Against Ierome Osorius Byshopp of Siluane in Portingall and against his slaunderous inuectiues An aunswere apologeticall: for the necessary defence of the euangelicall doctrine and veritie. First taken in hand by M. Walter Haddon, then undertaken and continued by M. Iohn Foxe, and now Englished by Iames Bell.

¶ Romish Reliques.

BUt emongest all other, Osorius piety can not disgest by any meanes as a thyng altogether intollerable:

That these Lu∣theranes doe expresse such an vngodly malice and deadly hate agaynst the Reliques of holy men (as he sayth) and are so outragiously insolent in the destruction of holy Religiō.

In this one portion of accusation, I doe perceaue two seue∣rall crimes compyled together, whereof the one doth concerne the hatred of godlynesse, the other the contempt and vnreuerent handlyng of Reliques. First therfore touching that hatred: ve∣ryly you behaue your selfe herin (Osor) as one that may seéme to haue expressed his mynde couragiously and lustely enough (to speake Ciceroes wordes) For he that hath once passed ouer and beyond all the boundes of modesty, had neéde to become notably shamelesse, that so he may neuer after blush to mainteyne a lye in any matter whatsoeuer, euen to the hardhedg, as they say. It re∣mayneth now, that I speak of y^e Reliques:* 1.1 Howbeit here neédeth no great matter of Refutation, namely sith Osorius, alledgeth nothyng but the bare name of naked Reliques: though in deéde he erre somewhat also in the word (Reliques) it selfe. For if he would haue assigned a true and proper denomination of those Reliques, he ought not haue named them Reliques, but delusi∣ons and liegerdemaine rather: not the memorialles of holy mē, but crafty conueyaunces of hypocriticall hellhoundes, deuised not to pyke out the eyes of Crowes, but to pyke out the eyes and hartes of Christians. Wherein I doe maruell truly, that Osorius doth speake so litle of the matter, who regar∣dyng these Reliques so reuerently, yet doth not notifie by one word so much, either what Reliques they be, or where they be, or els what Sainctes Reliques he doth meane: which bycause he hath ouerskypt either for feare, bycause he dareth not vtter them, or for ignoraunce, bycause he can not: we will

not be squeymish to supply his want of dutie herein. Howbeit though I doe not reckon ouer all the Reliques in an exact and perfect accompt: yet will I disclose a good quantitie of them: whereby the Reader may the better know the qualities of them, and what crafty cōueyaūces this vngodly Prelate doth brute abroad for Reliques of godly and holy personages.

And first of all to beginne at the very byrth of our Lord Chryst, what shall we say of the Maunger?* 1.2 which is shewed at Rome in the Cathedrall Church of Mary Maior, notwithout penny crooching? Is there any man of so grosse a dulnesse, that may not playnely perceiue, that this Maunger is not the same Maunger, wherein Christ was layed when he was borne: but rather a lymetwygg layed by Hypocrytes to gett money withall?

The Mounckes of Charrouia do vaunt that they haue the foreskinne of Christ:* 1.3 that is to say, the small filme of skynne which was cutt away from Christ when he was Circumcised, and this they know to be the selfe same, by certeyn small drops of bloud, which do fall from it now and thē: which albeit carrye no lykelyhood of trueth, yet this might be either beleéued, or ima∣gined by vs to be a trueth after a sort, because it is certayn y^t Christ had but one foreskinne, if the same foreskinne were not shewed openly for an especiall trueth at Rome in the Cathedrall Church of S. Iohn Laterane.

No lesse monstruous is it, that at Rome in the Church of Saynt Iames, the Altar is to be seéne whereupon Christ was sayd when he was circumcised in the Tēple.* 1.4 As though in that Church where Christ was Circumcised, were many Altars as there be in the Romish Churches.

* 1.5And yet were not this very much to be wondred at, but that also in the Cathedrall Church of Peter and Paule at Rome, is shewed the linnen cloth wherein the babe Christ was bedded: a Ragg whereof is reported to be at S. Sauiours in Spayne also: besides thys lynnen cloth, there is also in the same Cathe∣drall Church at Rome, the very Cradle wherein he was rockt, and the peticoate which hys mother Mary did knitt for him, & yet we read in the Gospell, that the Maunger was the onely cra∣dle that the Child had.

As meére a mockery also is this, that in an other place of the same City, the Piller whereunto Christ did leane, when he dispu∣ted in the Temple,* 1.6 is brought forth to be looked vpon: brought vnto Rome (as they say) together with eleuen other pillers out of Salomōs Temple, which if be true, was done doubtlesse af∣ter the Popedome of Gregory. For it is euidently knowne by his owne writynges, that in his tyme was no such Bables at Rome.

There be Monasteries which make a shew of y^e water pottes in the which Christ did turne water into wine:* 1.7 At Aurelia also they do bragge that they haue the very wine that was turned out of water, which is sayd to be the wyne of the mayster of the feast. Euery yeare once it is offered to be licked with the toung to them that will geue money for the same, out of the topp of a spoone: alleadging that it is the very wine that our Lord did will the Master of the feast to drinke of at the marriage: what a fitter place for exclamation were heare, O shamelesse Impudency? O wittlesse folly? O grosse mockeryes?

At Rome in a place which they call Sancta Sanctorum, they doe shew forth the shoes of Christ.* 1.8 But what shoes did Christ weare then, whenas Mary Magdalen did power forth sweéte oyntment vpon hys bare feéte I thinke, and wyped them with the heares of her head, as he sate in the house of Simon at Dyner.

It is skarse credible that any dropp of Christes blood which was altogether powred forth vpon the ground, is remaynyng at this present. And yet that naturall blood of Christ is shewed more then in an hundred places.* 1.9 There is a solemne Pilgri∣mage made to a few droppes thereof at Rochell in Poytiers in Fraunce: which as they say, Nichodemus did gather vpp, & re∣serue in his gloaue. At Mantua also greate gobletts full be to be seéne. At Byblion in Auuergne in Fraunce it is brought forth to be seéne cleare renning in a Christall glasse: In an other litle towne neére adioyning, y^e same blood is shewed clotted together. At Rome it is poured forth in broad platters full in y^e church of Sainct Eustathius, but in the same City at Saynct Iohn of La∣terane it is found mixt with water, euen as it gushed out of hys side. In England in the Abbay of hayles was solemne pylgri∣mage

made, & great worshipp geuen to that which the Moūcks did bring forth in a cleare Christall glasse in steéd of Christes blood to be gazed vpon of the pylgrimes, where if Osorius had come on Pylgrimage, what would he haue done? I dought not but he would haue worshypped it very religiously. But if he had done so, he should in steéd of the Reliques of holy bloud, haue surely worshypped the bloud of a Ducke.

The Table wherupon Christ made his last supper, standeth at Rome in the Churche of Iohn of Laterane.* 1.10 There is in a Church called Saynt Sauiour in Spayne a crust of the bread also that he brake at his last supper.* 1.11 The knyfe wherewith the Paschall Lambe was cutt in pieces,* 1.12 is at Tryers in Germany.

The cupp wherein Christ gaue the Sacrament of his blood, is to be seéne neére vnto Lions in Fraunce, in the Church of Ma∣ria Insulana. The same Cuppe also is in Switzerland in a cer∣teyn Mounckery of Austine Fryers.* 1.13

* 1.14The platter wherin the pascall Lambe was put, is at Rome, at Genes, and at Orleaunce. That is to say threé manyfest lyes about one poore platter. And yet these raynebeaten Ruffians be not ashamed to delude the world with such kinde of Mockeryes. Neyther is Osorius ashamed to become as shamelesse a patron for those open guegawes, But let vs proceéd to the rest of those lying Reliques.

The Towell wherewith Chryst did wype the disciples feéte,* 1.15 is to be seéne at Rome at Saynt Iohns of Laterane: The same also is at Ayre in Germanye: It is shewed likewise all at one time in S. Cornelies Church.

A crust of the broken bread wherewith fiue thousand people were fedd in the desert is worshypped at Rome at S. Maria no∣ua.* 1.16 An other litle crust thereof is worshipped at Saynt Sauiours in Spayne, which I thinke flew directly out of the Baskettes into Spayne. But thys is but a Trysle to preserue barly breade there, if they did not also shewe at the same Saynt Sauiours a braūch of palme which Christ did beare in his handes on palme-sonday, whē he came vnto Ierusalem. Emongest the which most holy Reliques is reserued a clodd of earth which they doe af∣firme, was vnder Christes feéte when he raysed Lazarus from death to lyfe.

Many sundry reportes are made emongest the writers of the Ecclesiasticall history concerning the Crosse.* 1.17 The first that found it out is sayd to be Queéne Helene, who did send a piece thereof to the Emperour her sonne: an other part very curious∣ly enclosed in a Chest of Golde she delyuered to the Byshopp of Ierusalē to be preserued. If it be true that thys Crosse was de∣uided betwixt the Emperour & the Byshop: Then must y^e other Reportes made touching the Relyques of the same Crosse neédes be fables: especially sith there is skarce any so litle a City wherein some gobbet of that Crosse is not residēt. First & chiefly at Parys in the holy chappell, at Poytew, and at Rome, where a whole Crucifixe of a meane stature made of the same Crosse, is to be seéne. Goe to: what will Osorius say to me here? For whereas we are certeynly assured by the hystory of the Gospell, that the Crosse whereupō Christ suffered, was no greater thē y^t it might he carryed vpon one mans shoulder, now it is growen to so vnmeasureable a quantity in greatnesse, in breadth, and in lēgth, that if all chyppes and gobbets thereof, that are skat∣tered throughout the whole world, were gathered together, I am well assured y^t a great Carrick would be skarce able to beare them all. Moreouer who may beleéue the deuise of the Cityzens of Poytew, that the skrapp of the Crosse remayning amongest them was stollen from Helene, by a certayn mayd, and by her conueyed vnto them, after that she had runne away from her Princesse, & wandring abroad lame and halt, chaunced to come at the last vpon their coast? And I maruell if there be no fragmēt of the same Crosse in Portingall: the trueth whereof I commit to Osorius, one of the Inquisitors of Portingall to finde out. This one thing would I fayne learne what Osorius would doe, If Osorius had y^e very true Crosse it selfe within his owne By∣shoppricke: I suppose he would worshipp it: and why so? forsooth because it did heare the body of Christ. That is well. I aske fur¦ther, what if the Asse also that did beare Christ, were in Osorius chamber? what would he do? I thinke he would feéde it with hey. May I be so bold to aske one question more? What yet at the least if Osorius had the eares of that Asse in his custody? I sup∣pose he would hang them to his Myter for bables, for Reliques I would say. But I come agayne to the Crosse: which because 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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should not come without a companion. The people of Tholouse do boast that they haue the Tytle also that was sett written ouer the Crosse.* 1.18 But the Romanistes do denye it, and bragg it out lustely, that they can shew this Tytle in the Temple of Saynt Crosse. To appease this contention for theyr creditt sake, I would wish that Osorius should be Umpire betwixt them.

The olde historyes do varry very much about the Nayles: Theodoret doth report, that Helene did commaund that one of them should be putt in her Sonnes Helmett: y^e other two she cō∣maunded to be made into a Bitt of a Bridle for an horse mouth. Ambrosius differing from this but a litle, doth say that one Nayle was fixed vpon the Diademe of Constantine, and the bitte of a Bridle made of the second, and the third reserued to the vse of Helene her selfe. Some writers affirme that the third was throwen into the Sea. Now let the Christian Reader conceiue by these, what may be iudged of all those skrappes and Ragges of Reliques, by the Religious vsage of these Ca∣tholickes.

The Myllanoyes doe bragg that they haue the Nayle whereof the Bitte of the Bridle was made,* 1.19 but the inhabitaūtes of Carpentias in Narbone gaynesay that, and do challenge the same to be in theyr custody: There is an other in Rome in Saynt Helenes Church. There is yet an other in the same City in the Church of Saynt Crosse. There is one at Sene in Tuskane, an other art Venice. There be two of them in Germany, the one at Coleine in the Church of the three Maryes, the other at Tri∣ers. There is one at Parys in the holy Chappell, there is an o∣ther in the same City emongest the Carmelyte Fryers, an other in the Minster of S. Denys. An other remayning with them of Burges. An other in Sheresabbey. An other at Draquigne. And yet Osorius doth beleue that men be so blockish and sencelesse at this present, to be faced out with such grosse trumperies of Mouckish Mockages in stead of true Relyques.

* 1.20At Rome is to be seéne one Spearehead, an other at Paris in the Holy Chappell: a thyrd emongest the Cantons in Sheres∣abbeye: a fourth at Sylua neare vnto Burdeaux in Gascoigne.

* 1.21A thyrdendeale of the Crowne of Thornes is shewed at Pa∣ris in the Holy Chappell there. At Rome be threé thornes in

S. Crosses Church. One portiō of that Crowne is in the Church of S. Eustathe. At Senes I can not tell how many Thornes: at Vincentia no more but one Thorne. At Burges fiue: At Besan∣son in S. Iohns Churche be threé Thornes: as many more at Moūt le Roy. Some there be at S. Sauiours in Spaigne. There be two in S. Iames at Compostella: in Switzerland threé. At Tolouse, at Mascoue, at Charroune in Poytou, at Cleere, at S. Floure, at S. Maximin in Prouince: likewise in the Abbey of Salle at Noyon in Fraunce in S. Martines Church. Euery of those places haue seuerall Thornes.

Men tell for a trothe that one Coate of Christ w^tout a seame is at Argenteiul: Which is a Uilladge neare vnto Paris.* 1.22 There is an other of the same without a Seame at Tryers: and it is re∣ported that there is also one at S. Sauiours in Spaigne.

The Vernycle wherew^t Christes face was wyped is shewed in S. Peters Church at Rome. Our Ladies kerchief that was wrapt about the priuy members of Christ hangyng vpon the the Crosse (as they say) is to be seéne in S. Iohns Church of La∣terane: The same Vernycle is reported to be at Carcasonne with the Augustine Friers: besides an other whole hādkerchief beyng in a certein Nunnery at Rome, cōmaunded by the Pope not to be shewed for any solemne Relique.

There be sixe Citties at the least which do bragge that they haue the wynding sheéte wherein Christ was wrapte in his Se∣pulchre:* 1.23 Namely, y^e Citties Nyce, Ayre in Dutchlād, Traicte, Besanson, Eadoen. Lymosine in Fraunce. Likewise a certein Citty neare adioynyng to Lorrayne besides many other raggs which beyng scattered abroad here and there, are accoūpted for most holy Reliques.

There be other parcelles apperteinyng to Christes Passion behynde yet, namely the Reéde,* 1.24 which was geuen to Christ in the house of Pylate in steéde of a Scepter, is openly shewed in S. Iohns Churche of Laterane at Rome. In the same Cittie at S. Crosses the Sponge is to be seéne.* 1.25 There be also some that blaze abroad to the people the xxx. pence for y^e which Christ was sold.* 1.26 As though a field was not purchased for these pence, as ap∣peareth by the History of the Gospell which will condemne this Fable to be an arrogaunt lye.

* 1.27Such an other ridiculous toye is there mainteined at Rome touchyng the grieces of Pilates Iudgement Hall, which are in S. Iohns of Laterane: A like deuise also of the piller whereun∣to Christ was bounde when he was whipped, which is sett forth to the gaze in S. Praxedes Church.

The inhabitauntes of Brixia, do boast that they haue in their custody the Crosse which appeared to Constantine in the ayre.* 1.28 About the which I will not striue with them: onely I do referre them to the order of Curtonenses: who do affirme and that in good earnest, that the same doth remaine with them. Let them brawle together about it, and lett Osorius pacifie the quartell betwixt them at the length. For I do suppose the Crosse, which did appeare to Constantine was not a materiall Crosse, but a certein representation of a Crosse shadowed in the ayre, which neuer came downe to the earth, nor euer shall come downe.

In the Churche of Saint Laurence at Rome, the pryntes of Christes steppes which he troade vpon the earth when he mette Peter foretellyng him that he should suffer Martyrdome at Rome,* 1.29 are euidently to be seéne: An other steppe of y^e same mira∣cle is shewed opēly at Poytew in y^e Church of S. Radegonde. An other in Soysion in Fraunce, and a thyrd at Orleaunce.

* 1.30Next vnto the Sonne followeth in order Mary the Mo∣ther of Christ. Who if had not bene wholy assumpted into heauē, would any man dought but that her Rames would haue bene bragged vpon emōgest the whole rable of Mockeries? Yet not∣withstanding many Reliques of her Heare, & her Milk, did stick fast in the earth, after she was assumpted. For men do visite her Heare at Rome in our Ladyes Church aboue Mynerue: so also do they the same heare at S. Sauiours in Spayne, at Mat∣scoue, Cluniacum, Nuceria, at S. Floure, at S. Iaqueries, and many other places. But of her Milke where shall I begyn to speake?* 1.31 Lett this one thyng suffice the Reader. If y^t blessed nou∣rse did geue so much Milke, as is set forth euery where abroad to be seéne in holy Religious houses, in y^e Temples of Monckes, Friers, & Nunnes: surely there would haue bene aboundance e∣nough to haue sufficed all the Babes & sucklynges Bethleem, if she would haue geuen them sucke as long as she liued. In the meane space I do not recite all the places whereunto pilgrimes

do reporte to visite these Reliques of Milke: neither do I ear∣nestly craue to know, how it may seéme credible, that so much Milke might be gathered from one seely Uirgine, and preserued from corruption so many hundred yeares.

To make any further rehearsall of the rest of this Uirgines furniture were a playne mockery, surely to reckon vpp all, were an infinite peéce of worke. First touchyng her Smocke: There is one at Carmutum, an other at Ayre in Germany so wyde & so large, y^t it coūteruaileth in greatnes a Priestes long white surplice, which if be her true Smocke in deéde,* 1.32 surely she must neédes be a woman of a monstrous body. Touchyng her ker∣chiefes:* 1.33 whereof one is a Tryers in S. Maximes Church. An o∣ther is to be seéne at Lysio in Italy. As for her Kertell, which the inhabitauntes of Bonony do enioy I neéde not to speake more.* 1.34 And that she had more girdles then one appeareth hereby,* 1.35 that the inhabitauntes of Pratt do bragge vpon one in their keepyng, an other likewise is shewed forth at Moūtforte: her Slipper is at S. Iaqueries:* 1.36 her Shoe is reported to be at S. Floures:* 1.37 she had also two Combes,* 1.38 whereof one hangeth fast at Rome in S. Martines Churches, the other in the Church of S. Iohns the great at Besanson. Neither do I marueile if our Ladyes wed∣dyng Ryng be Religiously reserued emōgest other holy most pre∣cious Iewelles:* 1.39 I do rather marueile more, how they came by the possession of Iosephes hose, namely beyng so litle & so slen∣der as will scarse fitte a sucklyng Child or a dwarfe: surely there is no comparison to be made of proportion betwixt these hoses and our Ladyes Smocke, as they do fayne it to be. Besides Io∣sephes hose, others haue his Boanes in stoare,* 1.40 some his Slip∣pers also. Which are to be seéne at Tyers in S. Symōs Abbey.

