this charge perhappes to Hosius or Pyghius, and one of you helpeth to claw an other by the elbow, so that Osorius with words (whereof he hath stoare) and Hosius with such witnesses as he can suborne, shall vnderproppe thys Prymacy of the Romish Royalty, as Atlas did sometime beare heauen vpon his shoulders. But if these two gallaunt Gyaunts apply no stronger pillers besides thē selues, to vphold the Ma∣iesticall State of that theyr toppegallaunt of Rome, it is much to be feared least it will haue a fall shortly, & be shieuered all in pieces, and least theyr brauery come within the compasse of that sweet song, whereof we heare the melody more then once in the sacred Reuelation. Babylon is fallen, Babylon is fallen, that great Cytye the Mother of all the Whoredomes and abhominations of the earth. &c.* 1.658

ANd as for the fayres & Marketts of Pardōs, & Purga∣tory, if you do not perceiue y^t to be most true,* 1.659 y^e Haddon hath affirmed, surely you are more then poreblinde: If ye doubt thereof, you are very wittelesse, if you deny it, you are more then Impudent. Fyrst, if you will affirme that there were no Mar∣kettes and Martes of Pardons: whereupon then grew that con∣trouersy betwixt Luther & your Church?* 1.660 did it not arise by the meanes of buying and sellyng of Pardons? and chopping and chaunging for Purgatory? If you will say that those Markets were proclaimed without consent of your Church, and contrary to theyr commaundement, vouchsafe then I pray you to shew vs, who it was that suborned that noughty packe Tecelius the Dominick Fryer to be proctor of that Mart? if it were not Pope Leo the tēth,* 1.661 and Albert Archbyshop of Mentz? who made this compact ech with other, that the one halfe of the spoyle shoulde redound to the Pope, the other halfe to the Archbyshoppe to pay for his Pall: In which Marte proclamation was made at the sound (as it were) & the stroake of the Popes dromme (as Mas∣seus doth verify,) y^t whosoeuer would geue. x.s. should redeéme what soule he listed out of the paynes of Purgatory.

But these Markettes (sayth he,) if any such were, holy Church doth not allow, but doth banish away, none otherwise thē as a detestable pestilence of the common weale.

What Church Osorius doth speake of here, I know not: this is out of all question that as there is none so horrible a kinde of falshood as that, which (lurking and cloaking her craft vnder a false vy∣sor for piety) doth dazell the sences of a number: so if we narrowly sift out the very oryginall of this mischiefe, we shall find that all this fatt feast and blessed banquet came from no where els, thē out of the Popes kitchin:* 1.662 from hence forsooth come that lewde largesse of pardons: those Retchles Releases of paynes: from hence plenary and full remission of sinnes: from hence so many Iubiles, so many stations, & visiting of Saint Peters Church: all which where were they hatcht, but euen in the Church of Rome? From hence so many grauntes of free graces to eat, to marry, to weare linen or wollen, freè libertye to be confessed where men listed were sette to sale the penny: From hence so many Stationars, Treasurers, Fowkers & Pardoners who

haue long sithence wearyed out and made deafe the eares of the simple people with crying out Imponite,* 1.663 Imponite, Imponite for such was theyr proclaymation, protesting withall, that it should come to passe, that all such as would buy those pearles of Pardons, their soules should be sure to skippe vp into heauen at one leape without any lett:* 1.664 Addyng hereunto that all such soules whō they were willyng to redeéme out of y^e flamyng fire of pur∣gatory, should immediately mount from thence into heauen as∣soone as y^e money, which should be throwen into the redde Boxe did cry chinke. For it was out of all questiō, y^t the Pope of Rome was of power to rake Purgatory cleane (by vertue of his Par∣dons) of as many soules, and whatsoeuer soules he listed. And him also they magnified so gloriously,* 1.665 that (as they sayd) no Sinne could be so horrible, yea though (agaynst all possibilitie) a man had defiled the mother of God, but could be redeémed by pickpurse Pardōs: were not these the very speaches of your Ro∣mish rufflers? wh if your Church did not allow of, by what autho∣ritie then did your Pardoners & scrapers for money presume to pynche all Churches by the purse with such kynde of wares? why were not these shamelesse Rūneagates put to scilence? why could your holy mother Church suffer so horrible a Tympany, and Impostume within her owne bowels so long, if she were not par∣taker of the spoyle, & did not onely winke at them, but authorize them also by her owne Bulles so to do? Agayne when these fe∣lowes Tecelius & Wympine were gone, to what purpose was Cardinall Caietane posted abroad in the yeare. 1518? who in in the Councell of Augusta might reuiue the same opinions a∣gayne, and force Luther (who had already confuted these abuses by open Disputation) to recante: And how will Osorius his de∣fence now hang together with these practizes of his Pope? deny∣ing vtterly that these Pardones were neuer scattered abroad by the consent of that holy mother Churche? If it be true that the Church did not so, what did that forme of Commission vsually geuen from the Seé of Rome emporte? the tenour whereof was this: He that soweth niggardly, shall reape sparely: but he that soweth bountyfull shall reape aboundauntly vnto life euerlastyng. And agayne, what meaneth this? We do exhorte you all generally in the Lord, & do enioyne you vpō payne

of Remission of your Sinnes,* 1.666 that of the goodes that God hath geuē you, ye enlarge boūtifully your charitable deuo∣tion vnto thē. &c. For these wordes were euery where scattered abroad by Maisters of Hospitalles. Which what is it els, thē to set vp a commō Marte, and moneybancke of remission of sinnes, which is due to Fayth, not to workes? and which the Scripture willeth by all meanes possible to be freé? and what is it els, then as Chrisostome sayth,* 1.667 to turne the forme of worshippyng and prayer, into an occasion of wicked buyeng and sellyng? But Oso∣rius will cite vs forthwith to the Tridentine Councell: wherein these Markettes of Pardons were after a sort mitigated with a certeine quallification. Uery well. But how much better had the Fathers of that Councell prouided, if they had vtterly abroga∣ted, not the Markettes of Pardons onely, but the very Pardons them selues out of all Christiā Congregatiōs & Regions? But these Fathers now (fosteryng continually this frettyng Fistula within the Bowels of the Christian common weale) thinke, they haue besturred them selues gayly, if they foreseé not that the cā∣ker may be throughly cured, and kept from crawlyng any far∣ther: but that it be suppressed aloft, and so suffred to creépe more closely below: that is to say: that men may freély now, and with∣o••t money plunge their soules into hell. But what is this to the purpose, whether Pardons be put to sale, or not put to sale? For this is not in questiō now, whether Pardoners may be abridged of their bold presumptiō: but y^e question cōcerneth Pardons thē selues: not whether they ought to be sold, but whether they may be tollerable, how freé soeuer they be: whether it be consonaunt to Christian Fayth, or lawfull by the authoritie of the Scriptu∣res, for the Pope of Rome, to make any kynde of choppyng, and chaungyng with mens peltyng Pardons, for the redeémyng of mens Sinnes.

* 1.668I speake of those Pardons that are now in vse, not such as were deliuered by the auncient Fathers. For the Church had al∣wayes her Consistories, and Iudiciall Courtes, wherein for no∣torious offences, certeine publique chastisement was ministred, the Greékes called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and we call thē Canonicall Sa∣tisfactions. The rigour of the Church did vse many tymes to quallifie or acquite by releases & pardons, as occasion did serue,

accordyng to the qualitie of tymes, places, persons, & offences: As if a man had reuolted frō the Fayth of Christ w^tout any cause (which kinde of backsliding was not thought worthy to be recea∣ued to mercy in the primitiue Church) yet afterwardes some courtesie was extended vnto such as repented them of the same, and shewed them selues hartly sorrowfull for the same: and such were enioyned to penaunce by y^e space of 12. yeares: as appea∣reth by the 11. Canon of the Nicene Councell.* 1.669 Wemen that either would procure vntymely birthes, before they were borne, or would murther their childrē beyng borne, were by the same Canon excluded frō the Congregatiō for euer. After this ensued y^e 21. Canon of the Councell of Antycira.* 1.670 Which moderatyng the auncient censure with lenitie, did prescribe vnto such wemen tenne yeares penaunce. If a man had committed manslaughter by chauncemedley, the same accordyng to the auncient Canon was enioyned seuen yeares penaunce: which afterwardes tho∣rough gentler mitigation of the same Councell, was abridged to fiue yeares penaunce by the 22. Canon.* 1.671 At the Councell of Agathe was a Canon made,* 1.672 which was in noumber the 37. speakyng on this wise. The auncient Fathers did enioyne a greuous payne vpon such as forsooke their Fayth, whom we (abridgyng the noumber of yeares) doe enioyne onely two yeares penaunce.* 1.673 We read in Eusebius that a certeine Bysh. returnyng w^t teares to the Church, frō the heretique No∣uatus, was receaued into y^e Cōgregatiō, y^e whole Congregation makyng earnest Supplication for him contrary to the order of the Canons.* 1.674 Cyprian reporteth that the Martyrs of his tyme (consideryng the earnest amendement of lyfe in certeine Penitē∣tiaries, and perceauyng the tyme of their penaunce limited vn∣to them by the Church to draw neare to an end) obteined by their earnest petitions made to the Elders of the Church, that they re∣leasing some part of their penaunce, might receaue them into the Congregation agayne as reconciled, notwithstanding their satisfactions beyng not fully accomplished. And the Reason of this Pardon doth the 5. Canon of the Coūcell of Antycira de∣clare.* 1.675

A Byshop (sayth the Canon) ought to haue this prero∣gatiue, as that he may (vpon consideration of the demea∣nour of Penitenciaries) become somewhat more tractable

and either quallifie the rigour of the penaunce, or aggra∣uate the censure, as he shall thinke conuenient and as ne∣cessitie shall require.

So also in the Nicine Councell the 5. Canon.* 1.676

Let them stand excommunicate (sayth the Canon) vntill either the Congregation, or the Byshop shall thinke it conuenient to mitigate the tyme of their penaunce.

Thus much I thought not amisse by the way to note brieflye of the maner of publique penaūce, and Canonicall satisfactions exercised in the olde Church: To the end it may more fullye ap∣peare by what meanes those auncient ordinaunces of publique penaūce, did first decay and were abolished in the Popes church, and how by litle and litle certayne new Satisfactions were crept in & thrust in place. For albeit this name of Satisfactions be of some auncienty: yet were Satisfactions exercised farre other∣wise in the auncient Church,* 1.677 then they are now in dayly practise in the Popes Church. For in the Primitiue Church such satis∣factions were enioyned as publicke penaunce for publicke offē∣ces only. But your Popes Cōfessioners do enioyne satisfactory penaunces, for certayne priuate and secret sinnes: The first sort were neuer ministred but in presence of the congregation onely, to serue for outward Discipline onely, and not to redeéme the wrath of God, for their sins by way of satisfiyng: and y^e cause why they were called Satisfactions was, because they did satisfy the opiniō of y^e congregatiō in publique offences only. Euē so and in such wise Releases & Pardōs were esteémed, not to be in any re∣spect valuable to clense the sinnes of guiltye consciences in the sight of God simply: but should be as pledges and witnesses of a full releasing their penaunce, enioyned vnto thē by the Church, or of mitigating the same with some gentle quallification. As appeareth by a Transcript drawen out of the Penitentiall of Rome vp Burchard treating much of those exchaunges of sa∣tisfactions:* 1.678 namely that in stead of this penaunce, where a man was enioyned to fast one whole day with bread and water, heé should be released thereof, and say fifty psalmes or Lxx. psalmes kneéling, & relieue some one begger with food: If he were a rich man and vnlettered, he should redeéme one dayes penaunce by paying iij. pence: if he were poore and vnlettered, he should paye one peny, or feéd threé poore folke. The penaūce of a whole weékes

fast, was redeémed with CCC. Psalmes: a whole mouethes fast by saying xij. hundred Psalmes: for one yeares fast, he shoulde geue in almes to the poore xxij. shillinges. &c. Many other like exchaunges of penaunces are mentioned in Burchard: all which respected none other end, but that they might quallify the rigor of the olde Canons touching publique penaunce: ministred to this end, not as necessary instrumentes to obtayne remission of sinnes, and to pacify the wrath of God, but instituted for exā∣ples sake, that they might be speciall prickes and prouoke∣mentes to sturre vpp such as were fallen, and allurementes to earnest amendement of life.

On the contrary part, the custome of our time, and of our Popes hath so farre degendred from the auncient ordinaunces of the Elders, in dispensing with Pardons and Satisfactions, that it may seéme to haue ouerwhelmed not onely all discipline of the auncient Church,* 1.679 but also almost ouerthrowen the whole force and efficacy of Christian fayth. For whereas the Summe and Substaunce of all our Religion consisteth in the cleansing and purging of Sinnes: and the same comprehended also in the onely obedience and passion of Christ: these new vpstart Popes haue translated all this Release and satisfaction for our sinnes, from the merite of Christ, to I know not what newfangled ab∣solutions and Pardons: And whereas the olde penitentiall Ca∣nons were onely mens constitutions, wherein men might dys∣pence with men according to the necessity of the tyme, hereupon our Popes (taking hart of grasse) are become so shamelesse im∣pudent, that with theyr Pardons they dare presume to dispense with mens sinnes, yea and theyr consciences also, and to make their satisfactory merites (by merite meritorious as it were) worthye, and able to encounter the wrath and iudgement of God.

And now behold how many pumples and fretts lurke vnder this one skabbe of the popish doctrine.* 1.680 First they do so ouerlade mens consciences with a commaundement of confession, with∣out all authority of scripture, and contrary to all the presidents of the primitiue Church: they force all persons to render an ac∣count of theyr sinnes, whether they be contrite, or not contrite, and this also vpon payne of eternall damnation: As for Absolu∣tion

they leaue cleane naked of all effectualnesse, denying it to be auayleable without workes precedent: ouer and besides thys also, they do clogge them that are confessed with an vnauoyda∣ble necessity of doing penaūce, they do thrust in Pardō of sinnes graunted by mans authority, which they call Satisfaction for sinnes, to deserue freé release from that punishment & payne, which the iustice of God may duely exact. Out of which Syncke proceéd many vntimely and vyperous birthes, full of lyes, sacri∣lege and blasphemy agaynst God. Namely Mounckes: vowes: The Sacrifice of the Masse for the quick and the dead: Pilgri∣mages to stockes and stoanes. Iubiles: Pardons and Purgato∣ry: and out of that Purgatory sprang forth that momish maxi∣me of Scotus, Scottish and crabbed enough, to this effect: That Sinners after absolution, ar either turned ouer to pardones, or to Purgatory.

I do not here complayne or expostulate for those portesales and crafty conueyaunces of Pardōs: Let Pardōs be as francke and freé as they would seéme to be for me.* 1.681 But this is the thyng that I do demaund: by what title, by what scripture, by what ex∣ample, finally by what (I do not say authority) but by what ho∣nest colour, the Pope of Rome may presume so much vpon hys authority, as to challenge to himselfe an interest, and as it were, an inheritable possessiō of those things, wh Gods owne mouth and the promises of the whole scripture doe geue franckely and freély vnto all them that repent and beleue, euen by theyr fayth in Christ Iesu? and how he dare also affirme that such men are not otherwise to be dispēsed withall, then by his Bulles of Par∣dons and his deputary Cōmissaryes: Saynt Peter cryeth out with a loud voyce, and confirmeth his saying with the authority of all the Prophets, that shall receiue forgeuenesse of Synnes, as many as do beleue in Christ.* 1.682 So doth also the Apostle Paule pro∣clayme boldly, that all thinges are pacified by the bloud of Christ, both in heauen and in earth,* 1.683 and addeth moreouer. And in him (sayth he) you are made perfect. And because no man shall be of o∣pinion here after, that there wanteth any thing to the full accom∣plishment of our saluation read in Iohn.* 1.684 The bloud of Christ doth clense vs from all Sinne. And immediatly after. He is the propitiation for our sinnes, not our sinnes onely but for the sinnes of

the whole world. And Iohn Baptist poynting to Christ w^t his fin∣ger doth affirme Christ to be the Lambe appoynted by God to take away the sinnes of the world.* 1.685 And Paule to the Hebrues. By one onely oblation Christ made perfect for euer them that were sancti∣fied.* 1.686 And in an other place we are taught that our hartes are pu∣rified by fayth. To conclude: The whole meaning and intent of the scripture, being nothing els but a certayn neuer interrupted course of recomfortable refreshyng in Christ: it doth so allure vs all vnto hym, that it leaueth none other medicine or restora∣tiue for our ouerladen and encombred consciences, but the onely bloud of the Sonne of God.* 1.687 And therefore if the onely death of Christ once offred for all, be a full Raūsome for our Sinnes, and the full price of our Redemption. If Christes onely death and Passion be imputed to the faythfull beleuer for righteousnesse: What neéde then any other Pardōs? If Christ pacified all thinges in heauē & in earth, why could he not aswell pacifie all thynges in Purga∣tory, When full power was geuen vnto him ouer all thinges in hea∣uen and in earth? what? shall Christ haue nothyng to doe in Pur∣gatory, but that the Pope must be onely Prince of that Region?

The bloud of Christ (say they) did Raunsome vs,* 1.688 from guilt and euerlasting punishment. But there remaineth yet a Temporall punishment to be endured, partely in this lyfe, part∣ly in Purgatory, out of the which is no redemption at all, but by the Popes Pardons. Although the last part of this doctrine by monstruously absurde, yet yf they would graunt the former part throughly, and wholy, the matter were somewhat more tollerable. But now they are in this their partition, so parciall and vneuen dealers, that they will not leaue to Christ, the whole cleansing of the guilt,* 1.689 but will herein also ioyne a topemate with him, that Romish vicar. For this is their assertion: to witte, That y^e Pope of Rome being the vicar of Christ, doth by power of his keyes, bring to passe both that he may release from guilte, and punishment both at once with his Bulles of Pardōs, That is to say,: From guylt through the Sacrament of Penaunce: and from punishment, by the Popes satisfactions and pardons.

If this be true, lett vs bidd the bookes of the Euangelistes and Apostles adiew: Farewell also Gods promises: lett fayth, and the Church pack vpp their trunckes, and gett them to Cat∣tai,

and lett vs with solemne procession receaue into the Church of Christ most holy Pardons and Indulgences, and tourne Christ out at the Belfrye: Sithence these pardons alone without Christ doe dispatch all matters cleare through the authoritye of the Pope. No say they, not so, without Christ: but partly by the superaboūdaunce of Christes merites, partly by the bloud of Martyrs, partly by the merites of Sayntes, partly by chari∣table almes, workes of supererogacion, by the obeying the coū∣celles, and partly by seueritye and straight keéping the charge of holy orders or Indulgences, doe stand in force, and are auayl∣able. The fourme of which absolucions forged by the Mounckes and Fryers to the behoofe of the common people followeth on this wise.

God be mercifull vnto thee good Brother.

* 1.690THe merite of our Lord Iesus Christ and of y^e blessed Mary y^e perpetuall virgine, and of all Saintes, the merite of ho∣ly orders, the heauy burdeine of Religion, the humblenes of con∣fession, the contrytion of harte, and the good workes that thou hast done, and shalt doe for the loue of our Lord Iesu Christ, graūt vnto theé remissiō of sinnes,* 1.691 to y^e increase of merit & grace, and to the reward of lyfe euerlasting. Amen. There be also o∣ther formes of absolution extant, which others graunted by the Popes Bulles: as when hospitalls and brotherhoodes doe com∣municate with others y^e participation of all good workes on this wise. We doe testifye that we haue receaued into the Beaderoll of the holy Brotherhood of S. A••••••••ny those persons: graunting vnto them full partaking of all the good workes that haue bene done, & are to be done by our brethren from the beginning of our foundation, euen to the end the foresayd order, day and night, in threé hundreth, sixty iiii. Monasteries and hospitalls. &c.

Lyke as Apothecaries doe compound their Tryacle of ma∣ny simples and drugges mixt together. Euen so the Popes by gathering together the merites of Christ, of the blessed virgine of y^e Martyrs, of Saincts, & Mounckes, as it were speciall spi∣ces

and herbes do make vppe their hochepott of Pardons: of which Pardous they do make portesale as parcell of the treaso∣ry of the Church to hospitalls, Churches, Chappells, Brother∣hoodes, Monasteries & Selles, not for shillings or crownes, but geue thē vnto euery of them gratis very hountifully. If we may credit Osorius herein. But in the meane space I would very fayne learne this of Osorius, how we are sayd to be made per∣fect and for euer sanctified, if the onely oblation of Christ once offred be not sufficient to saue vs, without the merits of Saints and heapes of good workes? Moreouer, whereas out of this vn∣measurable treasory of the Church, there is such an ouerflowing plenty of gracious Pardons, I would also know this, by what reason the Pope of Rome doth chalenge himselfe to be onely Porter & keybearer of this precious Treasory, excluding all other ministers and Byshoppes of the Church, but such onely as whom by his power Apostolique he hath authorized to playe fast and loose?* 1.692 what now? Are not the merites of Christ open to all and singuler indifferently without exception? or otherwise then as they be receaued by euery ones perticular fayth? Or what kinde of power is that of one Byshop in the Church, which is not also generall and common to all other Byshopps together with him? Doe ye not seé Osorius how filthy and how absurde these reasons of yours be? what an horrible deceite to the peo∣ple, what a great iniury is this to all other Byshoppes and how full of sacriledge? & what a monstruous reproche it is agaynst Christ him selfe.

And yet for all this, you can not but maruell in the meane tyme, what moued vs to abandone this prowd prelate with all his pelfe as a pestilent viper of the Church of Christ: and why we cutt our selues away from him, as farre as we may: whome your selfe Osorius (yf you were endued with any dropp of Chri∣stian bloud) would neuer take vpon you to defend with such a prophane targett of Tullies Paganisme: But would rather geue an onset vpō him as the generall Enemie of all mankinde, yf your hart were as well enlightned with the true and sincere knowledge of Christ, as your fickle braynes are lewdely incen∣sed with the bayne and heathenish admiration of Ciceroes elo∣quence. And to say the truth, I know not by what mishappe 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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this happ hath happened, that all these vntimely sproughtes of Ciceroes plants are (by a certeine secrett yet most iust iudge∣ment of God) infected with this generall lurcking cancker, and cōtinually pestered as it were with a falling sicknes. Which I haue specially noted in very many: If question be moued of the proportion and qualitye of framing the speéch delicately: If matter must be debated of the most excellent, and finest phrases of Eloquence, of the dignitye and chiefe ornament of an exqui∣site Orator, that is to say, of playne humaine toyes, and earthly trifles: good Lord, what a glorious maiestie of wordes, what hawty loftines of speéch: what a childishe and foolishe stroaking and flattering of themselues, diriding, and skorning all others besides themselues, perking ouer thē frō aloofe, as it were, vpon poore & abiect shrimpes? But yf they be requyred to shewe their conning to declame of Christ, of the statelynes of his mighty Kingdome, of the greatnesse of sinne, of man••es forlorne nature, of the power of fayth, of iustification by grace, of the na∣turall imperfection of mankinde, of mans reconciliation: a man can not but wonder, how colde, how astonied, how voyd of reasō, how cowardly, without any spirite at all, almost Colourlesse, hū∣gry, barrayne, mute wretched, hartlesse, barbarous, speachlesse, & senselesse they be, vnable almost to vtter theyr mindes or open theyr mouthes. Moreouer if these matters must be decided with the penne, they behaue themselues therein as though they were raking after the Moone, forreners, straungers, and altogether vnacquaynted with the cause. As not long sithence a certayne person taking vpon him in Rome, before the Pope and his Car∣dinalles to exclayme agaynst Luther, was hissed out of the place not without great gleé and delight of the beholders. So small and so no acquayntaunce at all hath this proud hawty and loftye kynde of myncing Minnions with our Lord and Sauior Iesu Christ. I do willingly abstayne from naming of men, because I would haue them forewarned rather to theyr benefitte, then re∣proched to their infamy, if there be any besides this Osor. whom this Ciceronian skabbe hath infected with like dottage.

But I come agayne to Pardons: wherwith as they say they sweépe all Purgatory and make cleane riddaunce when they will, and by which picklockes they locke fast the gates of hell, &

opē the gates of heauen to whom they list. But I pray you Oso∣rius, by what authoritye doe they this? By the same authoritye you will say, where of was spoken to Peter, I will geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, &c.* 1.693 That the keyes were geuen to Peter no man will denye. But what is this to the Pope of Rome? because next vnto Peter the succession of the See Aposto∣lick falleth vpon the Pope forsooth: And why so? how will you proue this to be true? I beseéch you? What? because he doth enioy Peters Chayre? what? & had Peter no more Chayres but one? or did he fitt no where but at Rome?* 1.694 And what if he neuer sate at Rome? But putt the case he sate at Rome. I wil geue you an ar∣gument not much vnlike vnto this. It was not vnknowne to be old Poetts what a skilfull Harper Orpheus was, whom they imagined to haue drawen a••ter him with the sweétnesse of his Harpe stoanes and woodes: It came to passe in processe of time that one Neanthus Sonne of Pittacus chaunced to come by the same Harpe,* 1.695 who being farre vnlike this Orpheus in skill of playing, & altogether an Asse (as y^e prouerbe speaketh at the harpe) yet through a foolish opinion conceaued of himselfe dyd persuade himselfe that he should be able to draw after him Rocks and Woddes immediately vpon the sound of the Harpe. This clownish Cocklorrell therefore wandring abroad ouer hilles and dales, and maruayling that the Rockes and Woods stood still as before vnmoueable, and would not sturre out of theyr place at the sound of the Harpe, neuer surceased from striking, from stretching, from thumping the Harpe, vntill hauing made hym∣selfe loathsome to the very cattell with the tedious and brutish noyse of the Harpe, became a pray to dogges, and was guawed and rent in pieces by them. And what els doth this popish Pre∣late emport with his pompous pryde,* 1.696 and stately Chayre, wher∣on he is no lesse ••rantickly fond, then this seély soule was vpon the Harpe? I list not as now to gesse the garbroyle of his glory: of the thing it selfe I dare boldly speake this much: as Orphe∣us Harpe maketh not an Harper forthwith, so neyther doe Pe∣ters Keyes shape a right succession, but the onely confession and fayth of Peter.

And yet did the Church alwayes acknowledge the By∣shoppe of Rome to be the Successour of Peter the Apostle,* 1.697

So did also the consent of the Fathers and the Antiquity of time. I do heare you. But by what authority, by what testimo∣ny, and witnesses will you iustify this to be true? or by why what rea∣son or argument will you proue it? what? because he canne shew the Chayre that Peter sate in? Nay rather lette him expresse the vertuous life, and gratious giftes of Peter, and in his life geue forth vnto vs, as Peter did, a President and patterne of the cau∣ses precedent, and the true Circumstaunces for the which the Keyes were deliuered vnto Peter.* 1.698 For on this wise are we en∣formed by the Gospell. Because flesh and bloud hath not reuealed this vnto thee but my Father which is in heauen. You doe heare mention made first, of the notable testimony of his faith and open confession of the Sonne of God, which was not discouered vnto him by flesh and bloud, nor by any naturall Philosophy, nor en∣graffed within him by any force of natures lore: but which (being endued with heauenly inspiration) he had receaued from aboue, beyond all reatch of humayne Capacity. For the knowledge of Christ commeth by the onely inspiration of the holye Ghost. Which assoone as the Lord perceaued was engrauen within Peter, wondring (as it were) at the greatnesse of the miracle, doth first declare vnto him y^e glad tydings of blessednes frō God. Thou art blessed Simon Bariona:* 1.699 then alluding to the nature of his name (because he was called Cephas that is to say Peter) vpon that Petra that is to say vpon that Rocke of his fayth an con∣fession, he doth promise to establish the building of his Churche. And added hereunto the promise of the Keyes: I wyll geue thee (sayth he) the Keyes of the Kingdome of God. &c.

* 1.700By which Circumstaūces what are we taught els, then that the foundation of the Church of Christ wheresoeuer it be, is grounded vpon nothing els, then vpon true fayth, and vnfayned confession of the Sonne of God? For when the Lord spake this vnto Peter, he made no accoūpt of his righteousnesse, nor of hys vertues, and conuersation of life, neither of his fastings, nor his dutifull obseruation of the commaundementes, ne yet the holines of his Religion: forasmuch as all these ornamentes dyd shyne as aboundauntly in others, as they did in Peter. But at the first vtterannce and confession of his excellent fayth, the Lord doth denounce him to be blessed, buildeth his Churche and doth

promise the Keyes vpon the same: Whereupon, remayneth that we conclude at the last most truely, that wheresoeuer the Keyes are exercised which are Christes true Keyes in deéd, there of ne∣cessity must an influence,* 1.701 and speciall inspiratiō of the holyghost, and a certayn earnest and harty effectualnes of fayth, and cōstant confession of Christ goe before.

On the contrary part, where no perseueraunce or feéling can be perceiued of the ingraued knowledge of Christ from the hea∣uenly Father: whose minde being not endued with any influence of the holyghost, sauoureth of nothing at all, beyond the retch of flesh and bloud: who hath wedded his hart to earthly treasures, to the Royalty, pompe, and gorgeousnes of this world: who neg∣lecting the glory of Christ, is vassall and bondslaue to Ambition: subiect to affections, geueth himselfe to pamper the paunch, and is drowned in the deépe doungeon of worldly cares: who doth breath out of his nostrilles the blood and butchery of his brethrē: That person, in what Chayre soeuer he sitte, doth with to much shamelesse arrogancy vaunte vpon the possession of the Keyes. And therefore yf this Romishe ruffler doe meane to royst stille with Peters keyes, he must endeuor to expresse in his maners the vertuous lyfe, and godly conuersation of an Apostle, and not chatt so much of a Chaire. Otherwise to what purpose is it, how sumptuously soeuer a man be enthronized, yf he be wicked and vnworthy the place? the place doth not alwayes commend the person: but yf the person be good, he doth alwayes commend the place, otherwise yf he be euill, he doth shame the place. And what yf Peter did receaue the keyes from Christ?* 1.702 did he alone therefore receaue them? was it not also spoken indifferently to all, without exception: Receaue ye the holy ghost? whose soeuer sinnes you louse, or binde vpon earth &c. Could Peter be sent by any greater authoritye, then by the authoritye of Christ him∣selfe? Finally was not this spoken to all thapostles indifferently by Christ himselfe? As the liuing father sent me, euen so doe I send you: Peter therefore did binde, Peter did louse: I doe per∣ceaue you: so did also Paule louse the Corynthian, and reteigne Hermogenes and Alexander. Iohn the Euangelist did louse the theéfe once or twise as Eusebius doth recorde in his 3. booke Cap. 17.* 1.703 Other Apostles did louse lykewise others, euen by the

same authoritye receaued from Christ himselfe, and not from Peter at all: What then? because Peter did before the rest of tha∣postles confesse his fayth, and because the keyes were first geuē to Peter, doth this argue forthwith, that the keyes were geuen to Peter alone?

But to goe foreward: Putt the case that the keyes were de∣liuered to Peters custody, both first, yea in respect of his con∣fessing of fayth, besides this also to him alone, sith you will haue it so: yet what kinde of chopplogick is this?

The keyes were deliuered to Peter cōfessing Christ with a true and sincere fayth.

Ergo. The Popes of Rome onely be the successors of Pe∣ter, and are inuested in the possession of the same power of binding, and lousing by the expresse worde of God.

A trymm conclusion surely, & very Catholick: Wherein nei∣ther the Antecedent is true, and the consequent much more false: Forasmuch as neither this force of binding and lousing was geuen to Peter alone, & their assumption hereof surmised, (that the Popes of Rome onely are Peters Successors) is altoge∣ther as false.* 1.704 The reason is because the simplicitye, and natiue humilitye of the Gospell doth no where acquaint it selfe with any such carnall successions, which are applyed to places, per∣sons, and tymes: as neither Christes philosophye doth acknow∣ledge or regard carnall Fathers, Sonnes, affinities, and kin∣reddes? as the which doth mount on high, and doth enter by farr more excellent meanes. Goe to, yet for example sake, lett vs imagine, that Peter hadd a sonne borne vnto him by his law∣full wyfe, and an other Cephas, resembling the father, and by discent and course of nature next heire: What shall we say? that this Sonne shall clayme the priuiledge of his fathers Porter∣shippe,* 1.705 because he is his next heyre? Not so you will say. And will you so flattly deny that priuiledge to naturall discent, which you yeld to place, and to a rotten outward Chayre? If Christ did neither acknowledge mother, brethren nor sisters vpon the earth, but those onely, which yelded their due obedience to his fathers commaundements, will the same Christ vouchsafe any other successors, or vicars of Peter, then such as present themselues

with the same cognifizaunce and badge that he did acknowledge in Peter? And admitt also the very best that maketh for you, that the Byshoppe of Rome doth with neuer so good a face pretend this authoritie from Christ: what? and be not other Byshopps of other Churches endued with semblable fayth? what preroga∣tiue hath he then in this office and keéping of keyes now, as to challenge any superioritye ouer other Byshoppes, and Presidēts of the Churche?

The Scripture doth in a certein place deny, that he which hath not the spirite of Christ, is of Christ.:* 1.706 Now this spirite of Christ (wheresoeuer it resteth) is humble and meéke, regardeth not the thinges of the earth, seéketh not her owne, suffereth the iniuries of others: offereth iniury to none, neither reuengeth any iniury offred to himselfe: haleth no man to the slaughter∣house: thyrsteth after euery mans sauetye: yea prayeth also for his enemies earnestly: doth receaue the weake in fayth: doth op∣presse no man: endureth many thinges: becometh all in all to all persons, that he may winne all vnto Christ: accompteth other mens chaunces, good or badde, as his owne: lyueth not to him∣selfe: but to the publique benefite of many: doth amend that is amisse:* 1.707 addresseth that which is out of order: recouereth the lost: recomforteth the dispeired estates: finally doth not breake in peé∣ces the shieuered Reéde: For in very deéde the spirite of Christe canne not be vnlyke to Christ himselfe: And therefore hereof we may well conclude, that wheresoeuer this spirite doth plant his Seate, there doughtles is the successor of Peter, there be the true keyes of the Church.

I doe not presume here to iudge of y^e spirite of the Pope, he hath his Iudge, and shall haue his daye of iudgement, which shall display abroad into open light, & secrets of all darkenes. In the meane space touching the Popes Pardons, (whereof these praters preach so presumptuously) this is most certen, and sure:* 1.708 That thorough the whole scriptures, or aūcient Fathers, one sentēce so much cann not be found,* 1.709 to make those their Pardons Iustifiable or coulorable, First, touching their whole allegation of Succession,* 1.710 it is playne fraude and deceipt: their bragge of the singuler prerogatiue of Peter is false. The power of the keyes doth no more belong to the Seé of Rome, then to the vni∣uersall

Church of Christ. For if by those keyes, power of bin∣ding and lousing be figured (as hath bene allready spoken) these keyes though Peter receaued first in deéde, yet did not he alone receaue them: nor did euer at any tyme exercise the power of the same otherwise, then as he did enioye them together with tho∣ther Apostles, which for asmuch as is confirmed by very many infallible profes, and established by the cōtinuall vnbrokē course of auncient Antiquitye: as also witnessed euidently, by the te∣stimony of the Cannons in the Councels of Ancyra, and Nice, (whereof we made mencion before) where it is sayd, that the cu∣stome of the Church was then such, as that euery Byshoppe should haue the order and ouersight of euery his peculiar Pro∣uince, and vpon due consideration of the behauiour of the Peni∣tentiaries, might lawfully either mittigate, shorten, or cutt of the tyme of their penaunce,* 1.711 or prolong the same according, as they should thinke in necessary, and neédefull for reformation and correction.

So that it was shamelesse presumption, and most arrogant insolencye of Pope Innocent the 3. to make this vndiscreéte de∣creé in the Councell of Laterane in the yeare 1215. Because (sayth he) through vndiscreate and superfluous Pardons, which certē Prelates of the Church are not affrayd to graūt, both the keyes of the Church are despised, and penitentiall satisfaction is weakened: we doe decree, that when the feast of dedication of Saynt Peters Pallaice shall be solem∣nized: Pardon shall not be graunted aboue one yeare: and so foorth in the feast of the yearely dedication, the tyme of appoynted Pardons of enioyned penaunce shall not ex∣ceede, and passe fourty dayes. And imediately after: This nū∣ber of dayes of Pardons,* 1.712 also we commaund to be abreui∣ated, which are graunted for euery light tryfle: Forasmuch as the Byshopp of Rome who doth professe the Fulnes of all power, is accustomed to vse moderatiō in the like causes. &c.

* 1.713And from hence, yf I be not deceiued, was this Fulnes of power deriued of the first, which the Romyshe Ruffians haue ra∣ked most shamefully to themselues: Whether to the great re∣proch of the glory of Christ, or the intollerable iniury of their brethren, more I can not easily determine. What? sufficed not

to vsurpe either equall power with other Byshops, or encroche vpon thē somewhat higher, vnlesse their vnsatiable pryde must mount also to the Fulnes of all power? Go to: and may we learne of you Osorius what it is that they seéke for by this word Fulnes? If that be sayd to be full, whereunto no droppe may be iustilled more: it is out of all question that this Fulnes is proper and peculiar to Christ alone, of whose Fulnes we all haue recea∣ued,* 1.714 not the ministers of the Church onely, not Deacones, not Byshoppes onely, but the chiefest Apostles and Euangelistes, out of which number Peter himselfe (yea though neuer so much prince of Apostles,) may not be exempted. The onely Sonne of God is a continuall flowing founteyne, that canne neuer be exhausted and spent: to whome the Father gaue the spirite with∣out measure, full of mercye, and trueth.

All others beyng of our selues barraine, hungry, naked and beggerly by nature, must neédes seéke reliefe of his aboundaūce, to whom Esay the Prophet doth allure all mē to repayre and to borow. Come (sayth he) all that be thurstie, and haue no money, and draw from hence freely with gladnesse, from out the founteines of the Sauiour.* 1.715 Moreouer the Sauiour him selfe also doth general∣ly call all whosoeuer be oppressed with penury, & distressed with anguish and labours, to come. What then? Sufficed not to come to this foūteyne plentyfully flowyng, and most largely set wyde open for y^e house of Dauid, & the inhabitants of Ierusalē to re∣sort vnto, for the cleansing of y^e Sinner and defiled, but the Ro∣mish Rutterkyne must call vs backe to his filthy Cesternes, and durty Dytches, that so him selfe being a most filthy and dur∣ty Sinner should cleanse vs with his fullnes?

For as much therfore as the mouth of God hath spoken it, the cōsent also of all the Prophetes haue testified, that God hath geuen all Fulnesse to his onely begotten Sonne, wherewith onely he is able, and willyng also to wash away all our filthynes, and corruption: from whence then commeth this Fulnesse of so absolute power to this Romaine Prelate, that this one Prelate alone may by a certeine superexcellent, Prerogatiue bryng to passe that, which all other Byshops can not doe? namely that he may franckly graunt full, more full, yea vnmeasurable full Par∣don of all maner of offences, to the most common barrettours

of the world? For such is the very stile of their Pardons many tymes.* 1.716 Such was the wild Bull of Innocent 3. vpō a solemne Decreé enlarged to all them that would fight for the holy land, or would geue any ayde thereunto. Wherein he promised full remission of all their Sinnes, in the fulnesse of his Porterly power, and increase of lyfe euerlastyng in the full partaking of the fellowshyp of all Saintes. After the same maner Bo∣niface the 8. did graunt vnto all persons that would as pilgri∣mes come to visite the holy mother Church of Peter and Paule in Rome,* 1.717 not only full, and fuller, but most abhominable full for∣geuenes of all their Sinnes. So also Clement the 6. in his Bulles of Pardons doth powre out plētyfully to them that will fight for the holy Crosse, not onely Remission A poena & culpa but with much more bountye and liberalitie doth graunt vnto euery of them, threé or foure soules out of Purgatory whom they will: and withall geueth also an especiall commaundement to the Aungels in heauen, if any of those warlike pilgrimes chaūce to dye in their iourney,* 1.718 that they forthwith transport them into heauen. This is a wondrous efficacie of keyes surely, if they be able to performe in deéde, that which they bragge vpon so arro∣gauntly in words. For they vaunt a full and most perfect power of doyng, I can not tell what, farre exceédyng all other Chur∣ches, Byshops, Prelates, and Councels.

But from whence they fetche this full power they haue not yet taught fully. If they say from Christ: but Christ beyng him selfe the onely perfect founteine of all fulnes, not able to be made empty, doth neuer powre forth him selfe to fully into one man alone, as that he leaueth not him selfe as accessible indifferently to all others: of whose fullnes if euery person accordyng to his portion do draw forth as much grace as sufficeth:* 1.719 then hath not one man alone made cleane ridduāce to him selfe of all. Neither can it be possible that he which receaueth of any one that thyng whereof all be ioynte parteners, that he alone shall possesse all that, wherof all others haue a ioynte interest and possession. A∣gayne what difference of power shall there be betwixt Christ and the Pope, if ech of them be of lyke fullnes and power? Or what neédeth any man to apply vnto Christ, if he may be otherwise fully satisfied in the full fullnes of the Pope? Or what shall re∣maine

in heauen from henceforth for Christ, if this Lieutenaunt of Christ can dispatch all thynges vpon earth with the fullnes of his power? To conclude in a word. If this Porter of heauen be of such supercelestiall power, as that he want nothyng, but may without resistaūce open, and shutte, when, and to whom he will: why then let him once scoure the coast cleare and proclayme a cleane gayle deliuery out of Purgatory, and set all soules at li∣bertie, that are in that fiery lake, and make a quicke dispatche of them, from out those horrible flames, and send them to Para∣dise if he can: but if he can not performe as he would, then where is his fullnes? If he will not do that which he can, where is his charitie? Wherefore sithence one of those two must neédes be graūted, that either ye must confesse him a poore beggerly pope, or a cruell carelesse cutthroate, let Osorius or his Pope chuse which he will: or to geue better counsell in this case, at the least let the Romaine Church foreseé, and be very well aduised it selfe, least in this braue bragge of fullnes, it selfe be nypped with as full a scarsitie,* 1.720 as we read sometyme written of the Church of Laodicea.* 1.721 Bycause thou sayest I am riche, and full, and doe want nothyng, & doest not know that thou art a begger, miserable, poore, blinde, and naked.* 1.722 I do aduise thee that thou come and buye of me fine pure gold, of the finest, that thou mayst be ritche, and be clothed in white garmentes, least the shame of thy nakednes do appeare, and annoynt thine eyes with precious oyntment that thou mayst see. &c.

But here will some one interrupt me and say that the keyes of heauen were not geuen in vayne.* 1.723 Neither do I gaynsay him herein. But that is not the thyng that we seéke to be satisfied in, at this presēt: whether Christ gaue any such keyes, but this is it: whether the keyes were geuen to the Byshop of Rome onely. For we do not defraude the Church of her right, but accordyng to right we do pleade agaynst the Pope, who raketh vppe vnto him (selfe as matter of his proper professiō) that which was ge∣uen to the whole Church in the name of Peter,* 1.724 excluding all o∣ther Churches ioynte commoners with him in the same.

By meanes whereof the Pope doth incurre a double tres∣passe, and is to aunswere double dammage: for the one, wherein he entruded wrongfully vpon the right of the whole order: for the other, wherein he doth most filthely abuse the right vse of the

keyes. For if it be true first, that Augustine doth protest boldly,* 1.725 and which Thomas Aquinas doth not deny, That in the person of Peter the keyes were committed to the other Apostles, and to the whole Church: herein surely that most horrible abuse of the Romish challenge doth bewray a notorious fraude: who scraping to it selfe full prerogatiue of all power, doth penne vppe with∣in such narrow streightes, all other Archbyshops and Byshopps as that it shall not be lawfull for any one to geue Pardon aboue the space of one whole yeare within his peculiar Prouince or Diocese, without leaue of his Lordshypp. Agayne he doth com∣mitt as great an offence in the vse of the keyes. For whereas this power of bindyng and lousing, wherein the whole force and efficacie of the keyes consisteth, was receaued of the Preachers, and Ministers of the word, for none other end, but to the necessa∣ry consolation and comfort of the Church, nor was executed at any tyme by the Apostles, but in very hard and weighty necessi∣tie onely: As if a man had dispayred of the mercy of Christ, or had cōmitted some haynous and notorious offence publiquely:* 1.726 here was their power employed, either to comfort, and rayse vp them that were fallen: or to suppresse and bridle the insolency of such as seémed manifestly iniurious, and rebellious agaynst the glory of Christ. Which kynde of Iudiciall vse of the keyes was not very commonly frequented by the Apostles,* 1.727 nor yet applyed but in great and vrgent necessitie.

There was besides this at the same tyme an other more vsu∣all execution of the keyes, and is now commonly in vse, in euery well ordered Congregation. For whereas the Preacher doth o∣penly proclayme by the authoritie of the word, euerlastyng lyfe to all whosoeuer, truly an vnfaynedly repenting and beleéuyng in Christ Jesu: what doth he els then open the kyngdome of hea∣uen to mē, as it were with a key? and close it fast agayne as neéde shall require? For euen as with a materiall keye (as witnesseth Thomas) doores be opened,* 1.728 the barres and gynnes beyng forced backe, which did forclose the passadge to them that would enter in: Euen so when as by hearyng the word, fayth ariseth, and the blockes and barres of Sinne be turned out of the waye: these keyes therfore are rightly sayd to be cōmitted to the Ministers of the Church: wherewith as it were vnlockyng the lockes, and

vnloasing the obstacles of sinnes, they do lead and conduct Sin∣ners into heauē, and open the eyes of the blind. With this pow∣er was Paule also furnished by the Lord him selfe, beyng sent vnto the Gentiles.* 1.729 That thou mayest open their eyes (sayth he) whereby they may be cōuerted from darckenes to light, and deliue∣red from the power of Sathan vnto God, may attaine Remission of their Sinnes, and their portion emongest the Saintes through fayth which is in Christ Iesu our Lord.* 1.730 I beseéch you Syr, could Peter be sent with more authoritie in any respect vnto the Iewes, thē Paule was sent vnto the Gentiles? And what shall I say of the rest of the Apostles and Disciples of Christ? was this a small & slender authoritie, wherein was committed vnto them the whole world to be taught in the word of GOD? whereby also they wrought so many miracles, & so great signes emongest the peo∣ple? wherfore if these wordes byndyng and lowsing do consiste in the power of the holy Ghost: in propagation of Fayth, in the ministery of Reconciliation: in publishyng the Gospell, what aunswere will myne opposed aduersary make me here? doth the Byshop of Rome onely Preach the Gospell? Or is he onely en∣dued with the power of the holy Ghost? doe not other Byshops and Ministers Preach the word as well as he? And from whēce then hath this notable Prelate this so notorious a fullnes?

Now to graunt this much to the Ministers of the Churche that the keyes are commēded to them together with the Byshop of Rome,* 1.731 wherewith they may deteigne and release Sinnes ac∣cordyng to their power cōmited vnto them: yet ought not this power be so narrowly streighted either to one Byshop onely, or emparted also with other Ministers in such wise, as though there were none other Remissiō of Sinnes besides in the Chur∣che, vnlesse it come by the Ministers keyes, or the Popes Par∣dons: or as though no man could make him selfe a way passable into heauē,* 1.732 vnlesse he be admitted by this Popish Porter or his Ministers. The Minister doth open in deéde: Be it so: Yet doth he not so open, but y^e euery one may open also to him selfe by his owne Fayth. So also doth the voyce and authoritie of the Mi∣nisters breake the bandes of Sinnes a sunder in those which do hartely repent. Yet neuerthelesse this sentence remayneth al∣wayes vnreproueable: Being iustified through fayth, we haue

peace with God through our Lord and Sauiour Iesu Christ.* 1.733 Again this also: feare not, beleue onely & thou art made whole. All things are possible to him that doth beleue. And in an other place purifi∣ing our hartes by fayth. Moreouer we heare our Lord himselfe speaking. That they may receiue Remission of their sinnes: and their portion amongest the Sanctified through fayth which is in me.* 1.734 And although it serue to great purpose in the Church to haue due consideration, what, and to whom release is made in Christ his name, by the ministery of a faythfull Minister: Yet is not the force and effectualnesse of fayth any title diminished hereby, but that she may make a way passable to the throne of the Maiesty in assured confidence. Neither must we thinke that the Lord gaue vnto the Ministers so large a commission of these opening Keyes as that there remayne none other meanes of attayne for∣geuenesse of sinnes.* 1.735 It may sometimes come to passe, and euen so it happeneth very often, that the voyce and coūcell of the Mi∣nisters must needes be inquyred: as when a man is at any time ouer greéuously assaulted in his fayth, or that the conscience be miserably entangled with timerous feare, or if the conscience be brought to dispayre: or if any greater mishappe shall happen to vrge, there must the vse of the Keyes be applyed of very necessi∣ty: And hereof came it, that the Lord would vouchsafe to furnish his Ministers with the power of opening and shutting: not to make perfect the full worke of our iustification, but onelye for the necessarye reliefe and comfort of our unbecillitye and weakenesse.

* 1.736And therefore Thomas Aquinas doth erre, and is fowly de∣ceiued as in many other thinges, so in this very notably: where he reasoneth in his commētaries of distinctions, that the Keyes of the Church of releasing and pardoning were therefore com∣mitted to the Ministers, because no mā is able without the ayde of the Ministers to open himselfe an accesse vnto the kingdome of heauen.* 1.737 For thus hee writeth. Because no man is able to open to himselfe (sayth he) therfore were the Ministers authorized to for¦geue Sinne: Whereby the kingdome of heauen is made open. Thus much Thomas. And out of this established error sprang vppe (If I be not deceaued) that necessitye of compulsary Confession whereby all Christians are constrayned to craue Pardon of all

their sinnes, not of Christ through fayth, but of the Priest by Confession. I do not speake this because I thinke Confession is altogether vnprofitable in the Church, but I meane of the su∣perfluous necessitye of reckoning vppe the particularities of sinnes. And I know not whether euer a more deadly poyson could be scattered abroad in the Church by that wicked Seédes-man the Deuill,* 1.738 then this most pestilent Cancker, as well for many causes, as in this respect of all other chiefly: That foras∣much as all he perfection of our righteousnes doth depend vpō the mercy and promise of God through faith in Christ Iesu: the Christiā people are by meanes of this doctrine trayned away to fleé from fayth, to Merite Meritorius: so that now this treasure proceédeth not from God, that maketh the promise, but from the Priest, that graunteth absolution: our Saluation resteth no more now vpon the mercy of God, but vpō mens deseruings, not vpon the freé gifte, and bountifull liberalitye of God, but v∣pon satisfactory acquitall, and sufficiencie of Cōtrition, and v∣pon rendring full recompence of enioyned penaunce. For so we be taught by Iohn Scotus,* 1.739 and by a receaued custome in opini∣on long before his dayes, Confession (sayth he) after absolution geuen, either doth committ the partye ouer to Pardons: or els sendes him packing to Purgatory.

And thus much hitherto of the Popes Pardons: whereof al∣beit no portsale had bene made, nor any gayne and lucre reaped: Yet of their owne nature they are such, as neither cann be made Iustifiable by any colour or pretence, nor proued by any argu∣ment, nor ratyfied by any Antiquitye, nor ought to be suffred in any Christian common weale, without horrible sacriledge, and execrable empietye. Now I returne agayne to that which Osorius doth deny. And this is it: That these Pardons were neuer put to sale, and set out to hyre, by the knowledge or per∣mission of the holy mother Church of Rome. O holy Churche doughtles, that was neuer of this minde, that, such Fayres, and Markets should be proclaymed and frequented in that most ho∣ly Church of God. And therefore as farre as I doe perceaue, this holy and worshippfull mother Church of Rome,* 1.740 applying her selfe to that notable predsidēt of that heauēly Paule (because she will make the Gospell freé for all men) doth power out all

thynges freély: maketh sale of nothyng, she maketh no price vpon Palles, vpon Miters and Hattes, and geueth freély with∣out mony Prebends, Benefices, Pryuiledges, Exemptions, and Immunities: If any thing be dispensed with all, or any re∣lease to be made of speciall Reseruations, tushe they are geuen for pure loue: there is nothing done in all this whole Church co∣uetously, nothing filthyly, no nor any corruption, or Symony at all. And no maruell: giftes are accoūpted loathsome trashe. Rewardes are trodden vnder foote. Mony is Maysterlesse; and despised as a Roage. Here be no lymetwigges layd for penciō, for tenthes, for first fruites, nor for Iubiles: the onely lu••re and gayne here is the recoueryng of the lost sheépe. Finally y^e shaue∣lynges, and whole crewe of this Church dare not abide to be greaced in the handes: And although the Pope doe dayly fur∣nish abroad so many Pardoners, so many Bulbearers, though he poaste abroad so many Pardons, & coyne dayly so many fresh Bulles: yet for all that, as he receaued gratis, so he geueth gra∣tis, and dispenceth with all thinges gratis, and geueth waxe, seales, leade, paper, and partchment gratis, there is nothing putt to sale: all thinges of freé gift I suppose: surely his Legats lykewise when they Ruffle abroad, his Byshopps when they goe in visitatiōs, and geue orders: his Suffraganes when they doe confirme, when Mounckes and Feyers doe confesse, when the Priestes doe sing and say Masse for the quicke and the dead, they take no money at all, nor yet for Trenta••••s, for Mortua∣ryes, nor Mariages. After the same order the Fryers Lymp∣toures when they gadd abroad a begging: Stationars raun∣ging from Churche to Churche with Boxes and Bulles, they doe it not for any gayne, beware that. If thys be true Mantu∣an was a great lyar, where in his booke of Lamentations, he wri∣teth on this maner.

Steades and fatt Palfrayes are presentes for Popes, * 1.741So are Churches, and Chappels, Altars, and Copes, Perfumes, and Prayers, Crownes, and Attyres, Tapers, and waxelight, Incense, and Fryers: Rome selleth all thinges for mony and coste, Yea heauen and all with God and his hoste.

But because this lying Southsayer Mantuan doth lye opē∣ly:

we will salue this soare with an other kinde of dittye of a certein other Poet whatsoeuer he were, who dallyed not altoge∣ther vnpleasauntly, yet somewhat more clenly with two vearses to the same effect, in the commendation of this Church.

Pauperibus sua dat gratis nec munera captat* 1.742 Curia papalis quod modo percipitur. Free Pardons geue nor Brybes receaue Doe Romaine Popes that we perceaue.

What neéde many wordes? who is he that will not clapp his handes for ioye, to seé this exceéding bountifulnes of this holy mother Church, which doth so plentifully reward such as come vnto her, with such aboundaunt store of comfortable Par∣dons, and other wholesome Drugges, for neuer a penye so franckly, abhorring & vtterly detesting these gaynefull Fayres and Marketts none otherwise then botches and blaynes: if all be true that Osorius preacheth.

But by what Markes may this appeare any thing probable (worshippfull Syr) that you doe affirme so boldly vnto vs? seé∣ing as yet you feéde vs but with leane affirmatiues onely, ap∣proued neither by wittnesse, nor by reason. But I thinke it not amisse to couer Osorius nakednes here? And because the Reader may more easely discerne the whole substaunce of these Pardōs, we will deryue the very pedigreé of them, from their first aun∣cestors, and shew how they sprong vpp first emongest the olde Fathers, and so by litle and litle in what order they proceéded: lastly by what degreés they clymed vpp so high to become mar∣chauntable in the Primitiue Church. When as Emperours ra∣ged furiously agaynst the first entrye, and beginning of Christes Church, albeit very many godly Fathers gaue their lyues, with wonderfull constancye, for the testimony of the trueth: Yet did not all persist in lyke constancye of minde: but many of them falling away from their profession to Idolls, were holden guil∣tye of Idolatry & sacriledge: Who notwithstanding, renouncing their Paganisme, and retourning to Christ, ministred occasion to the Elders to pause awhiles, and to take breath vpon good aduise, what were best to be done, with them. It was concluded at the last, y^e mercy ought not to be denyed to these backslyders: Yet so, as they should not by and by be restored to the congrega∣tion,

whom they hadd offended by their euill example: by per∣fourming some penaunce prescribed vnto thē for a certain space of tyme. In the meane tyme as euery of the Penitentiaries seé∣med to grow in greater carelessnes of their penaunce, so was their penaunce aggrauated, and lesse consideration hadd of re∣leasing their punishment. At the last the persecution being cea∣sed, yet ceased not the infirmity of sinning: Whereupon the po∣steritye followed the example of their predecessors vpon lyke oc∣casion ministred by obstinate sinners.

Then were added certein Cannons gathered together out of Councells, first from the Councells of Ancyra, and Nyce, and from the Councells following.* 1.743 A transcript whereof was made by Buchard and Gracian whiche the Latines doe call Peni∣tentiales and the Grecians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as is before mencioned. Wherein was comprehended how much penaunce was prescri∣bed for euery particular fault. Neuerthelesse some qualificati∣on of the sharpenes of the sayd Canons was ministred to the Penitentiaries, through the clemency, and humanitye of the Pastors, accordyng to the qualitye of the trespasses and estates of the persons. And this kinde of discipline of the Canons, was exercized yet in a certein meane state of the Church, by the space of a thowsand yeares, and somewhat more: vntill at the last the auncient sincerity of the Primitiue purenesse beginning to waxe colde, and the rigor of the olde Canons growing by litle & litle out of vse, or chaunged into lighter burdeines: new Pardons exept in place, which were not onely abrydgementes, and ease∣mentes of those penaltyes, that apperteined to the censure of the Church, but which did stretch further a great deale, to absolu∣tion a paena,* 1.744 & culpa, not in this present lyfe onely, but euen to Purgatory it selfe: Wherein were promised not onely Relea∣ses of Ecclesiasticall satisfactions, but full and generall acquit∣taunces deliuered of those forfaytures, and trespasses, which appertayned chiefly to Gods owne Consistorye.

Whiles these thyngs were a doyng: and freé Pardons flewe abroad now euery where thorough all Churches without mea∣sure (which happened not long before y^e yeare of our Lord. 1200) by and by began question to be made by whom those Pardons might be graunted: by their Parish Priest onely? or by any other

of like dignitie? or by a superior power? After that this kynde of dispensation was translated to Byshops and Archbyshops onely. And at the last came it in question where the full power of plenary Pardons should rest? Which after solemne disputati∣ons, was agreed and concluded vpon, must neédes be in the pow∣er of the Byshop of Rome. In the meane space was a Councell Sommoned to be holden at Laterane,* 1.745 vnder Pope Innocent the thyrd in the yeare of our Lord. 1215. Wherein complaint was made of that cōmon scatteryng abroad of Pardons, where∣by certein Proctours of Spittellhouses (which gathered the good deuotion of the people, for their poore houses) were wont to graunt out great and large Pardons, bycause they would pro∣cure the people to deale their ahnes somewhat more franckly.

There ensued afterward a Coūcell holden at Vienna (which I doe wonder why hath bene omitted in the bookes of the Can∣nōs) vnder pope Clemente the 5. in the yeare of our Lord. 1311 In which Councell the auncient Fathers perceauyng the sub∣tile practizes of certein Pardoners:* 1.746 and their ouer greédy ou∣trage in settyng their Pardons to sale, and their scrafty conue∣yaunce to cratche vppe the pence: thought good to preuent this mischief betymes: and thereupō made a solemne Decreé,* 1.747 where∣in the dissolute licentiousnesse of these pratyng Proccours was sharpely suppressed, bycause they gaue of their owne myndes & motiō (to speake their owne tearme) Pardons to the people: dis∣penced vpon vowes: absolued such as would cōfesse open periu∣ries, manslaughters, and other horrible crimes: bycause they would release for money y^e thyrd or the fourth part of penaūces that were inioyned: bycause they would dispatch Purgatory of threé or foure soules whom they listed at a choppe: bycause they would graunt plenary remission of Sinnes: and would make out their Bulles relaxatory A poena simul & Culpa. And at the last the holy Synode concludyng:

We (sayth the Canon) will and commaunde that these abuses, by colour where of Ec∣clesiasticall Iurisdiction groweth to naught, and the au∣thoritie of the Church keyes is brought into contempt, be vtterly abandoned and abolished. &c.

Certeinely I am sure that this doyng of the Fathers will sett a good face vpō the matter Osorius, that these good fathers

had respect to nothyng els, then to the Reformation of the sayd abuses onely: But the matter it selfe bewrayed the contrary, whatsoeuer pretence was made here of the perill of soules, of the infamy of the Church, of the contempt of the keyes, and of ouer greédy rakyng for money: yet this was not the principall cause that prickt forward the Romish Prelates to preuent this pel∣tyng powlyng of the Proctours: But there was an other cause. For they did presume to absolute A poena & Culpa.* 1.748 Which ac∣cordyng to the Glose vpon the Decretalles, is called the fullest forgeuenesse of Sinnes, and is graunted by the Pope onely: Moreouer they were to bold to geue out their Pardons to the people vpon their owne authoritie, not receauyng nor obteinyng first licence and power thereunto from the Seé Apostolicque. This was so haynous a matter, that the Popes Councell could not be able to disgest it. And hereupon began that crowyng a∣gaynst the poore Proctours, as I sayd before, not so much for that they did abuse their Indulgences, to gayne and lucre (for what els haue the Popes them selues done at any tyme) But by∣cause the Romishe Rauens felt no small feathers pluckt from their backes. For these great wise men foresawe that (which was true in deéde) that if other Churches might be at freé liber∣tie to bynde and louse as farreforth as they, this would grow to no small preiudice to the Primacy. And therefore was a prety waye founde out, whereby all this absolute power of Pardons (which at that season seémed in deéde generall to all Churches indifferently) beyng afterwardes taken away from all the rest, should be annexed to the Seé of Rome onely: nor should from thenceforth be attempted by any other inferiour Byshops or go∣uernours of Churches, vnlesse speciall graunt therof were ob∣teined and had from the Maiestie and fullnesse of the Seé Apo∣stolique first.

And these thynges for the more part began to be done in the same yeare of our Lord, wherein Innocent the 3. did procure that this Councell at Laterane: and inuested that Seé first with that notorious, prerogatiue of that fullnesse of power:* 1.749 Which fullnes beyng now planted and established by Innocent 3. not long after Succeéded in that place Innocent 4. and after him agayne Boniface the 8. in the yeare. 1300. Who groundyng

him selfe vpon this fullnes (as him selfe confessed) was the first that did institute the yeare of Iubilee emongest Christiās which should be euery hundreth yeare.* 1.750 Wherein he graunteth Pardon not onely full and more full (as aforesayd) but the most fullest Pardon of all Sinnes. But to whom was this largesse proclai∣med at length? to them forsooth who should come and visite the most honorable mother Churche of the Prince of the Apostles Peter. And why I pray you was it not in force to them that tar∣ryed at home? sith the Popes were so enriched with such an o∣uerflowyng plenty of Indulgences, and that so great a iourney could not be ouerrunne of all persons ingenerall, without vn∣measurable charge, toylesome labour, and present perill of lyfe? why then did he not powre out from out of that infinite heape of aboundaunce to all men gratis, which he receaued gratis? But the Porches and gates of the holy Apostles (sayth he) must be visited. Go to, and what then afterwardes? when men were come once within the walles of y^e Citie, was there no charge of money? might men feade freély at y^e Popes table? must the Apo∣stles be saluted with bare Pater noster without peny? There must a Bull be desired at the length I suppose, or some scrow of Release from the Popes Scriuanoes. What? must there be no pence here for parchement? for waxe? for yncke bestowed vpon these Romish Rauenours? No, for all offices in Rome are fre∣quented gratis for sooth. What remaineth? I will conclude O∣sorius. After that a man is come once to these holy Pardons by infinite and great charges, through so many daūgers, labours, watchynges, fastynges, cōfessions, penaūces, bribes, rewardes: Finally when as nothyng almost is attayned in all that your Church without some present pay, or speciall couenaunt: with what face, or with what credite doe ye thinke to persuade vs, that there were neuer any markettes and portesales of Pardōs procured in your Churches, which this holy mother Churche did not prohibite and abhorre with all their harts worse then pe∣stilent botches?

Now say you to this? whereas Clement the 6. which abrid∣ge the Iubilee from the hūdreth yeare to the fiftyth in the yeare 1348.* 1.751 Whereas Gregory the 11. reduced the Iubilee to the 33. yeare. Moreouer whereas Paule 2. and Sixtus the 4. not

contented with these boundes, streighted the Iubilee to the 25. yeare, in the yeare. 1475. what thinke you was the cause hereof Osorius, except it were that holy hunger of gold, where the bel∣ly of that holy mother thinketh euery mynute her throat cutt w^t∣out present foode? After, these Succeéded Alexander 6. in the yeare. 1500. Who scattered his Iubilees into farre Coūtreyes,* 1.752 farre of from the Church of Rome. That is to say, wheresoeuer any money would be geuen, there were plenary Pardons graū∣ted as witnesseth Polidor. Virgil.

To speake nothyng in the meane space of Leo the 10. who deuising vpon a like shift of descant, to make sweépestake for money: nor beyng able to abyde the full end of the Iubilee: with a new slipper deuise, gaue for present pence the same grace in all respectes as effectuall before the end of the yeare of Iubi∣lee, as was accustomed to be graunted to pilgrimes that won∣ted to visite the Church of S. Peter at Rome: and for this pur∣pose sent his Proctours through all Nations, erectyng vppe coffers in euery Churche openly, as it were bowthes for their Receipt, which was done in the yeare. 1515. And yet Osorius doth deny that euer any such sales and markettes were made of such marchaundise of the Romaine Church, either knowen to the Pope, or allowed by him.

Now I would desire thee gentle Reader to think vpon this with me. Whereas in disposing these Pardons, the Popes vse not a like proportiō towards all persōs: wherof to some graūts are more large: to some more cutted and short: whereas to some persons full Remission is geuen: to some euerlastyng, and to o∣thers a third endeale of their Sinnes forgeuē: to some xij. thou∣sand yeares, to others viij. thousād yeares, to many vij. yeares, or xij. yeares are released out of Purgatory: vpon what grew this inequabilitie and parcialitie of dispensation, if there were no stakes layed downe for the game? whereby it came to passe, that the best purse escaped the greatest curse, and the more man would geue, the more the Pope would relieue, euen to the full fullnes: but he that sowed thinne, his Pardon should be scarse worthe a pyane. I purpose not to rippe vppe the remembraunce of these Reliques by examples, which are past noumber. I will tell you of one in our owne Realme of England in a Towne cal∣led

Boston,* 1.753 because I was borne nigh thereabout. I can speake somewhat the better thereof, I haue the Bulles of the same re∣mayning yet with me, both of the great, and the lesse Pardon. which they purchased of the Pope for the safety of their ship∣ping, and solue the same agayne afterwardes to others, to their great profite and aduauntage. I am not very inquisitiue to learne what the Somme amounted vnto of that monstruous markett: onely this one thing would I haue Osorius to be throughly perswaded, that if he be of that minde yet, that those Bulles are obteyned gratis without money, and begged onely of the Seé of Rome: I haue president sufficient in my custodye, wherewith I cann conuince him of vanitye, and folly.

There are not many yeares sithēce the Surges of the swel∣ling Seas surrounded all the low countrye of Flaunders,* 1.754 which ministred a lamentable spectackle to the whole nation to behold: By and by flew abroad Bulles of the highest and most liberali fulnesse. The case it selfe moued all men to pitty very much, and amongest the rest the fauour and authority of the Pope Adrian being a Germayne borne, during whose Popedome this pittyfull case befell: Legates were sent abroad, who taking view of all pla∣ces and breaches, were able to make a true report of the wreckes that neéded reliefe, and what the charge thereof would amount vnto. The masse of money that was leuied by the meanes of those Bulles, as was vnmeasureable, so where it vanished away could not be knowen: yea but it was knowne to well: the poore countrey bare the name, but others carryed away the game, and no penny therof employed to y^e vse for the which the foresayd col∣lection was pretended. Many such pageantes haue bene played by the Byshops of Rome. But Mystres money made vpp al∣wayes the peryode of the play. Let vs call to remembraunce the ages of our auncestors which were but a whiles sithence, and note well the Actes and Recordes of the same within these fewe yeares: for what is he so blockish, who but meanely acquaynted with the late Chronographers canne not easily perceiue those practizes? whenas he shall read of so many bloudy battels, so ma∣ny preparatiōs for y^e recouery of the holy Land, shall heare of so many redd Crosses beautifully blazed and embrodered with the Popes trypie Crowne, & with a skarlett Boxe, whenas he shall

perceiue the perpetuall prating of Proctours, & Frier beggers: which had skill to claw the poore clownes for their croomes voa∣sting much, promising infinite, performing nothing: Wherunto were added sweéte names, & titles of Renowme. Now must there be a leauy raysed agaynst the Turke: by and by the Pope is in great hassard, by force of the enemy: then comes there a Iubilee euery hundred yeare first, not long after an other Iubilee euery fifteth yeare: the last euery xxv. yeare: that so the retourne be∣ing more speédy might also be more neédy, & call for more reliefe. Within a whiles after the Church of Saynt Peter must be built vpon the hill called Vaticanus mons in Rome. Then began Saint James of Compostella in Spayne to waxe hūgry: some∣time the holy Ghost in Rome was driuen to extreame beggery: So also the world went hard a boord with the poore Mounckes of Mount Sinay: Then was compositiō offered for a Restitutiō to be made of loane money, or a Iustification of goods euill gottē: And so to cease here, what were all these but open Marketts? de∣ny this to be true Osorius if you canne. If you cann not denye it, with what face shame you to make warrant, that no portesales haue bene made of holy Reliques at any time in your holy mo∣ther Churche? But the matter goeth well, peraduenture these fellowes are to much ashamed of theyr powlyng pranckes,* 1.755 and because they can render no reasonable excuse for their bribery, and pilladge: they beleéue that they shall be able to stoppe mens mouthes with dissimulations and lyes. And I doubt not but it will shortly come to passe, that they wil as stiffely deny hereafter, that they did euer worshippe those holy misteries and signes of the body and blood of Christ in the holy Sacrament, in steéde of the very naturall bodye and bloud of our Sauiour Iesu Chryst. And so let this suffice for Pardons.

* 1.756OF Images what shall I say? sithence hereof hath bene spo∣ken sufficiently enough already: and sith he also alledgeth no new matter but olde and bare names onely of Nazianzene, Basile, Ierome, and Ambrose: neither vouching any places of y^e Authors in the meane space, nor citing any example at all out of any theyr writinges. Goe to, and what is it that these, Nazian∣zene, Basile, and other Doctours do say at the lenght? For sooth

euen this they do say. They doe extoll and magnifye with all the ornamentes of Eloquence such holye Sainctes and godly Martyres, to whom was geuen this high honour and glory to persist stoughtely in the face of the Enemie, for the testimony of Christ, and to washe their garmētes in the bloud of the Lambe, their vnuāquishable con∣stancy and heauenly fortitude of courage: theyr names, actes, and Monumentes they do aduaunce very studiously and religiously, they pray all night before their Tombes: and exhort other godly congre∣gations to read ouer their Actes and Monumentes, and to cele∣brate theyr memorialles: Where is all this Osorius? and from whence fetch ye this ware? Seéke for it good Readers, and let it not be tedious vnto you to peruse the volumes of the Doctours ouer and ouer. And here by the way especially, let Haddon be ashamed which hath so whollye addicted himselfe to the perusing of Accursianes writinges, that he coulde spare himselfe no vacant tyme to read the Bookes of these Doc∣tours.

But to passe ouer these trifles: let vs consider the Argumēt of Osorius. The auncient Fathers doe honorably sett forth, extoll and magnifye the holye Martyres that suffered death for Christes cause. I do know this. I do know (I say) that the bookes of the holy Fathers are full of such commendations and prayses of godly men. So doth Basile describe famouslye the vertues of Saynt Iulitta, Gordius, Barlaa, Mamantes and forty Martyrs more: Nazianzene doth highly commend Marcus Arethusius, and Cyprian: Chrisostome prayseth his Babyla: Ambrose also is full of the like commendations, so doe many others extoll and magnify aboue y^e skies such as they accoūpt prayseworthy. But what is all this to y^e purpose? who euer practised to defraude a∣ny godly Martyr, one title so much, of his worthy cōmendation? Neither doth our discourse now concerne Saynctes or Martyrs,* 1.757 but Pictures and Images. Let the holy Martyres haue theyr cōdigne prayses: Let the Fathers be aboundantly and plentifully eloquent in theyr commēdatory Declamations: Yet did all that garnyshing & magnifiyng of Saynctes and Martyrs vertues & constancy tend to none other end, then to expresse vnto vs a cer∣tayne liuely president, thereby to imitate theyr patience, and to practize their integrity of life: and not with crootching and kneé∣ling

to worshipp them. Neither was that auncient learned age euer so superstitious and bussardly blinde as to adore and make intercession to men in stead of the Lord theyr God: But woulde glorify their God rather in his Sainctes. And for this cause do I thinke were auncient Monumentes erected, Temples buyl∣ded, wherein the Christian people might heare the Actes and vertues of those holy Martyres, to be taught to imitate their example, not because the Martyres that were deade shoulde be worshipped.

Afterwardes some Portraictes were added perhapps wher∣in the conflictes and intollerable tormentes of these valiaunt Martyrs were curiously paynted: as may appeare in Gregorye Nicenus in his commendatory treatise of Theodorus the Mar∣tir,* 1.758 which labour peraduenture was not altogether fruitlesse ac∣cording to the capacity of that age: that so by the beholding of the History, and noting the maner of their agonies and passions, others might be the more encouraged to endure the like, as occa¦sion should be ministred. But that any Pictures and Images of dead bodyes were seéne erected in the Churches of Christians to be worshipped in those dayes, vnto the which the Christian people might be so affyed, as to celebrate the dead portraict of dead bodies with more then prophane Religiousnesse, to witte with prayers, with owches and brooches, with sacrifices, with vowes, with supplications, with Pilgrimages, with temples, with Altars, with Capers, with hollidayes, with fasting dayes, with excommunications and cursinges, with intercession, with inuocation, with affyaunce, and hope of assistaunce in the stead of their Christ, or should worshippe Christ in those Images, or by those Images: Certes no man can make this iustifiable, by Ba∣sile, Gregory, or Nazianzene, or any other writer of the aunci∣ent primitiue Church. No, they are altogether new deuises of this later age, or playne forgeries rather, as hath bene declared sufficiently enough before.

But take an argument now stronger then Hercules clubbe, wherewith at one chopp he will cutt of the heads of all those I∣mage breakers ingenerall, so strōgly compact and clowted toge∣ther with so singuler a dexterity, that if all the Deuines in the world els hold theyr peace, Images are made so desensible with

this one argument, as shalbe able to endure all the force and counterbuffes of heretiques. For vpon this kinde of Similitude he frameth his argument.

If the dumme Pictures of the Crosse and of Sainctes,* 1.759 which did put men in mind of the things wherof they were representations, were so highly reuerenced of the auntient Christians: it was much more conuenient that the liuely Images of Christ should be worshipped.

But holy men are by the workemanshippe of the holye Ghost, fashioned to the lyuely and expresse Images of Christ.

Ergo, It remayneth that we geue reuerence and worship vnto Pictures as to the liuely Images of Christ.

I doe heare your Argument Osorius, and I doe aunswere thereunto. And first euen to this whether any dumme Images and portraictes at all were euer erected in the auncient Christi∣an Temples, may be with more reason doughted of vs, then Iu∣stified by you. And yet to admitt you this much, that such Sig∣nes were not altogether vnknowen to the auncient Fathers: yet for as much as y^e portraicts (beyng not in Tēples) did serue onely to feéde the eyes, and minister occasion of some remem∣braunce, and callyng to mynde the doynges of the Martyrs: will your Logicke therfore argue an adoryng vpon this memo∣riall? and establish a worshyppyng of dead stockes which ought onely to be geuen to God alone?