What shall I speake of Images? which are not all of one sort, nor yet of like holynes.* 1.41 Some are beleéued to be made by miracle: some fashioned by Angelles. Some others of the com∣mon sorte. Many of them are notorious for some singular ver∣tue, and speciall prerogatiue: so that in some places they are of lesse power, in some other agayne wonderfully miraculous. There be some supposed to grow and decay in stature after the maner of mē: And there want not writers, y^t shame not in their Bookes to blow abroad, that the very Crosse it selfe, was grow∣yng

out of Treés by miracle, yea and this also in very good ear∣nest, they sett forth for a miracle.* 1.42 So vnmeasurable is the sense∣lesse blockyshnes of some. Emōgest many pictures of our Lady Luke the Euāgelist is supposed to be the deuisour of foure, the proportion of y^t which he is reported to haue drawen out in Ta∣bles with his owne pencill, to witte, Mary that is called Inuio∣lata, the second Mary presented to the viewe in the Church of Maria Noua, which they do say was paynted by Luke whē he soiourned at Troas, & was afterwardes conueyed thither by an Angell: The thyrd is resiaunt at S. Maryes, which is called Ara Coeli, grauē to the same proportion & forme as she seémed to be whē she stoode by y^e Crosse. But the Augustine Friers do vaūt couragiously, y^t the chiefest of all remayneth with them: namely the very same which Luke did painte out for his owne vse, and reserued with great reuerence. I do passe ouer many Images in many places. In England not many yeares agoe was an I∣mage so cunnyngly coūterfait, that by a certein crafty sleighte it was made seemyng to the beholders to tourne the head, to moue the lippes, and to rolle the eyes in and out into euery cor∣ner. The fraude thereof beyng espyed, the Image was brought to Paules Crosse in London, and burnt in a pyle of wood, in the reigne of Henry the viij. What then? was that godly and vic∣torious Kyng franctickly madd, who did thus deliuer his sub∣iectes, the seély flocke of Christ, from such rauenous Idolatry? or shall we accoumpt Osorius worse then madd, that so madd∣ly persuadeth him selfe that he may be a madd Proctour in so madd causes?

Now to proceéde orderly: somewhat must be spoken of the Angelles and Sainctes and their notable Reliques. Wherein I might seéme to dasly perhappes: if the matters them selues were not practized by these counterfeit Catholickes, so playnly & sensibly yet, that all men may easily espy their lieger demaine: and withall so Apishly and doltishly, that no man is able to re∣frayne from open laughter that doth behold them. For what is he that will euer beleéue that the sword and buckler wherewith Michael fought agaynst the Deuill, may be founde emongest mortall creatures?* 1.43 And yet are these shewed by the inhabitaunts of Carcassone and Towers, in the name of true and vnfayned

Reliques. The sword it selfe is altogether like vnto a litle chil∣des Dagger, and the Buckler no greater then a litle brazen Bosse of a Bridle.

But this of all other is most horribly impudent: That within threé score yeares or a litle more, a certein old crafty Crowder laden throughly with the Popes Bulles raunged the coastes, braggyng that he did carry with him the very feathers of the ho∣ly Ghost,* 1.44 as most precious Reliques: whose prophane blasphe∣my some meary conceipted men espyeng out, opened the Cas∣kett priuily, and tooke out the feathers and putt Coales in their place.* 1.45 The next day ensuyng this pratyng Pardoner determi∣nyng to make a shew of his miraculous feathers, after a long preamble of smoath wordes vttered to y^e lay people, findyng in his budgett a few coales in steéde of feathers, w^t no lesse shame∣lesse a shift tournyng his tale, began to preach vnto them, that he had forgotten his feathers in his lodgyng, and that these Coales were takē away from vnder S. Laurence his gredyerne.

It is truely recorded in the sacred scriptures, y^t Iohn Bap∣tyst was beheaded, and his body buryed in the ground by hys Disciples:* 1.46 Theodoret addeth further, that at Sebasta his boanes were taken out of his sepulchre by Infidels and burnt, and that the Ashes of the same were skattered abroad with the wynde. Eusebius recordeth farther that certayn men of Ierusalē came whiles the Infidels were defacing the dead corpes, and priuily pyked vpp some Rames thereof, and conueyed them af∣terwardes to Antyoch, which Athanasius did enclose after∣wardes within a wall. Sozomenus writeth that Theodosius y^e Emperour, did trāslate his head to Constantinople.* 1.47 If all these Reportes be true: I appeale now to the Readers Iudge∣mēt in all that our late Catholickes haue fabled of the Reliques of that man. They of Amyens, doe vaunt that they haue his visage with the wound that Herodiades made in it with her knyfe. The very same part do the people of Saynt Angell shew forth: The hinder part of the head from the forehead to the neck was sometyme to be seéne in the Isle of Rhodes: but now it lyeth hidden I know not where. The nape & poll of the head is at S. Iohn of Nemoures, the braynes at Noyon. In the Church of S. Iohn of Morein a piece of his skull is preserued: oue of hys

Iawes is at Besanson in the Church of S. Iohn the great,* 1.48 the other at Paris in the Church of S. Iohn of Laterane: the hynder part of his eare remayneth at S. Flowers in Auuerne:* 1.49 his fore∣head and his heare resteth at S. Sauiours in Spayne: moreouer at Noyon a skalpe of his skull is shewed with great Pompe: But how dare we beleéue all these to be true now, forasmuch as at our mother Church of Rome in the Church of Siluester is shewed for an infallible trueth to be beleued,* 1.50 the whole head of S. Iohn nothing thereof wanting? Besides this, the people of Sene doe affirme that they haue his arme:* 1.51 which doth vtterly o∣uerthrow the creditt of the Aunciēt historyes. The finger of that holy man wherewith he poynted to Christ saying Behold the Lambe of God is at Besanson in the Church of S. Iohn the great:* 1.52 the same is also a Tholouse: an other at Lyons, an other at Burges, one more at Florence, and one also at S. Iohn Ad∣uentures, neére vnto Mascoue. And yet for this fhameshapen Relyques, to witte, for sixe fingers of one hand, Osorius blush∣eth not to deale like a lusty proctor, as if it were for great holy matters, and most assured. And although historyes do report, that his Ashes were throwen abroad into the wind:* 1.53 yet how he shameth nothing at all to professe, that some of those Ashes be at Genes? and some at Rome in the Church of S. Iohn of Late∣rane? what? will our religious Reliquary defend these for true, being so manifestly false? his Shoe is at Parys with the char∣terhouse Mounckes.* 1.54 But what if Iohn Baptist did neuer were any shoe?* 1.55 At Rome in S. Iohn of Laterane is vaunted to the gaze,* 1.56 his shirt of heare, whereof mention is made in the Euan∣gelist, which is also as false, for the Gospell doth make mention of Camels skinnes, and no word at all of any shirt of heare. In the same Church is extaunt the Altar whereupon he prayd in the wildernesse, as though that age of the world did vse manye altars. At Ayr, in Dutchland is the lynnen cloth that he kneéled vpon when he was beheadded.* 1.57 At Auignon is the sword where∣with he was beheaded.* 1.58

* 1.59Now in their right rancke lett the Reliques of the Apostles be rehearsed. The bodyes of Peter and Paule are religiosly visi∣ted by Pylgrimes in the Minster of Peter and Paule at Rome. The church of Laterane hath both theyr heads, S. Peters chaw∣bone

with his beard is to be seéne at Poytew. At Tryers many bones of them both be extant.* 1.60 At Argenton in Berry resteth the shoulder of Paule. At the great Alter of Geneua was there a portion of Peters Brayne sometime,* 1.61 which as long as lay somewhat close in y^e boxe, was reuerēced for a singuler Relique, but afterwardes being more narrowlye examined and vewed, was espyed to be a very pumeyse. To be short, what Chur∣ches were euer dedicated to these Apostles, wherein were not some Reliques of them to be found? At Saynct Sauiours in Spayne is S. Peters slypper very glorious and beautyfull like a prelates pantable.* 1.62 At Rome is to be seéne Peters chayre of State, with all hys pontyficall vestimentes vsed at Masse, and the very Altar wherupon he sayd Masse.* 1.63 Yet the citizens of Pyse do shew the same Altar in theyr Suburbes, that lead by the Sea side. The sword wherewith he cutt of Malchus eare, is in the possession of the Romaynes:* 1.64 his Crosiar remayneth at Parys in S. Stephens of Greés. The staffe that he was wont to walke withall,* 1.65 not onely the citizens of Coleyne do challenge, but the Citizens of Tryers also, prouing themselues both to be open lyers. The chayne wherewith Peter was bound, is in his owne Church at Rome. The blocke whereupon he was beheaded is to be seéne in S. Anastasius Church at Rome.* 1.66

The Citizens of Tholosse doe beleue that they do enioy the bodyes of sixe of the Apostles, namely: the bodyes of Iames the more, and Iames the lesse, of Andrew, of Phillipp, of Symon & of Iudas.* 1.67 How true this Fable is like to be, may hereby easilye appeare, for at Memphys Andrew left one body behinde, and hath an other in stoare in Rome at S. Peters there, a shoulder at Grisogonus, a ribbe at S. Eustath, a shoulder at the holye ghost, an other piece at S. Blase: and at Ayre one foot. Both the bodyes of Phillipp and Iames y^e lesse remayne w^t the holy Apo∣stles at Rome, likewise the bodyes of Symon and Iude be rest∣aunt in saynt Peters Church there: Mathias hath threé bodyes: one at Padue, an other at Rome, at saynt Mary the greater, the third at Tryers: at Salerne is the body of Mathew: And at Or∣tonne y^e body of Thomas. About Naples is y^e body of Bartho∣lomew. And yet is y^e same shewed whole in S. Bartholomewes Church at Rome. The citizens of Pyse did either fable, or els

haue his skinne, and one of his handes: one finger of hys remay∣neth at Frenes. Like as Philippe is plentifull also in his Re∣liques, one foot of whom is sayd to be at Rome in the church of Peter and Paule: he hath other Reliques likewise in other places, to witt at Rome in saynt Barbaras church, and at Try∣ers.

* 1.68Two citties do clayme the possession of S. Iohn the Euan∣gelistes cupp, from out the which he dranke poyson, to witt, Bo∣nony one, and Rome an other in the church of Laterane: to speake nothing in the meane space of his coate, of his chayne, and his chappell. But the pleasauntest Iest of all the rest is of the coller, whereupon hang the twelue Apostles coambes. It is sett forth in the church of Maria Insulana neére to Lyons.

S. Anne the mother of our Lord hath one bodye at Apte a citty of prouince, an other at Maria Insulana neére vnto Lyons:* 1.69 Moreouer one head of hers is kept in stoare at Tryers, an other remayneth at Turene amongest the Friers Iuliackes, the third at Turing in saynt Annes, besides many other skrapps, which are to be seéne more then in an hundred places. I can not tell how many soules Lazarus hath, sure I am he is beleued to haue 3. bodyes: one at Mer••els, an other at Anthū, the third at Aualon.* 1.70 Mary Magdalen as she is not equall in degreé with her brother, so hath she lesse substaunce:* 1.71 for she hath but two bodyes onely: one at vesellis neére vnto Auserre: the other that is of greater renown at S. maxime in Prouince, where also her head is shew∣ed with superscription thereunto, Noli me tangere, to touch no more of all the rest of all her boanes, heare, and other Reliques skattered ouer all the world.

* 1.72Amongest the which may not S. Longius the blinde knight be forgotten, who thrust his speare into the Lordes side al∣though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be nothing els then a greéke word, signifi∣yng a laūceknight, yet they deale very liberally with this sainct, and haue geuen him a speciall prerogatiue to haue two bodyes, one whereof is at Mantone, the other at Mary Iusulana. Not much vnlyke the fable that the citizens of Coleyne haue forged of the threé kinges of Coleyne, whom also they haue christened with honorable names, to witt:* 1.73 Balthazar, Melchior & Gas∣par.

Albeit there be many Reliques of S. Denyse, yet his whole body is beleéued to be but in two places onely, at S. Denise in the suburbes of Parys one, and at Rentzburgh in Dutchland the o∣ther.* 1.74 And as there happened to arise a greater brawle betwixt those two places, to witt, which of them should be Lordes of the very body in deéd: at length the brawle was decyded at Rome, w^t this Bull: that whosoeuer should say, y^t the body of S. Denis was not at S. Denis in Parys should be stoaned to death. And whosoeuer should deny y^e same body to be at Rentzburgh, should be adiudged for an heretique, as a rebell to the Apostolicke seé.

They haue deuyded the body of S. Stephen on this wise, that at Rome the whole body must be affirmed to be in S. Ste∣phens Church,* 1.75 his head at Orleaunce,* 1.76 his boanes more then in two hundred places.* 1.77 Of the stoanes wherewith this godly Mar∣tyr was stoaned to death (for these also haue they consecrated e∣mongest the Reliques) the Carmelites of Poytiers not manye yeares agoe found one stoane which they are wont to apply to weomen trauayling with Childe, to ease them of theyr paynes and burden.* 1.78 But in the meane space that same stoane procured great anguish and griefe of minde to the Dominicke Fryers, who accustoming to apply a ribbe of S. Margerett to the same vse, beganne to keépe a fowle broyle agaynst the Carmelites, a∣bout the same. But y^e Carmelites standing hard to theyr tackle, recouered the victory at the last.

It is taken for a certeintye, that the whole body of S. Lau∣rence is in S. Laurence Church:* 1.79 his arme and his bones are shrined in a Church of Palisperne.* 1.80 The gredyern also wherupō he was fryed must neédes be a Relque,* 1.81 a parcell whereof is shew∣ed forth at Palisperne. At S. Eustathius emōgest other Re∣liques are very deintely kept, not onely the coales where∣with he was broyled,* 1.82 but the Towell also wherewith the Angell did wipe his body. Hereunto is added the coate with long sleéues of this holy Deacō,* 1.83 whereof the Church of S. Barbara in Rome doth vaunte a possession: as though that Deacons at that tyme were trimmed vp with vestments as the papistes be now.

Ambrose doth report that in his tyme was found out the se∣pulcher of Geruase and Protasius in Millaine.* 1.84 The same doe Ierome, Augustine, and many others affirme: And therfore the

Millanoyes doe of right clayme the interest of those bodyes: If this be true: Then must this other be a very mockery, that at Brisack in Dutchland and at Besanson in the parish of S. Pe∣ters the same bodyes are blazed abroad and worshipped for no∣table Reliques: besides many other gobbets skattered abroad here and there in may Churches.

* 1.85In lyke maner Sebastian, cannonized for a Saint to cure the Pestilence is multiplied into 4. bodies: whereof one is at Rome in S. Laurence Church: an other at Soyson, the third at Piligne neére Nantes, the fourth at Narbone where it is sayd that he was borne. He hath also 2. headds, one at S. Peters Church at Rome: the other at Tholouse with the Iacobines, but without braynes notwithstāding. For the Brayne the Grayfryers of An∣gyers doe bragg vpon stoughtly: who doe enioy oue of his armes also. An other of his armes is at Tholouse in S. Seruine, an other at Cassod in Aruergne, an other at Mombrison in the Forrest. They haue made Reliques also of the Arrowes wher∣with he was shott into the body. Whereof one is shewed at Lambest in Prouince, an other in Poytiers with the Augustine Fryers: many others are flowen abroad to other places.

The Citizens of Orleaunce were long at law with the An∣thomās at Uienna about the true body of S. Anthony. To these bodyes is there a supply made of a Kneé which the Austines of Alby doe possesse. Many other of his Members are seéne in di∣uers sundrye places, to witt, at Burges, at Masicoue, at Dyon at Chalons, at Ourour, at Besanson &c.

* 1.86S. Petronilla alias S. Parnell the daughter of Peter hath one whole body at Rome, as they say, in her owne Fathers Church. Other Reliques of her are layd vpp a part by themselues in S. Barbaraes Church. Yet notwithstanding they do hold fast an o∣ther body of her at Mans in the Iacobines couent: which is of such vertue, that it cureth all kinde of Agues.

* 1.87At Rome is a Church called S. Susannes, wherein is to be seéne one body of her. An other body of her is supposed to be in Chalosse. Whereas the Uenetiās doe beare themselues stought vpon the whole body of S. Helen,* 1.88 yet her head leapt away from thence to Coleyne to the Church of Gerion. What need I to speake much of Ursula and her mates, which they doe affirme

were eleuen thousand Uirgines, when as the Citizens of Co∣leyne do make a shew of whole Cartloades of their bones.* 1.89

At Paytiers be two Churches which doe striue together a∣bout the body of Hillary,* 1.90 to witt the black Mounkes of S. Hil∣lary: and the Mounckes of the Selle, one bodye of Honoratus is honourably kept at Orleaunce.* 1.91 There is also an other in the Isle of Lyryne neare vnto Antipolis, at Tholouse is there one body of S. Gyles,* 1.92 an other in a Towne called S. Giles beyng in Aquitaine, there is a body of S. William in an Abbay of Aqui∣taine which is named S. William the Wild. he hath an other body in the Citye of Holstatt and is called Errechen.

What shall I say of Simphorian who hath bodyes & bones in so many places?* 1.93 and of S. Lupus whose bodyes be at Altisi∣odore,* 1.94 at Sens, at Lyons, and at Genes. S. Fereol also hath two bodyes,* 1.95 one whole at Utica in Aquitaine, and an other nothing empeired at Bryod in Auuerne.

Rome vaunteth vpon the bones of Abraham, Isaac, and Ia∣cob in the Church of Marye ouer Minerue:* 1.96 In the Church of S. Iohn of Lateran they boast that they possesse the Arke of the couenaunt, & the Rodd of Aaron: and yet the same Rodd is at Paris in the holy Chappell there: and is to be seéne also in S. Seuerines Church at Burdeau••: so that y^e same Rodd wh was once tourned into a Serpent, is tourned now into threé Rodds.

The multiplying of whiche Rodd seémeth not much vn∣lyke the Toath of Saincte Appolyne here with vs in England, of the which a certein Abbot of Almesbury named Andrew doth make relation. For it chaunced on a tyme that as Edward thē king of Englād was greuously tormented with the toath ach, he commaunded by generall proclamation, that all the teéth of S. Appolline that were reserued for Reliques within all the Chur∣ches of his Realme should be brought vnto him: there were such a multitude of one poore Relique of S. Appolline his teéth Ra∣ked together, that two or threé Toones were skarse able to re∣ceaue them, when they were throwen together on a heape.

I Haue abused thy leasure perhappes (gentle Reader) longer then was conuenient, in reckonyng vpp this Raggemarow of rusty Reliques: howbeit I haue not rehearsed the thousandth

part of the lyke religious Ragges: So farre and so wide hath this pestilent canker crept ouer all the partes of Christendome, that almost there is no Cathedrall Church, Parish Church, Mounckery, Abbay, Fryerhouse, Selle, Brotherhood or neuer so litle a Chappell but is poysoned with some contagion of this Serpigo. And I would to God that the lyke endeuor were ge∣nerally employed, that Iohn Caluine perfourmed in seéking out those Reliques wherof I haue made mētiō, & that a generall view might be taken of all the Reliques remayning in all Chri∣stendome, in Monasteries, Selles, Shrynes, Boxes, Caskets Glasses, and such lyke deuises, that the world might be made acquainted with them. It is incredible to be spoken what leger∣demaine, Iuggling, and peéuish pelting, what monstruous lyes, aud crafty packing, what horrible forgery and apish hal∣ting, would appeare to be fostered by these rakers of Reliques, and fab••ing Fathers. But I will not deteigne theé (Reader) in these tryfles any longer: Onely this by the way I wishe theé not so to interprett my trauayle herein, as though I would that all reuerence vsually ascribed to the true monuments, and true Re∣liques of Martyres, and other godly personages should be vtterly suppressed: such especially as is meéte and conuenient for them. But hereof neuerthelesse must be had a double con∣sideration. First: That we defraud not Christ of his due honor and worshipp, transferring the same ouer to Saintes and their monuments. Next: That we vaunte not to the gaze counter∣feites for truethes, and falshoods for verityes, and abuse not the simplicitie of the vnlettered, vnder the visor of true Religion. Which kinde of fraude, as is of all other most execrable, so is there not any one more dayly frequented at this present by the rowled generation. Howbeit this is no new griefe of a yeare or two continuaunce, but is an olde wound, long lurking euen e∣mongest the boanes, and gnawing dayly vpon the Synowes of all Christendome. Of the which Augustine complayneth gre∣uously in his owne tyme in his booke De Opere Monachorum, writing on this wise.* 1.97 He hath skattered abroad so many hipo∣crites vnder the weede of Mounckes in euery place, gadding lyke Vagabounds about the Countries, sent to no certein place, remai∣ning no where, settled in no place, nor making abode any where.

Some carry about the Reliques of Martyrs, if they be not rather the boanes of other dead men: but they do all begg, they doe all rake for money, all make gaynefull marchaundise either of their cloaked holynesse, or of their deceiptfull needynes. &c. But of Reliques hath bene sufficiently spoken now: for the confutation of the which, what shall I neéde to say any more? sithence to the sound witted Reader this may suffice, that I haue made him an open shew onely of these mockeryes and trumperies.

The controuersies (which concerne the strongest pillers of their Religion) being on this wise dispatcht: now that we be escaped out of these crabbed, rowgh, and vnsauery subtiltyes of disputation. I seé no cause to the contrary, but that I might make an end of this booke, sauing that there remaine yet a fewe dregges, in the cloasing vp of Osorius cauillations, that are not lightly to be passed ouer, though also they apperteigne not so necessarily to the cause, as to require any speciall aunswere. Whereof I purpose neuerthelesse to speake somewhat by Gods grace. And first touching his solemne protestation, wherein he accurseth and denounceth himselfe for a damned creature, if he haue written any thing in his booke fayningly, and counterfetly or colorably. Lett vs heare him speake in his owne words. I doe here protest before Iesus Christ Iudge of the quick and the dead, that if I do not write the trueth which I do determine vpon, which I iudge to be true, and which I doe vnfained∣ly and firmely beleue to be the true and vndoughted Reli∣gion, that he will exclude me from entraunce within that heauenly Citty, and possession of that euerlasting glory, & not suffer me to enioy his glory world without end. &c.* 1.98

In which protestatiō I doe easily beleue you Osorius, though you hadd neuer made so deépe a Protestation. Neither doe I suppose that you doe dally with vs in these matters contrary to the very meaning of your minde, but vtter in deéde the very bot∣tome of your thought, according as you haue cauilled in these bookes. But this sufficeth not to haue your phrase of wryting agreé outwardly with your profession, vnlesse your minde with∣in differ not, nor be discrepaunt from the right rule of trueth. Neither doth it matter so much, that you haue vttered in wri∣ting, according as y^e fancy of your mind hath carried you but you

ought rather to be well aduised, that your hart be so instructed w^tin as it may conceaue that which is wholesome & sound, & that your penn be not violently whyrled at Randone, by the vayne suggestions of your brainesicke headd, to endite false matter in¦stead of the trueth. For herein consisteth the whole substaunce of our controuersie, not in the vtteraunce of thinges which are con∣ceaued in minde: but in the discouerye of the meaning and sence of the trueth. Such as in tymes past did persequute the Gos∣pell of Christ, and such as at this present doe seéke the ouerthrow thereof (euen whiles they doe embrue their bloudy hands with goare of the Saintes) being seduced by glauering conceipt of colorable error, did and doe thinke to doe good seruice herein to God. Not much vnlyke vnto them, of whom we heare mention made in S. Paule, and whereof the number is infinite at this present: Which hauing zeale, but not according to knowledge, doe seéme to erre very much in the affection which they seéme to beare to godlynes, but wander altogether out of the way in their choyse: lyke as seémeth to haue happened at this present to Oso∣rius in defending this cause of the Popes supremacy, of Purga∣torye, of the Sacrifice of the Masse, of Pardons, of Reliques, and worshipping, and of many other Misteries of the Romishe counterfettes: wherein I doe confesse that he hath debated some∣what: and so debated, as himselfe doth confesse, not of any gre∣dy desire of flattering (as speaking the thing that ••he doth know to be plausible to his Catholickes) but hath written the very same doctrine, which he doth firmely beleue to be true: which I doe yeld vnto, that you haue perfourmed accordingly. For as much as hitherto you haue alleadged nothing but phantasticall conceiptes of your owne wandring imagination, and fryuolous opinions of your owne gyddy deuise: Thoroughout all your bookes no sparke of Scripture, no sentence at all of aunci∣ent writers, besides bare names onely is vouched, able to geue any creditt to your cause. And therefore you haue sayd well in deéde, that your writing doth agreé with your meanyng in all pointes: but there is nothing more corrupt then that iudgemēt of yours, nor any thing more vayne then your writing. And for the thinges themselues whereof you make mention hath bene spoken sufficiently allready: to witt, of the Popes supremacy,

of the Popes warres, of Purgatory, of Sacrifices, of Mar∣ketts of Pardons, of the vncleanesse of Priestes, and of their filthy superstition.* 1.99 All which disgracementes of Religion from whence they issued out at the first, although Haddon affirmed that you were not your selfe ignoraunt, albeit you dissembled the contrary, yet surely of this you ought not to be vnskilfull (except you list to be reputed an open counterfaite) that all those Trincketts, which you thrust vpon vs vnder the cognizaunce of Religion, did sauour nothing of the foundation of Christes Re∣ligion, of his Apostles, or of the Prophetts doctrine, but haue bene deuised by other men long sithence the comming of Christ, and by couert creéping by litle, & litle into y^e Church, are grow̄e to this vnmeasurable Rable. Which hath bene displayed abroad aboundantly enough before, as I Iudge in these same bookes.

After all these ensueth a common place of the filthy and wic∣ked lyfe of Priestes:* 1.100 which being more notorious then can be couered, more filthy then can be excused, Osorius is driuen to this streight: that he can not deny, but many thinges are amisse in the maners of Priestes, and many things out of order which require seuere and sharpe correction: howbeit he doth so extenu∣ate this cryme, as that he shameth not to confesse, but that the greater part of these Catholick shauelings doe liue most chaste∣ly, without all blemish of worthy reproch. Of the rest he hath good hope, yea and doughteth not thereof, vpon the con∣fidence that he hath of the good beginnings of the most holy Father the Pope Pius the fifte. whose wonderfull god∣lynes ioyned with marueilous zeale of true Religion, cleare and voyde from all ambition, greedynesse, and rashe teme∣rytye, doth geaue vs especiall comfort, that it will shortly come to passe, that the disorders and dissolute misdemea∣nours of Superstition and Priestes will attayne to a better reformation: But if happely this hope happen not to good successe, and though all thinges doe runne into further out∣rage, yea although also no man minister medicine and re∣medye to this diseased Church: yet is not this forthwith a good consequent, that good and godly ordinaunces shall for the retchlesse trechery of some euill disposed persons, be vtterly taken away. And that humaine actions did neuer

stād in so blessed an estate, as to be cleare frō all matter wor∣thy of reprehension, not onely emongest Priestes, and Moū∣ckes, but also through all the conuersation of Christian congregatiōs. And that it standeth not therefore with Rea∣son, for the negligence of a few disordered Mounckes to roote out the whole order of Mounckerye: and for the wickednes of some Priestes, therefore to subuert the whole dignitye of Priesthood and authoritye of Byshopps: None otherwise then as if in the holy state of Matrymony many thinges chaunce sundry tymes not all of the best, and vn∣seemely handled, yea and that wantonnes grow euen to brech of wedlock: yet is it not reasonable that for this cause the whole bond and vowe of mutuall loue and lawfull vni∣ting should be cutt asunder.* 1.101 Semblably ought we to de∣termine of the orders of Priestes, and Mounckes. Emongest whom though all thinges be not done orderly and decent∣ly, yet such thinges are not by and by to be discontinued which were instituted for godly purposes: nor followeth not forthwith, if there be some festered members in the cō∣mon weale which must of necessitye be cutt of, that for this cause the whole state of the cōmon weale shall be tourned vpsidowne: but rather that the ouergrowē weeds be pluckt vpp, and such as be scattering braūches be applyed to bet∣ter order, and reduced to their first patterne: And that there is nothing more perillous in Common Weales, then the often innouation of good and commendable established ordinaunces and lawes: which doth commonly breed not onely a generall contempt of wholesome statutes, but for the more part procure an vtter ouerthrow of the whole state according to the testimony of Aristotel:* 1.102 who did sometime openly withstād the decree of Hippodamus Milesius made for the aduauncement of such as should deuise good and profitable lawes:* 1.103 being of this opiniō that lawes should be comprised within measurable lymitts and boundes, & that the well keeping of tollerable lawes emported more safetye then the innouation of new.

To Aunswere this large discourse briefly: Osorius could haue alledged nothing more cōmodious in y^e defence of Luthers

cause, and nothing more vehemently agaynst these newfangled Romaines. For if Aristotel did worthely reproue Hippoda∣mus Milesius: Who being not contented with the present state of his owne Countrey, did practise an alteration of the state: What shall be sayd vnto you, who haue so chopt and chaunged all things in the Church, that there is not left there∣in one title so much of Apostolick antiquity, or aūciēt Doctrine? Therefore if all matters must be reduced to the first foundati∣ons, what one thing can preuayle more to further the Lutherās desire? who in all theyr writings and wishinges haue neuer en∣deuoured any thing more carefully, then that a reformation might be had of y^e Publicke abuses and corruptions of the chur∣che, according to the first most godly institutions, to the vtter a∣bolishing of all newfangled vpstartes wickedly supported. And those first Institutions, I doe call the very first foundations of the Apostolyque doctrine, most godlye grounded vpon the holye ghost, and the Testament of Christ. From the which how much your doctrine and Traditions do varry, I haue sufficiently dis∣couered before. For whereas Christ is an infallible principle & ground of the Apostolicke doctrine, and whereas the chiefe pil∣lers of the Euangelicall buildyng do stand principally vpon this poynt, to preach vnto vs euerlasting life promised by the freé gift of God, through fayth in Iesu Christ: euen by this one marke may easily be discerned, of what value and estimation the whole state of the Romish religiō may be accounted:* 1.104 which doth not direct vs to Christ, but to the Pope: not to the onely sonne of God, but to the sonnes of men: not to the worshipping of the liuing God, but to the inuocation of dead soules, and adoration of Reliques: not vnto fayth, but vnto workes: not vnto freé for∣geuenesse, but vnto Pardons: not vnto grace, but vnto workes: not vnto the promises of God, but to mens satisfactions: not vnto heauen, but vnto Purgatory: which doth allure vs, not to the spyrite, but vnto the hungry letter, to ceremonies, to written Traditions, and vnwritten verityes, to the bare naked elemēts of this world, to bodyly exercises, which of theyr owne nature do prenayle litle or nothing at all. If this be not the very natu∣rall power and state of all your Religion almost, confound me if you can: but if you cannot with honesty denye it, where is then

that glorious bragg so often craked vpon of the first principles of your Traditions? which how gaylye are liked and blazed a∣broad by you, let other mē like as they list. Surely I am of this opinion, that there be no surer groundworkes of our Religion, nor better layd, then such as the Apostles and Prophettes haue established: vnto the which if you will but call vs, we will yelde gladly and ioyne with you. But you doe meane some other principles and foūdations I suppose, not such as were builded vpp by the Apostles and Prophets, but such as haue bene inuen∣ted by Mounkes, Fryers, and Noonnes: whose orders and insti∣tutions you iustify to be most holy and godly: and haue determi∣ned with your selfe, that all thinges which are swarued from thence, ought to be called home agayne to the holynesse of these sacred orders: howsoeuer some particuler Mounckes doe abuse theyr profession, yet you do stoutly auerre, that the first institutiō of the profession and foundation of their orders doth persist as at the first, and ought not by any meanes be dissolued. This is well. But what if I be able to iustify the contrary, to witt that the very first foundations of those Mounckeryes (as they were erected by the first founders thereof) be wicked, damnable, and to be detested of all christians? Now I beseéch your syr Byshopp for the honor of your sacred Myter, if any man doe direct you to any other redeémer then vnto Christ the sonne of God, or will allure you to seéke for any other redemption then in the most precious blood of Iesus Christ: Doe ye thinke such a fellow in any respect tolerable? I do not beleue it. Goe to then, let vs take a view now of the originall causes and principles vpō the which were groū∣ded the first foundations of Mounckeryes. I will speake onely of our owne Mounckeries here in England, as much as I know by experience.

* 1.105When the first foundations of Mounckeries beganne to be erected in this Realme, which was in the tyme of a certeyn Mounck called Austine, whēas Ethelbert reigned king of kent in the yeare 605. We will declare euen out of his owne letters patentes, the very cause that moued him chiefly to build an Ab∣bay at Douer for the order of Benedictines. And these be the very wordes of his owne charter. I Ethelbert established in the kingdome of my father, and enioying the crowne and digni∣ty

of my father by the permission of God in peacible tranquilli∣ty, emōgest other churches that I haue builded by the persuatiō & councell of our holy father Austen, haue erected from the very foundation, a Church to the most blessed Prince of the Apostles S. Peter, and to S. Paule Doctour of the Gentiles, and haue endeuoured to enriche the same with large Reuenewes and landes: and haue caused there to be assembled Mounckes which do feare God. Therefore entending to amplifie, and to enlarge the same Church to the proportiō of a iust heighth, being in per∣fect minde and sownde iudgement, I haue geuen vnto the same church by the consent of Ealbalde my sonne, and other my deare counsellors, a Towne called Cistelett for the redemption of my soule, in hope to attayne euerlasting reward for the same. &c. I do not accuse the well disposed king worthy of singuler prayse, but I doe vtterlye condemne Austen the Mouncke that wicked counsellor and instrument of that doctrine: Uerely, if redemp∣tion of soules be purchased by buylding of Abbyes, then dyed Christ in vayne, and the promise is made voyde, and of none ef∣fect: finally what remayneth for vs by this reason, but that weé haue as many redeémers as we haue Mouncks? You haue heard of Ethelbert the father, now harken likewise of Ealbalde hys Sonne.

I Ealbalde placed in my Fathers kyngdome,* 1.106 followyng my Fathers steppes, who of a valiaūt courage did build Churches of God at the earnest entreaty of Father Austen, and enriched them with diuers dignities: doe freély and willyngly geue and graunt a certein part of my kyngdome called Northburne, to the behoofe of the Monckes of the Monastery of Peter & Paule at Douer in y^e honour of almighty God and his holy Apostles, and of S. Augustine, for the Redemption of my Fathers soule, myne owne soule, and my predecessours soules. &c.

I Ethelrede kyng of Mercia do graunt this Charter for the redemption of my soule,* 1.107 and to be prayed for, by the seruauntes of God the Moūckes of Malmesbury. The same Charter was confirmed by kyng Berthewalde for the Saluation of his soule (as his Letters Patētes do declare) and for the Remission of the Sinnes that he hadd committed.

What shall I speake of the rest? of Osricke kyng of Mercya?

of Oswy kyng of Northumberland? of Whitrede Cissa kyng of Southsex? Ethelrede Prince of Mercia. Ina, Renulphe, Offa, Alurede, Athelstane, Edgar, William of Normandy, Henry the first, Stephen, kyng Iohn, and Edward? by whom whereas many Monasteries haue bene erected euen from the first foundations, and endowed with large possessions and reue∣newes, if we behold the originall Charters of the first founders: we shall finde that they were erected for none other cause,* 1.108 nor vnder any other Title, but for y^e Redemptiō of soules: for salua∣tion of soules (and to vse their owne wordes) for the remedy, and remission of sinnes: For myne owne soule, and all my predeces∣sours soules, for my fathers soule and mothers soule: for the soule of my wife, and all Christian soules, for the Remission of sinnes: for the prosperous estate of our kyngdome, & the sub∣iectes of our Realme: To the honour of the blessed Uirgine Ma∣ry, for reward of eternall felicitie. &c. For all these titles are ex∣taunt in the auncient Charters of the kinges grauntes.* 1.109 After the same maner did Elfride wife to y^e Earle Ethelwolde, builde an Abbay at Malmesbury for the death of her husband, whereof she was her selfe a Procurour, for the Remission of that wicked acte: into the which afterwardes, she made her selfe a perpetuall Recluse for euerlastyng penaūce. Moreouer kyng Edgar which murthered the sayd Ethelwolde for the loue of his wife, for sa∣tisfactiō of his offence, and for the preseruation of his subiectes, is reported to haue builded so many Abbayes, as there be weékes in the yeare.