As for example. Admitte that some Apelles would in Ta∣bles describe vnto you,* 1.760 the Passion of Christ after a most exqui∣site and liuely maner. What? would you prostrate your selfe on the grounde, and with cappe and kneé worship the Table? would you bequeath your prayer vnto it, and honour it as reuerently as you would Christ? To what purpose then serueth that which you sing in your Church. All honour and glory be geuen to God alone: if you can be contēted to turne that forthwith into a God, whatsoeuer is obiect to the view for a memoriall onely, and to transferre the honour and worshyppe that is due onely vnto God, to paynted puppetts and balde blockes? But now as con∣cernyng the liuely Images of Christ, as we doe not deny that a certeine liuely resemblaunce of Christ doth after a sort shyne in

them, whom the spirite of Christ hath truly sanctified, so do we neither defraude them of their due commendation and prayse: for that were a pointe of singuler impietie, either to conceaue slenderly and lightly, or to speake reprochefully of the notable actes of them, whom God the Father doth honour and sanctifie: namely, sith the very Scriptures are aboundauntly stored with plentyfull examples, whereby we be admonished of our duety that we owe to Gods holy ones. But it is one thyng to reuerēce and esteéme well of Gods Sainctes: and an other thyng to make Inuocation to the dead, & to part stakes of honour betwixt God and his Sainctes.

* 1.761Sainctes are called Sainctes, and the Temples of the holy Ghost in S. Paule, not onely such as did shedd their bloud for Christes sake, but all others also that in this life lyue here vnto Christ sanctified thorough Fayth. Such a Temple of the holy Ghost was Paule him selfe, and the rest of y^e Apostles with him: who beyng after a sort fashioned to the likenesse of Christ, by the workemanshyp of the holy Ghost; did beare about them a certein proportionable resemblaunce of his Image. And yet the same Paule and Barnabas were sayd both to rende their garmentes,* 1.762 least they should seeme to admitte them selues to be honored as Goddes. Actes. 14. We heare the same both spokē and performed by the Aungell of Christ in the Reuelation.* 1.763 Worship God (sayth he) I am thy felow Seruaunt. Goe to now, and are you of this opiniō, that honour and worshyp is to be geuen to the dead bodyes of them, who beyng aliue would not suffer them selues to be worshypped? But of Sainctes and their Images enough at this present: name∣ly sith before is spoken plentyfully enough and so much, as will suffice (though not Osorius) yet any other indifferent Reader I trust.

¶ Popish Purgatory.

* 1.764GOod lucke a Gods name to our holy Father the Pope and Osorius their kitchynes: we are come at the length vn∣to Purgatory that is to say, to the kyngdome of the Pope, and the Region of darkenesse of this world. A goodly Territory forsooth meéte surely for such an Emperour, accordyng to the

old Prouerbe a Scabbed Iade good enough for a scalde Squi∣er. About which dānable deuise, beyng the most foolishe Bable that euer was heard of, & the most fybblefable y^t euer could be i∣magined, this raungyng Rhetorician besturreth his slumpes so earnestly, and stretcheth out his throate so feruently, as if the matter were of wonderfull emportaunce.

A man would take him to be some notorious Hercules figh∣tyng as it were for lyfe and death, in defence of his Countrey, he so chaufeth and moyleth in sturryng the coales in princkyng vpp the glory of this whotthouse. And no maruell. For the mā as he is not altogether blynd, nor vnprouided of forecast, doth very deépely and wisely consider of the matter as it is: That all the kytchynes of the Catholickes are kept in a good lyking with the coales of this Purgatory fier:* 1.765 and that vpon this foundation is builded the whole Maiestie of the Romishe Monarchy, and withall that this is the head corner stone and chief coyne of their doctrine. For vpon this groundeworke stand all the pillers and buildynges of their Churche to witte, Merites, Satisfactions, Councels, Perfections and absolute Righteousnes in the sight of God. Finally all the Ceremonies in their Churches: Wat∣chynges, Soule Masses, Trentalles, Offringes for the dead, Pilgrimages: Pardons: Workes of Supererogation: Brother∣hoodes, Memorialles: Diriges, Processions, Holy water, Consecratyng of Churcheyardes, and such like gaynfull mar∣kettes: all which do come altogether to vtter ruine, if Purga∣tory decay once: but if Purgatory hold fast, then are they all of good footing. And hereof proceédeth that stiffe & stought stādyng with such an vnappeasable contention and brawlyng about the mainteynaunce of Purgatory, that they will seéme rather to let slipp heauen out of their hartes, then let Purgatory depart frō their kytchines.

But there was neuer man behaued him selfe more Apishly about this peéuish and peltyng Purgatory, then this our doltishe and most senselesse coūterfaite of all the rest: who in this his dis∣course of Purgatory is so whott in wordes,* 1.766 & sweateth so luste∣ly, that a man would sweare he were but newly runne out of the very scaldyng house of Purgatory it selfe: Agayne in Argumēts and Reasons so cold, that no man is able to endure frō laughyng

to seé in so great a sweat, his teéth neuerthelesse chatteryng in his head for very cold. For this practize is (if it may please the Poetes) to perswade vs with helpe of his Rhetoricke, y^t there is a certein Purgatory fire and flames, I know not what, not that euerlastyng fire of hell, but beyond all measure intollerably bur∣nyng & horribly scorchyng, prepared for sinners departed out of this lyfe: through which flames seély wretched soules, after that they haue bene miserably afflicted in long & greéuous tormēts, and haue thereby throughly satisfied the Iudgement and wrath of God, doe atteyne at length to be translated from thence into Paradise. The purpose and full meanyng of all which sweéte persuasion tendeth to this end at y^e last: That we may be brought in belief, that Christ hath not yet throughly pacified the Iudge∣ment and wrath of God his Father, and that our Sinnes are not sufficiētly cleansed, nor that as yet we haue obteined full sa∣tisfaction by the bloud of Iesu Christ: But y^t there is an other supply to be made, which bycause the most louyng and sweét Sa∣uiour could not accomplish to the full, in redeémyng the Sinnes of the world, the same must now be botched vppe with our owne Tormentes and Tortures in a certeine other place. And this place y^t Catholicke gosseppes haue Christened by the name of Purgatory:* 1.767 surely I would rather haue called it Vtopia Mo∣ri or rather Dame folly it selfe, which our late blessed Deuines haue lighted vpon by chaunce a great deale more luckely then Christ or any his Apostles, who neuer heard of any such thyng before: not much vnlyke to y^e Spanish Trauailers, who haue not long sithence escryed certeine new Ilandes, which they haue an∣nexed to their kyngdome, and called them by the name of Noua Hispania. Euen so this victorious and Triumphaunt Senate and State of Rome, beyng not satisfied with the whole Empire of one world (whereouer they were Lordes and Rulers already) must neédes annexe vnto their dominion this new founde Vto∣pia (as it were a certeine new world vnder the earth emōgest the Antipodes) where the Pope may be Emperour not onely ouer the quicke,* 1.768 bnt rule the roast ouer the dead also.

In which discourse notwithstanding I am forced to vtter a maruelous mayme that I finde in Osorius, as I doe many pū∣ples in him besides. For whereas many other before him haue

bestowed much cost and trauayle in the setting downe of a plate∣fourme of this Purgatory: Whereas also they doe all confesse it to be such a place, as what kinde of thing this Vtopia is neuer∣thelesse, where it standeth, or how wide it outstretcheth it selfe, no man hath hitherto described playnely enough to be concea∣ued: namely, whether it be an Iland enuyroned round about with water? or an Iland almost enuyroned with water? or a firme and mayne Land? whether it stretch to the West, or bend to the East? whether it be habitable vnder the whotte clymate, or vn∣der the Cold?* 1.769 at what instant of tyme it was hatched at the first? when? or of whome it was created? by God? or by the Pope? For if all the workes of God were finished, and at an end the sixt day, and himselfe rested the seuenth day, it must neédes follow of necessitye, That Purgatory must either be contryued within these sixe dayes worke, or els not to be any worke of God at all. Besides this also they can not agreé about the scytuation thereof, as in what part of the world this Region may stand? whether in the round firmamēt of the heauē? right ouer our heades? or in the concauity, or some bottomles gulfe of y^e earth? or neare vnto hell in the length thereof? or aboue hell in the height thereof? or leaning toward hell in the compasse therof? For before Beda, and Thomas Aquinas, was no certenty to be hadd, whether this doungeon should be placed vnder the earth, aboue the earth, or in the Ayre. Gregory sayd,* 1.770 that soules were purged in whott skalding Lakes, in Ice, and in Darkenes. Alcuinus did ap∣porcion Purgatory in the Ayre,:* 1.771 And in Beda we read that Pur∣gatory was reuealed in a dreame to be vnder the earth, and very neare vnto hell: the creditt of which opinion I seé not how it can be of any force: for if they doe pricke out a place for this purging plattforme about the Center of the earth: it is credible enough that that one portion of the earth is to narrow, and to litle to holde all the bodies that are dead since the beginning of the world, sithence this whole outstretched compasse of the earth it selfe is skarse great enough to receaue such an infinite multitude,* 1.772 as I suppose.

In the meane space to passe ouer many ambiguities and doughtes, as doughting therof and hard of conceiuing, and yet willing to learne when this fire beganne to be on flame first,

whether before the lawe or in the time of the lawe? or els in the time of grace? how will you resolue me herein good Catholicke Syr, but that ye shall speake alwayes agaynst your selfe? If in the tyme of Nature or in the olde law? how comes it to passe then, that whereas so often mention is made of Heauen & Hell amongest the Patriarches and Prophettes, no sillable so muche is to be found in all that olde Testament of Purgatory? Howe comes it to passe that theyr hartes were neuer terrified with the remembraunce of any such place? Agayne how illfauouredlye will this matter seme to haue bene hādled, that such a skalding Fornace should be established by our Diuines, before any Sa∣cramentall confession, any Masses, or any Romish Bulles were created which might serue at a Pinch, or chaunge those euerla∣sting paynes into temporall punishmentes? for that kinde of temporall Censure is by your Catholicke Dyuynes made pe∣culiar and appropried to the Sacrament of penaūce. But if the fruit of Christes passion did redound aswell to the olde aunciēt Patriarches, and Prophettes, as it doth vnto vs, whereby they might be deliuered from euerlasting tormentes: and on the con∣trary part if there be no remedy els prouided as yet agaynste those temporall paynes, but onely the Popes Bulles, surely it had bene hartely to haue bene wished for, that whiles our first Father Adam and other sinners of that first age, and long si∣thence liued vpon the earth, the same most holye Father Pope Boniface the 8. had liued also together with them, who out of the huge heapes of his Pardons might haue released vnto them 8. thousand yeares, out of these horrible flames of Purgatory fire: whereby it seémeth not agreable to reason, that there was any Purgatory as then, when as yet no Remedy was prouided for the mitigation and quallification of those cruell tormentes.

It Remayneth therefore, that either there is no Purgatory fire after this life: or that we must neédes confesse that it was ne∣uer kindled before the Deuines of this Catholicke generation did blow the coales first in these latter dayes. All which to be farre from all possibility of trueth many probable reasons doe offer matter of proofe. First when as God rested from all hys works the seuenth day, It followeth that this new forged worke of Purgatory was neuer begonne by God after that seuēth day,

but made and deuised in the Popes Shoppe.* 1.773 There is besides also an other matter as full of absurdity as this is. For if God were the author of this skalding house of Purgatory: and if it haue continued euen from the first foundation of the Creation: it is maruell how after so long preaching of the gospell of grace, it could be found now first by these Deuines, being so long before hidde from so many great Prophettes of God, so manye Patriarches, Kings, Iudges, Apostles and Euangelistes: or if the knowledge thereof were kept from them, because there was no vse of any such purging, or necessity of satisfiyng by Fyre, before the fayth of the Gospell receiued, then was the case of the Christians much more miserable then of the Iewes and circum∣cised people: which is abhominable to be spoken with toung, or to be imagined in thought.

Many other like questions might be moued on this wise cō∣cerning the kingdome of Purgatory:* 1.774 whether it be a Kingdome of darcknesse? whether it lye in the compasse of the Popes Iuris∣diction? and by what title it is subiect to his Iudiciall consistory? whether it be a materiall place, or a spirituall place? whether it be attended vpon with Deuils or Aungels? whether the fire of hell, and the fire of Purgatory be all one? or whether the place be all one, as seémeth to Thomas Aquinas?* 1.775 what passable way there is for the efficacy of the Pardons and Prayers to discend to the soules that are there? or by what messengers it is carried thither? Moreouer considering those Tormentes are not sayed to be eternall, but transitory, and withall the Releases of pu∣nishmentes determinable by certayne numbers and spaces of dayes, monethes and yeares (as the Popish Bulles do assure vs) what measure or space of time may be apportioned there, where the Sonne hath no course? where the Starres haue no rising nor going downe, which do measure the proportions and distinctions of tymes. These and such like questions as might be somewhat tedious to the Reader, that were somewhat waue∣ring in fayth, so had they neéd haue bene resolued euery one in order by Osorius, first, if he would haue vttered his skill hand∣somely herein, and as the matter it selfe required. But he tur∣moyles himselfe now to geue some colour to his Purgatory, by force of the scriptures, whereof he neuer hath redde one title

so much in the whole Scriptures, nor cann make any euident Demonstration what maner of place it should be, or where it should be. But it is well yet Osorius, for so much as after so long skolding, after so much brabling with Rhetorical termes, we shall heare somewhat at the last out of the Scriptures, yea vouched by Luther himselfe, that shalbe able to mayntayne the credit of Purgatory: And this is the poynt of an old beaten and expert Souldiour in deéd,* 1.776 not onely to be able by his owne pro∣wesse to repulse the Enemy at the push of the Pyke, but also to recouer his Enemyes Pyke out of his hands, and with the same to thrust him through, & kill him: which is happened to Luther now in this Combate. Go to then. And what is it at the last that Luther speaketh?

* 1.777But Luther did say, and that not once onely, & affirmed also that there was a Purgatory: and that he did not onelye conceaue so, iudge so, beleue so, but knew it to be true of a very certenty. Where finde you this? & by what reason doe ye proue this? By the place of Mathew which speaketh of the sinne that shall not be forgeuen in this world, nor in the world to come: whereby is to be noted that in the world to come God hath gently reserued a place for many to hope vpon pardon. Moreouer by the place of Machabees trea∣ting of the offerings that Iudas made for the sinnes of the dead. &c. Where these sentences are to be foūd in Luther, doth not our Osorius shew vs place nor booke: But this must suffice vs, for Osorius can not lye. Howbeit in mine opinion he seémeth to haue pyked this out of Roffensis,* 1.778 or out of the skrappes of some other, rather then out of Luthers bookes, agaynst the which he will more willingly make a whole volume of Inuectiues, then peruse ouer any of them himselfe. For so doth Roffensis report of Luther in the very same wordes almost, that Osorius doth rehearse here. You do say (sayth Roffensis) in the expo∣sitiō of the 37. Arti. that ye beleue there is a Purgatory, & that you aduise and persuade others to beleue so likewise. But much more openly amongest y^e conclusions, In the 15. con∣clusion.* 1.779 I am (say you) well assured that there is a Purgatory. Thus much Roffensis. And what will this brawler frame here∣of at the length? Ergo, Luther doth make on our syde for Pur∣gatory.

So also did Luther being once a Mouncke, make for Moncks. So did August. say y^t he wrate as one gladd to learne, & yet being an old man recanted many things, that he wrate when he was a young man. So also Pope Pius y^e 2. did not write the same being Pope, which being a young man he published before of the councell of Basile. And who euer of the most famous and learned men haue so circumspectly and aduisedly framed them∣selues to wryte, in whom age, vse, or experience hath not sup∣plied oftentimes somewhat afterwardes, whereof theyr youthe had no perseueraunce? And therefore it mattereth not so much, what a man writeth at any tyme, but it must be considered of what iudgement he is, and how he doth persist and continue therein. Wellaway surely may Purgatory sing, if it haue no better Proctor to vphold it, then Luther.

But let vs seé how Osorius goeth foreward: the cause why Osorius doth cite Luther, is not because he geueth any great creditte to his testimony, but because he may by this occasion bring his name the sooner into obloquye: and withall may make Haddon affrayed to deale any further in Luthers defence, by this too forked argumēt or subtil Sophisme so craftely framed of all partes,* 1.780 that whether part so euer Haddon shall confesse, he shalbe ouerthrowen in his owne Trippe. For if there be no Purgatory (sayth he) Luther doth lye: if he do lye, he was not sent from God, and Haddon also doth lye, that doh affirme him to be sent from God. And here forsooth as though the spurs were wonn, Osorius beginneth forthw^t to pranck vpp hys Tryumphant pageant. Geuing vnto Haddon free choyse to take which part him listeth. As though a man might not as easily ouerthrow this challenger with his owne collers here, if it might be lawfull in matter of Diuinitye, to dally with such quirkes and Sophisticall shiftes, To witt, if there be not a Pur∣gatory, Osorius doth lye: if he be a lyar, Ergo he is not sent frō God: but from the Deuill the father of lyes. Which counter∣buffe is so much the more probably applyable agaynst Osorius, then agaynst Luther, by how much he persisteth more obstinate∣ly in the maintenaunce of that filthy quauemyre of Purgatory, For as much as although Luther did erre somewhat in that matter at the first yet afterwardes knowing y^e trueth, did reduce

himselfe to a more sound iudgement: so that now he neither ma∣keth for the Papistes in affirming Purgatory, neither by that his former vntrueth & error, sinneth agaynst God at all. There∣fore as touching his forked and double horned argumēt: where∣in the first part of Osorius his Position. If there be no Purga∣tory Luther doth lye: If Osorius here doe vnderstand of a lye Formaliter, Luther doth not lye, but Osorius doth lye: But if Luther be adiudged according to that, which he once thought, and taught once, why should he be more reproched with a lye, in affirming Purgatory? then commended in the trueth, in deny∣ing Purgatory afterwardes? Moreouer, if a lye be such a kinde of thing,* 1.781 (as you doe affirme in your other Position) wh doth separate vs from God, surely he is to be accoumpted a ly∣ar, not that reuoketh the error which he maintayned before, but he that still persisteth obstinately in his ouerthwart opinion, manifestly agaynst the trueth.

But y^e Scholemen that in their Schooles dispute somewhat more subtilly of the nature of a lye, do ioyne together to the full proportion or making of a lye, the will also of him that doth make the lye, (to speake the schole tearmes) with the part of the false surmise. In the one whereof they ground the matter or substaunce, in the other, the forme or qualitye: Therefore for asmuch as there is no sinne, but that which is voluntary (if we will speake after the proprietye of speéch) he that in teaching or disputing, doth mainteyne a falshoode, thinking that he doth maintayne a trueth:* 1.782 he is to be sayd that he erreth, and is deceaued in opinion, but doth not make a lye properly, but per accidens, (as the schoole men speake) and materialiter. And ther∣fore touching the one horne of your sophisme. If there be not a Purgatorye: Luther doth lye. If you meane it for∣maliter as I sayd. it is vntrue and a deuise of Osorius. Now remayneth thother horne, whereof we must be well aduised how wee doe aunswere it. If he did lye (say you) Ergo, He was not sent from God. If this be true, that neuer any man was sent from God, that did make any kinde of lye at any tyme: Lett Osorius looke well to the matter, how he may be able to crack me these two nuttes that I will lykewise geue vnto him, as eui∣dently in ech respect agaynst him. If Sara were not Abraham his

sister, then did Abraham lye:* 1.783 If Abraham did lye, then was he not sent from God. Yea further also, to adde hereunto an intent of deceauing. Here is yet an other matter. If Iacob were not the first begotten sonne of Isaack by Rebecca his wyfe,* 1.784 both Iacob lyed, and the Mother also. If the Myddwyues did not drowne the young sucklings of the Hebrues,* 1.785 then did they make a lye vnto Pha∣rao. If king Saul gaue vnto Dauid no commaundement by worde of mouth commi••g to Achimelech, then did Dauid make a lye. 1. Kinges. Chap. 21. If all these of whom I haue spoken, Ia∣cob. Rebecca, the Middwiues, & Dauid did lye.* 1.786 Ergo, they were not sent from God. which if Osor. will not deny to be a most arrogant vntrueth, what remaineth? but that this cruell Sa∣uadge two horned beast, together w^t Luther goare y^e holy Patri∣arches also with his hornes, or casting away his hornes acquite Luther and the Patriarches also both together. Now I put Osorius to his choyse to take which he will.

Howbeit I speake not this to acquite Luther cleare from all spott of error.* 1.787 Notwithstāding it is not all one to hold an error, and to maintayne a lye. It is one thing to be vnskilfull and igno∣raunt: and an other thing to reuoke in season, assoone as a man doth know his error. The first whereof is a speciall poynt of humaine infirmitye: thother a singuler benefite of Gods mercy. Both which we haue seéne to haue chaunced euen in the most ho∣ly ones of all. We reade of the most holy messenger and fore∣runner of the Lord, speaking on this wise: And I (sayth he) knew him not.* 1.788 Neuerthelesse in an other place, we heare the same speaking on this wise. Behold the Lambe of God that taketh a∣way the sinnes of the world. And what maruell was it, if Luther were ignoraunt in some thinges a whiles, which were discouered vnto him afterwardes? And where hath euer bene so quicksigh∣ted a Spinx that was able to seé all things at once? which prero∣gatiue the Barnardines dare not geue vnto Barnard himselfe.

But Osorius will not leaue of his handfast:* 1.789 And would gladly know (as he sayth) Whether sentēce of Luther Had∣don will determine vpō to be true, seing Luther is Author of both. Of the first, wherein he affirmeth a Purgatory to be? or the last, wherein he denyeth the same thing agayne? That I may passe ouer in the meane space whose Cartloades

full of Tauntes, Mockes, and Mountaynes of lyes: which he vomiteth out in the bosome of the good man most brutishly, euen to the ridding of his gorge almost: I will aunswere to the mat∣ter and the reprochfull Taunt it selfe briefly without Tauntes. As concerning the very trueth,* 1.790 and naturall substaunce of Doc∣trine, howsoeuer mens opinions, and Iudgements be carryed hither and thither in wauering vncerteynty, yet trueth is neuer vnlyke it selfe, but remayneth alwayes one, and the same also vnchaungeable: which suffreth not it selfe to be toste to and fro, after the whirling variablenes of mens imaginations: but stan∣deth alwayes sound, and vnshaken, builded vpon the vnpene∣trable Rocke of the Scriptures of God. Now if Luthers rule be agreably apporcioned accordyng to the infallible squarier of that holy stādard, whether it be first, or whether it be last: why should it not be worthely embraced? not because it is the last, but because it is the truest. On the other side: if in all his doctrine be any assertion that deserueth to be reprehended, as repugnaūt or varying from the true touchestone of Christian profession, there be extant the holy Scriptures of God manifest and layd open: there be aūcient ordinaūces of the Primitiue Church: There be approued Testimonies of learned men:* 1.791 There be groundes and principles of doctrine, wherewith ye may lawfully conuince him: Yet orderly notwithstanding, and courteously: that the Readers may finde you to be a learned Deuine, or skilfull Logician, not a rayling Slaunderer, and fryuolous brabbler. Now to what purpose serueth so much cursed rayling, no lesse vnseasonable, then vnreasonable? so many Tauntes? so many slaunders? so many subtiltyes? and so many bitter skoffes? what neéded you so besides all order, and without all cause, to whirle your selfe into such outrages? exclamations? and outcryes? & so ofte to double, & redouble thē? whereunto you haue so tyed your selfe by commō custome, that if you should not vtter your olde choler, you would surely burst your gall.

* 1.792Goe to: and what kinde of incestuous Marriage at the length is it (I beseéch you for the loue ye beare to that smoathe shaueling Uirginitye of yours (worshippfull Syr) that ye ob∣brayd agaynst Luther? what kinde of procurement of Citi∣zens to commit treason? what kinde of warre speake you

of leuyed agaynst Chastitye, and sacred holynesse? where were these tumultes and vproares sturred vpp? where is this state of Churches rent a sunder? where is destructiō? where be these discipatiōs, burnings, & fierings of holy Reliques? Or what frantique speeches be these? Finally, what kinde of Battell and warres are promised agaynst heauen it selfe? agaynst the earth and Seas of Neptune? and agaynst the fayth of the Church with most abhominable attemptes? And why was not this added agaynst Purgatory also? that so y^e Rhethoricall amplification might haue flowen aboue the Wea∣thercock? I wis the defence of this skalding howse hadd waxed very cold I suppose, vnlesse these florishings hadd bene choppt in emongest, to encrease the vehemency of the speéch, and extoll the Maiestye of his Rhetorick. But how much more beseémed you Osorius (sith you were so minded to vphold and defend the creditt of Purgatory with some Maiestye) to haue vttered your skill by way of Argument rather,* 1.793 then by skolding and slaun∣dering? and so Iustified your cause good with reasons, not with accusation? But now you shew your selfe in rayling not halfe so couragious and foreward, as you bewray your dastardly cowar∣dize and fearefulnes in disputing. You cyte the names of Au∣gustine, Cyprian, Chrisostome, and Dionisius once or twise, and those you name onely: but nether vouch any sentence of these Doctors: nor shew any Testimony of their bookes, nor yet com∣pare any authorityes together.* 1.794 And although I neede not so to doe (say you) yet because Luther doth deny that Pur∣gatory can be veryfied by any testimony of Scripture, you will conuince his falshood herein by force of your Di∣uinitye.* 1.795

At the length you are tumbled downe to the very closetts of Scripture, alledging out of Scripture it selfe (besides the cō∣mon places y^t haue bene vsually set out by others) certein new te∣stimonies culled out by a certien new ingenious pollicy: Wherof the first shall be out of that place in Marke the 9. Chap. In the which when the Lord hadd made mention first of those,* 1.796 whose worme should not dye in that fiery Lake, nor where the fier should be neuer putt out, he annexed imediately, for euery man shall be Salted with fyer, and euery sacrifice 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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shall be seasoned with Salt. Surely he that can discerne one sparke so much of this Purgatory fier in these wordes, hadd neéde to be quicker of sight then euer Lynceus was.* 1.797 But you wonder peraduēnture (gentle Reader) whereunto this compasse of Osorius doth tend? Note therefore diligently. For in this place two poyntes are specially to be obserued: First: where you heare the Worme and the Fyre spoken of which doth not dye, which do expresse vnto vs the euerlasting tormentes of Hellfire, what do you conceaue by this worme that doth not dye, and thys fire which neuer ceaseth to be on flame, but y^t there is a certayn Worme that neuer dyeth? and a certayne fyre that is neuer ex∣tinguished: Otherwise the Lord would neuer haue vsed these wordes in Esay: The Women that dieth not, and vnquēch∣able fire, but by alluding to some other worme, which doth dye, and some fire that is put out. Loe here you haue the very groundwork of Purgatory. O notable straunge diuinity doubt∣les, neuer heard of before hetherto amongest all the deuines of the world.

The other is, where you heare mention of Salt: for this is an vnauoydeable reason to establish Purgatory by.* 1.798 For as in the olde law no Sacrifice was performed without Salt, euen so is it not cōueniēt, that mens soules should come within the kingdome of heauen but by purging all the fayth of their sins first with Salte, & fire, & with due punishmēts, which because can not be performed in this life, that which wan∣teth must of necessitie be supplied in an other life. For wher∣as y^e Lutherans do teach y^t sinn is by y^e singuler clemēcy & mer∣cy of Christ s••ayne and extinct in them, which are endued with a liuely and effectuall fayth in Christ: albeit this saying is true af∣ter a certayn sort:* 1.799 yet this is not sufficient enough. And why so? Forsooth because cleanesse it selfe obtayned by the libera∣lity of Christ, hath certain degrees so what whom the bloud of Christ hath purged, the same may be washt more cleane, & ought to receiue increase of theyr cleanesse in Salte, & in the fire of Purgatory, whereby the Sacrifice may be made more cleane, and more acceptable in the sight of God.* 1.800 But as concerning those partes of Christes clemency. We must de∣fend them in such wise, as not passing ouer the maiestye of

his righteousnesse vnregarded, to the patterne and likenes whereof our vnrighteousnesse ought to be cōformed. As that blessed heauenly Doctour Saynct Thomas doth teach vs:

The crime being inordinate (sayth he) is not reduced to the order and rule of Iustice, but through some punishment.

For it is conue∣nient that he which hath with a voluntary will followed his owne appetites more then he ought, should agaynst his will suf∣fer some punishment more then he would. Which Sinne albeit be released by Christ, yet is not the Sinner forgeuen there∣fore: But the trespasse being pardoned, there remayneth yet a punishment appoynted for the purging of the other dreggs of sinnes: So that it is necessary now that the Iustice of God be satisfied euen to the vttermost farthing. And be∣cause this doctrine shall not wāt a Patrone: the matter is made manifest by the example of Dauid to whom albeit the offence of aduoutry was released, the punishment remayned not∣withstanding to be executed vpon his Sonne and the subie∣ctes of his kingdome.

I haue in few wordes described the substaunce of Osorius iudgement. It remayneth, that we aunswere him in as fewe wordes. First, whereas he alleadgeth the text of the scripture touching the Worme gnawing the conscience, and that vnquench∣able fire: we do confesse the same to be true. Moreouer that other also which he doth affirme touching the other tormēt which hath an end in processe of tyme, ouer and besides that other endlesse horror, we do not gaynesay. But I looke for the knitting vpp of this knott.* 1.801 Ergo (sayth he) it appeareth manifestly that there is a Purgatory after this life, that is (as himselfe doth inter∣pret it) a pledge or witnesse of Gods clemencye and his iu∣stice withall. Of his iustice, which doth punishe the soules with the Worme and the Fire: of his Clemency which doth make an end of his punishment.* 1.802 I doe aunswere, and confesse that this Iustice and Clemēcy of God (wherof you speake) haue their place and time. But you haue not yet proued, that the time and place of executing this Iustice, and Clemency, doth belong to any Purgatory vnder the ground: neither is it concluded by that your manner of arguing, through any necessitye of conse∣quence.

There is a Fier that shall torment in euerlasting paynes the Persecutors and Enemies of Christ.

* 1.803Ergo, There is also a Fyer els where that maye be putt out.

If this argument should be examined by the exact Rules of Logick, y^e Logicians would surely say that there is no forme at all in your Consequence: howebeit in respect of the materiall poyntes, both propositions be true. For as it is certayne, and assured by the authoritie of the Scriptures, that the fier of hell shall neuer be extinguished: so hath this life also his fier and tē∣porall paynes, wherewith Gods elect are now and then tryed & purged, both which we do read in the history of the Rich man and Lazarus:* 1.804 whereof the one feéling no greéuaunces in this life, was throwen into the Tormentes of Hell: The other con∣trarywise after many greéuous stormes, and dayly miseries of this life was receiued into the Bosome of euerlasting ioy. In which Similitude euery man may behold his owne estate and condition. For such as with barbarous cruelty, do outragiously rage agaynst the Gospell of Christ, and triumph in this world in carelesse security, shall tast of bitter wormewood in an other world: on the contrary part, such as are afflicted with wretched∣nes and purging calamities in this life, their passadge frō hence is not to Purgatory, but to glory.

But the troublous turmoyles and paynefull afflictions wherewith the godly are ouerwhelmed in this life, are not suffi∣cient after the opinion of Osorius: for besides all these tempo∣rall miseries, punishmentes, and plagues, a certayne meane place yet is sought out, which they call by the name of Pur∣gatory.* 1.805 Where greeuous tormentes doe abide for the clen∣sing the remnaunt and dregges of sinne which doe deserue vengeaunce through a certayne vnauoydable necessity of iustice.* 1.806 And how so? Forsooth because the iustice of God must needes be satisfied. And because this satisfaction once purchased by the merites of Iesu Christ is not so absolute and sound, but hath certayne degreés, as that it may be made more absolute and perfect: therefore are our passions and afflictions required of necessity, which if be not superadded and coupled to∣gether with the merites of Christ, it can not by any other possi∣ble

meanes be brought to passe, that the cryme which is inordi∣nate may be reduced to the order of Iustice. O sacred Fayth: O new tradition not procured out of Portingall, I trowe, but coy∣ned euē in the very forgeshop of Purgatory it self. If Caluine or Luther were aliue & present (whose doctrine you affirme to haue proceéded from the most detestable deuill of hell) and did heare this communication of yours, how lowdly, how extreamely, how forcibly, how vehemētly, would they exclayme and cry out with full mouth agaynst you in this place? surely as fiercely as they might agaynst an open enemy of Christ. For what shall we say if this be not a notorious reproche and blasphemy vnto Christ? Many hundred yeares agoe did S. Paule teach that we were all made perfect in Christ Iesu: and your worship now like a fresh vp∣start Gospeller creépyng out of the crooked crowdes and ragged skrappes of the Thomystes, dare take vpon you to pyke out certayne degrees, I know not what in this most excellent clen∣sing purchased by the great boūty and liberality of Christ, which neither Paule, nor any one of all the Apostles could euer descry? Go to, let vs heare then I beseech you from out that Syluane Pulpet, what steppes be these of amplifieng this clensing and purifieng.

Without salt (say you) no sacrifice was accustomed to be offered in the olde Law. Therfore in this salt, and in this fier, that is to say, in the punishement appoynted for pur∣ging sinnes: all this amplification of purifieng doth consist, that so the sacrifice may be more pure and more holy.

I do heare it, and doe aunswere to this most vnsauerye ar∣gument of Salte,* 1.807 if he will vouchsafe first with all the seasonable Salte of hys wisedome, to declare what was signified by these Priestly sacrifices: & moreouer what the wisedome of God dyd meane to expresse by this Salte, & Fier: for it is not to be dough∣ted, but that vnder these carnall shadowes lay hidden some more darcke & couert misteries: whether will he say that this mistery did represent y^e body of Christ? or our bodyes? If he meane y^e bo∣dy of Christ, that was wasted with the fier of Gods iudgement, being seasoned and besprinckled with a certayne heauenly Salte of most sweéte smelling sauour:* 1.808 But this payne of fier and Salte can signify none other kinde of Purgatory, but that onely Pur∣gatory,

that was finished and accomplished vpon the Crosse, If he meane our bodyes which are filthy by nature, but this cann in no wise be true: for that the ceremoniall law it selfe would not admitte any vncleane flesh to be sacrificed. Furthermore where∣as that Frye and Salt also of Gods iudgement did cōsume, not the spottes and filth onely of those Sacrifices, but the holy sub∣staunce of the Sacrifices also for the clensing of Sinnes: It re∣mayneth therefore that either there is no Purgatory after thys life, that may encrease the degreés of purifiyng with Fire and Salte: or els that the Sacrifices themselues, that is to say, the Soules of the faythfull must of necessity be swallowed vpp, and consumed wholy in this Purgatory. For not the Bodies but the Soules be tormented there, I suppose.

Which way will our Portingale wend himselfe now? to the example of Dauid?* 1.809 in whom although the condemnation of the trespasse committed was forgeuen, yet was he not clearely deliuered from punishment notwithstanding. It is true:* 1.810 but this Punishement (good Osorius) was exequuted vpon him in this worlde, and not reserued for an other worlde. How thē can you square vs out a new plattforme of Purgatory myddway betwixt heauen and earth, for them that are depar∣ted out of this lyfe, by this example of Dauid? Because a re∣compence must be made (say you) for the trespasse commit∣ted according to the dew and iust rule of Gods Iustice.* 1.811 But this Iustice of God being prouoked to displeasure by infi∣nite and vnmeasurable wayes and meanes, cann not be duely recompenced without endlesse punishment: or perhappes it will not be satisfied without his owne vicar the Pope, and his pro∣piciatorye Masses? Not so: but he will exequute his punish∣ment vpon vs for our sinnes nothwithstanding.* 1.812 And why so? because the sacrifice (say you) may be more pure, more holy, and more acceptable vnto God. May we be so bold by your patience Osorius to take a taste, how this assertion of yours will agreé with the rule of the Apostles Doctrine? And first I would fayne learne whether you thinke it stand more with reason that we should beleue you, or beleue Saynt Paul? If we shall cre∣dit S. Paul. What aunswere then will you make to him that shall frame out of Saynt Paul an argument to ouerthrow

the whole force and estimacion of your Purgatory on this wise?

Fe. Christ needeth no Purgatoriall Expiation.

Ri, Christ is our Righteousnes, out of S. Paul.

So. Ergo. Our Righteousnes needeth not any Purga∣toriall Expiation.

Be well aduised now Osorius? and consult with that your companion of Angren throughly. If you doe not know that Christ is our righteousnes: lett Paul teach you: but if you con∣fesse him to be so:* 1.813 what degreés and increasings of purifying and clensing may you vaunt in those persons, vnto whom Christ doth both impute and apply his owne righteousnes also:* 1.814 not vnto them that doe satisfie for it: but to them that doe be∣leue in him?.

And thus much hitherto to that place cited out of S. Marke There remaineth yet a sentence or two of S. Peter.* 1.815 that will serue to no small purpose for the maintenaunce of the creditt of Purgatory. The first whereof is playne enough by these words of Peter written in the 4. Chapyter of his first Epistle.* 1.816 If the iust man (sayth he) shall scarsely be saued, what shall become of the wicked and vniust? poynting iwis (with the finger as it were) and noting that by this difficultye of being saued, salua∣tion is not obtayned otherwise, then by trauayles and labours and paynes endured before. Surely this will no man deny vn∣to you as I suppose that such as will skratch for heauē by force, must vndertake no small trauayles and labors: For that crowne of glory is not atteined but by many tribulations: and they that pur∣pose to lyue godly in Christ Iesu (sayth Paul) must needes suffer persecution.* 1.817 Goe to now, what will this clouter patch together out of this at the last?* 1.818 Marke now I pray you a wounderfull dow∣nishe conclusion, meéte for such a clowting botcher. Peter doth treat of the trauailes and affictiōs wherewith the holy ones are exercised before they attayne to be crowned in glory: Ergo. Such as departed hence not washt clene enough in this lyfe, must be new skowred in the Popes Purgatory.* 1.819 Shall I laugh? or shall I aunswere? truely I cann not tell which I were best to doe. Peter in deéde doth treate of the tra∣uayle and tribulatious of the holy ones. I confesse it to be true. What afflictions I pray you good Syr? If you meane the af∣flictions,

wherewith the holy ones are ouerladen and pressed downe in this myserable lyfe, you say true. If you meane other tormentes to be suffered after this lyfe: your conclusi∣on is false. And least I may seéme to contend agaynst Osorius, after Osorius accustomed guise with brabbling wordes, and no matter at all, and to maintayne my cause with taunting and snatching, and not with sound argumentes: I will vse for my proofe the most manifest testimony of the Scriptures, whereby I will make it good without all gaynesaying, that the speéch of Peter in this whole Epistle, ought not in any wise be stretched to the paynes of Purgatory.

Peter doth in all this Epistle treate of those afflictions proper∣ly wherewith the faythfull are persequuted of the vnbeleuers for the testimony of Christ and for righteousnes sake: as in the 3. Chap.* 1.820 If you suffer any thing for righteousnes sake, you are blessed And in the 4. Chap.* 1.821 Least as straungers you be stryken downe and confounded with that try∣all through fyer, which is layd vpon you, to proue you. And agayne in the same Chap. If you suffer rebuke for the name of Christ, you are blessed. &c.

In Purgatory no paynes are layd vpon soules for Righteousnes sake, but for wickednes: and that not by men, but by spirits.

Ergo. This place of Peter cann by no meanes be wrested to serue to establishe any paynes of Purgatory.

¶An other Argument.

Peter doth treate of those afflictions, which doe beginne at the house of God, and doe fall vpon the Apostles themselues, 1. Peter. Chap. 4.* 1.822 For it is tyme that Iudgemēt beginne at the house of God. If it beginne at vs first, what shall be the end of them which will not obey the Gospell?

But the torment of Purgatory fyer doth not fall vpon the Apo∣stles.

Ergo the place of Peter cann in no wise be made appliable to serue for Purgatory.

I am constrayned gentle Reader, to Combate hand to hand with Logicall conclusions, agaynst this iangling cauiller, be∣cause els we should haue no end of Chattering: as also because

he complayneth many tymes in his bookes that he is not confu∣ted with any Reasons: so that now he hath a Nutt to crack if he cann, or els if he cann not, that he cease hereafter to complayne without a cause. And this much hitherto now of the first place of Peter. Lett vs come downe to the other place.

The same Peter in y^e same Epistle To teache vs that there is no way foreclosed for the dead to come to Saluation doth say That Christ did preache the glad tydinges to the soules that were in prison.* 1.823 We do so not deny, that the dead haue no pas∣sable way to Saluation, that withall we cōfesse with Paule that the liuyng shall not go before y^e dead in this iourney. And where as you annex immediately out of S. Peter:* 1.824 That Christ goyng in the power of his spirite, did preach the glad tydinges of peace to the soules that were shutt vpp in prison. There yet is no contro∣uersie betwixt vs here at all. And to what end at the last shall all this matter inferred & confessed tende I pray you? forsooth out of this flynte must the fier of Purgatory be stricken, with this cutted gadd of steéle, I suppose.

The glad tydynges of peace were brought to the soules of the vnbeleuers that were shutt fast in prison.* 1.825

Ergo, There were soules of vnbeleuers in Purgatory then,

A trimme Deuine truely, and a profounde patron of Purga∣tory I warrant you. Wherfore Goe ye to, O ye Ghostly Con∣fessours, and worthypfull Massemongers, O ye holy company of Monckes and Nunnes, O ye honorable Cardinalles & Ca∣tholicke Byshops, and your sacred Synode of Fraunciscane Friers, goodly brotherhoode of blacke powdred lyers, finally all ye generation of cowled fraternities, smoath and sweéte shaue∣lyngs, All you (I say) all you holy orders generall & speciall, I do call vpō and humbly beseéch you, in the very bowels of those Seraphicall Sainctes, S. Frauncisce, S. Bruno and S. Benedict, that you apply all your deuour and diligēce that ye can possible, with mumblyng vpp of Masses, Sacrifices, Liturgies, Pray∣ers, Uigilles, Nocturnes, Completories, Diriges, and Tren∣talles: pray ye, knocke ye, ringe, spryng holy water, sing Masses for the quicke and the dead: finde out some way & bryng to passe that this treasure of this holy mother Church may amplifie, and encrease dayly more and more, through your most holy merites,

and whole mountaines of Pardons, whereby if this scaldyng house of Purgatory may not vtterly be quenched, y^e intollerable flames thereof may yet at the least be somewhat quallified. For surely y^e matter is come to this passe now, that vnlesse your mas∣ses and Pardons do helpe at a pinche, there is no crosse of com∣fort lefte for the poore soules that are dead: vpon so fast and so firme a Rocke hath Osorius planted his Purgatory with these new conclusiōs, that it can neuer hereafter be impeached with a∣ny assault of the Lutheranes, nor vndermined with any there en∣gynes or crampes.

* 1.826For what can be more manifest and cleare then this saying of Peter wherein he affirmeth that the glad tydings of peace was brought to the Soules that were in prison? For if the soules were in prison, we must neédes confesse that they were not in heauen: and if they were in hell: but from out of hell is no Redemption at all: It remayneth then of necessitie that there must be a thyrd place somewhat seuered in the highe betwixt heauen and hell I suppose. Loe here into what narrow streightes this Cratippus the deépest conceited mā of our age hath forced vs, with the pro∣foundenes of his skill: to the huge commendable and praysewor∣thy mountaine of whose singuler and superexcellent learnyng capacity and wisedome this also may be added, not the least part of his prayse, that whereas this so lucky an Exposition of this place hath ouerscaped so many sharpe sighted Doctours of Di∣uinitie heretofore, yet could it not possibly now escape this deépe Clerke, but must neédes fall into his mouth. For whereas be∣sides a noumber of old notable men and no small sprancke of the newer sort also, as Eckius, Pighius, Hosius, Torrensis, Surius, Mayronensis, Andradius and to couple with them likewise the Glose ordinary: whereas all these (I say) and many others haue vttered much matter of Purgatory,* 1.827 yet was there no one of all these hitherto (as farre as I cā learne) besides our Osorius one∣ly that euer durst be so bold to vouche this place for the building vpp of that plattforme of Purgatory.

And no maruell: for these wantes wanted the eyes of Epi∣daurus, which our Osorius hath gotten, who is able to deuise all thynges out of nothyng: yea those thynges many tymes, that neuer were, not much vnlike vnto Pentheus as it seémeth who

standyng vpon the scaffold of Eumenides saw a farre of whole armyes of warriours, and did esery two Sunnes and two Ci∣ties named Thebes: So also doe the Poetes report that Her∣cules beyng madd saw the heauens ready to fall downe vpon him: so did Aiax scourge swyne in steéde of Kyngs and Princes. Ixion doth embrace a cloude in steéde of Iuno. Orestes doth seé his mother and furies settyng vpon him. And how oft do Ma∣ryners in their dreames seé Tēpestes, shipwrackes, souldiours, Gunnes, spoyles and slaughters? louers also how osten dreame they of their louers and woers? And what is it that childrē doe not Imagine in y^e cloudes? Euen so Osorius whatsoeuer almost he readeth in the Scriptures, doth seéme in his eye to be nought els but Purgatory.

But to returne agayne to y^e Apostles wordes, & to note some∣what more curiously & diligently both what the Apostle sayth, & what Osorius also doth gather thereupon. Let vs heare the Apostles wordes, which are these. In which Spirite Christ goyng downe did preach the glad tydyngs to thē that were in prison.* 1.828 First whereas the wordes of Peter be thus in Greéke. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Osorius by euill trāslation doth turne the wordes that doe sounde in Greéke aright,* 1.829 on this wise: to the soules (sayth he) wh were in prison. Wherein how truly he doth translate y^e same, let him aunswere for him selfe: euen as if a man should on this wise tourne the Greétyng of Paule. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: To the Sainctes that were at Colossa, whereas it should rather be spo∣ken on this wise, to them that are at Colossa Sainctes. But the o∣ther fitted Osorius purpose best, y^t by that slipper deuise Peter might seéme to expresse, that these soules which were holden fast in prison first, were now no more in Purgatory, but were fetcht from out of Purgatory, to meéte with Christ. But I will not be so squemish about these trifles.

I would very fayne learne this aboue all other: whose soules were those that were so holdē fast in prison? Peter will aunswere the Soules of the Vnbeleeuers, which were disobedient to the preachyng of the Prophetes. And by what reason can you say that those soules were takē out of prison at the sounde of y^e glad-tydyngs, which were them selues disobedient to the preachyng? for if they had harkened vnto and beleéued, what infidelitie then

could be in them? But let vs go foreward: May we be so bold to demaūde this of you Osorius? when and at what tyme the prea∣chyng of this glad tydynges happened? For in this pointe stic∣keth all the pithe of dought. Osor. is of opinion that these glad tydyngs came not vnto the soules, before Christ had finished his Passion, and descended him selfe downe into hell. But in what sence then doth Peter call them Vnbeleeuers, vnto whom Christ him selfe did preache? For there could be no infidelitie by any meanes, where was no preachyng of true doctrine goyng be∣fore: whereunto these soules should haue geuen attendaunce: For Vnbeleeuers are not sayd to be Vnbeleeuers (accordyng to the de∣finition of an Vnbeleeuer) of that which they do neuer heare, but of that which when they haue heard,* 1.830 they will not beleéue. But now Peter doth euidently declare that Christ did preach vnto them in deéde, and that the very same to whō the glad tydynges were preached, were as then Vnbeleeuers, and thereupon anne∣xeth further the certein determination of the tyme. Whiles the mercy of God (sayth he) was looked for in the dayes of Noah and whiles he was making ready the Arke. Whereby you may easily conceaue, euen by the very order of the text: what tyme that was of preachyng those glad tydyngs. Not as Osorius doth dreame: when Christ is sayd to haue pearced the helles after his Passion to them that were dead: but many yeares before that, before the the generall destructiō of the world by waters: whenas the Spi∣rite of Christ did foreshew by the mouth and preachyng of Noah the generall destruction of mankynde, that was then hang∣yng ouer their heades, and did allure them to speédy repentaūce in season with continuall, earnest, and most comfortable exhor∣tations which they did abuse at that tyme wickedly through vn∣beliefe.

And because Osorius shall not thinke this aduise of mine own imagination, and therefore will geue me no Creditt heerin: lett him haue recourse to his owne commō Glose, which they call the Ordinary Glose, which doth expound this place of Peter in the very same wordes and sillables almost. I will sett downe the wordes of the glose as they be.* 1.831 Comming in the spirite (sayth he) he did preach. &c, For comming in the spirite he did preach to the people before the floud which as thē were vnbeleuing, & liued after

the fleshe. For he was in Noah through the power of the holy ghost and in other good men, through whose godly conuersation he did enstruct others, that they might be conuerted vnto God. Thus much the Glose: which if cann not yet satisfy your incredulitye. Lett vs heare Lyra harping vpon the very same string on this wise. He did preach in spirite (sayth he,) that is to say, by the prea∣ching of Noah when he enspired to make the Arke, and to preach Repentaunce, although Christes humanitye did not appeare as yet.* 1.832 Loe here Osorius you doe heare now, that the thinges were done not before Christ hadd cloathed himselfe in fleshe, but before the generall floud.

Howbeit I am not altogether ignoraūt frō whence you skra∣ped that your illfauored toye, to witt, out of an other patch of a certein Gloaser: who forsaking (as himselfe doth confesse) y^e glosse and the solemn aucthoritye of the Doctors not without crauing pardon of his malepert saucynes,* 1.833 doth chopp in an exposition of his own illfauouredly botcht together, farr differing from the other: so that he doth interpret this Prison whereof Peter ma∣keth mention in this place: to be that Lymbus Patrum, In the which, Christ (as he sayth) descending in soule, did make manifest to the auncient Fathers that the mistery of his re∣demption was accomplished: Emongest whom (sayth he) were some that perished bodely in the generall floud. &c. But how shall this appeare to be true? for whereas that Lymbus did receaue none but the godly Fathers and holy ones onely, and Peter affirmeth that those to whome this preaching came were vnbeleuers: how then could this Lymbus be a fitt place to chopp the vnbeleuers & holy ones together? But here againe will our Osorius and his glauering Gloaser iumpe with me, alleadging that those sowles were vnbeleuers first, but after∣wardes repented and amended their lyues. For on this wise wryteth he And it may be spoken probably enough.* 1.834 That many of them which did not beleue, perceauing the waters to increase more and more, did then beleue, and repented them of their Sinnes and so descēded into Lymbum with the other holy ones. &c. But this probable coniecture is ouer∣throwen cleane by the wordes of Christ himselfe.* 1.835 They were ea∣ting and drinking (sayth Christ) and the floud came and destroyed

all. Where is that your Repentaunce then Osorius? vnlesse per∣aduenture you fleé to this shift with your shuffling Gloaser,* 1.836 to say, that although this ouerflowing of waters came ••irst soden∣ly ouer the vallyes and low places: yet came it not so vnawares ouer the hills, but that such as dwelt on high, & stype places, se∣ing the ouerflowing encrease, might repēt thē. Which if be true, then did Christ accordyng to this saying, preach to those moun∣teyn men onely,* 1.837 that were in prison: And all the rest that were lowe Countrey men,* 1.838 were throwen downe into hell. Now I be∣seéch theé gentle Reader, didst thou euer heare a more eloquent exposition, and more worthy to be laught at? howbeit, to admitt this pleasurable Trifler, his mery conceipt of mounteines & val∣lyes: yet this prety Mounteyne Gloser will preuayle very litle to the building vpp of Osorius Purgatory. For whereas after the iudgement of that mysticall Diuinitie of your own Schoole∣men,* 1.839 there be sayd to be 4. Mansions in hell.* 1.840 The deépest wher∣of is sayd to be the pitt of hell. The second Lymbus a place for such as are not Baptised: wherein the payne of the wante of fruition onely is assigned. The third Purgatory where both the payne of the feélyng, and the payne of want of fruition is sustei∣ned. The 4. the Aboade of the auncient Fathers (as you would say) the bosome of Abrahā. In whether prison of all these 4. you shall shutt vp your mounteyn men, will very litle preuayle you to proue your Purgatory by. First I am sure that you will not thrust them downe into the lowest Doungeon of Deuills: no more can you in Limbo of the vnchristened, frō whence is no pos∣sible way to gett out agayne. And if you will send them to Pur∣gatory, then your Gloser doth lye: who affirmeth that they did repent in the end, & therfore doth reckon thē a place in the fourth roome emongest the holy ones: And if this be graunted also, then doth Osorius lye, who hath thrust them not into Lymbum Patrum,* 1.841 but into Purgatory: by this reason: Because he sayth that although they might haue repented them of their fil∣thy and wicked lyfe at the last: yet ought they neuerthe∣lesse be kept fast lockt within the gayle of Purgatory: vntill such tyme as they hadd suffered sufficient punishment, ac∣cording to the appointment of God. Wherein if our Osori∣us doe say truely, his Gloser doth lye as I sayd, who assigneth

a place for these mounteyn men after repentaunce in Lymbo emongest the holy ones. But if he speake the trueth, then must Osorius neédes be in an error. Now whom were best for vs to be∣leue? Osorius besides his Glosers? or his Glosers agaynst Osorius: I referr me herein to the Iudgement of Deuines. Or if Osorius will not agreé, that other Deuines shall determine vpon the matter: I will set ouer the matter to this Syluaine Byshopp himselfe, and his copemate Angrenc. to be more cu∣riously overlooked, that in their next Invectiues vpon more de∣liberate aduise they may send vs word what aunswere they shall Iudge to make to these Gloses, and Commentaryes.

I doe make hast to thother proper Reasons, which are in number two: thone fetcht out of Baptisme, thother out of Sacri∣fice for the dead. I will aunswere to both. What shall they doe (sayth Paul) which are Baptized for the dead, if the dead doe not Ryse agayne. These be Paules wordes in the I. to the Corin∣thians. the 15. Chap.* 1.842 Wherein Osorius doth committ a doub∣ble errour. First in the very sence of the wordes: and next in the knitting vp of the Argument. For whereas Paul hath these wordes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Osorius doth expound it as though this should be necessaryly spoken of them,* 1.843 who doe receaue Baptis∣me in stead of them that are dead, and do aunswere for their faith. Whereas the meaning of the Apostle doth seéme more agreably appliable to them, who in receauing Baptisme, doe as it were putt on the nature and condition of dead men, in pro∣fession and conuersation, though they lyue otherwise after the maner of naturall liuing men. And therefore as often as any man is be sprinckled with this holy founteyne, he is sayd there to protest, that he doth vtterly renounce and forgoe the vanities of this world:* 1.844 as though he were not now in this world, but dead vnto the world: wherupon y^e Apostle sayth, that we are Baptized for y^e dead: he doth not say that we are Baptized in the behalfe of the dead, but for dead bodyes, or after the maner of dead bo∣dyes: that is to say, after such an estate and condition, that all which are Baptized into the death of Christ, the same renoun∣cing the vanities of this world (whereunto they were addicted first) should from thenceforth behaue themselues as it were dead men, and professe a mortification of the fleshe: not much

vnlike to this phrase & maner of speéch, wherewith we are wont to say: that a man is left for dead, not which is dead in deéd, but he that is lyke vnto one that is dead. So in the 2. of the Parali. 9. We reade that Siluer was esteemed for nought:* 1.845 not because it was no maner of Mettall, but because that Mettall then was esteémed nothing worth. Many are of the minde that this Reasō of Paul was deriued from the custome of certain ignorant per∣sons, which were Baptized for them that departed this lyfe without Baptisme. Out of which stock sproughted out the Mar∣cionites, and other young Nouyces, of whom Chrisostome doth make mention: who being blinded with the lyke error, as often as any of them died without Baptisme, did supply an other in the bedd, demaunding of him in the behalfe of the dead carckase, whether he would be Baptized: then was he that sup∣plyed the place Christened in the name of him that was dead: of which disorder when they were appeached, they alledged for their defence this place of Paul. wherein it was sayd, some were Baptized for the dead. Thus much Chrisostome.* 1.846

Now to confesse that this was a custome of certein igno∣raunt persons: yet bycause neither Paule him selfe doth allowe of their deéde, but doth deriue his Argument from the end and effect that followed Baptisme: whenas all other Expositours of Scriptures do vtterly condemne this errour, what cā Osorius pyke out of this to establish any certeintie vpon? who, if would haue vouchsafed to haue sought coūsell of Chrisostome, would haue rendered a farre other maner of sense & Exposition of this place, namely the same whereof I spake before. For after this sence were men sayd to be Baptized for the dead,* 1.847 either bycause such as should receaue Baptisme, did after the vsuall maner ac∣customed in those dayes, professe to renounce this world, as if they were dead men: or els bycause as Chrisostome witnesseth, they were commaunded to say before they were Baptized first, I do beleeue in the Resurrection of the dead: & bycause they were Baptized into that Fayth,* 1.848 therefore they were sayd, that they were Baptized for the dead. Moreouer, if Osorius be desirous to know the maner of that auncient tyme, in ministryng that Sacrament of Baptisme: Cyprian doth expresse it vnto vs much more effectually then Marcion. For we do learne this by

Cyprian, that such as were lyeng at the pointe of death, & were not as yet Christened, did then craue to be receaued vnto Bap∣tisme: which Cyprian doth note vnto vs in these wordes: The Baptisme (sayth he) that doth by and by couple vs vnto God, whiles we are goyng out of this world. Augustine also doth make menti∣on of the same custome:* 1.849 who also did desire to be Baptized him selfe, being at the pointe of death. The same chaūced to Nazien∣zen likewise,* 1.850 whenas beyng on Seaborde he was in daūger to be drowned: whereupō this sentence, to be Baptized for the dead, is more properly spoken of them, which beyng euen now vpon y^e last gaspes, are Baptized, beyng taken as it were for dead al∣ready, rather thē for the liuyng & the quicke. Frō which maner of Exposition Theophilact seémeth not to vary very much. Who vnderstādeth, that this Baptizing for the dead, ought to be taken after this maner: y^t they are Baptized in this fayth, to be∣leéue y^t these bodyes & these bones must be raysed agayne frō the dead. And therfore many do coniecture, that this custome, to be Baptized in Churchyardes, & neare vnto the graues & tombes of y^e dead, was an aūcient custome receaued frō the Elders, y^t so such as were to be Baptized, might be made y^e more myndefull to confesse a rising agayne frō y^e dead, not onely through y^e force of their Fayth, but also by the applicatiō of y^e Ceremonie it selfe.

And thus much hitherto touchyng the sence of the wordes. Frō the which how much the expositiō of Osorius doth swarue, a blynd man may easily perceaue. Now let vs consider the force of y^e Argumēt, whereunto Paul doth apply, Paul doth argue in deéd frō Baptisme to y^e rising agayne frō the dead on this wise.* 1.851

Bodies are Baptized for the dead.

Ergo, There is a rising agayne of the dead.

And this doth Paule fittly and applyably enough, to witte, deducyng an Argument, from the reason which leadeth to the absurde. For otherwise (as Chrisostome sayth) if the Resurrectiō be of no force, why are mens bodies Baptized for the dead? for to this end art thou Baptized, bycause thou doest beleeue that thy dead body shall rise againe, and shall not remayne alwayes dead.* 1.852

And without all question this is the very mynde and meanyng of Paule, whiche if Osorius would haue followed simplye and sincerely, hee shoulde haue concluded the same

out of Paule, and out of Paules wordes. Now this lyeng So∣phister framyng an Argumēt out of the wordes that Paule did most aptly gather for the establishing of that Article of the faith, to witte, the Resurrection of the dead: doth most foolishely per∣uert, to vphold his peéuish Purgatory. What shall they do (sayth he) that are Baptized for the dead, if the dead do not rise agayne at all? Now what sayth Osorius? what shall they do sayth Osorius that are Baptized for the dead, if there be no Purgatory at all? Now I beseéche you Osorius for the honour of your Logicke, whereas you haue scattered abroad euery where in your bookes so many outragious, madd, and frantike exclamations agaynst M. Luther, did you feéle your selfe infected with no spice of fren∣sie, or more then harishe maddnes, when you sate knittyng such fleyng moats, and spyderweuett and such stubble I do not say of Beanehealme, but very chaffe of oates together?

You will haue vs confesse that there is a Purgatory in any wise. And why so? Bycause (as you say) they that are Baptized, are Baptized for the dead. What els a good felowship, but this baptizing for y^e dead were to no purpose, if there were no Purga∣tory: After this maner doth our deépe Logician Osorius con∣clude: But S. Paule the Apostle doth conclude otherwise. In vayne were it to be Baptized for the dead (sayth S. Paule) if there be no Resurrection of the dead: Here doth Paule conclude of the Resurrection: & Osorius of Purgatory: This doth Paule right∣ly and like an Apostle: but Osor. on the contrary part peéuishly altogether, and like an errand lyar. For what hath Baptisme to do with Purgatory? what hath fier to do with water? Nay rather what one thyng doth more directly and more effectually ouer∣throw Purgatory then Baptisme?* 1.853 And by what Logicke then cā you forge fier out of water, whenas there be no elementes so cō∣trary one to the other, as fier and water? After this maner ther∣fore doe I argue agaynst your subtile Sophisme by contraposi∣tion, out of S. Iames. For if it be true y^t mercy doth farre exceéd Iudgement,* 1.854 and that the water of grace be of more efficacie to quench and putt out, then the fier of Iudgement to bourne and consume:* 1.855 why may not I frame an Argument A Fortiori: that there is no Purgatory after this lyfe to them, which in this life are Baptized in Christ Iesu? wherfore to knitt vpp the knott in

few wordes, I seé no such Buggbeares yet in that your Purga∣tory fier, of whom they which be Baptized in Christ, neéd to stād in any feare or dought.

But Osorius shouldereth out the matter agayne and agayn. Why then (sayth he) are men sayd to the Baptized in S. Paule for the dead, if there redounde no profitt at all out of Bap∣tisme?* 1.856 Those that do discourse of the efficacy & vertue of Bap∣tisme, do deuide the vertue and efficacy thereof into foure Braū∣ches: namely, Into renouation: into washing away of Sinnes: and in∣to making men myndefull of the Resurrection to come: These threé qualities be so annexed vnto Baptisme, that they do neither pro∣fitt otherwise, nor to any other persons, but vnto them onely, that are washed in this founteine whiles they liue in this world. Whereupon they are worthely rebuked in Chrisostome, Which do cast away water vpon the dead, and holy thinges vpon the earth:* 1.857 And for that cause was the heresie of the Marcionites detested, bycause they did substitute others to Baptisme, in the behalfe of them that were dead, as is before rehearsed. And this not without great cause: For as no man doth feéde him selfe to quench an other mans hunger: nor any man is washed to cleanse the vncleannes of an other, and as the Church doth not allow, that the holy Communion of bread and wyne be thrust into the mouth of them, that are dead: euen so Baptisme, which is mini∣stred with the element of water, doth washe away not an other mans filthynes, but the corruption and filthynes of euery parti∣culer person that is bathed therein. Whereupō Thomas Aqui∣nas discoursing not altogether vnfruitefully of the intention and meanyng of Christ,* 1.858 doth expounde thereof in this sort: to witte, that Baptisme is profitable to them which are in this lyfe Bap∣tized in the Fayth of Christ. For it were not conuenient that it should be profitable otherwise. For whereas the Sacrament of Baptisme (wherof Paule doth treate in this place) is of this na∣ture, y^t it ought not to be ministred twise: what will Osorius aū∣swere to me here? whether he that is Baptized for an other, be Baptized for him selfe before,* 1.859 yea, or nay? if you affirme that he is, then you make him an heretique whatsoeuer he be that doth reiterate Baptisme. If you deny that he was Baptized first, thē doth he sticke fast cloyed yet in the filthe of originall Sinne: and

therfore he can not be Baptized for an other mans bondage, but that by the same meanes he becomes him selfe a bondslaue, and needeth now to be purged him selfe first: Moreouer what reason can you render that the liuyng ought to be Baptized for the dead, accordyng to your Sophisticall collection? For if you meane of the flesh beyng dead: but vnto this you will not agreé, to witte, that any such flesh is in Purgatory: If you meane of the Soules? but sithence your selfe can not say in any respect, that the Soules be dead: your Assertion therfore must neédes be false,* 1.860 that they are Baptized for the dead, which are Baptized for soules which do liue in Purgatory. Therfore to be Baptized for the dead, accordyng to S. Paules rule, is nothyng els in the Iudgement of the Deuines (if you will esteéme of the matter a∣right) but to be dipped into that founteyne, and so to be taken frō out the same, into the mortification of the flesh, & into y^e rising agayne of the same flesh. Whereupon Chrisosto. not vnaptly:* 1.861 To be dipped into the water (sayth he) and to rise out of the water agayne: is a pledge or tokē of our goyng downe to hell, and our retur∣ning frō thēce againe. And for this cause Paule doth tearme Bap∣ptisme by the name of a Graue or sepulchre: You are buried toge∣ther (sayth he) through Baptisme into death. &c. Thus much Chri¦sost. Frō whō Ierome doth not differre very much: who discour∣sing vpon the same place of Paule, to be baptized for the dead: doth not expound it otherwise then to be so baptized in the death of Christ,* 1.862 that with Baptisme we shew our selues dead vnto the world. And proceéding foreward: What auayleth it to dye to this world (sayth he) if life euerlasting do not follow the contempt of the world? and therefore Ierome doth apply that saying to be Baptised for the dead,* 1.863 not to appertayne to the dead that are in Purgatory, but to our flesh in this world, being as it were mor∣tified already. For what auayleth (sayth he) the flesh to be bapti∣zed in this life, if it ryse not agayne to another life? To passe ouer in the meane tyme other Glosers of our new vpstart schoolemen, whereof many doe interprete this place of Paule for the dead: That is to say, for deadly sinnes, and workes of sinne that beé dead. If this be true, surely Baptisme can by no meanes agreé with Purgatory, forasmuch as soules are cast into the bottom∣lesse pitt of Hell for deadly sinnes onely, and into Purgatory

for none other but for veniall sinnes onely as they say. By these so manifest and so many Testimonies of writers I do suppose that euery man may plainly perceiue y^e very meaning of the A∣postle in those words, to emport nothing lesse, thē y^t which Oso∣rius with his most shamelesse definition would seéme to enforce on this wise.* 1.864 To be Baptised (sayth he) is for a man to offer himselfe a Satisfactory hoafte to wash away and to purge cleane the filthinesse of the soules of the dead. And by and by agayne. To be Baptized for the dead, he doth affirme to be nothing els, then to honour God with a Satisfactory off∣ring and with a Sacrifice for the saluation of the dead, and to offer also the hoast of the bodye voluntaryly for the saluation of their soules. Say you so Osorius? To be baptised for the dead is it nothing els, then to offer a satisfactory Sacri∣fice of the body, for the cleansing and washing away the sinnes and filth of the dead? And where be those dead a Gods name? Iwis in the skalding house of Purgatory. Uery well done. Ergo thē, Christ when he suffered his passion, was baptized for thē y^t were in Purgatory. Yea marry Syr what els? Foreward now: what say you then of Paule and others, that were likewise baptized for the dead? No lesse I warrant you.* 1.865 For euen so we heare Osorius vttering his owne wordes. It appeareth playne∣ly (sayth he) by this place, that not onely Paule, but many o∣thers also did offer most holy sacrifices for the dead, that is to say, for the saluation of the dead.

I do commend you. But will you heare me agaye? If the death of Christ were vndertaken for them that are in Purgato∣tory, in the maner as you before sayd, then is it a good consequēt hereupon, that either your Purgatory was vtterly abolished by the death of Christ:* 1.866 or els that Christ himselfe suffered death in vayne. Aunswere either of them which you list. Moreouer if this be true, that your Diuinity doth inferr, that Paule and manye others did dye (as you say) a satisfactory death for the cleansing of the dead, and for the saluation of the whole world: what diffe∣rence then will you make betwixt the death of Christ, and the death of those others? Nay rather what neéde haue we of the death of Christ at all, if Paule and many other did dye a satis∣factory death, for the saluation of the world as you say? how thys

your reason and communicatiō delighteth you and your Catho∣lickes I know not: in my iudgement surely it seémeth none other then, as if any Turke or Iew had taken penn in hand, and of sett purpose deuised to write agaynst Christ, he could not haue written any thing more despightfully agaynst Christ, nor more horribly agaynst the Catholicke fayth: The Lord of his mercye open your eyes, and endue you once at the length with a better minde, if it may so please his heauenly Maiesty.

But I returne agayne to the course of your disputation: wherein albeit I seé nothing worth the refuting, yet because you bragg here so shamelesly, that we be vtterly ouerthrowne with your most manifest Testimonies, and that your argumentes are not resolued: I thinke it conuenient to make manifest, what ma∣ner of argumentes you haue sett downe: and of what force the substaunce of your argumentes may seéme to be. First touching the testimony of Saynt Paule in the 1. to the Corinthians the 15. Chapter before mentioned, where Saynt Paule treateth of Baptisme and Resurrection: You thinke to haue a great aduaū∣tadge here to build your Purgatory vpō. And why so? Because Baptisme is many times vsed in the Scriptures, for Sacrifices and offeringes: Where finde you that? Forsooth, where the Lord doth demaunde of the two brethren, that were at strife betwixt them selues, for the chiefe and highest seat in the kingdome of heauen, whether they were able to be par∣takers of the same Baptisme. In deéd the scripture vseth many times peculiar Tropes & figures: and I am not ignoraūt, that amongest the latter Deuines, Baptisme is deuided into threé sortes:* 1.867 to witte, Baptisme of water: of Fire, & of Bloud. How∣beit these two latter kindes haue not in them any proper nature of a Sacrament, if you haue regard to y^e naturall propertyes of Baptisme, to wit Matter & Forme (as they call them) And ther∣fore howsoeuer it pleaseth the new Deuines to ascribe vnto thē y^e matter of a Sacrament, yet doe they not attribute vnto them a Sacrament, no nor so much as the name of a Sacrament, but acquiuoce.* 1.868 But what doth this concerne this place of Paule ci∣ted by you? where it is out of all controuersy, that the wordes of the Apostle ought to be vnderstanded not of Blood, nor of Fier, but simply of that kind of Baptisme onely: wherewith all Chri∣stians

in generall without exception are washed through the foū∣tayne of regeneration into hope of rising agayne to life euerla∣sting. Therfore I do here appeale to the Iudgement of the Rea∣der, how blockishly Osorius doth wrest this discourse of Paule to Martirdome yea much more Doltishly to Purgatory. There is besides this an other place cited out of the same chap. where Paule (as appeareth) purposing to sanctify himselfe not one∣ly for the dead, but for the liuing also: hath these wordes: Why do we vndertake daūger euery houre? I do dayly dye through the reioysing that I haue of you in Christ Iesu our Lord. And these forsooth be those substaunciall Testimonies wherewith we are ouerwhelmed a Gods name, accordaunt to the matter nowe in question, as iumpe as Germaynes lippes.

It remayneth now that we discusse the substaunce, and pith of the Argumentes likewise deriued from the prayers and ob∣lations of the Church. You do mayntayne stiffely that Sacri∣fices offred for the saluation of the dead, be very effectuall: which forasmuch as are auaileable to none, but such as be in Purgato∣ry:* 1.869 hereupon therefore you doe conclude, that there must be a Purgatory of very necessity. But what if I would deny all this vnto you euen by the same law, and order as you haue propoun∣ded them? For what reason is there to the contrary, but that I may aswell deny at a word, as you affirme at a word? First as touching Prayers which you affirme that the Church is enured vnto for saluation of the dead: If you meane here the true & A∣postolicke Church: You say most vntruly. If you note y^e vsage of your owne Babylonicall Tēple, it forceth not of a rush what you do there. Neither do I enqurie what you haue in hādling there, but what you ought to looke vnto, what duety doth exact of you, and what you ought to do according to the prescript rule of the scripture. Moreouer whereas you annexe afterwardes that these Supplications and Prayers made for the saluation of the dead, are altogether vneffectuall and vnprofitable vn∣lesse they be applyed onely vnto them, which are afflcted in Purgatory. We would fayne learne first how you proue this?* 1.870 Forsooth (say you) because the soules that be drowned in the deepe doungeon and euerlasting darcknesse of hell, can

be redeemed from thence with no prayers. This is true? and what hereof? Agayne (you say) the Soules that are in hea∣uen, haue no need of those prayers, neither am I displeased with this Rhetorical partition. Goe to, what is it that this Ora∣tors pertition will conclude at the last? Behold reader now a conclusion more then logicall, wonderfully wrought and called frō out y^e very braines of capacity it selfe: wherby you may forth with note a very disciple of Theophrast. Damned Soules being in hell (sayth he) are not eased by the prayers of the liuing: And agayne the soules that are in heauen haue no need of any supplications. It followeth therefore that there is some middle place betwixt heauen and hell, which we are wont to call Purgatory.

As if the Argument were on this wise.

* 1.871If there be no Purgatory the supplicatiōs of the church for the saluation of Soules are voyde and vneffectuall.

But the Supplications for the deadd are not voyde and vneffectuall.

Ergo, It is concluded that there must be a Purgatory of very Necessitie.

We are come backe agayne now ad Petitionem Principij,* 1.872 as the Logicians do tearme it. Where one vncerteintie is confir∣med by an other vncerteintie in all respectes as vncertein. For I am as farre to seéke whether Prayers and Supplications for soules departed be vnprofitable, as when Osorius doth affirme that there must neédes be a Purgatory. And therfore in my con∣ceipt you shall do very discretly Osorius (bicause you are so ma∣lapert to write to Kyngs and Queénes) If in your next Letters addressed to Queéne Elizabeth, at your conuenient leysure: you will vouchsafe to teach vs by some euidēt and infallible testimo∣nies of Scripture, how we may be throughly certified of that which you take here for confessed, to witt. That Prayers pow∣red forth for the redemption and saluation of the soules that be afflicted in Purgatory be not vnprofitable but effectuall and a∣uaylable: I for my part, that haue read the whole Bible ouer, can not as yet light vpon any substaunciall or likely matter enough to moue nor cōceaue any cause, why either such as be alyue now should dreadd any Bullbeares of Purgatory, or that such as are

departed hence in the Fayth of Iesu Christ, should stand in any neéde of any pettyhelpes of Supplications or Prayers. For as touchyng the saluation of soules, whereupon Osorius doth dis∣course so largely, I am fully resolued, that the same is singular∣ly and absolutely safe, and shielded in Iesu Christ wholy: & doth not in any respect depend vpō any force of our prayers: Neither will Osorius deny the same I suppose. Yet he supposeth that the Temporall payne must be entreated for: And bycause this payne must be endured in the scaldyng house of Pur∣gatory, therfore the Supplications & Prayers of the Church are worthely employed to the ease of those tormentes.

I do aunswere: if y^e soules of the faythfull be afflicted with a∣ny kynde of punishment in Purgatory: surely those paynes are either the very scourges and whippes of Gods Iudgement, or els must chaunce vnto them besides the Iudgement of God. If besides Gods Iudgemēt, then are they wrōgfully punished, but if the dead by the iust Iudgemēt of God be tormented after this lyfe, then is the promise of Christ false:* 1.873 Which doth affirme that they shall not come vnto Iudgement, but shall passe (sayth he) from death to life. And agayne. My Father doth frō hence forth Iudge no man.* 1.874 And what say you to the promise made to the theéfe on the Crosse? This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise. So also were that sentence of Paule no lesse false:* 1.875 We are no more vnder the Law, but vnder Grace. For what Grace is there, where Iudge∣ment ouerruleth?