* 1.110With like outrage did Queéne Alfrithe kyng Edgar his wife most cruelly murther Edward y^e Martyr her sonne in law: by meanes wherof she might place into the kyngdome her owne sonne Egelrede. At the last repētyng her of her former wicked∣nes, did erect two Abbayes in satisfactiō of her murther, to witt Amesbury and Werwell, about the yeare of our Lord. 979.

Kyng Athelstane, hauyng slayne his brother Egwyne, whō he drowned tyrānously in the Sea, after the slaughter of his bro∣ther, did builde two Abbayes namely Mydleton, and Michel∣ney, & enriched them with great reuenewes, for the Redemp∣tion of his brothers soule, and forgeuenes of the murther.

Upon the same occasiō, or not much vnlike was Battell Ab∣bay

first founded: which kyng William the Conquerour, after he hadd woo••ne the fielde and slayne a great multitude of nota∣ble Souldiours, did cause to be builded in the same place, for the release of the soules and Sinnes of all such as were slayne in that battell.

I haue thought good to sett downe a brief note of these: the like whereof I could haue rehearsed many more. All which albeit I had rypped abroad, would haue bene sufficient Presidentes that they all had one maner of begynning, and one cause of foun∣dation, namely, none other then which might vtterly deface the glory of Christ, the assuraunce and trust of our Redemption, and withall the whole Grace, and comfort of Christes Gospell. O holy foundation of Monckish Religion. O wonderfull monu∣mentes of maruelous holynesse: O sweéte and smoathe Deuine, that can so amyably persuade vs to retourne to these principles and foundations: wherein he seémeth in my Iudgement to ende∣uour nothyng els, then to bryng vs Christians in belief that for∣sakyng Christ and renouncyng the doctrine of the Gospell, we should repose the saluation and redemption of our soules, and the forgeuenes of our Sinnes, not in the Sonne of God, but in Monckes and Monckeries.

But lett vs pursue Osorius by the tracke of his foote, whiles he hasteneth to the end of his booke, who glauncyng away from the Moūckes at the last, doth begyn to proyne his feathers, and to make a shew of his proper witt to Kinges and Princes. And here he rusheth vpon the poore Lutheranes with an horrible ac∣cusation of high Treason. And why so I pray you? whether be∣cause the life of Princes hath bene preserued by them? or de∣••owred by theyr practise?* 1.111 No. But treason hath bene con∣spired agaynst theyr lyues, and theyr Crownes, and vp∣roares raysed. As in Germany agaynst Charles the Empe∣rour. In Fraunce agaynst Henrye the Kyng, in England a∣gainst Edward, who he doth affirme was poysoned by the Lutherans: Agaynst Queene Mary. In Scotland agaynst the King whom he affirmeth to be horribly murthered: Yea Syr, in this last you speake true indeéd, but to name the Author of this murther, you play mumme budgett. Yea and not a∣gaynst

these Princes onely, but agaynst many more prynces besides, Osorius doth boldly say, conspyracies to haue bene attempted by the Lutheranes. And why doth he not emongest the Kynges and Princes of Germany, Fraunce, England and Scotland before named, reckon vpp also Prynces of Turky, of Scithia, of Persia, of India, of Aethiopia with their Emperors, Kinges, and Potentates? The great Sophye Emperour of Persia and Moskouia, Prester Iohn? And sithence he taketh so great a delight in lying, why doth he not with as shamelesse a face exclayme, that the Lutheranes haue conspired Treasons, and procured poysons agaynst those persons? forasmuch as hys lying therein cann beare no better countenaunce, then it doth in the rest.

But forasmuch as these slaunders are wisely and sufficient∣ly aunswered before by mayster Haddon in the first book, it were labor lost to abuse the Readers time in refuting those vntruthes which be alreadye confounded before: especiallye sithence this cause doth neither concerne the doctrine which we do professe, and sithence Osorius will be proued a lyar herein by no person more easily, then by the Scottish Queéne her selfe, to speake nothing in the meane space of the publique and generall testi∣monies of Germany, Fraunce, and England. Therefore pas∣sing ouer those Princes, I will frame my selfe to the other part of his complaynt which concerneth our most gracious Queéne Elizabeth aboue all the rest. And here I beseéch theé (gētle Rea∣der) lett it not seéme tedious vnto theé to pawse a whyles, that thou mayst perceiue how like a Deuine Osorius doth behaue himselfe.

For framing himselfe to discourse vpon Ecclesiasticall go∣uernement, which he doth constantly denye, is not meéte shoulde be committed to the creditte of a Temporall King, much lesse to a Queéne in any respect: which because the Queénes Maiesty shall not take in ill part, as though he defaced any part of her ho∣nor: he doth very humbly craue pardon of her grace with an ho∣norable preface.* 1.112 For he is not the man that will presume to extenuate any part of her honour, but rather doth wishe with all hys hart, that she may of all partes so abound in vertue, that she may be shrined for a Saynct. We do ioyfully

embrace the godly modesty of this sweéte Byshopp: and loe, be∣cause we will not be found vnthankefull vnto him, for the ver∣tues that he doth hartely wish to our gratious Queéne, we in re∣quitall of his curtesy doe pray to GOD, to endue him with as much of his heauenly grace, as may conuert him from a vayne∣glorious papisticall Babler, into a frendly follower and embra∣cer of the infallible truth of the Gospell. But lett vs returne a∣gayne to the Ecclesiasticall supremacy of Osorius which he doth yoake so fast to the Byshopp onely, that he doth vtterly ex∣clude all other kinges, and Queénes especially, from all charge ecclesiasticall.* 1.113 So that he verilye adiudgeth, that there cann come no greater infamy to Religion, thē that all Churches, ceremonyes, and all ordinaunces of the Church, all priestly dignityes and holynesse should be subiect to the gouerne∣ment of a woman. For these be his owne words: wherein what he meaneth himselfe, either he doth not sufficiently expresse in telling his tale, or els my blockishnesse surely can not comprehēd his deépenesse. He doth so swell in hawtynesse of speéch, that whiles he endeuoureth with waxed winges to fleé beyond the view of common sence, aboue the bright cloudes of playne Grammer, that through the heat of his skalding braynes, he hath drowned himselfe in the deépe, and by reaching beyond his reach, he reacheth nothing at all. Wherefore renouncing once at the length this curious cripsing and blazing brauery of hawtye speéch, begyn once at the last to declare vnto vs in playne tear∣mes, distinctly, and playnely, what your Rhetoryck meaneth by these wordes, that all holynesse should be subiect to the go∣uernement of a woman? If you meane of thinges that are of thēselues holy and deuine, your quarrell is altogether vntrue, wherewith you charge the Queénes maiesty. For where did the Queéne euer desire to gouerne, or where did she euer desire to beare rule ouer all holy and sacred thinges, and this holynesse whereof you make mention, or all the holy ordinaunces and be∣nefices of Ministers? But if you vnderstand of the personages of men, that is to say, of the Ministers themselues, and of By∣shoppes, by whom those holy thynges are frequented: If you do exempt those persons from the lawfull gouernement of theyr owne Prince: herein you shew your selfe no lesse iniurious to

our Queéne, then a manifest rebell to S. Paule: who geueth a farr other commaundement in the scriptures: To witt: That e∣uery soule ought to submitt it selfe to the power of their owne Ma∣gistrates. Upon which place of Paule, Chrisostome making an exposition, doth so exempt no kinde of people from this subiecti∣on:* 1.114 that he spareth not to comprehend vnder the gouernement of the higher powers all persons, by one law aswell Apostles themselues, Prophettes, and Euangelistes, as Mounkes. But lett vs peruse the Argumentes wherewith this gentle and obe∣dient childe of the Popes good grace doth make his wordes war∣rantable.

* 1.115

Tell I pray you if you please (fayth he) where did you e∣uer reade that a Christian Prynce dyd take vpon hym the office of the Pope?

Truely to confesse the trueth, I did heare neuer of any. For there was neuer any Christian Prynce so shamelesse to presume to take vpon him so grat a function: to professe himselfe to be the head of the vniuersall Church, to chal∣lenge the prerogatiue of the consistory in common with God: and to vsurpe both swordes spirituall and temporall: to compell all humayne creatures vpon payne of damnation to sweare him al∣legeaunce, and to yelde all power and authority vnder him. And therefore that I may be so bolde to demaund a like question of you in as few wordes. I pray you tell vs, if it may please you Osorius: where did you euer discerne so shamelesse an Impu∣dency in any mortall creature at any tyme, that would presume so arrogātly to entrude vpō the onely possession and inheritaūce of almighty God, and challenge an interest therein in his owne right, besides this onely high Byshopp of yours? But lett vs heare Osorius how he doth prosecute his argumentes.

Nay ra∣ther all Princes (sayth he) which did embrace godlynesse and iustice, did reuerence the iudgementes of Priestes, did obay the Byshoppes without any refusall, and did most wiselye accompt it the greatest part of theyr honour, to be subiect to theyr commaundementes.

And because his saying shall not be voyd of creditt, for want of examples and witnesses, there is vouched agaynst vs Englishmen, our owne Countreyman Constantine the singuler ornament of our English Nation: The Emperour Theodosius:* 1.116 Lodowicke the French Kyng,

Princes aboue all other most famous. All which besides that they were notably renowmed for theyr worthy actes and Princely exploytes: yet deserued they not so great com∣mendation and renowme for any one thing more, then in that they did shew themselues so humble and obedient to the commaundementes of the Popes.

We are taught by the rules and principles of the ciuill law, that matters of equity are not determinable by examples, but by Law: what Princes haue done, or what they haue not done, doth not make so much to the purpose. But if right must be deci∣ded by law, to witt, what ought haue bene done, I do aūswere, y^t there hath bene many and mighty Monarches, whose ouermuch tendernesse and lenity towardes Popes and Byshoppes hath procured the destruction, and vtter ruyne of theyr owne es••ate, and theyr Realmes withall.* 1.117 Whenas Rodolph Duke of Swe∣lād reuolted against his owne Emperor Hēry the 4. by the insti∣gation of the Pope, what successe his obedience to the Pope came vnto, let Historyes report. Henry the fifth became a Traytor agaynst the Emperour his owne Father, by the pro∣curement of the Pope: he did obay the Pope: vanquished his Fa∣ther, and famished him in Pryson: Osor. is not ignoraunt what ensued vpon that obediēce. Phillipp the french Prince & french Kinges sonne was teazed to lead an army agaynst Iohn King of England, by the commaundement of the Pope: he obayed, and bidd him battell: what he wann at the length by that submission & obedience besides many miserable calamities, appertayneth not for this place to make report.

There was a truce takē with Amurathes the Turkish Em∣perour for tenn yeares by the Hūgarianes:* 1.118 not long after league being broken contrary to the law of Armes, by the abetting of the Pope: Ladislaus King of Hungary is brought forth into the field to encounter with the Turke: and ouerthrowen in the con∣flict: In which battell the King was not onely bereft of life, but Christendome also lost almost all Hungary withall.

I could make a great Register of the warres of Henry the 4. and Henry the v. agayne of Fredericke the first, & Fredericke the secōd. After those of the battell of Ludouicke Prince of Ba∣uiere & Fredericke Duke of Austriche, & withall of the slaugh∣ter

of many Christian Princes and Dukes. But for as much as hath bene treated sufficiently hereof before, it shall suffice to haue touched these fewe by the way: by comparison whereof the Rea∣ders may vnderstand, what kynde a thyng this obedience to∣wardes this notorious Seé hath bene: which hath bene y^e nourse of so many treasons, conspiracies, tumultes, and vproares, e∣mongest Emperours, Kynges, Princes and Subiectes: and which doth dayly inuade the Christian commō weales with hor∣rible outragies: doth rende a sunder Ciuill societie: doth disturbe the quiet calme of Christes Church with seditious Bulles and cruell curses: doth entangle the most mighty Monarches of the world with vnappeasable mutynes, vproares, & tumultes: final∣ly doth ouerwhelme the whole state of y^e world with vnrecouera∣ble perniciousnes, destruction, & dissipation. For as it is a neéde∣les matter to reuiue the remembraunce of the old broyles of the late scattered world, which doth flicke fast in our skyrtes yet scarse able to be shaken from the shoulders of all Chistendome: euen yesterday almost in the fresh beholdyng of vs that are li∣uyng, what one other grudge did prouoke the late Emperour Charles the v. to inuade the Germaines? & enflamed the Spa∣niardes to the bloudy spoyle of so many of their own bowels? In Englād likewise what one thing did procure so many rebellions of y^e subiectes agaynst their liege Lordes Henry the 8. and Ed∣ward the 6? What thing teazed Mary the Queéne to so sauadge a cruelty agaynst her owne naturall subiectes, rakyng together ••o many Fagottes & loades of woodes to the broylyng of so ma∣ny Martyrs? finally what one thyng at this present doth capti∣uate, and deteigne the whole Realme of Fraunce, in such an vn∣entreatable massacre, but this Popishe obedience? wherewith Princes (as Osorius doth suppose) do most circumspectly thrust their neckes vnder the Popes gyrdle. But I am of a contrary mynde: and beleéue veryly that Princes might haue demeaned them selues much more wisely and prudently, if in steéde of this childish submissiō, & seruile subiectiō, they would w^t Princely se∣ueritie haue sna••••led y^e outragious insolēcy of so shameles arro∣gācy,* 1.119 in that proude Prelate: & folowyng the President of our most gracious Queéne, despising those franticke furies of broy∣lyng Bulles, and crauyne curses, would banish this proud Tar∣quine

from out their kyngdomes & territories. Which if they did, it were not to be doughted, but that the publique tranquil∣litie of all Christian Nations would enioy a farre more ioyfull countenaunce of freédome and concorde.

And yet I speake not this to the end, that I would haue god∣ly Prelates dispossessed from their dignitie, or would wish their authoritie empayred the value of a rush. S. Paule doth not in vayne admonish vs to yeld double honour to Byshops and Ru∣lers of the Church:* 1.120 but with this prouiso annexed, to witte, if they rule well, if they do labour mightely in doctrine, and prea∣chyng. But what prerogatiue can the Romish Byshop clayme from hence, more then any other particular Byshop? The Pope hath his owne Prouince, lett him guide that as well as he cā, lett him not encroche vpon others: nor hawke for hawtyer Titles of honour, then beseémeth his function. The Ecclesiasticall digni∣tie, is a ministery, not an Empyre, a charge and a burden ra∣ther then a Lordlynes, or superioritie: wherein he that will pre∣sume to rule the roaste ouer others, must looke aduisedly to him selfe first, that he gouerne well, that he labour mightely in the word & doctrine. If the Byshops and Priestes be not negligent and retchelesse in their owne dutyes, they shall neuer be defrau∣ded of their due honour, and dutyfull obedience, nor euer were denyed therof. For euē for this cause that valiaūt kyng of Eng∣land Constantine,* 1.121 that noble Emperour Theodosius:* 1.122 that fa∣mous Ludouicke Pius the French kyng, and other like Prin∣ces, did esteéme highely of good, and godly Christian Ministers, and obeyed them, which instructed them in the word of God: & did enure them selfes to their godly exhortations (as the Em∣perour Valentinian doth report) euen as to wholesome potiōs, and medicinable restoratiues. Euen so Theodosius beyng ex∣cluded from partakyng the holy Communion by Ambrose, did most modestly obay:* 1.123 The same Theodosius also beyng deter∣mined to exercize cruell reuenge against the Thessalonians, and beyng counsayled by Ambrose, that in geuyng sentence vpon lyfe and death he would take breath, & pause by the space of xxx. dayes, least in rage and fury he should accomplish that, whereof he might afterwardes repent him: did willyngly and obedient∣ly submitt him selfe to the graue exhortation of the godly Fa∣ther.

Semblably many other notable Potentates also in many great and weighty matters, did humbly yeld to the sweéte per∣suations of such, as were farre their inferiours•• Princes for the preseruation of their health do obay the direc••••••n of their Phisi∣tions: In the lawes positiue they be guided and ledd by the con∣duct of the Lawyers: And yet for all this, such subiectes do not cease to be subiectes still, neither refuse their due obedience to their liege Lordes and Gouernours. It happeneth oftentymes that the maister will be aduised by his seruaūt, and the husband guided by the discretion of the wife, yet ceaseth not therefore the Maister to be Maister, nor the Husband to be head ouer his Wife.

As in all well ordered common weales be Maior alties, Bay∣liwickes, and many degreés of Officers, which doe seuerally em∣ploy their functions for the preseruation of common societie, yet must there be one onely soueraigne emongest them of some grea∣ter coūtenaunce, who by his wisedome and authoritie, may guide the inferiour Magistrates, and bridle the insolency of the rude multitude.

But the Catholickes doe deny that the Catholicke Church ought to be subiect to this authority. If vnder y^e name of Church they do comprehend the ordinaunces and ceremonies wherewith the Church is administred, they do speake truly. In deéde the word of God, the Articles of doctrine and of fayth, the admini∣stration of the Sacramentes, and the discretiō of byndyng and excōmunicatyng, is not attempered by the regiment, and com∣maundement of Princes: nor doth the Ciuile Magistrate enter∣medle with the administration of any of these thyngs. But if they meane the personages of men, who are exercized in this holy function, or y^e charge & dispositiō of particular matters, that are incidēt to y^e Ministery, they do say vntruly: for as much as there is no Ciuile potentate vnto whō is not cōmitted the order & go∣uernement of all members of the cōmon weale indifferently, as well Ministers & Preachers of the word, as all other inferiour Magistrates & Subiectes. Otherwise the doctrine of Paule were in vayne.* 1.124 Let euery soule submit it selfe to the higher power: y^e truth whereof is to be Iustified by the most approued exāples of both the old and new Testamentes. If we begyn at Moyses,

who supplyed the office of a Ciuile Magistrate, and from him descend to all the Ages of our owne Emperours, & Potentates, Emongest all which Magistrates, we shall finde none, but hath receaued by Gods commaundement, the gouernement of Ec∣clesiasticall persones, aswell as of Ciuile Magistrates, as in∣feriour Subiectes.

It would require a long discourse to treate throughly of all the names and gouernementes of Emperours and Ciuile Po∣tentates.* 1.125 To make a brief rehearsall of the chiefest: First in the old Testament, how many examples are extaunt of such Prin∣ces, ••s do prescribe ceremonies for the Tabernacle? which doe fetche backe agayne y^e Arke of y^e couenaūt? which make holy So∣nettes and Psalmes? Rule ouer Priestes? builde Churches? moreouer do cleanse them agayne after they were defiled? do o∣uerthrow Temples & Altares? reforme abuses? which also some∣tymes doe pronounce exhortations to the people touchyng the worshyppyng of God? do aduertise the Priestes of their dutyes, and ordeyne lawes for them to guide their lyues by? which ap∣point Orders and obseruations in the Church? which doe kill wicked Prophetes? yea and many tymes also doe prophecy in their owne persones?

In the new Testament lykewise how many examples are to be seéne in y^e recordes of the best ages of kinges and Monarches, who within their owne Territories and dominions haue orday∣ned godly and learned Byshoypes to rule ouer prouinces, and haue deposed such as haue bene vnworthye: haue suppressed the riott and insolencye of Priestes: who haue not onely Sommoned Synodes and Councells of Byshops, but do sitt emongest them, geue sentence with them, yea & prescribe orders vnto them which they shall obay: are presidents ouer their Councells, doe de∣pose hereticall Byshoppes: which geue iudgement vpon mat∣ters of Religion: which doe sett downe articles, pronounce sen∣tence, disanull the opinions of heretiques, and ratifie the Doc∣trine of the Catholicke fayth? If the most aunciēt and most Chri∣stian kinges & Emperors did not entermeddle heretofore in all these causes, the report of Historyes is false. If our kinges and Queénes doe the lyke at this present, what cause hath Osorius to frett and fume? If the charge of Religion and Religious per∣sons

doe not pertayne to the ciuill pollicye in any respect: sure∣ly Constantine did not behaue himselfe discretely, who in his owne person decyded the causes and controuersies of Byshopps, which did appeale to his Maiestye, entermedled his authoritye in the pacyfying of quarells, determined and ended complaynts, and forced them to vnitye aud concord: all which he ought to haue submitted to the pōtificall iurisdiction. Moreouer this also was a part of no lesse insolencye in him,* 1.126 to presume to fitt emongest the Byshopps in y^e Councell of Nyce, as Theodoret doth testify, to direct them with his councell, commaunding thē earnestly to foreseé, that in determining and decyding all matters of Religion, they should haue a speciall regard to the wrytinges of the Apostles, and Prophetts. The same may be veryfied by the Emperor Theodosius,* 1.127 who as Socrates reporteth, did not onely sitt emongest the Byshopps, and was present at their dis∣putation, but was president and chiefe of the Councell also, and did vtterly condemne the opinions of the heretiques.

* 1.128In the councell of Chalcedon when as Dioscorus, Iuue∣nall & Thalassius, were condēned for heretiques, who gaue sen∣tence vpon them? the ciuill Magistrate? or the Byshoppes of Rome? lett Osorius make aunswere at his best leasure.

* 1.129In the 3. Councell of Constantinople y^e Emperour Con∣stantine did not onely sitt together with the Byshopps but sub∣scribed their decreés also with his owne hand on this wise:

We haue readd (sayth he) and haue subscribed them.

Lykewise in the Councell of Arausium we reade the same was done, I doe not say of the Princes themselues, but of tham∣bassadours of Princes, and states of the Potentates also: who did not onely vtter their mindes in matters of Religion, but did adde also their owne subscriptions emongest the Byshopps.

* 1.130When as Iustinian the Emperor made a law touching the reformation of lyfe, and the restrayning of the insolent licētious∣nes of Priestes: and when as he deposed two Popes, Siluerius and Vigilius striuing together for Peters chayre:

In lyke maner here in our litle Brittaine, when as Athel∣stane, Edgar, Egelrede, and Canutus doe establishe Byshops in their Seés when as they doe make lawes touching the Sab∣bath, touching payment of Tythes, touching Ceremonies, tou∣ching

worshipping, touching cases of Matrimony, of Penaūce, and Excommunication, did they thinke that they had no charge committed vnto them for Reformation of Religion?

And what shall we aunswere to Ierome then? who writyng agaynst Rufinus touching the lawfull aucthoritye of Councells:

Tell me (sayth he) what Emperour did commaund that Councell to be sommoned?

* 1.131

What shall I speake of August. lykewise? who taking vpon him to confute the error of the Donatistes: emongest other ma∣ny reasons forced this Argument chiefly.* 1.132

Why did you conuent Cecilian Byshopp of Carthage before Constantine (sayth he) If it be not lawfull for an Emperour to determine vpon matter of Re∣ligion?

Moreouer how shall Chrisostome be aunswered?* 1.133 who by the authoritye of that place of Paul before rehearsed, doth restraine euery humaine creature (not exempting the very Apostles and Euangelistes themselues,) to the dutiefull obedience not of one Byshopp, but of euery of his owne particular Prince.

Furthermore what shall we say of the Apostle Paule him∣selfe? who purposing to be tryed in the controuersie of Religion,* 1.134 doth make his appeale, not to Peter sitting (as the Papistes doe say) at Rome: but to themperor Nero, notwithstanding he was a most horrible Tyrant. So that concerning the duetye of obedience on the behalfe of the subiect, not the person that is in highest authority (whether he be Kyng or Queéne) but the estate it selfe, which is ordeyned from God is to be considered. Which beyng most certeynely true, what cann be more voyde of shame then Osorius face? more vnsauory then his writing? and more false then his opinion? who raking a heape of wordes to∣gether to bring vs to be more maligned and enuied: Barketh a∣gaynst vs Englishmen with his doggish Eloquence.* 1.135 Who haue submitted the Sacred affayres of holy Churche, not one∣ly to a king, which you doe accompt a haynousnes vnpar∣donable, but also to a Queene contrary to all equitye and right, contrary to the holynesse of most pure Religiō, and contrary to the prescript ordinaunces of almighty God: and haue translated also the Sacred dignitye of the highest By∣shopp violently taken away from lawfull Byshopps to the

gouernement and direction of a woman. &c.

Loe here (gentle Reader) the substaunce of a most greuous complaynt agaynst the Sacrilegous Englishmen, haynous enough, considering the force of our accuser Osorius: which be∣cause you shall not think but that it is in ech respect as true, as it is cruell and odious: and least his declamation may happen to light emongest such as be hard of beliefe, and therefore skarse finde any place of creditt: behold now with what Arguments, with what force, and with what kinde of proofe he iustifieth his accusation: and therewith enforceth creditt, not by reason onely but with aucthoritye: and doth make it vnreproucable by the testimony of an Oracle: so that now no man cann be so distrustfull as to conceaue any ill opinion of the Accuser be∣ing a man vncontrollable. Namely, because himselfe hath spoken the word: euery of whose wordes, be inuincible senten∣ces. Goe to then, what is it that Osorius vpon his superexcellent creditt doth warrant vnto vs? Marke well you wretched En∣glishmen, you outcast and abandoned Nation, which haue made subiect to a womans gouernement all holy Church, and all ho∣lynesse, rēnonucing the Pope of Rome his aucthoritye, harkē vnto your cōplaint, wherewith Osorius doth charge you. Which thing verely I do affirme to be an haynous offence, a beast∣ly and sauadge wickednesse, and a detestable and execrable abhomination.

It is enough, for so our Tomme told vs. Neither hath he told it onely, but hath proclaymed it also, and doth so proclayme it, not as the Iewes did sometyme exclayme whē Christ was ac∣cused: for they cryed out on this wise. We haue no king but Caesar. But Osorius pypeth vpp an other note: wee haue no Kyng but the Pope. And as for Priestes and Byshopps to be subiect to a womās aucthoritie, he accompteth it an vnpardonable haynous∣nes, worthy of a thousand Purgatories. And I beseéch you Syr, what was there done at Rome, when as Ioane an English wo∣man beyng Pope, all Churches & holynes were subiect not one∣ly to the Iurisdiction of a woman, but were at commaundement of a Strumpett? But I lett this passe, and retourne agayne to you, who recompt it a matter intollerable, that the affaires of holy Church should be ordered by any Magistrate, other then by

the Popes aucthoritie. By what Argument do you proue this to be true? Forsooth bycause Osorius hath spoken the word. But farre otherwise spake, and did Augustine, Ierome, and Chriso∣stome, of whom we made mention before. Otherwise also spake Gelasius a Bishop of Rome, who doth franckly and boldly pro∣fesse, that the priuiledges of the Church are in the power of the Emperour, deliuered vnto him from aboue. I speake not here of the person, man or woman, nor yet of y^e maners of Princes: but of y^e authoritie: which whether happē to mā or womā, if their prero∣gatiue be warranted by y^e ordinaunce of God: there is no cause why it should be defaced for y^e peéuish pratyng of one Portingall.

Surely if y^e aucthoritie of a woman haue not prerogatiue in decidyng & determining Ecclesiasticall causes:* 1.136 Gregory did not demeane him selfe discreétly, who in a cause of purgatiō of a cer∣tein womā named Mēna sent backe y^t Appeale to Brunichelda the Frenche Queéne, as to her lawfull Princesse & Gouernesse.

What shall I say of Eleutherius Pope of Rome? who wri∣tyng vnto Lucius kyng of Englād,* 1.137 called him the Uicar of God, within the precinct of his owne kyngdome? and therfore doth ex∣hort and require him, that he gouerne his Realme with whole∣some ordinaunces established by the word of God. If Christian Kynges and Princes euery one within their owne seuerall Re∣almes, do as it were represent the Uicares of God vpon earth, I beseéch you Osorius what is more proper vnto God, then to prouide circumspectly for the well orderyng and good dispositiō of such thynges, as apperteigne to the Ecclesiasticall Iurisdic∣tion? But of this enough, and more then enough.

But of all other this is a most pleasaunt iest, & very fitt for a Rhetorician. Where you complayne bitterly that the Popes & Byshops are dispoyled of their lawfull authoritie: which seémeth to me euen as much in effect, as if AEsopes Crow should take an action agaynst the litle byrdes for entryng vpon possession of their owne feathers,* 1.138 which were their own of right. But bycause this matter hath bene sufficiently enough debated already, take here a resolute aunswere Osorius for the knittyng vppe of this knotte in fewe wordes. Peruse throughly this whole Papane whatsoeuer, which you call by the name of a lawfull aucthoritie: I speake not of the personages that haue supplyed the place: I

say behold agayne and agayne the whole forme and proportion of that Seé, and Pontificall royaltie, as it is at this present, the conuersation, the practizes, the orders, the insolency, the pryde, the greédynes, the cruelty, the slaughters executed, the infinite & vnspeakeable Martyrdomes, the Idolatryes, the blasphemyes, the immoderate iniuries and tyrannies of this Popish Church, behold I say, search out, examine and circūspectly consider with your eyes and emprinte in your imaginatiō all the premisses, & withall compare all the same to the notes, signes, and Progno∣stifications of the Propheticall Scriptures: and if it do not ap∣proue by the infallible Prophecies and most certein tokens, and for eshewynges, and markes of the sacred Scripture, that this same Prelate••. euen he whom you do propp vpp so proudly in that Pontificall Prelacy, whom you defend so stoughtly is the very naturall Antichrist that Child of perdition: Behold here I will yeld ouer my right, and will become your bondman. But if this cā not be denyed to be an vnuanguishable veritie, nor gayn∣sayd by you by any reason, nor can be mainteyned by you by any proofe or due Argumentes: what will you say then Osorius? Where is that authoritie violently taken from your lawfull By∣shops which you haue most wickedly vsurped so long, not with∣out execrable iniury of other Christian Princes? Wherefore ei∣ther defend if you can, that he that doth supply the place of that Romish Papane, is not very Antichrist: or cease from hēceforth to barcke so currishly agaynst the gouernement of our Mayden Queéne, vnto whose authoritie we Englishmen do most humbly acknowledge our dutyfull subiection, by the prouident appoint∣ment, and most happy ordinaūce of almighty God: whose Prin∣cely prerogative established from aboue, neither are you able to suppresse, but you shall withall become an errand rebell agaynst Gods ordinaūce: nor yeld the souereignty thereof to that proud Prelate, but that you shall herein conspire with Antichrist, and denounce your selfe an open traytour agaynst Christ the Sonne of the liuyng God.

From hence now is our Portingall Parrott taken his flight, hoppyng from one treé to an other, and passing ouer ma∣ny bushes and brambles, that he may at the last come to his ap∣pointed marke, to witte, that last place of his booke: wherein the

seély Childish babe Haddō doth (sayth he) teare his owne flesh with his owne nayles:* 1.139 and hath withall geuē him selfe a ve∣ry deadly wounde. &c. If this gallaunt challēger were as va∣liaunt in armes, as he can face out the matter with a carde of tenne, surely he were mā good enough to ouerthrow all the Pig∣mees in the world. Here is a great noyse of woundes, yea and of deadly woūdes: but God be praysed, not so much as one dropp of bloud shedd: we heare a sounde o•• mostruous stormes and hor∣rible thundercrackes, but neuer a droppe of rayne: wherein to my conceipt happeneth to Osorius a chaunce not much vnlyke to that, wherof the old tale maketh mention: of an husbandman, not all of the wisest that did sheare his Dogge. Good Lord (quoth he) what a noyse is here, and not so much as a locke of wolle. But passing ouer those outcryes and painted speaches of Osorius. Let vs consider the matter it selfe somewhat aduisedly. The place of Haddon wherein this Scourgeluther doth so much whyppe Haddon is on this wise.

What now (sayth Haddon) shall this most sacred doctrine of the Gospell, wherein we haue alwayes cōtinued by the space of xxx. yeares together (except that troublesome tyme of vi. yeares) wher∣in the Queenes Maiestie hath bene trayned and instructed from her infancie: wherein her highnesse hath hadd so many trialles of Gods great bountyfull liberalitie towardes her: wherein hath bene a generall consent of all estates: wherein hath bene a settled stay of most excellent lawes and ordinaunces: shall this so pure and syncere worshipping of God, so circumspectly defended and established by the Royall Maiestie, of all partes, be defaced and disgraced tho∣rough the crakes of a peeuish `Portingall? These be Haddones wordes, in y^t which place will be worthe y^t notyng, to seé what scarres Osorius hath espyed out.

The first is, wherein Haddon doth name the sacred doc∣trine of the Gospell to be the Discipline of Luther,* 1.140 Zuing∣lius, Bucer, Caluine, and such lyke frantick fellowes. True∣ly this is a greuous wound. And why so? forsooth because those men haue not onely with the rules of their doctrine, but also with the euill example of their lyues, haue rooted out all shamefastnes, Modestye, Ciuilitye, and obedience. First here be two lyes at a chopp: but lett vs search out the other

woundes:* 1.141 Moreouer in steed of fayth and freedome, they haue bestowed vpon their familiars, presumptiō and rash∣nes together with vnpunishable lycentiousnes of sinning They haue in steede of true righteousnes brought in a false and deceitfull righteousnes. They haue made God the Au∣thour of all wickednes. The decayed Church, which they promised to Restore to her auncient integritye, they haue defiled with more abhominations: so that by how much the more a man doth encline to their discipline, so much the more is he estraunged from all shamefastnes and Chastitie. &c. These be old winde shaken Broomes, worne out before to the bare stumpes, and which hath bene handled before sufficient∣ly: but haue you any new Broomes? Furthermore a man may easily descry the nature of this Doctrine, by the very foūda∣cion of this Church.* 1.142 And how so I pray you? Forsooth because Venus & Cupido were the founders of this Church, breach of lawes, and contempt of the Pope, haue encreased it: flat∣tery and lying hath supported it: Greedy couetousnes hath established it: Crueltye agaynst the Saintes hath sanctified it: Tymerous feare of men hath straightened it: Finally a doctrine of men not sent from God, but sturred vpp by Sa∣than, hath with most troublesome errours poysoned it.

Which being trew: who doth not easely perceaue, with how many and how greuous woundes this Haddon hath embrued himselfe, through these ruinous fosidaciōs of y^e Church: who did dare to be so bold to call this Gospell of Luther, Zuinglius, Bu∣cer, and Caluine by the name of a holy Gospell: the beginning proceéding, increase and end of which he doth euidently finde to be entred vpon, shuffled together, and shutt vpp at the last with intemperate lust, and licentious outrage. Behold here (gentle Reader) a daungerous wound in deéde, and deadly enough I confesse, which wound neuerthelesse Haddon did not procure vpon himselfe with his owne handes, but Osorius hath made. For if it be true that the wise man spake.* 1.143 The mouth that doth lye, doth kill the Soule. I reade you Osorius take good heéde to your selfe: least you haue pearced your selfe with a farre more mortall wound through these cursed lies and detestable blasphe∣mies: vnlesse you fall to repentaunce betimes: which I doe har∣tely

beseéch the most mercifull Lord to graunt vnto you in deéde. If this were the Gospell of Luther, or Zuinglius, agaynst the which you rayle so rudely: then might your Raskallyke outrage vomited out agaynst godly and learned personages seéme more tollerable. But now forasmuch as there is nothing published in this Gospell that is superstitious, or deuised by man: but groū∣ded wholy vpon the Sacred Gospell of Christ: which is not of all partes ioyned together with the trueth it selfe: builded vpon the sure and infallible Rock of the word of God: the first foun∣dation whereof was layd by Christ the most perfect builder: en∣creased with Christ: enlarged by the conduct and guiding of Christ, tending to none other end, but to the only glory of Christ and the assured safety and consolation of the godly: Looke you then to this: agaynst whome your slaunderous lyes be throwen out so dispightfully.

What you meane by Venus and Loue: I cannot conceaue you: but if you vnderstand the Marriage of those men, that did choose rather to Marye then to burne: with what face dare a Portingall Byshopp accompt that ordinaunce infamous, which S. Paul thapostle hath ratified for good? which God himselfe did institute at the first creation of the world? which Christ did sanctifye with the first fruites of all his Miracles? But if your rayling tend to the licentious lust and filthy lyfe of Priestes, to harlotts and Concubines, to other abhominations of your se∣cret Paphia; to the inward boyling and skorching flames of in∣ordinate concupiscence, to the dayly and nightly defilings, to passe ouer in silence other vnspeakeable stenches horrible to be spoken, more then familiarly frequented, and gredely haunted by Catholickes of your coate: what aunswere shall I geue here∣vnto els, then the same which Cicero was reported to haue ob∣obiected agaynst Verres: who obbrayding Cicero with ouer∣much nycenesse,* 1.144 hauing himselfe Children suspected for their in∣continency, sayd: You must speake ill of your Children with∣in the doores, not without.