What then you will say? shall we accompt the Prayers for the deadd vsually powred forth by the Church, to be altogether fruitelesse? First I do veryly thinke, that ye ought not abuse the name of the Church to your abhominable superstitiōs. The true Church of Christ must be esteémed by the word of God, and his good pleasure, and not measured by mens traditions. Neither is it conueniēt to colour all such Bastard trinckettes, as are crept into the Church by fraude, vnder the title and badge of the true Churche. But we must make good triall by the touchstone of Gods word, of the meanes, whereby they challenge an interest in the Church. Now to graunt you this much, that Supplicati∣ons for the deadd were ordeyned in some places, by Traditiō of certein old Fathers: yet this maketh nothyng at all to the pur∣pose

to establish your plattforme of Purgatory.

* 1.876There be publique Liturgies fathered vpon Chrisostome and Basile caried abroad after this maner and forme: We do of∣fer vnto thee this reasonable offring for them that sleape in the Fayth, for the auncient Fathers, Elders, Patriarches, Prophetes, Apostles, Preachers, Euangelistes, Martyrs and Confessours. &c. But chiefly for our most holy and immaculate Lady the perpetuall Virgine Marie, blessed aboue all other wemen. &c. Not much vn∣lyke vnto the same is it reported of Cyprian.* 1.877 We doe Sacrifice (sayth he) for the Martyrs. &c. And yet I suppose no man is so wittlesse to say, that y^e Martyrs, Confessours, Apostles, & Patri∣arches together w^t the holy Uirgine, be either in Purgatory, or do stand in neéde of the Prayers of thē that be aliue. Whereupō we read in Augustine on this wise:* 1.878 To pray for a Martyr is ad∣iudged very iniurious. &c. What shall be sayd to this? where the Papish Churches do vse to pray after a solemne maner in their Masses for the dead on this wise, that God would vouchesafe to deliuer them out of hell, from out the deepe lake, and from out the Lions lawes? by wh wordes appeareth manifestly that Purgato∣ry is not vnderstāded here, but those vnquēchable flames of hell it selfe. Whereby you may perceaue perfectly that the Prayers of the Church be no sure foundations to ground Purgatory vp∣on: for that they be no more powred forth for them which are in Purgatory, then they be for others in some other place.

In like maner fareth with Sacrifices: wherein your Diuini∣tie raungeth very much at randon, as if it were strayed and run∣nyng in some wildernes a woll gatheryng: For whereas the true Church of Christ doth acknowledge none other satisfactory Sa∣crifice, but that onely one Sacrifice of the Sonne of God, once accomplished for all: You do spende to much breath vpon vs, and many tymes altogether in vayne about your satisfactory offe∣rynges, and Sacrifices of Christ, Paule, and many others offred vpp for the dead.

* 1.879Paule (say you) as often as he aduentured his lyfe for the preseruation of the state of the Church, euen so often did he offer Sacrifice for the Saluation of the dead. But then most honorably aboue all other, when he suffered him selfe to be spoyled of life for the glory of Christ and the Saluatiō

of all men. Did Paule suffer death for the Saluation of all men? is this your reason and your maner of speach Osorius? doe ye vse to preach to your flocke after this sort in Syluaine, as your bookes do preach abroad to the world? to witte that men shall be∣leéue that Paule did dye for the Saluation of all men? Shall we iudge y^t you were sober, or well in your wittes, when you wrate this? did euer man besides you write after this maner? or did e∣uer man bearyng the face of a Deuine speake this? or would a∣ny reasonable mā euer vtter any such rudenes? Awake for shame, and gather your wittes once agayne vnto you, if you can: For if Paule did dye for the Saluatiō of the dead (as you say) what els do you leaue for Christ to do more? shall he also be in the beadroll emongest those All, for whose health and Saluatiō Paule most honorably dyed a most notable death? wherein do you not heare Paule him selfe cryeng out agaynst you with open mouth?* 1.880 Was Paule Crucified for you? were you Baptized in the name of Paule? And agayne. What is Paule? what is Apollo? but Ministers by whom you beleeued. &c. And agayne. He that plāteth, and he that watereth, is nothing. But God that doth geue the increase. &c. Af∣ter the same sence we read in S. Peter: There is none other name geuen vnto men vnder heauen, wherein they must be saued. And how then by the satisfactory offeringes of Paule, and many others (as you say) is ayde obteined for them that be dead? how is the safetie of all men, and the state of the Churche preserued thereby?

To make this matter good & Iustifiable, S. Paule him selfe is forced maugre his beard to become wittnesse agaynst him self, beyng charged with his one wordes, spoken once or twise in his Epistle written to the Corinthes: as when he sayth.* 1.881 I do dye day∣ly through the reioysing that I haue of you in Christ Iesu our Lord. &c. And agayne writyng to the Collo.* 1.882 Now I do Reioyse (sayth he) ouer my afflictions for you, and I do fill vpp that which wanteth in the afflictions of Christ in my fleshe, for his body which is the Church. &c. Out of these wordes of Paule well spoken, not well vnderstanded, and wickedly wrested, it is a wonder to seé, what horrible doctrine and monstruous blasphemies, these false Apo∣stles doe inferr, and thrust in place. For whereas the Apostles meanyng doth note onely the confirmation of doctrine, and the

afflictiōs and agonyes that he endured for the enlargyng of the Fayth of Christ onely:* 1.883 the same doe these praters most horribly mistourne, & force to the satisfaction for Sinnes, yea to the very price of our Redemption, not without manifest Sacriledge a∣gaynst? the bloud of Christ: As though the Death and Passion of the onely Sonne of God Iesu Christ, could not otherwise suffice to the absolute accomplishment of the whole action of our Re∣demption,* 1.884 vnlesse meritorious afflictions of Sainctes were an∣nexed besides, which beyng mingled together with the bloud of Christ, should counterpeise in equall ballaunce, the iust and true proportion of the Iudgement of God, and with full measure (as it were) fill vpp that euer flowyng founteyne, which doth purge, and washe cleane away the Sinnes and filthe of the quicke and the deadd. Which mingle mangle they call by the name of the Treasure of the Churche:* 1.885 which of all the rest is most vayne & foolishe. And this Treasure of the Church, they dare not com∣mitte to the custody of Christ onely, nor to euery of the Mini∣sters, nor yet to laye men, nor to Priestes, not to poore Prelates, not to Abbottes or Priours, not to Prouostes and Wardens of Colledges, nor to simple Preachers as they call thē: but to By∣shoppes onely, and amongest them also chiefly, to the high and superexcellent Byshoppe the Pope: which is of all the rest most absurd. And yet least you shall thinke that these be not their own proper Assertions, we will heare what holy Saynct Bonauen∣ture, and such like doctours of the same Schoole doe speake of theyr owne mouth. For on this wise doe those profounde De∣uynes frame theyr Argumentes out of the wordes of holye Scripture.

Because according to the Law (say they) he that doth marry his Brothers wise,* 1.886 to rayse vpp seede to his brother that is dead, ought to enioy the possession of his brothers goods that appertayne to the education of the Children: Ruth. 4. Therefore the dispensation of this treasure of the Church belongeth to the Byshoppes onelye, which be the husbandes of the Church & haue power to beget sonnes & daughters, that is to say, perfect & vnperfect: and amōgest all these principally the high Byshopp, which is husband & gouernour of the whole Church vniuersall.

Ha, Ha, gentle

Reader haue you not heard a mynyon mariage, worthy for a Popes puppett, grounded vpō the very vnpenetrable Rocke of y^e profundity of all Scriptures? by which ye may first perceiue that Christ was once the husband of this spowse: Now because he departed this lyfe, & dyed without issue of his body lawfully begottē: his next brethrē the Byshops do succeéd him, who mar∣rying their Brothers wife, may rayse vpp issue to their Brother vpon her, and may begett Children perfect and vnperfect: And because all this shall not wāt creditt, they do proue it by the au∣thority of the scripture, to witt in the 4. Chapiter of Ruth, and other testimonies of the Law. But by the way, whereas we find that by the same law it was lawfull for one husband to haue ma∣ny wiues, or concubines, I do not yet remember any such liber∣ty geuen by the law, that one wife should be married to manye husbandes: Wherein truely they doe describe a very hard and miserable estate and condition of the Church, if one wife shalbe constrayned to be buxonne and bonaire to so many husbandes, as there be Byshoppes in Christendome. But let vs harken yet what followeth more. For he proceédeth on this manner. And therefore all Byshoppes (sayth be) that haue issue,* 1.887 may graūt pardones, but especially aboue all other our most holy Fa∣ther the Byshopp of Rome: as to whom belongeth the dis∣pensation of the whole spirituall treasory, because he hath the charge of all the whole Church, and of all her Children: whereupon all be his Children, and he is the Father of all. &c. Thus much doth preach vnto vs our holy Saynt Bonauen∣ture. Behold here (gentle Reader) the summe of this most excel∣lent mysticall interpretation of the Schole doctrine: where in be∣thinke aduisedly with your selfe, how many fowle & horrible er∣rors & blasphemies are scatrered abroad by this pestilent dogg, and recken them vpon your fingers, if you will whiles I sett thē downe in order vnto you.

First an vtter disability, and a worne out Emptymes in the bloud of Christ,* 1.888 & his most comfortable death is here set downe: wherein is manifest blasphemy.

Then followeth an Eclipse of Christes passion.* 1.889 That is to say, whatsoeuer wanteth in his passion to the full satisfaction of our Redemption, must be supplied and recompenced with the

afflictions of Martirs and Sainctes.

* 1.890Next vpon this minglemangle of the merytes of Christ and his Martirs, they gather together a certayne treasury of most precious and aboundant Satisfactiō: which they call the Trea∣sure of the Church.

* 1.891Now whereas out of this treasury all Remission and pardō of Sinnes is dawen forth: then yet must not all be Stewards and distributers of this great riches, nor any other then the Bi∣shoppes, and the chiefe Byshopp of all other the Pope of Rome, which is of all other a most pestiferous error.

* 1.892Moreouer as is most meét: out of this Romish Budgett, and dispensation of Romish treasure, are begotten Bulles and Par∣dons, which is a most horrible fraud and liegerdemayne.

Lastly out of these Pardons is framed at the lēgth the skal∣ding house of Purgatory:* 1.893 by this argument forsooth: Because o∣therwise these pardons and prayers of the Church, and me∣rites of Sayntes should not be worth a Rush, vnlesse the soules of the faythfull did frye and broyle in this skalding house of Purgatorye, for ease of whom these qualificatiōs are proued by the Church.

I haue reckened vpp orderly and briefly the chiefe of all their errours, monstruous horrible enough I thinke, which being di∣rectly agaynst, manifestly repugnaunt, and contrary to the true meaning and naturall sense of the scripture, will not require a∣ny long aunswere in the confutation of them.

* 1.894First, where as they do affirme, that the death of Christ is not of sufficient efficacy and power to accomplish the misterye and pryce of our redemptiō, vnlesse a supply of Sayntes afflictions be annexed to make vpp the full measure: herein they do eyther moustruously lye,* 1.895 or els it is false that Saynt Paule doth af∣firme, that we are all made absolutely perfect and complete in Christ Iesu: for asmuch as it is vndoughted true, that the thing that is most perfect and fully absolute, can want nothing to fyll vpp the measure of perfect perfection. And so also is y^e saying of Saynt Paule to the Hebrues in ech respect as false: where it is sayd that Christ did by one onely oblation consummate,* 1.896 or make perfect them that be sanctified. Surely if one onely oblation doe fully accomplish all the partes of our satisfaction, then all other

oblatiōs whatsoeuer, be not onely not profitable, but wicked also and execrable. Moreouer whereas that Typicall Lambe in the olde law did represent vnto vs the perfect patterne and Image of the true and immaculate Lambe, which was slayne from the beginning of the world, what shoulde be the cause that the re∣demption (which is of the bloud of the sonne of God) should in a∣ny respect not be as fully perfect vnto vs? as was that deliue∣raunce of the people full and absolute, that went before but in a Type or representation?

And whereas they dare be so shamelesly Impudent, as to make a mingle māgle of the merites and afflictiōs of Sayncts, with the passion and bloud of Iesu Christ: I do wonder that they are not ashamed hereof: howbeit I can not deny, but that the death of his Saynctes is precious in the sight of the Lord:* 1.897 yet is not this to be taken so, as though the price of theyr death were of as great value as that it ought, or can be able to counteruayle the wrath of God by any meanes: Neither are they therfore sayncts because they do dye and suffer persequution: but because they that do suffer persequution be holy, therefore is theyr death cal∣led precious in the sight of the Lord. And the cause why they are Sainctes, and be called Sainctes, commeth not of any ver∣tue of theyr death, but of the onely power & efficacye of the death of the sonne of God,* 1.898 in whō they do beleue, which dignity they do receiue by theyr owne fayth onely, & not for any their afflictions sake: so y^t now to be Sainctes is not of any merite of their own, but of the merite of the onely sonne Iesu Christ, who is onelye righteous, and doth make others righteous as Augustine doth both wisely and learnedly testify:

Christ (sayth he) was that one & onelye man which could both haue the fleshe of man, and could also not haue any Sinne. Euen that onely he and alone, which is himselfe iust, and doth instifie others, the man Iesus Christ. And therefore (sayth he) we can not be compared with Christ, although we suffer Martyrdome for his sake euen to the sheading of our bloud.

And immediatly after, making a comparison betwixt the afflictions of Christ, and the afflictions of the godly Martyrs.

Christ (sayth he) had no need of any our helpe to worke our saluation: but we cann do nothing at all without him, he gaue himselfe vnto vs his braun∣ches, a liuely vine: and we without him can not haue so much as a∣ny

breath to preserue life withall. Finally although brethren do suf∣fer death for brethren, yet is not the bloud of any Martyr shedd for the remission of his brothers offences, which thing Christ did in his owne person for vs. Neither did he by this exāple as by any speciall patterne direct vs to immitate him, but onelye that for this exam∣ple we should become thankefull and reioyce in him &c.

3. So that by this testimony of S. Augustine now I doe sup∣pose no man doth dought how he ought to determine of the other threé, namely: the Treasory of the Church, Pardons, and Pur∣gatory.* 1.899 For if it be true that the same Augustine doth say,

that the most holy ones of all others are not able to cure the woundes of their brethren, being themselues daylye, and incessaunt beggers in theyr dayly prayers for remission of theyr owne Sinnes.

What shall become then I pray you of the merites of Sayntes?

4. But if the merites of all holy Martyrs and Apostles be nothing auayleable: with what reason then can this gaye trea∣sory of the Church be mayntayned, of whose Iewelles they brag so gloriously? or what shall become of that office of Stewardship and dispensation of Pardons?

5 Moreouer, if those ragged skrappes of pelting Pardōs, be throwen out to the dounghill, I neéde not drawe forth any long discourse to tell theé gentle Reader, what shall become of that rydiculous Relique, and bable of Purgatory: For as much as the matter it selfe being so easely discernable, will quickly enduce theé to perceaue, that this fable, which these catholick Fa∣thers haue forged of Purgatory, doth no more emporte any trueth or lykelyhood of trueth, then this lye and peéuish pracing of Pardons doth differr from manifest falshood, & foxlye fraude, then which toye neuer crept into the Church any one trinckett more ridiculous, or worthy lesse credit. All which notwithstan∣ding, our Portingall Rhetorician must yet proceéde forward, and shoulder out his puppett Purgatory with all the strength that he can, and demaundeth a question:* 1.900 Whether there may be any tyme for Christians to abstayne lawfully from Carity whose chiefe and principall poynte of Religion doth con∣sist in Caryty? If you speake of Dearth Osorius, It is true that you speake, that the principall groundworke of all your Re∣ligion is Dearth. For she maketh most on your side: And here∣of

commeth it,* 1.901 y^t all ecclesiasticall matters are sould so dearely with you: yea the Churches themselues, Byshopprickes, Pro∣uostshippes, Priestehoodes, Myters, Palles, Consecrations, Immunityes, Priuiledges, Dispensations, Indulgences, Monasteryes, Temples, Altars, Colledges. Emongest all which, the highest degreé of Papacy it selfe what a price it bea∣reth, and what a Dearth hath growenouer all these thinges, is skarse credible to be beleued, or able to be expressed with pen or tongue. But you meane Charitie, a word deryued from out the grace, loue, and mercy of God, I doe aunswere you, that in all your Religion is either so no Charity at all, or surely so litle, as that all thinges with you are full of skarsitye and dearth. But our Osorius Tullianisme, doth not distinguish Caritatem Dearth, from Charitatem Loue by any speciall difference. And therefore lett vs heare the questiō that he propoundeth him∣selfe of this his Caritas. dearth

What?* 1.902 can there be any, exercise of caritas imagined gre∣ter then this wherein we do pray with most earnest prayers vnto God, for the saluation of our Brethren? No surely I thinke: And therefore for the great affection and loue that I doe beare vnto you, I doe pray most humbly and hartely vnto God for your sauety: that pardoning this your lewdnes of wryting, he may vouchsafe to enlighten that ouerdarckened blindenes of your drowsy sences and new fashion the same into a more found knowldge and vnderstanding of the trueth of his Gospell. Now doe you perceaue the desire and loue that we haue of your safety Osorius albeit you be not come to Purgatory as yet: It is rea∣son therfore y^t we lykewise vnderstād y^e Carity of your Charitie.

We doe pray vnto God (say you) with earnest intercessi∣ons and prayers most purely powred forth for the quick and the dead,* 1.903 and for the sauety of our Brethren. I doe be∣hold a very godly and comfortable imagination of yours, con∣ceaued in the behalfe of the dead, and do prayse the same. But when doe ye this good Syr? In your dayly supplications and meétings? I thinke not so. But at that tyme especially (say you) that is chosen out to be most meere to worke the most holy worke of all, to witt, at that tyme which we do choose to pacifie the wrath of God: not with the bloud offringes of

footed Beastes, but with the body and bloud of Christ. what a bald deuise is this of the man? how variable is the inconstan∣cye of his doctrine? For if (as you sayd a litle earst) Christ onely doe not performe the full price of our redēption,* 1.904 but that Paule and many others doe dayly offer most holy Sacrifices for the dead, that is to say, for the saluation of the dead: with what confidence dare you now presume to pacifye the wrath of God, with the onely body and bloud of Christ, excludyng the Sacri∣fices and offringes of all other? or how often must the body of Christ be offred, to pacifie the wrath of God?

* 1.905If our first Father Adā was able by one onely offence to de∣stroy and cast away the whole ofspring of posterity: Is not Christ in all respectes as able by one onely oblation of his body and bloud, to make amendes of the same which Adam foredidd, and brought to nought?* 1.906 And with what reason will you per∣swade vs, that you take vpon you to reconcile the fauor of God by the bloud of Christ, who professe that your Sacrifice is not a bloudly Sacrifice? Moreouer, whereas the Sonne of God did satisfye for all thinges, with his precious bloud shedd vpon the Crosse, as well the thinges in heauen, as the thinges vpō the earth, what one thing then hath he left to be satisfied by you?* 1.907 Or if there remayne any thing as yet of Gods Iudgement vn∣reconciled, and not throughly clensed, euen to the vttermost, and most absolute fullnes, how hath he then by one onely ob∣lation made perfect for euer, all them that be sanctified? how did it seéme good vnto the Father, that all fullnesse should dwell in the Sonne?* 1.908 how were all thinges sayd to be at an end and fi∣nished, whiles Christ did hang vpon the Crosse?* 1.909 with what face dare Paule teach vs that all Enimity was blotted out by Chri∣stes death on the Crosse,* 1.910 and all hatred wipte awaye by his fleshe,* 1.911 if Gods Maiestye, must be as yet reconciled by your of∣fringes and Sacrifices? He that brake downe the wall that was betwixt vs and God, was not the same able to ouerthrow rot∣ten Walles of your paynted Purgatory? he that did vtterly re∣moue the wrath of his Father, could not the same he extinguish and quite put out the flames of Purgatory without Sainctes merites, and Popish Pardons? Nay rather what neéde any Pardons at all procured, or imagined out of the treasure of the

Church, if you Catholick shauelinges doe take vpon you to re∣concyle the Maiestye of God, by your dayly offring of Christes body and bloud.?

I will recyte here not a fable, but a true history of Germa∣ny out of Wolgangus Musculus.* 1.912 which happened at Haganoy in the yeare of our Lord 1517. to witt, the same yeare: where∣in M. Luther beganne to Inueigh agaynst the Popes Bulles. There was a wyfe of a certein Shoomaker, who a litle before sheé dyed for a certayn number of Crownes purchased a Bull from the Pope: whereby she did assure her selfe of freé deliue∣raunce out of Purgatory. Within a whiles after this woman being dead, the Husband hauing intelligence of the Bull, per∣fourmed the obsequies and funeralls of his wyfe orderly and de∣cently, as beseémed an honest Husband to doe: not regarding in the meane space Masses, Dyrges, Trentalls, and other trinc∣ketts of the lyke Mockeries, vsually exercised in the Church after the old solēne maner, for the redeéming of soules departed out of this lyfe. The parish Priest being not a litle greued with the matter, beganne to maruell, and to take in ill part the con∣tempt of Religion, and to complayne of the vnkinde behauior and impiety of the Husband towardes his wife, and at the last framing a libell of the matter, accuseth the Shoomaker for an heretique. To be briefe: The Shoomaker was arested by a Ser∣ieant, the matter was pleaded before the Maior of the Cittie. The Shoomaker for his defence pleaded, that the cause why he did not purchase Supplications and Masses, according to the olde accustomed fashion, for the health of his wyues soule, pro∣ceéded not of any contempt that he hadd agaynst any of the so∣lemne ceremonyes of the Church, but because he was assured that his wyues soule was already saued, & in heauen, he thought good to abate such extraordynary and vnnecessary charges: and withall taking the Popes Bull out of his bosome, desireth the Maior that it might be openly readd. The Maior doth deliuer the Bull to the parish Priest to read. The Priest seéing y^e Popes Bull stood still amazed at the first, and a good whiles refused to reade it: at the last being constrayned by the Maior, he didd reade it ouer: assoone as the Bull was read ouer, both the Maior and the parish Priest being throughly ashamed, held their peace.

The Shoomaker was earnest to proceé to Iudgement vpon the aucthoritye of the Apostolick Release, to make it appeare what they iudged now of the soule of his wyfe: whether sheé were now in heauen, or in Purgatory. If sheé be in Purgatorye, then the Bull doth lye: but if sheé be flowen vpp into heauen according as the Pope commaunded her: then was there no cause why he should hyre any hireling shaueling to say Masses or Dyrges, for his wyues soule. The Maior and the Priest hauing nothing to say to the contrary, nor daring to condemne the Popes Par∣done, acquited the shoomaker of the action by a Nonesuite.

Masses and Sacrifices.

BUt I returne to Osorius agayne, who, if hadd bene Com∣missary in this case, I know not what aunswere he would haue made to this shoomaker: But this is out of all question, that this Purgatory, whereabout these Catholickes keepe such a sturre, can by no meanes be of any force and power, but that either the Popes Pardons, or these your Sacrifices of Satisfacto∣ry Masses.* 1.913 Shall be by that meanes doughted of, and come into great perill to be vtterly discredited. For if yonr Stationes of Rome (the Pardons of all and euery of the which vpon a iust accompt made) do Surmount to the number of tenn hundred thousand yeares,* 1.914 & againe if the Pilgrimes that come to Rome, to seé the onely heades of Peter and Paule, do obtayne pardon of their sinnes for xij. thousaund yeares: or if the fulnesse of the Romish Seé be of such estimation in the sight of God, as you boast vpon it, y^t it is able to trāslate whatsoeuer soules it listeth sodenly without touch of breath out of Purgatory into heauen, yea and that without any helpe of Purgatory at all: to what pur∣pose then doth this Sacrifice of yours serue, wherewith you doe vndertake (as you say) to pacifye the maiestye of God for the sinnes of the dead? If there be no meanes els to reconcile his fa∣uor, but by this dayly Sacrifice of the body and bloud of Christ, of what vertue then shall your popish Pardons be? wherefore ei∣ther must your Bulles of very necessity breake their neckes, if your satisfactory Masses stand still at the stake: or if your bulles be fatt and lusty, you must neédes confesse that the iolly bragges & bigg lookes of your satisfactory Masses will be down dagger.

Furthermore how will that your infallible Assertion agreé

either with the rule of the holy scripture, or with the determi∣nations of your owne Schoolemen? For whereas your great Doctours do call this oblation an vnblooddy sacrifice. which you name the oblatiō of the body and bloud of Christ either they must lye, or els Osorius must neédes saye vntruely. If the Schoolemen say true that it is an vnblooddy sacrifice. I doe demaund them, by what reason it is ministred for the washing a∣way and cleansing of the sinnes of the quicke and the dead? when as it appeareth by the most manifest testimony of the scripture that there can be no remission of sinnes without effusion of blood.* 1.915 Moreouer yf this vnblooddy sacrifice be such an effectuall and soueraigne Balsamum for the curing of the festered woūds of the quick: for what soares then auayleth your Sacramentall playster of penaunce? For if sinnes be washt away cleane before you go to Masse: to what vse shall this necessity of Sacrifice and confession be employed? Doe ye not yet conceiue playnely fine man? into how many monstruous and frameshapen filthy defor∣mities, this your friuolous and apish reason would entangle vs? which neither accord scarcely betwixt themselues, and withall do much lesse resemble any countenaunce or shew of countenaūce with the holy Scripture?

You affirme that you do take vpon you to reconcile the fa∣uour of God by the body and bloud of Christ: But why do you so loase our labor? For all this matter that you now take in hand, is quite dispatcht, and accomplished long sithence. All the coast is cleare here already: the reconcilement is concluded vpon: the olde rotten wall is broken downe: the obligations be all cancel∣led, so that you neéde not to beat your braynes any more about making any Releases: Gods memory is not so obliuiōs, that it can so soone forgett this couenaunt that he made with the late sacrifice of his Sonne except you rubb vp his remēbraūce with your dayly sacrifice: Neither is this attonement purchased of so slender force that we neéd to be afrayd of any such breach of coue∣naunt, as can not be continued without your delicate daylye dayntyes. What shall I say of the nature of the sacrifice it selfe? which (though you would the contrary neuer so fayne) neither ought, nor can be handled with any mans handes, besides him onely, who being cleare from all spott of sinne, did deserue to be

heard for his obedience sake, and who alone (as Augustine wri∣teth) is the onely priest and the sacrifice:* 1.916 the offerer, and the offer∣ing it selfe: And what fayth is there so great in you or what obe∣dience to godwardes? or rather what shamelesse impudency in the sight of men, wherewith you dare presume to handle this so honorable a sacrifice for sinnes being of all partes so polluted, stynking, and filthy sinners your selues? But I meddle no more with your vnshamefastnesse: I demaunde touching the matter it selfe, what reason or argument you can make for any your ne∣cessary vndertaking this Sacrifice? and I desire to be aunswe∣red of you herein.

Forsooth (say you) because God is wrathfull agaynste sinners and because sinnes do dayly boyle vpp and buddle from without vs, therefore a dayly Sacrifice is very requi∣site for the obtayning of dayly pardon. But this pardon is obtayned by our owne fayth in Christ, yea without all your Sacri∣fices: or els the verity of Gods word it selfe doth lye surely: and Christ also doth deceiue vs, as appeareth by the promise made vnto Paule,* 1.917 that they should receiue forgeuenesse of theyr sinnes through fayth that is in Christ Iesu. &c. How saye you to this? shall we now abandon our fayth, that we may establishe your vnbloody sacrifice? for otherwise how can you ioyne the perse∣ueraunce of the one, with the maintenaunce of them both? If fayth do obtayne remission of sinnes, what neéde we then your Sacrifice? on the other side, if sinnes cānot otherwise be washt a∣way, but by the sprinckling of this Sacrifice, then is fayth alto∣gether vnprofitable. But you will say, the very same Christ in whom we do beleeue is resiaunt in that holy Altar: Doth he lye their groueling or looking vppward? what say you Osorius? But go to what is this to the Sacrifice? for if fayth fastned in Christe wheresoeuer he be, do obtayne all our suites at his handes, what further neéde we of him to be sacrificed againe, or of your priest∣hood? Because when as by our ministery (say you) the sonne is offered vpp vnto the father, he can not choose but be fauourable vnto vs, and with his mercy forthwith embrace vs: And there∣fore this Sacrifice is vndertaken of vs not in vayne, whereby we do pacifie the maiesty of God: whose iustice without this Sacri∣fice could not otherwise but be very greuously angry and heauily

affected agaynst our sinnes: But we are otherwise taught by the scripture of God:* 1.918 which doth playnly affirme that we being iusti∣fied by fayth haue peace with God. Rom. 5. To what purpose then neéde we any reconciliation, where assured peace is proclaymed already? But God is angry with our sinnes, This is true: But this anger is alayed by fayth and repentaunce, without all your oblations. But if you thinke that an aduocate must be procured hereunto: we are taught by Iohn that this Aduocate is now al∣ready in heauen, and not in the earth.* 1.919 And he is (sayth Iohn) the propitiation for our sinnes. 1. Iohn. 2.

But whē he is offred in the earth: the wrath of God cānot choose but be recōciled with so acceptable a Sacrifice: Nay rather be ye well aduised hereof, least whiles you take vpon you to pacifie the wrath of God by Sacrifice, you defile your selues by y^e same meanes with most horrible Idolatry: & so prouoke the wrath of the Lord much more sharpelie against you to your vtter destruction, which how much is to be feared on your behalfes, I neéde not to certifie your wisedome with many wordes: Certes what you haue hetherto done, the matter doth euidently declare it selfe.* 1.920 For sithence the first erecting and frequenting of this sa∣crifice amongest you if nothing els teach vs, how you haue paci∣fied the wrath of God with this sacrifice, we may learne well e∣nough by the continuall outrage of the Turke, which beginning very neare about that blessed time, not much after the Pope∣dome of Innocent the 3. it exceédeth all creditt to be spoken, with how wonderfull successe it hath preuailed all this time e∣uer sithence. And withall how many monstruous heapes of mise∣ries and calamities haue burst out together with that sacrifice yea dayly raunge also vnreclaimeable, all good and godly men do right well perceiue, and be hartely sory for the same. Sathā roareth greédy of the pray: Impietie surroundeth euery where: the world doth delight and sport it selfe at our manifold miseries and mischieues:* 1.921 and the olde profane paganisme doth ware dayly I know not how mighty & incorrigible: almost nothing is sound through all Christendome: all thinges be rent and torne in pieces: skarse is any Peace vpon the whole face of the earth: or any peaceable state of life. The Christians lye snorting in secu∣rity: The Iewes waxe euery day more stiffnecked being mole∣sted

and agreézed at no one disorder so great,* 1.922 as at your Sacrifi∣ces, Breadworshipp, Idolatryes, Pictures, and Images, which they doe plainly perceiue to be manifestly repugnaunt agaynst the Law of God. And whiles you shrine your selues like Gods on the earth in purple and Golde, the poore beggerly Churche of Christ (which did once florish and triumph throughout all na∣tions and tounges) is now pent vpp, and thrust together into so narrow a straight, that it is ready to pyne away with anguish and grief, which your Lordshippes receiuing from the old aun∣cient Fathers in very good liking, lustye, and strong, is by your meanes now become carrayne leane, full of sicknesse, and like an olde kebbe full of wrinckles. In so much that if these outragies proceéd as they beginne, you will be found shortly to leaue vs neuer a Church at all, vnlesse the maiesty of God be otherwise reconciled to be mercifull to our despeired estates, then by your Idolatrous Sacrifice.

First whatsouer the Gospell of Christ hadd sometyme ob∣teyned in Asia and in Africa, you haue vtterly loft altogether: Ouer & besides this also, you haue lost Thracia, & all Greece: of late yeares Hungarye and both the Regions of Pannonye: what shall we say to this? that the Venetians were not able to preserue Cipres for all their Masses and Sacrifices?* 1.923 So pu∣issaunt and so many voyages haue bene addressed, so many ar∣mies leuyed against y^e Turkish power, by Emperours, Kyngs, Christian Princes and Captaynes, and most of all, by the pro∣curements and practizes of the Romish Popes: Yet I suppose, that all the meane whiles wanted no Masses and vnbloudy Sa∣crifices through all their Pauylions and Tentes: if at least these Sacrifices could haue preuailed any thing to the appea∣sing of goods indignation: And that I reckon not vpp in the meane time Ciuill broyles, dayly raunging amiddes the very bowells of the Church, Slaughters, Warres, Pestilences, Outragies, Vproares, Schismes, Murthers, Persequutions, Malice, & hartburningnes: What kinde of mischiefe hath euer pestered any Common wealth, wherewith the tranquillitie of Christian Peace is not shaken at this present, yea spoyled and mangled, more with cruell Combatts and tumultes at home, then with any Forrayne inuasions or attemptes? All which ca∣lamities

seéming none other but speciall tokēs of gods greuous wrath waxen whotte agaynst vs, how happeneth that they are not quallified by reconciling Gods fauor with that vnbloudy Sacrifice of the body and bloud of Christ, which is dayly exe∣quuted by so many handes of Sacrificing shauelinges, for an attonement to be made of Gods displeasure agaynst sinne? But you will impute the fault of all these Calamities to the disolute lyues, and lycentiousnes of the lay people. Be it as you say: yet the matter rebowndeth back agayne from whence it came. For if God being offended with the wickednes of the people, could not be pacified by you, in so great continuaunce of tyme hitherto: to what vse then auayleth the power and vertue of that reconciliatory Sacrifice betwixt God and vs?

But I am of a farre contrary iudgement to you herein Oso∣rius: whereas the Turke preuayleth: whereas such an infinite heape of mischieues doe ouerwhelme vs at home, and from a∣broad on euery side:* 1.924 Whereas we haue so long endured the vn∣appeasable wrath of Gods vengeaunce: I doe beleue verely that it commeth to passe for none other cause more, then for the very same Sacrifice, wherewith you doe to stiffly perswade your selues that you doe tourne away his heauy displeasure. For the dead (say you) and for such as be departed out of this lyfe, Finally for the health and safetye of all Christian Realmes you doe make a Sacrifice most holy and most honorable of all other Sacrifices:* 1.925 the vertue whereof of you can neither ex∣presse with tongue, nor comprehend within imagination or thought: and doe stoughtly maintayne, that the same ought to be accompted for the most holy, and principall groundworke of all Religion. I doe perceaue you: and I doe cōmend your Catholicke industry, but your Religion surely I can prayse by no meanes. For what neéded Christ to haue sus∣fredd death, if the vnbloudy Sacrifice of his bloud may satisfy for the safety of all Christendome without shedding of any bloud? if it can not, with what Religion is this Sacrifice perfourmed of you? nay rather how much monstruous Idolatry doe you vp∣hold, and bolster out with this one Sacrifice of yours? Not so (say you) but we make intercessions to Christ which suffred his passion for vs, to pacify the wrath of God, in the be∣halfe

of all Christian Nations. Threé notable lyes in one sen∣tence

• 1 First, that which you doe assume of the body and bloud of Christ, is false. For Christ departing from hence, did not leaue behinde him his body and bloud,* 1.926 but deliuered vnto vs a mistery of his body and bloud onely.
• 2 Moreouer the same whereof you treate so much touching your Sacrificing, is as foolish and vayne. For neither was that Mistery deliuered vnto vs to that end, that it should be Sacry∣ficed by thandes of the Priestes: but that all the faythfull in ge∣nerall without exception, should be partakers thereof, and feéde vpon the same: Eate you all (sayth Christ) of this: He doth not say: Sacrifice this ye Priestes: And I thinke, to eate, and to drinke, is not all one to say: as to Sacrifice.
• 3 Finally this also is as vayne and ridiculous: which you doe more then drowsily dreame vpon: that this Eating should be instituted for the health of all Christian Realmes, and for the reliefe of the quick and the dead. For it was left emongest vs for a Remembraunce of the Lordes passion onely, and so left, not that we should seéke for forgeuenes of Sinnes out of the same: but that these outward signes deliuered vnto vs to Eate, might putt vs in remembraunce of that euerlasting remission of sinnes. which Christ should purchase for vs, by the shedding of his pre∣cious bloud. And for this cause, he doth call it the (upp in his bloud, which shall be shedd for many (sayth he) into the remission of sinnes, not transitory remission I suppose Osorius but into e∣uerlasting forgeuenes of sinnes: For other wise if it be a forgeue∣nes Temporall, how will that saying of Ieremy be true? And I will make with them an euerlasting couenaunt: that I may not remember their sinnes any more. If it be an euerlasting Release: what neéde we then any further Sacrifices? or what shall be sayd of y^t your holynes of Religion, which doth make that thing tran∣sitory to vs, that God hath vouchsafed for vs to be vnremoue∣able, and to continue beyond all ages?

* 1.927To be briefe, that we may now knitt vp the matter by that, that hath bene spoken before: Behold here in few wordes the trueth and substaunce of this Sacrament, Iustified with most true and approued Argumēts. Whereunto if you will aunswere

in your next letters to the Queénes Maiestie, at your conueni∣ent leasure, you shall do vs a great pleasure.

• ...

  1. The Lord departing from hence, did carry away with him out of the earth the substaunce of his body.* 1.928

  Ergo. He did not leaue the same substaunce behinde him.

• ...

  2. Christ did deliuer vnto vs a Mistery of his body onely.

  Ergo. He did not deliuer his very naturall body,

• ...

  3. Christ did institute a Mistery of his body to be eaten onely.

  Ergo. Not to be sacrificed.

  In the remembraunce of forgeuenes of sinnes onely.

  Ergo. Not a Sacrifice of cleansing and forgeuing of Sinnes.

• ...

  4 Saluation and remission of Sinnes is promised to them onely that beleue in Christ.

  Ergo not to them that doe sacrifice Christ.

• ...

  5 Remission of Sinnes is not geuen without shedding of bloud. Heb. 9:

  In the vnbloudy Sacrifice of the Masse there is no effusion of bloud.

  Ergo. In the Sacrifice of the Masse is no Remission of sinnes.

• ...

  6. Saluation and free Remission of Sinnes doth consist of the promise, through fayth.

  The Sacrifice of the Masse is not free, but meritorious, nor cō∣sisteth of fayth, but of merite Meritorious.

  Ergo. The Sacrifice of the Masse is vneffectuall to Saluation, and to the Reconciling of God.

• ...

  7. There is no Materiall cause of forgeuenes of Sinnes, but the onely shedding of Christes bloud, and no formall cause but fayth.

  The vnbloudy Sacrifice of the Masse is neither fayth, neither hath in it any effusion of bloud.

  Ergo, in the Sacrifice of the Masse there is neither Materiall nor Formall cause of Remission of Sinnes.

• ...

  8. The Sacrifices that doe not cease to be offred for Sinnes, doe not satisfie for Sinnes: Heb. 10. The oblatiōs of the Lawe can neuer make the receauers thereof perfect, for if they could, they would neuer haue ceased to be offred. &c.

  The Sacrifices of the Altar doe not cease to be offred.

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doth name it,* 1.929 a Sacramentall ministration. In Clement it is called a representation of the kingly body of Christ. Others doe call it a signe of a true Sacrifice: sometymes it is called the Sa∣crifice of prayer and thankesgeuyng, by a certein mysticall fi∣gure of speakyng. As in a certein place Ambrose doth call our Soules Altares. Where writyng of virgines: I dare boldly af∣firme (sayth he) that your Soules are Altares: In the which Christ is dayly offred for the redemption of the body: Not bycause our Soules be Altares: or that y^e flesh of Christ is naturally or ma∣terially offered of vs: but these sayinges are to be taken in the same sence, as many other like sayings of the old writers are to be vnderstanded. As where Ierome writeth on this wise: That which was borne of the Virgine, is dayly borne vnto vs: Christ is Crucified vnto vs dayly. &c.* 1.930 After the same maner also doth Augustine speake: Then is Christ dayly slayne to euery of vs, whē we beleeue in him that he was slayne.* 1.931 And the same Augustine in an other place vpon the wordes of the Lord. Christ doth ryse a∣gayne dayly vnto thee.* 1.932 And in his 10. booke De Ciuit ate Dei, Cap. 5. God is not delighted in the Sacrifices of slayne beastes, but of a slayne hart. Euen as Chrisostome speaketh likewise. In the ho∣ly mysteries the death of Christ is executed. Besides this also as Gregory de Consecrat. Dist. 2. Christ doth dye agayne in this my∣stery. &c.* 1.933 And yet is there no man so senselesse to say, that Christ is borne euery day, or is Crucified, & ryseth agayne oftentymes: or that his death is executed in the mysteries accordyng to y^e ve∣ry substaunce thereof. But these be figuratiue, and vnproper kyndes of speaches, wherein is celebrated a certein mysticall ex∣ecution of those thynges for a Remembraunce: so that y^e thyngs them selues be not present properly, which were long sithence fi∣nished, but are representations by certein applyable resemblaū∣ces of thinges signified onely: whereby our fayth may as it were from hād to hand, be admonished by the application of these out∣ward signes, what was accomplished before spiritually for vs, in that most excellent Sacrifice of Christ.

Euē as the Natiō of the Hebrues were sometyme fedd with the visible Manna, & as our bodyes are at this present strengh∣thened with dayly food of nourishyng sustenaunce, which would otherwise perish through want: Semblably bycause there can

be no saluation for our forlorne nature, besides y^e bloud of Christ: Christ is therfore worthely called, the bread of our lyfe, and the foode of y^e world: whereby the bodies are not fed for a few yeares, but y^e soules are nourished to euerlastyng lyfe: And for this cause Christ takyng an occasion of their communication which were cōferryng together of Manna,* 1.934 and the eatyng of his flesh not vn∣aptly alluding to that heauenly banquett in Moyses (which dyd refresh the hunger of the body for a tyme) did call him selfe bread in deéde, and spake the same also truly: And why truly? bycause he is truly and in deéde the bread and foode of lyfe, not onely of this trāsitory and temporall lyfe, but of euerlastyng lyfe: not this lyfe onely, which we doe now enioy in this world: but which we shall lyue much more truly in the world to come. And for this cause purposing euen then to suffer death for vs, he did note vn∣to vs his body and bloud vnder the names of bread & wyne.This is my body (sayth he) This is the cuppe of my bloud: Not bycause that bread and that cuppe were chaunged into his body, and his bloud naturally, substauncially, and in deéde: but bycause he could not before his death represent vnto vs, the force and effica∣cy of that euerlastyng and spirituall Sacrifice, by any more apt similitude, or application of any other likenes, which might con∣tinually preserue the remembraunce of him in our hartes after his death. And therefore gaue vs in commaundement, that we should celebrate the same perpetually, & receaue those elemētes for an euerlastyng memoriall of that Sacrifice: and not to be sa∣crificed for the expiation of Sinnes. Take (sayth he) Eate ye all of this. In which wordes he doth call vpon not y^e Priests onely: but inuiteth all the faythfull ingenerall without exceptiō as it were to a generall banquett, alluryng all men to follow his example herein. Which thyng we do diligently and carefully obserue at this present, accordyng to his prescript commaundement, and our dutyfull obedience not in corners, mumblyng vpp priuate Masses, but in our publique Congregatiōs & assemblyes. We do eate: we do not Sacrifice: we do drinke: we do not purge by Sacrifice.* 1.935 Moreouer we do not eate with our teéth onely, but much more effectually with our harts: not the body: but with the body: that so we be nourished both wayes. With our bodies we do receaue the outwarde elementes in deéde, in a thankefull

memoriall of the Lordes body offred: But with our fayth & harts we do receaue and embrace,* 1.936 not the visible signes and elements onely, but the truth of the body and bloud of Christ, & the whole vertue and efficacy of the same Sacrament.

And this is the order of our Communions Osorius. In the which we do neither eate y^e Sacramētall bread without Christ, nor Christ w^tout the Sacramentall bread. For we do not rende these in peéces after your guise: but we do ioyne both together, the one with y^e other, though we receaue them not both after one maner. That which the soule doth feéde vpon, is not bread, but Christ:* 1.937 That which is receaued into the mouth, and passeth downe into the bowels is not the naturall & reall body of Christ, but bread. And yet in respect of the signifieng mysterie, it is not bread, nor do we eate it for bread, but for the body of Christ: And therefore this mystery doth reteigne in deéde y^e name of the body, but in substaunce the nature of bread, and not of the body. For what man hath bene euer of so Sauadge a nature, as could not perceaue that mans flesh is no conuenient foode for mans body? what Nation hath bene euer so cruell & barbarous, as to be ser∣ued at his table with mans bloud, were it neuer so delicately roa∣sted and spiced? And what shall we say? that Scripture it selfe doth not permitt this by any meanes, that men shall feede vpon mens flesh and bloud: Gene. 9.* 1.938 And in an other place, you shall not feede vpon the flesh of all beastes, as well foule as foure footed cat∣tell: Leuit. 7.* 1.939 And agayne. No soule emōgest you nor of the Straū∣gers that doe soiourne emongest you shall eate bloud:* 1.940 If the will of God were such, that it might not be lawfull for his people to feéde vpon the bloud of beastes: how much rather do ye suppose y^t we are restrayned by the same cōmaundement frō eating of mās flesh? Moreouer whereas Christ him selfe doth confesse that he was sent downe into the earth for that end, that he should dissolue no ioate of all that the law commaunded, but should accom∣plish euery title thereof to the vttermost, by what reason could he geue an oblation of his body and bloud at his Supper for a Sa∣crifice,* 1.941 to be eaten and dronken without breache of the commaū∣dement of that law, which is expressed in the 6. Chap. of Leuit. in these wordes? The oblation that is geuen for sinne (sayth he) the bloud whereof is brought into the Tabernacle of wittnesse, to

make satisfaction in the Sanctuarye shall not be eaten, but be burnt and consumed with fryer. &c.

But here I suppose myne opposed aduersary will seeke af∣ter a knott in a Bullrush as the Prouerbe is: Whereas Christ was able to doe all thinges by the assent and word of his omnipotency: And whereas the same Christ also did af∣firme the same to be his body and bloud, then must one of these two be graūnted of very necessitye: that either we must discreditt Christ his wordes, and abase the omnipo∣tency of God, or els we must needes establishe a true obla∣tion of the body and bloud of Christ in the Supper. If all the sayings of Christ howsoeuer vttered, and spoken by the Lord, must be done and performed in the selfe same order and effectu∣alnesse that he spake them, and if all thinges must be drawen to the killing letter: you haue then woonn the Spurres. But then what shall become of that spirite and lyfe of y^e Letter, where vn∣to the commaundement of the Gospel doth require vs to apply, Iohn. 6?* 1.942 whereunto shall Augustines rule serue? which willing vs to leaue the Letter, doth force vs to a deeper consideration, as often as an absurditie can not auoyded, without a necessary Al∣legory, if you be of this mynde that we ought to be driuen from such lyke Allegoricall, and figuratiue speéches of lyke significa∣tiōs. But what is this els, then to noozell vpp a Grammarian, not a Deuine? And by this meanes withall into how many sens∣lesse absurdityes shall you force vs, horrible and abhominable to be spoken with toungue? We doe in a certein place heare the Lord speakyng playnely and sensibly enough. I haue sayd you are Gods, and are all the Sonnes of the highest:* 1.943 If you regard the wordes onely, what can be spoken more playnely. I haue sayd (sayth he.) If the outward sence of the Letter doe force such an inuiolable creditt: what remaineth, but that we say, y^e men must forthw^t degēder frō naturall mē into Gods? Agayne where we heare Peter in an other place called by the name of Sathan Math. 16. which wordes of Christ if we will interpret after this maner,* 1.944 we must neédes conclude hereupon, that the Pope of Rome is not the Successor of Peter, but of Sathan. Wher∣by I suppose your Diuinitye is well enough certified, how much it skilleth to attend and geue eare vnto, not onely what is

read in the bare letter of the holy scriptures, but also to marke diligently the sence, and meaning of the Scripture. In Gene. We heare the Lord speaking, as is before mencioned: Let vs make light, and light was made. If after the same maner Christ had spoken ouer the bread: the matter had bene out of all que∣stion. Now whoso affirmeth that some one thing is an other thing, doth not forthwith commaund the same thing to be made that other thing which he noteth. It is one thing to make, and an other thing to speake and pronounce. Whereof thone is a chaunge of substaunces, thother is a chaunge of names onely. But Christ now taking here the bread & the cupp in his handes, doth not commaund that they shonld be made his body & bloud, but doth dignify the bread and cupp which he tooke in his hāds, by the name of his body onely: not chaunging the nature (as The∣odoret reporteth) nor casting away the substaunce of bread and wine as Gelasius affirmeth: but honoring the visible signes by the name, and caling it his body and bloud:* 1.945 whereby he might more liuely expresse to our sences the vertue and efficacy of his death and passion ensuing.

For it commeth to passe I know not how, that as often as we are minded to expresse the excellency of any notable matter, we doe not accustome our selues altogether to the naturall pro∣prieties of speéches, but apply sometimes vnproper and bo∣rowed speéches to make the matter seéme more Emphaticall, which thing is vsually frequented, not in sacred Scriptures onely, but very often and much also in the continuall practizes of humaine actions & ciuill societye: Such as haue vsually cal∣led Money the very Synowes of warres: such as haue named Scipio the sword of the Romaines, he that sayd that Quintus Maximus was the shield of the Romaines: It is not to be dough∣ted,* 1.946 but by these figuratiue speéches, they did meane to expresse more then the wordes did emport. The Parents of Tobias, when they named their Sonne the staffe of their age, did they forthwith chaunge their sonne into a staffe of wood?* 1.947 or did they vnderstand him rather to be their comfort of their lyfe, vnder the lykenes of a staffe to leane vnto? Paul commaundeth vs to take the sword of the spirite: which he doth call the word of God. In lyke maner when Christ commaundeth vs to receaue into

out mouthes that, which he named to be his body: why doe we not as truely and in deéde, transubstantiate the sword of God into a materiall sword, as the Eucharist into the naturall fleshe of Christ? If we shall speake after the proper phrase of speéch, it appeareth playnely, y^t the same death of our Lord, (which he dyed for our sakes) did purchase for our soules euerlasting saue∣tye & fulnes of lyfe. And it is not to be doughted, by y^t the Lord himselfe at his maundy before he suffered (foreseéing what was comming vpō him) did long before certyfy his disciples thereof by some significant token. But to thend his wordes should be more deépely engrauen into their hartes, he vouchsafed to en∣struct them with some similitude of sensible thinges, rather then with wordes: by demonstration, rather then by speculation: set∣ting before their eyes not onely a denomination of bread, and wine alone, but also a visible example of a material eating: to en∣struct thereby not our mindes onely, vut to endure our senses to perseueraunce much more effectually. And hereof both the cause, and the originall of the Sacrament begann to spring at the first. Doe ye this (sayth he) in remembraunce of me. Go to then, let vs aduisedly consider what our Lord did in that Sup∣per, and what the Apostles lykewise, and what we also ought to doe: Christ tooke bread in his handes: he brake the same bread: which bread being broken he offred, not to his Father, but to his disciples, not for a Sacrifice, but for a Remembraunce: not to satisfy for Sinnes: (which could not be accomplished without shedding of bloud) but in Remembraunce onely of that bloud which was to be shedd: Doe ye this (sayth he) in Remembraunce of me. And this was the whole order of Christ his action at that Supper. what did the Apostles? they receaued the Sacrament of the body deliuered vnto them: when they had taken it, they did eate it: eating it in a thankfull remembraunce of their Re∣deémer, they gaue thankes. Now if we following their exam∣ple herein, doe not doe the lyke, accuse vs: if we doe the same ac∣cordingly:* 1.948 tell vs ((Diogines) what is it whereat you snarle? Now agayne for your partes, what you Catholickes doe in cor∣ners, either vouchsafe to declare your selfe Osorius or harken a litle, whiles I doe expresse it.

First the Priest doth take the bread sett downe vpon a stony

Altar, taking it, doth consecrate it, the bread being consecrated, he doth himselfe worshipp first: afterwardes he lifteth it vpp a∣boue his head as high as he can betwixt his handes, as it were betwixt two theéues to the gaze, to be worshipped of others: and withall offring the same bread to God the Father, in steade of a Mediator maketh intercession betwixt the Sonne, and the Fa∣ther, beseéching the Father that he would vouchsafe benignely to accept these oblations of y^e body and bloud of his owne sonne. And this doth the Priest forsooth, aswell for the quick, as for the poore prisoners in Purgatory. Hauyng offred y^e Sonne on this wise, y^e Priest doth reteigne him thus offred vnto him selfe: doth deliuer him to no body: but breaketh him to him selfe into threé small peéces, if I be not deceiued: two partes whereof he pla∣ceth vnder his handes one ouer an other, after the maner of a crosse: the third he drowneth downe in y^e Challice: O wondrous and vnspeakeable mystery of the Pope. These thinges being on this wise ordered, this Christemaker taking vpp at the last, this hoste deuided so into threé peéces, two partes he deuoureth vpp, and the third he suppeth out of the Challice: in such wise ne∣uertheles as that not so much as a croome of this supper or apish Enterlude rather cann come to the peoples share: who must be contented to haue their eyes only fedd (as it were in playes and Enterludes) whiles this whipstart alone haue played all the partes of the Pageaunt:* 1.949 and at the last throwing out a blessing from out the bottome of this Chalice, commaundeth his gazers euery one to departe whither they will.

For as much as those things are dayly and euery where prac∣tized by you, & with bigge lookes supported to y^e hard hedg, may I be so bold to learne of you, by what right? by what title of anti∣tiquitie? by what grounde of Scripture? or by what example at the last ye be able to defende this your deuouryng of fleshe, and breadworshypp?* 1.950 by any example of Christ? or his Apostles? but where did Christ euer institute in the Supper a Sacrifice of his body? where did he consecrate bread into his body? or where did he transforme bread into his flesh? where did he lift vpp any hoste vnto his Father,* 1.951 with outstretched armes towardes heauen to pacifie his Father? or where did he make a shewe thereof to the people to be gazed vpon? what did the Apostles? where did they

euer worshypp the bread that they did eate in the Supper, or in their Communiōs? where did they euer inuyte others to any A∣doration of this Sacrament, and not rather to the eatyng thereof onely? where did they Sacrifice it for the quicke and the deadd? where did they euer carry abroad the Eucharist in Procession and open assemblies? or where did they reserue it for stoare? where did they euer defraude the lay people of one part of the Sacrament?

Briefly,* 1.952 how all the proceédinges of this your iugglyng En∣terlude doth varry from the first Institution of the Apostles, how it hath not any partakyng or acquaintaunce with the Commu∣nion of Christ, nor any resemblaunce or affinitie with his holy Supper, Let whole Christendome be Iudge herein: Let euery man that list compare examples with examples, new with old, present with tymes past: what doth all this whatsoeuer you doe, resemble els, then like a certein skippyng and trippyng gesture of some Stagelike Comedy rather, thē a Supper of the Lord? wherein first you chaunged the Sacrament into a Sacrifice: you haue altered the Table into an Altar: transposed mysteries into Masses, and translated eatyng into Adoration, participation in∣to Religion: banquetyng, into gazing & tootyng. The substaunce of bread you haue with a playne Poeticall Metamorphosis trā∣substanciated into the substaūce of flesh: finally you haue brought the matter to this passe, that there is no fourme of a Supper, no nor so much as the name of a Supper remainyng. For what is he that will euer name that to be a Supper, where neither bread nor drincke, nor any kynde of meate besides mās flesh and bloud onely, is sett before the guestes to feéde vpō? which is hor∣rible for any mā to eate that will either follow the rule of nature, or the prescript commaundement of the Scriptures.

What then? will you abandone Christ (say you) from vs out of the Eucharist altogether?* 1.953 and will you leaue no more but bare Signes onely in this most holy Sacrament? For such is the ques∣tion that Hosius maketh in a certein place: & the selfe same now doth Osorius thrust out agaynst the Lutheranes. Whose accu∣sation bycause I purpose to refute, behold ye good Catholick mē that which I must speake both truly and necessaryly. First this quarrell toucheth the Lutheranes very litle. For others I doe

aunswere on this wise. That this doth not exclude Christ out of the Eucharist: but you do banish Christ out of heauē altogether: whiles by the same rule you force the nature and substaunce of his body into so narrow streightes, as it were thruchte into a Geometricall chynker: wherein what do you els, then hale him out of heauen? For one and the selfe same bodely nature in one & the selfe same body, can not be here, and there, at one tyme. In deede you confesse it can not be by nature,* 1.954 but it may be be (say you) by miracle. But cursed be that miracle, whereby the true humanitie of our Christ is denyed, and whereby our cō∣ioyning together with him is broken a sunder. For what parta∣kyng shalbe of our natures with his body? or what agreable proportion of body betwixt vs, If we be seuered ech frō other, in the whole propertie & substaunce of nature? But Augustine a reasonable Catholicke Deuine enough, I suppose, will not consent vnto this that the Diuinitie of Christ ought so to be affir∣med,* 1.955 is that his humanitie shall by any meanes be defaced. Ther∣fore that rayling of Osorius agaynt vs, as though we did dis∣poyle the holy banquet of Christes Diuinitie is some drowsie dreame of some dronckard: for who did euer seclude the Diui∣nitie of Christ from this mysticall Supper?

So is also the cauilation of Hosius in eche respect as slaun∣derous, where he chargeth vs, y^t we sequester y^e body of Christ wholy from the Eucharist. Which is also as vntrue. For albeit we do affirme that the body of Christ is naturally, in his owne propertie in heauē, we do not so exclude him from the holy my∣steries, as that we would not haue him present therein at all: but consideration must be had in what maner he is present. He that doth acknowledge a true presence of Christ after a Sacra∣mentall maner, and vnder a mysticall coueryng, doth not aband∣don Christ out of the Sacrament: but he that reiectyng the my∣stery, doth acknowledge no presence, but such as must be beleé∣ued to be present naturally, and in deéde: the same if he abyde by his wordes, must neédes ouerthrow all the substaūce of a Sacra∣ment of very necessitie. For whereas they do assigne the whole materiall part of the Sacrament to consiste in this, that the flesh of Christ included within those mysteries must appeare discer∣nable to the beholders, not in his proper and naturall forme, but

in an other shape it is a friuolous deuise boulted out of the forgeshoppe of Lumbarde. Which by this euident demonstra∣tion of Augustine is easily ouerthrowen.

All Sacramentes do represent a necessary likenesse of the same thinges,* 1.956 whereof they be Sacramentes.

The outward formes of bread and wyne doe by no maner of like∣nesse, represent any agreablenesse with the body of Christ.

Ergo, No materiall part of a Sacrament can be applyable to those outward formes of bread and wyne.

And yet this notwithstandyng we do confesse, that Christ is present neuerthelesse in his mysteries. But it is one thyng for Christ to be present in a mystery, & an other thyng to be present naturally, & enclosed as it were within a certein place. It is one thyng to beare the name of a thyng, whereof it is a remēbraūce: & an other thyng to be the very same thyng wherof it taketh deno∣mmatiō. It is one thyng to haue a likenesse, & an other thyng to be in the very same substaunce. Neither is it a good Argument, that is fetcht from the word or letter, to the substaunce. Where in the one, the very matter of a Sacrament is to be seéne: in the other, the truth of the substaunce is discerned.* 1.957 Wherein is con∣cluded a fallax A secundum quid ad simpliciter.

In a Comedy or Enterlude he y^t cōmeth forth vpon y^e Stage cladd in Kingly Roabes & crowned with y^e Diademe of a King, the same is not by and by y^e Kyng in deéd whose persō he doth re∣presēt. And yet is there no cause to y^e cōtrary, but duryng y^e time of the Enterlude he may be after a certein sort, called a Kyng: to witt, after y^e same maner, as Signes & similitudes of thyngs, do many tymes obteine to be called by the name, and title of the ve∣ry thynges whereof they be representations. Therefore for as much as the action of this sacred Cōmunion is of this na∣ture, as the which doth no lesse minister the body of Christ, to be receaued by fayth, then the bread, to be eaten by the mouth: these men therfore do not seclude Christ from this sacred banquet, as you seé,* 1.958 but you and your Catholickes rather: whiles you do se∣quester the Allegory from the wordes of Christ, refusing all ma∣ner Type of resemblaunce and likenesse, & whiles you do rende a sunder the spirite (which doth quickē) from the letter that doth kill: whiles you banishe quite away all bread out of the Sacra∣ment:

whiles you teare abroad the subiect from the accidentes: Whiles ye make a miserable myngle mangle and hochepott of the thynges that are seuered by nature,* 1.959 and agayne dissolue the thynges that are naturally ioyned together. Whiles with most abhominable Idollworshyp you doe most filthyly defile the most pure, and chaste Church of Christ, to the intollerable discomfort and sorrow of all godly hartes: you haue brought this to passe by your crafty cōueyaūce, that the people now can neither partake of any bread in the holy supper of Christ, no nor Christ himself, but in steéde of Christ must receaue an Idoll: in place of bread certein Imaginatiue Signes and Metaphysicall Antyckes (I know not what) of formes and shapes hāgyng in the ayre, & to speake the truth at a word, can be partakers of nothyng at all: for as much as neither the body of Christ can by any meanes be vpon the earth without the Sacrament, and you will acknow∣ledge no such Sacrament of the body to be in the Church after any such sort, whenas you exhibite onely to the gaze the body it selfe not to be signified by representation, but in very presence to be sensibly embraced, and beholden with mens eyes.

And thus much hitherto of the materiall poynt of this your Sacrifice: of the which I think, that either neuer any thing may be vttered sufficiently agaynst you, or els that we haue now vtte∣red enough in that behalfe. It remayneth now, that forasmuche as this place ministreth occasion to discourse somewhat vpon this controuersy, that we pursue (as it were by tracing the track of thē) all the chiefest bullwarkes of your reasons (I meane not yours Osorius) which are not worth a Portingall figge: but the squibbes of your coapemates, wherewith they thinke the creditt of their error safely fortified: or with the smoake whereof rather they do dazell the eyes of the simple people, euen in y^e same order as they haue bene produced: least that any thing may seéme to haue escaped vs, wherein Osorius may cauill, that we haue not either garded our defence sufficiently, or not vndermined and skattered their argumentes into powder substantially.

The Reasons of the Aduersaries where∣with they maynteyne their Altars and Sacrifices so Iustelye.

The Sacrifices,* 1.960 of the old law did prefigure the sacrifice of the new Law, and of a better Testament.

Ergo, The Church hath her dayly and eternall sacrifice.

Whereas the Aduersaries do affirme that the Sacrifices of the olde Law did represent a figure of a better sacrifice,* 1.961 herein they do erre nothing at all. Agayne, that the Church hath her dayly Sacrifice, we do also confesse. But whereas they say, that their Sacrifice of the Masse is that Sacrifice, this is most false and foolish. The Sacrifice of Abell, Noah, Abraham, the Pas∣call Lambe, the Lambe without sports: the read heyfer. &c. did prefigure an other, and a more excellent Testament in deéde: But all these shadowes were concluded, and ended in one onely oblation, which being slayne for vs once vpon the crosse, hath a certain euerlasting effectualnesse pacifiyng, and reconciling. And therefore that Apish Sophisme is cutt of by the Rumpe. To witt.

The olde Sacrifices doe represent a figure of a newe sacrifice.* 1.962

Ergo, The Masse is that Sacrifice of the newe Testa∣ment, &c.

The Sacrifices of the olde Testament were not all of one sort for some were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which we call propitiatory. Agayne some were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which the Latinistes doe call gratulatory. To the same our Sacrifices be correspondent: but of a farr more speciall perfection. For their Propitiatory Sacrifices did signi∣fye Christ slayne for the sinnes of the people. Their Gratulato∣ry Sacrifices did testify and e••presse tokens and significations of gratefull thankefullnesse of mindes. Of which sort are many Sacrifices discerneable amongest vs. The preaching of the Gos∣pell, and the acceptable oblation of the Gētiles. Rom. 15.* 1.963 The liue∣ly Sacrifice of our bodyes. Rom. 13. The collections of the faythfull for their brethren. Phill. 4. Hebr. 13.* 1.964 The Sacrifice of prayse, and the calues of lippes: in the same Chapter. Mortifiyng of the flesh, Almes, Thankesgeuing, The memoriall and thankefull confession

of the benefites of Christ, which is likewise frequented in the acti∣on of the Lordes Supper.

¶ An other argument.

* 1.965The outward Priesthood doth require an outward Sa∣crifice.

Christ did institute an outward Priesthood in the newe Testament.

Ergo, Christ did institute a new Sacrifice in the new Te∣stament.

* 1.966In deéd the Church is inuested with her Priesthood and her Sacrifice in the new Testament, aswell as it was in the old Te∣stament. But we do say that all that Priesthood, together with the Sacrifice that is offered for sinnes, is altogether resiaunt and accomplished in our one and onely Christ, the sonne of the liuing God. Whereupon we do acknowledge one onely Priest, and one onely oblation,* 1.967 not Priestes and Apostles, nor the A∣postles Successours, but Christ, and him onely our chiefe and high Preist. And this high Priest of ours did institute a Mini∣stery in his Church, but not a Priesthood: I doe meane such a Priesthood, which doth necessarily require a satisfactory Sacri¦fice, as it was in the olde Lawe. For this onlye Bushoppe ha∣uing abolished the olde priestehoodd, and abandoned the olde Sacrifices doth reigne an euerlasting Priest, and gaue himselfe a Sacrifice once, and euen one Sacrifice for all:* 1.968 so that frō hence∣forth is no neéd at all of any Priest or satisfactory Sacrifice for sinnes for euer. In the meane space (as I sayd before) he left be∣hind him a Ministery established in his Church: not such a Mi∣nistery as should offer vpp any more Sacrifice for the redemp∣tion of sinnes: but such a one, as should onely apply y^e preaching of y^e word, & the due administratiō of the Sacraments, namely, Baptisme & the celebrating of the Lordes supper.* 1.969 So y^t the ve∣ry Action and Ministery of the Minister doth auayle nothing to the deuiding of Christes Merites abroad through merite me∣ritorious: but that euery man may apply himselfe, and become capable of those Merites of Christ, by the force of his owne pro∣per fayth. And this Application or vse of the Lordes supper is called a Memoriall of the passion of Christ: as the which doth

depend not vpon the merite of him that worketh, nor vpon me∣rite meritorious, but vpon the faythfull receiuing of the godly by fayth onely.

An Argument out of Malachy.

Malachy. Cap. 1.* 1.970 In euery place is sacrificed and offered vnto me a pure offering. Because my name is great amongest the Gen∣tiles, sayth the Lord God of Hoastes. In this saying of Malachy three thinges (as they say) are to be cōsidered. The dissolu∣tion of the Synagogue. The dissolution of the Leuiticall sa∣crifices, and the institution of a new sacrifice.* 1.971 In which new sacrifice is a double property. 1. that it come in place of the leuiticall sacrifices. 2. that it be offered in all places. Which properties cann not be appliable any where, but to the Masse onely. For first they doe not agree with the spirituall sacrifices of the Christians, wherewith God is worshipped with the inward affections of the soule: because all these sa∣crifices be generall vnto vs, aswell as they were in the lawe of nature, and the law of Moyses. Then also they cann not agree with the Leuiticall sacrifices which were not execu∣ted euery where, but were limited to one place onely. No more may they haue any partaking with the sacrifice of the Crosse, which was accomplished once, and in one place onely. It remayneth therefore that this propheticall sacri∣fice of Malachy, must signifie the vnbloudy sacrifice of the Masse, according to the Testimonyes of the Ecclesiasticall writers, Irene, Augustine, Ierome, Damascene. &c.

The same Argument in a forme Logicall,

In the new testament suche a sacrifice must remayne as may be dayly and perpetuall, and celebrated in euery place, as appeareth by the wordes of Malachy.

There can be no suche kynde of Sacrifice els, but the sacrifice of the Masse: proued by the Reasons before mentioned.

Ergo, The sacrifice of the Masse is that perpetuall sacri∣fice whereof Malachy doth prophecy, and which can not be dissolued.

* 1.972The words of the Prophet do so throughly expound the mea∣ning of the Prophett, as that they neéd none other interpreta∣tion. A pure offering (sayth Malachy) is offered vnto my name because my name,* 1.973 is great amongest the Gentiles. The Prophet doth playnely prophecy of the Church, which is to be gathered together from out emongest the Gentiles, of the enlarging of the Gospell,* 1.974 of fayth, of the knowledge of God, of calling vpon his name, of confessing his name, and geuing of thankes. And this pure and acceptable offering of the Gentiles by how farre it is outstretched and proclaymed ouer all the world, so much the more euidently it doth disclose the meaning of the Prophet. The Sacrifices of the Synagogue and of the Leuiticall wor∣shipping which were ministred with outward Ceremonies be abolished, to the end that spirituall Sacrifices (wherein God doth take greater pleasure) should supplye theyr place, who as he is himselfe a spirite, doth delight to be worshipped in spirite and trueth. And because this heauenlye and celestiall kinde of worshipping must be proclaymed euery where ouer all the face of the earth, therefore the Lord doth foreshew by the mouth of the Prophet, that it shall come to passe, that the great name of god should waxe mighty in all places & should be generally wor∣shipped w^t worthy sacrifices & true honor. And by what meanes can this saying vphold this outward applicatory Sacrifices of y^e Masse as they call it? And yet if they will neédes haue it so: what shall this be els, thē to descēd frō flesh to flesh? & to make a chaūge of the old Iewishnes with a new Iewishnes? S. Paule doth te∣stifie playnly of this Propheticall Sacrifice Rom. 15. That the Gētiles may glorifie God for his mercy,* 1.975 as it is writtē. For this cause will I prayse thee emongest the Gentiles. &c. Prayse the Lord all ye Gētiles.* 1.976 Psal. 117. And there shall spring a braunche out of the roote of lesse,* 1.977 in him shall the Gentiles trust. Esay. 11. That the offeringes of the Gentiles (sayth Paule) might be acceptable.

* 1.978Of the same Sacrifice, let vs now heare what Epiphanius and other writers doe write in their Commentaries vpon these wordes of Malachy.* 1.979 Sacrificing the Gospell (sayth Epiphanius) ouer all the face of the earth. Agayne. Tertullian agaynst Marci∣on in his 4. booke. I haue no pleasure in you, bycause from the rising of the Sunne to the going downe of the same my name is glorified, &

in all places a Sacrifice is offred vnto my name, yea and that a pure Sacrifice, what kinde of Sacrifice? he doth not say the Sacrifice of the Altar, but pure prayer, powred forth of a cleare consci∣ence. &c. And in his thyrd booke he doth him selfe expresse what kynde of Sacrifice, this is. Namely the proclamation of glory, thankesgeuing, and prayse, and Psalme. &c. The same Tertullian also Contra Iudaeos. Fol. 4.* 1.980 Wherfore thē doth the spirite Prophe∣cie afterwardes by the Prophetes, that it shall come to passe, that o∣uer all the earth, and in all places, sacrifices should be offred vnto God, as he spake by the mouth of Malachy, I will not accept the sa∣crifice of your handes? doubtles bycause the sounde of the preaching of the Apostles should be heard ouer all the world. Because God must be worshipped not with earthly sacrifices, but with spirituall, we read this, where it is written. A contrite hart is a sacrifice vnto God. And in an other place. Offer vnto God the sacrifice of prayse and paye thy vowes to the highest. After this maner therfore are the spirituall sacrifices of prayse noted: such an acceptable sacrifice to God is a contrite hart knowen to be. &c. Moreouer if you will learne what kynde of sacrifice of the Church this must be. Let vs heare the wordes of the same Tertullian to Scapula.* 1.981 And therfore we do offer sacrifice for the good preseruation of the Em∣perour, but we do sacrifice vnto our God and his: but how? euen as God hath commaunded vs, namely: with pure prayers. Thus much out of Tertullian. Irene is his fourth booke agaynst the here∣sies of Valentine and other like vnto him,* 1.982 cityng this place of Malachy: doth say y^t by these wordes he made a most manyfest demonstratiō, that y^e first people did cease to sacrifice vnto God, but in all places a sacrifice is offered vnto God, yea and that a pure sacrifice. But his name shalbe glorified emongest the Gen∣tiles. And in the 33. Chap. Iohn in his Reuelatiō (sayth he) doth call the prayer of the Sainctes by the name of Incense vnto the Lord. And in his 34. Chap. expoundyng the same place of Ma∣lachy. And therfore he will haue vs offerre an offryng at the altar without intermission.* 1.983 This Altar therfore is in the hea∣uens, for vnto that Altar must our prayers and oblations be dire∣cted, and to that Temple. &c. What shall we say to Augustine?* 1.984 Who writyng vpon y^e same place, doth affirme y^e Incense there is taken for the prayers of the faythfull. And immediately an∣nexyng

thereunto: When he sayd, I will not accept the Calues of thyne house: Offer vnto God the sacrifice of prayse. The same God by the mouth of this foretelling the thing that should come to passe as though it were done already, doth say. From the rising of the sunne to the going down of the same my name is glo¦rified emongest the Gentiles, and in euery place Incense is offered to my name, and a pure oblation. &c. You seé therfore Osorius by the testimonie of Augu. what kinde of pure sacrifice this is in Ma∣lachy, namely: That Prayse and Thankesgeuing is the continuall, and dayly sacrifice of the Christians: but especially when we doe represent the death of Christ, wherewith he redeémed us, and the cōioynyng of his mysticall body, by the partakyng of the holy Communion of the bread and wyne.

* 1.985Of y^e same mynde also is Eusebius, who doth interprete this sacrifice of Malachy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which is as much to say Incēse of prayer. What shall I say of Ierome?* 1.986 Whose Ex∣position upō the same place of y^e Prophet doth not vary from the Expositiō of Tertullian, affirming that the prayers of the faith∣full must be offred vnto the Lord, not in one onely prouince of Iury, but in all places. &c. Damascene is yet behinde, whose authoritie albeit doth geue no great credit to the cause, as being (to say no∣thyng els) a writer of no great antiquitie, yet euen in this same place, where by this vnbloudy Sacrifice, he noteth y^t body & bloud of Christ, he spake playnly of y^e Supper of the Lord: but maketh no mētion at all of the Masse, nor of the Sacrifice of the Masse.

Now I will aunswere to the Argument: Wherein to ad∣mitt the Maior: yet is y^e Minor surely most false: which they do deuide into braunches on this wise.

First (say they) this dayly sa∣crifice that Malachy doth prophecy of, can haue no agrea∣blenes with the Leuiticall sacrifices, which are worne out of vse long sithence: neither do I deny this, what then? Neither could the Prophet here prophecy of the sacrifice of Melchi∣zedech, which was prefigured lōg before. You say very well. No more can it be vnderstāded of those spirituall sacrifices of the faythfull which are offered in mynde, and in spirite: Goe forth now. So neither can they be ascribed to the righte∣ousnes of workes, which the Prophet Esay doth reiect, be∣yng defiled as it were a menstruous cloth.* 1.987 I doe heare you.

Lastly, whereas the sacrifice of the Crosse was accomplished in one place onely at Ierusalem: The vnmeasurablenesse of this sacrifice, which is enclosed within no boundes of place can not be referred vnto that sacrifice. Well, conclude now at the length. It remayneth therefore, that the wordes of the Prophecy be construed to haue relatiō to the sacrifice of the popish masse: in the which christ him selfe being a most pure and most cleane sacrifice of it selfe is offered vnto God e∣mongst the Gentiles, in all places, yea euen now in the tyme of the new Testament, without end.