But what shall I say to the rest of his accusations, which are throwen together in an heape with full skoupes, and wherewich (as it were by stepps and grieces) all his Eloquence mounteth alofte: to witt, to the breach of lawes, to contempt of the Pope:

to bolstring and supporting with lyes: to greédy couetousnes, to cruelty agaynst Sainctes: and terror brought vpon all men? what aunswere (I say) shall I make to all these? when as no∣thing can be vttered agaynst him in such bitternesse of speé:ch, as his shamelessnesse doth deserue: when as also the matter it selfe is a sufficient testimony of Luthers innocency herein: to the vt∣ter discreditt of Osorius.

When the first broyle begann about Pardons, how modest∣ly, how constantly, in how great perill and daunger of his lyfe did Luther behaue himselfe in that conflict? how humbly did he prostrate himselfe to y^e Pope agayne & agayne? with letters em∣porting most humble submission, full of dutyfull obedience, and reuerence? wherein what one sparke of malice, or breach of law doth appeare, when as yet there was no sentence geuen out a∣gaynst him? Afterwardes being conuented to appeare before the Emperor, how reuerently did he make his personall appa∣raunce? wherein, what bolsteryng and supportation of lyes was there? into what terror were all mē enforced hereby? Nay rather into how much more perillous feare was he throwen, when as being circumuented by the malitious practizes of all men almost, he was forced to maintayne his cause, not with lyes and cauiliations, but with most manifest scriptures? After these beginnings, the veritye of the sacred Gospell glistering more and more, cruelty and outrage was exequuted vpon godly and vertuous personages: not by the practize or procurement of Luther: But wherew^t the Pope more lyke a Butcher then a By∣shopp, did with vnentreatable bloudthyrstynes rushe vpon good and godly ministers, and innocent members of Christ, without measure and without end. Of whose vnmeasurable cruelty as there be infinite examples of godly Martyrs: emongest all the rest, what sauadge brutishnesse was there executed euen in your owne Countrey of Portingall, about xx. yeares past, agaynst a country man of ours named William Gardiner: whom after sundry intollerable tortures and vnspeakeable crampes,* 1.145 more then horrible barbarousnes susteyned, you would not dispatch out of lyfe speédely, as you might: but hanging him on hye vpon a Gibbett, and by a pulley drawyng him vpp and downe sundry and seuerall times into the flames, you deuised a meane rather

by litle and litle to skortch him to death, chosing rather to broyle him with leasurable torments (as it were by pausing of breath) to the paynefull increase of miserable griefe, then to kill him at once.

All which so great so greéuous and so exquisite imagined tor∣tures, notwithstanding you could not preuayle, nor euer shalbe able to preuayle so farre forth, but that the vnuanquishable cou∣rage of the Gospell (which you persecute so furiously) how much the more villanously is raged agaynst by your madnesse, shall dayly so much the more waxe mighty, and impregnable agaynst all your frantique assaultes. And albeit our Portingall be not acquaynted with any sproughtes, braunches, and outstretched armes of this florishing and fruitfull Gospell: yet by gods good prouidence this fruitfull grayne of Mustard seéd doth mount vp∣ward neuerthelesse, and doth encrease dayly in wonderfull a∣boundaunce, which onely thing might haue bene a good lesson vnto you to enduce you to conceiue, that all this successe whatso∣euer, was not deuised by mans pollicy, nor vndertaken of any ranckor or malice, nor supported with earthly treasure, but to haue bene furthered and encreased by the speciall prouidence of almighty God. Neither is it to be doubted if it had bene a polli∣cy of man onely, and not rather the speciall appoyntment of the heauenly Father, but that it could neuer haue bene able to haue endured, and proceéded in so prosperous a course, agaynst your so great and vnmeasurable Tyranny, and agaynst so many con∣spyring confederates of factious furies. Which onely successe (if the Testimonies of holy scripture can not otherwise preuayle with you, and the conduct of Gods mercy which guideth the stearne, together with the prophecies and foreshewings which were apparauntly pronounced before the comming of Luther, whereof many tokens sent from aboue are mentioned in the Chronicles of the Abbot of vsperge,* 1.146 and in the booke entituled Staurosticon Iohannis Frauncisci, and Picus Mirandula) might haue bene good presidentes vnto you Osorius to instruct you, that this Gospell is not the Gospell of Luther, of Zuingli∣us, of Bucer, nor of Caluine, ne yet of men (as you prattle and lye) but the Gospell of God: and that the preachers were not rai∣sed vpp by Sathan (as your impiety doth blaspheme) but sent

from an other founder, namely the very same, who in S. Iohns Reuelation is called by this name [the word of God] vpon whose Garment and vpon whose thigh is written,* 1.147 King of kings, and Lord of Lordes: Out of whose mouth issueth a sharpe two edged sword, agaynst the which neither all the confederate coū∣cels of the wicked, nor Hell gates themselues shalbe able to preuayle.

But to proceéde: of the selfe same stampe is that slaunderous cauillation, which this Scourgeluther hath coupled in Rancke. Of the continuaunce of thirty yeares,* 1.148 of title of prescription of the fiue yeares prosperous Reigne of Queene Elizabeth: of the grayheadded auncienty of our doctrine and Religiō. Wherein it pleased the hoareheadded Syre, of his seémely mo∣desty, to trifle most apishly, of purpose to represent vnto vs (as I suppose) that old toothlesse Witch of whom is made mention in a certain Greéke Poett. Loe what a dust the old Trotte rayseth with her tayle when she daunceth. For what if Uerity & Trueth which is called y^e daughter of time, being discouered with a farre more excellent lightsonnesse in these our dayes, doe beginne to florish more fresh & greéne, in a certayn largesse of ouerflowing plenty, by the inestimable benefite of God? shall it therefore be accompted a newe doctrine in your sight,* 1.149 because it is cloathed with flesh colors? or because it buddeth out blossomes a fresh, and is restored to the auncient beauty, will you therefore call it new∣hatcht? neuer heard of before? as though it were neuer seéne nor heard of before thirty yeares sithēce? what shall we say of Christ? who after three dayes lying in graue returned agayne to life, frō out his Tombe? was not he therfore the same Christ, wh he was before his death? We read in the Apocalips of two Prophetes, whose bodyes being throwen out into the streétes, did reuiue and came to life agayne after theé dayes and a halfe. And after iij. dayes and a halfe (sayth he) the breath of life was breathed into thē by God. &c. The meanyng whereof cann not be extended any wayes to any thyng els, but vnto the doctrine of the Gospell. And what if the doctryne of the Gospell of Christ be nowe risen agayne into the open world, out of the doungeon of darckenesse and deépe drowned blindenesse, wherein it hath bene so long sup∣pressed by you? is it not therefore the same Gospell that it was

alwayes before?

What? did not Iohn Husse, Ierome of Prage and the grea∣ter part of all Boheme embrace the same Gospell before Lu∣ther was borne? was not the same order of Doctrine professed in England many yeares before our dayes,* 1.150 in the time of Wiclef, Swinderbee, Brute, and others also and in other places likewise amōgest others, namely, the Valdenses, Albingenses, with the Grecians, Italians, Moskouites, in Asye, in Affricke, and in Europe? Betengarius, Bertrame, Peter de Aliaco, Iohn Sco∣tus, Peter Iohannes, William de sancto amore. Robert the frenchman, whom the hott zealous Pope raked out of his graue, and consumed with fire, foure hundred yeares agoe: Niemus, Ioachimus, Sauanarola, Veselus & many others in their time & before theyr time, with whose goare the bloudy slaughterhowse of the Tyrannous Pope was throughly embrued: Did not all these worshipp the same Christ then, that we doe professe at this present? did they not confesse the same fayth and the same Arti∣cles of the Creéde, that we do now professe? Barnard in his dys∣course of the freé iustification by fayth, did he not teach the same doctrine then, that Luther hath vttered in writing? Augustine disputyng vpon fayth and grace agaynst freé will, doth he not treat vpon the same matter, that Zuinglius and Caluine doe treat vpon now?

Of the vse of Sacramentes we haue extaunt with vs long treatises written in the Saxon toung, many hundred yeares be∣fore those thirty yeares, that you speake of, witnesses and pro∣fessours of the same doctrine and fayth, which we Englishmen do acknowledge at this present. If this be the cause that doth enduce you to thinke, that we are entred vpon a new Gospell, because we dare shake frō our shoulders the yoake of subiectiō, vsurped by the Papisticall Seé: the same did long before our dayes Robert Gostred a mā notably learned and famous who beyng Byshop of Lincolne,* 1.151 and commaunded by speciall let∣ters from Innocētius the Pope, to enduct a certein boy a kins∣man of his owne into a Benefice within y^e Byshopricke of Lin∣colne, being unlearned and unskillfull of the Language, did o∣penly resist him: and withall, did most sharpely inueigh agaynst the Popes detestable prouisions as they call them.

But why doe I alledge examples of men for the ratifying of the continuaunce of Christes Gospell•• the creditt whereof doth neither depend vpon the maintenaunce of man, nor is streigh∣ted within any prescription of tyme: howsoeuer humaine acti∣ons tosse to an fro,* 1.152 and neuer persist in any one setled state: certes the Gospell of Christ if it be the Gospel of Christ in deede, can not be any new or straunge thing: nor can haue any other originall, or author but Christ himselfe, the very sonne of God: But whereas in those latter dayes, the tongues and mouthes of godly preachers being stopt and shutt vp through terror and Tyranny of the Pope, not daring to manifest themselues in the open congregation, be now sett at libertye by the boūtifull mer∣cy of God, and restored to their auncient Freédome: shall we therefore accuse the Gospell of innouation? or shall we rather embrace this great liberalitye of God w^t thankfulnes of mindes and geue our dutifull attendaunce vpon the trueth? wherefore whereas this Portingall Parrot prateth so much of xxx. or xl. yeares limitation, herein he behaueth himselfe very iniuriously. He perceaueth now a new face of the Euangelicall doctrine to glister and shyne farre and wyde abroad, ouer all Christendome at this tyme: which because was not so resplendisaunt and light∣some in the tyme of certeine of our forefathers of late yeares, (whereas neuerthelesse Christ did alwayes preserue & embrace his Church with lyke mercye and fauour) therefore he accom∣pteth this Gospell of Christ to be a new & straunge Doctrine, contrary to Christ, and this also not Osorius alone supposeth to be so, but many other Deuines wandring inlyke error: who are maliciously wroth agaynst Luther, as though he & a few others were the first deuisours and coyners of this Gospell: Thē which vntrueth can nothing be more vntrue.* 1.153 Nay rather, if Luther had neuer bene borne, if Bucer or Caluine had neuer taught, yet could your ignoraunce and shamelesse errors, haue no longer lurked in darknes through one singuler and especiall prouidēce of God: not that, whereby Luther was sent abroad into y^e world, but by that inestimable benefite of Gods blessing, prepared for the behoofe of his Church, I meane the singuler and most excel∣let Art of Emprinting.

By this meanes it pleased Gods good mercy both to pro∣uide

for the weaknes of his Church, & withall auēge himselfe vpon your Tyrannous cruelty, by a certein secret & vnsearchable maner. For imediately after Iohn Husse, & Ierome of Prage y^e most holy Martyrs of God, were by your horrible fury and wickednes consumed to ashes, and the veritye of the Gospell suppressed by your Tyranny, could neither be suffred to speake franckly, nor shew her face abroad boldely, nor eskape your ra∣uenous gaping freély: skarse x. yeres were come & gonne, before that in place of two poore Prophetts, almighty God had raysed vpp all the holy Prophetts, Patriarches, Apostles, Euange∣listes, and all the holy doctours of the Church, Martyrs, Con∣fessours, and Interpretours of holy Scripture, (as it were a certeine army of heauenly knightes, armed at all poyntes to en∣counter your outragious assaultes) who, because could not be permitted to speake openly in the Church, through your tyran∣ny, begann to presse forth boldly now in y^e open Printers shopps, and to leape into euery mans bosome and handes, and withall to bewray your ignoraunce and Tretchery, and to discouer not new wellsprings of Doctrine, but to skoure and make cleane the olde fountaines, and Conduyt pypes of the Gospell of grace stoppt vp by the popish Philistines. And hereupon begann to spreadd abroad with glystering beames the large encrease of this gladsome Doctrine: which if be so combersome a block in your way, you may not therefore wreake your anger vpon Lu∣ther, but deuise & make some prouiso for these Printers, for these bookes, for learning, and for Languages, and to tell you as the trueth is, you must excommunicate God himselfe: Who durst be so hardy to bestow his vnspeakable mercy vpō this later and declining age of his Church, in relieuing & comforting her long and werysome trauaile,* 1.154 with so many and so plentifull gra∣ces and aydes of true Doctrine, and sound vnderstanding: that would prouide for her sicknes so many learned Phisitions and Doctors: not Luther, Zuinglius, Bucer, and Caluine: but Mo∣ses, the Prophetts, Apostles, Euangelistes, and cannonicall Scriptures: through the reading, and dayly perusing of the which, if Christian hartes (being better enlightened) doe now feéle and perceaue sensybly that, which our forefathers were for∣ced to groape after in darkenes, you ought not to muse there∣at

at, much lesse to enuye and maligne it.

Wherefore as touching the grayheadded age of this Doc∣trine, whereat you doe barke so impudently with your currish snarling: for as much as we doe professe nothing els, then the same that is comprehended within Gods booke, and which be∣fore our tyme was taught by Moses, & aucthorized by the Pro∣phetts & Apostles: what meaneth this your (I will not say) rea∣son, but vnreasonable insensibilytye: with such vnsauery subtlety so to wryth & wrest that, to the defacing of this Doctrine, which Haddon did conceaue of the outward lybertye and freédome of the Preachers only: as though this doctrine were of no bet∣ter creditt, and no longer continuaunce, then these last thyrty yeares, and so shamelesly by many hundred yeares to preferre the auncienty of Mahumets sect, before the knowledge of this Gospell? But it had bene more conuenient for you (good syr) to haue learned by diligent enquirye, whether this comparison of sectes, doe not serue more fittly with that your pampered Papa∣ne: for asmuch as that heathenish Paganisme, and your pro∣phane Papacye were both whelped nere about one tyme,* 1.155 and al∣most within the compasse of one yeare: which yeare we doe ac∣compt by the reueled computation in S. Iohn, to be the sixe hū∣dreth, sixty and sixe.

Now that this deépe Deuine hath reasonably well beaten his braynes about matters of Diuynitye: he doth beginne to cast a new floorish about: and will haue a cast at the prosperitye, and stayed estate of Princes: presuming vpon his politique wise∣dome to councell kinges and Queénes, and chiefly aboue others our gracious Queéne Elizabeth, with what modesty she ought to attemper the prosperous successes and happy tranquillitye of her estate: That she trust not to much to fawning fortune, that there is nothing certeine in the course of this lyfe,* 1.156 and many perills are to be feared in matters most pleasaunt and prosperous to the viewe: and that no thing is more daunge∣rous then carelesse securitye,* 1.157 because as after light, follow∣eth darkenesse, and after Calme come Clowdes: euen so the whole course of this lyfe, hath his continuall enter∣chaunges, Ioy sometymes surprised with sodeyne sorrow: agayne heauinesse chaunged into honour, & that all thin∣ges are carryed about in a certaine vehement whyrling,

vnstablenesse, as it were the fleyng vanes of a windemill, forced about with Boreas blastes: The thinges that are now aloft, be sodenly throwen downe, and contrarywise the things that be simple & base, doe at an instant mount aloft. And that it commeth oftē to passe, that whom God is most displeased withall, those same he will ouershadow with more fruitfull aboundaunce of vertue & grace, and endue them with happy assuraunce not of fyue yeares onely, but of many yeares continuaunce: that so the greater that their fall is, the deeper may their wound be, according to the old prouerbe: the higher wall, the greater fall. Briefly, that there is no state of honour so firme, & so sure garded, where∣in a man may assure himselfe of a minute in safetye: which doth euidently appeare by the example of Craesus, who be∣ing vanquished of Cyrus, and prepared vpō a pyle of wood ready to be bourned, did cry vpō Solon with a lowd voyce: and being demaunded by Cyrus who that Solon was: Crae∣sus doth declare the councell that he long before had re∣ceaued of that Solon: whereupon Cyrus commaunding him to be taken downe from the stacke of wood, after that he had thereby learned to bridle his Choler, did not one∣ly preserue him on lyue, but hadd him in great reuerence and estimation.

This farre forth Osorius euen out of the very bowels of Hy∣stories and philosophy: wherein I do not so much mislike with him for his good councell: But whereunto were these glori∣ous flooryshes framed more for Queéne Elizabeth then for anye other Potentate or Prince of the world? then for the King of Portingall? or for his proper pigsnye the Pope? When or in what place hath our soueraygne Lady (whose Princely mildenes doth surmount all her Predecessors in lenity and temperaunce) so demeaned her selfe in all her most fortunate and prosperous calme of happy Reigne, that her Maiesty may seéme to stand in neéd of this your Philosophicall persuasions, more then any o∣ther Prince? Wherein hath she euer vaunted her Royaltye in such sort, that she must be enstructed by this Portingall Solon, to haue regard to the slippery state of this fickle life? Declare a good fellowshipp Osorius what matter haue you noted at anye

time, or heard of by report done by her Maiesty, wherin you may iustly reprehend want of wisedome in counsell? or lacke of cle∣mēcy in iustice, beseéming the most vertuous prince of the world? I will boldely also adde hereunto, wherein this mayden Queéne may not worthely compare with the most mighty and auncient Monarche of most famous memory? And if you thinke that this litle Isle of England is so voyd and barreyne of councell, that Kinges and Queénes must of necessitye be enstructed of Oso∣rius. How happened it that you did not vtter your skill, and signifye your good will rather to Queéne Marye her graces Sister, whom you might haue persuaded to temperaunce and lenity, whenas she executed Tyrannye without all measure and meane, in shedding her owne subiectes blood? where was thē this Portingall Clawbacke whiche should haue remembred the Queéne of humayne weakenesse, and imbecillity that was so forgettfull of all humanity, and her owne fraylty.

Reioyse therefore Elizabeth our most noble and vertuous soueraigne for this your Alcion dayes: you may well seé nowe howe muche you be indebted for this your most prosperous raigne. For if that mighty Macedō King Phillipp were so ioy∣ously affected in his sonne Alexanders behalfe, that it chaunced him to be borne in the time of the famous philosopher Aristotle: why should not ye rather clappe your handes for ioy, in respect of your most happy happynesse, & more then Alexāders felicity whom it happeneth to raygne now in the time of this notorious Solon, the eighth wise in number, or the third Cato of this age: who is able to replenish your eares with most wholesome pre∣ceptes of life, and fashion your fayth with true catholicke institu∣tion and doctrine, who (if your Maiesty will vouchsafe to beleue his lessons) is able to direct your grace by lyne and by leuell, to know the difference betwixt true religion and false, howe your highnesse ought to discerne betwixt true and false Prophets, & how you ought to cōceiue of Purgatory, of pardōs, of auriculer cōfession: of compulsary single life, of y^e sacrifice of the Masse, of Images, Pictures and Reliques of Saynctes: Who cann re∣store your owne person to her auncient freédome from out of that Tyrannous bondage of false flatterers, wherein your grace is now holden captiue.* 1.158 To with: that of a freé Queéne, you may at

the last become a seruile bondmayd of the Pope. For vpon this onely bunch of thraldome, hang all the Keyes of Osorius freé Manumissions.

And therefore sith the matter is come to this passe, what re∣mayneth Most renowmed and vertuous Queéne? but that you finde meanes to send for this new Solon by all meanes possible, and assigne him a place emōgest the chiefe of your priuye coun∣cell, and alter the whole state of your Realme, after his directiō and appoyntment: who will guyde your Maiestye on this wise. First, that renouncing this Religion, whereunto you haue bene enured euen from your Cradle, you may now straggle away to the trimme Traditions of the Romish Religion, which Osorius doth mayntayne: that where as you haue begonne in the spirite, you may end afterwardes in the flesh: that you may banish the scriptures from your subiectes hearing: That you may conuert your publique preaching into mumbling Massing: That your subiects may beginn to learne to call vpō God in an vnknowen toung: that excluding that righteousnesse which doth consist in the fayth of Iesu Christ, your people may be noosled in confi∣dence and assuraunce of theyr owne workes and merites: that you should dispoyle the communion of the one part of the Sa∣crament: that you should dissolue lawfull marriages of Christes Ministers:* 1.159 That in your owne Realme you should establish a kingdome to the Pope of Rome, that he may gouerne your scep∣ter, and you carry his Crosier: That he may haue full skope in your kingdome to distribute benefices, to geue Byshopprickes, to exact first fruites, tenthes, and yearely pencions: that after he hath once swept away the cropp of English Golde, you may come after & gather the drosse: Finally that you make a cleare dispatch of these Lutheran Heretiques, kill them, spoyle them, & ••••ll England full of fagott & fier, so that the English blood be∣ing spilte, and the name of English Nation being vtterly rooted out, the Portingalles may freély be propt vpp in theyr possessi∣ons.

Surely this is notable councell Osorius, and right well be∣seéming your dignity: which whatsoeuer colourable shew it pre∣tend in wordes, doth in trueth and in deéd sound and breath forth nothing els, but slaughter and bloud. For hereof you can not be

ignoraunt, that this Romish counterfait could neuer be recei∣ued into this Region, without wonderfull disturbaunce of the state, and losse of many liues. And for this cause I suppose you directed your bloody and murtherous Inuectiues to our noble Queéne: whereunto if she would haue bene pliable, the whole Realme had bene long sithence replenished with fire and flame, wherewith you would haue made boanefiers with y^e blood of ma∣ny good Preachers. But you come to late gentle Synon with these fables and bables: and may keépe your breath to keale your potage: The late lauish lewdnes of Queéne Maryes madd daies hath made vs to well acquaynted with that Romish Iennett,* 1.160 to graunt him any grasing within English soyle, or to permitt a∣ny pasture for such a popish palfray. Christ Iesu be thanked for euer and euer, now that this Romish Ruffler is excluded, we liue in godly calme: who as now cann neuer hope to haue anye footing here, before concorde be exiled, and peace vtterly bani∣shed.

Wherefore if that your superexcellent Byshopp of Rome, be rauished with so hott a zeale of Ambicion, that he can not reigne without a kingdome: if he will follow my simple councell either lett him seéke out for some straunge vnknowen Islandes, where he may rule ouer such as do not know him, or els lett him chaūge the state of his Religion. In like maner I would aduertize Oso∣rius (if he be of that courage that he can not stay the outrage of his quill, but must neédes presume to perke and preach to kings and to Queénes) that either he recreate his spirites with some other exercize, or cease here after do abuse our Gracious Queéne Elizabeth specially with such kinde of trumpery wherein to tell you the truth Osorius you haue lost your labor and cost, for you preuayle no whitt thereby, as you seé: What successe you may haue hereafter, we committ vnto the Lord: Certes hetherto as yet you may putt all your winninges in your eyes, and seé ne∣uer a shine the lesse: as the proofe it selfe doth declare.

* 1.161

And be it (say you) that I preuayle nothyng herein yet wanted not sufficient testimony of a well wishyng mynde, which ought not be vnthankefully taken emongest grate∣full and honest personages.

Of your good meanyng what shall I say? which how ready and inclinable it is, I do easily perceaue:

but to what effect I beseéch you? For to what other end shall we Iudge it so ready, but to procure our most gracious Queéne, (then whose nature nothyng can be more disposed to lenitie and gentlenes) to be sett on fire none otherwise then as it were some flamyng firebrand, contrary to the naturall disposition engra∣uē within her royall brest by the finger of God, to seéke the spoyle of her natiue Countrey with cruelty, tormentes and destruction of her subiectes by fier and fagottes, like vnto the furious per∣secutions and madde outrage executed in the tyme of her sister Queéne Mary? For what better successe could haue bene hoped for out of those wicked & mischieuous counsell of yours? for lett vs suppose and imagine in our conceiptes (which yet her most excellent Maiestie could neuer haue suffred to haue entred in her thought) that you might haue preuailed and obteined your pur∣pose or at least as much as you hoped for: what then? Could you conceaue in your mynde that the matter had bene accomplished forthwith, assoone as you had entred into the Castell of fauour? as though her Maiestie alone be the onely enemy to the Pope with∣in this her dominion. Beleéue not so, O Solon, and hereof assure your selfe, that there is within this litle Island a greater nom∣ber by many thousandes more then any man would Iudge, that will rather yeld their car••asses to tortures, then suffer thē selues to be defiled with the marke of that Beast. And what thinke you will become then of the rest of y^e multitude, whose consciences are not yet fully settled? of whom there is an infinite noūber within this Realme? you will say that the Prince must vse force, & force them to fagotte that will not obay. Is this the coūsell you geue to a Queéne? Herein forsooth we poore wretched Englishmen are very much beholdyng vnto your sweéte Fatherhood, for your gentle reward. But what if fayth will not be forced? yea what if it can not be brought to yeld? what if her highnes it selfe be not Queéne ouer consciences? nor any worldly creature els? for fayth wilbe enstructed, can not constrayned: I say also moreouer, it can not be vanquished by death, but euen then rather it trium∣pheth most: And although it may lose lyfe in this world, yet will it neuer yeld to earthly creature, but to God and his truth.

Wherefore in as much as this your whole discourse (which you prosecute so earnestly) is of this condition, that it doth no

more concerne any Christian Prince whatsoeuer, then the sub∣iectes of his Realme (for what is more agreable with the ma∣ners of the people then Fayth and Religion) If you haue deter∣mined with your selfe to bestow any further trauaile in the like cause by word or by writyng:* 1.162 I iudge it best and withall do ad∣uise you, that you trouble not her Maiesty from henceforth with any such matter: but proclayme forth your challenge agaynst the Byshops rather, agaynst the Doctours and Deuines, finally a∣gaynst the subiectes of England, and the consciences of the peo∣ple: whom if you be able to enduce with force of firme doctrine, and pytthe of substaunciall Arguments, to the direction of their consciences: you shall shewe your selfe herein a very honest man. But then must you frame vs some other kynde of bookes, and o∣ther maner of letters. For the bookes that we haue hitherto re∣ceaued from you, are such kinde of ware, as neither delighte the Queénes grace, nor like well the subiectes. For this cause there∣fore (my good Lord Ierome) I do the more willingly aduize you not to cease wrytyng henceforth: Nay rather write on a Gods name, paynte on, deuise on, and coyne on, as much as ye list: I will not lett you. For so long shall it be lawfull for you to haue will to endite, vntill at y^e last, it will not onely repente you of the losse of your labour, but withall make you ashamed of so much good tyme so wickedly employed. And therefore take me not as though I would wishe you to surcease from writyng, & to throwe away your penne: but rather I wish you to write, and to endyte vntill you be hoarse withall. Hereof neuerthelesse I war••e you before, that vnlesse you mainteyne the quarrell that you haue vndertaken with better furniture: you shall both come to late (as I sayd) and lose your labour also. For what doe you thinke to gayne in this cause of Religion, wherein if you hadd none other aduersary, yet the Lord him selfe doth warre agaynst you with the very breathe of his mouth? the whole Scriptures fight a∣gaynst you, and the authoritie of auncient Fathers haue bent their force to ouerthrow you.* 1.163 Your purpose was to pleade for the Popes proper Chayre: But he is quite abandonned, not out of our Churches onely, but much further banished out of mens consciences, nor can possibly by mans pollicy be restored to the possession of Christian consciences, in despight of Gods word.

It is the Lord who hath by his deuine Inspiration cast a darke∣ned cloud ouer this proude Prelates Chayre, which all Portin∣gall can not bryng to light agayne, though it lighten all the Ta∣pers, torches, and waxe lightes in Portingall when the Sunne is at the highest. But Osorius vpō confidence of his Rhetoricke doth dreame vpō some dry Sommer, & nothyng mistrustyng his Tackle as it seémeth, which shalbe more stronger then any Ca∣ble or Anker, but that he shall be able to enduce our most Soue∣reigne Lady Elizabeth, to like well with his Request at the lēgth, maugre the bearde of thousand Haddones: for after this maner writyng agaynst Haddon he sayth.

What (sayth he) doe you suppose that her witte is so rude and so vnciuill:* 1.164 when I shall haue discouered the practizes and cōspiracies of treacherous traytours by inuincible Ar∣gumentes, and Reasons clearer then the Sunne in mydday: when I shall paynte out vnto her view, euē before her eyes the mischieuous filthynes and wickednesse of this new fan∣gled Religion: when by manifest proofe I shall make eui∣dent the foolish and illfauored scatteryng Reasons of these heretiques, wherewith they attempt the maintenaunce of their cause: that she will rather allowe of that most pe∣stilent opinion, coupled with vnauoydeable perill of her owne lyfe, then retourne agayne with most assured sauety and euerlastyng glory to the auncient Religion of her no∣ble progenitours, discōtinued by the haynous impiety and wickednesse of flatterers?

First where you seéme to conceaue so well of the disposition of our most vertuous Queéne: herein you doe no more then her Maiestie deserueth, gentle Syr, nor lesse thē beseémeth your per∣son. And as touchyng the offer y^t you make, to witte, to Iustifie your promise by vnuanquishable Argumentes and Reasons, more clearer then the Sunne in mydday, we doe gladly accept, and withall do most hartely desire, if you haue yet any grea∣ter stoare of better Arguments or Reasons, that you will vouch∣safe to emparte vs of your notable aboundaunce. For the Fables that you haue told vs hitherto, be no Reasons, but bables: be no Argumentes, but monsters: wherewith you sett a good face in deéde on the matter, with brawlyng and scoldyng: but proue no∣thyng,

define nothyng, deuide nothyng, conclude nothyng: edifie no man, and the cause it selfe which beyng in dispeyred case, you tooke in hād to redresse, you haue with illfauored handlyng made it as leane as a Rake. And you wonder neuerthelesse in the meane space, that in all this land no man can be founde so witt∣lesse, that will yeld to those your illfauouredly patcht Reasons, or rather no Reasons at all, and those your clouted conclusions framed after most foolish forme and fashion. But it is well yet, that for these foyffy and raynebeaten prety tales you haue pro∣mised vs much more strong Argumētes and Reasons, brighter (as you say) then the Sunne it selfe on mydday: which you will so prynte out euen to the view and beholdyng of our most graci∣ous Queéne: that at the twincklyng of an eye she shall be able easily to descry the vncleannesse, and wickednesse of this forged Religion: This is a great promise, my good Lord: But when will this be done? when pigges flye with their tayles foreward, and when S. Iames of Compostella, and our Lady of Walt∣singham become man & wife. But let vs pursue the tracke of O∣sorius lusty promise. For on this wise he doth in his aunswere Reason with Haddon.

* 1.165

If Reason (sayth he) may persuade her, if Authoritie of auncient Fathers may preuayle with her: If Gods Law may reclayme her to be of the mynde, that she become once de∣sirous to abhorre this sect.

Goe to and admitte that all these may happen, which your hypotheticall proposition doth ground vpon: which neuerthelesse I am fully resolued will neuer come to passe duryng the lyfe of our most gracious souereigne. But in respect of the chaungeable and variable estate of humaine ac∣tions, lett vs graunt, that this may be done, that the Queénes affection seduced with the bookes of Osorius may haue an in∣ward desire to suppresse this sect with all her hart: Go to, and what then I pray you? Now listen gentle Reader to his ampli∣fication more then Rhetoricall.

What then will Haddon (sayth he) of his owne absolute power forbidd that which the Queene will haue done? doth he presume so much vpō his owne power, and mistrust of her witte and vnderstandyng, that he dare be so bold to affirme, that without his consent she will by no persuation

nor meanes be reclaymed to that sinceritie of Religion,* 1.166 whereof her Auncestours were notable defendours to their great renowme and glory? Will you (Haddō) restrayne her in her owne Realme and Dominion? will you abbridge her of her will? will you direct her what she shall do? shall she not prouide for her owne safety and dignitie, for feare of your displeasure?

O Muses, what a force & fortresse of wordes is there here? what a brauery? what a sturre of Rhetoricall swel∣lyng speaches in a matter so friuolous? so forged? and so false? a man would thinke it a peaze in a Mounckes hoode, or you would take it to be some Ape pleadyng in Ciceroes purple Roabes. Haddon is accused of a certein arrogaunt presumyng vpon power, wherewith he should thinke him selfe able to abbridge the Queénes Maiestie of her will, as that the Queéne her selfe did not dare to suppresse this Lutherane sect, without his con∣sent and commaundement, yea though she would neuer so faine: which how foolish and slaunderous a deuise it is, your felfe dyd right well perceiue, when Haddon was aliue, and may muche more playnely seé and imagine now sithence he is departed this life. You wrate letters first to y^e Queénes Maiesty of England, full of wordes and tedious enough, if wordes could haue preuai∣led ought in matters of fayth: what gayned you by it? within a whiles after, you contriued threé Inuectiues in one volume, a∣gaynst Haddon touching the same matter: which you beleéued would haue purchased you no small credit and countenaunce with her highnes and her Nobility: what hath this auailed you? The Queénes highnesse remayneth yet vnshaken, in the same minde that she was. What is the cause hereof? Is it thinke you because she is agast or euer was agast of the displeasure of Had∣don? or any her Subiectes? Surely if you thinke as you speak, you are a foole: but if you speake agaynst your conscience, you are past all shame: for now that Haddon is dead, dare she not for feare of his bigg lookes professe whatsoeuer she listeth? And therefore you seé well enough, that the dread of her Subiectes doth not restrayne her from yelding to your doctrine. But there is an other thing in the winde, which if you be desirous to know I will describe it vnto you in few wordes.

Whenas the Queénes highnesse to whom you write a Prin∣cesse

adorned and endued with most excellent ornamentes and qualities of Princely renowme,* 1.167 perused your letters, and ac∣cording to her singuler dexterity and ingenious capacity could read, could see, could feéle no sound nor substantiall matter wor∣thy of creditte, which had any affinity with trueth or modestye: when she beheld in thē no reasons at all, or surely very windesha∣ken, motheaten and worne out to the hard stumpes by many o∣thers heretofore, no pith in your arguments, and nothing con∣cluded orderly: when she perceiued that out of councels, out of auncient Fathers, and Doctours, you vttered nothing but bare names onely, and no sentence to the purpose, and withall no ex∣ample of the primitiue and most purer ages: when she could not finde out any likenesse of Apostolicke doctrine, throughout all that your discourse, nor any marke or sparckle almost of Euāge∣licall sincerity: but all thinges ouerwhelmed w^t darcknesse, tum∣bled & drowned in deépe dongeons of errours and superstition: & did throughly perceiue that you alleadged in stead of reason, im∣pudent Insolency, in stead of sound argument foreiudgementes: in stead of testimonies and authorityes of auncient fathers, out∣ragious outcryes, craftely conceiued lies, spittings, reproches, skornefull tauntes and infamous slaunders: finally nothing els but skolding and malicious rayling: may you yet be so blinde as to be ignoraunt or in doubt of the cause, that doth stay her from partaking with your doctrine? It is not, I wys it is not that slaunderous cauill, which you haue so malapertly and grossely imagined, and whereof you accuse Haddon so vndeseruedly: For Haddō was neuer that kinde of man,* 1.168 as would permitt his ima∣ginatiō to be whirled about with any such vaine arrogancy. Nei∣ther was Queéne Elizabeth euer so embased or apalled in cou∣rage, or euer will be so daunted in spirite, as to be afrayd of any her subiectes lowring or browbeating: or that euer cann be vn∣dermined from that inuincible fortresse of her Religion, with all the Engynes and Crampes that Osorius can deuise.

And therefore if your imagination haue heretofore bene de∣luded with any vayne hope of winning the castle of the Queénes Maiestyes constancy in fayth and profession, trust not frō hence∣forth to any such cōceipt: for what likelyhood of successe can you hope or persuade your selfe in, whenas your selfe open nothing

that deserueth any creditt? define or deuide nothing that ought to be discussed? make proofe of nothing soundly or substantially? conclude nothing but altogether ridiculously? how can any such thought (I say) comber your braines, as to beleue you shalbe a∣ble with any smooth fawning or delicate speéches (as it were with Syrenes melody) so to bewitch the Queénes highnesse, that she shall renounce her Christ, and follow Antichrist? that renoūcing the doctrine of fayth, in the assuraunce whereof she is grounded and rooted by the infallible testimonies of holy scriptures: which she hath sucked out of the Source and welspring of the Apostles, Prophetts, Euangelistes, yea and from Christ himselfe, she shall be carryed away with the deuises (I do not say) of deuines, but drowsy dreames of dronken Sophisters: that abandoning the true and assured consolation of minde which she hath reposed on high, in the bosome and boweles of the freé mercy and promise of God, through fayth in Christ Iesu, she shall decline to the hun∣gry and naked elementes of this world, to windeshaken rotten postes of your Satisfactions, to pardons, to Masses, to Sacri∣fices, to Purgatory, to Freéwill, to Traditions? that cowardly fleéing from the freédome of the Gospell of grace, she shall yelde her selfe Captiue to the Law, and shrowd her selfe vnder the ru∣inous roofe of the Law and of merites? Finally that by the sini∣ster enticementes of Osor. flattery, she shall make an exchaunge of the safety of her soule, of the infallible hope and possession of euerlasting glory, and the eternall loue and fruition of the Lord of Lordes, for a peéuish blessing of a Romish Pope? Could you be at any time so Braynesicke as to conceiue any such vayne toy in your head, to be able to perswade her thereto? Next herunto you adde.