I do aunswere: where the Prophet doth name it a pure Sa∣crifice, therein he seémeth to wil nothyng els, but that abolishing all the Legall Sacrifices, which were offered by smoake, by smellyng sauour, and bloud, he did signifie certein other new reasonable Sacrifices, and vnbloudy, as Eusebius calleth them: namely spirituall and mysticall Lyturgies of the Church, and inward Sacrifices of the faythfull: which albeit do seéme of thē selues vncleane and menstruous, yet beyng purged and made cleane by the bloud of Christ, are accompted reasonable and ac∣ceptable in the sight of GOD: to witt, by that reason, as all thynges are sayd to be cleane to them that be cleane:* 1.988 And that which God hath made cleane, ought no man to accompt vncleane. In the which sence, the faithfull are commaūded to lift vppe pure handes in prayer, in S. Paule. Whereupon Eusebius doth say, that we do kindle the Insence of prayer, and doth call the same,* 1.989 a pure sacrifice, which we do execute, not with bloud and goare, but with pure actions.

Moreouer where the Prophet doth adde. In euery place: as these wordes preuayle nothyng for the credit of the Masse, so doth it extenuate our Religion of the Sacrifice of the Crosse no∣thyng at all. For albeit Christ the most sweéte Sauiour did suf∣fer his Passion no more but once, and in one place only, at Ie∣rusalem, this withstandeth nothyng at all, but that the efficacy dignity, and memoriall of this Sacrifice receaued by fayth, may ouer spread and be frequented in all places, and tymes. Where∣upon we do heare Chrisostome discoursing very playnly.

Nei∣ther did it therefore repent God of the Priesthood (sayth he) be∣cause the sacrifice, which he did offer vpon the Crosse doth so re∣maine

acceptable in the good pleasure of God, and permanent in endlesse power, that the same oblation should be lesse effectuall now in the sight of his Father, then it was the very same day,* 1.990 wherein water and bloud gushed from out his wounded hart, and the woūdes remainyng discernable alwayes in the body, should exact the price of mans redemption. &c.

Which if were truely spoken by Chrisostome, what neéde any more ••tteration of Sacrifices vpon altars for the saluation of soules? especially sithēce according to the generall & publique consent of y^e Doctours, there is none other Sacrifice for sinnes but this one onely oblation vpon the Crosse, neither is any other Sacrifice acknowledged of y^e Church, but y^e onely which cōsisteth of the memoriall and thankfull remembraunce of that Sacrifice vpon the crosse. Innumerable testimonyes might be vouched out of the Doctors agreéing altogether in this sence and mea∣ning.* 1.991 But I doe seé that thauthorityes to Iustify this cause doe amount to an infinite number. This is an old and a true saying of Eusebius. That he gaue to vs a remembraunce to offer to God continually in steéd of Sacrifice.

What shall we say of Lombard: who doth affirme that this priestly Sacrifice is nothing els then a memorial and Repre∣sentation of that true oblatiō offered vpon the Crosse.* 1.992 Frō which sweéte agreable consonancye of Authors Nazianzen doth no∣thing differ, calling the exemplar of great Misteryes the Sacri∣fice of prayse.* 1.993 What say you to Iustine Martyr? Esay doth not promise (sayth he) a restoring agayne of bloudy Sacrifices, but true and spirituall oblations of prayses and thankesgeuing. &c. And Au∣gustine:* 1.994 Christ did deliuer a similitude of that Sacrifice to be cele∣brated in Remembraunce of his passion.

And the same Augustine in an other Place.* 1.995 Christ did geaue a representation of that Sacrifice to be celebrated in the Church for a memoriall of his passion.

* 1.996And agayne: The flesh and bloud of this sacrifice after the as∣cention of Christ is celebrated by a sacrament Memoriall.

To be short, if the controuersy shall be decyded by the Testi∣mony of Doctors: y^e generall consent of all the learned Antiqui∣tye doth agreé and concurre in this question: namely that neuer any one of them would establish any other Sacrifice for sinnes,

besides that one onely Sacrifice, which Christ alone at one tyme onely, once and in one place, did enseale, and Ratify with his owne precious body, and bloud vpon the Altar of the Crosse. Of which Sacrifice albeit the thing it selfe (being once already performed) be past, and y^e tyme thereof determined: yet doth the power & effectuallnesse thereof remaine vnmoueable, sure, and vndeterminable beyond all ages: And the dayly celebration thereof is reteigned in all places of Christendome for an euer∣lasting remembraunce: and for that cause it is oftentimes cal∣led by the name of that Sacrifice, whereof it doth represent a memoriall: not because our sinnes doe neéde any other Sacrifice from henceforth: but that our fayth being dayly exercized in these outward helpes, may be continually enured to know what benefites it hath receaued of her Sauiour, and how much lykewise it is indebted vnto him.

Not much vnlyke to the people of Israel, who by the bloud of the Passeouer were deliuered from the Tyranny of Pharaoe.* 1.997 In deéde they were deliuered once: yet neuerthelesse the Pascall Lambe was slayne euery yeare, for a remembraunce of their deliueraunce: wherein was neither any passage of Angell seéne, nor deliueraunce of the people. In lyke maner, for asmuch as we also be made so freé from any guilte of Sinne and bondage of death, by the one onely Sacrifice of the Lordes passion: as that there is no neéde now of any Sacrifice from henceforth for the full redemption of Sinnes: to vs now is this most blessed Supper & Eucharist instituted for a perpetuall memoriall of that inestimable benefitt: which albeit haue no power, nor ef∣fectuallnesse of y^e oblation, which it doth represent, yet is it dig∣nified with the name of that Sacrifice, in respect of the honora∣ble representation of the thing represented. And thus much hi∣therto touching Malachy. Now let vs seé what moates these Sophisters doe knitt together touching Melchizedech.* 1.998

It behoued that the figure of Melchizedech should be fulfilled in the true Priesthood of Christ.

Melchizedech did offer bread and wine vnto God, which was a figure of the body and bloud of Christ vnder the formes of bread and wine.

Ergo, Christ did offer at his last supper his body and

bloud, vnto God the Father vnder the formes of bread and wine.

As touching the necessary agreéablenesse of the things and the Types mentioned in the Maior, we doe agreé together.* 1.999 For it is vndoughted true that Augustine teacheth in his 10. booke De Ciuitate Dei. the 5. Chap.* 1.1000 That the thinges of the olde Testament be representations of the things of the new Testa∣ment. But all that which is assumed in the Minor concerning the Sacrifice, is of all partes false: both in respect of Christ, and in respect of Melchizedech. For as much as neither of thē did euer institute any Sacrifice for sinnes in bread: what then, will you say? did not Melchizedech represent y^e Type of Christ our Sauior? there is nothing more true. But we must cōsider wher∣in, and by what meanes this agreéablenes may be correspondēt: In the Priesthood (I suppose) and not in the Sacrifice. For comparison is made of a Priest with a Priest: not of a Sacrifice with a Sacrifice. Thou art an euerlasting Priest (sayth he) after the order of Melchizedech?* 1.1001 which in mine opinion is in threé re∣spectes. First in the participation of kingly name: For they were both called kinges of Iustice and peace. 2. by reason of the Priestly kindred: whereas both were Priests without know∣ing any Parentage of whom they came .3. according to the per∣petuity of priesthood, because the priesthood in thē both was w^tout beginning & without ending: vnto whom in y^e Priesthood was ne¦uer assigned Successor, or predecessor. The playne explanation whereof doth appeare in no place more euidently, then in the very Epistle of Paul to the Hebrues. Which making a collecti∣on of many braunches, in comparing the Priesthood of Melchi∣sedech together with the Priesthood of Christ, yet in all the same maketh no mention at all of any Sacrifice of bread and wine.

But they take exception, and say: forasmuch as Melchise∣dech was a Priest, by what reasō could he be a Priest without a Sacrifice? And who doth exclude Melchisedech being a Priest, from his Sacrifice? But there is none other Sacrifice of his extant (say they) in the holy scriptures, but in the bread and the wine which were offred as ornamentes of his Priesthood. A deép reason, as though he, that so many thousād yeares agoe

was a Priest without all beginning of tyme: did not at any tyme during this whole entercourse of tyme, offerr any Sacrifice vn∣to God besides this one Sacrifice onely. Which being an vn∣reasonable absurditie, yet not to contend long vpon this poynt, I would fayne be resolued of these Catholickes in one question: When Melchisedech did offer bread and wine, whether he did Sacrifice for Sinnes yea or no?* 1.1002 I doe maruell what aunswere they will make hereunto. If they say nay: how then did he pre∣figure the Type of Christ? if they say yea. I aske agayne, whe∣ther the Sacrifices that are ordayned for the clensing of sinnes, must be done vnto God, or vnto men? If he did Sacrifice to A∣braham, a good fellowship tell vs what had Abraham to doe with our sinnes? Moreouer, I would learne this also: for as much as there cann no expiation of sinnes consist in Sacrifices with∣out shedding of bloud: and whereas in all this preparation of Melchisedech was no bloudshed at all, what force and efficacy of expiation could there be in that Sacrifice? or how could it be accompted a Sacrifice at all? Forsooth (say you) because these thinges offred did prefigure a certein resemblaunce of this to come. But what resemblaunce might be there, where no lykenesse could be appliable? If in the Sacrifice of Melchi∣zedech was nothing seéne but bread and wine onely: what is this to the purpose to establish the Satisfactory Sacrifice of the Masse wherein is left no croome of bread, nor droppe of wine?

But Melchizedech is called the Type of our Sauiour. That is true in deéde: But the Type is past, and the veritye supplyeth the place. Lett vs make a comparison betwixt the sampler and y^e trueth.* 1.1003 Melchizedech did bring bread and wine into the Armye, which he did offerr to Abraham, and not vnto God: neither did he bring bread and wine to be gazed vpon, nor to be worshipped, not to release offences: but he deliuered it to Abraham, to refresh him, and his Souldiors, after their long and paynefull Iourney. The same which Melchizedech did in the Army, Christ hath perfourmed in his supper: who taking the bread and the cupp in his handes did not offer there his body vnto his Father, but did distribute the bread & wine peécemeale, in the name of his body, and he commaunded them to eate: where is there yet any Institution, or any signification of a Sacryfice?

I doe behold in Melchizedech a figure: but I acknowledge the veritye in Christ: I doe conceaue also a participation made of bread and wine by them both: yet all this while I seé no Sacri∣fice. Both of them offred bread and wine to nourish: namely Mel∣chizedech vnto the Patriarche, and to his souldiours, and not vnto God: Christ to his disciples, not to y^e Father, but vnto men: after the vsuall maner of men that vse mutually to present eche other with giftes. Besides this also the Patriarche with his people, & Christ with his disciples were altogethers pertakers of that which was geuen.

Goe to now: and in what sense may all this be applied to the holy sacrifice of the Masse?* 1.1004 Surely if you deriue the reason of your sacrifice from Melchizedech, he brought forth nothing but bare bread and wine: but you retayne neither bread nor wine: and in all the rest make no man partaker of your action. But one man alone deuoureth vpp all the Supper & yet not the supper, for he maketh a sacrifice of the Supper rather: the bread heé chaungeth into the body: being chaūged, he vaunceth it on high to be tooted vpon: being gazed vpon throughly, he doth sacrifice it for the quicke and the dead. Truely I beleéue neither Melchi∣zedech in his actiō, nor Christ in his supper did any such thing at any time, no more can you make that iustifiable that you doe now by any approued testimony of the scripture, or lawfull example of antiquitye.* 1.1005 But here will some one vrge agayne: what? did not Melchizedech offer bread and wine then? I doe not deny it: was he not a Priest? Yes surely, and a king also. For he was both the king of Salem, and the Priest of the most high God. But he was not therefore a Priest, because he did of∣fer bread & wine: Nor did he geue bread and wine being a King, because he would make a sacrifice thereof: No more did he offer his presentes vnto God, but vnto Abraham: neither yet of any priestly duety but of a kingly magnificence: moreouer he did not onely geue giftes which was the poynt of a princely hart: but he blessed them also: which was part of a priestly function. For Priestes are wont to blesse men sometime: but they do neuer ac∣custome themselues to offer sacrifice to men.

The wordes of the History are playne and well knowne. Therefore lett vs returne to the very springhead and originall

(according to the ••ounsell of Cyprian) if it may please you. After the olde Trāslation the wordes be thus.* 1.1006 Melchizedech King of Salem bringing forth bread and wine (for he was the Priest of the highest) did blesse him. &c.* 1.1007 Although here be not so muche as a word of Sacrificing. Yet in this translatiō is no litle difference from the very originall: whereas chaunging the copulatiue He∣brue sillable for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it readeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But Moyses expresseth thys sentence after an other sort, for he doth vse not the word of Sa∣crificing, but hath [Hozia] which word what it signifyeth ac∣cording to y^e verye naturall proprietye, I referre me to y^e iudge∣ment of the learned. After the same maner also doth the chalde∣an expositor interpret the same.* 1.1008 And Iosephus an especiall wit∣nesse hereof doth expound it after the same sence.

For Melchize∣dech (sayth he) did Banquet the souldiours of Abraham: suffe∣ring them to lack nothing necessary for their sustenaūce, and with∣all inuited Abraham to be a Guest of his owne Table. Wherein the courtesy of the King is commended that disdained not to make A∣braham a Guest of his owne Table.

Whereupon you seé that it is most false which they do assume in the Minor touching the obla∣tion of Melchizedech, who being both a Pryest, and a Type of Christ, is not called therefore a Pryest neuerthelesse in the histo∣ry, because he brought forth bread and wine as is declared be∣fore.

But agaynst this, is there a strong countermure raysed,* 1.1009 namely the Authority of y^e Tridentine councell, w^t a very horri∣ble cursse annexed thundring out after this sort. Whosoeuer shall say that the Masse is onely a sacrifyce of prayse and thankesgeuing, or a bare memoriall of the Sacrifice per∣formed vpon the Crosse, and not a propitiatory sacrifice: or that it auayleth to the Receiuer onely, and ought not to be offered for the quick and the dead, for sinnes, for punish∣mentes satisfactions and other necessityes, let him be holdē accursed.

If he shall be holden accursed, whosoeuer shall so say:* 1.1010 surelye the very same haue all the auncient Deuines before mentioned spoken and affirmed. All the Doctors especially of the primi∣tiue Church haue both sayd so and taught so: neither did the whole Greéke Church almost teach otherwise, not exempting

out of the same beadroll all the Apostles of Christ, no nor Christ himselfe: vnlesse perhappes the Tridentine Lordinges will e∣steéme themselues to be of greater creditt, and authoritye then Christ and the Apostles, that so it may be lawfull for them to coyne a newfāgled Gospell, wherew^t Christ & his Apostles were neuer acquainted. First what the opinion of the doctors is here∣in hath bene expressely set downe before. Surely Christ himselfe and the Apostle Paule do require nothing els in this celebratiō but onely a memoriall, and an expressing and shewing forth of the Lordes death: nor doth seéme to determine vpon any other end of this Sacrament, then a remembraunce with a thankes∣geuing.* 1.1011

This do ye (sayth Christ) in remembraunce of me. And Paule deliuering to the Corinthians the same which he receiued of the Lord doth commaund them to shew forth the Lordes death whensoeuer they do celebrate this Supper vntill he come agayne.* 1.1012

Now I beseéch thee gētle reader, doost thou heare any thing els in these wordes of Christ and his Apostle, then the shewing forth of the Lordes death onely? And what els will the Tridentine councell exact of vs? Forsooth, that we shall agayne and agayne offer y^e sonne of God for a sacrifice to God the Father, for the re∣mission of sinnes world without end: a sacrifice (I say) not sacra∣mentall onely, but very propitiatorye, which may helpe and be profitable not for the receiuer onely, but may procure saluation for y^e quicke & the dead also, and wh thought to be offred of very ne∣cessity for the ease of punishmentes, of satisfactions, and of all other miseries, & afflictiōs of this present lyfe. But by what au∣thority do they proue this? where do they finde this? of Christ? of his Apostles? or of any prescript word of Gods gospell? No tru∣ly, I am not of y^t mind. But why do I demaūd this of thē, what warrant they haue by the word of God? Lett it suffice me rather to admonish thē to beware, lest through the selfe same Sacrifice wherewith they iudge themselues able to satisfy for their owne and other mens punishmentes and sinnes without all warrant of Gods word, yea rather most wickedly requgnaunt to the ex∣presse word of God, they procure and heape vpon themselues lust damnation for this their shamelesse and horrible Idolatrye: which they shall neuer be able to redeéme with all their massings and Iuggling Sacrifices.

It might seéme that we had alleadged sufficiently for thys matter, and euicted the controuersy throughly, if we were not pestered with such brawlers that dyd not delight rather to contend and striue for theyr owne victory, then for the glorye of Christ, or with such as would be satisfied with any authoritye of scriptures, in y^e discouery of y^e truth of y^e question. But they being now pressed downe, and quyte ouerthrowen with the multitude of testimonies out of the sacred scripture, fleé to the testimonies of men.* 1.1013 As though Diuinity (as Tertullian sayth) ought to be valued by the deuises of men? or that the touchstone should be try∣ed by the golde, and the golde not by the touchstone: or that the course of y^e Sonne should be apportioned after the will of Iohn Clockekeéper, and Iohn Clockekeéper not ruled rather by the course of the Sunne. And on this wise now our catholicks bend their force with Testimonyes and Consent.

The Catholicke Churche hath alwayes hitherto from the age of the Apostles ratified those obseruaunces & this doctrine of the sacrifice of the Masse:* 1.1014 whiche it would neuer haue done, vnlesse this doctrine had bene agreable with the word of God.

Ergo, They are worthy to be accursed whosoeuer will spurne agaynst this Catholicke doctrine.

And because they may seéme to speake this not without some good ground: they haue scraped together a few shreddes out of Auncient Fathers namely: Cyprian, Hesychius, Ierome, Am∣brose, Irene, Oecumenicus, wherewith they may bolster vpp not their credytt, but their false packyng shuffled in among, to delude the simple people withall.

Out of Cyprian is vouched first this sentence in an Epistle of hys.* 1.1015 For why rather (sayth he) the priest of the high God, then our Lord Iesus Christ, who did offer a sacrifice vnto God the Fa∣ther, and did offer the selfe same that Melchizedech did, namely bread and wine, to witt, his body and bloud. &c. And immediately after:

As therefore it is sayd in Genesis that the representatiō of the sacrifice did goe before by Melchizedech consisting of bread and wine, which thing the Lord performing and accomplishing did offer the bread and the cupp mingled with wine: and he that it fulnesse it selfe, hath fulfilled the verity of the prefigured represen∣tation.

Whereupon groweth this Argument.

We are commaunded to do the same that Christ did.

Christ did at his supper offer the Sacrifyce of his bodye and bloud.

Ergo, We also ought to do the same, if we beleeue Cypri∣an.

* 1.1016I do acknowledge the wordes of Cyprian: I doe allow the authority: neyther doe I sist out ouer narrowly, how he doth a∣greé herein with the trueth of the hebrue letter because he sayth that Melchizedech did offer bread and wine, and that vpon this offring hys Pryesthood was grounded, because he did offer bread and wine. As though Melchizedech were not a Pryest before he offered bread and wine. Neyther doe I presume to take vpon me to aunswere herein as Augustine did aūswere Crescentius.* 1.1017 I am not bound to the authority of this Epistle, because I doe not accompt the Epistles of Cyprian as canonicall, but I do measure thē by the Canonicall scriptures: And whatsoeuer I finde in him a∣greable with the authority of Gods word, I doe allow of it, and cō∣mend him therefore: but whatsoeuer is contrary to Gods word, I do by his patience refuse it. &c. And therefore lett those sayinges of Cyprian be true and autentick for me. Goe to then: and what aduantage hereof may be gathered for the ratyfiyng of the po∣pish sacrifice, wherein they do say that they do offer the sonne of God really for a propitiatory sacrifice, which is auayleable not to the Receauer onely, but to the quicke and dead also? We are commaunded (sayth he) to do the same that Christ did at his last supper. But he did not offer sacrifice for himselfe at his last supper as I suppose. And how then doth the Pryest do the same thing that Chryst did? yet neuerthelesse he did offer at his supper his owne body and bloud.* 1.1018 Did he offer it for sinnes yea or nay? If you say yea. The Apostle will deny it, who did ac∣knowledge none other sacrifice of Christ but onely one, and doth likewise affirme that Christ was offered once onely to purge and wype away the sinnes of many. If you say nay, how then doe the Priestes the selfe same, who do sacrifyce for sinnes, as they say? But I returne agayne to Cyprian. Christ (sayth he) accompli∣shing in effect and trueth that which went before in a shadow, dyd offer his owne body and bloud. This is true in deéd. But where did

he offer it? at his supper? surely so say the Papistes. But Cypriā doth not say so. For whereas he speaketh of bread and wyne mixt together, what he meaneth thereby he doth imediately declare in the same Epistle very playnely, and doth interpret himselfe o∣penly: that it may appeare that this was not done at the tyme of hys supper: but doth confesse that the same was performed at the passion and death of our Lord, which was foreshewed and prefigured before, And agayn a whiles after, he shall wash (sayth he) his garment in wyne, and his vesture in the blood of the grape. Now when it is named the blood of the grape, what els is decla∣red then the wine of the cupp of the blood of the Lord? And thus much Cyprian,* 1.1019 not meaning the supper surely, but the crosse of Christ: which doth appeare euidently by this, that he annexeth forthwith in the same place, denying that we are able to drinke the blood of Christ vnlesse Christ had bene troden and prest in the wine presse first, and had dronken of the Cupp before, of which Cupp he should haue tasted first to the beleeuers. Which speéch of Cyprian forasmuch as can not be aptly applied to any other thyng then to the sacrifyce of the Crosse: it may easily appeare hereby what aunswere ought to be framed to the Argument.

The same which Christ did, must be imitated of vs.* 1.1020

Christ did offer at his supper hys bodye and his bloud according to the Testimony of Cyprian.

But this is false. For Cyprian throughout all that whole Epistle, did neuer affirme that Christ dyd offer his bodye and bloud at hys supper, but vpon the Crosse. If an Argument must neédes be framed from out the wordes of Cyprian, we shall ar∣gue much more probably on thys wyse.

The same that Christ did offer we must offer also:

Christ did offer the same that Melchizedech did.

Ergo, We must offer the same that Melchizedech did.

But Melchizedech did offer bread & wine, according as Cy∣prian doth witnesse,

Ergo, We also must offer bread and wine.

Is there any sillable here that may helpe the Papistes cause, or vtterly ouerthrow it rather?

Here is an other boane to pycke vpon raked out of Ierome,* 1.1021 where he sayth, Melchizedech in the Type of Chryst dyd of∣fer

bread and wyne: and dyd dedycate a Christian Mystery in the bloud and body of our sauiour. &c.

* 1.1022This knott also is cleane cutt away with the very same two-edged Axe, for I am not ignoraunt that the Ecclesiasticall wri∣ters doe make comparison now and then betwixt the presentes of Melchizedech which he gaue to Abraham, and the sacrifice of Christ vpon the Crosse: to witte, that one figuratiuely, this o∣ther truely and in veryty. Be it now as they say. Yet is thys no good proofe notwithstandyng to iustify, that the Priest doth forth with offer the Sonne of GOD in the mysticall Supper real∣ly to God the Father in full remyssion of sinnes: And yet here also do not all the holy Doctours agreé amongest themselues in all poyntes: whereas some do compare the oblation of Melchy∣zedech with the Sacrifice of the Crosse: Agayne other do com∣pare it with the Celebrating of the holy communion: yea and do make it equiualent therewyth. Some do neyther agreé with thē∣selues, applying the Allegory now this way, now that way, and many times both waies.* 1.1023 Finally though they should be vniforme in theyr Allegory, yet how true that Argument is that is deri∣ued from an Allegory, accordyng to that saying which is com∣mōly frequēted in schooles which doth affirme that an Allegori∣call Argument concludeth no trueth: I referr me to the Logi∣cians.

* 1.1024Of no greater valydyty is that Argument lykewyse which they rake out of Augustines wordes. For on thys wyse is Au∣gustine cited: Melchizedech (sayth he) did deliuer to Abraham first as to thè Father of the faythfull the Eucharist of the body & bloud of Christ. &c.

* 1.1025To graunt this vnto them as for confessed, which neuerthe∣lesse resteth yet vnproued: That Melchizedech did represent the Euchariste in a type, and vnder a veyle of likenesse: yet whereas he offered nothing but bread and wyne: this is not a good argument to proue, that the Pryest which doth celebrate the Masse, shall by and by offer vpon the Altar vnto God the Father, the very same substaunce of his sonne for sinnes, whiche suffered on the Crosse. Neyther is thys forme of argument al∣lowable in Schooles.

Melchizedech did represent the Eucharist in a figure.

Ergo, The flesh of the sonne of God is really offered for the quick and the dead in the Masse or Communion.

But lett vs proceéde to the remnaunt of our Aduersaryes Fragmentes.

There is also thrust in place a saying of Hesychius who wri∣ting vpon Leuiticus:* 1.1026 but as going before (sayth he) he did offer vpp himselfe in the Apostles supper: Which they do know who be partakers of the efficacy of the misteries. &c.

Nothing withstandeth, but that Christ may be sayd after a certeine sorte to offer himselfe to the Father in his last supper,* 1.1027 euē by y^e same figuratiue speéch: wherein y^e Lambe is sayd to be slayne from the beginning of the world. Or as it is sayd in the old Testament, that oblation is offered by Sacrifices: in which phrase of speéch, the same Hesychius in an other place, in the same Chap. doth call Christ an Altar: & Christ being incarnate in the Uirgines wombe, to be a soddē Sacrifice: not in actuall veritye, & in naturall trueth of y^e thing in deéde: but in power and vertue of a Mystery. Whereupon lett vs heare what aunswere August. doth make not vnaptly to these figuratiue speéches of Hesychius. was not Christ once offred in himselfe (sayth he:) And yet he is offred to the people not onely at euery solemne feast of Easter, but euery day also: Neither doth he lye, that being de∣maunded shall aunswere that he was Sacrificed: For if Sacraments hadd not a certain lykenesse of the thinges, whereof they be Sacra∣mentes, they should not be Sacramentes at all. Thus much Augustine, whose authoritye if be not of sufficient creditt: Lett vs annexe thereunto the Sentence of Lombard. For thus speaketh he. After this (sayth he) question is demaunded, whether the action of the Priest, may be called a Sacrifice proper∣ly? or an oblation? And whether Christ be dayly offred? or whe∣ther he be offred once onely? whereunto may be aunswered briefe∣ly: That the thing that is offred, and consecrated by the Priest, is called a Sacrifice & an oblatiō:* 1.1028 because it is a memoriall and a re∣presentatiō of the true sacrifice, & an oblatiō offred vpon the Altar of the Crosse. For Christ did suffer death vpon the Crosse once, and was there offred in himselfe: But he is dayly offred in the sacra∣ment: because in the same sacrament a memoriall is made of the same thing; that was once offred. &c. And because we may not

seéme to want witnesses: lett vs couple hereunto the common Glosse differing nothing at all from the Maister of the sentēces: which enterlacing a commentary vpon the place of Augustine, where Christ is sayd to be Sacrificed: De consecrat. Distinct. 2. he doth expound the wordes of the distinction on this wise.* 1.1029 Christ is sacrificed: That is to say: the sacrifice of Christ (sayth he) is re∣presented, and a memoriall is made of his passion. &c. Now Syr how doe these hang together with the decreés of the Tridentine ghostly Fathers? who are not satisfied to call the Masse by the name of Sacramentall Sacrifice, wherein a memoriall and a representation may be made of the Lordes Sacrifice vnlesse it be accompted also a Satisfactory, and Propitiatory sacrifice, be∣yond all consideration and trueth of Scripture, and besides all custome of the auncient Fathers.

But I retourne agayne to Hesychius: who sayth, that Christ did Sacrifice himselfe at his supper: which saying I do admitt. But Augustine doth playnely disclose what maner of Sacrifice that was: De consecratione distinct. 2. The very Sacrifice (sayth he) which is made with the Priestes handes is called the Passion of Christ, his death, his crucifying, not in the trueth of the thing in deed, but in a signifyeng mistery. &c. And agayne. When the hoast is broken, and the blood powred into the mouthes of the faythfull what is signified thereby els then the offering of the body of Christ, vpon the crosse. &c. Therefore such as be of sound iudgementes will say, that to deduct true and vnreproueable propositions frō the wordes that are spoken figuratyuely and after a certein sort, is a shyft of subtle sophisters, and not a poynt of sober Di∣uynes.

* 1.1030After this ensueth a place out of Irene very much and many times canuassed by our Aduersaries. And he tooke (sayth he) that which is of the substaunce of bread, and gaue thankes saying. This is my body. And the cuppe likewise which is of the creature, of wine that is vsuall with vs, he did confesse to be his bloud, and did teach a new oblation of a new Testament, which the Churche receiuing from the Apostles, doth offer vnto God through the whole world, of the which amongest the twelue prophets. Malachy did prophecy on this wise. I haue no pleasure in you sayth the Lord God of hostes and I will not accept an offering of

your handes. &c.

The place of Irene whereupon they beate their braynes so busily,* 1.1031 is chopt in here at this present according as the olde pro∣uerbe sayth: as good neuer a whitt as neuer the better: as iust as Germaines lipps. For whereas proofe ought to haue bene made, that the same boyd of Christ which was once hāged on y^e Crosse & thrust through the side vpon the Crosse, is offered dayly in the Masse, really and substantially in an vnbloudy Sacrifice, for the redemption of sinnes (for hereunto tendeth their inuincible Maxime) they slipp away frō thēce now, & are come to shew, that we are bound to offer vnto God y^e first fruites of all his creatures by y^e commaūdemēt of God: least we may seéme vnthākefull & vn∣gratefull. For besides this, y^e wordes of Irene emporte nothing. Now to graunt them all this, that Christ tooke bread, and the cupp of the Creature of wine that is vsuall with vs, and did call the same his bloud, what will all this preuaile to defend them in this lurking hoale? for the question here is not, whether we onght to make an oblation to God of the first fruites of all his creatures: nor whether Christ gaue his commaundement to his Apostles, which they did conuey ouer by tradicion to the Poste∣ritye afterwardes: neither is any question made here whether Christ, after he had taken bread, and the cupp, did say that it was his body and his bloud: but whether the bread which the Priest doth offer in his Masse, be really and substantially, and in trueth of nature, the body of Christ which himselfe hath ap∣poynted and ordeyned to be offred in his Church, by thapostles, and their successors, as Priestes of the new Testament, for a dayly expiation of sinnes. This foule absurdity, whereas we and the whole consent of the Scripture doe vtterly deny, you ought to haue deliuered cleare from inconuenience: which as yet you haue not done out of Irene. Although he doe make men∣tion of a new oblation of a new Testament, yet this doth not ar∣gue notwithstanding, that either Christ should be supposed to offer him selfe at his last supper: or that the Priest should be imagined to make a dayly Sacrifice in his Masse for sinnes, w̄t the selfe same body, wherein he suffered his Passion once vpon the Crosse for y^e sinnes of the world. In deéde Irene doth tearme it by the name of an oblation: And it is true: so is it also many

tymes called of many of the auncient Fathers. Neither doe we mislyke the word: nor yet doe abbridge the ecclesiasticall wri∣ters from libertye to frequent their Metaphors, and hyperboli∣call speéches as lyketh them best. Howbeit the Scripture doth not acknowledge any such wordes: Neuerthelesse sith it plea∣seth them to accustome themselues with such speéches, lett them vse this name of oblation a gods name, and call this an oblati∣on which we doe call the Eucharist: we contend not about words: it is the matter it selfe that we stand vpon. The auncient Fa∣thers, because they seé a Communion instituted in rembraunce of the Lordes Sacrifice, doe call it by the name of a Sacrifice: by the same reason, wherby they doe vsually ascribe vnto signes the names and effectes of the thinges signified.

These Catholickes on the contrary side doe cry out and ex∣clame, that he is an Heretique that will dare to say, that the Sacrifice of the Masse is a bare memoriall of the Sacrifice of Christ, accomplished vpon the Crosse. Neither thinke this to be sufficient that it be reputed as a memoriall, but besides this bare memoriall, they proceéde yet to his outrage, that they en∣dowe it also with the very power and effectuallnesse of the Lords Sacrifice:* 1.1032 so that whereas the passion of Christ is the onely me∣ritorious cause of our redemption: yet will they shamefully at∣tribute the whole efficacye and operatiō of that inestimable bene∣fitt, to the Masse: and in that respect they dare presumptuously commaund it to be called a sacrifice, not a Sacramentall, or a memoriall sacrifice, but an Expiatory & Propietatory sacrifice (that I may be so bold to speake their owne tearmes) And all∣though they doe not deny: that all our whole perfection doth pro∣ceéde frō y^e onely oblatiō of Christ, Yet because this perfection is not made so absolutely perfect by the vertue and grace of Bap∣tisme, but that after our regeneration by grace, we slippe and fail many tymes into many offensiue bypathes in this transito∣rye lyfe, they doe affirme that this Sacrifice of the Church was prouided for a medicine to solue all those soares,* 1.1033 & amperinges out of y^e fleshe: & as a restoratiue not onely to them that receaue it, but very medictable for y^e quick & for the dead also: as though forsooth the merites of Christes bloud could not heale our woū∣des, without this minglemangle of these Satisfactory druggs

How trymly this iugglyng doctrine doth agreé with y^e natu∣rall & proportioned squarier of y^e Scriptures, let others Iudge as they liste, I for my part, that do now & then exercise my tyme in the conference & readyng of Scriptures, & auncient writers, do verily iudge: that these notorious Maximes can not by any meanes be of any importaunce, except we plucke vppe our fayth by the rootes, and banish cleane away the very sinowes and mar∣row of the sacred Scriptures. For whereas the whole doctrine of Christes Gospell hath established all the treasure and riches of Gods promises, yea Christ him selfe wholy, withall his de∣seruyngs, in fayth onely, what shall remayne thē for this Sa∣crifice, but that it represent vnto vs a memory & remembraunce of the Lordes death onely? and for this cause taketh the denomi∣nation of an oblation by the testimony of Irene and others. The holy and sacred monumentes of aunciēt Doctours be full of Te∣stimonies, which do playnly declare, that the Euchariste is not an oblation properly: but is called an Oblation in respect, that it is a memoriall of Christes oblation performed once vpon the Crosse. Furthermore as concernyng the application: that it is ministred not by any other outward Instrument, them by the preachyng of the Gospell of Christ, and the dispensation of his Sacramentes, and that the benefitt thereof is receaued by none other meane, then by force of fayth onely.

Now therefore let vs first heare Irene as it were expoūdyng him selfe.* 1.1034 We doe offer vnto God (sayth he) the first fruites of his creatures with thankesgeuing: He declareth that out of those first fruites of Gods creatures, y^e substaūce therof was taken, which was cōsecrated into the body & bloud of Christ. And in this res∣pect he doth call y^e whole action of y^e Minister, an oblation. And agayne emongest other thynges treatyng of the oblation of the new Testament:* 1.1035 he willeth vs also to offer a gift at the Altar cō∣tinually and dayly. Therfore (sayth he) there is an Altar in hea∣uen, and thither must our prayers and oblations be directed. &c. First, if the Church doe offer vnto God a gift of his owne crea∣ture: I suppose now that ye Catholicke children will not affirme that the Chruch doth offer the Sonne of God then. Moreouer if our Altar be in heauē, as Irene did truly say, to what purpose

shall these Altares stand in the Church? whenas we are taught to direct the Sacrifices of our supplicatiōs to the Altar, not these stony Altares in the Churches, but to that heauenly Altar that is in heauen?

* 1.1036Moreouer what shall we say to Ambrose? who treatyng of Uirginitie, was not afrayed to call the Uirgines hartes, by the name of Altares, in the which Christ was dayly offred.

* 1.1037And hereunto accordeth the Iudgemēt of Chrisostome. The gift of the Gospell (sayth he) doth ascend on high without bloud, without smoake, without an Altar, and without other the like. &c.

* 1.1038So also Ierome: Euery faythfull person hath an Altar with∣in him selfe which is fayth.

* 1.1039Augustine likewise: The Sacrifice of the new Testament is, when we do offer cleane and pure Altares of our hartes in the pre∣sence of Gods maiestie.

* 1.1040And the second Councell of Nyce: We Christians do scarsely know what is an Altar, and what is an oblation.

* 1.1041Agreable to the Testimonies before recited is the notable and playne Testimonie of Eusebius: We do sacrifice (sayth he) and do receiue a remēbraūce of that sacrifice, celebratyng the my∣steries accordyng to the ordinaūce deliuered by him selfe, and ren∣dring thankes vnto God for our safety. And agayne: We doe erect vnto him an Altar of vnbloudy & reasonable sacrifices accordyng to new mysteries. Furthermore he doth forthwith expresse what kynde of new Mysteries they be: Christ did offer (sayth he) a won∣derfull sacrifice for the safety of vs all. That is to say, he gaue vs a memoriall to offer to God, commaundyng vs to offer a memoriall for a sacrifice. &c.

* 1.1042What shall I say of Cyrill. Who doth call the prayers and me∣lodious singing of fayth full soules praysing God cōtinually, vnblou∣dy sacrifices.

* 1.1043And the same Cyrill writyng agaynst Iulian: We (sayth he) forsaking the grosse sacrifice of the Iewes haue a commaūdement, that we shall make a simple, spirituall, and a pearcyng sacrifice: And therfore we do offer vnto God for a sweete smelling sauour all kindes of godlynes, fayth, hope, and charitie. &c.

If this controuersie may be decided with the greatest part of voyces, who would require more wittnesses? if with authoritie?

who will demaunde more auncient and more learned? if by ex∣presse euidence of wordes: what is he so voyde of Reason, that cā not playnly conceaue by the premisses, that there is no one thyng more vntrue, then that which these braynesicke men haue by a most false and vnsauory inuention Imagined, concernyng the application and propiciation of this Sacrifice? for the vtter o∣uerthrow of which doctrine, what will more fittly serue the opor∣tunitie now offered, what cā be applyed more aptly for this pre∣sent, and more agreable to Reason, then to kill them with their own swordes, and to catch them in their owne pittfall? for where∣as the chiefest substaūce of a Sacrifice (especially such a Sacri∣fice as is offred for Sinnes) consisteth in slayeng of a body, and sheadyng of bloud: I would therfore learne of them, by what rea∣son the denomination of a Sacrifice may be properly applyable to their Popish Masse, whereas neither any slaughter of a body, or any sheadyng of bloud is discernable? But there is represen∣ted (say they) a memoriall of sheadyng of bloud. I do graunt it. The holy Euchariste therefore doth not expresse any actuall killyng of the body, or actuall sheddyng of bloud in truth and in deéde, but representeth it by a memoriall onely.* 1.1044 Which bycause can not be denyed, we say, that hereof it commeth to passe: wher∣as Remission of Sinnes is not otherwise obteined then by kil∣lyng of some body, and sheadyng of bloud, that for this cause therefore the Euchariste which executeth no actuall sheadyng of bloud, but representeth onely a memoriall thereof, can not of it selfe geue forgeuenesse of Sinnes, but onely represent vnto vs a memoriall of the true Remission of Sinnes, by way of Repre∣sentation onely. And what accoumpt shall mē make now I pray you of that dreadfull Decreé of the Tridentine Fathers, who haue hundred out such flashes of horrible lightenyng, whereby they doe scorche cleane into powder,* 1.1045 with their cursed Bull, all them whosoeuer dare vtter halfe a word so much, to say, that the Sacrifice of the Masse is onely a bare commemoration of that Sacrifice, finished vpō the Crosse, and not a propiciatory Sa∣crifice rather?

I draw now somewhat neare to the very Canō of the Masse:* 1.1046 whereunto as these godly Catholickes do sticke most earnestly, and do settle in the same the chief prore and pewpe (as the Pro∣uerbe

is) and shooteanker of their whole Idolatrous Sacrifice: So doe they also in the same shyppe bulge them selues most of all, and with their owne cable ouerhale them selues into an vn∣recouerable gulfe. The Tenor of which Canon is this. Com∣maunde these giftes to be carried by the handes of thy holy Angelles vnto thyne hyghe Altar, &c. What? Can not Christ sitte on y^e right hād of his Father, vnlesse he be posted ouer by the Priest, to be transported by Angelles vnto the highe Altar? whenas he hath bene in actuall possession of the highest heauens long sithence, not holpen thereunto by any person, and sitteth on the right hād of his Father, farre surmoūtyng in pow∣er, euen the most excellent ministery of Priestes and Aungelles? It followeth in the same Canō: Through whom thou doest alwayes create, sanctifie, and blesse all these good gifts. What is this that I doe heare? must Christ be created? blessed? and sanctified agayne?

I haue passed my boundes somewhat further perhappes in prosecutyng this controuersie, then the proportion of this our Apology would well admitt: But hereunto was I forced, part∣ly by y^e peruersnes of Osorius, partly by allurement of necessary persuasion: for as much as I perceaued y^t there is no one thyng throughout all the doctrine of this phātasticall Religion, where∣in our Catholickes doe sweate and turmoyle them selues more greédely, and raunge at riotte more perillously. And therfore I thought it not amysse to rippe abroad the whole matter, euen frō the very rootes of the foundation, and so to encounter the fran∣ticke attemptes, and engynes of our aduersaries. Wherein if I haue not satisfied all mens expectation, yet I trust that I haue reasonably brought to passe by this simple discourse, that the Reader may easily conceaue, how peéuish a plattforme this glo∣rious Peacocke hath forged for his peltyng Purgatory, and mumblyng maskyng Sacrifice, vauntyng them to be matters of such importaunce,* 1.1047 as which the Apostles did deliuer ouer by mouth, and which their Disciples dyd deliuer ouer to the posteritie, and which the greatest consent of auncient Antiquitie with most Religious obseruaūce hath reteyned, and approued so many hundred yeares, with the generall

Fayth and allowaūce of the vniuersall Church, without any disagreement. But on the contrary part: as touchyng the Lutheranes, they are cōfuted with the authorities of the aū∣cient Fathers, and confounded with the generall consent of the whole Church, whō Osorius with his copemates haue vtterly discoūtenaunced and discomfited with vnuanqui∣shable Arguments, vncomptrollable testimonies, vnrepro∣ueable examples, and conuinced them of horrible impiety and wickednes. &c. In good sooth these be lofty, glorious, & ma∣gnificall speaches, but besides the bare soūde of wordes, no mat∣ter at all: which wordes if must of necessitie fleé into the Castle of creditt, bycause they be naked wordes onely without feathers, surely you are well furnished with a very ready pollicie of per∣suasion Osorius, and with a speciall practize for the speedy con∣quest of the cause. But by this very same deuise of yours, what a singular plattforme haue you layed forth for others to finde out the way to persuade as matter of truth, whatsoeuer they liste to blast out in bare wordes? For what is more easie then to pretend in word, & in speach those two wordes onely Church, and Anti∣quitie, if men wilbe contented to haue their mouthes choaked with such boanes? If the world be come to this passe, that whoso∣euer cā with finest floorish of wordes lauish abroad in the Church whatsoeuer him listeth, the same shall obteine greatest creditt and estimation of his speaches, without yeloyng any reason or demonstration of the thynges, which he vttereth, in good sooth then haue you spoken enough Osorius, and crackt the creditt of all the poore Lutherans vtterly, as you say. But if in decidyng of controuersies, trueth must be tryed, not w^t bare speéches, but with substantiall matter, certes either you must gett a better vi∣sor for your glorious persuation, or els in my iudgement you were better hold your peace altogether.* 1.1048 You doe oppresse vs in a glorious braggery of speéch, with the speéches of the Apostles, and with the tradiciōs of the Apostles disciples: And yet out of all the Apostles writings can not any man hitherto force from you, no not by violence, one title so much, which will auaile any ioate to y^e creditt of those your Assertions, but will rather deface them & discouer your packing. Upon the neck of them, you do force vpon vs also the authoritye of auncient Fathers,* 1.1049 and the

generall consent of the vniuersall Church, cleare from all maner of variablenes and disagreéing. What a iest is this? As though there were any one of those auncient Fathers euer borne as yet, that euer vttered one sillable so much of purging the sinnes of the faythfull, after they were once departed this lyfe: or of the Popes Pardons: of the Propiciatory Sacrifice of the Masse: of Transubstantiation, of Merite Meritorious, of Merite of Cō∣gruum and Condignum, or that euer durst presume to make the Sacrifice of the Altar comparable with the Sacrifice of the Crosse: or durst affirme that Christ himselfe was really in the consecrated hoast, with all the dimentions and liniaments of the same body, which suffred death vpon the Crosse: or would euer ascribe to a pelting Priest full power to Merite, and offerr Sa∣crifice for the quick and the dead. Now if euer you haue chaun∣ced vpon any such Doctrine in the writings of the auncient Fa∣thers, gentle Syr Byshopp, why doe yoe not vouch the same boldly, wherby you may seéme to haue confuted vs, not with bab∣ling, but with trueth, and substaunce of matter? But if you haue not so done as yet, nor seéme euer able to doe it: where is then that generall consent and agreément of the whole Church? Where be these Records and Monuments of auncient Antiqui∣tye, and of all foreages? Where be those inuincible Arguments? Where be those irreproueable Testimonyes, and vndeceiueable examples, wherevpon you crake so lustely? perhappes you will empart them vnto vs in your next bookes at your better leysure. For hitherto as yet you haue hadd no leysure to muster y^t your braue guarison that you beare your selfe so stought vpon, and to leade them into the fielde, being otherwise surcharged with farr more weightie affaires.

And now to deteigne theé no longer(gētle Reader) thou hast heard heretofore howe this Portiugall hath powred forth his prattling Rhetorick for the vpholding of his Purgatory, his Uowes, his Supplications, and Prayers for the safety of the dead, and also of that most holy oblation of all other, the Sa∣crifice of the body and bloud of Christ offred for the reconcilemēt of Gods wrath and displeasure. There remayneth behinde the knitting vp of all this geare: Wherein purposing to make an end of his whole discourse, he rusheth vpon Haddon with all

the bent of his Eloquence.

Dare you be so bold (sayth he) to call this holynes of Re∣ligion,* 1.1050 this ardent endeuour of Loue, this comfortable oblation offred, not for vs alone, but for our bretheren also, wherewith we are knitt together in an euerlasting amitye, to be defacinges & disgracements of Religion?

A very hay∣nous offēce verily to call a Boate by the name of a Boate, and a Mattock by the name of a Mattock. But here was one sharde left open which must neédes be slopt vp with some brambles and Bryars. Is not this foolishnes? Is not this vnshamefastnes? Is not this Madnes? For if Osorius Eloquence were not furni∣shed with these flashing flames, surely it would be very colde. But how more commendable, yea how much more seémely and sittingly for his personage, in my conceipt, should he haue done, if surceasing these outragious exclamations, which preuaile not to the creditt of his cause the value of a pinne, he hadd discreet∣ly, and with sober reasons debated the matter first, and exami∣ned thoroughly whether Haddon hadd spoken trueth, or fal∣shood. If he haue vttered the trueth, then is Osorius frendly dealt withall: If he haue spoken any untruethes: there be scrip∣tures, there be arguments, meéte and couenable Reasons, wher∣with Osorius might easily both defend the truth of his Religiō, and preserue it from to be impeached by others. Spightfull re∣proching, Skornefull taunting, Cotqueanelyke rayling, Ras∣callyke raging, and Barbarous exclaming, further not the de∣fence of his cause. If Osorius be so fully settled, and so through∣ly wedded to his Church, that no persuasion will seduce him to thinke, that his Churche may straye by any meanes from the right course, and that in all his Religion is no wrinkle or spott, that may be amended, surely he is herein very much deceaued.

Conferr who so list the whole face & shape of the Popes Reli∣giō, to witt, his adoratiō, his Sacramēts, his Masses, his bread∣worshipp, his Imageworshipp, his Sacrifices, his Applicatiō, his Transubstantiatiō, his Releasing of sinnes, his Merits, his Ceremonyes, his Pardons, & sixe hundreth lyke papisticall trū∣peries, with the pure, & cleare founteines of the sacred Scrip∣tures, with the Institution Euangelicall, and the expresse rule of the doctrine Apostolique: and he shall easily perceaue, that

Haddon did vse an ouer myld maner of speéch, whē he called thē disgracements:* 1.1051 Some other man perhappes would haue bla∣zed abroad these dreggs with some grosser tearmes. Truely if the Apostle Paul hadd heard these profound opinions, and these deépe deuises of the Romish Religion, and hadd seéne their de∣crees, their Cannons, their Clogges of Ceremonies, & snares of consciences, I he liued now and beheld these obseruations of dayes, Monethes, & times, these vowes, and restraintes of mē, forbidding Marriage, denying the lawfull vse of meates, which are now dayly frequented in the Church: would any man dought whether he would call these disgracements of Religion, or the Doctrines of Deuils rather?* 1.1052 But because we haue spoken hereof sufficiently before: It shall be lesse neédefull to take this doung∣hill abroad any more.

But Osorius goeth forward, and because Haddō shall not escape s••••tfreé for naming his pontificall pilfe to be disgrace∣ments of Religion, Osorius acquiteth him with y^e like beadroll of y^e Lutherans corruptions in a long raggemarow of wordes: that so comparing both partes one with an other, to witt, Lu∣thers nakednes and beggery, w^t the maiestie & glory of the Ca∣tholickes, he may make them to grow into the greater obloquy and hatred. It remaineth therefore that we geue eare a whiles vnto the gallaunt brauery and loftines of Osorius Eloquence:* 1.1053

To abādon dutifull obediēce to the Magistrate, to disturbe the auncient ordinaunces of the Church, to defyle the vir∣ginitie of sacred Nunnes, to dispoyle the Chaste of their continencye, to raze out all endeuour of godlynes and hu∣manitye, to robb and ransack holy Churches, to murther holy Fathers, to spoyle some, and to oppresse others with infinite afflictions, to throw others out into miserable ex∣ile, to expresse vngodly malice and deadly hate agaynst the Reliques of Saintes, to be outragiously insolent in this vn∣measurable destruction and ouerthrow of all holy Religi∣on, is this a poynt of honesty? of Modesty? or worthy to be aduaunced with immortall commendation and prayse? Truely I doe not suppose so.

But whereunto tend all these at y^e last? forsooth to make you know what he meaneth hereby. And therfore marke now gentle Reader y^e other part of his collation.

But to be subiect to lawfull Authoritye established by the commaundement and ordinaunce of Christ,* 1.1054 to preserue the bandes of Vnitye and concord, to esteeme highly of the vniting together of Gods Iustice and mercye, to reue∣rence the monuments of notable holynes, to make that most Sacred and most heauenly Sacrifice for the quick, for the dead, finally for the preseruation of all Christian Com∣mon weales, the Maiesty and vertue whereof we are nei∣ther able to expresse with tongue, nor comprehend in thought and imagination: shall this be accompted shame∣full infamy, and an intollerable haynousnesse? And yet you blush nothing at all: to call these disgracements of Religi∣on. &c.

* 1.1055To aunswere these great speéches at a word: First as tou∣ching those slaunderous crymes which you throw out agaynst vs as being Rebellious to y^e lawfull Magistrate, what els shall I aunswere to this your Insolency, then y^e same which Augu∣stine did Aunswere sometime to Petilianus? If I should speake as much of such as you are (sayth Augustine:) I am sure, you would require me to make profe of the wordes that I should speake. The selfe same doe I now require & looke for at your hāds Oso∣rius, which so lustely rayle agaynst vs at this present. Whereas you exclayme that we doe renounce dutifull obedience, doe disquiet auncient orders, doe betray Chastitye, ouer∣throw all mindefulnes, and endeuour of vertue and godly∣nes, doe raze downe Temples of Religion, doe kill and doe spoyle godly personages. If I should now demaund of you in the voyce of Augustine, how you be able to proue, that all the foresayd crymes & innumerable such lyke (which your raūging penne hath raged agaynst vs) may be duely fathered vpon vs, how would you proue it? Agayne how will you deny that your selues are not duely to be charged therewith? what aunswere will you make? for hitherto as you haue spoken much, so haue you proued nothing. Unlesse you be of this opinion, that your bare speéches must be taken for sufficient proofes. If you thinke so: what resteth els, but that we requite you with the same, that you reproch vs withall:* 1.1056 or els we desire you to rehearse so much agayne in our behalues: and then is our profe sufficient

enough (as Augustine sayth) if such kindes of proues be al∣lowable.

If I should deale with you on this wise Osori. What would remayne of your accusatiō? But I do not handle you so now. For I frame myne aūswere otherwise, and in flatt denyall, make our purgation frō all that you haue raked together agaynst vs. You say that we refuse lawfull Aucthoritie.* 1.1057 But I on the contrary part do affirme that this Aucthoritie which you name to be law∣full: is neither any Aucthoritie at all, neither lawfull by any meanes. Nay rather what if this Aucthoritie, whereof you bragge so much, be so farre from beyng lawfull, that it is most manifestly proued by the expresse wordes of the Scriptures to be the kyngdome of Antichrist?* 1.1058 What then Osorius? will you in despight of our beardes make vs subiect to such a Tiranny, frō whence the manifest word of the holy Ghost doth commaunde to cutt of our selues, vpon perill of the losse of our soules, not onely in the old Testament, but in the new also, as is declared before?

You adde further that we do disturbe the auncient or∣der of the Churche, and dispoyle the continent of their Chastitie.

But I do deny that this order of yours is auncient, which I haue Iustified to be true before aboundaūtly enough with ma∣ny and sounde Testimonies. Moreouer as touchyng your chast Uirgines I know not what to say. Surely if Cloisters & Dor∣ters could as well haue made Uirgines, as they could couer their incontinency, it were not all amisse that you say: And yet it may be that in Portingall be many holy Nunnes, such as you preache of: who did neuer treade their shoes awry. But without all question to speake of our litle Englād, whenas the neastes of these prety sparowes were scattered abroad, how these neastes were founde then not altogether so cleanly, as was supposed, I had rather were notified by publick Recordes & Registers ther∣of, wherein they be decyphred at large, thē to be proclaymed by any my writyngs. Many Recordes wherof be at this present in my custody, which if I would vtter, would easily bewray, that in these close Cloysters of coacted chastitie, were more open bellied Nunnes, thē chast and continent Uirgines, besides many other matters y^t the common people euery where doth report of their

owne knowledge, whereof I will now say no more, vnder payne of Confession. This one thyng will I speake: such as haue per∣suaded vnuoluntary Uirgines from this coacted single lyfe, to enter into honorable wedlocke without all compulsion, doe not defile Uirgines, as I suppose, nor dispoyle the chast of their cō∣tinency: but rather prouide more circumspectly for their hone∣stie. And to say the truth, this complainte of defilyng Uirgines can be applyable so iustly to none, as to some of your owne Ca∣tholickes, not all of the best Geldynges perhappes.

Now that which followeth, touchyng the memory of ver∣tue and Iustice abolished, and endeuour of godlynes bani∣shed by these Lutheranes.* 1.1059 I cā not well conceaue what Osori. doth meane hereby. For in as much as the consideration of all righteousnes and godlynes is comprehended in the law of God chiefly, I do Appeale here to the secrett Iudgementes of all the godly, how farre the Lutheranes be estraūged from all thought of ouerthrowyng this law of the Lord.

You say that they haue razed and ransackt Churches.* 1.1060 But what Churches they were you do not tell vs: for considera∣tiō is not alwayes to be had of all Churches alike. Some Chur∣ches do serue for godly and necessary vses: Some are erected to mainteyne Idolatry and superstition: God hath his peculiar Churches. So hath the Deuill also his Chappelles. The Gen∣tiles had sometymes their Temples for their dumme Goddes. There be Selles also & Monckeries at this day for their mum∣blyng Goddes. Neither be the Turkes destitute of their Ta∣bernacles. And therefore to raze downe any particular Church whatsoeuer for any speciall cause is not altogether so haynous. Marke a most valiaunt Martyr of God did on a tyme throwe downe y^e Temple of Diana in Arethusiū: & in place thereof did dedicate a Church vnto Christ. Euē so haue many godly Prin∣ces done in many places within Rome it selfe, as Cōstantinus & others: yet doth not any man condemne them for it. In tymes past emongest so huge a multitude of the Iewishe Nation was no more but one Temple onely: God did allow but one Altar: And yet this Temple being raysed and builded by his owne ap∣pointement and commaundement, neither was him selfe agreé∣ued to haue vtterly defaced, leauyng no one stoane vpon an other

for the abuses frequented therein: nor doth any man complayne of the same. To be short, what an infinite multitude of Tēples and Religiōs were there scattered ouer all the face of the earth long sithēce, among y^e heathen, of the which not so much as any ruines be to be foūd any where? I speake not this as cōparyng Monckes and Friers with Heathen and Paynymes: or their holy Churches with the Temples of the Gentiles: but bycause I may make euident, That in razing and pluckyng downe of Churches, it is not enough bycause Osorius maketh complaint of the same, vnlesse he make it knowen first, That these Tem∣ples were Temples of true Religion, and not Tabernacles of superstition, and Idolatry. Which he hath not proued as yet, nor euer will be able to Iustifie.

But we doe kill some holy men, some we do spoyle and tourmoyle with infinite afflictions: others we force out into exile. &c. What holy men he meaneth in this place I know not: But if they be the same whom I do coniecture to be, who by the publicke authoritie and lawes of this Realme, were executed for highe Treason in the reigne of kyng Henry the eight: to con∣demne vs as blameworthy, for due executiō of the Lawes of our Land: and to call that their Trayterous treachery by the name of Holynes (I meane their renouncyng due obedience to their liege Lord, contrary to the manifest determination of Gods Scripture, and contrary to all Religiousnes) herein surely O∣sorius doth offer vs no small iniury. I call not their crime in question here. But this is most assured: That neither More nor Roffensis, nor the Charterhouse Monckes, were so rude or vn∣lettered, but that they knew sufficiently, what was the duetie of Subiectes to their Princes. Especially whenas they might haue learned out of Chrisostome, by the testimony of the Apo∣stle.* 1.1061

Although thou be an Apostle (sayth he) although thou be an Euangelist, though thou be a Prophet, or whatsoeuer thou be, it be∣houeth that all persons be subiect to the higher powers:

For this dutyfull subiection doth not abate any pointe of godly Religion. The same also doth Gregory declare not in one place alone.* 1.1062

Christ (sayth he) did geue authoritie to the Emperour to be Lord, not onely ouer the Nobilitie, but ouer Priestes also.

Wherefore in that you accuse vs of our misdemeanour agaynst those persons:

To aūswere briefly, what better aūswere shall I make vnto you, then the same that Augustine did aunswere vnto Petiliane, in a cause not much vnlike vnto this.

Whereas you lyue (sayth he) most like vnto Theeues, you bragge that ye dye like Martyrs.

* 1.1063

¶ Romish Reliques.

BUt emongest all other, Osorius piety can not disgest by any meanes as a thyng altogether intollerable:

That these Lu∣theranes doe expresse such an vngodly malice and deadly hate agaynst the Reliques of holy men (as he sayth) and are so outragiously insolent in the destruction of holy Religiō.

In this one portion of accusation, I doe perceaue two seue∣rall crimes compyled together, whereof the one doth concerne the hatred of godlynesse, the other the contempt and vnreuerent handlyng of Reliques. First therfore touching that hatred: ve∣ryly you behaue your selfe herin (Osor) as one that may seéme to haue expressed his mynde couragiously and lustely enough (to speake Ciceroes wordes) For he that hath once passed ouer and beyond all the boundes of modesty, had neéde to become notably shamelesse, that so he may neuer after blush to mainteyne a lye in any matter whatsoeuer, euen to the hardhedg, as they say. It re∣mayneth now, that I speak of y^e Reliques:* 1.1064 Howbeit here neédeth no great matter of Refutation, namely sith Osorius, alledgeth nothyng but the bare name of naked Reliques: though in deéde he erre somewhat also in the word (Reliques) it selfe. For if he would haue assigned a true and proper denomination of those Reliques, he ought not haue named them Reliques, but delusi∣ons and liegerdemaine rather: not the memorialles of holy mē, but crafty conueyaunces of hypocriticall hellhoundes, deuised not to pyke out the eyes of Crowes, but to pyke out the eyes and hartes of Christians. Wherein I doe maruell truly, that Osorius doth speake so litle of the matter, who regar∣dyng these Reliques so reuerently, yet doth not notifie by one word so much, either what Reliques they be, or where they be, or els what Sainctes Reliques he doth meane: which bycause he hath ouerskypt either for feare, bycause he dareth not vtter them, or for ignoraunce, bycause he can not: we will

not be squeymish to supply his want of dutie herein. Howbeit though I doe not reckon ouer all the Reliques in an exact and perfect accompt: yet will I disclose a good quantitie of them: whereby the Reader may the better know the qualities of them, and what crafty cōueyaūces this vngodly Prelate doth brute abroad for Reliques of godly and holy personages.

And first of all to beginne at the very byrth of our Lord Chryst, what shall we say of the Maunger?* 1.1065 which is shewed at Rome in the Cathedrall Church of Mary Maior, notwithout penny crooching? Is there any man of so grosse a dulnesse, that may not playnely perceiue, that this Maunger is not the same Maunger, wherein Christ was layed when he was borne: but rather a lymetwygg layed by Hypocrytes to gett money withall?

The Mounckes of Charrouia do vaunt that they haue the foreskinne of Christ:* 1.1066 that is to say, the small filme of skynne which was cutt away from Christ when he was Circumcised, and this they know to be the selfe same, by certeyn small drops of bloud, which do fall from it now and thē: which albeit carrye no lykelyhood of trueth, yet this might be either beleéued, or ima∣gined by vs to be a trueth after a sort, because it is certayn y^t Christ had but one foreskinne, if the same foreskinne were not shewed openly for an especiall trueth at Rome in the Cathedrall Church of S. Iohn Laterane.

No lesse monstruous is it, that at Rome in the Church of Saynt Iames, the Altar is to be seéne whereupon Christ was sayd when he was circumcised in the Tēple.* 1.1067 As though in that Church where Christ was Circumcised, were many Altars as there be in the Romish Churches.

* 1.1068And yet were not this very much to be wondred at, but that also in the Cathedrall Church of Peter and Paule at Rome, is shewed the linnen cloth wherein the babe Christ was bedded: a Ragg whereof is reported to be at S. Sauiours in Spayne also: besides thys lynnen cloth, there is also in the same Cathe∣drall Church at Rome, the very Cradle wherein he was rockt, and the peticoate which hys mother Mary did knitt for him, & yet we read in the Gospell, that the Maunger was the onely cra∣dle that the Child had.

As meére a mockery also is this, that in an other place of the same City, the Piller whereunto Christ did leane, when he dispu∣ted in the Temple,* 1.1069 is brought forth to be looked vpon: brought vnto Rome (as they say) together with eleuen other pillers out of Salomōs Temple, which if be true, was done doubtlesse af∣ter the Popedome of Gregory. For it is euidently knowne by his owne writynges, that in his tyme was no such Bables at Rome.

There be Monasteries which make a shew of y^e water pottes in the which Christ did turne water into wine:* 1.1070 At Aurelia also they do bragge that they haue the very wine that was turned out of water, which is sayd to be the wyne of the mayster of the feast. Euery yeare once it is offered to be licked with the toung to them that will geue money for the same, out of the topp of a spoone: alleadging that it is the very wine that our Lord did will the Master of the feast to drinke of at the marriage: what a fitter place for exclamation were heare, O shamelesse Impudency? O wittlesse folly? O grosse mockeryes?

At Rome in a place which they call Sancta Sanctorum, they doe shew forth the shoes of Christ.* 1.1071 But what shoes did Christ weare then, whenas Mary Magdalen did power forth sweéte oyntment vpon hys bare feéte I thinke, and wyped them with the heares of her head, as he sate in the house of Simon at Dyner.

It is skarse credible that any dropp of Christes blood which was altogether powred forth vpon the ground, is remaynyng at this present. And yet that naturall blood of Christ is shewed more then in an hundred places.* 1.1072 There is a solemne Pilgri∣mage made to a few droppes thereof at Rochell in Poytiers in Fraunce: which as they say, Nichodemus did gather vpp, & re∣serue in his gloaue. At Mantua also greate gobletts full be to be seéne. At Byblion in Auuergne in Fraunce it is brought forth to be seéne cleare renning in a Christall glasse: In an other litle towne neére adioyning, y^e same blood is shewed clotted together. At Rome it is poured forth in broad platters full in y^e church of Sainct Eustathius, but in the same City at Saynct Iohn of La∣terane it is found mixt with water, euen as it gushed out of hys side. In England in the Abbay of hayles was solemne pylgri∣mage

made, & great worshipp geuen to that which the Moūcks did bring forth in a cleare Christall glasse in steéd of Christes blood to be gazed vpon of the pylgrimes, where if Osorius had come on Pylgrimage, what would he haue done? I dought not but he would haue worshypped it very religiously. But if he had done so, he should in steéd of the Reliques of holy bloud, haue surely worshypped the bloud of a Ducke.

The Table wherupon Christ made his last supper, standeth at Rome in the Churche of Iohn of Laterane.* 1.1073 There is in a Church called Saynt Sauiour in Spayne a crust of the bread also that he brake at his last supper.* 1.1074 The knyfe wherewith the Paschall Lambe was cutt in pieces,* 1.1075 is at Tryers in Germany.

The cupp wherein Christ gaue the Sacrament of his blood, is to be seéne neére vnto Lions in Fraunce, in the Church of Ma∣ria Insulana. The same Cuppe also is in Switzerland in a cer∣teyn Mounckery of Austine Fryers.* 1.1076

* 1.1077The platter wherin the pascall Lambe was put, is at Rome, at Genes, and at Orleaunce. That is to say threé manyfest lyes about one poore platter. And yet these raynebeaten Ruffians be not ashamed to delude the world with such kinde of Mockeryes. Neyther is Osorius ashamed to become as shamelesse a patron for those open guegawes, But let vs proceéd to the rest of those lying Reliques.

The Towell wherewith Chryst did wype the disciples feéte,* 1.1078 is to be seéne at Rome at Saynt Iohns of Laterane: The same also is at Ayre in Germanye: It is shewed likewise all at one time in S. Cornelies Church.

A crust of the broken bread wherewith fiue thousand people were fedd in the desert is worshypped at Rome at S. Maria no∣ua.* 1.1079 An other litle crust thereof is worshipped at Saynt Sauiours in Spayne, which I thinke flew directly out of the Baskettes into Spayne. But thys is but a Trysle to preserue barly breade there, if they did not also shewe at the same Saynt Sauiours a braūch of palme which Christ did beare in his handes on palme-sonday, whē he came vnto Ierusalem. Emongest the which most holy Reliques is reserued a clodd of earth which they doe af∣firme, was vnder Christes feéte when he raysed Lazarus from death to lyfe.

Many sundry reportes are made emongest the writers of the Ecclesiasticall history concerning the Crosse.* 1.1080 The first that found it out is sayd to be Queéne Helene, who did send a piece thereof to the Emperour her sonne: an other part very curious∣ly enclosed in a Chest of Golde she delyuered to the Byshopp of Ierusalē to be preserued. If it be true that thys Crosse was de∣uided betwixt the Emperour & the Byshop: Then must y^e other Reportes made touching the Relyques of the same Crosse neédes be fables: especially sith there is skarce any so litle a City wherein some gobbet of that Crosse is not residēt. First & chiefly at Parys in the holy chappell, at Poytew, and at Rome, where a whole Crucifixe of a meane stature made of the same Crosse, is to be seéne. Goe to: what will Osorius say to me here? For whereas we are certeynly assured by the hystory of the Gospell, that the Crosse whereupō Christ suffered, was no greater thē y^t it might he carryed vpon one mans shoulder, now it is growen to so vnmeasureable a quantity in greatnesse, in breadth, and in lēgth, that if all chyppes and gobbets thereof, that are skat∣tered throughout the whole world, were gathered together, I am well assured y^t a great Carrick would be skarce able to beare them all. Moreouer who may beleéue the deuise of the Cityzens of Poytew, that the skrapp of the Crosse remayning amongest them was stollen from Helene, by a certayn mayd, and by her conueyed vnto them, after that she had runne away from her Princesse, & wandring abroad lame and halt, chaunced to come at the last vpon their coast? And I maruell if there be no fragmēt of the same Crosse in Portingall: the trueth whereof I commit to Osorius, one of the Inquisitors of Portingall to finde out. This one thing would I fayne learne what Osorius would doe, If Osorius had y^e very true Crosse it selfe within his owne By∣shoppricke: I suppose he would worshipp it: and why so? forsooth because it did heare the body of Christ. That is well. I aske fur¦ther, what if the Asse also that did beare Christ, were in Osorius chamber? what would he do? I thinke he would feéde it with hey. May I be so bold to aske one question more? What yet at the least if Osorius had the eares of that Asse in his custody? I sup∣pose he would hang them to his Myter for bables, for Reliques I would say. But I come agayne to the Crosse: which because 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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should not come without a companion. The people of Tholouse do boast that they haue the Tytle also that was sett written ouer the Crosse.* 1.1081 But the Romanistes do denye it, and bragg it out lustely, that they can shew this Tytle in the Temple of Saynt Crosse. To appease this contention for theyr creditt sake, I would wish that Osorius should be Umpire betwixt them.

The olde historyes do varry very much about the Nayles: Theodoret doth report, that Helene did commaund that one of them should be putt in her Sonnes Helmett: y^e other two she cō∣maunded to be made into a Bitt of a Bridle for an horse mouth. Ambrosius differing from this but a litle, doth say that one Nayle was fixed vpon the Diademe of Constantine, and the bitte of a Bridle made of the second, and the third reserued to the vse of Helene her selfe. Some writers affirme that the third was throwen into the Sea. Now let the Christian Reader conceiue by these, what may be iudged of all those skrappes and Ragges of Reliques, by the Religious vsage of these Ca∣tholickes.

The Myllanoyes doe bragg that they haue the Nayle whereof the Bitte of the Bridle was made,* 1.1082 but the inhabitaūtes of Carpentias in Narbone gaynesay that, and do challenge the same to be in theyr custody: There is an other in Rome in Saynt Helenes Church. There is yet an other in the same City in the Church of Saynt Crosse. There is one at Sene in Tuskane, an other art Venice. There be two of them in Germany, the one at Coleine in the Church of the three Maryes, the other at Tri∣ers. There is one at Parys in the holy Chappell, there is an o∣ther in the same City emongest the Carmelyte Fryers, an other in the Minster of S. Denys. An other remayning with them of Burges. An other in Sheresabbey. An other at Draquigne. And yet Osorius doth beleue that men be so blockish and sencelesse at this present, to be faced out with such grosse trumperies of Mouckish Mockages in stead of true Relyques.

* 1.1083At Rome is to be seéne one Spearehead, an other at Paris in the Holy Chappell: a thyrd emongest the Cantons in Sheres∣abbeye: a fourth at Sylua neare vnto Burdeaux in Gascoigne.

* 1.1084A thyrdendeale of the Crowne of Thornes is shewed at Pa∣ris in the Holy Chappell there. At Rome be threé thornes in

S. Crosses Church. One portiō of that Crowne is in the Church of S. Eustathe. At Senes I can not tell how many Thornes: at Vincentia no more but one Thorne. At Burges fiue: At Besan∣son in S. Iohns Churche be threé Thornes: as many more at Moūt le Roy. Some there be at S. Sauiours in Spaigne. There be two in S. Iames at Compostella: in Switzerland threé. At Tolouse, at Mascoue, at Charroune in Poytou, at Cleere, at S. Floure, at S. Maximin in Prouince: likewise in the Abbey of Salle at Noyon in Fraunce in S. Martines Church. Euery of those places haue seuerall Thornes.

Men tell for a trothe that one Coate of Christ w^tout a seame is at Argenteiul: Which is a Uilladge neare vnto Paris.* 1.1085 There is an other of the same without a Seame at Tryers: and it is re∣ported that there is also one at S. Sauiours in Spaigne.

The Vernycle wherew^t Christes face was wyped is shewed in S. Peters Church at Rome. Our Ladies kerchief that was wrapt about the priuy members of Christ hangyng vpon the the Crosse (as they say) is to be seéne in S. Iohns Church of La∣terane: The same Vernycle is reported to be at Carcasonne with the Augustine Friers: besides an other whole hādkerchief beyng in a certein Nunnery at Rome, cōmaunded by the Pope not to be shewed for any solemne Relique.

There be sixe Citties at the least which do bragge that they haue the wynding sheéte wherein Christ was wrapte in his Se∣pulchre:* 1.1086 Namely, y^e Citties Nyce, Ayre in Dutchlād, Traicte, Besanson, Eadoen. Lymosine in Fraunce. Likewise a certein Citty neare adioynyng to Lorrayne besides many other raggs which beyng scattered abroad here and there, are accoūpted for most holy Reliques.

There be other parcelles apperteinyng to Christes Passion behynde yet, namely the Reéde,* 1.1087 which was geuen to Christ in the house of Pylate in steéde of a Scepter, is openly shewed in S. Iohns Churche of Laterane at Rome. In the same Cittie at S. Crosses the Sponge is to be seéne.* 1.1088 There be also some that blaze abroad to the people the xxx. pence for y^e which Christ was sold.* 1.1089 As though a field was not purchased for these pence, as ap∣peareth by the History of the Gospell which will condemne this Fable to be an arrogaunt lye.

* 1.1090Such an other ridiculous toye is there mainteined at Rome touchyng the grieces of Pilates Iudgement Hall, which are in S. Iohns of Laterane: A like deuise also of the piller whereun∣to Christ was bounde when he was whipped, which is sett forth to the gaze in S. Praxedes Church.

The inhabitauntes of Brixia, do boast that they haue in their custody the Crosse which appeared to Constantine in the ayre.* 1.1091 About the which I will not striue with them: onely I do referre them to the order of Curtonenses: who do affirme and that in good earnest, that the same doth remaine with them. Let them brawle together about it, and lett Osorius pacifie the quartell betwixt them at the length. For I do suppose the Crosse, which did appeare to Constantine was not a materiall Crosse, but a certein representation of a Crosse shadowed in the ayre, which neuer came downe to the earth, nor euer shall come downe.

In the Churche of Saint Laurence at Rome, the pryntes of Christes steppes which he troade vpon the earth when he mette Peter foretellyng him that he should suffer Martyrdome at Rome,* 1.1092 are euidently to be seéne: An other steppe of y^e same mira∣cle is shewed opēly at Poytew in y^e Church of S. Radegonde. An other in Soysion in Fraunce, and a thyrd at Orleaunce.

* 1.1093Next vnto the Sonne followeth in order Mary the Mo∣ther of Christ. Who if had not bene wholy assumpted into heauē, would any man dought but that her Rames would haue bene bragged vpon emōgest the whole rable of Mockeries? Yet not∣withstanding many Reliques of her Heare, & her Milk, did stick fast in the earth, after she was assumpted. For men do visite her Heare at Rome in our Ladyes Church aboue Mynerue: so also do they the same heare at S. Sauiours in Spayne, at Mat∣scoue, Cluniacum, Nuceria, at S. Floure, at S. Iaqueries, and many other places. But of her Milke where shall I begyn to speake?* 1.1094 Lett this one thyng suffice the Reader. If y^t blessed nou∣rse did geue so much Milke, as is set forth euery where abroad to be seéne in holy Religious houses, in y^e Temples of Monckes, Friers, & Nunnes: surely there would haue bene aboundance e∣nough to haue sufficed all the Babes & sucklynges Bethleem, if she would haue geuen them sucke as long as she liued. In the meane space I do not recite all the places whereunto pilgrimes

do reporte to visite these Reliques of Milke: neither do I ear∣nestly craue to know, how it may seéme credible, that so much Milke might be gathered from one seely Uirgine, and preserued from corruption so many hundred yeares.

To make any further rehearsall of the rest of this Uirgines furniture were a playne mockery, surely to reckon vpp all, were an infinite peéce of worke. First touchyng her Smocke: There is one at Carmutum, an other at Ayre in Germany so wyde & so large, y^t it coūteruaileth in greatnes a Priestes long white surplice, which if be her true Smocke in deéde,* 1.1095 surely she must neédes be a woman of a monstrous body. Touchyng her ker∣chiefes:* 1.1096 whereof one is a Tryers in S. Maximes Church. An o∣ther is to be seéne at Lysio in Italy. As for her Kertell, which the inhabitauntes of Bonony do enioy I neéde not to speake more.* 1.1097 And that she had more girdles then one appeareth hereby,* 1.1098 that the inhabitauntes of Pratt do bragge vpon one in their keepyng, an other likewise is shewed forth at Moūtforte: her Slipper is at S. Iaqueries:* 1.1099 her Shoe is reported to be at S. Floures:* 1.1100 she had also two Combes,* 1.1101 whereof one hangeth fast at Rome in S. Martines Churches, the other in the Church of S. Iohns the great at Besanson. Neither do I marueile if our Ladyes wed∣dyng Ryng be Religiously reserued emōgest other holy most pre∣cious Iewelles:* 1.1102 I do rather marueile more, how they came by the possession of Iosephes hose, namely beyng so litle & so slen∣der as will scarse fitte a sucklyng Child or a dwarfe: surely there is no comparison to be made of proportion betwixt these hoses and our Ladyes Smocke, as they do fayne it to be. Besides Io∣sephes hose, others haue his Boanes in stoare,* 1.1103 some his Slip∣pers also. Which are to be seéne at Tyers in S. Symōs Abbey.

What shall I speake of Images? which are not all of one sort, nor yet of like holynes.* 1.1104 Some are beleéued to be made by miracle: some fashioned by Angelles. Some others of the com∣mon sorte. Many of them are notorious for some singular ver∣tue, and speciall prerogatiue: so that in some places they are of lesse power, in some other agayne wonderfully miraculous. There be some supposed to grow and decay in stature after the maner of mē: And there want not writers, y^t shame not in their Bookes to blow abroad, that the very Crosse it selfe, was grow∣yng

out of Treés by miracle, yea and this also in very good ear∣nest, they sett forth for a miracle.* 1.1105 So vnmeasurable is the sense∣lesse blockyshnes of some. Emōgest many pictures of our Lady Luke the Euāgelist is supposed to be the deuisour of foure, the proportion of y^t which he is reported to haue drawen out in Ta∣bles with his owne pencill, to witte, Mary that is called Inuio∣lata, the second Mary presented to the viewe in the Church of Maria Noua, which they do say was paynted by Luke whē he soiourned at Troas, & was afterwardes conueyed thither by an Angell: The thyrd is resiaunt at S. Maryes, which is called Ara Coeli, grauē to the same proportion & forme as she seémed to be whē she stoode by y^e Crosse. But the Augustine Friers do vaūt couragiously, y^t the chiefest of all remayneth with them: namely the very same which Luke did painte out for his owne vse, and reserued with great reuerence. I do passe ouer many Images in many places. In England not many yeares agoe was an I∣mage so cunnyngly coūterfait, that by a certein crafty sleighte it was made seemyng to the beholders to tourne the head, to moue the lippes, and to rolle the eyes in and out into euery cor∣ner. The fraude thereof beyng espyed, the Image was brought to Paules Crosse in London, and burnt in a pyle of wood, in the reigne of Henry the viij. What then? was that godly and vic∣torious Kyng franctickly madd, who did thus deliuer his sub∣iectes, the seély flocke of Christ, from such rauenous Idolatry? or shall we accoumpt Osorius worse then madd, that so madd∣ly persuadeth him selfe that he may be a madd Proctour in so madd causes?

Now to proceéde orderly: somewhat must be spoken of the Angelles and Sainctes and their notable Reliques. Wherein I might seéme to dasly perhappes: if the matters them selues were not practized by these counterfeit Catholickes, so playnly & sensibly yet, that all men may easily espy their lieger demaine: and withall so Apishly and doltishly, that no man is able to re∣frayne from open laughter that doth behold them. For what is he that will euer beleéue that the sword and buckler wherewith Michael fought agaynst the Deuill, may be founde emongest mortall creatures?* 1.1106 And yet are these shewed by the inhabitaunts of Carcassone and Towers, in the name of true and vnfayned

Reliques. The sword it selfe is altogether like vnto a litle chil∣des Dagger, and the Buckler no greater then a litle brazen Bosse of a Bridle.

But this of all other is most horribly impudent: That within threé score yeares or a litle more, a certein old crafty Crowder laden throughly with the Popes Bulles raunged the coastes, braggyng that he did carry with him the very feathers of the ho∣ly Ghost,* 1.1107 as most precious Reliques: whose prophane blasphe∣my some meary conceipted men espyeng out, opened the Cas∣kett priuily, and tooke out the feathers and putt Coales in their place.* 1.1108 The next day ensuyng this pratyng Pardoner determi∣nyng to make a shew of his miraculous feathers, after a long preamble of smoath wordes vttered to y^e lay people, findyng in his budgett a few coales in steéde of feathers, w^t no lesse shame∣lesse a shift tournyng his tale, began to preach vnto them, that he had forgotten his feathers in his lodgyng, and that these Coales were takē away from vnder S. Laurence his gredyerne.

It is truely recorded in the sacred scriptures, y^t Iohn Bap∣tyst was beheaded, and his body buryed in the ground by hys Disciples:* 1.1109 Theodoret addeth further, that at Sebasta his boanes were taken out of his sepulchre by Infidels and burnt, and that the Ashes of the same were skattered abroad with the wynde. Eusebius recordeth farther that certayn men of Ierusalē came whiles the Infidels were defacing the dead corpes, and priuily pyked vpp some Rames thereof, and conueyed them af∣terwardes to Antyoch, which Athanasius did enclose after∣wardes within a wall. Sozomenus writeth that Theodosius y^e Emperour, did trāslate his head to Constantinople.* 1.1110 If all these Reportes be true: I appeale now to the Readers Iudge∣mēt in all that our late Catholickes haue fabled of the Reliques of that man. They of Amyens, doe vaunt that they haue his visage with the wound that Herodiades made in it with her knyfe. The very same part do the people of Saynt Angell shew forth: The hinder part of the head from the forehead to the neck was sometyme to be seéne in the Isle of Rhodes: but now it lyeth hidden I know not where. The nape & poll of the head is at S. Iohn of Nemoures, the braynes at Noyon. In the Church of S. Iohn of Morein a piece of his skull is preserued: oue of hys

Iawes is at Besanson in the Church of S. Iohn the great,* 1.1111 the other at Paris in the Church of S. Iohn of Laterane: the hynder part of his eare remayneth at S. Flowers in Auuerne:* 1.1112 his fore∣head and his heare resteth at S. Sauiours in Spayne: moreouer at Noyon a skalpe of his skull is shewed with great Pompe: But how dare we beleéue all these to be true now, forasmuch as at our mother Church of Rome in the Church of Siluester is shewed for an infallible trueth to be beleued,* 1.1113 the whole head of S. Iohn nothing thereof wanting? Besides this, the people of Sene doe affirme that they haue his arme:* 1.1114 which doth vtterly o∣uerthrow the creditt of the Aunciēt historyes. The finger of that holy man wherewith he poynted to Christ saying Behold the Lambe of God is at Besanson in the Church of S. Iohn the great:* 1.1115 the same is also a Tholouse: an other at Lyons, an other at Burges, one more at Florence, and one also at S. Iohn Ad∣uentures, neére vnto Mascoue. And yet for this fhameshapen Relyques, to witte, for sixe fingers of one hand, Osorius blush∣eth not to deale like a lusty proctor, as if it were for great holy matters, and most assured. And although historyes do report, that his Ashes were throwen abroad into the wind:* 1.1116 yet how he shameth nothing at all to professe, that some of those Ashes be at Genes? and some at Rome in the Church of S. Iohn of Late∣rane? what? will our religious Reliquary defend these for true, being so manifestly false? his Shoe is at Parys with the char∣terhouse Mounckes.* 1.1117 But what if Iohn Baptist did neuer were any shoe?* 1.1118 At Rome in S. Iohn of Laterane is vaunted to the gaze,* 1.1119 his shirt of heare, whereof mention is made in the Euan∣gelist, which is also as false, for the Gospell doth make mention of Camels skinnes, and no word at all of any shirt of heare. In the same Church is extaunt the Altar whereupon he prayd in the wildernesse, as though that age of the world did vse manye altars. At Ayr, in Dutchland is the lynnen cloth that he kneéled vpon when he was beheadded.* 1.1120 At Auignon is the sword where∣with he was beheaded.* 1.1121

* 1.1122Now in their right rancke lett the Reliques of the Apostles be rehearsed. The bodyes of Peter and Paule are religiosly visi∣ted by Pylgrimes in the Minster of Peter and Paule at Rome. The church of Laterane hath both theyr heads, S. Peters chaw∣bone

with his beard is to be seéne at Poytew. At Tryers many bones of them both be extant.* 1.1123 At Argenton in Berry resteth the shoulder of Paule. At the great Alter of Geneua was there a portion of Peters Brayne sometime,* 1.1124 which as long as lay somewhat close in y^e boxe, was reuerēced for a singuler Relique, but afterwardes being more narrowlye examined and vewed, was espyed to be a very pumeyse. To be short, what Chur∣ches were euer dedicated to these Apostles, wherein were not some Reliques of them to be found? At Saynct Sauiours in Spayne is S. Peters slypper very glorious and beautyfull like a prelates pantable.* 1.1125 At Rome is to be seéne Peters chayre of State, with all hys pontyficall vestimentes vsed at Masse, and the very Altar wherupon he sayd Masse.* 1.1126 Yet the citizens of Pyse do shew the same Altar in theyr Suburbes, that lead by the Sea side. The sword wherewith he cutt of Malchus eare, is in the possession of the Romaynes:* 1.1127 his Crosiar remayneth at Parys in S. Stephens of Greés. The staffe that he was wont to walke withall,* 1.1128 not onely the citizens of Coleyne do challenge, but the Citizens of Tryers also, prouing themselues both to be open lyers. The chayne wherewith Peter was bound, is in his owne Church at Rome. The blocke whereupon he was beheaded is to be seéne in S. Anastasius Church at Rome.* 1.1129

The Citizens of Tholosse doe beleue that they do enioy the bodyes of sixe of the Apostles, namely: the bodyes of Iames the more, and Iames the lesse, of Andrew, of Phillipp, of Symon & of Iudas.* 1.1130 How true this Fable is like to be, may hereby easilye appeare, for at Memphys Andrew left one body behinde, and hath an other in stoare in Rome at S. Peters there, a shoulder at Grisogonus, a ribbe at S. Eustath, a shoulder at the holye ghost, an other piece at S. Blase: and at Ayre one foot. Both the bodyes of Phillipp and Iames y^e lesse remayne w^t the holy Apo∣stles at Rome, likewise the bodyes of Symon and Iude be rest∣aunt in saynt Peters Church there: Mathias hath threé bodyes: one at Padue, an other at Rome, at saynt Mary the greater, the third at Tryers: at Salerne is the body of Mathew: And at Or∣tonne y^e body of Thomas. About Naples is y^e body of Bartho∣lomew. And yet is y^e same shewed whole in S. Bartholomewes Church at Rome. The citizens of Pyse did either fable, or els

haue his skinne, and one of his handes: one finger of hys remay∣neth at Frenes. Like as Philippe is plentifull also in his Re∣liques, one foot of whom is sayd to be at Rome in the church of Peter and Paule: he hath other Reliques likewise in other places, to witt at Rome in saynt Barbaras church, and at Try∣ers.

* 1.1131Two citties do clayme the possession of S. Iohn the Euan∣gelistes cupp, from out the which he dranke poyson, to witt, Bo∣nony one, and Rome an other in the church of Laterane: to speake nothing in the meane space of his coate, of his chayne, and his chappell. But the pleasauntest Iest of all the rest is of the coller, whereupon hang the twelue Apostles coambes. It is sett forth in the church of Maria Insulana neére to Lyons.

S. Anne the mother of our Lord hath one bodye at Apte a citty of prouince, an other at Maria Insulana neére vnto Lyons:* 1.1132 Moreouer one head of hers is kept in stoare at Tryers, an other remayneth at Turene amongest the Friers Iuliackes, the third at Turing in saynt Annes, besides many other skrapps, which are to be seéne more then in an hundred places. I can not tell how many soules Lazarus hath, sure I am he is beleued to haue 3. bodyes: one at Mer••els, an other at Anthū, the third at Aualon.* 1.1133 Mary Magdalen as she is not equall in degreé with her brother, so hath she lesse substaunce:* 1.1134 for she hath but two bodyes onely: one at vesellis neére vnto Auserre: the other that is of greater renown at S. maxime in Prouince, where also her head is shew∣ed with superscription thereunto, Noli me tangere, to touch no more of all the rest of all her boanes, heare, and other Reliques skattered ouer all the world.

* 1.1135Amongest the which may not S. Longius the blinde knight be forgotten, who thrust his speare into the Lordes side al∣though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be nothing els then a greéke word, signifi∣yng a laūceknight, yet they deale very liberally with this sainct, and haue geuen him a speciall prerogatiue to haue two bodyes, one whereof is at Mantone, the other at Mary Iusulana. Not much vnlyke the fable that the citizens of Coleyne haue forged of the threé kinges of Coleyne, whom also they haue christened with honorable names, to witt:* 1.1136 Balthazar, Melchior & Gas∣par.

Albeit there be many Reliques of S. Denyse, yet his whole body is beleéued to be but in two places onely, at S. Denise in the suburbes of Parys one, and at Rentzburgh in Dutchland the o∣ther.* 1.1137 And as there happened to arise a greater brawle betwixt those two places, to witt, which of them should be Lordes of the very body in deéd: at length the brawle was decyded at Rome, w^t this Bull: that whosoeuer should say, y^t the body of S. Denis was not at S. Denis in Parys should be stoaned to death. And whosoeuer should deny y^e same body to be at Rentzburgh, should be adiudged for an heretique, as a rebell to the Apostolicke seé.

They haue deuyded the body of S. Stephen on this wise, that at Rome the whole body must be affirmed to be in S. Ste∣phens Church,* 1.1138 his head at Orleaunce,* 1.1139 his boanes more then in two hundred places.* 1.1140 Of the stoanes wherewith this godly Mar∣tyr was stoaned to death (for these also haue they consecrated e∣mongest the Reliques) the Carmelites of Poytiers not manye yeares agoe found one stoane which they are wont to apply to weomen trauayling with Childe, to ease them of theyr paynes and burden.* 1.1141 But in the meane space that same stoane procured great anguish and griefe of minde to the Dominicke Fryers, who accustoming to apply a ribbe of S. Margerett to the same vse, beganne to keépe a fowle broyle agaynst the Carmelites, a∣bout the same. But y^e Carmelites standing hard to theyr tackle, recouered the victory at the last.

It is taken for a certeintye, that the whole body of S. Lau∣rence is in S. Laurence Church:* 1.1142 his arme and his bones are shrined in a Church of Palisperne.* 1.1143 The gredyern also wherupō he was fryed must neédes be a Relque,* 1.1144 a parcell whereof is shew∣ed forth at Palisperne. At S. Eustathius emōgest other Re∣liques are very deintely kept, not onely the coales where∣with he was broyled,* 1.1145 but the Towell also wherewith the Angell did wipe his body. Hereunto is added the coate with long sleéues of this holy Deacō,* 1.1146 whereof the Church of S. Barbara in Rome doth vaunte a possession: as though that Deacons at that tyme were trimmed vp with vestments as the papistes be now.

Ambrose doth report that in his tyme was found out the se∣pulcher of Geruase and Protasius in Millaine.* 1.1147 The same doe Ierome, Augustine, and many others affirme: And therfore the

Millanoyes doe of right clayme the interest of those bodyes: If this be true: Then must this other be a very mockery, that at Brisack in Dutchland and at Besanson in the parish of S. Pe∣ters the same bodyes are blazed abroad and worshipped for no∣table Reliques: besides many other gobbets skattered abroad here and there in may Churches.

* 1.1148In lyke maner Sebastian, cannonized for a Saint to cure the Pestilence is multiplied into 4. bodies: whereof one is at Rome in S. Laurence Church: an other at Soyson, the third at Piligne neére Nantes, the fourth at Narbone where it is sayd that he was borne. He hath also 2. headds, one at S. Peters Church at Rome: the other at Tholouse with the Iacobines, but without braynes notwithstāding. For the Brayne the Grayfryers of An∣gyers doe bragg vpon stoughtly: who doe enioy oue of his armes also. An other of his armes is at Tholouse in S. Seruine, an other at Cassod in Aruergne, an other at Mombrison in the Forrest. They haue made Reliques also of the Arrowes wher∣with he was shott into the body. Whereof one is shewed at Lambest in Prouince, an other in Poytiers with the Augustine Fryers: many others are flowen abroad to other places.

The Citizens of Orleaunce were long at law with the An∣thomās at Uienna about the true body of S. Anthony. To these bodyes is there a supply made of a Kneé which the Austines of Alby doe possesse. Many other of his Members are seéne in di∣uers sundrye places, to witt, at Burges, at Masicoue, at Dyon at Chalons, at Ourour, at Besanson &c.

* 1.1149S. Petronilla alias S. Parnell the daughter of Peter hath one whole body at Rome, as they say, in her owne Fathers Church. Other Reliques of her are layd vpp a part by themselues in S. Barbaraes Church. Yet notwithstanding they do hold fast an o∣ther body of her at Mans in the Iacobines couent: which is of such vertue, that it cureth all kinde of Agues.

* 1.1150At Rome is a Church called S. Susannes, wherein is to be seéne one body of her. An other body of her is supposed to be in Chalosse. Whereas the Uenetiās doe beare themselues stought vpon the whole body of S. Helen,* 1.1151 yet her head leapt away from thence to Coleyne to the Church of Gerion. What need I to speake much of Ursula and her mates, which they doe affirme

were eleuen thousand Uirgines, when as the Citizens of Co∣leyne do make a shew of whole Cartloades of their bones.* 1.1152

At Paytiers be two Churches which doe striue together a∣bout the body of Hillary,* 1.1153 to witt the black Mounkes of S. Hil∣lary: and the Mounckes of the Selle, one bodye of Honoratus is honourably kept at Orleaunce.* 1.1154 There is also an other in the Isle of Lyryne neare vnto Antipolis, at Tholouse is there one body of S. Gyles,* 1.1155 an other in a Towne called S. Giles beyng in Aquitaine, there is a body of S. William in an Abbay of Aqui∣taine which is named S. William the Wild. he hath an other body in the Citye of Holstatt and is called Errechen.

What shall I say of Simphorian who hath bodyes & bones in so many places?* 1.1156 and of S. Lupus whose bodyes be at Altisi∣odore,* 1.1157 at Sens, at Lyons, and at Genes. S. Fereol also hath two bodyes,* 1.1158 one whole at Utica in Aquitaine, and an other nothing empeired at Bryod in Auuerne.

Rome vaunteth vpon the bones of Abraham, Isaac, and Ia∣cob in the Church of Marye ouer Minerue:* 1.1159 In the Church of S. Iohn of Lateran they boast that they possesse the Arke of the couenaunt, & the Rodd of Aaron: and yet the same Rodd is at Paris in the holy Chappell there: and is to be seéne also in S. Seuerines Church at Burdeau••: so that y^e same Rodd wh was once tourned into a Serpent, is tourned now into threé Rodds.

The multiplying of whiche Rodd seémeth not much vn∣lyke the Toath of Saincte Appolyne here with vs in England, of the which a certein Abbot of Almesbury named Andrew doth make relation. For it chaunced on a tyme that as Edward thē king of Englād was greuously tormented with the toath ach, he commaunded by generall proclamation, that all the teéth of S. Appolline that were reserued for Reliques within all the Chur∣ches of his Realme should be brought vnto him: there were such a multitude of one poore Relique of S. Appolline his teéth Ra∣ked together, that two or threé Toones were skarse able to re∣ceaue them, when they were throwen together on a heape.

I Haue abused thy leasure perhappes (gentle Reader) longer then was conuenient, in reckonyng vpp this Raggemarow of rusty Reliques: howbeit I haue not rehearsed the thousandth

part of the lyke religious Ragges: So farre and so wide hath this pestilent canker crept ouer all the partes of Christendome, that almost there is no Cathedrall Church, Parish Church, Mounckery, Abbay, Fryerhouse, Selle, Brotherhood or neuer so litle a Chappell but is poysoned with some contagion of this Serpigo. And I would to God that the lyke endeuor were ge∣nerally employed, that Iohn Caluine perfourmed in seéking out those Reliques wherof I haue made mētiō, & that a generall view might be taken of all the Reliques remayning in all Chri∣stendome, in Monasteries, Selles, Shrynes, Boxes, Caskets Glasses, and such lyke deuises, that the world might be made acquainted with them. It is incredible to be spoken what leger∣demaine, Iuggling, and peéuish pelting, what monstruous lyes, aud crafty packing, what horrible forgery and apish hal∣ting, would appeare to be fostered by these rakers of Reliques, and fab••ing Fathers. But I will not deteigne theé (Reader) in these tryfles any longer: Onely this by the way I wishe theé not so to interprett my trauayle herein, as though I would that all reuerence vsually ascribed to the true monuments, and true Re∣liques of Martyres, and other godly personages should be vtterly suppressed: such especially as is meéte and conuenient for them. But hereof neuerthelesse must be had a double con∣sideration. First: That we defraud not Christ of his due honor and worshipp, transferring the same ouer to Saintes and their monuments. Next: That we vaunte not to the gaze counter∣feites for truethes, and falshoods for verityes, and abuse not the simplicitie of the vnlettered, vnder the visor of true Religion. Which kinde of fraude, as is of all other most execrable, so is there not any one more dayly frequented at this present by the rowled generation. Howbeit this is no new griefe of a yeare or two continuaunce, but is an olde wound, long lurking euen e∣mongest the boanes, and gnawing dayly vpon the Synowes of all Christendome. Of the which Augustine complayneth gre∣uously in his owne tyme in his booke De Opere Monachorum, writing on this wise.* 1.1160 He hath skattered abroad so many hipo∣crites vnder the weede of Mounckes in euery place, gadding lyke Vagabounds about the Countries, sent to no certein place, remai∣ning no where, settled in no place, nor making abode any where.

Some carry about the Reliques of Martyrs, if they be not rather the boanes of other dead men: but they do all begg, they doe all rake for money, all make gaynefull marchaundise either of their cloaked holynesse, or of their deceiptfull needynes. &c. But of Reliques hath bene sufficiently spoken now: for the confutation of the which, what shall I neéde to say any more? sithence to the sound witted Reader this may suffice, that I haue made him an open shew onely of these mockeryes and trumperies.

The controuersies (which concerne the strongest pillers of their Religion) being on this wise dispatcht: now that we be escaped out of these crabbed, rowgh, and vnsauery subtiltyes of disputation. I seé no cause to the contrary, but that I might make an end of this booke, sauing that there remaine yet a fewe dregges, in the cloasing vp of Osorius cauillations, that are not lightly to be passed ouer, though also they apperteigne not so necessarily to the cause, as to require any speciall aunswere. Whereof I purpose neuerthelesse to speake somewhat by Gods grace. And first touching his solemne protestation, wherein he accurseth and denounceth himselfe for a damned creature, if he haue written any thing in his booke fayningly, and counterfetly or colorably. Lett vs heare him speake in his owne words. I doe here protest before Iesus Christ Iudge of the quick and the dead, that if I do not write the trueth which I do determine vpon, which I iudge to be true, and which I doe vnfained∣ly and firmely beleue to be the true and vndoughted Reli∣gion, that he will exclude me from entraunce within that heauenly Citty, and possession of that euerlasting glory, & not suffer me to enioy his glory world without end. &c.* 1.1161

In which protestatiō I doe easily beleue you Osorius, though you hadd neuer made so deépe a Protestation. Neither doe I suppose that you doe dally with vs in these matters contrary to the very meaning of your minde, but vtter in deéde the very bot∣tome of your thought, according as you haue cauilled in these bookes. But this sufficeth not to haue your phrase of wryting agreé outwardly with your profession, vnlesse your minde with∣in differ not, nor be discrepaunt from the right rule of trueth. Neither doth it matter so much, that you haue vttered in wri∣ting, according as y^e fancy of your mind hath carried you but you

ought rather to be well aduised, that your hart be so instructed w^tin as it may conceaue that which is wholesome & sound, & that your penn be not violently whyrled at Randone, by the vayne suggestions of your brainesicke headd, to endite false matter in¦stead of the trueth. For herein consisteth the whole substaunce of our controuersie, not in the vtteraunce of thinges which are con∣ceaued in minde: but in the discouerye of the meaning and sence of the trueth. Such as in tymes past did persequute the Gos∣pell of Christ, and such as at this present doe seéke the ouerthrow thereof (euen whiles they doe embrue their bloudy hands with goare of the Saintes) being seduced by glauering conceipt of colorable error, did and doe thinke to doe good seruice herein to God. Not much vnlyke vnto them, of whom we heare mention made in S. Paule, and whereof the number is infinite at this present: Which hauing zeale, but not according to knowledge, doe seéme to erre very much in the affection which they seéme to beare to godlynes, but wander altogether out of the way in their choyse: lyke as seémeth to haue happened at this present to Oso∣rius in defending this cause of the Popes supremacy, of Purga∣torye, of the Sacrifice of the Masse, of Pardons, of Reliques, and worshipping, and of many other Misteries of the Romishe counterfettes: wherein I doe confesse that he hath debated some∣what: and so debated, as himselfe doth confesse, not of any gre∣dy desire of flattering (as speaking the thing that ••he doth know to be plausible to his Catholickes) but hath written the very same doctrine, which he doth firmely beleue to be true: which I doe yeld vnto, that you haue perfourmed accordingly. For as much as hitherto you haue alleadged nothing but phantasticall conceiptes of your owne wandring imagination, and fryuolous opinions of your owne gyddy deuise: Thoroughout all your bookes no sparke of Scripture, no sentence at all of aunci∣ent writers, besides bare names onely is vouched, able to geue any creditt to your cause. And therefore you haue sayd well in deéde, that your writing doth agreé with your meanyng in all pointes: but there is nothing more corrupt then that iudgemēt of yours, nor any thing more vayne then your writing. And for the thinges themselues whereof you make mention hath bene spoken sufficiently allready: to witt, of the Popes supremacy,

of the Popes warres, of Purgatory, of Sacrifices, of Mar∣ketts of Pardons, of the vncleanesse of Priestes, and of their filthy superstition.* 1.1162 All which disgracementes of Religion from whence they issued out at the first, although Haddon affirmed that you were not your selfe ignoraunt, albeit you dissembled the contrary, yet surely of this you ought not to be vnskilfull (except you list to be reputed an open counterfaite) that all those Trincketts, which you thrust vpon vs vnder the cognizaunce of Religion, did sauour nothing of the foundation of Christes Re∣ligion, of his Apostles, or of the Prophetts doctrine, but haue bene deuised by other men long sithence the comming of Christ, and by couert creéping by litle, & litle into y^e Church, are grow̄e to this vnmeasurable Rable. Which hath bene displayed abroad aboundantly enough before, as I Iudge in these same bookes.

After all these ensueth a common place of the filthy and wic∣ked lyfe of Priestes:* 1.1163 which being more notorious then can be couered, more filthy then can be excused, Osorius is driuen to this streight: that he can not deny, but many thinges are amisse in the maners of Priestes, and many things out of order which require seuere and sharpe correction: howbeit he doth so extenu∣ate this cryme, as that he shameth not to confesse, but that the greater part of these Catholick shauelings doe liue most chaste∣ly, without all blemish of worthy reproch. Of the rest he hath good hope, yea and doughteth not thereof, vpon the con∣fidence that he hath of the good beginnings of the most holy Father the Pope Pius the fifte. whose wonderfull god∣lynes ioyned with marueilous zeale of true Religion, cleare and voyde from all ambition, greedynesse, and rashe teme∣rytye, doth geaue vs especiall comfort, that it will shortly come to passe, that the disorders and dissolute misdemea∣nours of Superstition and Priestes will attayne to a better reformation: But if happely this hope happen not to good successe, and though all thinges doe runne into further out∣rage, yea although also no man minister medicine and re∣medye to this diseased Church: yet is not this forthwith a good consequent, that good and godly ordinaunces shall for the retchlesse trechery of some euill disposed persons, be vtterly taken away. And that humaine actions did neuer

stād in so blessed an estate, as to be cleare frō all matter wor∣thy of reprehension, not onely emongest Priestes, and Moū∣ckes, but also through all the conuersation of Christian congregatiōs. And that it standeth not therefore with Rea∣son, for the negligence of a few disordered Mounckes to roote out the whole order of Mounckerye: and for the wickednes of some Priestes, therefore to subuert the whole dignitye of Priesthood and authoritye of Byshopps: None otherwise then as if in the holy state of Matrymony many thinges chaunce sundry tymes not all of the best, and vn∣seemely handled, yea and that wantonnes grow euen to brech of wedlock: yet is it not reasonable that for this cause the whole bond and vowe of mutuall loue and lawfull vni∣ting should be cutt asunder.* 1.1164 Semblably ought we to de∣termine of the orders of Priestes, and Mounckes. Emongest whom though all thinges be not done orderly and decent∣ly, yet such thinges are not by and by to be discontinued which were instituted for godly purposes: nor followeth not forthwith, if there be some festered members in the cō∣mon weale which must of necessitye be cutt of, that for this cause the whole state of the cōmon weale shall be tourned vpsidowne: but rather that the ouergrowē weeds be pluckt vpp, and such as be scattering braūches be applyed to bet∣ter order, and reduced to their first patterne: And that there is nothing more perillous in Common Weales, then the often innouation of good and commendable established ordinaunces and lawes: which doth commonly breed not onely a generall contempt of wholesome statutes, but for the more part procure an vtter ouerthrow of the whole state according to the testimony of Aristotel:* 1.1165 who did sometime openly withstād the decree of Hippodamus Milesius made for the aduauncement of such as should deuise good and profitable lawes:* 1.1166 being of this opiniō that lawes should be comprised within measurable lymitts and boundes, & that the well keeping of tollerable lawes emported more safetye then the innouation of new.

To Aunswere this large discourse briefly: Osorius could haue alledged nothing more cōmodious in y^e defence of Luthers

cause, and nothing more vehemently agaynst these newfangled Romaines. For if Aristotel did worthely reproue Hippoda∣mus Milesius: Who being not contented with the present state of his owne Countrey, did practise an alteration of the state: What shall be sayd vnto you, who haue so chopt and chaunged all things in the Church, that there is not left there∣in one title so much of Apostolick antiquity, or aūciēt Doctrine? Therefore if all matters must be reduced to the first foundati∣ons, what one thing can preuayle more to further the Lutherās desire? who in all theyr writings and wishinges haue neuer en∣deuoured any thing more carefully, then that a reformation might be had of y^e Publicke abuses and corruptions of the chur∣che, according to the first most godly institutions, to the vtter a∣bolishing of all newfangled vpstartes wickedly supported. And those first Institutions, I doe call the very first foundations of the Apostolyque doctrine, most godlye grounded vpon the holye ghost, and the Testament of Christ. From the which how much your doctrine and Traditions do varry, I haue sufficiently dis∣couered before. For whereas Christ is an infallible principle & ground of the Apostolicke doctrine, and whereas the chiefe pil∣lers of the Euangelicall buildyng do stand principally vpon this poynt, to preach vnto vs euerlasting life promised by the freé gift of God, through fayth in Iesu Christ: euen by this one marke may easily be discerned, of what value and estimation the whole state of the Romish religiō may be accounted:* 1.1167 which doth not direct vs to Christ, but to the Pope: not to the onely sonne of God, but to the sonnes of men: not to the worshipping of the liuing God, but to the inuocation of dead soules, and adoration of Reliques: not vnto fayth, but vnto workes: not vnto freé for∣geuenesse, but vnto Pardons: not vnto grace, but vnto workes: not vnto the promises of God, but to mens satisfactions: not vnto heauen, but vnto Purgatory: which doth allure vs, not to the spyrite, but vnto the hungry letter, to ceremonies, to written Traditions, and vnwritten verityes, to the bare naked elemēts of this world, to bodyly exercises, which of theyr owne nature do prenayle litle or nothing at all. If this be not the very natu∣rall power and state of all your Religion almost, confound me if you can: but if you cannot with honesty denye it, where is then

that glorious bragg so often craked vpon of the first principles of your Traditions? which how gaylye are liked and blazed a∣broad by you, let other mē like as they list. Surely I am of this opinion, that there be no surer groundworkes of our Religion, nor better layd, then such as the Apostles and Prophettes haue established: vnto the which if you will but call vs, we will yelde gladly and ioyne with you. But you doe meane some other principles and foūdations I suppose, not such as were builded vpp by the Apostles and Prophets, but such as haue bene inuen∣ted by Mounkes, Fryers, and Noonnes: whose orders and insti∣tutions you iustify to be most holy and godly: and haue determi∣ned with your selfe, that all thinges which are swarued from thence, ought to be called home agayne to the holynesse of these sacred orders: howsoeuer some particuler Mounckes doe abuse theyr profession, yet you do stoutly auerre, that the first institutiō of the profession and foundation of their orders doth persist as at the first, and ought not by any meanes be dissolued. This is well. But what if I be able to iustify the contrary, to witt that the very first foundations of those Mounckeryes (as they were erected by the first founders thereof) be wicked, damnable, and to be detested of all christians? Now I beseéch your syr Byshopp for the honor of your sacred Myter, if any man doe direct you to any other redeémer then vnto Christ the sonne of God, or will allure you to seéke for any other redemption then in the most precious blood of Iesus Christ: Doe ye thinke such a fellow in any respect tolerable? I do not beleue it. Goe to then, let vs take a view now of the originall causes and principles vpō the which were groū∣ded the first foundations of Mounckeryes. I will speake onely of our owne Mounckeries here in England, as much as I know by experience.

* 1.1168When the first foundations of Mounckeries beganne to be erected in this Realme, which was in the tyme of a certeyn Mounck called Austine, whēas Ethelbert reigned king of kent in the yeare 605. We will declare euen out of his owne letters patentes, the very cause that moued him chiefly to build an Ab∣bay at Douer for the order of Benedictines. And these be the very wordes of his owne charter. I Ethelbert established in the kingdome of my father, and enioying the crowne and digni∣ty

of my father by the permission of God in peacible tranquilli∣ty, emōgest other churches that I haue builded by the persuatiō & councell of our holy father Austen, haue erected from the very foundation, a Church to the most blessed Prince of the Apostles S. Peter, and to S. Paule Doctour of the Gentiles, and haue endeuoured to enriche the same with large Reuenewes and landes: and haue caused there to be assembled Mounckes which do feare God. Therefore entending to amplifie, and to enlarge the same Church to the proportiō of a iust heighth, being in per∣fect minde and sownde iudgement, I haue geuen vnto the same church by the consent of Ealbalde my sonne, and other my deare counsellors, a Towne called Cistelett for the redemption of my soule, in hope to attayne euerlasting reward for the same. &c. I do not accuse the well disposed king worthy of singuler prayse, but I doe vtterlye condemne Austen the Mouncke that wicked counsellor and instrument of that doctrine: Uerely, if redemp∣tion of soules be purchased by buylding of Abbyes, then dyed Christ in vayne, and the promise is made voyde, and of none ef∣fect: finally what remayneth for vs by this reason, but that weé haue as many redeémers as we haue Mouncks? You haue heard of Ethelbert the father, now harken likewise of Ealbalde hys Sonne.

I Ealbalde placed in my Fathers kyngdome,* 1.1169 followyng my Fathers steppes, who of a valiaūt courage did build Churches of God at the earnest entreaty of Father Austen, and enriched them with diuers dignities: doe freély and willyngly geue and graunt a certein part of my kyngdome called Northburne, to the behoofe of the Monckes of the Monastery of Peter & Paule at Douer in y^e honour of almighty God and his holy Apostles, and of S. Augustine, for the Redemption of my Fathers soule, myne owne soule, and my predecessours soules. &c.

I Ethelrede kyng of Mercia do graunt this Charter for the redemption of my soule,* 1.1170 and to be prayed for, by the seruauntes of God the Moūckes of Malmesbury. The same Charter was confirmed by kyng Berthewalde for the Saluation of his soule (as his Letters Patētes do declare) and for the Remission of the Sinnes that he hadd committed.

What shall I speake of the rest? of Osricke kyng of Mercya?

of Oswy kyng of Northumberland? of Whitrede Cissa kyng of Southsex? Ethelrede Prince of Mercia. Ina, Renulphe, Offa, Alurede, Athelstane, Edgar, William of Normandy, Henry the first, Stephen, kyng Iohn, and Edward? by whom whereas many Monasteries haue bene erected euen from the first foundations, and endowed with large possessions and reue∣newes, if we behold the originall Charters of the first founders: we shall finde that they were erected for none other cause,* 1.1171 nor vnder any other Title, but for y^e Redemptiō of soules: for salua∣tion of soules (and to vse their owne wordes) for the remedy, and remission of sinnes: For myne owne soule, and all my predeces∣sours soules, for my fathers soule and mothers soule: for the soule of my wife, and all Christian soules, for the Remission of sinnes: for the prosperous estate of our kyngdome, & the sub∣iectes of our Realme: To the honour of the blessed Uirgine Ma∣ry, for reward of eternall felicitie. &c. For all these titles are ex∣taunt in the auncient Charters of the kinges grauntes.* 1.1172 After the same maner did Elfride wife to y^e Earle Ethelwolde, builde an Abbay at Malmesbury for the death of her husband, whereof she was her selfe a Procurour, for the Remission of that wicked acte: into the which afterwardes, she made her selfe a perpetuall Recluse for euerlastyng penaūce. Moreouer kyng Edgar which murthered the sayd Ethelwolde for the loue of his wife, for sa∣tisfactiō of his offence, and for the preseruation of his subiectes, is reported to haue builded so many Abbayes, as there be weékes in the yeare.

* 1.1173With like outrage did Queéne Alfrithe kyng Edgar his wife most cruelly murther Edward y^e Martyr her sonne in law: by meanes wherof she might place into the kyngdome her owne sonne Egelrede. At the last repētyng her of her former wicked∣nes, did erect two Abbayes in satisfactiō of her murther, to witt Amesbury and Werwell, about the yeare of our Lord. 979.

Kyng Athelstane, hauyng slayne his brother Egwyne, whō he drowned tyrānously in the Sea, after the slaughter of his bro∣ther, did builde two Abbayes namely Mydleton, and Michel∣ney, & enriched them with great reuenewes, for the Redemp∣tion of his brothers soule, and forgeuenes of the murther.

Upon the same occasiō, or not much vnlike was Battell Ab∣bay

first founded: which kyng William the Conquerour, after he hadd woo••ne the fielde and slayne a great multitude of nota∣ble Souldiours, did cause to be builded in the same place, for the release of the soules and Sinnes of all such as were slayne in that battell.

I haue thought good to sett downe a brief note of these: the like whereof I could haue rehearsed many more. All which albeit I had rypped abroad, would haue bene sufficient Presidentes that they all had one maner of begynning, and one cause of foun∣dation, namely, none other then which might vtterly deface the glory of Christ, the assuraunce and trust of our Redemption, and withall the whole Grace, and comfort of Christes Gospell. O holy foundation of Monckish Religion. O wonderfull monu∣mentes of maruelous holynesse: O sweéte and smoathe Deuine, that can so amyably persuade vs to retourne to these principles and foundations: wherein he seémeth in my Iudgement to ende∣uour nothyng els, then to bryng vs Christians in belief that for∣sakyng Christ and renouncyng the doctrine of the Gospell, we should repose the saluation and redemption of our soules, and the forgeuenes of our Sinnes, not in the Sonne of God, but in Monckes and Monckeries.

But lett vs pursue Osorius by the tracke of his foote, whiles he hasteneth to the end of his booke, who glauncyng away from the Moūckes at the last, doth begyn to proyne his feathers, and to make a shew of his proper witt to Kinges and Princes. And here he rusheth vpon the poore Lutheranes with an horrible ac∣cusation of high Treason. And why so I pray you? whether be∣cause the life of Princes hath bene preserued by them? or de∣••owred by theyr practise?* 1.1174 No. But treason hath bene con∣spired agaynst theyr lyues, and theyr Crownes, and vp∣roares raysed. As in Germany agaynst Charles the Empe∣rour. In Fraunce agaynst Henrye the Kyng, in England a∣gainst Edward, who he doth affirme was poysoned by the Lutherans: Agaynst Queene Mary. In Scotland agaynst the King whom he affirmeth to be horribly murthered: Yea Syr, in this last you speake true indeéd, but to name the Author of this murther, you play mumme budgett. Yea and not a∣gaynst

these Princes onely, but agaynst many more prynces besides, Osorius doth boldly say, conspyracies to haue bene attempted by the Lutheranes. And why doth he not emongest the Kynges and Princes of Germany, Fraunce, England and Scotland before named, reckon vpp also Prynces of Turky, of Scithia, of Persia, of India, of Aethiopia with their Emperors, Kinges, and Potentates? The great Sophye Emperour of Persia and Moskouia, Prester Iohn? And sithence he taketh so great a delight in lying, why doth he not with as shamelesse a face exclayme, that the Lutheranes haue conspired Treasons, and procured poysons agaynst those persons? forasmuch as hys lying therein cann beare no better countenaunce, then it doth in the rest.

But forasmuch as these slaunders are wisely and sufficient∣ly aunswered before by mayster Haddon in the first book, it were labor lost to abuse the Readers time in refuting those vntruthes which be alreadye confounded before: especiallye sithence this cause doth neither concerne the doctrine which we do professe, and sithence Osorius will be proued a lyar herein by no person more easily, then by the Scottish Queéne her selfe, to speake nothing in the meane space of the publique and generall testi∣monies of Germany, Fraunce, and England. Therefore pas∣sing ouer those Princes, I will frame my selfe to the other part of his complaynt which concerneth our most gracious Queéne Elizabeth aboue all the rest. And here I beseéch theé (gētle Rea∣der) lett it not seéme tedious vnto theé to pawse a whyles, that thou mayst perceiue how like a Deuine Osorius doth behaue himselfe.

For framing himselfe to discourse vpon Ecclesiasticall go∣uernement, which he doth constantly denye, is not meéte shoulde be committed to the creditte of a Temporall King, much lesse to a Queéne in any respect: which because the Queénes Maiesty shall not take in ill part, as though he defaced any part of her ho∣nor: he doth very humbly craue pardon of her grace with an ho∣norable preface.* 1.1175 For he is not the man that will presume to extenuate any part of her honour, but rather doth wishe with all hys hart, that she may of all partes so abound in vertue, that she may be shrined for a Saynct. We do ioyfully

embrace the godly modesty of this sweéte Byshopp: and loe, be∣cause we will not be found vnthankefull vnto him, for the ver∣tues that he doth hartely wish to our gratious Queéne, we in re∣quitall of his curtesy doe pray to GOD, to endue him with as much of his heauenly grace, as may conuert him from a vayne∣glorious papisticall Babler, into a frendly follower and embra∣cer of the infallible truth of the Gospell. But lett vs returne a∣gayne to the Ecclesiasticall supremacy of Osorius which he doth yoake so fast to the Byshopp onely, that he doth vtterly ex∣clude all other kinges, and Queénes especially, from all charge ecclesiasticall.* 1.1176 So that he verilye adiudgeth, that there cann come no greater infamy to Religion, thē that all Churches, ceremonyes, and all ordinaunces of the Church, all priestly dignityes and holynesse should be subiect to the gouerne∣ment of a woman. For these be his owne words: wherein what he meaneth himselfe, either he doth not sufficiently expresse in telling his tale, or els my blockishnesse surely can not comprehēd his deépenesse. He doth so swell in hawtynesse of speéch, that whiles he endeuoureth with waxed winges to fleé beyond the view of common sence, aboue the bright cloudes of playne Grammer, that through the heat of his skalding braynes, he hath drowned himselfe in the deépe, and by reaching beyond his reach, he reacheth nothing at all. Wherefore renouncing once at the length this curious cripsing and blazing brauery of hawtye speéch, begyn once at the last to declare vnto vs in playne tear∣mes, distinctly, and playnely, what your Rhetoryck meaneth by these wordes, that all holynesse should be subiect to the go∣uernement of a woman? If you meane of thinges that are of thēselues holy and deuine, your quarrell is altogether vntrue, wherewith you charge the Queénes maiesty. For where did the Queéne euer desire to gouerne, or where did she euer desire to beare rule ouer all holy and sacred thinges, and this holynesse whereof you make mention, or all the holy ordinaunces and be∣nefices of Ministers? But if you vnderstand of the personages of men, that is to say, of the Ministers themselues, and of By∣shoppes, by whom those holy thynges are frequented: If you do exempt those persons from the lawfull gouernement of theyr owne Prince: herein you shew your selfe no lesse iniurious to

our Queéne, then a manifest rebell to S. Paule: who geueth a farr other commaundement in the scriptures: To witt: That e∣uery soule ought to submitt it selfe to the power of their owne Ma∣gistrates. Upon which place of Paule, Chrisostome making an exposition, doth so exempt no kinde of people from this subiecti∣on:* 1.1177 that he spareth not to comprehend vnder the gouernement of the higher powers all persons, by one law aswell Apostles themselues, Prophettes, and Euangelistes, as Mounkes. But lett vs peruse the Argumentes wherewith this gentle and obe∣dient childe of the Popes good grace doth make his wordes war∣rantable.

* 1.1178

Tell I pray you if you please (fayth he) where did you e∣uer reade that a Christian Prynce dyd take vpon hym the office of the Pope?

Truely to confesse the trueth, I did heare neuer of any. For there was neuer any Christian Prynce so shamelesse to presume to take vpon him so grat a function: to professe himselfe to be the head of the vniuersall Church, to chal∣lenge the prerogatiue of the consistory in common with God: and to vsurpe both swordes spirituall and temporall: to compell all humayne creatures vpon payne of damnation to sweare him al∣legeaunce, and to yelde all power and authority vnder him. And therefore that I may be so bolde to demaund a like question of you in as few wordes. I pray you tell vs, if it may please you Osorius: where did you euer discerne so shamelesse an Impu∣dency in any mortall creature at any tyme, that would presume so arrogātly to entrude vpō the onely possession and inheritaūce of almighty God, and challenge an interest therein in his owne right, besides this onely high Byshopp of yours? But lett vs heare Osorius how he doth prosecute his argumentes.

Nay ra∣ther all Princes (sayth he) which did embrace godlynesse and iustice, did reuerence the iudgementes of Priestes, did obay the Byshoppes without any refusall, and did most wiselye accompt it the greatest part of theyr honour, to be subiect to theyr commaundementes.

And because his saying shall not be voyd of creditt, for want of examples and witnesses, there is vouched agaynst vs Englishmen, our owne Countreyman Constantine the singuler ornament of our English Nation: The Emperour Theodosius:* 1.1179 Lodowicke the French Kyng,

Princes aboue all other most famous. All which besides that they were notably renowmed for theyr worthy actes and Princely exploytes: yet deserued they not so great com∣mendation and renowme for any one thing more, then in that they did shew themselues so humble and obedient to the commaundementes of the Popes.

We are taught by the rules and principles of the ciuill law, that matters of equity are not determinable by examples, but by Law: what Princes haue done, or what they haue not done, doth not make so much to the purpose. But if right must be deci∣ded by law, to witt, what ought haue bene done, I do aūswere, y^t there hath bene many and mighty Monarches, whose ouermuch tendernesse and lenity towardes Popes and Byshoppes hath procured the destruction, and vtter ruyne of theyr owne es••ate, and theyr Realmes withall.* 1.1180 Whenas Rodolph Duke of Swe∣lād reuolted against his owne Emperor Hēry the 4. by the insti∣gation of the Pope, what successe his obedience to the Pope came vnto, let Historyes report. Henry the fifth became a Traytor agaynst the Emperour his owne Father, by the pro∣curement of the Pope: he did obay the Pope: vanquished his Fa∣ther, and famished him in Pryson: Osor. is not ignoraunt what ensued vpon that obediēce. Phillipp the french Prince & french Kinges sonne was teazed to lead an army agaynst Iohn King of England, by the commaundement of the Pope: he obayed, and bidd him battell: what he wann at the length by that submission & obedience besides many miserable calamities, appertayneth not for this place to make report.

There was a truce takē with Amurathes the Turkish Em∣perour for tenn yeares by the Hūgarianes:* 1.1181 not long after league being broken contrary to the law of Armes, by the abetting of the Pope: Ladislaus King of Hungary is brought forth into the field to encounter with the Turke: and ouerthrowen in the con∣flict: In which battell the King was not onely bereft of life, but Christendome also lost almost all Hungary withall.

I could make a great Register of the warres of Henry the 4. and Henry the v. agayne of Fredericke the first, & Fredericke the secōd. After those of the battell of Ludouicke Prince of Ba∣uiere & Fredericke Duke of Austriche, & withall of the slaugh∣ter

of many Christian Princes and Dukes. But for as much as hath bene treated sufficiently hereof before, it shall suffice to haue touched these fewe by the way: by comparison whereof the Rea∣ders may vnderstand, what kynde a thyng this obedience to∣wardes this notorious Seé hath bene: which hath bene y^e nourse of so many treasons, conspiracies, tumultes, and vproares, e∣mongest Emperours, Kynges, Princes and Subiectes: and which doth dayly inuade the Christian commō weales with hor∣rible outragies: doth rende a sunder Ciuill societie: doth disturbe the quiet calme of Christes Church with seditious Bulles and cruell curses: doth entangle the most mighty Monarches of the world with vnappeasable mutynes, vproares, & tumultes: final∣ly doth ouerwhelme the whole state of y^e world with vnrecouera∣ble perniciousnes, destruction, & dissipation. For as it is a neéde∣les matter to reuiue the remembraunce of the old broyles of the late scattered world, which doth flicke fast in our skyrtes yet scarse able to be shaken from the shoulders of all Chistendome: euen yesterday almost in the fresh beholdyng of vs that are li∣uyng, what one other grudge did prouoke the late Emperour Charles the v. to inuade the Germaines? & enflamed the Spa∣niardes to the bloudy spoyle of so many of their own bowels? In Englād likewise what one thing did procure so many rebellions of y^e subiectes agaynst their liege Lordes Henry the 8. and Ed∣ward the 6? What thing teazed Mary the Queéne to so sauadge a cruelty agaynst her owne naturall subiectes, rakyng together ••o many Fagottes & loades of woodes to the broylyng of so ma∣ny Martyrs? finally what one thyng at this present doth capti∣uate, and deteigne the whole Realme of Fraunce, in such an vn∣entreatable massacre, but this Popishe obedience? wherewith Princes (as Osorius doth suppose) do most circumspectly thrust their neckes vnder the Popes gyrdle. But I am of a contrary mynde: and beleéue veryly that Princes might haue demeaned them selues much more wisely and prudently, if in steéde of this childish submissiō, & seruile subiectiō, they would w^t Princely se∣ueritie haue sna••••led y^e outragious insolēcy of so shameles arro∣gācy,* 1.1182 in that proude Prelate: & folowyng the President of our most gracious Queéne, despising those franticke furies of broy∣lyng Bulles, and crauyne curses, would banish this proud Tar∣quine

from out their kyngdomes & territories. Which if they did, it were not to be doughted, but that the publique tranquil∣litie of all Christian Nations would enioy a farre more ioyfull countenaunce of freédome and concorde.

And yet I speake not this to the end, that I would haue god∣ly Prelates dispossessed from their dignitie, or would wish their authoritie empayred the value of a rush. S. Paule doth not in vayne admonish vs to yeld double honour to Byshops and Ru∣lers of the Church:* 1.1183 but with this prouiso annexed, to witte, if they rule well, if they do labour mightely in doctrine, and prea∣chyng. But what prerogatiue can the Romish Byshop clayme from hence, more then any other particular Byshop? The Pope hath his owne Prouince, lett him guide that as well as he cā, lett him not encroche vpon others: nor hawke for hawtyer Titles of honour, then beseémeth his function. The Ecclesiasticall digni∣tie, is a ministery, not an Empyre, a charge and a burden ra∣ther then a Lordlynes, or superioritie: wherein he that will pre∣sume to rule the roaste ouer others, must looke aduisedly to him selfe first, that he gouerne well, that he labour mightely in the word & doctrine. If the Byshops and Priestes be not negligent and retchelesse in their owne dutyes, they shall neuer be defrau∣ded of their due honour, and dutyfull obedience, nor euer were denyed therof. For euē for this cause that valiaūt kyng of Eng∣land Constantine,* 1.1184 that noble Emperour Theodosius:* 1.1185 that fa∣mous Ludouicke Pius the French kyng, and other like Prin∣ces, did esteéme highely of good, and godly Christian Ministers, and obeyed them, which instructed them in the word of God: & did enure them selfes to their godly exhortations (as the Em∣perour Valentinian doth report) euen as to wholesome potiōs, and medicinable restoratiues. Euen so Theodosius beyng ex∣cluded from partakyng the holy Communion by Ambrose, did most modestly obay:* 1.1186 The same Theodosius also beyng deter∣mined to exercize cruell reuenge against the Thessalonians, and beyng counsayled by Ambrose, that in geuyng sentence vpon lyfe and death he would take breath, & pause by the space of xxx. dayes, least in rage and fury he should accomplish that, whereof he might afterwardes repent him: did willyngly and obedient∣ly submitt him selfe to the graue exhortation of the godly Fa∣ther.

Semblably many other notable Potentates also in many great and weighty matters, did humbly yeld to the sweéte per∣suations of such, as were farre their inferiours•• Princes for the preseruation of their health do obay the direc••••••n of their Phisi∣tions: In the lawes positiue they be guided and ledd by the con∣duct of the Lawyers: And yet for all this, such subiectes do not cease to be subiectes still, neither refuse their due obedience to their liege Lordes and Gouernours. It happeneth oftentymes that the maister will be aduised by his seruaūt, and the husband guided by the discretion of the wife, yet ceaseth not therefore the Maister to be Maister, nor the Husband to be head ouer his Wife.

As in all well ordered common weales be Maior alties, Bay∣liwickes, and many degreés of Officers, which doe seuerally em∣ploy their functions for the preseruation of common societie, yet must there be one onely soueraigne emongest them of some grea∣ter coūtenaunce, who by his wisedome and authoritie, may guide the inferiour Magistrates, and bridle the insolency of the rude multitude.

But the Catholickes doe deny that the Catholicke Church ought to be subiect to this authority. If vnder y^e name of Church they do comprehend the ordinaunces and ceremonies wherewith the Church is administred, they do speake truly. In deéde the word of God, the Articles of doctrine and of fayth, the admini∣stration of the Sacramentes, and the discretiō of byndyng and excōmunicatyng, is not attempered by the regiment, and com∣maundement of Princes: nor doth the Ciuile Magistrate enter∣medle with the administration of any of these thyngs. But if they meane the personages of men, who are exercized in this holy function, or y^e charge & dispositiō of particular matters, that are incidēt to y^e Ministery, they do say vntruly: for as much as there is no Ciuile potentate vnto whō is not cōmitted the order & go∣uernement of all members of the cōmon weale indifferently, as well Ministers & Preachers of the word, as all other inferiour Magistrates & Subiectes. Otherwise the doctrine of Paule were in vayne.* 1.1187 Let euery soule submit it selfe to the higher power: y^e truth whereof is to be Iustified by the most approued exāples of both the old and new Testamentes. If we begyn at Moyses,

who supplyed the office of a Ciuile Magistrate, and from him descend to all the Ages of our owne Emperours, & Potentates, Emongest all which Magistrates, we shall finde none, but hath receaued by Gods commaundement, the gouernement of Ec∣clesiasticall persones, aswell as of Ciuile Magistrates, as in∣feriour Subiectes.

It would require a long discourse to treate throughly of all the names and gouernementes of Emperours and Ciuile Po∣tentates.* 1.1188 To make a brief rehearsall of the chiefest: First in the old Testament, how many examples are extaunt of such Prin∣ces, ••s do prescribe ceremonies for the Tabernacle? which doe fetche backe agayne y^e Arke of y^e couenaūt? which make holy So∣nettes and Psalmes? Rule ouer Priestes? builde Churches? moreouer do cleanse them agayne after they were defiled? do o∣uerthrow Temples & Altares? reforme abuses? which also some∣tymes doe pronounce exhortations to the people touchyng the worshyppyng of God? do aduertise the Priestes of their dutyes, and ordeyne lawes for them to guide their lyues by? which ap∣point Orders and obseruations in the Church? which doe kill wicked Prophetes? yea and many tymes also doe prophecy in their owne persones?

In the new Testament lykewise how many examples are to be seéne in y^e recordes of the best ages of kinges and Monarches, who within their owne Territories and dominions haue orday∣ned godly and learned Byshoypes to rule ouer prouinces, and haue deposed such as haue bene vnworthye: haue suppressed the riott and insolencye of Priestes: who haue not onely Sommoned Synodes and Councells of Byshops, but do sitt emongest them, geue sentence with them, yea & prescribe orders vnto them which they shall obay: are presidents ouer their Councells, doe de∣pose hereticall Byshoppes: which geue iudgement vpon mat∣ters of Religion: which doe sett downe articles, pronounce sen∣tence, disanull the opinions of heretiques, and ratifie the Doc∣trine of the Catholicke fayth? If the most aunciēt and most Chri∣stian kinges & Emperors did not entermeddle heretofore in all these causes, the report of Historyes is false. If our kinges and Queénes doe the lyke at this present, what cause hath Osorius to frett and fume? If the charge of Religion and Religious per∣sons

doe not pertayne to the ciuill pollicye in any respect: sure∣ly Constantine did not behaue himselfe discretely, who in his owne person decyded the causes and controuersies of Byshopps, which did appeale to his Maiestye, entermedled his authoritye in the pacyfying of quarells, determined and ended complaynts, and forced them to vnitye aud concord: all which he ought to haue submitted to the pōtificall iurisdiction. Moreouer this also was a part of no lesse insolencye in him,* 1.1189 to presume to fitt emongest the Byshopps in y^e Councell of Nyce, as Theodoret doth testify, to direct them with his councell, commaunding thē earnestly to foreseé, that in determining and decyding all matters of Religion, they should haue a speciall regard to the wrytinges of the Apostles, and Prophetts. The same may be veryfied by the Emperor Theodosius,* 1.1190 who as Socrates reporteth, did not onely sitt emongest the Byshopps, and was present at their dis∣putation, but was president and chiefe of the Councell also, and did vtterly condemne the opinions of the heretiques.

* 1.1191In the councell of Chalcedon when as Dioscorus, Iuue∣nall & Thalassius, were condēned for heretiques, who gaue sen∣tence vpon them? the ciuill Magistrate? or the Byshoppes of Rome? lett Osorius make aunswere at his best leasure.

* 1.1192In the 3. Councell of Constantinople y^e Emperour Con∣stantine did not onely sitt together with the Byshopps but sub∣scribed their decreés also with his owne hand on this wise:

We haue readd (sayth he) and haue subscribed them.

Lykewise in the Councell of Arausium we reade the same was done, I doe not say of the Princes themselues, but of tham∣bassadours of Princes, and states of the Potentates also: who did not onely vtter their mindes in matters of Religion, but did adde also their owne subscriptions emongest the Byshopps.

* 1.1193When as Iustinian the Emperor made a law touching the reformation of lyfe, and the restrayning of the insolent licētious∣nes of Priestes: and when as he deposed two Popes, Siluerius and Vigilius striuing together for Peters chayre:

In lyke maner here in our litle Brittaine, when as Athel∣stane, Edgar, Egelrede, and Canutus doe establishe Byshops in their Seés when as they doe make lawes touching the Sab∣bath, touching payment of Tythes, touching Ceremonies, tou∣ching

worshipping, touching cases of Matrimony, of Penaūce, and Excommunication, did they thinke that they had no charge committed vnto them for Reformation of Religion?

And what shall we aunswere to Ierome then? who writyng agaynst Rufinus touching the lawfull aucthoritye of Councells:

Tell me (sayth he) what Emperour did commaund that Councell to be sommoned?

* 1.1194

What shall I speake of August. lykewise? who taking vpon him to confute the error of the Donatistes: emongest other ma∣ny reasons forced this Argument chiefly.* 1.1195

Why did you conuent Cecilian Byshopp of Carthage before Constantine (sayth he) If it be not lawfull for an Emperour to determine vpon matter of Re∣ligion?

Moreouer how shall Chrisostome be aunswered?* 1.1196 who by the authoritye of that place of Paul before rehearsed, doth restraine euery humaine creature (not exempting the very Apostles and Euangelistes themselues,) to the dutiefull obedience not of one Byshopp, but of euery of his owne particular Prince.

Furthermore what shall we say of the Apostle Paule him∣selfe? who purposing to be tryed in the controuersie of Religion,* 1.1197 doth make his appeale, not to Peter sitting (as the Papistes doe say) at Rome: but to themperor Nero, notwithstanding he was a most horrible Tyrant. So that concerning the duetye of obedience on the behalfe of the subiect, not the person that is in highest authority (whether he be Kyng or Queéne) but the estate it selfe, which is ordeyned from God is to be considered. Which beyng most certeynely true, what cann be more voyde of shame then Osorius face? more vnsauory then his writing? and more false then his opinion? who raking a heape of wordes to∣gether to bring vs to be more maligned and enuied: Barketh a∣gaynst vs Englishmen with his doggish Eloquence.* 1.1198 Who haue submitted the Sacred affayres of holy Churche, not one∣ly to a king, which you doe accompt a haynousnes vnpar∣donable, but also to a Queene contrary to all equitye and right, contrary to the holynesse of most pure Religiō, and contrary to the prescript ordinaunces of almighty God: and haue translated also the Sacred dignitye of the highest By∣shopp violently taken away from lawfull Byshopps to the

gouernement and direction of a woman. &c.

Loe here (gentle Reader) the substaunce of a most greuous complaynt agaynst the Sacrilegous Englishmen, haynous enough, considering the force of our accuser Osorius: which be∣cause you shall not think but that it is in ech respect as true, as it is cruell and odious: and least his declamation may happen to light emongest such as be hard of beliefe, and therefore skarse finde any place of creditt: behold now with what Arguments, with what force, and with what kinde of proofe he iustifieth his accusation: and therewith enforceth creditt, not by reason onely but with aucthoritye: and doth make it vnreproucable by the testimony of an Oracle: so that now no man cann be so distrustfull as to conceaue any ill opinion of the Accuser be∣ing a man vncontrollable. Namely, because himselfe hath spoken the word: euery of whose wordes, be inuincible senten∣ces. Goe to then, what is it that Osorius vpon his superexcellent creditt doth warrant vnto vs? Marke well you wretched En∣glishmen, you outcast and abandoned Nation, which haue made subiect to a womans gouernement all holy Church, and all ho∣lynesse, rēnonucing the Pope of Rome his aucthoritye, harkē vnto your cōplaint, wherewith Osorius doth charge you. Which thing verely I do affirme to be an haynous offence, a beast∣ly and sauadge wickednesse, and a detestable and execrable abhomination.

It is enough, for so our Tomme told vs. Neither hath he told it onely, but hath proclaymed it also, and doth so proclayme it, not as the Iewes did sometyme exclayme whē Christ was ac∣cused: for they cryed out on this wise. We haue no king but Caesar. But Osorius pypeth vpp an other note: wee haue no Kyng but the Pope. And as for Priestes and Byshopps to be subiect to a womās aucthoritie, he accompteth it an vnpardonable haynous∣nes, worthy of a thousand Purgatories. And I beseéch you Syr, what was there done at Rome, when as Ioane an English wo∣man beyng Pope, all Churches & holynes were subiect not one∣ly to the Iurisdiction of a woman, but were at commaundement of a Strumpett? But I lett this passe, and retourne agayne to you, who recompt it a matter intollerable, that the affaires of holy Church should be ordered by any Magistrate, other then by

the Popes aucthoritie. By what Argument do you proue this to be true? Forsooth bycause Osorius hath spoken the word. But farre otherwise spake, and did Augustine, Ierome, and Chriso∣stome, of whom we made mention before. Otherwise also spake Gelasius a Bishop of Rome, who doth franckly and boldly pro∣fesse, that the priuiledges of the Church are in the power of the Emperour, deliuered vnto him from aboue. I speake not here of the person, man or woman, nor yet of y^e maners of Princes: but of y^e authoritie: which whether happē to mā or womā, if their prero∣gatiue be warranted by y^e ordinaunce of God: there is no cause why it should be defaced for y^e peéuish pratyng of one Portingall.

Surely if y^e aucthoritie of a woman haue not prerogatiue in decidyng & determining Ecclesiasticall causes:* 1.1199 Gregory did not demeane him selfe discreétly, who in a cause of purgatiō of a cer∣tein womā named Mēna sent backe y^t Appeale to Brunichelda the Frenche Queéne, as to her lawfull Princesse & Gouernesse.

What shall I say of Eleutherius Pope of Rome? who wri∣tyng vnto Lucius kyng of Englād,* 1.1200 called him the Uicar of God, within the precinct of his owne kyngdome? and therfore doth ex∣hort and require him, that he gouerne his Realme with whole∣some ordinaunces established by the word of God. If Christian Kynges and Princes euery one within their owne seuerall Re∣almes, do as it were represent the Uicares of God vpon earth, I beseéch you Osorius what is more proper vnto God, then to prouide circumspectly for the well orderyng and good dispositiō of such thynges, as apperteigne to the Ecclesiasticall Iurisdic∣tion? But of this enough, and more then enough.

But of all other this is a most pleasaunt iest, & very fitt for a Rhetorician. Where you complayne bitterly that the Popes & Byshops are dispoyled of their lawfull authoritie: which seémeth to me euen as much in effect, as if AEsopes Crow should take an action agaynst the litle byrdes for entryng vpon possession of their owne feathers,* 1.1201 which were their own of right. But bycause this matter hath bene sufficiently enough debated already, take here a resolute aunswere Osorius for the knittyng vppe of this knotte in fewe wordes. Peruse throughly this whole Papane whatsoeuer, which you call by the name of a lawfull aucthoritie: I speake not of the personages that haue supplyed the place: I

say behold agayne and agayne the whole forme and proportion of that Seé, and Pontificall royaltie, as it is at this present, the conuersation, the practizes, the orders, the insolency, the pryde, the greédynes, the cruelty, the slaughters executed, the infinite & vnspeakeable Martyrdomes, the Idolatryes, the blasphemyes, the immoderate iniuries and tyrannies of this Popish Church, behold I say, search out, examine and circūspectly consider with your eyes and emprinte in your imaginatiō all the premisses, & withall compare all the same to the notes, signes, and Progno∣stifications of the Propheticall Scriptures: and if it do not ap∣proue by the infallible Prophecies and most certein tokens, and for eshewynges, and markes of the sacred Scripture, that this same Prelate••. euen he whom you do propp vpp so proudly in that Pontificall Prelacy, whom you defend so stoughtly is the very naturall Antichrist that Child of perdition: Behold here I will yeld ouer my right, and will become your bondman. But if this cā not be denyed to be an vnuanguishable veritie, nor gayn∣sayd by you by any reason, nor can be mainteyned by you by any proofe or due Argumentes: what will you say then Osorius? Where is that authoritie violently taken from your lawfull By∣shops which you haue most wickedly vsurped so long, not with∣out execrable iniury of other Christian Princes? Wherefore ei∣ther defend if you can, that he that doth supply the place of that Romish Papane, is not very Antichrist: or cease from hēceforth to barcke so currishly agaynst the gouernement of our Mayden Queéne, vnto whose authoritie we Englishmen do most humbly acknowledge our dutyfull subiection, by the prouident appoint∣ment, and most happy ordinaūce of almighty God: whose Prin∣cely prerogative established from aboue, neither are you able to suppresse, but you shall withall become an errand rebell agaynst Gods ordinaūce: nor yeld the souereignty thereof to that proud Prelate, but that you shall herein conspire with Antichrist, and denounce your selfe an open traytour agaynst Christ the Sonne of the liuyng God.

From hence now is our Portingall Parrott taken his flight, hoppyng from one treé to an other, and passing ouer ma∣ny bushes and brambles, that he may at the last come to his ap∣pointed marke, to witte, that last place of his booke: wherein the

seély Childish babe Haddō doth (sayth he) teare his owne flesh with his owne nayles:* 1.1202 and hath withall geuē him selfe a ve∣ry deadly wounde. &c. If this gallaunt challēger were as va∣liaunt in armes, as he can face out the matter with a carde of tenne, surely he were mā good enough to ouerthrow all the Pig∣mees in the world. Here is a great noyse of woundes, yea and of deadly woūdes: but God be praysed, not so much as one dropp of bloud shedd: we heare a sounde o•• mostruous stormes and hor∣rible thundercrackes, but neuer a droppe of rayne: wherein to my conceipt happeneth to Osorius a chaunce not much vnlyke to that, wherof the old tale maketh mention: of an husbandman, not all of the wisest that did sheare his Dogge. Good Lord (quoth he) what a noyse is here, and not so much as a locke of wolle. But passing ouer those outcryes and painted speaches of Osorius. Let vs consider the matter it selfe somewhat aduisedly. The place of Haddon wherein this Scourgeluther doth so much whyppe Haddon is on this wise.

What now (sayth Haddon) shall this most sacred doctrine of the Gospell, wherein we haue alwayes cōtinued by the space of xxx. yeares together (except that troublesome tyme of vi. yeares) wher∣in the Queenes Maiestie hath bene trayned and instructed from her infancie: wherein her highnesse hath hadd so many trialles of Gods great bountyfull liberalitie towardes her: wherein hath bene a generall consent of all estates: wherein hath bene a settled stay of most excellent lawes and ordinaunces: shall this so pure and syncere worshipping of God, so circumspectly defended and established by the Royall Maiestie, of all partes, be defaced and disgraced tho∣rough the crakes of a peeuish `Portingall? These be Haddones wordes, in y^t which place will be worthe y^t notyng, to seé what scarres Osorius hath espyed out.

The first is, wherein Haddon doth name the sacred doc∣trine of the Gospell to be the Discipline of Luther,* 1.1203 Zuing∣lius, Bucer, Caluine, and such lyke frantick fellowes. True∣ly this is a greuous wound. And why so? forsooth because those men haue not onely with the rules of their doctrine, but also with the euill example of their lyues, haue rooted out all shamefastnes, Modestye, Ciuilitye, and obedience. First here be two lyes at a chopp: but lett vs search out the other

woundes:* 1.1204 Moreouer in steed of fayth and freedome, they haue bestowed vpon their familiars, presumptiō and rash∣nes together with vnpunishable lycentiousnes of sinning They haue in steede of true righteousnes brought in a false and deceitfull righteousnes. They haue made God the Au∣thour of all wickednes. The decayed Church, which they promised to Restore to her auncient integritye, they haue defiled with more abhominations: so that by how much the more a man doth encline to their discipline, so much the more is he estraunged from all shamefastnes and Chastitie. &c. These be old winde shaken Broomes, worne out before to the bare stumpes, and which hath bene handled before sufficient∣ly: but haue you any new Broomes? Furthermore a man may easily descry the nature of this Doctrine, by the very foūda∣cion of this Church.* 1.1205 And how so I pray you? Forsooth because Venus & Cupido were the founders of this Church, breach of lawes, and contempt of the Pope, haue encreased it: flat∣tery and lying hath supported it: Greedy couetousnes hath established it: Crueltye agaynst the Saintes hath sanctified it: Tymerous feare of men hath straightened it: Finally a doctrine of men not sent from God, but sturred vpp by Sa∣than, hath with most troublesome errours poysoned it.

Which being trew: who doth not easely perceaue, with how many and how greuous woundes this Haddon hath embrued himselfe, through these ruinous fosidaciōs of y^e Church: who did dare to be so bold to call this Gospell of Luther, Zuinglius, Bu∣cer, and Caluine by the name of a holy Gospell: the beginning proceéding, increase and end of which he doth euidently finde to be entred vpon, shuffled together, and shutt vpp at the last with intemperate lust, and licentious outrage. Behold here (gentle Reader) a daungerous wound in deéde, and deadly enough I confesse, which wound neuerthelesse Haddon did not procure vpon himselfe with his owne handes, but Osorius hath made. For if it be true that the wise man spake.* 1.1206 The mouth that doth lye, doth kill the Soule. I reade you Osorius take good heéde to your selfe: least you haue pearced your selfe with a farre more mortall wound through these cursed lies and detestable blasphe∣mies: vnlesse you fall to repentaunce betimes: which I doe har∣tely

beseéch the most mercifull Lord to graunt vnto you in deéde. If this were the Gospell of Luther, or Zuinglius, agaynst the which you rayle so rudely: then might your Raskallyke outrage vomited out agaynst godly and learned personages seéme more tollerable. But now forasmuch as there is nothing published in this Gospell that is superstitious, or deuised by man: but groū∣ded wholy vpon the Sacred Gospell of Christ: which is not of all partes ioyned together with the trueth it selfe: builded vpon the sure and infallible Rock of the word of God: the first foun∣dation whereof was layd by Christ the most perfect builder: en∣creased with Christ: enlarged by the conduct and guiding of Christ, tending to none other end, but to the only glory of Christ and the assured safety and consolation of the godly: Looke you then to this: agaynst whome your slaunderous lyes be throwen out so dispightfully.

What you meane by Venus and Loue: I cannot conceaue you: but if you vnderstand the Marriage of those men, that did choose rather to Marye then to burne: with what face dare a Portingall Byshopp accompt that ordinaunce infamous, which S. Paul thapostle hath ratified for good? which God himselfe did institute at the first creation of the world? which Christ did sanctifye with the first fruites of all his Miracles? But if your rayling tend to the licentious lust and filthy lyfe of Priestes, to harlotts and Concubines, to other abhominations of your se∣cret Paphia; to the inward boyling and skorching flames of in∣ordinate concupiscence, to the dayly and nightly defilings, to passe ouer in silence other vnspeakeable stenches horrible to be spoken, more then familiarly frequented, and gredely haunted by Catholickes of your coate: what aunswere shall I geue here∣vnto els, then the same which Cicero was reported to haue ob∣obiected agaynst Verres: who obbrayding Cicero with ouer∣much nycenesse,* 1.1207 hauing himselfe Children suspected for their in∣continency, sayd: You must speake ill of your Children with∣in the doores, not without.

But what shall I say to the rest of his accusations, which are throwen together in an heape with full skoupes, and wherewich (as it were by stepps and grieces) all his Eloquence mounteth alofte: to witt, to the breach of lawes, to contempt of the Pope:

to bolstring and supporting with lyes: to greédy couetousnes, to cruelty agaynst Sainctes: and terror brought vpon all men? what aunswere (I say) shall I make to all these? when as no∣thing can be vttered agaynst him in such bitternesse of speé:ch, as his shamelessnesse doth deserue: when as also the matter it selfe is a sufficient testimony of Luthers innocency herein: to the vt∣ter discreditt of Osorius.

When the first broyle begann about Pardons, how modest∣ly, how constantly, in how great perill and daunger of his lyfe did Luther behaue himselfe in that conflict? how humbly did he prostrate himselfe to y^e Pope agayne & agayne? with letters em∣porting most humble submission, full of dutyfull obedience, and reuerence? wherein what one sparke of malice, or breach of law doth appeare, when as yet there was no sentence geuen out a∣gaynst him? Afterwardes being conuented to appeare before the Emperor, how reuerently did he make his personall appa∣raunce? wherein, what bolsteryng and supportation of lyes was there? into what terror were all mē enforced hereby? Nay rather into how much more perillous feare was he throwen, when as being circumuented by the malitious practizes of all men almost, he was forced to maintayne his cause, not with lyes and cauiliations, but with most manifest scriptures? After these beginnings, the veritye of the sacred Gospell glistering more and more, cruelty and outrage was exequuted vpon godly and vertuous personages: not by the practize or procurement of Luther: But wherew^t the Pope more lyke a Butcher then a By∣shopp, did with vnentreatable bloudthyrstynes rushe vpon good and godly ministers, and innocent members of Christ, without measure and without end. Of whose vnmeasurable cruelty as there be infinite examples of godly Martyrs: emongest all the rest, what sauadge brutishnesse was there executed euen in your owne Countrey of Portingall, about xx. yeares past, agaynst a country man of ours named William Gardiner: whom after sundry intollerable tortures and vnspeakeable crampes,* 1.1208 more then horrible barbarousnes susteyned, you would not dispatch out of lyfe speédely, as you might: but hanging him on hye vpon a Gibbett, and by a pulley drawyng him vpp and downe sundry and seuerall times into the flames, you deuised a meane rather

by litle and litle to skortch him to death, chosing rather to broyle him with leasurable torments (as it were by pausing of breath) to the paynefull increase of miserable griefe, then to kill him at once.

All which so great so greéuous and so exquisite imagined tor∣tures, notwithstanding you could not preuayle, nor euer shalbe able to preuayle so farre forth, but that the vnuanquishable cou∣rage of the Gospell (which you persecute so furiously) how much the more villanously is raged agaynst by your madnesse, shall dayly so much the more waxe mighty, and impregnable agaynst all your frantique assaultes. And albeit our Portingall be not acquaynted with any sproughtes, braunches, and outstretched armes of this florishing and fruitfull Gospell: yet by gods good prouidence this fruitfull grayne of Mustard seéd doth mount vp∣ward neuerthelesse, and doth encrease dayly in wonderfull a∣boundaunce, which onely thing might haue bene a good lesson vnto you to enduce you to conceiue, that all this successe whatso∣euer, was not deuised by mans pollicy, nor vndertaken of any ranckor or malice, nor supported with earthly treasure, but to haue bene furthered and encreased by the speciall prouidence of almighty God. Neither is it to be doubted if it had bene a polli∣cy of man onely, and not rather the speciall appoyntment of the heauenly Father, but that it could neuer haue bene able to haue endured, and proceéded in so prosperous a course, agaynst your so great and vnmeasurable Tyranny, and agaynst so many con∣spyring confederates of factious furies. Which onely successe (if the Testimonies of holy scripture can not otherwise preuayle with you, and the conduct of Gods mercy which guideth the stearne, together with the prophecies and foreshewings which were apparauntly pronounced before the comming of Luther, whereof many tokens sent from aboue are mentioned in the Chronicles of the Abbot of vsperge,* 1.1209 and in the booke entituled Staurosticon Iohannis Frauncisci, and Picus Mirandula) might haue bene good presidentes vnto you Osorius to instruct you, that this Gospell is not the Gospell of Luther, of Zuingli∣us, of Bucer, nor of Caluine, ne yet of men (as you prattle and lye) but the Gospell of God: and that the preachers were not rai∣sed vpp by Sathan (as your impiety doth blaspheme) but sent

from an other founder, namely the very same, who in S. Iohns Reuelation is called by this name [the word of God] vpon whose Garment and vpon whose thigh is written,* 1.1210 King of kings, and Lord of Lordes: Out of whose mouth issueth a sharpe two edged sword, agaynst the which neither all the confederate coū∣cels of the wicked, nor Hell gates themselues shalbe able to preuayle.

But to proceéde: of the selfe same stampe is that slaunderous cauillation, which this Scourgeluther hath coupled in Rancke. Of the continuaunce of thirty yeares,* 1.1211 of title of prescription of the fiue yeares prosperous Reigne of Queene Elizabeth: of the grayheadded auncienty of our doctrine and Religiō. Wherein it pleased the hoareheadded Syre, of his seémely mo∣desty, to trifle most apishly, of purpose to represent vnto vs (as I suppose) that old toothlesse Witch of whom is made mention in a certain Greéke Poett. Loe what a dust the old Trotte rayseth with her tayle when she daunceth. For what if Uerity & Trueth which is called y^e daughter of time, being discouered with a farre more excellent lightsonnesse in these our dayes, doe beginne to florish more fresh & greéne, in a certayn largesse of ouerflowing plenty, by the inestimable benefite of God? shall it therefore be accompted a newe doctrine in your sight,* 1.1212 because it is cloathed with flesh colors? or because it buddeth out blossomes a fresh, and is restored to the auncient beauty, will you therefore call it new∣hatcht? neuer heard of before? as though it were neuer seéne nor heard of before thirty yeares sithēce? what shall we say of Christ? who after three dayes lying in graue returned agayne to life, frō out his Tombe? was not he therfore the same Christ, wh he was before his death? We read in the Apocalips of two Prophetes, whose bodyes being throwen out into the streétes, did reuiue and came to life agayne after theé dayes and a halfe. And after iij. dayes and a halfe (sayth he) the breath of life was breathed into thē by God. &c. The meanyng whereof cann not be extended any wayes to any thyng els, but vnto the doctrine of the Gospell. And what if the doctryne of the Gospell of Christ be nowe risen agayne into the open world, out of the doungeon of darckenesse and deépe drowned blindenesse, wherein it hath bene so long sup∣pressed by you? is it not therefore the same Gospell that it was

alwayes before?

What? did not Iohn Husse, Ierome of Prage and the grea∣ter part of all Boheme embrace the same Gospell before Lu∣ther was borne? was not the same order of Doctrine professed in England many yeares before our dayes,* 1.1213 in the time of Wiclef, Swinderbee, Brute, and others also and in other places likewise amōgest others, namely, the Valdenses, Albingenses, with the Grecians, Italians, Moskouites, in Asye, in Affricke, and in Europe? Betengarius, Bertrame, Peter de Aliaco, Iohn Sco∣tus, Peter Iohannes, William de sancto amore. Robert the frenchman, whom the hott zealous Pope raked out of his graue, and consumed with fire, foure hundred yeares agoe: Niemus, Ioachimus, Sauanarola, Veselus & many others in their time & before theyr time, with whose goare the bloudy slaughterhowse of the Tyrannous Pope was throughly embrued: Did not all these worshipp the same Christ then, that we doe professe at this present? did they not confesse the same fayth and the same Arti∣cles of the Creéde, that we do now professe? Barnard in his dys∣course of the freé iustification by fayth, did he not teach the same doctrine then, that Luther hath vttered in writing? Augustine disputyng vpon fayth and grace agaynst freé will, doth he not treat vpon the same matter, that Zuinglius and Caluine doe treat vpon now?

Of the vse of Sacramentes we haue extaunt with vs long treatises written in the Saxon toung, many hundred yeares be∣fore those thirty yeares, that you speake of, witnesses and pro∣fessours of the same doctrine and fayth, which we Englishmen do acknowledge at this present. If this be the cause that doth enduce you to thinke, that we are entred vpon a new Gospell, because we dare shake frō our shoulders the yoake of subiectiō, vsurped by the Papisticall Seé: the same did long before our dayes Robert Gostred a mā notably learned and famous who beyng Byshop of Lincolne,* 1.1214 and commaunded by speciall let∣ters from Innocētius the Pope, to enduct a certein boy a kins∣man of his owne into a Benefice within y^e Byshopricke of Lin∣colne, being unlearned and unskillfull of the Language, did o∣penly resist him: and withall, did most sharpely inueigh agaynst the Popes detestable prouisions as they call them.

But why doe I alledge examples of men for the ratifying of the continuaunce of Christes Gospell•• the creditt whereof doth neither depend vpon the maintenaunce of man, nor is streigh∣ted within any prescription of tyme: howsoeuer humaine acti∣ons tosse to an fro,* 1.1215 and neuer persist in any one setled state: certes the Gospell of Christ if it be the Gospel of Christ in deede, can not be any new or straunge thing: nor can haue any other originall, or author but Christ himselfe, the very sonne of God: But whereas in those latter dayes, the tongues and mouthes of godly preachers being stopt and shutt vp through terror and Tyranny of the Pope, not daring to manifest themselues in the open congregation, be now sett at libertye by the boūtifull mer∣cy of God, and restored to their auncient Freédome: shall we therefore accuse the Gospell of innouation? or shall we rather embrace this great liberalitye of God w^t thankfulnes of mindes and geue our dutifull attendaunce vpon the trueth? wherefore whereas this Portingall Parrot prateth so much of xxx. or xl. yeares limitation, herein he behaueth himselfe very iniuriously. He perceaueth now a new face of the Euangelicall doctrine to glister and shyne farre and wyde abroad, ouer all Christendome at this tyme: which because was not so resplendisaunt and light∣some in the tyme of certeine of our forefathers of late yeares, (whereas neuerthelesse Christ did alwayes preserue & embrace his Church with lyke mercye and fauour) therefore he accom∣pteth this Gospell of Christ to be a new & straunge Doctrine, contrary to Christ, and this also not Osorius alone supposeth to be so, but many other Deuines wandring inlyke error: who are maliciously wroth agaynst Luther, as though he & a few others were the first deuisours and coyners of this Gospell: Thē which vntrueth can nothing be more vntrue.* 1.1216 Nay rather, if Luther had neuer bene borne, if Bucer or Caluine had neuer taught, yet could your ignoraunce and shamelesse errors, haue no longer lurked in darknes through one singuler and especiall prouidēce of God: not that, whereby Luther was sent abroad into y^e world, but by that inestimable benefite of Gods blessing, prepared for the behoofe of his Church, I meane the singuler and most excel∣let Art of Emprinting.

By this meanes it pleased Gods good mercy both to pro∣uide

for the weaknes of his Church, & withall auēge himselfe vpon your Tyrannous cruelty, by a certein secret & vnsearchable maner. For imediately after Iohn Husse, & Ierome of Prage y^e most holy Martyrs of God, were by your horrible fury and wickednes consumed to ashes, and the veritye of the Gospell suppressed by your Tyranny, could neither be suffred to speake franckly, nor shew her face abroad boldely, nor eskape your ra∣uenous gaping freély: skarse x. yeres were come & gonne, before that in place of two poore Prophetts, almighty God had raysed vpp all the holy Prophetts, Patriarches, Apostles, Euange∣listes, and all the holy doctours of the Church, Martyrs, Con∣fessours, and Interpretours of holy Scripture, (as it were a certeine army of heauenly knightes, armed at all poyntes to en∣counter your outragious assaultes) who, because could not be permitted to speake openly in the Church, through your tyran∣ny, begann to presse forth boldly now in y^e open Printers shopps, and to leape into euery mans bosome and handes, and withall to bewray your ignoraunce and Tretchery, and to discouer not new wellsprings of Doctrine, but to skoure and make cleane the olde fountaines, and Conduyt pypes of the Gospell of grace stoppt vp by the popish Philistines. And hereupon begann to spreadd abroad with glystering beames the large encrease of this gladsome Doctrine: which if be so combersome a block in your way, you may not therefore wreake your anger vpon Lu∣ther, but deuise & make some prouiso for these Printers, for these bookes, for learning, and for Languages, and to tell you as the trueth is, you must excommunicate God himselfe: Who durst be so hardy to bestow his vnspeakable mercy vpō this later and declining age of his Church, in relieuing & comforting her long and werysome trauaile,* 1.1217 with so many and so plentifull gra∣ces and aydes of true Doctrine, and sound vnderstanding: that would prouide for her sicknes so many learned Phisitions and Doctors: not Luther, Zuinglius, Bucer, and Caluine: but Mo∣ses, the Prophetts, Apostles, Euangelistes, and cannonicall Scriptures: through the reading, and dayly perusing of the which, if Christian hartes (being better enlightened) doe now feéle and perceaue sensybly that, which our forefathers were for∣ced to groape after in darkenes, you ought not to muse there∣at

at, much lesse to enuye and maligne it.

Wherefore as touching the grayheadded age of this Doc∣trine, whereat you doe barke so impudently with your currish snarling: for as much as we doe professe nothing els, then the same that is comprehended within Gods booke, and which be∣fore our tyme was taught by Moses, & aucthorized by the Pro∣phetts & Apostles: what meaneth this your (I will not say) rea∣son, but vnreasonable insensibilytye: with such vnsauery subtlety so to wryth & wrest that, to the defacing of this Doctrine, which Haddon did conceaue of the outward lybertye and freédome of the Preachers only: as though this doctrine were of no bet∣ter creditt, and no longer continuaunce, then these last thyrty yeares, and so shamelesly by many hundred yeares to preferre the auncienty of Mahumets sect, before the knowledge of this Gospell? But it had bene more conuenient for you (good syr) to haue learned by diligent enquirye, whether this comparison of sectes, doe not serue more fittly with that your pampered Papa∣ne: for asmuch as that heathenish Paganisme, and your pro∣phane Papacye were both whelped nere about one tyme,* 1.1218 and al∣most within the compasse of one yeare: which yeare we doe ac∣compt by the reueled computation in S. Iohn, to be the sixe hū∣dreth, sixty and sixe.

Now that this deépe Deuine hath reasonably well beaten his braynes about matters of Diuynitye: he doth beginne to cast a new floorish about: and will haue a cast at the prosperitye, and stayed estate of Princes: presuming vpon his politique wise∣dome to councell kinges and Queénes, and chiefly aboue others our gracious Queéne Elizabeth, with what modesty she ought to attemper the prosperous successes and happy tranquillitye of her estate: That she trust not to much to fawning fortune, that there is nothing certeine in the course of this lyfe,* 1.1219 and many perills are to be feared in matters most pleasaunt and prosperous to the viewe: and that no thing is more daunge∣rous then carelesse securitye,* 1.1220 because as after light, follow∣eth darkenesse, and after Calme come Clowdes: euen so the whole course of this lyfe, hath his continuall enter∣chaunges, Ioy sometymes surprised with sodeyne sorrow: agayne heauinesse chaunged into honour, & that all thin∣ges are carryed about in a certaine vehement whyrling,

vnstablenesse, as it were the fleyng vanes of a windemill, forced about with Boreas blastes: The thinges that are now aloft, be sodenly throwen downe, and contrarywise the things that be simple & base, doe at an instant mount aloft. And that it commeth oftē to passe, that whom God is most displeased withall, those same he will ouershadow with more fruitfull aboundaunce of vertue & grace, and endue them with happy assuraunce not of fyue yeares onely, but of many yeares continuaunce: that so the greater that their fall is, the deeper may their wound be, according to the old prouerbe: the higher wall, the greater fall. Briefly, that there is no state of honour so firme, & so sure garded, where∣in a man may assure himselfe of a minute in safetye: which doth euidently appeare by the example of Craesus, who be∣ing vanquished of Cyrus, and prepared vpō a pyle of wood ready to be bourned, did cry vpō Solon with a lowd voyce: and being demaunded by Cyrus who that Solon was: Crae∣sus doth declare the councell that he long before had re∣ceaued of that Solon: whereupon Cyrus commaunding him to be taken downe from the stacke of wood, after that he had thereby learned to bridle his Choler, did not one∣ly preserue him on lyue, but hadd him in great reuerence and estimation.

This farre forth Osorius euen out of the very bowels of Hy∣stories and philosophy: wherein I do not so much mislike with him for his good councell: But whereunto were these glori∣ous flooryshes framed more for Queéne Elizabeth then for anye other Potentate or Prince of the world? then for the King of Portingall? or for his proper pigsnye the Pope? When or in what place hath our soueraygne Lady (whose Princely mildenes doth surmount all her Predecessors in lenity and temperaunce) so demeaned her selfe in all her most fortunate and prosperous calme of happy Reigne, that her Maiesty may seéme to stand in neéd of this your Philosophicall persuasions, more then any o∣ther Prince? Wherein hath she euer vaunted her Royaltye in such sort, that she must be enstructed by this Portingall Solon, to haue regard to the slippery state of this fickle life? Declare a good fellowshipp Osorius what matter haue you noted at anye

time, or heard of by report done by her Maiesty, wherin you may iustly reprehend want of wisedome in counsell? or lacke of cle∣mēcy in iustice, beseéming the most vertuous prince of the world? I will boldely also adde hereunto, wherein this mayden Queéne may not worthely compare with the most mighty and auncient Monarche of most famous memory? And if you thinke that this litle Isle of England is so voyd and barreyne of councell, that Kinges and Queénes must of necessitye be enstructed of Oso∣rius. How happened it that you did not vtter your skill, and signifye your good will rather to Queéne Marye her graces Sister, whom you might haue persuaded to temperaunce and lenity, whenas she executed Tyrannye without all measure and meane, in shedding her owne subiectes blood? where was thē this Portingall Clawbacke whiche should haue remembred the Queéne of humayne weakenesse, and imbecillity that was so forgettfull of all humanity, and her owne fraylty.

Reioyse therefore Elizabeth our most noble and vertuous soueraigne for this your Alcion dayes: you may well seé nowe howe muche you be indebted for this your most prosperous raigne. For if that mighty Macedō King Phillipp were so ioy∣ously affected in his sonne Alexanders behalfe, that it chaunced him to be borne in the time of the famous philosopher Aristotle: why should not ye rather clappe your handes for ioy, in respect of your most happy happynesse, & more then Alexāders felicity whom it happeneth to raygne now in the time of this notorious Solon, the eighth wise in number, or the third Cato of this age: who is able to replenish your eares with most wholesome pre∣ceptes of life, and fashion your fayth with true catholicke institu∣tion and doctrine, who (if your Maiesty will vouchsafe to beleue his lessons) is able to direct your grace by lyne and by leuell, to know the difference betwixt true religion and false, howe your highnesse ought to discerne betwixt true and false Prophets, & how you ought to cōceiue of Purgatory, of pardōs, of auriculer cōfession: of compulsary single life, of y^e sacrifice of the Masse, of Images, Pictures and Reliques of Saynctes: Who cann re∣store your owne person to her auncient freédome from out of that Tyrannous bondage of false flatterers, wherein your grace is now holden captiue.* 1.1221 To with: that of a freé Queéne, you may at

the last become a seruile bondmayd of the Pope. For vpon this onely bunch of thraldome, hang all the Keyes of Osorius freé Manumissions.

And therefore sith the matter is come to this passe, what re∣mayneth Most renowmed and vertuous Queéne? but that you finde meanes to send for this new Solon by all meanes possible, and assigne him a place emōgest the chiefe of your priuye coun∣cell, and alter the whole state of your Realme, after his directiō and appoyntment: who will guyde your Maiestye on this wise. First, that renouncing this Religion, whereunto you haue bene enured euen from your Cradle, you may now straggle away to the trimme Traditions of the Romish Religion, which Osorius doth mayntayne: that where as you haue begonne in the spirite, you may end afterwardes in the flesh: that you may banish the scriptures from your subiectes hearing: That you may conuert your publique preaching into mumbling Massing: That your subiects may beginn to learne to call vpō God in an vnknowen toung: that excluding that righteousnesse which doth consist in the fayth of Iesu Christ, your people may be noosled in confi∣dence and assuraunce of theyr owne workes and merites: that you should dispoyle the communion of the one part of the Sa∣crament: that you should dissolue lawfull marriages of Christes Ministers:* 1.1222 That in your owne Realme you should establish a kingdome to the Pope of Rome, that he may gouerne your scep∣ter, and you carry his Crosier: That he may haue full skope in your kingdome to distribute benefices, to geue Byshopprickes, to exact first fruites, tenthes, and yearely pencions: that after he hath once swept away the cropp of English Golde, you may come after & gather the drosse: Finally that you make a cleare dispatch of these Lutheran Heretiques, kill them, spoyle them, & ••••ll England full of fagott & fier, so that the English blood be∣ing spilte, and the name of English Nation being vtterly rooted out, the Portingalles may freély be propt vpp in theyr possessi∣ons.

Surely this is notable councell Osorius, and right well be∣seéming your dignity: which whatsoeuer colourable shew it pre∣tend in wordes, doth in trueth and in deéd sound and breath forth nothing els, but slaughter and bloud. For hereof you can not be

ignoraunt, that this Romish counterfait could neuer be recei∣ued into this Region, without wonderfull disturbaunce of the state, and losse of many liues. And for this cause I suppose you directed your bloody and murtherous Inuectiues to our noble Queéne: whereunto if she would haue bene pliable, the whole Realme had bene long sithence replenished with fire and flame, wherewith you would haue made boanefiers with y^e blood of ma∣ny good Preachers. But you come to late gentle Synon with these fables and bables: and may keépe your breath to keale your potage: The late lauish lewdnes of Queéne Maryes madd daies hath made vs to well acquaynted with that Romish Iennett,* 1.1223 to graunt him any grasing within English soyle, or to permitt a∣ny pasture for such a popish palfray. Christ Iesu be thanked for euer and euer, now that this Romish Ruffler is excluded, we liue in godly calme: who as now cann neuer hope to haue anye footing here, before concorde be exiled, and peace vtterly bani∣shed.

Wherefore if that your superexcellent Byshopp of Rome, be rauished with so hott a zeale of Ambicion, that he can not reigne without a kingdome: if he will follow my simple councell either lett him seéke out for some straunge vnknowen Islandes, where he may rule ouer such as do not know him, or els lett him chaūge the state of his Religion. In like maner I would aduertize Oso∣rius (if he be of that courage that he can not stay the outrage of his quill, but must neédes presume to perke and preach to kings and to Queénes) that either he recreate his spirites with some other exercize, or cease here after do abuse our Gracious Queéne Elizabeth specially with such kinde of trumpery wherein to tell you the truth Osorius you haue lost your labor and cost, for you preuayle no whitt thereby, as you seé: What successe you may haue hereafter, we committ vnto the Lord: Certes hetherto as yet you may putt all your winninges in your eyes, and seé ne∣uer a shine the lesse: as the proofe it selfe doth declare.

* 1.1224

And be it (say you) that I preuayle nothyng herein yet wanted not sufficient testimony of a well wishyng mynde, which ought not be vnthankefully taken emongest grate∣full and honest personages.

Of your good meanyng what shall I say? which how ready and inclinable it is, I do easily perceaue:

but to what effect I beseéch you? For to what other end shall we Iudge it so ready, but to procure our most gracious Queéne, (then whose nature nothyng can be more disposed to lenitie and gentlenes) to be sett on fire none otherwise then as it were some flamyng firebrand, contrary to the naturall disposition engra∣uē within her royall brest by the finger of God, to seéke the spoyle of her natiue Countrey with cruelty, tormentes and destruction of her subiectes by fier and fagottes, like vnto the furious per∣secutions and madde outrage executed in the tyme of her sister Queéne Mary? For what better successe could haue bene hoped for out of those wicked & mischieuous counsell of yours? for lett vs suppose and imagine in our conceiptes (which yet her most excellent Maiestie could neuer haue suffred to haue entred in her thought) that you might haue preuailed and obteined your pur∣pose or at least as much as you hoped for: what then? Could you conceaue in your mynde that the matter had bene accomplished forthwith, assoone as you had entred into the Castell of fauour? as though her Maiestie alone be the onely enemy to the Pope with∣in this her dominion. Beleéue not so, O Solon, and hereof assure your selfe, that there is within this litle Island a greater nom∣ber by many thousandes more then any man would Iudge, that will rather yeld their car••asses to tortures, then suffer thē selues to be defiled with the marke of that Beast. And what thinke you will become then of the rest of y^e multitude, whose consciences are not yet fully settled? of whom there is an infinite noūber within this Realme? you will say that the Prince must vse force, & force them to fagotte that will not obay. Is this the coūsell you geue to a Queéne? Herein forsooth we poore wretched Englishmen are very much beholdyng vnto your sweéte Fatherhood, for your gentle reward. But what if fayth will not be forced? yea what if it can not be brought to yeld? what if her highnes it selfe be not Queéne ouer consciences? nor any worldly creature els? for fayth wilbe enstructed, can not constrayned: I say also moreouer, it can not be vanquished by death, but euen then rather it trium∣pheth most: And although it may lose lyfe in this world, yet will it neuer yeld to earthly creature, but to God and his truth.

Wherefore in as much as this your whole discourse (which you prosecute so earnestly) is of this condition, that it doth no

more concerne any Christian Prince whatsoeuer, then the sub∣iectes of his Realme (for what is more agreable with the ma∣ners of the people then Fayth and Religion) If you haue deter∣mined with your selfe to bestow any further trauaile in the like cause by word or by writyng:* 1.1225 I iudge it best and withall do ad∣uise you, that you trouble not her Maiesty from henceforth with any such matter: but proclayme forth your challenge agaynst the Byshops rather, agaynst the Doctours and Deuines, finally a∣gaynst the subiectes of England, and the consciences of the peo∣ple: whom if you be able to enduce with force of firme doctrine, and pytthe of substaunciall Arguments, to the direction of their consciences: you shall shewe your selfe herein a very honest man. But then must you frame vs some other kynde of bookes, and o∣ther maner of letters. For the bookes that we haue hitherto re∣ceaued from you, are such kinde of ware, as neither delighte the Queénes grace, nor like well the subiectes. For this cause there∣fore (my good Lord Ierome) I do the more willingly aduize you not to cease wrytyng henceforth: Nay rather write on a Gods name, paynte on, deuise on, and coyne on, as much as ye list: I will not lett you. For so long shall it be lawfull for you to haue will to endite, vntill at y^e last, it will not onely repente you of the losse of your labour, but withall make you ashamed of so much good tyme so wickedly employed. And therefore take me not as though I would wishe you to surcease from writyng, & to throwe away your penne: but rather I wish you to write, and to endyte vntill you be hoarse withall. Hereof neuerthelesse I war••e you before, that vnlesse you mainteyne the quarrell that you haue vndertaken with better furniture: you shall both come to late (as I sayd) and lose your labour also. For what doe you thinke to gayne in this cause of Religion, wherein if you hadd none other aduersary, yet the Lord him selfe doth warre agaynst you with the very breathe of his mouth? the whole Scriptures fight a∣gaynst you, and the authoritie of auncient Fathers haue bent their force to ouerthrow you.* 1.1226 Your purpose was to pleade for the Popes proper Chayre: But he is quite abandonned, not out of our Churches onely, but much further banished out of mens consciences, nor can possibly by mans pollicy be restored to the possession of Christian consciences, in despight of Gods word.

It is the Lord who hath by his deuine Inspiration cast a darke∣ned cloud ouer this proude Prelates Chayre, which all Portin∣gall can not bryng to light agayne, though it lighten all the Ta∣pers, torches, and waxe lightes in Portingall when the Sunne is at the highest. But Osorius vpō confidence of his Rhetoricke doth dreame vpō some dry Sommer, & nothyng mistrustyng his Tackle as it seémeth, which shalbe more stronger then any Ca∣ble or Anker, but that he shall be able to enduce our most Soue∣reigne Lady Elizabeth, to like well with his Request at the lēgth, maugre the bearde of thousand Haddones: for after this maner writyng agaynst Haddon he sayth.

What (sayth he) doe you suppose that her witte is so rude and so vnciuill:* 1.1227 when I shall haue discouered the practizes and cōspiracies of treacherous traytours by inuincible Ar∣gumentes, and Reasons clearer then the Sunne in mydday: when I shall paynte out vnto her view, euē before her eyes the mischieuous filthynes and wickednesse of this new fan∣gled Religion: when by manifest proofe I shall make eui∣dent the foolish and illfauored scatteryng Reasons of these heretiques, wherewith they attempt the maintenaunce of their cause: that she will rather allowe of that most pe∣stilent opinion, coupled with vnauoydeable perill of her owne lyfe, then retourne agayne with most assured sauety and euerlastyng glory to the auncient Religion of her no∣ble progenitours, discōtinued by the haynous impiety and wickednesse of flatterers?

First where you seéme to conceaue so well of the disposition of our most vertuous Queéne: herein you doe no more then her Maiestie deserueth, gentle Syr, nor lesse thē beseémeth your per∣son. And as touchyng the offer y^t you make, to witte, to Iustifie your promise by vnuanquishable Argumentes and Reasons, more clearer then the Sunne in mydday, we doe gladly accept, and withall do most hartely desire, if you haue yet any grea∣ter stoare of better Arguments or Reasons, that you will vouch∣safe to emparte vs of your notable aboundaunce. For the Fables that you haue told vs hitherto, be no Reasons, but bables: be no Argumentes, but monsters: wherewith you sett a good face in deéde on the matter, with brawlyng and scoldyng: but proue no∣thyng,

define nothyng, deuide nothyng, conclude nothyng: edifie no man, and the cause it selfe which beyng in dispeyred case, you tooke in hād to redresse, you haue with illfauored handlyng made it as leane as a Rake. And you wonder neuerthelesse in the meane space, that in all this land no man can be founde so witt∣lesse, that will yeld to those your illfauouredly patcht Reasons, or rather no Reasons at all, and those your clouted conclusions framed after most foolish forme and fashion. But it is well yet, that for these foyffy and raynebeaten prety tales you haue pro∣mised vs much more strong Argumētes and Reasons, brighter (as you say) then the Sunne it selfe on mydday: which you will so prynte out euen to the view and beholdyng of our most graci∣ous Queéne: that at the twincklyng of an eye she shall be able easily to descry the vncleannesse, and wickednesse of this forged Religion: This is a great promise, my good Lord: But when will this be done? when pigges flye with their tayles foreward, and when S. Iames of Compostella, and our Lady of Walt∣singham become man & wife. But let vs pursue the tracke of O∣sorius lusty promise. For on this wise he doth in his aunswere Reason with Haddon.

* 1.1228

If Reason (sayth he) may persuade her, if Authoritie of auncient Fathers may preuayle with her: If Gods Law may reclayme her to be of the mynde, that she become once de∣sirous to abhorre this sect.

Goe to and admitte that all these may happen, which your hypotheticall proposition doth ground vpon: which neuerthelesse I am fully resolued will neuer come to passe duryng the lyfe of our most gracious souereigne. But in respect of the chaungeable and variable estate of humaine ac∣tions, lett vs graunt, that this may be done, that the Queénes affection seduced with the bookes of Osorius may haue an in∣ward desire to suppresse this sect with all her hart: Go to, and what then I pray you? Now listen gentle Reader to his ampli∣fication more then Rhetoricall.

What then will Haddon (sayth he) of his owne absolute power forbidd that which the Queene will haue done? doth he presume so much vpō his owne power, and mistrust of her witte and vnderstandyng, that he dare be so bold to affirme, that without his consent she will by no persuation

nor meanes be reclaymed to that sinceritie of Religion,* 1.1229 whereof her Auncestours were notable defendours to their great renowme and glory? Will you (Haddō) restrayne her in her owne Realme and Dominion? will you abbridge her of her will? will you direct her what she shall do? shall she not prouide for her owne safety and dignitie, for feare of your displeasure?

O Muses, what a force & fortresse of wordes is there here? what a brauery? what a sturre of Rhetoricall swel∣lyng speaches in a matter so friuolous? so forged? and so false? a man would thinke it a peaze in a Mounckes hoode, or you would take it to be some Ape pleadyng in Ciceroes purple Roabes. Haddon is accused of a certein arrogaunt presumyng vpon power, wherewith he should thinke him selfe able to abbridge the Queénes Maiestie of her will, as that the Queéne her selfe did not dare to suppresse this Lutherane sect, without his con∣sent and commaundement, yea though she would neuer so faine: which how foolish and slaunderous a deuise it is, your felfe dyd right well perceiue, when Haddon was aliue, and may muche more playnely seé and imagine now sithence he is departed this life. You wrate letters first to y^e Queénes Maiesty of England, full of wordes and tedious enough, if wordes could haue preuai∣led ought in matters of fayth: what gayned you by it? within a whiles after, you contriued threé Inuectiues in one volume, a∣gaynst Haddon touching the same matter: which you beleéued would haue purchased you no small credit and countenaunce with her highnes and her Nobility: what hath this auailed you? The Queénes highnesse remayneth yet vnshaken, in the same minde that she was. What is the cause hereof? Is it thinke you because she is agast or euer was agast of the displeasure of Had∣don? or any her Subiectes? Surely if you thinke as you speak, you are a foole: but if you speake agaynst your conscience, you are past all shame: for now that Haddon is dead, dare she not for feare of his bigg lookes professe whatsoeuer she listeth? And therefore you seé well enough, that the dread of her Subiectes doth not restrayne her from yelding to your doctrine. But there is an other thing in the winde, which if you be desirous to know I will describe it vnto you in few wordes.

Whenas the Queénes highnesse to whom you write a Prin∣cesse

adorned and endued with most excellent ornamentes and qualities of Princely renowme,* 1.1230 perused your letters, and ac∣cording to her singuler dexterity and ingenious capacity could read, could see, could feéle no sound nor substantiall matter wor∣thy of creditte, which had any affinity with trueth or modestye: when she beheld in thē no reasons at all, or surely very windesha∣ken, motheaten and worne out to the hard stumpes by many o∣thers heretofore, no pith in your arguments, and nothing con∣cluded orderly: when she perceiued that out of councels, out of auncient Fathers, and Doctours, you vttered nothing but bare names onely, and no sentence to the purpose, and withall no ex∣ample of the primitiue and most purer ages: when she could not finde out any likenesse of Apostolicke doctrine, throughout all that your discourse, nor any marke or sparckle almost of Euāge∣licall sincerity: but all thinges ouerwhelmed w^t darcknesse, tum∣bled & drowned in deépe dongeons of errours and superstition: & did throughly perceiue that you alleadged in stead of reason, im∣pudent Insolency, in stead of sound argument foreiudgementes: in stead of testimonies and authorityes of auncient fathers, out∣ragious outcryes, craftely conceiued lies, spittings, reproches, skornefull tauntes and infamous slaunders: finally nothing els but skolding and malicious rayling: may you yet be so blinde as to be ignoraunt or in doubt of the cause, that doth stay her from partaking with your doctrine? It is not, I wys it is not that slaunderous cauill, which you haue so malapertly and grossely imagined, and whereof you accuse Haddon so vndeseruedly: For Haddō was neuer that kinde of man,* 1.1231 as would permitt his ima∣ginatiō to be whirled about with any such vaine arrogancy. Nei∣ther was Queéne Elizabeth euer so embased or apalled in cou∣rage, or euer will be so daunted in spirite, as to be afrayd of any her subiectes lowring or browbeating: or that euer cann be vn∣dermined from that inuincible fortresse of her Religion, with all the Engynes and Crampes that Osorius can deuise.

And therefore if your imagination haue heretofore bene de∣luded with any vayne hope of winning the castle of the Queénes Maiestyes constancy in fayth and profession, trust not frō hence∣forth to any such cōceipt: for what likelyhood of successe can you hope or persuade your selfe in, whenas your selfe open nothing

that deserueth any creditt? define or deuide nothing that ought to be discussed? make proofe of nothing soundly or substantially? conclude nothing but altogether ridiculously? how can any such thought (I say) comber your braines, as to beleue you shalbe a∣ble with any smooth fawning or delicate speéches (as it were with Syrenes melody) so to bewitch the Queénes highnesse, that she shall renounce her Christ, and follow Antichrist? that renoūcing the doctrine of fayth, in the assuraunce whereof she is grounded and rooted by the infallible testimonies of holy scriptures: which she hath sucked out of the Source and welspring of the Apostles, Prophetts, Euangelistes, yea and from Christ himselfe, she shall be carryed away with the deuises (I do not say) of deuines, but drowsy dreames of dronken Sophisters: that abandoning the true and assured consolation of minde which she hath reposed on high, in the bosome and boweles of the freé mercy and promise of God, through fayth in Christ Iesu, she shall decline to the hun∣gry and naked elementes of this world, to windeshaken rotten postes of your Satisfactions, to pardons, to Masses, to Sacri∣fices, to Purgatory, to Freéwill, to Traditions? that cowardly fleéing from the freédome of the Gospell of grace, she shall yelde her selfe Captiue to the Law, and shrowd her selfe vnder the ru∣inous roofe of the Law and of merites? Finally that by the sini∣ster enticementes of Osor. flattery, she shall make an exchaunge of the safety of her soule, of the infallible hope and possession of euerlasting glory, and the eternall loue and fruition of the Lord of Lordes, for a peéuish blessing of a Romish Pope? Could you be at any time so Braynesicke as to conceiue any such vayne toy in your head, to be able to perswade her thereto? Next herunto you adde.

But be it,* 1.1232 that she be so subiect to your cōmaundement, that she dare not gaynesay you in any thing: what if she be enlightened by the inspiration of the holy ghost? what if Christ himselfe will encline her hart to haue a desire to be∣hold his inestimable riches and to enioy it? what if he will open her vnderstāding that she may euidētly see the plattformes of Trayterous Trecherous conspiring agaynst her life? what if but meanely ouershadowed with the enlighte∣ninge of Gods spirite (to say nothing els) she shall easilye

perceiue that Luther and his sectaryes were neuer raysed vpp by the spirite of God:* 1.1233 but sturred vpp by the furyes of hell. &c. I doe heare how you do barcke agaynst Luther and his Sectaries Osorius. Now therefore do you harkē againe what aunswere I will make in the behalfe of Luther and his wellwil∣lers. And first: where you speake of the inspiration of the holye Ghost: this is an vndoughted trueth: vnlesse that Queéne Eliza∣beth had bene raysed vpp, and aduaunced by the speciall proui∣dence of Gods spirit to the dignity Regall, vnlesse that the Lord Christ had opened the eyes of her hart, with a marueilous and singuler grace of his enlightening, not onely to looke vpon, and behold, the precious Iewell of his Gospell, but also to be a pa∣tronesse and defendresse thereof: vnlesse the same goodnesse, libe∣rality, and mercy of the most sweét Sauiour had with that pro∣found and vnsearchable power of his omnipotency both guyded her coūcells,* 1.1234 and preserued her life, for the safety of this commō weale: it could not possibly haue come to passe, y^t her life might haue eskaped safe, and defensible from those raging stormes of that swelling Gulfe procured by y^e priuy practizes of popish pi∣rates, in her Sisters dayes. At what time that sauadge Leopard the professed enemye, of Christ, that stately Stephen greédye Gardiner attempted all meanes and wayes possible,* 1.1235 to take her head from her shoulders. Unlesse the Lord himselfe (I say) mira∣culously and beyond all expectation, had at that present as it were with his outstretched hand raught her from the bloodye pawes of her enemies and had shielded her with his Targett and Armes, and caught away Gardiners life amiddes his fury∣ous attemptes, and Trayterous snares: and withall bereft the crowne from Mary her Sister within a whiles after: surely the head of Elizabeth and the whole hope of Christes Gos∣pell had bene chopt of at a blow. And therefore whereas the hap∣py felicitye of the most vertuous Queéne preuayled as then, whereas she now liueth and raigneth at this present, and is vaū¦ced in Throane, enioying so calme a continuaunce: and where∣as also the glory of the Gospell doth florish, and stand vnshaken, in a certein meane state of tranquillity: we do herein most ioyful∣ly and thankefully acknowledge our selues indebted not to any pollicy of man, but to the power of the almighty, and his hea∣uenly

benediction, and do most humbly thanke him with all our hartes, in all reuerence & humility, & power out in his presence most thankefull prayers with outstretched handes vnto heauen: by whose vnspeakeable mercy, as the life of her Maiesty was pre∣serued frō that slaughterhouse: so were y^e powers of her soule en∣lumined with the orient beames of his diuine inspiration: wher∣with she was enabled to pearce into the knowledge not of the furious outragies of these Lutherans (wherewith you say they be enflamed) but to preserue them harmelesse and deliuer them from your franticke maddnesse, and rampaunt clawes, and cleare them from the fierce fierbrandes and raging flames of your bloody bootchers.

In which wonderfull brightnesse of Gods inestimable boun∣ty and liberality, if the canckred clowd of mischieuous malice had not dazeled y^e sight of your harish head: you should easily dis∣cerne a most euident token and singuler testimony of Gods fa∣uour and mercy, not onely in the miraculous preseruatiō of her Maiesty, but much more discernable in the restoring, and relie∣uing the dispeired cause of his distressed Church, and mangled Gospell: agaynst y^e which you raue at this present so barbarous∣ly. And if it may please that heauēly grace to ouershadow the af∣flicted members of his weake Church with the bright beames of his fauorable countenaunce some longer time yet, as he hath already most mercifully begonne, and pardone our sinnes and vnthankefullnesse, and will vouchsafe also to heape vpp vnto the dayes of this milde Phenix our most gracious Soueraigne, a few yeares more in this life: truely I doe nothing mistrust but that y^e whole generatiō of your Catholick Caterpillers & loyte∣ring lozels shall be driuen shortlye not to y^e gallowes, but to that howling outcries and gnashing of teéth described in the xviij. Chapter of the Apocalipps,* 1.1236 which you may reade and peruse at your leysure: and afterwardes aunswere vs when time and place wil serue for it.

But we must cōmitt all these as all other our actions & suc∣cesses els, to the guidyng and conduct of him, in whose handes are the hartes of Princes and Potentates, and the order and di∣sposition of tymes and of chaunces. He is our Lord. Let him determine of vs as seémeth best in his sight: whether his plea∣sure

be of his infinite mercy to blesse vs with a continuaunce and settled stay of this quyett calme, which he hath fauourably be∣stowed vpon vs: or whether he will scourge our Sinnes with the cruell whippes of these Popish Philistines: or whether he will vouchsafe accordyng to his promise, after the long and greéuous afflictions of his tourmented Church, to roote vpp the foundations of your Babylonicall Towres, and ouerwhelme them in the deépe doungeon, as it were a mylstoane in the Sea. But whatsoeuer the successes shalbe of our hope, it can not be but most acceptable and commodious for his faythfull, whatso∣euer his prouident Maiestie shall determine. This one thyng I would wish from the bottom of my hart: that our lyues and and conuersations were aunswerable to our publique professi∣on: and that our maners were so conformed, as might no more prouoke his indignation and wrath, then the doctrine that we embrace and professe, doth moue him to displeasure, which one Request if might preuayle with our Englishmen, there were no cause then wherefore we should be afrayed of hundred Romes, sixe hundred Osorianes, and as many Portingall Dalmadaes. Now the onely thyng of all other whereat I am dismayed most, is not the force of your Argumentes, not the brauery of your bookes, not the crakes of your courage, not the legion of your lyes Osorius, but our home harmes onely, our pestilent botches of pestiferous wickednesse, and licentious insolency. Wherein you seé Osorius how litle I doe beare with the maners of our people, and how much I doe agreé with you in condemnyng their waiwardnesse, whose maners you do gnawe vpon so fierce∣ly: whose Fayth and Religion neuerthelesse I can not choose but defēd agaynst your Sycophanticall barkyng, with iust com∣mendation as they do duely deserue.

But for as much as we haue treated largely of Queéne Eli∣zabeth: I will now come downe vnto others: and will pursue the conclusion and end of your booke, furious enough, and full of indignation: wherein you heape whole mounteynes of wordes brauely, and behaue your selfe most exquisitely and artificially and besturre your stumpes lyke a sturdy pleader couragiously, and launche out lyes as lustely, yet herein not as Oratours vse orderly, but after the Cretensian guise ouersauishely. Of whom

S. Paule maketh mention. The men of Creete are common lyars. For you say that Haddon dyd counsayle you that you should not meddle with the holy Scriptures. Which coūsell as neuer entred into Haddones head, so neuer raunged out of Haddons penne. And out of this lye beyng as it were the coyne of the whole buildyng, it is a wonder to seé, how you shoulder out the matter, what greéuous complaintes you doe lay to our charge: which haue neither toppe nor tayle, foote nor head. I would wish you to peruse the place of Haddon once agayne whereat you cauill so much, but with more deliberation. For this was neuer any part of his meanyng to abbridge you the Readyng of one lyne so much of holy Scriptures: Moreouer neither did he so couple you to the Colledge of Philosophers, and Oratours, as to exclude you from the noumber of Deuines: as your cauillation doth sinisterly emporte, without all cause of iust quarrell. For what can be more conuenient for a Byshopp, and a Deuine, and an old man also, then to be exercized in the mysteries of heauenly Philosophy night and day? or what dyd Haddon euer imagine lesse, then to rase your name out of the Roll and order of Deuines? But when he perceaued, as truth was, that you did behaue your selfe much more plausibly in o∣ther causes, and therefore highely commended many qualities in you, to witte, an excellency of style: exquisite eloquence ioy∣ned with ingenious capacitie: stoare of Authours: and many bookes of yours likewise, and especially your booke De Nobi∣litate: and withall did grauely consider by the conference of your bookes, that you were by nature more enclined, or by Arte better furnished to treate of other causes, then to dispute of those controuersies of Religion: wherein you seéme a meére straunger, and goe groapyng lyke a blyndman, wandryng al∣together in Iudgement, and withall a professed enemy to the Maiestie of the glorious Gospell: takyng vpon him the part of an honest friendly man, thought good to aduertize you friendly and louingly, not that you should not employ any study or tra∣uayle in this kynde of learnyng: but surceasing that presump∣tuous boldnesse of rash writyng, and vnaduised decyding of con∣trouersies, wherewith you were but meanely acquainted, that you would with a more circumspect deliberation consider of the

matters, whereof you purposed to discourse: and that you would not from thenceforth rush so rudely agaynst vs with such disordered Inuectiues: which doe in deéde bewray nought els but your ignoraunce, procure generall myslikyng, and auayle nothyng at all to publique commoditie. For hereunto tended the whole scope, mynde, and meanyng of Haddon. Which you doe causelesly miscouster agaynst him euen as though he had de∣bated with you, as your Catholickes doe vsually accustome with old wemen, poore badgers, Carters, & Cobblers, & the meaner state of poore Christiās, whom you doe prohibite with horrible manacings, & cruell prohibitiōs, frō y^e reading of sacred Scrip∣tures, none otherwise then as from bookes of hygh Treason.

But in very deéde you doe interprete of the matter farre o∣therwise then euer Haddon did meane. And therfore here was no place for your nyppyng Satyricall scoffe which you did pre∣tily pyke out of Horace Uerses, wherewithall he doth dally with his Damasippus: and you beyng an old and meary concei∣ted man resembling the old dottarde Silenus of Virgile, do ridi∣culously and vnseasonably deride Haddō withall: The Goddes and the Goddesses Rewarde you with a Barbour for your good counsell.* 1.1237 Nay rather keépe this Barbour in stoare for your selfe Osor, and for the rascall rabble of your sinoath shaue∣lynges: who in respect of your first and second clippyng, nyp∣ping, shearing, and shauing, must neédes room dayly to the Bar∣bours shoppes, who also doe accompt it an haynous matter to weare a long bearde, as is also especified in the same Satyre. For you (I say) euen for you and those dishheaded dranes of that shauelyng and Cowled rowte (who with bare scraped scalpes, beyng a new fangled marke of Circumcision, haue glorified your Church,* 1.1238 carrying the marke of the Beast vpon your crow∣nes) that Barbour of Horace whatsoeuer he be, will serue for your turne much more fittly.

Upon which wordes of the Poet you proceéde forewarde.

But by what meanes doe you know me so well? Who did e∣uertell you (say you) that I haue not bestowed longer tyme vpon the Readyng of holy Scriptures then vpon Cicero, Demosthenes, Aristotle and Plato?

Truly if you perfourme in deéde Osorius as your wordes do emporte, you are much to

be commended. But your bookes declare otherwise. Howbeit we do nothyng mistrust but that you are busily exercized in rea∣dyng the Scriptures, as your function and dignitie requireth, nor did Haddon obrayde you with any such matter, as that you did litle or nothyng at all apply the perusing and conference of Scriptures: and so also did he meane nothyng lesse, then to for∣bidd you beyng a Byshop (as you say) and a Priest, from the study and practize of Gods holy Testament. Wherein you doe vnhonestlye slaunder him and belye him, without cause. And therefore I cann not seé to what end these wordes of yours which you inferre hereupon, and wherewith you seéme to fight with your owne shadow as it were, do preuaile on this wise.

Is it lawfull for you to geue full liberty to wemen, to Porters,* 1.1239 and Carters to tattle and clatter without Iudge∣ment of matters of Diuinitie? and will you presume to pro∣hibite me, I do not say a Byshop, I do not say a Priest, finally I do not say a mā many yeares exercised in the most sacred Scriptures, furnished with no small encrease of knowledge, but as you doe affirme, a man of vnderstandyng and wise∣dome, that I may not medle with this most holy learnyng? Abate somewhat of your courage, good my Lord Byshop I pray you if you can. And lett vs reason together vpon some true alle∣gations. Tell vs a good fellowshypp, where? in what place? when? and at what tyme? in whose presence? with what phrase of wordes did Haddon euer forbidd you the study of heauenly Philosophy, in speach or in thought? If you can not Iustifie a∣gaynst him by any meanes: to what purpose then is all this so gorgeous and glorious floorish of wordes about the Mooneshine in the water? But this braue Marchaunt would neédes blaze out his bracelettes and Iewells, lately transported vnto him, from out the Calecutes, and therefore on this maner ietteth forth this Buskine Portingall.

Moreouer by what law? by what authoritye? by what power may it be lawfull for you, being a Cyuilian to pearch so presumptuously, to handle Gods booke? Renouncing the proctorshipp for old Rotten walles, windowes, and gut∣ters, vyle and base contractes, Couenaunts, and bargains, and pleading with pelting libells? and may not I who am

called to this function, to instruct my flock committed vnto me with the word of God, be so bold to employ some la∣bour and diligence vpon the interpreting, and expoun∣ding thereof without your comptrollement? &c. You haue heard an accusation tragicall enough (if I be not deceaued) and a very haynous complaynt of this babler. For the rest now harken to the Morall of the Fable.

You offer me a double in∣iurye (sayth he) for you doe both entrude vpon an other mans possession: and you dispossesse me from my right with most iniurious prohibitions. &c.

Yea, but if a man may be so bold vnder correction, & by your leaue being so great a Byshop, so wise a Priest, & so great a Clarke, to speake as the trueth is: your selfe haue made two lyes together Osorius without touch of breath. For neither he beyng a Ciuilian, forsaking his plea∣dyng of walles, windowes, & gutters, doth entrude vpon any other mans possessions, nor yet doth force you out of your owne right, nor doth prohibite you with any such kynde of prohibiti∣ons: but that you may proceéde in that course of studies, which beseémeth your age & profession best, & bestow as much trauaile thereupon as you can, by all meanes possible. Yea rather he doth earnestly perswade your holynesse thereunto.

Enioy therefore a Gods name, those possessions which you clayme as your right, as much, and as longe as you may. Haddon will neuer interrupt your course, no more will any Christian man els driue you from your interest therein. But in the meane space: lett vs behold what maner of possessions these be whereof you speake? verely if you meane the knowledge of Christ, y^e word of lyfe, holy Scriptures, readyng & hearing of heauenly Pphilosophye: Certes I seé no cause why you should haue any more especiall prerogatiue in these possessiōs then any other:* 1.1240 Nor why this treasure ought apperteigne more to Osori. because he is a Priest, then to Haddon being a Ciuiliā: for as much as by Godes institution, this one learning aboue all other is prescribed to all persons indifferently, as the chiefe and prin∣cipall rule of this lyfe: vnlesse we will accompt this saying: Search the Scriptures, to be spoken to Priestes onely, and that for this cause, Lawyers and Ciuilians ought not intermedle therein. But if it were lawfull for Bartillmew Latomes being

a Lawyer to write agaynst M. Bucer in matters of highest Di∣uinitye: If Iulius Phlugius a professed Ciuilian, might be warrāted by themperour Charles the 5. to sitt in Synodes and disputations of Deuines: If Albert Pius Earle of Carporites writing agaynst Erasmus a Deuine and a Priest: If King Hen∣ry the 8. doing the lyke agaynst Luther, and descending into disputation in matters of Diuinitye, being neither a Byshopp, nor a Priest, was supposed neuerthelesse to doe nothing vn∣seémely his Regall magnificence, nor contrary to order. Why is Haddon accused then as an encrocher vpon other mens pos∣sessions, because being a Ciuilian he dare presume to encoun∣ter with a priest in matters of Religion?

But he should haue yelded ouer the charge of writing against you, to Deuines, and Byshops, rather: Truely it is not to be doughted, but he would haue done so (Osorius) If in this kinde of conflict, he could haue bene perswaded, that he should haue contended agaynst a Deuine: But whenas he perceaued by y^e course of your writing, that your whole discourse sauored of nothing, but of a Rhetorician, and a Philosopher: and that in your treaty of Diuinitye you alleadged skarse any one sentence of true Dyuinytye, and sound doctrine: he being himselfe a Rhe∣torician, and withall throughly studyed in the same kinde of ex∣ercizes, did conceaue in his minde, that there could be no fitter match for him, then being a Rhetorician, to deale agaynst a Rhetorician (as Bithus did in tymes past with Bachius) that so with one manner of weapō, and one kinde of furniture he might encoūter your lyes, wherewith you doe so nimbly seéke the ouer∣throw of the verytye. In this poynt therefore of Haddons de∣termination, touching the debating of this cause, he did no∣thing vncomely, or vnseémely for his personage, nor did he for this cause relinquish his owne walles, and encroch vpon your possession: yea so much the lesse was he minded to throw you out of your right. But in the meane space as was most cōueniēt for him, and most commodius for you, he thought it not amisse to geue you frendly aduise: according to the sage Counsayle of Aristophanes. Lett euery man deale in the matters wherein he is skilfull & exercized: Not because he would haue you estraūge your affection from the knowledge of Gods trueth: but be∣cause 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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he sawe you abuse the sacred Scriptures of God, most peruersly wrested by you to deface the veritye of Christes gos∣pell: therefore he gaue you this counsayle, not that you should renounce your profession, but that you should restrayne the vn∣bridled insolency of your penne: not that you should not reade any thing in these profound misteryes of heauenly wisedome, but that in reading those bookes you should learne first to vnder∣stand well what you doe reade in them, before you take vpon you the person of an Expositor: not because he cōplayned of any defect of witt, or pregnaunt capacitye in you, but because in explaning these controuersies he found in you a greater mayme of iudgement, then want of witt: and thys also not he onely and alone sawe in you: For I know many besides him, both godly & learned, who conceaue of you herein as much as Haddon did: And I thinke there is no man, though but meanely exercised in the conference of holy Scriptures, who perusing these your In∣uectiues, that will not easily descry the same mayme and want of Iudgement, that others doe finde in you: and withall wishe, and geue aduise with Haddon, that your industry may from henceforth be wholy applyed to this kinde of learning, to your singuler profite and increase in knowledge: but would hartely desire that your penne (sithence it delighteth so much to vaunt out her skill) may be employed to such kinde of matter, as may procure your greater commendation in disputing, and may lesse abuse the Reader by your Iudgement.

Bidd adiewe to these dispightfull reproches, and peruers∣nesse of brabbling: sett a side partialitye, cursed custome of euill speaking, and blind affections: And let vs now weye in vpright ballaunces of indifferent iudgement those your bookes so exqui∣sitely slaūderous, which you haue hitherto published, touching y^e order and administratiō of most sacred Religiō, euen as it were in despight of Diuinytye. What may any man finde in them commendable for a learned Deuine? or aunswerable to the soūd doctrine of Christes Euangelye? There be skattered here and there certein sentences takē out of y^e very bowells of holy scrip∣tures, but I pray you how vnaptly applyed? how contraryly misconstrued? and how iniuriously mangled? In how great cho∣ler doe you moūt, as it were an vnentreatable Orbilius, against

godly and learned men, whom you call enemies of Religion? of whom it might haue beseémed you to haue learned your les∣son, rather then to haue controlled them with your Ferula.

You say that you haue entred vpon a most iust complaynt, and most true discouery of our wickednesse and abhominable filthynesse of lyfe: In slaundering and reproching whereof, you doe employ the greater part of your discourse: which being layd open by you, shall finde no place to be shrowded or coloured by a∣ny protection of mine. Yet in y^e meane time you may not be igno∣raunt hereof good Syr: that it is not enough for a man to snarle and barcke openly at other mens faultes: vnlesse he ioyne with∣all an vpright consideration, namely, with what affection, vpon what occasion, by whose perswasion, and vpon what certeintye in trueth he may iustifye his raunging so at ryott. If you haue taken vpon you to inueigh so insolently agaynst other mens maners, carryed by ouermuch creditt of tale∣bearers and secret whisperers, or the report of fleeing fame (as ye confesse in one place of your writing) which is com∣monly geuen to speake the worst, and to make a Camell of a gnatt: what doe you herein els then willingly bring your selfe into deserued obloquy? and to be noted of that filthy disease of gyddy credulitye? But if you haue coyned the same out of your owne ydle braynes: how can you cleare your selfe of intollera∣ble Sychophancye? In both which you may doe very well to en∣quire what your owne conscience will tell you in your eare. In maners lykewise & common conuersatiō of lyfe, in the order and discipline of vertues, you doe alledge much matter, & the same not altogether amisse: but yet in such wise, as you make no di∣stinctiō betwixt y^e gospell and the law, and by vtter shew expresse your selfe a morall Philosopher rather then a Christian De∣uine, or at least not vnlike those Deuines, whom S. Paule in his Epistle to Timothe doth note by these wordes:* 1.1241

They would fayne seeme to be Doctours of the Law (sayth he) and yet vnder∣stand not what they speake, nor what they doe iustifie. &c.

Neuerthelesse you proceéde on still and keépe a foule coyle, but with bare brawlyng onely, and castyng your cappe agaynst the wynde: you kicke sturdely, but altogether agaynst the pricke: you are a prety bow man, but your luck is very ill: you are a good

Piper, but an illfauoured Fiddler: you prate hard, but you proue nought: you builde a pace, but not vpon the Rocke, nor doe you couch your stoanes with Euangelicall lyme and morter, but w^t Babylonicall durte and playster, wherein you builde not the con∣sciences of men,* 1.1242 but highe steépe Memphyticall steéples (as I may tearme them) very stately and notorious, in stately turretts of lofty speaches, but groūded vpon no sure foundation of truth.

Of all which if we should make a proportionable accompt, accordyng to the noumber of wordes heaped vpp together, with a tedious lauishenes of toung, and hoyste vpp a loft euen beyond the cloudes, they be infinite and incomprehēsible: but if we mea∣sure them accordyng to the qualitie of their substaunce, they be wythered wyndeshakē leaues: If we consider the truth of them, they be vntruthes & lyes: If we sift them accordyng to the rules and fourme of Logicke, there will almost nothyng els appeare in all this glorious Iocado akane of wordes, then as was some tyme noted in Anaximenes by Theocritus: A great floodd of wordes, but neuer a droppe of water. Lett any man peruse y^e will, or that can spare so much tyme, this whole discourse of the true and false Church: of the Romish Lordly Maiestie: of the inuocation of Sainctes: of worshypping of Images: of Mounc∣kery: of coacted single lyfe: of vowes: of ceremonies: of Sacra∣mentes: of Ecclesiasticall and Temporall preéminence, and of all other thynges, which this monstruous deépe Deuine so long and so much exercised in Readyng Diuinitie (as he persuadeth him selfe) hath either forged of his owne imagination, or scra∣ped from some where els, not out of the closettes of Crispine, but botched and patcht vpp together out of the ragges and re∣fuse of Hosius, Pighius, Latomus, Eckius, Roffensis and such like clouters euery where: the discourse and the handlyng of the matter will easily discouer it selfe, how in speakyng infinite wordes, he hath vttered litle or nought at all agreable with the truth, and aunswerable to the cause: so that the saying not of Thucidides 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:* 1.1243 but that other tourned backeward 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, may be aptly and worthely applyed.

And bycause it shall appeare more euidently: Go to. Lett vs Imagine that some one Logician either of the auncient Uniuer∣sity of Philosophers, or of the crew of these new Schoolemen, did

take in hand those bookes of Osor, wherein he treateth so busily of Catholick Diuinitie:* 1.1244 who rippyng away this outward huske of gaye paynted speach, may take a perfect view of the sounde∣nesse of the shell and the inward kernell of his best Argumentes, and reduce them by particularities, to the playne rules & forme of Logicke, and may pare away all rotten and vnsauory subtil∣ties, may cutt cleane away all lyeng and vntruthes, may pruyne all idle and vntymely applications, wherewith his discourse is altogether bedawbedd: may shrowde of all vnprofitable and withered superfluities and reduplications: may banish away all slaunders, reproches, tragicall exclamations, and Thrasonicall crakes, quyte voyd and impertinent to the matter: what will he leaue behinde then in all his whole threé bookes? In so manifest a truth, what neéde any probation? I will describe one for exam∣ple sake, and from no where els but euen out of his principall and exquisite exhortation, directed to our most Royall and noble Queéne of England. In which Epistle (if at least it may deserue the name of an Epistle, then the which her Maiestie neuer re∣ceaued any one more talkatiue, nor I euer sawe more wittlesse) you seéme good my Lord Byshopp, somewhat willyng and desi∣rous to aduertize her highnes of matters of great emportaūce, and highly Catholicke: to witte: That if the Queene will be wise, if she will be desirous to haue especiall regarde and consideration of her person, of the Realme, and of the pre∣seruation of her soule, and body: If she will vouchsafe to geue creditt to Osorius beyng a Portingall, geuyng whole∣some and godly coūsell, proceedyng dutyfully from god∣ly affection of pure loue: What must she do at the length? For∣sooth, That renouncyng in season this entangled crabedd doctrine of the Lutheranes, maisters of misrule and errours, Captaines of knauery and villany, pernicious botches of auncient discipline, counterfect coyners of a new Gospell: open Enemies of publique and priuate tranquillitie, she retourne agayne to the auncient obedience of the mother Church of Rome, and yeld her humble obeysaunce to the Pope hygh Byshopp thereof as next vnto Christ, and Christ his owne generall Vicar ouer all the face of the earth.

For if I be not deceaued this is the very scope of all your

persuasion: to this end tendeth the whole force of your glorious Epistle: wherein if we shall haue regarde to your wordes, I seé that you haue spoken very much, but if we consider the matter it selfe, you haue spoken nothyng at all, or at the most, no more thē may seéme to be compreheuded and concluded in threé proposi∣tious onely: The Maior whereof maketh nothyng for your pur∣pose: The Minor is simply false and wickedly slaunderous: The Conclusion such as may be more fittly reuersed agaynst you, & the rest of your Catholickes. If you be desirous to haue a view hereof by some playne demonstration: I will not refuse for your sake Osorius, to represent to the Reader the whole sub∣staunce of your Epistle, and the whole force thereof concluded in a briefe forme in full proportionable partes and propositions. Behold therefore the whole forme & maner of your Sillogisme.

Maior.

* 1.1245Whosoeuer are enemyes of sounde doctrine, and do pro∣cure assured destruction and decay of honest conuersation of cyuill society: who may dought, but that the Prince may banish them farre from out her Realme, and that she ought not in any wise support them.

Minor.

The Lutheranes, wheresoeuer they sett foote on groūd, do infect the soundnes of doctrine as it were with a botche: they do kill mēs bodyes: they do destroy mens soules: they do disturbe the state of the common weale in sowyng sedi∣tions, they do ouerthrow lawfull Regimentes, they do sow abroad euery where outragious and close kyndes of licen∣tiousnes of lyfe, they doe tourne vpsidowne and bryng to confusion all lawes spirituall and politique.

Conclusion.

Ergo, Whosoeuer wilbe adiudged a godly Prince, & es∣pecially Queene Elizabeth, cā do nothyng better & more cōmodious, then to banish quyte frō out her Realme these pestilēt impostumes and Caterpillers of the earth, and ex∣clude them from all partakyng with the common wealth.

If this be not the whole drift of all your discourse, lett the matter it selfe conuince me. If it be so: lett vs then take a tast how coldly and vnskillfully you haue behaued your selfe in pro∣uyng

this Argument. For the proposition which you assume for matter confessed, and make the surest foundation of your whole discourse, what if we deny altogether at a word Osorius? to what end then will all your tedious lofty lauishenes puffed vpp with so many vayne and triflyng amplifications, and lyes tend? You do assume that all Lutheranes ought to be abandoned from out all common weales as open enemies of Religiō, ranke rebells, common Barretours and Traytours: On the contrary part, whereas we do affirme boldy that all your vayne suggestion a∣gaynst the Lutheranes is false, on their behalfe, & most true on the Papistes behalfe: hadd it not bene your part to haue Iusti∣fied first by probable and sure Argumentes the whole matter, which we do by good right and duely deny? yea with Scriptures and Doctours, if you be a learned Deuine? what? did you accōpt this sufficient proofe to perswade your Assertion, bycause your Lordshypp did boldly pronounce it to be so? or suppose you that there is no more required in an Accuser, but to rayle outragi∣ously and slaunderously, alleadgyng no firme, or honest proofe of y^e crimes, y^t be forged or forced agaynst the aduerse partie? I be∣seéch you good courteous Gentleman tell me for your courteous modesties sake: To hale men into hassard of their liues vpō trust of raungyng rumours (if not altogether innocent, yet altoge∣ther vnknowen to you) agaynst whom you are altogether vna∣ble to Iustifie any probable crime, besides bare and naked affir∣matiues: Is this to deale with Princes, and to write vnto Queénes? Doe you behaue your selfe at home with your owne Kyng in this wise, to accuse men, whom you know not, onely vp∣on Hearesay & reporte? And what if the Queéne her selfe, who by dayly proofe may be acquainted with the dayly conuersation of her Subiectes, better then Osorius beyng an alyen & straun∣ger, do of her owne knowledge feéle all this to be vntrue, which you so maliciously enforce? and in her secret conceipt doe vtter∣ly detest those your stinckyng lyes? haue you not made then a fayre speake? and geuen your selfe a foule fall without touche or trippe of your aduersary? Goe to yet: and what if some defect or disorder be in the Lutheranes lyues (as you call them) is this therefore by and by a good consequent, that whatsoeuer blemish or reproche be in mens conuersations shalbe forthwith impu∣ted

to the reproofe and reproche of doctrine? Did holy Diuinitie teache you to argue on this wise? or doth your Mistres Dame Slaunder rather teache you so to doe?

And thus much hitherto of your Epistle, not much vnlyke hereunto are all the rest y^t follow in all your Inuectiues against Haddon: which if any man will take the paynes to examine ex∣actlye by the common rules, and principles of Logick, as he shall finde in them many wordes nothing to the purpose: so shall he want two things, chiefly, and especially required in a deuine, namely, Trueth and Charitye.* 1.1246 Which two vertues the farther they be estraunged from your writinges, so much the more causelesse was your choler agaynst Haddon for his good coun∣sayle that he gaue you, and his iudgement, whereby he accomp∣ted you more lyke a Cobler, then a foreman of the shopp: vnapt and vnskilfull yet to cutt such large thonges out of other mens leather: And yet meaning nothing lesse herewith, then to dryue you frō touching y^e testament of Christ, whether because he con∣ceaued, that the labor which he employed vpon this kinde of exercise was either very small, or altogether fruitlesse: but ha∣uing regard rather to make manifest what the right considera∣tion of that doctrine is, and how much you were short yet of a true and perfect knowledge in the true doctrine of Diuinitye.

For if this be a true definition of Dyuinitye, that it be a pro∣fession of Gods heauenly wisedome and trueth: what one thing is more contrary and repugnaunt to Gods trueth, then your opiniōs? wherin you doe enterlace vntruethes for verityes, new∣fanglenesse for auncientye: mens traditions for true Dyuinitye: None otherwise then as false Pedlers are wont to choppe and chaunge false & deceitfull wares for good, or as some our horse-coursers in England vse to bring into open fayres, and markets outrydden Iades pampered vp in fleshe, fayre, braue and smoathe to the eye, garnished with fine Saddle and trappers, being o∣therwise full of windegalles, stuft with glaunders, yelowes, and hundred horse euills, vnprofitable and vnapt to hackney and to draw, or to carry: Sauing that this one difference is betwixt you and them: whereas they by crafty dissimulation, and artificiall Conueyaunce doe beguyle the simple, and such as be without skill: but you (as you seéme) vtter your wares not as of

any sett purpose or skilfull craft, but because you haue no better wares in stoare, and withall seéme not willing to buye any bet∣ter. But I will presse you no further: onely this one thing will I say: If your industry had bene employed in the study of holy Scriptures, as much as you would haue it seéme to be: truely I must neédes accompt you a very vnciuill and vngentle person, who couering your knowledge as it were vnder a Bushell, will vouchsafe to expresse out of that sacred treasury of holy Scrip∣tures so litle, and out of auncient Doctors scarse one sentence through out all this your whole discourse.

But hereof enough: It followeth now, that I touch some∣what of the manaces and threatninges of Haddon: with the force whereof he would make you dismayd, as you say in these wordes, wherewith you bring him selfe in place speakyng, and threatning you in this wise.* 1.1247 If you be determined to make a shew of your skill, to some of your owne faction, by ru∣shing so rudely vpon vs any more from henceforth. I tell you before hand, come heareafter better furnished then you be now. Further where you declare that it will come to passe that if you happen to dye, there will not want some that will breake of my force. These be the wordes of Haddon as Osorius doth cyte them: wherein I doe perceaue, that he doth not conceaue so much as by any probable coniecture, what the meaning of Had∣don is. For what doe these wordes emport els, then to sturre you vpp, and sett you on edge as it were by this frendly admo∣nition, to make you more earnestly bent to the reading of holy Scriptures? that if you did determine with your selfe to offer a∣ny freshe skarmish in this kinde of conflict, you might feéde your owne humour herein as you lifted, but yet you should foreseé to be better prouided with more skilfull, and more warrantable reasons, yea much more defensible, and armed as it were with armour of proofe:* 1.1248 for that you be perhappes to greéne a souldiour as yet, not able to endure the force of this Combat, with so slen∣der prouision. Well now, what kynde of threatninges be these good Syr, that may geaue you any cause of terror? After this Haddon proceadeth: & because he would not haue you deceaue your selfe with this vayne perswasion, as though there were not in England besides Haddon onely, any other which in this

defence of the Euangelicall veritye, both would, and could skil∣fully enough encounter with you by the helpe of Christ: herein lykewise hys meaning was to geue you to vnderstand: That you should finde here in England not one or two onely, but very many, not onely in our Churches, and vniuersityes also, but euen emongest the Courtyers, which did farre excell him in learning and know∣ledge, and were in all respectes comparable with you. These be Haddons wordes: wherein I seé a certein comparison made but no threatninges at all as yet.

Wherefore comfort your selfe Osorius, there be no bugges here to make you affrayd. And surely I can not choose but com∣mend you for your naturall countrey courage: which lyke a lusty Portingall Prelate, will not be dasht out of countenaunce for any bygge lookes of any of all those men, whom Haddon doth compare you withall: And in deéde there is no reason why you should. For why should Osorius be agast of seély English dwarfes or babish wretched Haddons? And yet though you be without all feare of men, it will not be the least commendation of your wisedome, to feare the Lord your God Osorius, and to stand in awe of hys threatnings. For being so studious a Reader of holy Scripture, you can not be ignoraunt of the plagues which the Lord doth threaten to the Enemies of his Gospell: for how sharpely and greuously he will be auenged of such, the dayly and continuall examples of his wrath may be good lessous and war∣nynges vnto you. Lett the recordes of Historyes be perused, if your memory comprehend it not: what happened to the Empe∣rour Sigismund and his whole forlorne houshold, not long after the death and Martyrdome of Iohn Husse?* 1.1249 what chaunced also to Iulian the Cardinall? and to themperour Albert sonne in law to Sigismund, after the Tyranny executed agaynst the Bohemi∣ans? what fortuned to Henry the 2. the French King? what al∣so to Francisce the 2. his Sonne? lykewise also what happened to Charles the 9? his other Sonne after the great murther and slaughter in Fraunce. Were not Syr Thomas Moore and Ro∣ffensis (after they had burned Iohn Fryth that excellent learned young man and his companion) imediately after committed to prison, and suffred iust plague for their vniust crueltye? And to passe ouer other,, what end Eckius and Iames Latomus came

vnto, I suppose you be not ignoraunt. Mary Queéne of Eng∣land, after she had consumed so many godly Martyrs to Ashes, being first forsaken of her husband, and afterwardes raught a∣way so quickly, with such an vntymely death, shall we thinke the same came to passe without some great iudgement of God? Can you tell vs of nothing happening in your owne Countrey of Portingall, after the horrible tortures and execution of William Gardiner, which might haue bene a manifest token of Gods vengeaunce agaynst you?

But why doe I stay vpon these? when as besides these, infinite lyke presidentes be manifestly extaunt, which ought worthely to terrify you and others also in the lyke. For as for those Eng∣lishmen whom Haddon doth make mencion of, there is no cause why you should be discouraged. Especially sithence this litle Island is (as your selfe doth confesse) replenished with so many notable godly men, excellent of witt, of learning and of pietye, who will neuer molest you as you say,* 1.1250 because they doe wonderfully agree and consent with you in Religion. &c. Surely Osorius in this you lye nothing at all: wherein yet you haue forgottē somewhat your olde wont. For this is to true that you speake, that here be ouermanye companyons and confederates of your errors in this Realme? whereof some are roonne away of late, more afrayd a great deale then hurt. There be behind yet many tarryers,* 1.1251 I will not say Traytors to the Common weale, whose witt and learning as we doe not despise, so also doe we not feare any harme they can do vs: for there is no question to be made at all of their witt, nor of their learning, but of other matters, the direction and dispo∣sition whereof resteth wholy in the power of the Lord, and not in any pollicye or force of men. Lett these therefore whosoeuer they be whom you prayse so much, haue their deserued prayse for their excellencye of learning, and actyuitye of witt, as much as you will: who if they be of your sect may happely be learned, doughtlesse godly they can not be. Agayne if they be godly, I am sure they will neuer agreé with you in thys Doctryne. But as for mens agreément in opinion, is not so much materiall. Neyther is any part of our cōtrouersye at this present, touching matters determinable by common consent, multitude, or wittes

of men: but must be decided by the infallible and vnchaungeable rules, & ordinaunces of y^e sacred Scriptures: whereunto if your opinions be consonant, as meéte is, we will all together lyke∣wise consent and agreé with you: If otherwise, what shall it pre∣uaile you to be lincked in any vniforme consent of those men, though they be neuer so excellently well learned, but onely that you may seéme to become a raunging rouer emongest straggling Starters?

From thence you proceéd, leauing them, whom you say be of your minde, and turne backe agayne to these Lutheranes and Haddonistes.* 1.1252 Who if would contend with you, as you say, with reasons, with argumentes, or with Testimonies you promise that you will not refuse the conflict. But if they will brawle with cauntes and cursed speaking, you will not be persuaded by any meanes to make them any aunswere. &c. Loe here a very pleasaunt panion and Maister of his Arte: After y^t your gaye goodly choler had cought vpp as many slaun∣derous & reprochfull croomes, as it could, euē to y^e casting vpp of your gorge, to the poysoning and infecting of godly and lear∣ned personages: now at the last you prohibite them for pleading their causes: least happely some one or other in making his pur∣gation, will s••••t somewhat neare your holy Reuerent skirtes, or least with some corrysiue in aūsweryng, he frett to much vpon the skabbe of your delicate conscience. For that your Nature is of that complexion,* 1.1253 as will not lightly be offended with a∣ny slaūderous toūges, nor accompt it any ioate praysewor∣thy to exceede by any meanes in so filthy a kynde of conten∣tion. Moreouer that it is no wisedome to spend your tyme so vnprofitably, whereof you haue skarse any breathing from other more weighty af••ayres. And therefore if Haddō or any other of that Crew shalbe so disposed as to rush vp∣on you with snatching and taunting more rigorously, then shall beseeme them: you will geue them free skoape to chauffe, foame and exclayme agaynst you as much as they list, and as much as they can. And that it is not conuenient for your personage in respect of the charge that is commit∣ted vnto you, that either you ought to be distempered with rayling, or that you should aunswere to all cursed speaking.

If to these wordes and speéches all his other doinges and writinges were in eche respect correspondent, what siner man might any man finde in this world? what more noble mind? what more excellent nature? which hauing so throughly mortified his affections, will not suffer him selfe to become impatiēt with any iniuries or rayling raging agaynst him? But if his doinges be called to an accompt before strickt Inquisitors: and if they will examine his wordes by his deédes: I beseéch you gentle Syr where was this mildnesse of spirit so gloriously commended by your selfe? where was this lenity of nature? where was this con∣tempt of reproches exiled at that time, whenas your reuerence being neuer prouoked with any iniury offered of our natiō, nor so much as euer molested by word, could not measure your inso∣lent malice, and wrath, nor make any end of slaundering, back∣biting, and rayling in so excessiue outrage, agaynst the godly and learned Preachers of Christ, both altogether vnknowen vnto you, and withall neuer deseruing to be thought ill of at your handes? Euery man must suffer the penalty of the breach of Law that himselfe maketh sayth Ausonius:* 1.1254 You require vs to cutt of all contentious brawling, and to deale with you with sound Ar∣gumentes and Testimonyes. We do like well your law. For what can be more seémely for discreét Deuines, then a calme and peaceable modesty in disputation, not disquieted with any natu∣rall motions, nor waxing wroth with other mens rayling? But who doth obserue this order that you doe prescribe worsse then your selfe good Syr? If wāt of time, which you alleage in excuse, or consideration of your function (as you say) be such an estoppell vnto you, that you haue no leysure to aunswere to all mens ray∣linges, how is it thē y^t in this your aūswere to Haddō, be so ma∣ny slaūders heaped vpp vpon slaūders? so muche rayling in such skorpionlike nipping & bitternesse? wherein how vnmeasurably lauish you seéme beyond all cōsideratiō of your personage, all this your owne whole discourse remayneth a sufficient witnes against you, w^ch doth breath out, bray out, and spew out nothing els but flames, fierbrāds, furyes, botches, madnes, frensies, outrages, droūkenes, feuers, childishnes, Sathās, Deuilles, Treasons, false Prophets, Coyners of a new Gospel, subuer∣tours of vertue, Enemies of theyr countrey and of Religiō,

Churchrobbers, most abhominable, the destruction and pestilent Cōtagion of the whole world, and what not? But if this outragious licentiousnes of your unmoderate wilfu••lnes might haue bene satisfied with threé or foure tauntes and slaun∣derous reproches, it might haue bene pardonable: as seémyng some escape issuing somewhat vnaduisedly rather in some heate of disputation, then of any naturall greédynesse of curssed speak∣ing. Now what is your whole aunswere els almost, then a conti∣nuall processe, and an vncessaunt course of cursed raylyng? You begynn with cauillyng, you proceéde with slaunderyng, and end with rayling.

Neuerthelesse after all these tragicall outragies wherewith you haue prouoked both the wrath of the Lord, and teazed all godly personages agaynst you so insolently, you do now at the length challenge other men to keépe modesty. If any man (saye you) do write agaynst me: if he will argue with reason, with Argumentes, or with Testimonyes, I will not refuse the Challenge, &c. And herewithall in the meane space is enterla∣••ed a place of S. Paule.* 1.1255 Whereby we be taught to eschew the company of endurate heretyques after once or twise admonition, forasmuch as they be condemned by theyr owne iudgement. Which Rule of y^e Apostle if must be obserued duely, as it ought to be, surely there is nothing of more force, to maintaine our departure fromout your papisticall Seé. For if we be commaūded by the authority of the Apostle to auoyde the company of such, as being once or twise warned, will not be con∣uerted from theyr waywarde obstinacye in error, what fellow∣shipp and partaking ought we to haue with such a conuenticle, which being polluted with so many more then hereticall errors, which being so bastardly estraunged and defiled with so heathe∣nish Idolatry, with such absurde Traditions, and so manifest blasphemies, doth not onely couple with this filthye stenche of Deuelish doctrine, sciffenecked and obstinate supportaūce, but also adde thereunto a more then Pharisaicall and Tyrannicall persecution?

Wherefore in that you thinke it best to passe ouer and eschew our society from henceforth, therein follow your owne affection Osorius a gods name. But whereas you geue vs full skoape to

frett, fume, & exclayme as much as we lyste, truely we are not so mynded, nor affectioned to rush so rudely into other mens in∣terest, as to seéke to disfraūchise you of your froward, malapert sawcinesse, whiche by the law of Armes you haue so valiantlye wonne in the field. And therefore you shall freély and without impeachment continew still your possession as in your owne pro∣per Title: From the which we do so much the rather disclayme, because in this kinde of faculty you doe excell, and are Mayster of the Craft. But lett vs heare this most milde Byshopp reason∣ing with this vnquiet Haddon.

I did neuer prouoke you (say you) by word or writing beyng a mā that I neuer knew.* 1.1256 Myne Epistle which you doe infame with slaūderous railyng is cleare from all vnseeme∣ly speeches: vnlesse perhappes you will say that a most iust quarrell, and a true discouery of Errors and wickednesse, is a kinde of reproche. &c. First I will say somewhat touching your Epistle: and of Haddon shall be spoken afterwardes. Now therefore, were your wittes distempered with wyne when you wrate this Epistle? haue you forgottē now what you wrate then? If your Epistle haue not one reprochefull word, I beseéche you what name shall we geue to these wordes wherewith you rage not onely agaynst Luther, as though he were a dissolute persō, a common Barretor and manqueller, but withall agaynst all the congregation of those, which professe the true Gospell of Christ? agaynst whom you be carried with more then a Carterly kinde of rayling with foule mouth and most slaunderous Tauntes:* 1.1257 As men that raging in maddnesse, doe rend in sunder all esta∣blished orders of law and Religion. Pag. 14. who with their frantyque preaching and bookes do exile all shamefastnes: do put honesty to slight: do treade vnder foote all lawes po∣sitiue and politique: do proclayme hauocke of sinning, de∣file Temples, skorne holynes: do support vnshamefastnesse, do supplāt all Christiā society with most horrible fierbrādes of discord. Pag. 15. all whose enterprises tend to none o∣ther end, then that spoyling Princes of theyr liues they may conspyre with full consentes agaynst the vtter rooting out of theyr dignityes and honours, some of whom they haue raught hence already by poyson, and some others they doe 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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practise to destroy with the sword. Pag. 16. Finally he cal∣leth them false Prophetts. Pag. 34. Who wheresoeuer they sett foote on ground, of purpose to enforce theyr Gospell vpon the ignoraūt, they are so farr of from Reformation of maners, that they doe defile all thinges with muche more stench then they found it, who do abandone ciuility: geue skoape for couetousnesse to raunge riotously: and renoun∣cing all feare of God graunt free libertye to doe all maner mischieues, without cōtrollement in such shamelesse care∣lessenesse, that they seeme to wish nothing rather, thē to see vtter confusion of all thinges. Pag. 30. Who be not onelye of themselues estraunged from all honesty, but accompt it yea and ratify it for matter as haynous also as hygh Treasō if any man dare be so bolde to vow perpetuall Chastity for Religion sake. Pag. 22. Who also do affirme that it is wic∣ked to be sorrowfull for sinne. Pag. 27. And do say that sor∣rowfull teares do emport a weakenesse & wāt of fayth. pag. 26. And this much of y^e professors of y^e gospell: Now let vs heare his blasphemous tongue touching the Gospell it selfe, & y^e doc∣trine thereof, which he doth call by y^e name of a Secte. For these be his wordes. Beleeue me gracious Queene (sayth he) this secte, which for our sinnes hath inuaded many partes of Christendome, is the ruine of Cōmōweales, the Canker of Ciuilitie, the dissipation of the Realme, and the small destru∣ction of princely renowme. Pag. 17. And in an other place making mēcion of y^e same Gospell he doth exclame on this wise O Gospell full of conspiracye and false dissimulation: for it promiseth lardge good thinges and procureth present infection: it maketh a fayre countenaunce of hope of Free∣dome, and it cloggeth with yoakes of intollerable bon∣dage: it doth persuade with glauering allurements of pre∣sent felicity, & afterwardes it drowneth the soule in deepe doungeon of dispayre: it preacheth a direct way vnto hea∣uen, and them that trust vpon assuraunce thereof, it doth throw downe headlong into hell. Page. 32. And agayne: proceading in y^e same Epistle, doth geue this iudgemēt of y^e doc∣trine of the Gospellers: that he affirmeth it to be wholy pat∣cht together of the craftes and subtiltyes of Sathā. Pag. 35.

I haue now rehearsed your owne wordes Osorius if at least they be your owne wordes, and not some other guest of yours, not all of the best: which how farre doe differ from reprochefull and slaunderous raylyng in your eye, I know not: But in my conceipt it appeareth none otherwise, then if some Poet would rayse vp some Furyes of hell as Megera or Alecto, out of that fiery lake to lye and to rayle, he could not haue imagined any o∣ther speaches more apt, & appropried to all reprochefullnesse then this your Epistle seémeth to be. Wherefore as you can not make your Epistle excusable of most haynous slaunderyng, without a most manyfest lye: so is that also in no respect more true: wherein you doe accuse Haddon of the same cryme.

Who being (as you say) neuer knowen to you,* 1.1258 nor euer prouoked by you with any euill word, yet doth gnawe your Epistle with slaunderous teeth, and doth rushe ragingly v∣pon you as it were a wilde Boare deadly wounded with the hunters speare. In good sooth Osorius you doe very lyuely represent vnto vs, a singuler patterne of that olde Phariseé in the Gospell: who very briefly beholding a very small moate in his brothers eye, was not able to discerne a monstruous beame in his own eye: so forcible is the dazeled blindenes of selfe Loue. For euen with lyke insensibiltye doth Osorius, beyng himselfe a very cursed speaker, expostulate with Haddon about cursed speaking.* 1.1259 You say he was neuer prouoked by you. In deéde neuer by name I confesse. But when as that your beastly Epi∣stle and mōstruous Antithesis, then the which I neuer sawe any more foolishely talkatiue, did rayle agaynst so many godly perso∣nages, he being one of the same noumber, and vnder the same predicamēt of them that were slaundered, could not but acknow∣ledge the common quarrell and iniurye of others to be stretched out also vnto himselfe. And therefore made aunswere in his owne and their behalfe, though not without his owne furniture and pollicye, yet much more modestly, I will not say then be∣came him: surely more quietly a great deale, then such an Im∣portunate aduersary deserued: for so was it requisite according to your desert Osorius, that you should not haue hadd a more entreatable aunswerer: but a farre other maner of aunswere, that might haue blazed out your armes in their right colours,

and haue paynted you out altogether according to your due de∣seruings. But Haddon thought it better to haue cōsideration of publique humanity, then of his owne priuate griefe. And yet as though he attempted all the force & sharpenesse of his penne agaynst you: it is a wonder to seé what mounteynes you rend a∣broade, because he was not impeached (as you saye) nor teazed with any iniurious word of yours. Go to then, And howe had the people and Natiō of England displeased you that you must neédes rage so rudely agaynst them, rather then Haddon might agaynst you? For so you proceade: And yet he runneth furiously agaynst me, as though it were (say you) a wylde Boare deadly wounded with some boarspeare. &c. How furiously I pray you, I would fayne learne? what? Because he doth commend your witt? prayse your dexteritye of nature? aduaunce your Eloquence?* 1.1260 and highly esteéme your bookes? and especially that which you wrate of Nobilitye (as your selfe cōfesse no lesse) is this the part of a madd man? or the courteous commendation of a frendly wellwiller? And here I beseéch theé (gentle Reader) Iudge with me herein indifferently: what dif∣ference there is betwixt the disposition of these two, Haddon and Osorius: wherof the one doth with frendly prayses ad∣uaunce the style, the Eloquence, and artificiall disposition of wordes in Osorius: thother a most vngratefull creature of man, and beast, blynded with selfe loue, drowned in malice, swallow∣ed vpp with his owne conceipt, doth so not vouchsafe a man in all mens Iudgements graue, wise, and excellently learned, one ynche so much of commendable place emongest the learned, that he shameth not to condemne him, euen of most base ignoraunce, & extreame childishnes: as one y^t is not able to expres by mouth his owne meaning, and can vtter nothing purely, nothing ful∣ly, nothing playnely. Wherein I doe now appeale to the Rea∣ders iudgemēt, whether Haddon doth rage more agaynst Oso∣rius lyke a furyous Boare: or whether Osorius doe more im∣pudently lye agaynst Haddon lyke a shamelesse Goate. But be∣cause these meadowes haue bene reasonably well ouerflowed al∣readye, I thinke it not amisse to shutt vpp the hatches here.

This Enterlude is at the length come now to the last cast: wherein this tourne coate getting a new Coape vpon his back,

and putting on an other visor vpon his face, doth chaunge him∣selfe (as it were) into an Angell of light. A man would veryly thinke, that some one of the superexcellent Seraphycall sort of the ix. orders of Aungells were flowen downe frō heauen, spea∣king with whotte burning zeale of Charitye.* 1.1261 Where calling God himselfe to be his wittnes and Iudge, he doth binde himselfe with a most holy protestatiō: that we should firme∣ly beleeue that he vndertooke not this trauaile of wryting agaynst Haddō as vrged thereūto for any other cause, then of a very earnest desire and zealous affection vnto pure and most sincere Religiō. We haue heard of his affection. Now let vs harken to the dutyfull loue of Christian Charity, & more thē brotherly compassion of his, and lett vs weépe with him for ioy. For on this wise he doth proceéde. If you did know (sayth he) how great compassion I take of you: with what deepe de∣sire I am rauished for your sauetye (that as it is the part of a good Christian man,* 1.1262 I would willingly suffer losse of lyfe for you, and for your Countrymens sake) Surely you would become frendes with me. &c. If the duetyes and partes of true Loue and charitye may be valued by wordes, and not by matter, what can be found more vertuous then this minde? what may seéme more louing? or more fully replenished with charitable zeale of our sauety? For what loue can be greater thē for a man to yeald ouer his owne lyfe, for an other mans safety? But if you will vouchsafe to compare these wordes written here with the slaunders, Tauntes, and Reproches which are skat∣tered euery where before, and will examine Osorius thoroughly within and without: I am afrayd a man shall not finde him the man in proofe, that appeareth before in wordes: but a cleane contrary conditioned man, nor very much differing from the shape of those, whom Cicero doth not vnfittly decypher vnto vs.* 1.1263 Of all the kindes of fraude and vnrighteous dealing, there is none more pestilent (sayth he) then the craft of those men, which when they doe deceaue most, will so handle the matter, that they may be taken for very honest men: Not much vnlyke hereunto seé∣meth to haue happened in Osorius at this present. For after that he hath slaundered and rayled (lyke a common skold in a Cage) in backbyting and reuyling the names and cōuersations of men,

whose lyfe he neuer knew, nor vnderstandeth their doctrine, yea and with such an insolent kinde of sawcynesse, nypping and skof∣fing, that no common Barretor could haue more fiercely exclay∣med agaynst the most Rascall in the world, nor haue forged more shamelesse lyes: tourning now his Typpett about, doth beginne to doe, as many men wont to doe, which through ma∣lice haue wounded any one greuously on the headd, will thinke to salue the iniury agayne, with puttyng the cappe on the headd, and telling him a mery tale of Robin Hoodde.

Semblably Osorius hauing well whett his owne humor vpō reproches and slaunders, being otherwise vnsatiable with any cursed speaking, outragiously raging in all manner of filthy∣nesse agaynst them whom he doth not know: & hauyng dischar∣ged his stomake of the very gall of his Melancholy, doth now endeuor to perswade, & thereunto pledgeth his faith with solēne protestation, that all his wordes and deédes before were not pro∣cured of any prouocation of hatred or malice, but proceaded frō very pure loue of godly affection, and from most hartye desire of our safetye. Well thē, Sithence you will haue it so Osorius & because you make so solemne a protestation: we doe beleéue your oath, that you did write this vnfaynedly, with all your hart, not of any malice at all, but simply, of a very Catholicke zeale and charitie. But yet we can not but maruell much, what kinde of Charity this may be, that rageth so cruelly? gnaweth, skra∣peth, and roumbleth so pestiferously? howbeit we doe not deny but that charitye is sometyme moued with choler, and hath her proper chydings and chastisements according to the misticall Sonett of the Prophett.* 1.1264 The Righteous man shall smite me frēd∣ly, and reproue me, but the precious balmes of the vngodly shall not breake my headd. But to forge manyfest lyes agaynst them that you know not: to beare false wittnes agaynst your neyghbors, to rayle with most reprochefull blasphemies agaynst the Testa∣mēt of the lyuing God, & to teach Princes to rage agaynst their Subiectes, is this a poynt of Charitye? or an euident badge of that horrible hellhounde, which is a lyer, and a manqueller frō the beginning? But there is no neéde now to rippe vpp a freshe rehearsall of those vnmeasurable and incredible lyes, slaunders and blasphemies, wherewith this your volume is fully fraught

and stuft euery where.

But this in the meane space doth seéme to carry a wonder∣full shew of marueilous Charity:* 1.1265 Whereas he affirmeth that he will willingly lose his life for our sauety: To contemne death boldely in wordes is a very common practise in many mē and to make stought bragges of vndaunted courage, especially when no perill is in place. So seémed Peter chearefully willing to dye for his Lord and Maister, whiles all thinges were calme & no Ieoperdy thought vpon: which foreward stomake neuer∣thelesse immediately vpō the sight of present perill vanished a∣way into flatt deniall of his Master. But thanked be God, there is no cause why you should offer any such hassard of life in our behalfes good Syr. For as concerning the safety of our soules: (we are well assured) is firmely grounded vpon an vnpenetrable rocke, not vpon your death which can auayle vs nothing at all, but vpon the death of the sonne of the liuing Lord. Therefore if the care that you take for our saluation, you will employe dili∣gently for your owne preseruation, you shall in my iudgement so much the better prouide for your selfe, by how much you be now more farther of, and more daungerously distaunt from the right rule and course of the truth. For if according to your Rhe∣thorick, the way for vs to saluation & to the hope of eternall feli∣city,* 1.1266 be none otherwise open then being atchiued by godly actions and excellent integrity of lyfe: And if thys be the onely righteousnesse (as you say) wherewith the fauour of God is procured to mankynde. Pag. 142. Then what doth this your doctrine emport els, thē to forclose you & vs both frō all passable way to heauēly inheritaunce? for where shall we finde that excellency of integritye? where shall we finde that absolute righteousnesse whereof you bragge so much, which in equall bal∣launce is able to counteruayle the iudgement of God? Surely not in England you will say, nor in any common weale of the Lutherans: who do set theyr foote on no ground, but that they do infect the same with all stench and abhominable contagion. Emongest the Portingalls therfore hope I, where a man may be bolde to say, be no hedgcreépers men, but Golden Aungelles, flying abroad. Truly, that is well. And how commeth it to passe then that emongest those Aungelles, so many of all sortes, men

and weomen be daylye seéne in your publique assemblies, to scourge and teare their naked carkasses, with greéuous whipps, and bloody lashes? I would fayne learne of you whether they doe it for any theyr good deédes? or els for their offences and sinnes?

What meaneth Osorius himselfe in this, that he so holy a Fa∣ther doth so often roonne to reitterate confessions? lett him aun∣swere at his best leisure, whether he confesse his good deédes or his wicked: Wherefore if neither this reuerend Byshopp, so cu∣rious a carper of other mens faultes, is able to behaue himselfe so precisely, but that he must fleé dayly with vs to the mercy seate and compassion of God: where be then these glorious crakes of integrity? or whyther will your integrity & absolute perfection addresse vs to seéke out this superexcellent excellency that you boast vpon so much? Peraduenture to Platoes common weale, or to Moores Vtopia, or els to the goodly fieldes in hell, whereof the Poets make mention: for without question it can not possibly be found any where in this common course of vniuersall imbe∣cillity of nature.

But euen as it is reported, that Xenophon the wise Phi∣losopher of Athenes did in the describing of the famous vertues of Cyrus, imagine him to be not such a one as he was in deéde, but such a one as he ought to haue bene: and to haue expressed his wished and harty desire, rather then any true description of the Prince according to the very nature of a description histori∣call. So do I suppose y^t Osorius hath a will to teach vs not so much what we be, but what we ought to be, and so purposed in his mind to make a proofe of the force of his eloquence, what it were able to doe, in the extolling the prayse and commendation of vertue. And hereof who can either be ignoraunt or doubtfull, that all our actions and course of life ought to excell in such a perfection,* 1.1267 that there neéded no supply to be required to absolute and Angelicke integrity? the which neither the Prophane Philo∣sophers before the birth of Christ, neither the Pharises had any feéling of without Christ, no more did they expresse the same in the dutifull affayres of their life, who being altogether estraun∣ged from the knowledge of Christian Religion, were neuerthe∣lesse not ignoraunt hereof, that all mans felicity consisted wholy

in vertue onely and ciuill direction of life: and that it was vertue onely which alone could make a passable way for godly minds to attayne euerlasting felicity: the likelihood whereof as many their notable lessons did aboundantly declare, so aboue all other who can wonder enough at that heauenly voyce of Scipio the Ro∣mayne surnamed Affricanus being an Ethnicke? whereof Mar∣cus Cicero doth make relatiō in his Treatize called the dreame of Scipio.* 1.1268 Writing on this wise.

There is (sayth he) a certayne sure and determined place reserued in heauē for all such as do pre∣serue, ayd, & aduaunce their natiue coūtrey, where they shall liue in euerlasting felicity for euer and euer. There is nothing more accep∣table to that high and mighty God, that guideth and ruleth all the world, amongest all the actions of men, then counsailes, corporations and societies of men lincked and knitt together with orders and lawes: which are called Citties. &c.

If we regard the iudgement of the flesh, what sentence cann be spoken more plausible or more notable in the singler commen∣dation of vertue then this was? which doth assure the good deser∣uinges and mutuall amities of men ech towardes other exerci∣sed here of eternall and infallible rest and ioyes in heauen. Go to. And what is it els almost that this diuinitye of Osorius doth trayne vs vnto, then to teach y^e very same y^t Scipio the Romaine did? namely: That there is no passable way to the attaynmēt of the blessed felycyty of eternall lyfe, then that whych is atchyeued by godly actions wyth an absolute integryty of excellent life. Pag. 32.

But heauenly Philosophy doth direct vs a farre more neare way: The heauenly Scholemaister doth out of heauen display a∣broad, and chalke vs out a speédier way and an easier iourney to∣wardes heauen, teaching vs in the Gospell on this wise.

I am (sayth he) the way, the trueth, and the life:

* 1.1269 Neither will Osorius deny this to be true (I know) in word, but in deéd what doth he els then deny it? For to admitt him his saying, y^t there is no pass∣able way to heauen, but which is purchased with absolute per∣fection of life: what may we winne hereof els, but y^t this way to heauē be not Christ? but y^e speciall prerogatiue of our owne pur∣chase? So y^t by this reasō, if our owne industry do satisfy all thin∣ges: what neéd is there of Christ thē? or to what vse will his death

and passion auayle? yes forsooth to this purpose you will say: that by the merite of his passiō, he may purchase for vs the grace and gift of sanctification & regeneration: wherewith being once en∣dued, hereof fortwith springeth that excellency of absolute per∣fection, and other ornamentes of charity and vertues, which will make vs an easy passage into the kingdome of heauen: What then? doe you so depaynt vs out the whole office and power of Christ in this one onely action, namely y^t he shall powre out vpō vs new qualityes & godly actions, by the Deuine operation of the holy ghost? what? doth he not redeéme vs also? doth he not iu∣stify vs, and reconcile vs? yes. What els, you will say. Doth he iustify all men without exception? or the faythfull onely? if he doe iustify them onely that do beleue: I do demaūd further, what the cause is why they be iustified? Is it for their faythes sake? or for their workes sake? If it be for their faythes sake, I aske againe, whether for faith onely? or faith ioyned w^t good workes? I do here expect some oracle frō you for an aūswere hereunto. If you finde y^t there is no hope of any thing to be iustified by w^tout fayth, then must you neédes alter your foundation, that you grounded vpon before, to witt, That there is no passable way to heauen but whych is atchyued wyth godly actions of thys lyfe. Pag. 32. And that it is onely righteousnesse that doth obtayne the fauour of God to Mankynde. Pag. 142. And in an other place. That fayth onely, is onely rashnesse. Pag. 74. What? shall fayth therefore be quite banished away?

No, but you will couple her with some copemate: that nei∣ther Fayth without the company of good workes, nor workes without the cōpany of Fayth may be able to procure righteous∣nes. But this knott will the aucthoritie of y^e Scriptures easily cracke in peéces:* 1.1270 for if Fayth onely doe not aduaunce y^e faythfull to saluation, except it be coupled with excellēt integritie of life: why did not Christ thē couple them together, whē he spake sim∣ply, Hè that beleeueth in me hath euerlasting life? Why did not Peter couple them together, when he doth preach Remission of Sinnes vnto all as many as doe beleeue in his name? prouyng the same by the Testimonies of the Prophetes. Act. 10.* 1.1271 why did not Paule couple them together. Actes. 16.* 1.1272 where he instructeth y^e Gaylor in Fayth?

Beleeue (sayth he) in the Lord Iesus, and thou

and all thy houshold shalbe saued.

Many Sentences might be vouched purportyng the same in effect: but it shall suffice to haue noted these fewe for breuities sake. The History of the Galathians is notably knowen, who beyng seduced by the false Apostles, did not simply reuolt frō Christ, nor did simply aban∣done their Fayth in Christ, but endeuoured to couple the good workes of y^e beleéuers together with Fayth in y^e Article of Iusti∣fication before God for the attaynemēt of lyfe euerlastyng: On which behalfe how sternely and sharpely the Apostle did reproue them, his owne Epistle beareth sufficient Testimony.

But here commeth a Reply by and by out of the same Epi∣stle,* 1.1273 where writyng to the Galathians, he doth treate vpon such a fayth as doth worke by loue. Upon this place Osorius agreé∣yng with the Tridentine Councell doth builde an vnseparable coniūction of Fayth and Charitie together:* 1.1274 so that Fayth with∣out Charitie as an vnshapen and vnformed Image, is altoge∣ther vneffectuall to the absolute fullnes and perfect accomplish∣ment of righteousnes: But that Charitie (which they call a righ∣teousnesse cleauyng fast within vs) is so vnable to be seuered a sunder from the worke of Iustification, that they dare boldly pronoūce, that it is the onely formall cause of our Iustification.

To satisfie this place of S. Paule, here is an easie and a Re∣solute aunswere. For in the same Epistle: the Apostle doth en∣deuour by all meanes possible, to call backe agayne his Gala∣thians to the onely righteousnesse of Fayth, from whence they were backslyden: and withall bycause they should not be seduced with a vayne persuasion of counterfaict Fayth, he doth discouer vnto them, what kynde of Fayth it is, which he doth meane. Not the fayth that is idle, and dead without workes, but which doth worke by Fayth (sayth he) And in this respect, it is most true that Fayth is not alone. But what maner of concludyng an Argument is this.

Liuely Fayth is not alone without Charitie.

Ergo,* 1.1275 Not Fayth onely, but coupled with Charitie doth Iustifie.

The Argument that is deriued from thynges setterer by nature, to thynges coupled by nature, concludyng from that which is Secundum quid, ad Simpliciter, is worthely reiected in

the Logicians Schoole, and is called a meére Sophistication. If all thyngs that goe commonly after a certein maner together, & be done together must be coupled & applyed to one and the selfe same operation̄, by this Reason it must come to passe, that he that hath feéte, eyes, and eares, and haue them not by them selues a∣lone, therefore he shalbe supposed to goe not vpon his feéte one∣ly, but to walke vpon his eyes,* 1.1276 and to seé with his eares. For the matter goeth none otherwise in Fayth, Hope, and Charitie: which threé heauenly Iewelles albeit be instilled into vs by the freé liberalitie of God with Remission of Sinnes, and cleaue fast within one subiect: yet euery of them are distinguished by their seuerall properties and functions notwithstandyng. As for Example.* 1.1277 If a question be demaunded, what thyng it is that doth Iustifie vs in the sight of God, and obteine vs euerlastyng lyfe? I doe aunswere: that it is Fayth, yea and Fayth onely: If you demaunde by what meanes? I do aunswere, through Ie∣sus Christ the Mediatour. Agayne if you aske what kynde of Fayth that is? I do aunswere: not an idle, nor a dead Fayth: but a liuely Fayth,* 1.1278 and a workyng Fayth. If you will demaunde further by what markes you may be able to discerne a true Fayth from a false Fayth? S. Paule will make aunswere vnto you: The true Fayth is that, which worketh by Charitie. If you will demaunde further yet, what this Fayth worketh? I doe aunswere accordyng to the seuerall properties thereof, two ma∣ner of wayes, namely: Fayth worketh Saluation thorough Christ: and it worketh obedience of the law by Charitie: what? absolute obedience? I doe not thinke so. What then? vnperfect obedience? But such a Fayth must neédes be insufficient to the full measure of absolute righteousnesse and perfect felicity. And where is now that excellent integritie of lyfe which doth pur∣chase vs a way into the kyngdome of heauen? where is the effec∣tualnesse of Charitie auayleable to eternall lyfe? where is that solemne Decreé of that Tridentine Coūcell, which doth ascribe the onely begynnyng of our Iustification to Fayth,* 1.1279 but maketh the Formall cause thereof onely Charitie, as a certein new kynde of obedience (which they call a righteousnesse cleauyng fast with∣in vs) whereby we are not onely accompted righteous, but be both truely called righteous, and be also truely righteous in

the sight of God. Annexing thereunto a very dreadfull and ter∣rible curse.* 1.1280

If any man dare presume to say, that man is iustified ei∣ther by the onely Imputation of Christes Righteousnesse, or by onely Remission of Sinnes, excludyng Grace and Charitie which is poured forth into their hartes by the ho∣ly Ghost, and cleaueth fast within them: or if any man will presume to say, that the Grace, whereby we be Iustified is the onely fauour and mercy of God. Lett him stand accur∣sed. And agayne in the Cannon followyng.* 1.1281

If any man dare presume to say,* 1.1282 that Iustifiyng Fayth is nothyng els, then a Cōfidence of Gods mercy, forgeuyng Sinnes for Christes sake, or to be that onely affiaūce where∣by we be Iustified, lett hym be holden accursed.

Behold here, learned Reader a notable Decreé of this Coun∣cell: which when these graue Fathers did coyne, may any man dought, but that the Maister of the Familie was a sleépe, when the enuious mā did scatter abroad darnell emongest his wheate?* 1.1283 They doe discourse and determine vpon Iustification, but none otherwise then as they might argue in Aristotles schoole, about naturall causes, or powers of the soule. For how much more nycely could Aristotle him selfe the Prince of the Peripa∣teticall Schoole dispute, if he hadd accōpanyed them, and deba∣tyng this cause together with that Ghostly Councell, then Oso∣rius and the Tridentine Deuines did Philosophically dispute of the formall cause of Iustification? which consideration of doc∣trine if must be holden for an infallible foundation, then lett vs be bold, and blush not to roote out withall, the whole natiue and essentiall substaunce of all mysticall Diuinitie, and lett vs ra••e out the very foundations of all our Religion. For if the state of our Saluation be come to this passe, that it must be established by merites, & not by freé Imputation onely: where then is that righteousnesse, which is called the righteousnesse of Fayth? the force and power whereof is so highely and often aduaunced by Paule, what shall become of the difference betwixt the law and the Gospell? which if be not obserued very diligently, we shall wander and straggle blindely in the course of the Scriptures, none otherwise then as wantes and rearemyce at the bright

beames of the cleare Sunne? Moreouer what shall become of that Antithesis of Paule betwixt the righteousnesse of the law and Fayth? betwixt grace and merite? what shall become of all that excluding of glorious boastyng vpon workes? where is that Fayth Imputed to Abraham for righteousnesse? Moreouer how shall this saying of Paule agreé with these Tridentine Lawge∣uers? to witte.* 1.1284 Not to him that worketh, but vnto him that belee∣ueth on him that doth Iustifie the wicked & Sinner, Fayth is impu∣ted for righteousnesse. Moreouer what shall become of those ex∣ceptiue, & exclusiue sentēces of S. Paule? wherein all the consi∣deration of our Saluation beyng taken away from confidence in workes, is ascribed wholy to Imputation? Finally what shall become of all those sweét and most amiable promises of God? if according to the rule of this doctrine, we shalbe excluded from our assurednesse of Saluation and Gods freé imputation?

* 1.1285We do heare the Lord promising in the Gospell. When you haue lifted vpp the Sonne of man on high, I will draw all things vn∣to my selfe. And how cann this be true, if all assurednesse must be attributed to merites according to the Tridētines? Not so sim∣ply to merits, say they, but we do couple Grace therewith which grace because is not receiued, but through the merites of Christ, herefore there it commeth to passe, y^t the merite of Christ is so farr forth effectuall to vs in the worke of our saluation as God doth powre into vs the measure of his grace, to worke well. O notable Deuines. But goe to, that I may the better aunswere them, may I be so bold to demaund a question or two touching Abraham? whose workes if we behold, what thing coulde be more holy?* 1.1286 If we respect the vprightnes of his life, what was more excellent? if we regard the grace of his sanctificatiō and re∣nouaciō, where was it euer more plētifull in any man? And now lett vs heare the iudgement of S. Paule concerning all those so manifold and wonderfull workes.

For if Abraham haue anye thing, whereupon he may glory (sayth he) he hath it in respect of mē but not of God.

What? where the most excellent workes of Abra∣ham are nothing worth, shall our most filthy workes be auayle∣ables.

Lett vs haue recourse to the first creation of mankinde and lett vs call to remembraunce the auncient age of our first Pa∣rent

Adam: who alone tasting of the forbidden fruite,* 1.1287 did he not withall difile all his posterity with that one onely morsell? And by what reason I pray you? surely not by way of participation of his offence, but by way of propagation vnto the posterity. In this Tipe of Adam, lett vs behold the thing signified aunswere∣able to the Type: And by Adam lett vs consider Christ: who one∣ly & alone being found obedient, did by this his owne onely obe∣dience purchase life euerlasting for all his posteritye, not by any partaking of his obediēce, but by propagatiō in y^e posterity one∣ly: namely by faith onely, which faith doth onely and alone begett vs vnto Christ.

Take an other Argument of the same doctrine, out of an o∣ther Type.

Euen as in olde time to the Israelites was externall health of bo∣dy geuen by the beholding of the brasen Serpent:* 1.1288 so likewise to vs is graūted internall health of soule through Iesu Christ.

The Israelites were healed by the onely view of their eies.

Ergo, We are iustified also by fayth in Christ onely.

Hereunto may be annexed an other Argument as forcible as any of the rest taken out of Saynct Paule, whereunto what aunswere Osorius will make I would wish him to be very well aduised.* 1.1289

We are made the righteousnes of God through Christ, by the ve∣ry same reason, whereby Christ was made sinne for vs.

But Christ was not made sinne, but by Imputation onely:

Ergo, Neither are we made righteous in the sight of God but by Imputation onely.

Hytherto in the behalfe of righteousnes of fayth, out of S. Paule to the Roma. Now let vs encounter Saynct Paule with an argument of the Romanists: which they do knitt together for the mayntenaunce of righteousnesse by workes, arguing in this maner forsooth.

¶Osorius Argument out of the Tridentine councell.* 1.1290

There is no iustification without the sanctification and renouation of the inward man.

Sanctification and Renouation consisteth in holy actiōs and workes.

Ergo, Iustification consisteth in good workes, and not in fayth onely.

This Captious Sophistication can no man better aūswere then Augustine:* 1.1291 Good workes do not goe before in the worke of iustification, but followe iustification. If workes doe followe, how doe they goe together then? If workes must be ioyned together with fayth, how are they reported in Augustine to fol∣low? Now therefore to aunswere the Argument. If the Maior be taken in this sence, that an vnauoydable necessity of coupling and conioyning new obedience must neédes be required in the worke of iustification, as the very cause thereof, so that there be no hope for the vngodly man to be iustified, but by his owne me∣rite and innocency of life,* 1.1292 then is the Maior false. But if good workes be sayd to be required as y^e fruites of iustification, & not the cause of iustification, the Maior is true. And it is not to be doughted, but y^t with remissiō of sinnes the freé giftes of the holy ghost are ioyned, who doth beginne and lay the first foundation of renouatiō, & sanctificatiō of life. And yet is it not therfore true, y^t this renouatiō is the thing for y^t which y^e vngodly man is to re∣ceiue remission of sinnes, and to be adopted into euerlasting life.

Moreouer whereas the Tridentine Fathers doe add fur∣ther, that Iustification is not the onely Remission of sinns, but the sanctification and Renouation of the inward man (To speake their owne wordes) through the voluntary recea∣uing of grace and Gods giftes. &c.* 1.1293 By what testimony of the Scripture will they proue this to be true? Surely if sinne be the onely thing which did scatter abroad death into the world: which alone doth procure the vengeaunce of God, and make seperatiō betwixt God and men: which alone doth make vs guilty of eter∣nall damnation:* 1.1294 which alone forced Christ to suffer death vpon the crosse: Now I beseéch you tell me for the loue of Christ, what thing is iustification els, but a continuall skourging, and sup∣pressing of sinne? Euen as the life and the health of the body is nothing els, but an excluding of death and Sickenesse: Euen so sinne (the reward wherof is death) being vtterly extinct through remission: what remayneth els but life? and sinne being vtterly blotted out, what remayneth els but iustification?

Howbeit neither doe we alleadge this on this wise, as though \

we were ignoraūt, or did deny that sanctifiaction & Renouation, and such godly actions and vertues, which do proceéd from thēce, be the proper and peculiar giftes of Christ, and must be practi∣zed of all godly Christians of very necessity.* 1.1295 But this is ••ot the state of the question properly: for the state of the question here doth not consist vpon the direction and gouernement of this pre∣sent life, but of the life to come, & of the cause thereof: not whe∣ther vertuous and godly actions of Christian piety ought to be exercised in this life, but when they be accomplished, whether they be of such valoure in the sight of God, as to be able of them∣selues to deserue saluation, and reconcile God vnto mankinde? and whether vertues or the good workes of them which be rege∣nerate be of such efficacy, as may stand vpright, and coūteruaile the rigorous curse of the law agaynst the iudgement of god, to preserue vs from damnation: and whether in extreame terrours of conscience, man may vndoubtedly, and without feare rest as∣sured vpon workes, when that dreadfull question shalbe demaū∣ded to become the Sonnes of the liuing God, and to deserue the euerlasting inheritaunce of our Father.

In y^t which you seé two maner of questions Osorius: in y^e one whereof we doe easily agreé with you:* 1.1296 In the other not we onelye do gaynesay you, but the whole authority of Gods Testament doth determine agaynst you, whereby we be taught that man is not iustified by workes, but by fayth in Iesu Christ. Rom. 3.* 1.1297 And that we, whiles we seéke to be iustified by him, are not founde righteous, are not found already endued with excellent integri∣ty, but are found vngodly sinners: so that in this life which we lead in this flesh, we liue none otherwise, then through fayth in the sonne of God, who loued vs, and deliuered himselfe to death for vs. Gala. 2.* 1.1298 Let vs note the wordes of the Apostle himselfe: of being found sinners we liue by fayth, howe cann Osorius make it good that we be righteous?* 1.1299 but if we be found righteous, howe doth Paule iustify vs to be sinners? but onely because whom this life doth make guilty of death, the same is released by faith of the Sonne of God: not whom he doth finde righteous, but whom he doth make righteous, not by liuing vprightly, but by not imputation of sinne.

Neither is this therefore false, that a godly carefullnesse of

liuyng vertuously is required in the faythfull, which may ex∣clude presumption of sinnyng: but it must be considered after what maner it is required. If you suppose it be requisite to the necessitie of obedience: you say truely: but if you thinke it to be an infallible assuraunce of Saluation and eternall lyfe, there cā be nothyng more false and more damnable: for as much as the same is not obteyned by our owne merites, and deseruynges, but is freély geauen to the vnworthy and vndeserued:* 1.1300 and is thē also geauen, whenas we are founde Sinners: so that in this whole worke, the mercy of the Lord doth beare the whole and full prayse and palme, not our workes, which do but folow Gods re∣conciliation as fruites, and not make attonement with God. None otherwise then as Osorius, whenas he doth Consecrate, when he doth geaue orders, when he doth weare his Myter, he doth not all these to the ende he would be made a Byshopp: but bycause he was made a Byshopp before, therefore he doth exe∣cute the duties apperteignyng to a Byshopp. And as the Ser∣uauntes of noble men are knowen by their seuerall Badges: but do not weare noble mēs badges bycause they shall become those noble mēs seruauntes. In semblable wise Christian Fayth, al∣beit it worke allwayes by loue, and doth shew a speciall demon∣stration of pure and true Fayth:* 1.1301 doth not therefore procure Sal∣uation, bycause it worketh: but bycause it doth beleéue in Christ Iesu, who beyng able alone to geaue that absolute integritie, which is required: for this cause therefore onely Fayth in Christ Iesu doth obteyne our Saluation, not our perfection and inte∣gritie. So that all the whole felicitie of our happy lyfe doth not proceéde from any efficacy or force of our owne worke, but by consideration of the Obiect onely, which is receaued thorough Fayth.

Neither are the endeuours and actions of loue, charitie, and pietie, excluded in this course of transitory obedience (as I haue often declared before) as though by this meanes they should be of any lesse necessitie not to accompany,* 1.1302 or not to attend vpon Fayth: Agayne neither are workes so ioyned with Fayth, as though they should exclude Fayth from her dignitie and her pro∣per operation: nor enfeéble or abase the wonderfull riches of the grace of God, which is in Christ Iesu: nor that they should ex∣tinguish

the Glory of Christes Crosse: nor dispoyle afflicted con∣sciences of their heauenly cōsolation, nor should destroy the syn∣ceritie of sounde doctrine which the Apostles haue left vnto vs: which for as much as ascribeth the whole estate of our Salua∣tiō to no one thyng els, then to the onely freé liberalitie and mer∣cy of Christ Iesu: I doe appeale to the secrett Iudgementes of all the godly, whether the opinion of them be better, which doe establish their sauetie in Fayth onely: or of Osorius, which doth measure all our assuraunce and confidence of Saluation, by the onely Rule of our owne righteousnes? and who doth affirme that Fayth onely,* 1.1303 is onely rash temeritie. Truely if the Spirite of the Lord could not disgest those Laodiceans, which beyng droū∣ken with vayne persuasion of their owne righteousnesse, hadd not any feélyng or perseueraunce of their owne vgly deformitie and filthy barraynesse: It may easily be coniectured, what we may determine of the hawty spirite of this Portingall Deuine, and of all his Diuinitie.

Wherefore in that you seéme so inwardly carefull for our sauety Osorius, as herein your honest inclination of gentle courtesie towardes vs may not vnthankefully be neglected of vs altogether: Euen so we also in requitall of our good will to∣wardes you, do earnestly exhort and hartely desire you, that ei∣ther you will vouchsafe to instruct vs in the true doctrine of Saluation more wholesomely and purely hereafter, or els that you reteigne still with your selfe this your safety, which you do wish vnto vs, if you can wishe vs no better: and enioy the same to your great comfort as much and as long as you will for euer and euer, world without end.

Amen.

¶ Lett vs pray.

OSorius.* 1.1304 I do hartely pray, and beseech the hygh and eternall Lord Iesu Christ, for the loue of his most pre∣cious bloud which was shedd for the Saluation of all man∣kynde, for his woundes, for his bitter passion, for his death, wherewith he dyd vanquish death, for his victory wherein he triumphed ouer the kyngdome of Sathā, that he would vouchsafe to enlighten with the bright beames of his coū∣tenaunce

and deliuer frō all errours this kyngdome which was once a Receptacle of all vertue, Religiō, wisedome, and Iustice, disquieted now by the wicked practises of naugh∣ty packes: & woulde also vouchsafe to reclayme it to the Fayth and vniforme consent of most sacred Religiō, into the aūcient boundes of the Churche, & defend the same with the assistaūce of his holy Spirite, that whereas we are now disagreeyng in opinions, we may be conformed to∣gether at the length in vnitie of one Fayth, and one vni∣forme mynde of most vndoughted Religion, and may at∣tayne together that euerlastyng glory, to the vnspeakea∣ble ioy and Reioysing of all the holy Citizens in heauen. [At the Feast of Easter] Alleluya, Alleluya.

In recompence of this your solemne collect Right Reue∣rend Father? what remayneth at the length, but that we all and euery of vs doe with one mouth, one spirite, and one voyce sing as lowd as we can vnto you? Amen. which being but one word wanting onely to y^e knitting vpp of the prayer, I doe not a little maruaile, why was forgotten of you, vnlesse perhappes because it was skarse a good Latyne word, and neuer foūd in the bookes of Cicero, therefore it was vnworthy to be inserted in this place as not meéte for your fine phrase of Ciceroes Eloquence. Neuerthelesse it is right well yet, that making intercession for vs poore outcast Englishmen, you skippe ouer all other pelting and petty mediatours and aduocates, and haue thought good to call vpon y^e helpe of the most mightye & mercyfull Lord Iesus Christ, without calling for, or inuocating the helpe of any other Gods. Which deuise how well will agreé with the rest of your discourse, I can not well conceaue: for you seéme to pray one way, and to dispute an other way quite contrary: You doe pray as a Lutherane, but you dispute as a Papist. What a contra∣diction is this I pray you, where the Pyper playeth the horne∣pype, and you daunce the Antyck?* 1.1305 For if this be true, as we are taught by your example, that we ought to fleé for succour to Christe onely as the most chiefe and highest Soueraigne: and in him onely & alone to repose all our whole shoote ancker of pray∣er & inuocation, without praying to all other perry Saincts, what neéde we then of any other Sollicitours, Patrones, and

Aduocates? But if the estate of our necessitye be such as may not want their ayde and assistaunce, how chaunceth it, that re∣nouncing the necessary helpes of pettygodds and pettygoodes∣ses, intercession is made here onely vnto Christ?

Afterwardes you doe proceade in your whott zealous prayer & doe make intercessiō For his bloods sake that was shed for the saluation of all mankynde, for his woundes sake, for his most bitter passion sake, for his death sake, wherewith he vanquished death, and for his conquest sake wherewith he did tryumph ouer the kingdome of Sathan. &c. In all this you both speake well, and doe well. Stand fast therefore, and be not remoued from your selfe if you can, and graunt that veritye may wringe that perforce from you in the matter, that you can not deny: If his blood were shedd for the saluation of all mankynde as you say: if that vnentreatable rygor of Gods wrath could no be pacyfied with any one thing els besides the blood of the Lambe: from whence then is saluation to be sought on our behalfe? or to whom ought we ascribe our sauetye, but vnto this one onely sacrifice? If we be healed by his woūdes and bitter bloodshedding, with what shamelessenesse dare your Romish pelting Potticaries presume to apply other rottē drug∣ges to our soares? to what purpose serue so many Rosaryes and garlandes of the blessed Uirgine Mary? so many inuoca∣tions of the dead? so many Suffrages of Saints? so many Sta∣tiōs? Iubiles? so many prauncing pilgrimages? so many peéuish pardons? so many Momish Mounckemerytes? so many ragged Churchrelliques? so many vayne vowes of votaryes? so many marketts of Masses? and so many Dolldreanches of dryueling Sacrifices? fynally to what end preuayleth all the pelting pylfe of Popish patcheryes? If it be true, as you doe beare vs in hand, that death is vanquished by the death of Christ, so that now it hath no more interest or tytle in them, or in their lyues which be engraffed in Christ Iesu: wherefore should we Christians be any more afrayd of death, that is swallowed vpp already, vn∣lesse paraduenture your popishe Archprelates with your outra∣gious Trūpetts doe think by blowing winde in his tayle to re∣store him to lyfe agayne, which you doe endeuor dayly & busily in deéde, but all in vayne notwithstāding. But now forasmuch as it is certaine, y^t there be two maner of deathes, thone of the

body,* 1.1306 thother of the soule: & whereas also Christ did swallow thē vpp both, namely one by his resurrection, thother by faith: vayne therfore & fruitlesse be all your practises, dryftes, & turmoyles, wherein you promise a conquest of death, which is putt to flight already: Agayne if death be not vanquished, then doth Osor. lye.

The very same may be verified of the kingdome of Sathan, whose whole force sithence is conteyned in the obligation and handwryting of Sinne: sithence also Christ hath victoriously tryumphed allready, both ouer the whole Empyre of Sathan, & ouer all the power of Sinne, as your selfe doe confesse: Why doe you so frett and fume then agaynst Luther and agaynst vs,* 1.1307 who doe affirme nothing els then you doe, and who doe call back all thinges to the onely victory and Tryumph of Christ?

Therefore, whereas abandonyng all other intercessors you dyrect your prayer to Christ onely: whereas you doe so highly aduaunce and magnifye the death and conquest of Christ, here∣in hitherto you denounce your selfe a notable Lutherane: Now therefore from henceforth lett vs as briefly consider of what the very thing is in deéde, which you begg so earnestly of Christ: theffect of your request is, that he would vouchsafe to helpe vs wicked English outcastes. And why doe you not craue his ayde as well for your selfe, and for your natiue Countrey of Portin∣gall? what moueth you to pray so deuoutly for England perti∣cularly by name without any mentiō made of your owne Coun∣trey men? I doe suppose veryly, because there is no wicked∣nesse practyzed in that Countrey: there is no sheépe there either infected w^t noysome murrayne, or so tyed by the buttock in bram∣bles and bryars of errors, that it neédeth any ayd of the Shep∣heard. In Portingall groweth no Bruske neither Bryar, no furse, no baggadge, no fearne meéte for fier. Why then reioyce with the holy Phariseé Osorius, and geue harty thankes vnto Almighty God, both for your selfe and for your Countrey, that you be not lyke vnto other men, and especially to that most pesti∣ferous and abiect Nation of England:

Wherein was some∣tyme (as you say) the Princely pallace of vertue, of Religi∣on, of wisedome and of Iustice, but now is tourned vpsi∣downe by the wickednesse of desperate castawayes and is defiled with abhominable errours.

Go to, what be these so foule enormities and so haynous er∣rours for which you keépe so great a coyle? what men be these whom you call desperate abiectes? what Fayth and what kynde of Church is it, whose boundes and limittes we haue raunged ouer? you were now to be demaūded to render a reckonyng of all that your accusatiō particularly & orderly. What neéde that say you? I haue done this sufficiently allready in my former bookes. In deéde so haue you done & I trust you be sufficiētly aunswered also to euery of y^e former forged & false accusations. And so haue we hearde more then enough by you of the outragious haynous∣nesse of our execrable castawayes in our Realme at this present. But in the meane space this notable Rhetorician hath not all this whiles vttered one word so much of the hurly burly that this Childe of perdition hath kept,* 1.1308 not in one kyngdome one∣ly, but through the whole state of Christendome, nor telleth vs what a coyle he keépeth dayly: what troubles he procureth, what warres he practizeth, what discorde he scattereth, in what con∣tinuall broyles he hath wallowed these many yeares agaynst the chief Princes & Potētates of y^e world: what monstruous poyson and Botches of erronious doctrine he hath vomited out agaynst the Church, what a floudd of Christian bloud he hath spilte: how many thousand soules he hath bereft of life, for whom Christ suf∣fred his bitter Passion: Finally how he hath tourned all thyngs typsy tyruye: of all these I say, mumme budgett alltogether. For this is a speciall principle of Rhetoricke wherein he is well-beseéne, that if he espye neuer so litle a scabbe in his aduersaries visadge, there shall his nayles be allwayes rakyng: on the other side, if there be neuer so mōstruous a Carbunckle on their owne behalfe whereat the aduersary may take some aduauntage, ei∣ther will him selfe not take any notice of it, or els will he collour it with some prety shift, or wype it away with some crafty con∣ueyaunce and dissimulation.

In the foote of your Orison, you do annex afterwardes, that Christ would vouchsafe with the assistaunce of his Spirite to gather together agayne vs which be now scatteryng and disagreeyng in opiniō, into one vniforme agreemēt of fayth, and within the boundes and limittes of his Church whereby we alltogether may attayne euerlastyng glory to

the singuler ioye and reioysing of all the holy company of heauen. To aunswere this your petition briefly: Doe you bryng to passe accordyng to your dutie first, that it may be law∣full for vs to be associated in your felowshipp with safe cōscience, with sounde Fayth, without manifest impietie and Idolatry, without most haynous blasphemy agaynst the liuyng God, and without present perill of euerlastyng damnation: and beleéue me we are not more willyng to doe any thyng in the world more readyly, then to ioyne with you. What can you craue more Oso∣rius? But if this request can not be brought to passe, nor obtey∣ned of you, to witte, that you abandonne out of your Church I∣dolles and prophane worshyppynges: nor will yeld to a refor∣mation of your filthy errours, and corruptions of Religion, ac∣cordyng to the true touchestone of sacred Scripture: that the same confuse licentiousnesse of vncleane single lyfe, croochyng and kneélyng to Images, and greédy gaddyng to the Reliques of the deadd more then Heathenish may be vtterly banished: that your breadworshypp & Imageworshypp, your prophane abuse of the Lordes Supper, your false packettes of Pardons, eare whisperyngs, satisfactions, & merite meritorious, and other vn∣measurable monsters of your ragged Religion may be altoge∣ther abrogated: If these (I say) so many so horrible botches, and cankers of superstitiō, disceiptes, vntruthes, patcheries and im∣pieties propped vppe in the Church by your filthy ignoraunce, you will not raze and scrape cleane out of the Church of Christ, but haue determined rather to mainteyne and vphold the same more then barbarously with slaughter, bloud, and all maner of sauadge cruelty: nor will as yet yeld to be tryed by any lawfull aucthoritie: but continue vnappeasable agaynst the manifest trueth, and persist vnremoueable in the supportation of your blasphemous Idolatry with vnmercyfull greédynesse: Briefly if you call vs to such a Churche, and to the embracying of such a Fayth, as no Christian faythfull man may by any meanes pro∣fesse, except he will renounce the true Churche of Christ, vn∣lesse he will vtterly denye Christ him selfe and his Fayth, here∣in neither shall it be conuenient for vs to agreé with you, and become partakers of this your horrible bootchery: nor shall it become you to require vs thereunto: moreouer we assuredly

trust that Christ will neuer permitt vs so to do.

I haue aunswered you now as briefly as I could: yet will I speake it somewhat more briefly. If any man dare be so har∣dy to chaunge, to counterfei••t, to peruert the Lawes, Statutes and autentique Monumentes of any earthly Prince, or the Te∣stament of any deadd person, after this sort, as you do Can∣uasse the word of God, no Prince would permitt such a trea∣chery in his Realme, and an hundred Gallowes and Tortures would seéme to litle for so haynous an offence. And what shalbe sayd then to them, who hauyng mangled and made hauocke of the euerlastyng Testament of GOD, whereunto to adde, or to diminishe therefrom any title is not lawfull vpon payne of damnation: who treadyng vnder foote the ordinaunces of the the Lord of Lordes, who hauyng chaunged and counterfayted the fine and pure gold of the sacred Scripture, and coyned vn∣to vs such drosse and ofscombe of Religion, wherein we must be forced to lyue now, not after the Lawes and Ordinaunces of Christ, but after their Decreés and Decretalles: I beseéch you shall it be reasonable for Osorius to allure vs to such a kynde of conformitie? and then after this lyfe to promise vs euerla∣styng glory, to the ioye of all the Company in heauen?

Wherein Osorius doth expresse in deéde a certein glorious presumption, of a courage wonderfully fawnyng vpon his owne dexteritie. Howbeit whatsoeuer sounde this shrill Trum∣pett of Osorius shall noyse forth from out of Portingall, we must neuerthelesse geue our attentyue eare rather to the Trumpett of GOD, and marke diligently whereunto it calleth vs, as the which soundyng vnto vs a farre vnlyke marche, commaundeth vs in any wise not to goe out of Raye, nor to depart from our Auncient and Standarde, vpon a greéuous payne: least we be partakers of their Treason, and be punished with their pla∣gues:* 1.1309 And agayne with most cruell manaces threatenyng all such as shall receaue the marke of the Beast, either on the fore∣head or on the hand: to whom he doth promise not euerlastyng glory to the reioysing of all the company of heauen,* 1.1310 but the bit∣ter cuppe of Gods euerlastyng wrathe, which is myngled with wyne in the Cuppe of Gods vengeaunce.

And they shalbe tormented (sayth he) with fire and Brimstone in the sight of the

holy Angelles before the face of the Lambe: and the smoake of their Tormentes shall ascende world without ende.

Apocal. 14. Which I doe most humbly and hartely beseéche the most mercyfull Lord that he will tourne farre away from you, and from vs all. And so is both your prayer come to an ende, and our Apologye finished. And so an ende.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Pag. 166.
• * 1.2

  Osori. in∣ueighed a∣gainst Eng∣lād, but not agaynst all.
• * 1.3

  Osori. pag. 167.
• * 1.4

  What Oso∣rius doth promise in this booke.
• * 1.5

  Osori. Ar∣gument not able to be resolued.
• * 1.6

  Haddones aūswere to Osori. Ar∣gument.
• * 1.7

  Osor. pag. 167.
• * 1.8

  The testimo¦ny of the world a∣gaynst the Lutheranes.
• * 1.9

  The reboū∣ding of the Argument agaynst Osor.
• * 1.10

  Osor. pag. 168.
• * 1.11

  A trimme reason of Osor.
• * 1.12

  Osor. pag. 169.
• * 1.13

  Osor. Ar∣gument cō∣futed.
• * 1.14

  The spirite of the Pro∣phettes is not to be measured by the nomber of beleuers.
• * 1.15

  Moah.
• * 1.16

  Moses.
• * 1.17

  Esay.
• * 1.18

  Ieremy.
• * 1.19

  Stephen.
• * 1.20

  S. Paule.
• * 1.21

  The first be∣ginning of Luther.
• * 1.22

  Luthers humble let∣ters to pope Leo the tenth.
• * 1.23

  Pope Leo his proude insolency a∣gaynst Lu∣thers hum∣ble submis∣sion.
• * 1.24

  Luthers se∣cond letters to Leo the Pope Anno 1519.
• * 1.25

  Luthers Protesta∣tion.
• * 1.26

  Luthers hūble Sup∣plication to the Church of Rome.
• * 1.27

  Stanislaus Hosius in his first booke of heresies.
• * 1.28

  The Pope the seruaūt of seruaūtes of God: by a figure cal∣led Anti∣phrasis.
• * 1.29

  The cause of Luther honest.
• * 1.30

  Osori. con∣clusiōs false Sophistry.
• * 1.31

  A compari∣son betwixt the profes∣soures of the true Gospell & the Papisti∣call.
• * 1.32

  Osor, Pag. 169. The prayle of the Ro∣mish church after Osor.
• * 1.33

  A fifth and euerlasting Gospell made on a tyme of the Dominick Fryers at Parise An∣no Dom. 1256.
• * 1.34

  Osor. pag. 169.
• * 1.35

  Of the Fayth of the Romishe Church.
• * 1.36

  Whether the vnifor∣mitye of fayth be more dis∣cernable. in the Ro∣mish Chur. or in the Lutheranes.
• * 1.37

  How many wayes the popes fayth is contrary to the right institution of the Gos∣pell.
• * 1.38

  Arrogancy and vayne confidence.
• * 1.39

  The name of vniuersal Church is restrayned to the Ro∣maynes one¦ly contrary to the na∣ture of the Gospell.
• * 1.40

  Osor. pag. 169.
• * 1.41

  The false and lyeng bragge•• of the Romish Church.
• * 1.42

  Osor. pag. 169.
• * 1.43

  Esay 5. How the Church of Rome is la∣den with mens tradi∣cions.
• * 1.44

  Emptynes and voyde.
• * 1.45

  Apoca. 13.
• * 1.46

  Osor. pag. 170.
• * 1.47

  By what Reasons the vniuersality of Christes Vicar is cō∣firmed.
• * 1.48

  One head of the Church.
• * 1.49

  The doc∣trine of the Gospell doth call all the Mini∣sters of the Church to humilitie & permitteth superioritie to none in any wise.
• * 1.50

  August. a∣gaynst Pe∣tilian Epist. Cap. 3.
• * 1.51

  Cyprian.
• * 1.52

  Whether the autho∣ritie of the Romishe See be Ne∣cessary for the takyng away of Schismes.
• * 1.53

  The Ro∣mishe See the Metro∣politane of Sectes.
• * 1.54

  Where the Romish au∣thoritie is quite bani∣shed, there is most rest.
• * 1.55

  The Papa∣cie nothyng els then a certeine mighty fa∣ction and armed pow∣er of kyngs.
• * 1.56

  The slaun∣der of the Sectes and dissentiō of the Luthe∣ranes.
• * 1.57

  Factiōs and Schismes in the Church of Rome.
• * 1.58

  Diuerse cō∣tentiones of papistes a∣mongst thē selues tou∣ching the supper of the Lord.
• * 1.59

  Whether Popes See were ere∣cted by god or men.
• * 1.60

  See hereof before Had¦dons dis∣course in the first booke. pag. 15.
• * 1.61

  Peter sate at Rome.
• * 1.62

  What a di∣uersitie is betwixt Rome now, and as it was in the tyme of Peter.
• * 1.63

  The prin∣cipallitie of the See of Rome by what be∣gynnyng it crept to so great pow∣er and ty∣ranny.
• * 1.64

  When the name of V∣niuersalitie and the or∣der of Car∣dinalles be∣ganne.
• * 1.65

  Vrsinus. Da¦masus. Anno 369.
• * 1.66

  How many and how great con∣flictes haue raunged in the Chur. of Rome about the choo∣sing of the Pope.
• * 1.67

  Boniface. Eulalius. Anno. 420.
• * 1.68

  Simachus. Laurentius. Anno. 499.
• * 1.69

  Stephanus. Constanti∣nus. Phillip. Anno. 768.
• * 1.70

  Anastasius. Benedictus. 873.
• * 1.71

  Leo. Christoph. Sergius.
• * 1.72

  Iohn. 13. Leo. 8. Anno. 968.
• * 1.73

  Out of pla∣tina, this Iohn. the 13. was takē commit∣tyng adul∣tery and was slayne.
• * 1.74

  Benedict the 5. being taken priso∣ner was cast into Adrianes Doungeon. Anno. 973.
• * 1.75

  Donus. 2. Boniface. 7. ranne away with the Treasury of Rome. 975.
• * 1.76

  Gregor. 5. Iohn. 17. Siluester. Anno. 995.
• * 1.77

  Out of Car¦dinall Ben∣no.
• * 1.78

  Clemens. 2. 1048.
• * 1.79

  Benedict. 10 1058.
• * 1.80

  Alexander. 2. Cadolus. 1062.
• * 1.81

  Hildebrand.
• * 1.82

  Clement. 3.
• * 1.83

  Victor. 3.
• * 1.84

  Vrbanus. 2. Anno. 1083.
• * 1.85

  Pascalis. Albertus. Theodoric. Maginulph. Vibertus. False Popes Platina. Blondus. Gel••sius. 2. The Arch∣bishop of Bacchara a false pope. Anno. 1118.
• * 1.86

  Calistus 2. Gregory 8. false popes Anno. 1124.
• * 1.87

  Distinct. 76 Cap. Ieiu∣nium.
• * 1.88

  The first in∣stitution of Cardinalles about the yeare. 1124.
• * 1.89

  Innocent 2. Anacletus. 1130.
• * 1.90

  Out of AE∣milius his 5. bookes. Blond. Pla∣tina Guil. Tyrius 14. booke and the 12. Chapter.
• * 1.91

  The Con∣suls of Rome brought in subiectiō to the Pope. Blond. in his 6. booke
• * 1.92

  Lucius 3.2 Schismatick 1182.
• * 1.93

  Vrbanus 3. called Tur∣bulent. for his trouble∣some head. 1185.
• * 1.94

  Innocēt the 3. the chief champiō of all the cala∣mities and troubles of the church 1215.
• * 1.95

  Honorius 3 Innocent 4. Grego••y 9. most rebel∣lious tray∣tours a∣gaynst the Emperour Friderick. 2 The factiōs of the Guel¦sians and Gibellynes raysed by the meanes of this Gre¦gory 9.
• * 1.96

  Celestin. 5. Boniface 8. a firchrand of factions. 1295. Platina. AE∣mil.
• * 1.97

  The most impudent shamelenes of Boniface 8. agaynst the Archb. of Genua.
• * 1.98

  Innocentius 6. Gregorye 11. the grea¦test author of Schisme. 1352.
• * 1.99

  Vrbanus 6. thrust into the Pope∣dome by vi∣olēce. 1378.
• * 1.100

  The See of Rome de∣uided in Schisme by the space of 74. yeares.
• * 1.101

  A cruell cō¦tention be∣twixt the Cowled ge¦neration a∣bout the Conception of our La∣dy. 1400.
• * 1.102

  Boniface 9.
• * 1.103

  Innocent 7. a seditious murderer. 1405.
• * 1.104

  Gregory 12
• * 1.105

  Alexāder 5 a trouble∣some pope.
• * 1.106

  Iohn 24. by force and money oc∣cupyeth the Sec. 1411.
• * 1.107

  Three Po∣pes deposed at one time.
• * 1.108

  Martine 5. The Coun∣cell of Cō∣stance.
• * 1.109

  The Con∣uenticle of Constance did cōdēne Ierome of Prague and Iohn Husse to be bur∣ned.
• * 1.110

  Martin not the Vicare of Christ but of Bel∣lona.
• * 1.111

  Engenius an other chicken of Bellona.
• * 1.112

  A Coūcell at Basile. 1435.
• * 1.113

  Eugenius a Schismatick is deposed from the Popedome. 1442.
• * 1.114

  This schisme en∣dured 9. yeares.
• * 1.115

  The battell agaynst the Heluetians and Basile∣ans, by the procuremēt of Eugenui∣us.
• * 1.116

  Rob. Ga∣guinus, and Phrigio.
• * 1.117

  Thomas of Redon tho∣rough the popes Ty∣ranny bur∣ned. 1436. Antonius & others.
• * 1.118

  A non cau∣sa, vt causā.
• * 1.119

  The fallaxe of the acci∣dent.
• * 1.120

  Luther a speciall ad∣uersary to Sedition.
• * 1.121

  Osor. pag. 187.
• * 1.122

  Of the Ro∣m••nistes o∣bedience ro∣wardes Princes.
• * 1.123

  pag. 170.
• * 1.124

  The Empe∣ro•••• tran∣slated from the Grecy∣anes to the Frenchmen by the popes contrary their oathes
• * 1.125

  Charles the Great.
• * 1.126

  The Creeks inuaded by the Turkes.
• * 1.127

  An Aunci∣ent ordi∣naunce of the right of the Empe∣rour and the Pope.
• * 1.128

  The Maie∣stye of the Empyre was transla∣ted from Fraunce in∣to Germany by the pope.
• * 1.129

  A degree of Gregory the 5. Con∣cluded vpon with Otho the thyrd Emperour.
• * 1.130

  The way∣ward Re∣bellion of the popes alwayes a∣gaynst the Imperiall Maiestie.
• * 1.131

  An olde grudge of the popes agaynst the Emperours for the be∣stowyng of Ecclesiasti∣call pro∣motions.
• * 1.132

  Benedicte doth rebell against Hē∣ry 3.
• * 1.133

  The horri∣ble, conspi∣racie of pope Gre∣gory 7. and the Bishops agaynst Henry the fourth.
• * 1.134

  Rodolphe suborned a∣gaynst his Lord and Emperour by the pra∣ctize and treason of the pope.
• * 1.135

  Rebellion punished.
• * 1.136

  The pope beyng the firebrand of seditiō doth prouoke the sonnes to rebell a∣gaynst their Father.
• * 1.137

  Gods iust iudgement executed v∣pon the sonne that rebelled a∣gaynst his Father.
• * 1.138

  The popes absolute power.
• * 1.139

  The Maie∣stie Impe∣riall sub∣dued and subiect to the popes.
• * 1.140

  De Maior & obedi. Cap. Inso∣litae. De Maior. & Cap. vnam Sanctam.
• * 1.141

  What kinde of obediēce popes vse towardes Magistrates
• * 1.142

  A conspira∣cie of Iohn 12. most ab∣hominably practized a∣gainst Otto the Empe∣rour.
• * 1.143

  Contentiō•• raysed be∣twixt the Emperours and the po∣pes rehear∣sed out of Hystories.
• * 1.144

  A singuler president of the popes obedience towardes the lawfull Magistrate.
• * 1.145

  Conrade & his brother Hēry the 5. teazed a∣gaynst their own father through the popes fac∣tion.
• * 1.146

  Anselme a∣gaynst Hē∣ry 1. Kyng of England.
• * 1.147

  Henry 5. is enforced to yeld to the popes com∣maūdemēt.
• * 1.148

  25. Quest. 1 violatores.
• * 1.149

  The popes of Rome do challenge a certeine hea¦uenly pow∣er vpon earth.
• * 1.150

  Gratian his booke of Decretalls.
• * 1.151

  Ionocent 2. ouerthrow∣eth the or∣der of Se∣natours in Rome.
• * 1.152

  The cruelty of Alexan∣der 3. a∣gaynst the Emperour Fridericke Barbarossa. The singu∣ler insolen∣cy of Ha∣drian 4. in banishyng the dignitie of Consul∣shyp.
• * 1.153

  The trou∣blesome se∣ditions of Hadriā the pope.
• * 1.154

  Hadrian choaked with a flye. 1159.
• * 1.155

  The sediti∣ous tumults of Alexāder the pope a∣gaynst Cae∣sar his soue∣raigne Lord and Prince.
• * 1.156

  The vnspea¦keable pride of a sediti∣ous pope.
• * 1.157

  A president of the popes pryde farre passing Tar∣quines pride.
• * 1.158

  Iudas. ••.
• * 1.159

  Nazianzen Oration vp∣on the holy Penthecost.
• * 1.160

  The incre∣dible fury and outrage of Innocent 3. of Honor. and Grego∣ry 9. agrynst Frederick. 2.
• * 1.161

  Extimo Concil. 49. Pag. 639.
• * 1.162

  The filthy gaynes of the pope.
• * 1.163

  Innocent 4. doth sette vpon the same Frede∣rick the Em¦perour.
• * 1.164

  Agaynst the Successours of Frederick do Vrbane. 4. and Cle∣ment. 4. kept warre.
• * 1.165

  The pope Clement doth con∣spire the death of Conrade, & Frydericke.
• * 1.166

  Nicholas 3. doth sowe the seedes of discenti∣on betwixt Charles King of Sy∣cile and Pe∣ter Kyng of Arragon.
• * 1.167

  The sediti∣ouse trou∣bles of Bo∣niface 8. a∣gaynst Ce∣lestine a∣gaynst the Family of Columne agaynst phil¦lyppe the Frenche kyng and a∣gaynst Al∣bert the Emperour.
• * 1.168

  Clement 5. doth pre∣scribe lawes to Empe∣rours.
• * 1.169

  Ludouick the Empe∣rour, most shamefully abused by Clement. 6.
• * 1.170

  Charles 4. appoynted Emperour agaynst Lu∣douick the true Empe∣rour, by the procuremēt of Clement 6.
• * 1.171

  The onely popes of Rome, the common pestilence of Christi∣anes and of all Europe.
• * 1.172

  How little the Romish obedience doth agree with the Rule of Paules obe∣dience.
• * 1.173

  Chilpericke the French kyng.
• * 1.174

  Henry 2. kyng of England. Iohn kyng of England.
• * 1.175

  Victor a Byshoppe.
• * 1.176

  Phillippe the French kyng.
• * 1.177

  Henry 6. the Empe∣rour.
• * 1.178

  Wicked practize of Pius 2. a∣gaynst the Emperour.
• * 1.179

  Out of Re∣cordes of Germany.
• * 1.180

  Henry the 8. kyng of Englād ex∣communi∣cated by pope Cle∣ment the 7.
• * 1.181

  Pius the 5. keepeth a sturre a∣gaynst Eli∣zabeth Queene of England.
• * 1.182

  Osori. pag. 170. B.
• * 1.183

  The maner of Popishe obediēce to their Prin∣ces.
• * 1.184

  The horri∣ble crueltie of the Spa∣nish Inqui∣sitours a∣gainst Eng∣lish Mar∣chauntes.
• * 1.185

  The king of Spayne sub¦iect to his owne sub∣iectes Inqui¦sitours.
• * 1.186

  How the Catholicks be obedient subiectes to their owne kynges.
• * 1.187

  Anselme.
• * 1.188

  Theobald.
• * 1.189

  Thom. Ar∣chb. of caū¦terbury.
• * 1.190

  Byshop of Ely.
• * 1.191

  Stephen Langton.
• * 1.192

  Edmund Archb. of Caunt.
• * 1.193

  Iohn Pec∣cham.
• * 1.194

  Rob. Wil∣kelse.
• * 1.195

  Gualter Archb.
• * 1.196

  The fro∣ward cōtu∣macy of Monckes agaynst their kyng.
• * 1.197

  Out of Mathewe Paris••, vpon the lyfe of Henry 3.
• * 1.198

  Math. Pa∣risiensis.
• * 1.199

  The proude rebellion of the pope & the Bishops agaynst the kyng.
• * 1.200

  A tenth of all mouea∣bles in En∣glād and in Scotland graunted to the pope.
• * 1.201

  Mathaeus Parisiensis.
• * 1.202

  The aunci∣ent lawes and ordi∣naunces of Emperours enfringed by Popes.
• * 1.203

  Dist. 63.
• * 1.204

  Out of the Englishe Chronicles.
• * 1.205

  Osor. The Troumpe∣tour of the Romishe Ierarchy.
• * 1.206

  Pag. 170.
• * 1.207

  The picture of the crosse must be worshipped
• * 1.208

  Images of Sainctes & Sanctus••es.
• * 1.209

  Lord for the bloud of Thomas graunte our prayers to wend &c.
• * 1.210

  No Nation in the world hath any pictures or grauen Images in their Chur∣ches but Papistes onely.
• * 1.211

  Osorius doth defend pictures to be as Kalen∣ders of re∣mēbraunce.
• * 1.212

  Osorius pag. 17.
• * 1.213

  The monu∣ment of the Brasan Ser∣pent, and the bookes of Salomō de curandis morbis abro¦gated by E∣zechias for the abuse.
• * 1.214

  Osorius pag. 171.
• * 1.215

  How the Fayth of the Catho∣lickes is ioyned with hope and feare.
• * 1.216

  Confidence of workes by Osor. Fayth.
• * 1.217

  How feare ought to be ioined with the fayth of the gospell.
• * 1.218

  Of workes.
• * 1.219

  Osorius pag. 172.
• * 1.220

  Of Cere∣monyes and Sacraments. Pag. 171.
• * 1.221

  Of Confes∣sion.
• * 1.222

  Osori. pag. 172.
• * 1.223

  1. Iohn. ••.
• * 1.224

  Pag. 172.
• * 1.225

  Plaut. in Bacchid.
• * 1.226

  Luke. 10.
• * 1.227

  The Cha∣recter of the priest.
• * 1.228

  The Cha∣racter of the Beast in the A∣pocalips.
• * 1.229

  Math. 9.
• * 1.230

  Luke. 7.
• * 1.231

  Mar. 5.
• * 1.232

  Mar. 9.
• * 1.233

  Luke. 4.
• * 1.234

  Chrisost. vpon the 51. Psalme. Homel. 2.
• * 1.235

  Actes. 15.
• * 1.236

  Actes. 26.
• * 1.237

  Actes. 10.
• * 1.238

  The Refor∣mation of Confession.
• * 1.239

  The Super∣stition of Satisfactiō.
• * 1.240

  A poena & culpa.
• * 1.241

  Osori. pag. 172.
• * 1.242

  Osori. pag. 173.
• * 1.243

  Frō whēce that so ho∣ly lyfe and so great chastitie of the papistes doth pro∣ceede.
• * 1.244

  The incre∣dible force and efficacy of the Masse.
• * 1.245

  Osori. pag. 173.
• * 1.246

  Osorius reason to proue that the rude people should be restrayned frō readyng the Scrip∣tures.
• * 1.247

  Vnknowne tounges in the Papists churches.
• * 1.248

  Osor. pag. 173.
• * 1.249

  Smale care had of prea∣ching the word in the popes chur∣ches.
• * 1.250

  The sentēce of Barnard. To muche light or no light at all.
• * 1.251

  How light must bee quallified according to Barnard, that there be not too much light nor to litle.
• * 1.252

  Psal. 19.
• * 1.253

  Psal.
• * 1.254

  No man ought to be forbidden from rea∣ding the Scriptures. Ephes. 3.
• * 1.255

  Ephes. 1.
• * 1.256

  The cause is foūd out why the By∣shoppes do fle so much the light of the scrip∣tures.
• * 1.257

  What kinde of authority it is of the Popes and Byshoppes in the Po∣pish church Osor. pag. 173.
• * 1.258

  Out of the Trepartite history. 9. Booke. cap. 35.
• * 1.259

  Si non caste tamē cauté.
• * 1.260

  How farre the lawfull authority of the church extendeth it selfe.
• * 1.261

  Luk. 10.
• * 1.262

  Ioh. 20.
• * 1.263

  The Eccle∣siasticall dignitye wherein it consisteth.
• * 1.264

  There is one power of the church, an other of this world.
• * 1.265

  Iohn. 5.
• * 1.266

  Of the Ri∣tes and state holy dayes of the Ro∣mish chur∣che, Osori. pag. 174.
• * 1.267

  How great occasion of idlenes and dronkennes the multi∣tude of ho∣ly dayes do engender.
• * 1.268

  How blas∣phemous & Idolatrous the songes of the Ro∣mish Chur∣chebe.
• * 1.269

  Christe¦masse day.
• * 1.270

  Pag. 175. Ashewed∣nesday.
• * 1.271

  Palmeson∣day. Good Fri∣day.
• * 1.272

  Easter Euē Easterday.
• * 1.273

  Ascention day. Whitson∣day. All Hollē∣day.
• * 1.274

  What thin∣ge•• be re∣proued in the papistes holy dayes & ceremo∣nies.
• * 1.275

  Esay. ••.
• * 1.276

  Popish wor¦shyppyng compared with the worshyp∣pyng of the Iewes in the olde law.
• * 1.277

  The super∣stitiō of the people in their state holy dayes & ceremo∣nies ought to be refor∣med.
• * 1.278

  Osori. pag. 175.
• * 1.279

  Esay. 58.
• * 1.280

  Gala. 4.
• * 1.281

  Osor. pag. 176.
• * 1.282

  Principles of Osorius Religion.
• * 1.283

  How much commodity and necessi∣ty there is in outward ceremonies and signes in Osorius iudgement.
• * 1.284

  Sarcasmus a nipping skoffe.
• * 1.285

  An Aun∣swere to Osorius mocke.
• * 1.286

  The papists acquayn∣taunce with mortall fra∣gility.
• * 1.287

  The vow of chastity.
• * 1.288

  What Cere¦monies are necessary with the Christians.
• * 1.289

  Baptisme. The Com∣munion. All Cere∣monies are not to be cōdemned: yet in the allowaunce of Ceremo∣nies: Reason and choyse must be ••••d••
• * 1.290

  Osorius spightfull ••nuectiue by a Rhe∣toricall fi∣gure wrest back vpon the Luthe∣ranes.
• * 1.291

  Pag. ••77.
• * 1.292

  Osor. pag. 178.
• * 1.293

  Osor. pag. 179.
• * 1.294

  Osorius bauld Rhe∣torick.
• * 1.295

  The confu∣tation of Osorius inuectiue.
• * 1.296

  Luther.
• * 1.297

  Phillippe Melancthō.
• * 1.298

  Martin Bu∣cer.
• * 1.299

  Huldricke Zuinglius. Iohn Cal∣ui••e.
• * 1.300

  Luther vpō the 15. Psal¦mes of De∣grees.
• * 1.301

  How the Pope is af∣flicted by the Luthe∣ranes.
• * 1.302

  Apoc. 1••.
• * 1.303

  The autho∣ritie of the Romish See can not agree with the autho∣ritie of the Scriptures.
• * 1.304

  The com∣plaint of Osori. con∣cernyng the ouerthrow of Moncke∣ryes and Nunneries,
• * 1.305

  It was not to be mar∣ue••led that Monckeries were so soone ouer∣throwen as that they stode so long.
• * 1.306

  Of the ho∣lynesse of ceremonies with Oso∣rius.
• * 1.307

  Luke.
• * 1.308

  Iohn.
• * 1.309

  Collos. 2.
• * 1.310

  Galat. 4.
• * 1.311

  Mens tradi∣tiōs & cere∣monies are not altoge∣ther seque∣stred from a Christian mans lyfe.
• * 1.312

  How great a perill is in ceremonies.
• * 1.313

  Christian Relligiō al∣most wholy turned into ceremonies.
• * 1.314

  Images Crosses Al∣tars throwē downe.
• * 1.315

  Ezechiah. Iosiah. Iozaphat.
• * 1.316

  Gedeon.
• * 1.317

  Epiphanius in an Epi∣stle to Iohn Byshopp of Ierusalem.
• * 1.318

  Phillippi∣cus Leo I∣saurick. Cō∣stantine Le∣o. 4. Greeke Emperours agaynst I∣mages. Images ba∣nished by the coūcels of Constā∣tinople, Eli∣bertine and francksord.
• * 1.319

  Out of the councell of Constātin∣ople.
• * 1.320

  Ex Eliber∣tino co••cil. can. 36.
• * 1.321

  Lactant. in∣stit. book. 2. cap. 19.
• * 1.322

  Chrisostōe.
• * 1.323

  Amphilo∣chius.
• * 1.324

  Theodore Byshopp of Ancira.
• * 1.325

  Portraictes.
• * 1.326

  Eusebius Bysh. of Pamphil.
• * 1.327

  The reasōs of Bysh. al∣leadged in the counsell of Constan∣tinople.
• * 1.328

  Deut. 20.
• * 1.329

  2. Cor. 6.
• * 1.330

  A figure called con∣traposition betwixt the decrees of God and the Popes.
• * 1.331

  Math. 10.
• * 1.332

  1. Iohn. 5.
• * 1.333

  Out of the Decrees of the Tryden¦tine counsel 9. Sesio.
• * 1.334

  Iere. 10.
• * 1.335

  Abacu••. 3.
• * 1.336

  The wicked and prepo∣sterous iud∣gements of the Papists in worship∣ping of I∣mages.
• * 1.337

  Osor. pag. 178.
• * 1.338

  Osorius slaunder a∣gaynst Lu∣ther tou∣ching con∣trition and good wor∣kes condē∣ned, is con∣futed.
• * 1.339

  Articul. 31.
• * 1.340

  How this sentence that the Righteous man doth offend in e∣uery good worke is to be taken. Gregory vpon Ioh. 9. August. in his 3. booke of confess. cap. 7. August. to Boniface. 3. book. ca. 7.
• * 1.341

  The words of Constan∣tine to A∣cesius.
• * 1.342

  Aug. in his 1. booke de perfectione iustitiae.
• * 1.343

  Aug. in his booke of the perfecti∣on of righ∣teousnes.
• * 1.344

  Of the aun¦tient ordi∣naunces of the Church. The ordi∣naunces of the primi∣tiue church taken away now by our Catholicks.
• * 1.345

  The com∣playnt of a∣bolishing the auntiēt ordinaun∣ces of the Church ap∣pliable to none so much as to the Papists.
• * 1.346

  By what meanes the Romanistes haue alte∣red al thin∣ges in the Church.
• * 1.347

  Osorius pag. 178.
• * 1.348

  Osor. pag. 180.
• * 1.349

  An aun∣swere in the behalfe of the Lu∣theranes li∣ues agaynst slaūderyng.
• * 1.350

  It is one thyng to iudge of maners an other thing to iudge of doctrine.
• * 1.351

  Dogges in the pallace of Rome.
• * 1.352

  Osori. pag. 180.181.
• * 1.353

  The popes blynd De∣crees cā not away with the light of the Gos∣pell.
• * 1.354

  The cauill of Osorius agaynst the lyues of Lutherans.
• * 1.355

  Osori. ray∣seth all his slaunders of hearesay.
• * 1.356

  The fruites of the Gos∣pell beyng restoared.
• * 1.357

  Doctrine ought not to be iud∣ged after the quali∣ties of mens manners.
• * 1.358

  Osorius malice a∣gaynst the Lutherans.
• * 1.359

  Many are vntruely ter¦med Luthe∣rans that be no Luthe∣rans.
• * 1.360

  Mauy coun∣terfets lurke in the Church vn∣der presence of the Gos∣pell.
• * 1.361

  The appro∣ued integri¦tye of the-Protestāts.
• * 1.362

  The lyfe of Cranmer Archb. of Cant.
• * 1.363

  The marri∣age of Crā∣mer defen∣ded.
• * 1.364

  The name of a Con∣cubine more holy with the Papistes then the name of a wife.
• * 1.365

  Nichol. Rid¦ley Byshop of London.
• * 1.366

  Ferrar Bish. of Saynt Dauids. Iohn Hoo∣per Bish. of Worcest. & Glocester.
• * 1.367

  Famous men martyr∣red vnder Queene Mary.
• * 1.368

  Tho. Bilney
• * 1.369

  Ioh. Brad∣ford.
• * 1.370

  The liues of those which were burnt in Queene Maries rai∣gne.
• * 1.371

  Erasmus te∣stimony cō∣cerning Lu∣ther.
• * 1.372

  See Osori∣us in his 1. booke. 69.
• * 1.373

  Roffensis of the doc∣trine of Lu∣ther.
• * 1.374

  Luthers do∣ctrine not other then all other true Chri∣stians.
• * 1.375

  The Fallax of the con∣sequent.
• * 1.376

  An Argu∣ment right∣ly deduced frō Signes.
• * 1.377

  Doctrine not to be applyed to maners, but maners to doctrine.
• * 1.378

  Osorius pag. 181. 182.
• * 1.379

  Of prescrip¦tion, of An∣tiquitye.
• * 1.380

  Osorius doth accuse the refor∣med Chur∣ches of No∣ueltye.
• * 1.381

  The refor∣med Chur∣ches now a dayes doe not vary frō the Apo∣stles institu∣tion in doc∣trine.
• * 1.382

  Maner of lyfe thought neuer so disorderous maketh not an here∣tique.
• * 1.383

  The cause that enfla∣meth Osor. agaynst the Lutheranes is not the life, but the state of their doc∣trine.
• * 1.384

  The foun∣dation of the questiō is not of ma¦ners, but of the princi∣ples and groūdes of Religion. The condi∣tion agreed vpō concer∣neth the triall of an∣tiquitie.
• * 1.385

  The papists exception agaynst the obscurenes of the scrip∣tures.
• * 1.386

  Of an vnpi∣er in Eccle∣siasticall causes.
• * 1.387

  A Request to the ex∣cellent king of Portin∣gall.
• * 1.388

  The Anti∣quity of the Romish Re¦ligion coū∣terfaite.
• * 1.389

  The false accusation of Noueltie agaynst the Lutherans.
• * 1.390

  The law of Prescriptiō.
• * 1.391

  Distinct. 8. August.
• * 1.392

  Gregory.
• * 1.393

  Custome. Antiquitye. Prescriptiō. Cyprian. distinc. 8.
• * 1.394

  No custome may pre∣scribe a∣gaynst the king, much lesse anye Custome may pre∣scribe a∣gaynst god.
• * 1.395

  A defence agaynst the accusation of Nouelty falsly char∣ged vpon the refor∣med Chur∣ches by O∣sorius.
• * 1.396

  Of the me∣rites of Christ.
• * 1.397

  Of true cō∣fidence.
• * 1.398

  Tertulian touching prescription agaynst He∣retiques.
• * 1.399

  Exod. 20.
• * 1.400

  Of inuoca∣tion, wor∣shipping. &c.
• * 1.401

  Of Sacra∣ments.
• * 1.402

  Out of Iustine.
• * 1.403

  Of the free¦dome of Mariage. Heb. 13. 1. Timo. 4.
• * 1.404

  The mo∣ther tongue in Chur∣ches.
• * 1.405

  The Com∣munion vn¦der both kindes.
• * 1.406

  Of Images.
• * 1.407

  Of right•• and Cere∣monies.
• * 1.408

  Of the po∣wer of free¦will.
• * 1.409

  Of iustifi∣yng fayth.
• * 1.410

  Rom. 3. Galat.
• * 1.411

  Galat.
• * 1.412

  How fayth onely doth iustifie, and whom.
• * 1.413

  Luther.
• * 1.414

  Caluine.
• * 1.415

  Melancthō.
• * 1.416

  Musculus. Bullinger.
• * 1.417

  P. Martyr.
• * 1.418

  Hul. Zuing¦lius. Occolam∣padius.
• * 1.419

  Iohn Iuell.
• * 1.420

  Gualter Rodolfe. Theodore Beza.
• * 1.421

  The Luthe∣rans acqui∣ted from all reprehenti∣on of No∣ueltye.
• * 1.422

  An olde quarrell of the Catho∣licks tou∣ching No∣ueltye.
• * 1.423

  Of the su∣premacy & titles of the Pope.
• * 1.424

  The titles of the Ro∣maine pope
• * 1.425

  Math. 23.
• * 1.426

  The outra∣gious; dig∣nitie of the pope.
• * 1.427

  Chrisost. ad Romanos. homil. 23.
• * 1.428

  Gregory.
• * 1.429

  The supre∣macy was first graun∣ted by Pho∣cas to Boni∣face.
• * 1.430

  The fulnes of power be¦ganne in the tyme of Hildebrand Pope.
• * 1.431

  Cardinalls.
• * 1.432

  The electi∣on of the Pope tran∣slated from the Empe∣rour and the people of Rome vnto the Cardi∣nalls.
• * 1.433

  Of the Masse, and her appur∣tenaunces.
• * 1.434

  The vse of Corpes in the Church
• * 1.435

  Priuate Masses.
• * 1.436

  The Com∣munion of the laye people ab∣bridged frō thrice to once in a yeare by Clement 3
• * 1.437

  Vnleaue∣ned bread.
• * 1.438

  One part of the Cō∣munion ta∣ken away from the lay people. Corpus Christi day
• * 1.439

  Of Image.
• * 1.440

  Of transub∣stantion of Eleuation of carying abroad of the Sacra∣ment.
• * 1.441

  Of marri∣age of prie∣stes and choyse of meates.
• * 1.442

  Of the Popes de∣crees and decretals.
• * 1.443

  Extrauaga. de Maiorit. obed. cap. vnam.
• * 1.444

  De maior it. & obedien∣tia. cap. So∣litae.
• * 1.445

  Of Moūcks & Fryers.
• * 1.446

  Three vows of Moūke∣rye.
• * 1.447

  Sixe wings of Seraphin
• * 1.448

  Aemilius in his 5. booke
• * 1.449

  Carthusi∣anes.
• * 1.450

  Castersi∣anes.
• * 1.451

  Templars
• * 1.452

  Premon∣stratenses.
• * 1.453

  Gilbertines
• * 1.454

  Domini∣canes.
• * 1.455

  Franciscans
• * 1.456

  Eremites. Augustines Carmelites.
• * 1.457

  Nuns of S. Clares or∣der.
• * 1.458

  Out of the Councell of Lateran. Innocent. 3.
• * 1.459

  Cap. 13. Minorites Augustine anes.
• * 1.460

  Crossebea∣beares. Whippers Iesuites
• * 1.461

  In the Ro∣mish Chur∣che are ma∣ny things new altoge∣ther, no∣thing aun∣cient sauo∣ring of tha∣postolique Antiquitye.
• * 1.462

  The carnall presence of Christ no where but in heauen.
• * 1.463

  The carnall presence of Christ one of the Po∣pish doc∣trine.
• * 1.464

  How the Papistes dp doe differ from the Apostles in the mini∣string of the communiō.
• * 1.465

  Priuate Masse.
• * 1.466

  Hebr. 9. 8 10.
• * 1.467

  1. Tim. ••.
• * 1.468

  The true doctrine of trāsubstanti¦on iuuented by the pa∣••istes.
• * 1.469

  Transubstā∣tiation was neuer kno∣wen to the Apostles.
• * 1.470

  Many thou sandes of Martyrs lost theyr liues for this Tran∣substātiatiō.
• * 1.471

  The Chur∣che of the Pope a Murtherer.
• * 1.472

  The papist cā rēder no iust cause of sp••llyng so much Chri¦stian bloud.
• * 1.473

  It is one thing to re∣uerence the Sacramēts & an other thyng to turne Christ into a Sacra¦ment.
• * 1.474

  The words of Christ.
• * 1.475

  This is my body.
• * 1.476

  Christs wor¦des bespirit and lyfe.
• * 1.477

  Christ is called by sondry na∣mes in the Scriptures.
• * 1.478

  Christ is called bread in the Gos∣pell.
• * 1.479

  By what si∣militude the Sacra∣ment of bread and wine, is called the body and bloud of Christ.
• * 1.480

  August. to Boniface 13. Episto.
• * 1.481

  August. vp∣pon the psalme. 89.
• * 1.482

  August. a∣gaynst Adi∣mant 13.
• * 1.483

  The circum¦staunces a∣bout the Supper of the Lord are to be considered.
• * 1.484

  August. vp∣on the wor¦des of the Lord in Lake Ser. 33.
• * 1.485

  August. in Ioh. tractar. 25.26.
• * 1.486

  The absēce of the body of Christ more profi∣table for vs∣thē his pre∣sence.
• * 1.487

  An Argu∣ment in res∣pect of the profit ther∣of.
• * 1.488

  Antichrist.
• * 1.489

  An argu∣ment from Impossibi∣litye.
• * 1.490

  Contradic∣tiories cann not be to∣gether, not so much as by miracle.
• * 1.491

  A great di∣uersitie be∣twixt the auncient Church of Rome, and this vpstart Church.
• * 1.492

  The lynes and couer∣satiō of the aunciēt Fa∣thers of the primitiue Church.
• * 1.493

  The first a∣ge of the Church
• * 1.494

  Deut. 12.
• * 1.495

  Gala. 1.
• * 1.496

  Math. 7.
• * 1.497

  In processe of time the maners and ordinaunce of Christiās were chaūged.
• * 1.498

  The middle age of the Church.
• * 1.499

  How sure forth hu∣mayne au∣thoritye doth binde.
• * 1.500

  Ecclesiasti∣call functi∣on consisteth in two thin¦ges chiefly.
• * 1.501

  How farre ecclesiasti∣call power doth extend it selfe.
• * 1.502

  In matters appertay∣ning vnto God, dew obedience ought to be geuen to the Pastors and Mini∣sters.
• * 1.503

  How farre forth obe∣diēce ought to be geuen or not geuē to Pastours of the chur∣che in mat∣ters of mens constitutiō.
• * 1.504

  What mini∣sters ought to consider in makyng new ordi∣naunces.
• * 1.505

  Of iudiciall power of Churches.
• * 1.506

  The diffe∣rence be∣twixt Eccle¦siasticall & temporall Iudgemēts.
• * 1.507

  Ecclesiasti∣call disci∣pline in the primitiue Church.
• * 1.508

  The first in∣stitution of the primi∣tiue church compared with the tymes of the latter Church.
• * 1.509

  The foun∣dation of the christiā Church.
• * 1.510

  The founda¦tion of the Romyshe Church.
• * 1.511

  The Popes doctrine cō∣uinced by foure prin∣cipall poin∣tes.
• * 1.512

  The popes Church more like an earthly kyngdome then the kyngdome of Christ.
• * 1.513

  A smale discription of the Ro∣mishe Ierarchye.
• * 1.514

  A compari∣son betwixt the king∣dome of the Pope, and the king∣dome of this world.
• * 1.515

  Iohn. 20. A compari∣son betwixt the popes kyngdome and Christs kyngdome.
• * 1.516

  Luke. 20.
• * 1.517

  Mar. 10.
• * 1.518

  Luce. 12.
• * 1.519

  2. Cor. 10.
• * 1.520

  1. Cor. 4.
• * 1.521

  2. Cor. 1.
• * 1.522

  1. Pet. 5.
• * 1.523

  Rom. 12.
• * 1.524

  The shape of the Ro∣mish Ierar∣chy.
• * 1.525

  The coun¦te••faite au∣thoritie of popes.
• * 1.526

  The church wickedly defined by the papistes.
• * 1.527

  How the Romishe stagers doe counterfayt olde Anti∣quitye.
• * 1.528

  A manifest declaration of the Ro∣mish church as it is now to be no∣thing at all,
• * 1.529

  Gregor. 4. booke 30. Epistle.
• * 1.530

  The order of Cardi∣nalles.
• * 1.531

  The electiō of the pope of Rome.
• * 1.532

  Cyprian 4. booke Epi∣stle 2.
• * 1.533

  The aunci∣ent autho∣ritie of Em∣perours in sommoning Councelles and in chu∣sing popes. A Decree of Charles the great & Otto. Di∣stinct. 6 3.
• * 1.534

  The olde Canons do abhorre priuate Masses.
• * 1.535

  Canon. 8.
• * 1.536

  The power of both swords cō∣trary to the old Canōs. The thyrd Coūcell of Carthage Cap. 47. In the new Constitu∣tions. 123. & 146. Cap. 3. Antiquitie agaynst I∣mages in Churches.
• * 1.537

  Origene v∣pon Leuit. Cap. 16. Chrisost. v∣pon Math. 1. Homel. 2. Vpon Iohn Homel. 31. August. de opera Mo∣nach.
• * 1.538

  Malburien∣sis de pon∣tificibus. Lib. 1.
• * 1.539

  An aunciēt law of En∣glād against pluralities.
• * 1.540

  All thynges altered by the pope.
• * 1.541

  Out of the Tridentine Councell.
• * 1.542

  Generall Councels accordyng to the old constitutiōs aboue the pope.
• * 1.543

  The Chur∣ch of Rome as it is now is conuinced of Nouelty.
• * 1.544

  The Coun∣cell of La∣terane. A new doc∣trine first instituted in the same vnder Pope Innocent. 3. Cap. 1.
• * 1.545

  Of the sa∣crifice of the Masse.
• * 1.546

  Of priuate confession.
• * 1.547

  The Late∣rane coun∣cell vnder Innocent. 3. Cap. 21.
• * 1.548

  Chrisost. in his fourth Sermon of Lazarus.
• * 1.549

  Chrisost. vp on the psal. 50. hom. 2.
• * 1.550

  Chriso. vp∣on the Epi∣stle to the Hebrues. homi. 31.
• * 1.551

  Tripart. histo. lib. 9 Cap. 35.
• * 1.552

  Erasmus iu his Apolo.
• * 1.553

  The Sacra¦ments of the Romish Church.
• * 1.554

  Out of Hunting∣ton the 7. booke.
• * 1.555

  Out of the Chronicles of Monu∣metensis.
• * 1.556

  Councell of Gangren. Cap. 4.
• * 1.557

  Out of the 2. councel of Arelaten. 2. cap.
• * 1.558

  Pope Lu∣cius decree. distin••. 81. Ministri.
• * 1.559

  The grea∣test part of the Romish doctrine newly foūd out and brought in within th••s 500. yeares.
• * 1.560

  Apoc. 21.
• * 1.561

  Trueth suf∣fereth vio∣lence.
• * 1.562

  A figure called Hy∣potiposis. Whereby the state of the Romās Church and the Refor∣med Chur∣che is ex∣pressed.
• * 1.563

  In the que∣stion of the Churche many things are conteined.
• * 1.564

  People, buildyng doctrine, forme of go¦uernement. Where the Churche of Lutheranes was fourtie yeares ago.
• * 1.565

  A Simili∣tude be∣twixt the restitutiō of Religion & the finest of the tounges
• * 1.566

  Reason rē∣dered why Religion is more pure at this tyme in the Chur¦ches, then it was in ma∣ny yeares before.
• * 1.567

  The Arte of Emprin∣tyng.
• * 1.568

  The reason and obie∣ction of the Catholicks in the de∣fēce of their Church.
• * 1.569

  Probable with De∣uines.
• * 1.570

  Rome built vpon seuen hilles.
• * 1.571

  Apocal. 13.
• * 1.572

  The reason of the pa∣pistes tou∣chyng the consent and proofe of their vni∣uersalitie.
• * 1.573

  The capti∣ous conclu∣sion of the Catholicks.
• * 1.574

  The aun∣swere to the Argu∣ment.
• * 1.575

  Distinct. 40. Non loca.
• * 1.576

  Distinct. 4. Non est.
• * 1.577

  A fallax in the Equiuo∣cum which is of diuers significati∣ons.
• * 1.578

  The Rom. Church doth com∣bate against the true Church of Christ vn∣der a cou∣lour of chri∣stian name.
• * 1.579

  Origen vp∣on Mathew cap. 17.
• * 1.580

  Irene. 3. book. cap. 4.
• * 1.581

  The trueth is the life of the church.
• * 1.582

  Lactant. 5. institu. cap. 30.
• * 1.583

  Argumētes made from consent and multitude of authors are weake.
• * 1.584

  Math. 10. Eccle. 1. Ieremy. 8.
• * 1.585

  Osorious accusation which was properly bent against Doctrine is transposed to maners.
• * 1.586

  To what end tendeth the force of Osorius Accusation.
• * 1.587

  Osorius doth deny that Luthers doctrine hath any affinitye with the Aposto∣lique Scrip∣tures. Pag. 181.
• * 1.588

  Osor. pag. 182.
• * 1.589

  Osorius lying Rhe∣torick.
• * 1.590

  The Argu∣ment of Osorius.
• * 1.591

  The Aun∣swere to the Argu∣ment.
• * 1.592

  Osorius quarell of lyfe and maners.
• * 1.593

  Tit. 1.
• * 1.594

  Ill may the Snight the Woodcock twight for his long bill.
• * 1.595

  The lyfe of the Luthe∣ranes com∣pared with the Catho∣lickes.
• * 1.596

  The vices of maners are not to be imputed to his doc∣trine.
• * 1.597

  The fruites of Luthres doctrine.
• * 1.598

  Osor pag. 182.
• * 1.599

  The confu∣tation of hisl aun∣der.
• * 1.600

  Artic. 21.
• * 1.601

  The scoffe of Luthers doctrine.
• * 1.602

  Luther of∣fēded with the life of his coun∣trey men.
• * 1.603

  Osor. pag. 187.
• * 1.604

  Deut. 18.
• * 1.605

  The argu∣ment of O∣sorius.
• * 1.606

  1. Kinges.
• * 1.607

  Act. 1••.
• * 1.608

  A true dif∣ference be∣twixt the false and the true Prophett.
• * 1.609

  Luther vp∣on the 130. Psalme.
• * 1.610

  Mens iudge¦mēts in fin∣dyng faulte may be free so that they be vpright.
• * 1.611

  Out of Va∣ler. Ansel. Iohn Stella
• * 1.612

  Out of Bē∣uo a Car∣dinall.
• * 1.613

  Of coue∣nauntes and promises not alwayes holden true emōgest the papistes.
• * 1.614

  Iere. cap. 23.
• * 1.615

  Osorius ar∣gument out of Ieremy.
• * 1.616

  Aunswere to the ar∣gument. The fallax of the con∣sequent.
• * 1.617

  The aun∣swere to the Maior.
• * 1.618

  The reason to discerne betwixt false and true Pro∣phetes ac∣cordyng to Osorius.
• * 1.619

  The aun∣swere of the Minor.
• * 1.620

  Osori. pag. 190.
• * 1.621

  The place of Ieremy expounded.
• * 1.622

  Iohn Husse The pro∣phecy of Iohn Husse touchyng the doctrine of the Gos∣pell to be restored by Luther.
• * 1.623

  A small cō∣trouersy be∣twixt Lu∣ther and Zuinglius.
• * 1.624

  Osor. pag. 191.
• * 1.625

  Of diuisiōs of the chur∣che.
• * 1.626

  Dissentions in the Pa∣pane church
• * 1.627

  Dissentions amōgst the most godly.
• * 1.628

  A full con∣sent of do∣ctrine in re∣formatiō of Churches.
• * 1.629

  The Arti∣cles of the chief groū∣des of Reli∣gion, wher∣in the Mini¦sters of the Church do well agree together.
• * 1.630

  How great a concord is ctetwixt many Chur¦ches in the matter of the Sacra∣ment.
• * 1.631

  Papistes murtherers of Martyrs.
• * 1.632

  Osori. pag. 192.
• * 1.633

  Osori. doth beleue fame Authour of all his vn∣truthes.
• * 1.634

  A prouerbe of Epichar∣mus.
• * 1.635

  Seuen Sa∣cramēts or∣deined by the pope, but by Christ two onely were Instituted.
• * 1.636

  There is no cause to the cōtrary, but that the Churche may be go∣uerned in the best ma¦ner though we be neuer acquainted with the popes su∣premacy.
• * 1.637

  Haddon a Babe in the Latine toūg but Osor. a Gyaunt in Eloquence.
• * 1.638

  Osor pag. 193.
• * 1.639

  Cyprian in his 4. booke and 2. Epi∣stle.
• * 1.640

  The Papi∣stes doe wrongfully define the Church of Christ.
• * 1.641

  Cipria in his 4. booke and 2. Epist.
• * 1.642

  Apoc. 18. Esay 52. 2. Cor. 6.
• * 1.643

  The peace and the vni∣tye of the Church ac∣cording to Cypriane.
• * 1.644

  The defini∣tion of the Church af∣ter the mea∣ning of the Romishe Church.
• * 1.645

  The Popish definition is confuted.
• * 1.646

  What is re∣quired to the true de∣finition of a Church.
• * 1.647

  The descrip¦tion of a true church according to the rule of the scrip∣ture.
• * 1.648

  Osorius Reasons.
• * 1.649

  The fallacy in the Ae∣quiuocatiō, that is to say in the word of diuers significatiō.
• * 1.650

  A necessary coniunction of soūd doc∣trine with vnitye.
• * 1.651

  Vnitye of the Church
• * 1.652

  Succession.
• * 1.653

  Multitude. Gods pro∣mise made vnto the Church.
• * 1.654

  Popes and Cardinalles will not ad∣mitte exa∣minatiōs of their cause.
• * 1.655

  Osori. pag. 195.
• * 1.656

  Papane. Redeeming of Sinnes. Markett of Purgatory. Worthy p∣pyng of i∣mages. Pilgrimage goyng. Masses Sa∣crificatory for the quicke and the dead. Osori. pag. 196.
• * 1.657

  Osori. doth deale with wordes and no matter.
• * 1.658

  Apocal. 14, 17. 18.
• * 1.659

  Of Fayres and markets of Pardons.
• * 1.660

  Pag. 196.
• * 1.661

  Out of Chris. Mas∣seus. Iohn Slei∣donne. M. Luther.
• * 1.662

  What dar∣nell grow∣eth in the Popes fieldes.
• * 1.663

  Putt in. putt in, putt in.
• * 1.664

  Masseus. Iohn Sleidō M. Luther.
• * 1.665

  The horri∣ble impu∣dencye of the Roma∣nistes.
• * 1.666

  Out of the Decretalles Gregory 5. in the title of Repen∣taunce and Remissiō of Sinnes. Cum ex co.
• * 1.667

  Chrisosto Homel. 38. vpon Math. Tridentine Councell.
• * 1.668

  The pardōs of the po∣pish church.
• * 1.669

  Nicene Ca∣non 11.
• * 1.670

  Antycira Canon 21.
• * 1.671

  Antycira. Canon 22.
• * 1.672

  Agathe Councell Canon 37.
• * 1.673

  Eusebius 6. booke Cap. 35.
• * 1.674

  Cyprian 3. booke Epi∣stle 15. 16. 18.
• * 1.675

  Antyciran Canon 5.
• * 1.676

  Nicene coū¦cell Cannon. 5.
• * 1.677

  New satis∣factiōs crept into the Romishe Church vn∣knowen to the Anti∣quitye.
• * 1.678

  Burchard.
• * 1.679

  How much the order of the old dis∣cipline doth varry from the Romish Nouelty.
• * 1.680

  The errours of the Po∣pish disci∣pline.
• * 1.681

  The ordi∣naunces of the Pope are contrary to Christ & his Scrip∣tures.
• * 1.682

  Act. 20.
• * 1.683

  Collos.
• * 1.684

  1. Iohn. 1.2.
• * 1.685

  Iohn. 1.
• * 1.686

  Heb. 10.
• * 1.687

  Rom. 3 4.
• * 1.688

  The absur∣ditie of the Romishe doctrine.
• * 1.689

  Eccius in∣terpretati¦on vppon the Popes decretalls.
• * 1.690

  Out of the Commen∣tary of M. Luther to the Galath. cap. 2.
• * 1.691

  The Papi∣sticall abso∣lutions.
• * 1.692

  How great an absurdi∣tie is in the popes par∣dons.
• * 1.693

  Math. 16.
• * 1.694

  The Keyes and Chayre of Peter.
• * 1.695

  Lucian. 2. part. pag. 525.
• * 1.696

  Orpheus Harpe ma∣keth not a Harper, not doth Peters Chayre make an Apostle.
• * 1.697

  The succes∣sion of Pe∣ter the A∣postle.
• * 1.698

  The circū∣staūces must he conside∣red, where∣fore the keyes were deliuered vnto Peter.
• * 1.699

  Math. 16.
• * 1.700

  The foun∣datiō of the Churche is fayth & the knowledge of the Sonne of God.
• * 1.701

  What Cir∣cumstaun∣ces do goe before the true keyes of Christ & what doe come after.
• * 1.702

  Peter recei∣ued the keyes first but not one¦ly.
• * 1.703

  Out of Eu∣sebius. third book. cap. 7.
• * 1.704

  The Suc∣cession A∣postolique is not to be measured by place or tyme.
• * 1.705

  The nature of the Gos∣pell is alto∣gether spiri¦tuall, nor regardeth earthly and carnall thinges.
• * 1.706

  The spirite of Christe.
• * 1.707

  The succes∣sion of Pe∣ter doth consist in spirite not in externall thinges.
• * 1.708

  Pardons.
• * 1.709

  Succession.
• * 1.710

  The Keyes.
• * 1.711

  The 5. Ca∣non of the councell of Ancyra.
• * 1.712

  Ex titulo de penitent. & Remiss. cap. cū ex eo
• * 1.713

  The fulnes of power first brought in by Inno∣cent .3. first Authour therof.
• * 1.714

  The fulnes of power.
• * 1.715

  Esay. 55.12.
• * 1.716

  Out of a decree in the Lateran Councell. Anno. 1215.
• * 1.717

  A decree of Boniface. 8. Extraua.
• * 1.718

  A shame∣lesse abuse of the keyes
• * 1.719

  The By∣shops of Rome can challenge to them∣selues ful∣nes of po∣wer by no Argument of proofe.
• * 1.720

  Apoc. 3.
• * 1.721

  An obiec∣tion.
• * 1.722

  The state of the Questi∣on is mis∣tourned by-the Roma∣nistes.
• * 1.723

  The wordes of August vnto Peter haue no playne ap∣plication vnlesse they be referred to the chur¦che.
• * 1.724

  Thomas Aqui. lib. 4. distinct. 18. Extraua∣de Re. & paen. Cap. Cum ex eo & nostro.
• * 1.725

  Thomas A∣qui. lib. 4. dist. 18. Ex∣trau. de Re & poeni. ca. Cum ex eo. & nostro.
• * 1.726

  The Keyes were geuen for the ne∣cessary be∣nefite of the Church nor to mēs lust nor yet to Reuenge.
• * 1.727

  The Iudici∣all vse of Keyes.
• * 1.728

  Tho. lib. 4. dist. 18.
• * 1.729

  Actes. 2••.
• * 1.730

  The power of the keyes how great and to whom are geuen.
• * 1.731

  Whether no Remissiō of sins is in the Church without the vse of the keyes.
• * 1.732

  How much the publike keye and how much euery mans fayth is ef∣fectuall to the Remis∣sion of Sinnes.
• * 1.733

  Rom. 5. Luke. 8.
• * 1.734

  Math. 9.
• * 1.735

  When the vse of the Keies ought to be mini∣stred.
• * 1.736

  Thomas. lib 4. dist. 18.
• * 1.737

  The error of Thomas Aquinas.
• * 1.738

  The discō∣modities of the Shaue∣linges con∣fession.
• * 1.739

  Iohn Sco∣tus.
• * 1.740

  The Rom. See doth sell nothing forsooth.
• * 1.741

  Mantuan in his booke of Lamenta∣tion.
• * 1.742

  The matter doth agree, if you reade the verses backward.
• * 1.743

  Canōs pe∣nitentiall described by Bur∣chard and Gratian.
• * 1.744

  When be∣gan fayres and mar∣kettes of Pardons first.
• * 1.745

  Ex Cōcillo Latera. Ex∣tran. de poena & Remi. Cap. Cum ex co.
• * 1.746

  The Councell of Vi∣enna. 1311.
• * 1.747

  Ex Clemēt 5. Lib. 6. De••creta. Cap. Abusioni∣bus.
• * 1.748

  Ex Clemēt. Cap. Abu∣sionibus. in Glossa.
• * 1.749

  The first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••u∣•••••••• institu∣••••••
• * 1.750

  Extrauag. de P••nit. & Remi Ca. Antiquorū.
• * 1.751

  Out of the Greuaūces of Germa∣ny.
• * 1.752

  Out of Po∣lydore Vir∣gill.
• * 1.753

  The pardōs of Boston.
• * 1.754

  A History of Flaunders.
• * 1.755

  The Papists flee to de∣nyals.
• * 1.756

  Osori pag. 196.
• * 1.757

  It is one thyng to prayse Mar∣tyrs, and an other thing to worshyp Images.
• * 1.758

  The Orati∣on of Gre∣gory Nisse∣nus in the prayse of Theodorus Martyr.
• * 1.759

  Osorius Argument pag. 197.
• * 1.760

  Osorius ill-fauoured Argument deriued frō Resem∣blaunce to worship∣ping.
• * 1.761

  Who be cal¦led Saintes.
• * 1.762

  Saintes not to be wor∣shypped.
• * 1.763

  Apocal. 22.
• * 1.764

  Of Purga∣tory the Popes Ka∣ter.
• * 1.765

  Why the Papistes doe striue so earnestly for Purga∣torye.
• * 1.766

  Osorius great sturre about Pur∣gatory.
• * 1.767

  The popes Pnrgatory Mores folly
• * 1.768

  The new I∣lād of Pur∣gatory new¦ly found by the Deui∣nes.
• * 1.769

  What day Purgatory was made.
• * 1.770

  Gregory.
• * 1.771

  Alcuinus.
• * 1.772

  At what tyme the flame of Purgatory was kynd∣led at the first.
• * 1.773

  Whether God be au∣thor of Pur¦gatory or the Pope.
• * 1.774

  Other que∣stions of Purgatory.
• * 1.775

  Thomas A∣quinas opi∣nion of Pur¦gatory.
• * 1.776

  Luther is vouched to defend Pur¦gatory.
• * 1.777

  Osor. pag. 197.
• * 1.778

  Roffensis agaynst Luther in praefatione veritatis.
• * 1.779

  Luther in the 15 Con¦clus.
• * 1.780

  Osor. pag. 198. Osor. sub∣till Sophis∣me.
• * 1.781

  Ex Thoma. secunda. se∣cundū dist. quest. 110. cap. 1.
• * 1.782

  Di••ers kindes of lyes.
• * 1.783

  Abraham.
• * 1.784

  Iacob.
• * 1.785

  Rebecca. The Mid∣wiues of Egipt.
• * 1.786

  Dauid.
• * 1.787

  Luther is not cleared from all error.
• * 1.788

  Iohn. 1.
• * 1.789

  Osor. pag. 198.
• * 1.790

  Truth is al∣wayes one.
• * 1.791

  Errour ought to be refuted by Scripture & doctrine, & not with tauntey and reproches.
• * 1.792

  Faultes layd Lu∣thers char∣ge.
• * 1.793

  Osor. main∣teineth his cause with slaūders nor with Argu¦mentes.
• * 1.794

  Osori. pag. 199.
• * 1.795

  Luther doth deny that Pur∣gatory can be proued by the scrip¦tures in the declaration of his 37. Articl. Mar. 9.
• * 1.796

  Osori. pag. 200.
• * 1.797

  Lynceus was a man that could e••ery a ship at the Sea xxx. myle of.
• * 1.798

  Osorius reason of Salt, very fresh and vnsauery. Osorius pag. 200.
• * 1.799

  The words of Osorius pag. 200.
• * 1.800

  Wordes of Blasphemy and v••••ncet for a Chri∣stian.
• * 1.801

  Purgatory is a witnesse of Gods clemency and Iustice also.
• * 1.802

  An Aun∣swere to Osorius of the Iustice and Cle∣mencye of God.
• * 1.803

  The reason of Osorius.
• * 1.804

  Luke. 16.
• * 1.805

  Gods Iu∣stice must needes be satisfied iu Purgatory.
• * 1.806

  The chief reason of the Catho∣lickes, wher¦upon they grounde their Pur∣gory.
• * 1.807

  An Aun∣swere to the Argu∣ment of O∣sorius tou∣chyng the Salte.
• * 1.808

  The Purga¦tory of O∣sorius cōsu∣ted.
• * 1.809

  Osor. pag. 200.
• * 1.810

  Dauids pu∣nishment after pardō for his fault
• * 1.811

  An Aun∣swere.
• * 1.812

  Osor. pag. 201.
• * 1.813

  1. Cor. 1.
• * 1.814

  Rom. 4.
• * 1.815

  A place of Peter cited by Osorius.
• * 1.816

  1. Pet. 4.
• * 1.817

  Math. 11.
• * 1.818

  2. Tim. 3. Osorius Argument.
• * 1.819

  The Aun∣swere.
• * 1.820

  1. Pet. 3.
• * 1.821

  1. Pet. 4.
• * 1.822

  1. Pet. Cap. 4.
• * 1.823

  Osor. pag. 221. 1. Pet. 3. 1. Thes. 4.
• * 1.824

  2. Thes. 4.
• * 1.825

  Osor. cut∣ted Sophis∣me.
• * 1.826

  The Soules in Prison.
• * 1.827

  A new proofe of Purgatory neuer hard of before.
• * 1.828

  1. Pet. 3.
• * 1.829

  The errour of Osorius turned back into his bo∣some, by cō∣traposition.
• * 1.830

  The place of Peter skanned.
• * 1.831

  The ordina∣ry Glosse. 1. Pet. 3.
• * 1.832

  Nicholas Lyra vpon the 1. Pe∣ter. 3.
• * 1.833

  Out of an other patch of some o∣ther Gloser patcht vpp to the Glose of Lyra.
• * 1.834

  The Gloser vpon. 1. Pe∣ter. 3.
• * 1.835

  Luke. 17.
• * 1.836

  Out of the same Gloa∣ser.
• * 1.837

  Mounteyne men.
• * 1.838

  Low Coū∣trey men.
• * 1.839

  Out of Frā¦cisce, Mar∣cion and o∣thers.
• * 1.840

  Foure man∣siōs in hell.
• * 1.841

  Osori. pag. 201.
• * 1.842

  1. Cor. 15. Osorius obiection out of the wordes of S. Paule.
• * 1.843

  Osorius doth erre in the mea∣ning of S. Paule.
• * 1.844

  The place of Paule expounded.
• * 1.845

  2 Paraly. 9.
• * 1.846

  Chrisost. v∣pon the 1. of the Corin. Cap. 15.
• * 1.847

  What it is to be Bapti∣zed for the dead.
• * 1.848

  Cyprian to Fortunatus in his exhor¦tation to Martirdome
• * 1.849

  Aug. in his booke of Confession.
• * 1.850

  In the lyfe of Nazian∣zene.
• * 1.851

  The Argu∣ment of S. Paul dery∣ued from the Reason that leadeth to an Ab∣surditye.
• * 1.852

  Chrisost. in the same place.
• * 1.853

  Purgatory & Baptisme two contta∣ry elemēts.
• * 1.854

  Iacob. 2.
• * 1.855

  Such as are Baptised in Christ Iesu neede not feare any purgatorye.
• * 1.856

  Baptisme profitable 3. maner of wayes.
• * 1.857

  Chrisost. vpon the Actes of the Apo∣stles ho∣mel. 1.
• * 1.858

  Thom vpon the Corin. 1.15. cap. lect. 4.
• * 1.859

  It is not lawfull to be baptized twise.
• * 1.860

  To be Bap∣tized for the dead accor∣ding to the Deuines.
• * 1.861

  Chrisost. vpon the 1. Cor. cap. 15
• * 1.862

  Iero. vpon the Corin. Cap. 15.
• * 1.863

  Out of the ordinary Glose. Thomas Aquinas v∣pon the Cor. 1. cap. 15 cap. 4. Paludens. dist. 21. que. 1. Bonauen∣ture.
• * 1.864

  Osor. pag. 202.
• * 1.865

  Osor. pag. 202.
• * 1.866

  Osorius opinion ve∣ry absurd.
• * 1.867

  Three kindes of Baptisme.
• * 1.868

  AEquiuoce diuersly sig∣nifiyng in one word or terme.
• * 1.869

  Purgatory is cōfirmed by the Sup¦plications & Sacrifices of the Church.
• * 1.870

  Osori. pag. 202.
• * 1.871

  Oso. Argu∣ment for the creditt of Purga∣tory.
• * 1.872

  Petitio principij, a Demaund back againe of the first propositiō.
• * 1.873

  Iohn. 5.
• * 1.874

  Luke. 23.
• * 1.875

  Rom. 6.
• * 1.876

  Basile and Chrisosto. in their Ly∣turgies.
• * 1.877

  Cyria. lib. 3. Epist. 6.
• * 1.878

  Aug. Ser∣mo. de ver∣bis Apost. Magist. sē∣tent. Lib. 4. Distinct. 45
• * 1.879

  Osori. pag. 204. 205.
• * 1.880

  1 Co••. 1.••
• * 1.881

  1. Cor. 15.
• * 1.882

  Colos. 1.
• * 1.883

  The place of Paule to to the Col∣loss. misun∣derstoode of the papistes.
• * 1.884

  The onely merites of Christ suf∣fice not with the papistes.
• * 1.885

  The trea∣sure of the Church.
• * 1.886

  Ruth 4. Out of S. Bonauentu. Lib. 4. Dist. 10. Quest. 3
• * 1.887

  S. Bonauē∣ture in the foresayd Distinct.
• * 1.888

  Blasphemy.
• * 1.889

  Prophane Sacrilege.
• * 1.890

  Heresy.
• * 1.891

  Error.
• * 1.892

  Fraude.
• * 1.893

  A stale iest.
• * 1.894

  The Refu∣tation.
• * 1.895

  Col. cap. 2.
• * 1.896

  Heb. 10.
• * 1.897

  Psal. 115.
• * 1.898

  The me∣rites of Sainctes are nothyng worth but the merites of Christ. August. vp∣on the Go∣spell of Ihon the 84. Treatise.
• * 1.899

  Aug. in the same place.
• * 1.900

  Osor. pag. 203.
• * 1.901

  The dearth of Osorius Church.
• * 1.902

  Osor. pag. 203.
• * 1.903

  Osor. pag. 202.
• * 1.904

  The onely oblation of Christ doth not satisfie the papistes
• * 1.905

  The wrath of God is pacified with the bloud of Christ.
• * 1.906

  The Sacri∣fices of Pa∣pistes are with-out bloud and do wāt the bloud of Christ.
• * 1.907

  Ergo, the Sacrifices of the papistes do not pa∣cifie the wrath of God.
• * 1.908

  Collos. 1.
• * 1.909

  Hebr. 10.
• * 1.910

  Luke. 23.
• * 1.911

  Ephes. 2.
• * 1.912

  An Hystory of Germa∣ny out of Wolfgang. Musculus his commō places.
• * 1.913

  The Masse and Popes pardons are contrary ech to o∣thers.
• * 1.914

  The summe of the Ro∣mish stati∣ons doth surmount the number of 1000000. yeares.
• * 1.915

  Heb. 9.
• * 1.916

  Aug. contra aduers. leg. & Prophet. lib. 1. Cap. 18. Agayne vpō the 64. Psalm.
• * 1.917

  Actes. 86.
• * 1.918

  Rom. 5.
• * 1.919

  1. Iohn. 2.
• * 1.920

  What time the Turkish power be∣ganne to preuaile agaynst the Christians.
• * 1.921

  The fruites of Masses and the po∣pishe Sa∣crifice.
• * 1.922

  The popish Religion an offence and stumblyng blocke to the lewes.
• * 1.923

  The Vene∣tians loste Cypres for all their Masses.
• * 1.924

  The tyran∣ny of the Turke is not to be impu∣ted to any thyng more then to the Popishe Masses.
• * 1.925

  Osori. pag. 203.
• * 1.926

  Christ de∣parting hence did not leaue behinde him his bo∣dy & bloud but a Miste∣ry thereof only, and that also to eate and not to Sa∣crifice.
• * 1.927

  Argumēts agaynst the Sacrifice of the Altar.
• * 1.928

  Argumēts agaynst the sacrifice of the Altar.
• * 1.929

  Dionis. Clemens constitu. a∣post. lib. 6. cap. 30. Ambros. de virg. lib. 2.
• * 1.930

  Ierome vp∣on the psal. 86.97.
• * 1.931

  Aug. quest no••i & ve∣ter. testa. lib. 2.
• * 1.932

  Aug. vpon the wordes of Christ af∣ter S. Luke Christ. vpon the Actes 2. hom.
• * 1.933

  Gregory de consecra. dist. 2. quid sit.
• * 1.934

  By what reasō Christ is called the bread of lyfe.
• * 1.935

  A dooble feeding in the Sacra∣ment.
• * 1.936

  How the body of Christ is receaued in the Supper, and how the bread is receaued.
• * 1.937

  How bread and the bo∣dy are both receaued in the Cōmu∣nion.
• * 1.938

  Gene. 9.
• * 1.939

  Leuit. 7.
• * 1.940

  Leuit. 17.
• * 1.941

  Leuit. 6. Christ could not geue his bo¦dy for an o∣blation in his Supper without the breache of the Law.
• * 1.942

  Iohn. 6. August. de doctrin. Christi.
• * 1.943

  Psal. 81. Iohn. 10.
• * 1.944

  Math. 16.
• * 1.945

  Theodoret Dialo. 2.2 Col. de Sa∣cramen. lib. 4. Cap. 4.
• * 1.946

  Tobi 5.10.
• * 1.947

  Ephe. 6.
• * 1.948

  A descrip∣tion of the Popish ma∣ner of Sa∣crificing.
• * 1.949

  Ite Missa est.
• * 1.950

  The popish breadwor∣shyp.
• * 1.951

  How much the popishe Masse doth differ from the Supper of Christ & the vsage of the Apo∣stles.
• * 1.952

  The pro∣fanyng and Idolatrous transfor∣ming of the Lordes, Sup¦per emōgest the papistes
• * 1.953

  The solutiō of Hosius Obiection.
• * 1.954

  The Soluti∣on of the obiection.
• * 1.955

  Osor in his 3. booke. Pag. 183.
• * 1.956

  An Argu∣mēt against transubstā∣tiation.
• * 1.957

  A Fallax a secundum quid ad simplicitur.
• * 1.958

  How the body of Christ is present and not present in the sup∣per.
• * 1.959

  How the Papistes do remoue Christ from the mistical Supper.
• * 1.960

  Obiection.
• * 1.961

  Aunswere.
• * 1.962

  The cutted Sophisme of the Pa∣pistes.
• * 1.963

  Rom. 15.13
• * 1.964

  Philipp. 4. Heb. 13.
• * 1.965

  An other Arugment of the ad∣uersaries
• * 1.966

  Aunswere
• * 1.967

  One Priest many Mini∣sters.
• * 1.968

  The onely priest of the new Testa∣ment.
• * 1.969

  The merites of christ are applied by fayth not by sacrifice.
• * 1.970

  An Argu∣ment out of Malachy Cap. 1.
• * 1.971

  The Sacri∣fice of the new Testa∣ment & the two proper ties therof.
• * 1.972

  Aunswere.
• * 1.973

  Malach. 1.
• * 1.974

  The place of Malachy expounded.
• * 1.975

  Rom. 15.
• * 1.976

  Psal. 18.
• * 1.977

  Psal. 127.
• * 1.978

  Esay. 11. Rom. 15.
• * 1.979

  Epipha. lib. 3. Serm. 79. Tertulli. a∣gainst Mar∣cion 4. book.
• * 1.980

  Tertul. con∣tra I••daeos, fol. 4.
• * 1.981

  Tertulli. to Scapula.
• * 1.982

  Irene in his 4. booke. Cap. 32.
• * 1.983

  The same Irene. ca. 33.
• * 1.984

  Aug. contra aduers. leg. & Prophet. lib. 1. cap. 20
• * 1.985

  Eusebius de monstr. in his first booke.
• * 1.986

  Ierome vpō the Pro∣phet Ma∣lach. Cap. 1 Ioh. Dama∣scen. de or∣thodoxa fide Lib. 4. Cap. 14.
• * 1.987

  Esay. 64.
• * 1.988

  Act. 10.
• * 1.989

  1. Tim. 2. Euseb. de∣mōst. Euāg lib. 1. cap. 6.
• * 1.990

  Chrisost. to the Heb. Homil. 17.
• * 1.991

  Eusebius demonst. lib. cap. 10.
• * 1.992

  Nazianzen.
• * 1.993

  Iustinus Martyr in Dialo. cum Triphone.
• * 1.994

  Augustine contra ad∣uers. leg. & prophe.
• * 1.995

  August. in lib. quest. 61.
• * 1.996

  August. cō∣tra Faust. 20. cap. 21.
• * 1.997

  A compari∣son betwixt the passeo∣uer and Christ.
• * 1.998

  An Argu∣ment out of the Trident Councell.
• * 1.999

  Aunswere.
• * 1.1000

  Aug. de ciuitat. dei. lib. 10. cap. 5
• * 1.1001

  By what reasō Mel∣chizedech did represēt the Type of Christ.
• * 1.1002

  Melchize∣dech is de∣nyed to of∣fer bread & wine for a Sacrifice.
• * 1.1003

  A compari∣sō betwixt Melchize∣dech and Christ.
• * 1.1004

  No lykenes betwixt the Sacrifice of the Masse, and Melchi¦zedech.
• * 1.1005

  Melchize∣dech a king and a Priest
• * 1.1006

  The place of Melchi∣zedech his offring is expounded.
• * 1.1007

  Gene. 14.
• * 1.1008

  Iosephus. libro. 1. An∣tiquitat.
• * 1.1009

  Cap. 10. The Trydē∣tine Coun∣cell. Sess. 6. Can. 3.
• * 1.1010

  Aunswere.
• * 1.1011

  Luk. 22.
• * 1.1012

  1. Cor. 11.
• * 1.1013

  Tetullia. in Apologe∣tico.
• * 1.1014

  Argumētes of the ad∣uersaries by witnesses and cōsent of Doctours
• * 1.1015

  Obiection out of Cy∣prian Lib. 2
• * 1.1016

  Aunswere to Cypriās wordes.
• * 1.1017

  August. a∣gainst Cres∣centius.
• * 1.1018

  Heb. 11.
• * 1.1019

  Cyprian in the same Epistle.
• * 1.1020

  In the 2. booke the 3. Epistle.
• * 1.1021

  An Obiect. out of Ie∣rom. out of hys E∣pistle writ∣ten to Mar∣cellus.
• * 1.1022

  Aunswere.
• * 1.1023

  An Allego¦ricall Argu¦ment doth conclude no truth.
• * 1.1024

  The Obie∣ction out of Augustine quest. vete. & no. Testa. quest. 109.
• * 1.1025

  Aūswere to the Obie∣ction.
• * 1.1026

  An obiecti∣on out of Hesychi. writing vpō Leuiti. lib. 1 cap. 4.
• * 1.1027

  Aunswere out of Au∣gust. in the 23. Epistle.
• * 1.1028

  Out of the Maister of the Senten∣ces 4. book. 12, distinct.
• * 1.1029

  Glossa Cō∣ment. de Consecrat. Distinct. 2. Semel.
• * 1.1030

  An Obie∣ction out of Iren. Lib. 4. Cap. 32.
• * 1.1031

  An Aun∣swere to the place of Irene.
• * 1.1032

  The Sacri∣fice of the Masse expi∣atory and propitiatory Tridenti. Councell Sess. 6. cap. 3.
• * 1.1033

  Out of Ste∣uen Gardi∣ner and o∣ther.
• * 1.1034

  Irenaeus lib. 4. Cap. 32.
• * 1.1035

  Irenaeus Cap. 33.
• * 1.1036

  Ambrose treating vp∣on virgins.
• * 1.1037

  Chrisost. in psal 95.
• * 1.1038

  Chrisost. in psal. 26.
• * 1.1039

  August. de tempore. ser. 125.
• * 1.1040

  The second counsell of Nyce.
• * 1.1041

  Euseb. de∣monst. lib. 1. cap. 10.
• * 1.1042

  Cyrill us ad Reginas.
• * 1.1043

  Cyrill a∣gaynst Iu∣lian. lib. 10.
• * 1.1044

  The Eu∣charist doth not forgeue sinnes but doth repre∣sēt the me∣mory of a true for∣geuenesse.
• * 1.1045

  Sinod. Tri∣dent. sessi. 6. cant. 3.
• * 1.1046

  Out of the Canon of the Masse.
• * 1.1047

  Osort. pag. 199. 202. 204.
• * 1.1048

  The Apo∣stles ordi∣naunces.
• * 1.1049

  Authoritie of Fathers.
• * 1.1050

  Osor. pag. 209.
• * 1.1051

  Disgrace∣mentes of Religion.
• * 1.1052

  1. Tim. 4.
• * 1.1053

  Osori. pag. 203.
• * 1.1054

  Osorius pag. 203.
• * 1.1055

  August. cō∣tra lib. 2. cap. 14.
• * 1.1056

  August. in the same place.
• * 1.1057

  The Autho¦ritie of the Pope is de∣nyed to be lawfull.
• * 1.1058

  The kyng∣dome of Antichrist.
• * 1.1059

  The cauil∣latiō of O∣sori. of the Memory of vertue abo∣lished.
• * 1.1060

  A cauilla∣tion of Ra∣zyng of Church.
• * 1.1061

  Chrisost. ad Rom. 23.
• * 1.1062

  Gregor. E∣pist. 64. lib. 3.
• * 1.1063

  Aug.contra¦lite. petilia. lib. 2. cap. 33.
• * 1.1064

  Of Re∣liques.
• * 1.1065

  The Maun∣ger where∣in Christ was layde.
• * 1.1066

  The fore∣skin of Christ.
• * 1.1067

  The Altar whereupon Christ was Circumci∣sed.
• * 1.1068

  The swath∣ling cloutes and Cradel of Christ.
• * 1.1069

  The Piller where vnto Christ did leane when he dispu∣ted in the temple.
• * 1.1070

  Water pots
• * 1.1071

  The Shoes.
• * 1.1072

  The Reli∣ques of Christes bloud.
• * 1.1073

  The Tables whereas Christ made his last supper.
• * 1.1074

  The bread of the sup∣per.
• * 1.1075

  The knife that stucke the pascall Lambe.
• * 1.1076

  The Cupp.
• * 1.1077

  The platter
• * 1.1078

  The towell wherewith Christ did wash his disciples feete.
• * 1.1079

  Broken bread.
• * 1.1080

  The Reli∣ques of the Crosse.
• * 1.1081

  The Title of the Crosse.
• * 1.1082

  The Nayles of the Crosse.
• * 1.1083

  The Speare head.
• * 1.1084

  The crown of Thornes.
• * 1.1085

  Christes coate with∣out a seame The Verny¦cle of Ve∣ronica.
• * 1.1086

  Christ wyn¦ding sheete
• * 1.1087

  The Reede.
• * 1.1088

  The Spōge.
• * 1.1089

  The xxx. pence.
• * 1.1090

  The Grie¦ces in Pilats Iudgement hall.
• * 1.1091

  The Crosse which ap∣peared to Constan∣tine in the ayre.
• * 1.1092

  The fote∣stepps of Christ vpon the earth.
• * 1.1093

  Our Ladies heare.
• * 1.1094

  Our Ladies Milke.
• * 1.1095

  Our Ladies smocke.
• * 1.1096

  Our Ladies kerchiefe.
• * 1.1097

  Our Ladies kirtell.
• * 1.1098

  Our Ladies girdle.
• * 1.1099

  Her slipper.
• * 1.1100

  Her Shoe.
• * 1.1101

  Her Coam∣bes.
• * 1.1102

  The wed∣ding Ring of our hady
• * 1.1103

  Iosephes hose and his boanes.
• * 1.1104

  Monstruous pictures & Images.
• * 1.1105

  Out of A∣lanus Co∣pus, in his Dialogues.
• * 1.1106

  The dagger & the buck¦ler of Mi∣chaell.
• * 1.1107

  The fea∣thers of the holy ghost.
• * 1.1108

  The Coales of S. Lau∣rence.
• * 1.1109

  The Reli∣ques of Iohn Bap∣tiste.
• * 1.1110

  Diuers scrappes of Iohn Bap∣tistes head in sondry places.
• * 1.1111

  His Iawes.
• * 1.1112

  A peece of his eare.
• * 1.1113

  The whole headd of Saint Iohn at Rome.
• * 1.1114

  His Arme.
• * 1.1115

  His Finger.
• * 1.1116

  His Ashes.
• * 1.1117

  His shoe.
• * 1.1118

  His heary shyrt.
• * 1.1119

  His Altar.
• * 1.1120

  A lynnen Cloath.
• * 1.1121

  The sword that behed∣ded him.
• * 1.1122

  The bodies of Peter & Paule.
• * 1.1123

  Peters law.
• * 1.1124

  Peters brayne.
• * 1.1125

  Peters sl••pper.
• * 1.1126

  Peters Chayre and his massing vestmentes.
• * 1.1127

  Peters sword.
• * 1.1128

  The staffe wherewith he walked.
• * 1.1129

  The blocke whereupon he was be∣headed.
• * 1.1130

  Sixe bodies of the A∣postles.
• * 1.1131

  The cupp of S. Iohn.
• * 1.1132

  Anne the Mother of our Lady.
• * 1.1133

  Three bo∣dyes of La∣zarus.
• * 1.1134

  Mary Mag∣dalen hath two bodyes
• * 1.1135

  S. Longius the blinde knight with his speare.
• * 1.1136

  Three kings of Colleine
• * 1.1137

  S. Denis two bodies.
• * 1.1138

  S. Stephens body.
• * 1.1139

  His headd.
• * 1.1140

  His bones.
• * 1.1141

  The Stones wherewith he was Sto∣ned to death.
• * 1.1142

  S. Laurence•• body.
• * 1.1143

  His Arme.
• * 1.1144

  His gredi∣erne.
• * 1.1145

  S. Laurence Coales.
• * 1.1146

  His coate with long sleeues.
• * 1.1147

  The bodies. of Geruase and Prota••¦us.
• * 1.1148

  S. Sebastian multiplied into iiij. bodyes.
• * 1.1149

  Petronilla the daugh∣ter of Peter
• * 1.1150

  S. Susans two bodies.
• * 1.1151

  S. Helene
• * 1.1152

  Vrsula and the eleuen thousand Virgines.
• * 1.1153

  Two bodies of Hyllary.
• * 1.1154

  Two bodies of Honora∣tus.
• * 1.1155

  Gyles.
• * 1.1156

  Simphori∣anes many bodyes.
• * 1.1157

  S. Lupus.
• * 1.1158

  S. Ferreol.
• * 1.1159

  The boanes of Abrahā Isaac and Iacob.
• * 1.1160

  August. in in his book de opere Monachorū cap. 28.
• * 1.1161

  Osor. pag. 204.
• * 1.1162

  Osor. pag. 204.
• * 1.1163

  Osor. pag. 205.
• * 1.1164

  Osorius pag. 206.
• * 1.1165

  Aristotel.
• * 1.1166

  Hippoda∣mus Milesius.
• * 1.1167

  The princi∣ples and chiefe gro∣undes of the Popish doctrine.
• * 1.1168

  The cause of the first b••ildinges of Abbyes in England. Ethelbert King of Kent.
• * 1.1169

  Ealbalde sonne of Ethelbert. Anno. 618.
• * 1.1170

  Ethelrede kyng of Mercia. Anno. 681. Berthe∣walde.
• * 1.1171

  For what cause Mo∣nasteryes were ••rected at the first.
• * 1.1172

  Out of the Cronicle of Osberne vpon the lyfe of Dun stane, and out of Mal∣mes b. Ro∣ger Houedē and others.
• * 1.1173

  King Edgar
• * 1.1174

  Osori. pag. 208.
• * 1.1175

  Osor. pag. 208.
• * 1.1176

  Osori. doth exclude Princes frō Ecclesiasti∣call gouer∣nement.
• * 1.1177

  Chrisost. vpon the 13. to the Romaines.
• * 1.1178

  Osor. pag. 208.
• * 1.1179

  Osor. pag. 209.
• * 1.1180

  How per∣nitious the obedience of the pope hath al∣wayes bene to Christiā Princes.
• * 1.1181

  In the yere of our Lord 1404.
• * 1.1182

  To much lenitie of Princes to∣wardes the Pope.
• * 1.1183

  Tim. 5.
• * 1.1184

  Constanti∣nus.
• * 1.1185

  Theodosius Lndouicus Pius.
• * 1.1186

  Ambrose did enstruct Theodosius the Empe∣ror.
• * 1.1187

  Rom. 3.
• * 1.1188

  It appertei∣neth to the Ciuill Ma∣gistrate to gouerne ec∣clesiasticall causes.
• * 1.1189

  The Triper tite history 1. booke. cap. 5.
• * 1.1190

  Socrates lib. 1. cap. 5.
• * 1.1191

  Socrates. lib. 5. cap. 10.
• * 1.1192

  Action. 2.
• * 1.1193

  Iustinian in cap. de Epis∣cop. & Cle••isis.
• * 1.1194

  Ierome.
• * 1.1195

  Augustine.
• * 1.1196

  Chriso∣stome.
• * 1.1197

  Paule the Apostle Actes Cap.
• * 1.1198

  Osori. pag. 209.
• * 1.1199

  Grego. lib. 11. Epist 8. 2. quest. 5.
• * 1.1200

  Out of the auncient re∣cordes and Hystoryes of England.
• * 1.1201

  AEsopes Crow.
• * 1.1202

  Osori. pag. 209.
• * 1.1203

  Osori. pag. 209.
• * 1.1204

  Osor. pag. 210.
• * 1.1205

  Osor. pag. 211.
• * 1.1206

  The booke of Wise∣dome the first. chap.
• * 1.1207

  Ex plutar∣cho de vi∣tis.
• * 1.1208

  The cruelty of the Por∣tingalles a∣gaynst Gar∣diner an Englishe man.
• * 1.1209

  ••x Abbat vspergens. Ex staura∣stico. Iohā. Francisci Pici Miran∣dule.
• * 1.1210

  Apocal. 19.
• * 1.1211

  Osori. pag. 211.
• * 1.1212

  The doc∣trine of the Gospell is not now first sprong vpp but is renewed frō out lōg darkenes in to a more freedome of lightsom∣nesse. Apoc. 11.
• * 1.1213

  The aūciēt witnesses & professours of the Gos∣pell.
• * 1.1214

  Rob. Gros∣tred By••h. of Lyncolne
• * 1.1215

  The Gos∣pell of Christ as it is true so is it not newe.
• * 1.1216

  What was the chiefe cause and meanes of the Resto∣ring the trueth of the Gospell
• * 1.1217

  The Arte of Imprinting was a sin∣guler gift of God.
• * 1.1218

  The yeare of Anti∣christ. 666.
• * 1.1219

  Osori. pag. 212. 213.
• * 1.1220

  Osorius ex∣hortation to Queene Elizabeth.
• * 1.1221

  Osor. pag. 211.
• * 1.1222

  Pestiferous Councell.
• * 1.1223

  The Troi∣ane horse.
• * 1.1224

  Osori. pag. 214.
• * 1.1225

  In matters of Religion it is more meete to deale with mens cōsci∣ences rather then with Princes on∣ly.
• * 1.1226

  Osor. quar∣rell for the Popes Chayre.
• * 1.1227

  Osori. pag. 214.
• * 1.1228

  Osori. pag. 214.
• * 1.1229

  A slaunde∣rous cauil∣lation a∣gaynst Haddon.
• * 1.1230

  Why Oso. bookes trea¦ting of Re∣ligion haue no force to perswade.
• * 1.1231

  The constā∣cye of Quee¦ne Eliza∣beth in de∣fending Christian Religion.
• * 1.1232

  Osor. pag. 214.
• * 1.1233

  Osorius re∣proch a∣gainst the Lutherans.
• * 1.1234

  The won∣derful pro∣uidence of God in the preseruati∣on of Eliza∣beth our Queene.
• * 1.1235

  The tēpest of Queene Maries per∣secution.
• * 1.1236

  Apoca. 18.
• * 1.1237

  Horace. ser. lib. 2. satir. 3
• * 1.1238

  The circum¦cision of the crowne a∣mōgest the Papistes. Osor. pag. 215.
• * 1.1239

  Osor. pag. 216.
• * 1.1240

  The know∣ledge of the Scriptures doth apper∣teigne to all men in∣differently.
• * 1.1241

  1. Tim. 5.
• * 1.1242

  Osor. doth build Mem¦phyticall Steeples.
• * 1.1243

  In fewe wordes much mat∣ter. In many wordes no∣thing at all.
• * 1.1244

  Osor. wry∣tinges dis∣cussed.
• * 1.1245

  A recapitu∣lation of all Osorius E∣pistle to the Queene.
• * 1.1246

  What doth want in Osorius bookes.
• * 1.1247

  Osori. pag. 216.
• * 1.1248

  Osori. but a greene soul¦diour.
• * 1.1249

  God doth auenge him of the per∣secution of his Gos∣pell.
• * 1.1250

  Pag. 216.
• * 1.1251

  English Papistes.
• * 1.1252

  Osori. pag. 216.
• * 1.1253

  Osori. pag. 117.
• * 1.1254

  Ausonius.
• * 1.1255

  Tit. 3.
• * 1.1256

  Osori. pag. 217.
• * 1.1257

  Osorius E∣pistle to Queene E∣lizabeth how full it is of slaun∣derous re∣proches.
• * 1.1258

  Osori. pag. 217.
• * 1.1259

  Antithesis, a figure whereby one contra∣ry is ioyned for an other
• * 1.1260

  A Compa∣rison be∣twixt Had∣don and O∣sorius.
• * 1.1261

  Osor. pag. 217.
• * 1.1262

  Osor. chari∣ty for our sauety.
• * 1.1263

  Cicero in his 1. Booke of duetyes.
• * 1.1264

  Psal. 140.
• * 1.1265

  Osori. care∣full of our sauety.
• * 1.1266

  The way to saluatiō af∣ter Osorius Rule.
• * 1.1267

  Osor. diui∣nity is Phi∣losophicall.
• * 1.1268

  Cicero in the dreame of Scipio.
• * 1.1269

  Iohn. 14.
• * 1.1270

  Faith is not coupled with Cha∣ritie in the Article of Iustificatiō. Iohn. 6.
• * 1.1271

  Actes. 10.
• * 1.1272

  Actes. 16.
• * 1.1273

  Galath.
• * 1.1274

  The Triden tyne Coun∣sayle. Ses. 6. Cap. 7.
• * 1.1275

  The fallax from the Diuision to the Con∣iunction.
• * 1.1276

  Onely faith worketh Iustificatiō, but is not alone.
• * 1.1277

  In what respectes Fayth, hope and Chari∣tie be cou∣pled.
• * 1.1278

  What fayth doth worke through loue.
• * 1.1279

  A new kynde of o∣bediēce but vnperfect.
• * 1.1280

  The for∣mall cause of Iustifica∣tion accor∣dyng to the Triden∣tynes.
• * 1.1281

  The Coun∣cell of Tri∣dent. Canō. 11.
• * 1.1282

  Canon. 12.
• * 1.1283

  Math. 13.
• * 1.1284

  Rom. 4.
• * 1.1285

  How much the merite of Christes death and passion may auayle vnto vs accor∣ding to the Tridentyne Councell.
• * 1.1286

  An Argu∣ment a∣gaynst the Tryden∣tines deri∣ued from Abraham.
• * 1.1287

  An Argu∣mēt against the Triden∣tines deri∣ued from the Type of Adam.
• * 1.1288

  An Argu∣mēt agaynst the Triden∣tines deri∣ued from the Type of the Brasen Serpent.
• * 1.1289

  An Argu∣mēt against the Triden∣tines deri∣ued from S. Paule. 2. Cor. 5.
• * 1.1290

  An Argu∣ment of the Tridentine Councell agaynst righteous∣nesse of fayth.
• * 1.1291

  An Aun∣swere out of Augu∣stin••.
• * 1.1292

  New obe∣dience is not the cause, but the fruite of Iustifica∣tion.
• * 1.1293

  The Asser∣tion of the Tridentines confuted.
• * 1.1294

  It is proued that Iustifi∣cation in the sight of God, is no∣thing els then the Remission of Sinnes, agaynst the Tridentines
• * 1.1295

  The state of the questiō.
• * 1.1296

  Two kindes of questions
• * 1.1297

  Rom. 3.
• * 1.1298

  Galath. 2.
• * 1.1299

  To lyue Through fayth.
• * 1.1300

  When good workes be necessary.
• * 1.1301

  Wherefore fayth onely doth iu∣stify.
• * 1.1302

  Fayth wor∣keth by loue, but not as effe∣ctuall to e∣ternall life.
• * 1.1303

  Apoca. 3.
• * 1.1304

  A Collect. for the king¦dome of England.
• * 1.1305

  Onely Christ is to be called vpon as a Mediatour.
• * 1.1306

  The death of the body & the soule swallowed by Christ onely.
• * 1.1307

  The Con∣quest ouer the Empire of Sathan.
• * 1.1308

  2. Thes. 2. The Childe of Perditiō.
• * 1.1309

  Apoc. 18.
• * 1.1310

  Apocal. 14.