But be it,* 1.169 that she be so subiect to your cōmaundement, that she dare not gaynesay you in any thing: what if she be enlightened by the inspiration of the holy ghost? what if Christ himselfe will encline her hart to haue a desire to be∣hold his inestimable riches and to enioy it? what if he will open her vnderstāding that she may euidētly see the plattformes of Trayterous Trecherous conspiring agaynst her life? what if but meanely ouershadowed with the enlighte∣ninge of Gods spirite (to say nothing els) she shall easilye

perceiue that Luther and his sectaryes were neuer raysed vpp by the spirite of God:* 1.170 but sturred vpp by the furyes of hell. &c. I doe heare how you do barcke agaynst Luther and his Sectaries Osorius. Now therefore do you harkē againe what aunswere I will make in the behalfe of Luther and his wellwil∣lers. And first: where you speake of the inspiration of the holye Ghost: this is an vndoughted trueth: vnlesse that Queéne Eliza∣beth had bene raysed vpp, and aduaunced by the speciall proui∣dence of Gods spirit to the dignity Regall, vnlesse that the Lord Christ had opened the eyes of her hart, with a marueilous and singuler grace of his enlightening, not onely to looke vpon, and behold, the precious Iewell of his Gospell, but also to be a pa∣tronesse and defendresse thereof: vnlesse the same goodnesse, libe∣rality, and mercy of the most sweét Sauiour had with that pro∣found and vnsearchable power of his omnipotency both guyded her coūcells,* 1.171 and preserued her life, for the safety of this commō weale: it could not possibly haue come to passe, y^t her life might haue eskaped safe, and defensible from those raging stormes of that swelling Gulfe procured by y^e priuy practizes of popish pi∣rates, in her Sisters dayes. At what time that sauadge Leopard the professed enemye, of Christ, that stately Stephen greédye Gardiner attempted all meanes and wayes possible,* 1.172 to take her head from her shoulders. Unlesse the Lord himselfe (I say) mira∣culously and beyond all expectation, had at that present as it were with his outstretched hand raught her from the bloodye pawes of her enemies and had shielded her with his Targett and Armes, and caught away Gardiners life amiddes his fury∣ous attemptes, and Trayterous snares: and withall bereft the crowne from Mary her Sister within a whiles after: surely the head of Elizabeth and the whole hope of Christes Gos∣pell had bene chopt of at a blow. And therefore whereas the hap∣py felicitye of the most vertuous Queéne preuayled as then, whereas she now liueth and raigneth at this present, and is vaū¦ced in Throane, enioying so calme a continuaunce: and where∣as also the glory of the Gospell doth florish, and stand vnshaken, in a certein meane state of tranquillity: we do herein most ioyful∣ly and thankefully acknowledge our selues indebted not to any pollicy of man, but to the power of the almighty, and his hea∣uenly

benediction, and do most humbly thanke him with all our hartes, in all reuerence & humility, & power out in his presence most thankefull prayers with outstretched handes vnto heauen: by whose vnspeakeable mercy, as the life of her Maiesty was pre∣serued frō that slaughterhouse: so were y^e powers of her soule en∣lumined with the orient beames of his diuine inspiration: wher∣with she was enabled to pearce into the knowledge not of the furious outragies of these Lutherans (wherewith you say they be enflamed) but to preserue them harmelesse and deliuer them from your franticke maddnesse, and rampaunt clawes, and cleare them from the fierce fierbrandes and raging flames of your bloody bootchers.

In which wonderfull brightnesse of Gods inestimable boun∣ty and liberality, if the canckred clowd of mischieuous malice had not dazeled y^e sight of your harish head: you should easily dis∣cerne a most euident token and singuler testimony of Gods fa∣uour and mercy, not onely in the miraculous preseruatiō of her Maiesty, but much more discernable in the restoring, and relie∣uing the dispeired cause of his distressed Church, and mangled Gospell: agaynst y^e which you raue at this present so barbarous∣ly. And if it may please that heauēly grace to ouershadow the af∣flicted members of his weake Church with the bright beames of his fauorable countenaunce some longer time yet, as he hath already most mercifully begonne, and pardone our sinnes and vnthankefullnesse, and will vouchsafe also to heape vpp vnto the dayes of this milde Phenix our most gracious Soueraigne, a few yeares more in this life: truely I doe nothing mistrust but that y^e whole generatiō of your Catholick Caterpillers & loyte∣ring lozels shall be driuen shortlye not to y^e gallowes, but to that howling outcries and gnashing of teéth described in the xviij. Chapter of the Apocalipps,* 1.173 which you may reade and peruse at your leysure: and afterwardes aunswere vs when time and place wil serue for it.

But we must cōmitt all these as all other our actions & suc∣cesses els, to the guidyng and conduct of him, in whose handes are the hartes of Princes and Potentates, and the order and di∣sposition of tymes and of chaunces. He is our Lord. Let him determine of vs as seémeth best in his sight: whether his plea∣sure

be of his infinite mercy to blesse vs with a continuaunce and settled stay of this quyett calme, which he hath fauourably be∣stowed vpon vs: or whether he will scourge our Sinnes with the cruell whippes of these Popish Philistines: or whether he will vouchsafe accordyng to his promise, after the long and greéuous afflictions of his tourmented Church, to roote vpp the foundations of your Babylonicall Towres, and ouerwhelme them in the deépe doungeon, as it were a mylstoane in the Sea. But whatsoeuer the successes shalbe of our hope, it can not be but most acceptable and commodious for his faythfull, whatso∣euer his prouident Maiestie shall determine. This one thyng I would wish from the bottom of my hart: that our lyues and and conuersations were aunswerable to our publique professi∣on: and that our maners were so conformed, as might no more prouoke his indignation and wrath, then the doctrine that we embrace and professe, doth moue him to displeasure, which one Request if might preuayle with our Englishmen, there were no cause then wherefore we should be afrayed of hundred Romes, sixe hundred Osorianes, and as many Portingall Dalmadaes. Now the onely thyng of all other whereat I am dismayed most, is not the force of your Argumentes, not the brauery of your bookes, not the crakes of your courage, not the legion of your lyes Osorius, but our home harmes onely, our pestilent botches of pestiferous wickednesse, and licentious insolency. Wherein you seé Osorius how litle I doe beare with the maners of our people, and how much I doe agreé with you in condemnyng their waiwardnesse, whose maners you do gnawe vpon so fierce∣ly: whose Fayth and Religion neuerthelesse I can not choose but defēd agaynst your Sycophanticall barkyng, with iust com∣mendation as they do duely deserue.

But for as much as we haue treated largely of Queéne Eli∣zabeth: I will now come downe vnto others: and will pursue the conclusion and end of your booke, furious enough, and full of indignation: wherein you heape whole mounteynes of wordes brauely, and behaue your selfe most exquisitely and artificially and besturre your stumpes lyke a sturdy pleader couragiously, and launche out lyes as lustely, yet herein not as Oratours vse orderly, but after the Cretensian guise ouersauishely. Of whom

S. Paule maketh mention. The men of Creete are common lyars. For you say that Haddon dyd counsayle you that you should not meddle with the holy Scriptures. Which coūsell as neuer entred into Haddones head, so neuer raunged out of Haddons penne. And out of this lye beyng as it were the coyne of the whole buildyng, it is a wonder to seé, how you shoulder out the matter, what greéuous complaintes you doe lay to our charge: which haue neither toppe nor tayle, foote nor head. I would wish you to peruse the place of Haddon once agayne whereat you cauill so much, but with more deliberation. For this was neuer any part of his meanyng to abbridge you the Readyng of one lyne so much of holy Scriptures: Moreouer neither did he so couple you to the Colledge of Philosophers, and Oratours, as to exclude you from the noumber of Deuines: as your cauillation doth sinisterly emporte, without all cause of iust quarrell. For what can be more conuenient for a Byshopp, and a Deuine, and an old man also, then to be exercized in the mysteries of heauenly Philosophy night and day? or what dyd Haddon euer imagine lesse, then to rase your name out of the Roll and order of Deuines? But when he perceaued, as truth was, that you did behaue your selfe much more plausibly in o∣ther causes, and therefore highely commended many qualities in you, to witte, an excellency of style: exquisite eloquence ioy∣ned with ingenious capacitie: stoare of Authours: and many bookes of yours likewise, and especially your booke De Nobi∣litate: and withall did grauely consider by the conference of your bookes, that you were by nature more enclined, or by Arte better furnished to treate of other causes, then to dispute of those controuersies of Religion: wherein you seéme a meére straunger, and goe groapyng lyke a blyndman, wandryng al∣together in Iudgement, and withall a professed enemy to the Maiestie of the glorious Gospell: takyng vpon him the part of an honest friendly man, thought good to aduertize you friendly and louingly, not that you should not employ any study or tra∣uayle in this kynde of learnyng: but surceasing that presump∣tuous boldnesse of rash writyng, and vnaduised decyding of con∣trouersies, wherewith you were but meanely acquainted, that you would with a more circumspect deliberation consider of the

matters, whereof you purposed to discourse: and that you would not from thenceforth rush so rudely agaynst vs with such disordered Inuectiues: which doe in deéde bewray nought els but your ignoraunce, procure generall myslikyng, and auayle nothyng at all to publique commoditie. For hereunto tended the whole scope, mynde, and meanyng of Haddon. Which you doe causelesly miscouster agaynst him euen as though he had de∣bated with you, as your Catholickes doe vsually accustome with old wemen, poore badgers, Carters, & Cobblers, & the meaner state of poore Christiās, whom you doe prohibite with horrible manacings, & cruell prohibitiōs, frō y^e reading of sacred Scrip∣tures, none otherwise then as from bookes of hygh Treason.

But in very deéde you doe interprete of the matter farre o∣therwise then euer Haddon did meane. And therfore here was no place for your nyppyng Satyricall scoffe which you did pre∣tily pyke out of Horace Uerses, wherewithall he doth dally with his Damasippus: and you beyng an old and meary concei∣ted man resembling the old dottarde Silenus of Virgile, do ridi∣culously and vnseasonably deride Haddō withall: The Goddes and the Goddesses Rewarde you with a Barbour for your good counsell.* 1.174 Nay rather keépe this Barbour in stoare for your selfe Osor, and for the rascall rabble of your sinoath shaue∣lynges: who in respect of your first and second clippyng, nyp∣ping, shearing, and shauing, must neédes room dayly to the Bar∣bours shoppes, who also doe accompt it an haynous matter to weare a long bearde, as is also especified in the same Satyre. For you (I say) euen for you and those dishheaded dranes of that shauelyng and Cowled rowte (who with bare scraped scalpes, beyng a new fangled marke of Circumcision, haue glorified your Church,* 1.175 carrying the marke of the Beast vpon your crow∣nes) that Barbour of Horace whatsoeuer he be, will serue for your turne much more fittly.

Upon which wordes of the Poet you proceéde forewarde.

But by what meanes doe you know me so well? Who did e∣uertell you (say you) that I haue not bestowed longer tyme vpon the Readyng of holy Scriptures then vpon Cicero, Demosthenes, Aristotle and Plato?

Truly if you perfourme in deéde Osorius as your wordes do emporte, you are much to

be commended. But your bookes declare otherwise. Howbeit we do nothyng mistrust but that you are busily exercized in rea∣dyng the Scriptures, as your function and dignitie requireth, nor did Haddon obrayde you with any such matter, as that you did litle or nothyng at all apply the perusing and conference of Scriptures: and so also did he meane nothyng lesse, then to for∣bidd you beyng a Byshop (as you say) and a Priest, from the study and practize of Gods holy Testament. Wherein you doe vnhonestlye slaunder him and belye him, without cause. And therefore I cann not seé to what end these wordes of yours which you inferre hereupon, and wherewith you seéme to fight with your owne shadow as it were, do preuaile on this wise.

Is it lawfull for you to geue full liberty to wemen, to Porters,* 1.176 and Carters to tattle and clatter without Iudge∣ment of matters of Diuinitie? and will you presume to pro∣hibite me, I do not say a Byshop, I do not say a Priest, finally I do not say a mā many yeares exercised in the most sacred Scriptures, furnished with no small encrease of knowledge, but as you doe affirme, a man of vnderstandyng and wise∣dome, that I may not medle with this most holy learnyng? Abate somewhat of your courage, good my Lord Byshop I pray you if you can. And lett vs reason together vpon some true alle∣gations. Tell vs a good fellowshypp, where? in what place? when? and at what tyme? in whose presence? with what phrase of wordes did Haddon euer forbidd you the study of heauenly Philosophy, in speach or in thought? If you can not Iustifie a∣gaynst him by any meanes: to what purpose then is all this so gorgeous and glorious floorish of wordes about the Mooneshine in the water? But this braue Marchaunt would neédes blaze out his bracelettes and Iewells, lately transported vnto him, from out the Calecutes, and therefore on this maner ietteth forth this Buskine Portingall.

Moreouer by what law? by what authoritye? by what power may it be lawfull for you, being a Cyuilian to pearch so presumptuously, to handle Gods booke? Renouncing the proctorshipp for old Rotten walles, windowes, and gut∣ters, vyle and base contractes, Couenaunts, and bargains, and pleading with pelting libells? and may not I who am

called to this function, to instruct my flock committed vnto me with the word of God, be so bold to employ some la∣bour and diligence vpon the interpreting, and expoun∣ding thereof without your comptrollement? &c. You haue heard an accusation tragicall enough (if I be not deceaued) and a very haynous complaynt of this babler. For the rest now harken to the Morall of the Fable.

You offer me a double in∣iurye (sayth he) for you doe both entrude vpon an other mans possession: and you dispossesse me from my right with most iniurious prohibitions. &c.

Yea, but if a man may be so bold vnder correction, & by your leaue being so great a Byshop, so wise a Priest, & so great a Clarke, to speake as the trueth is: your selfe haue made two lyes together Osorius without touch of breath. For neither he beyng a Ciuilian, forsaking his plea∣dyng of walles, windowes, & gutters, doth entrude vpon any other mans possessions, nor yet doth force you out of your owne right, nor doth prohibite you with any such kynde of prohibiti∣ons: but that you may proceéde in that course of studies, which beseémeth your age & profession best, & bestow as much trauaile thereupon as you can, by all meanes possible. Yea rather he doth earnestly perswade your holynesse thereunto.

Enioy therefore a Gods name, those possessions which you clayme as your right, as much, and as longe as you may. Haddon will neuer interrupt your course, no more will any Christian man els driue you from your interest therein. But in the meane space: lett vs behold what maner of possessions these be whereof you speake? verely if you meane the knowledge of Christ, y^e word of lyfe, holy Scriptures, readyng & hearing of heauenly Pphilosophye: Certes I seé no cause why you should haue any more especiall prerogatiue in these possessiōs then any other:* 1.177 Nor why this treasure ought apperteigne more to Osori. because he is a Priest, then to Haddon being a Ciuiliā: for as much as by Godes institution, this one learning aboue all other is prescribed to all persons indifferently, as the chiefe and prin∣cipall rule of this lyfe: vnlesse we will accompt this saying: Search the Scriptures, to be spoken to Priestes onely, and that for this cause, Lawyers and Ciuilians ought not intermedle therein. But if it were lawfull for Bartillmew Latomes being

a Lawyer to write agaynst M. Bucer in matters of highest Di∣uinitye: If Iulius Phlugius a professed Ciuilian, might be warrāted by themperour Charles the 5. to sitt in Synodes and disputations of Deuines: If Albert Pius Earle of Carporites writing agaynst Erasmus a Deuine and a Priest: If King Hen∣ry the 8. doing the lyke agaynst Luther, and descending into disputation in matters of Diuinitye, being neither a Byshopp, nor a Priest, was supposed neuerthelesse to doe nothing vn∣seémely his Regall magnificence, nor contrary to order. Why is Haddon accused then as an encrocher vpon other mens pos∣sessions, because being a Ciuilian he dare presume to encoun∣ter with a priest in matters of Religion?

But he should haue yelded ouer the charge of writing against you, to Deuines, and Byshops, rather: Truely it is not to be doughted, but he would haue done so (Osorius) If in this kinde of conflict, he could haue bene perswaded, that he should haue contended agaynst a Deuine: But whenas he perceaued by y^e course of your writing, that your whole discourse sauored of nothing, but of a Rhetorician, and a Philosopher: and that in your treaty of Diuinitye you alleadged skarse any one sentence of true Dyuinytye, and sound doctrine: he being himselfe a Rhe∣torician, and withall throughly studyed in the same kinde of ex∣ercizes, did conceaue in his minde, that there could be no fitter match for him, then being a Rhetorician, to deale agaynst a Rhetorician (as Bithus did in tymes past with Bachius) that so with one manner of weapō, and one kinde of furniture he might encoūter your lyes, wherewith you doe so nimbly seéke the ouer∣throw of the verytye. In this poynt therefore of Haddons de∣termination, touching the debating of this cause, he did no∣thing vncomely, or vnseémely for his personage, nor did he for this cause relinquish his owne walles, and encroch vpon your possession: yea so much the lesse was he minded to throw you out of your right. But in the meane space as was most cōueniēt for him, and most commodius for you, he thought it not amisse to geue you frendly aduise: according to the sage Counsayle of Aristophanes. Lett euery man deale in the matters wherein he is skilfull & exercized: Not because he would haue you estraūge your affection from the knowledge of Gods trueth: but be∣cause 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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he sawe you abuse the sacred Scriptures of God, most peruersly wrested by you to deface the veritye of Christes gos∣pell: therefore he gaue you this counsayle, not that you should renounce your profession, but that you should restrayne the vn∣bridled insolency of your penne: not that you should not reade any thing in these profound misteryes of heauenly wisedome, but that in reading those bookes you should learne first to vnder∣stand well what you doe reade in them, before you take vpon you the person of an Expositor: not because he cōplayned of any defect of witt, or pregnaunt capacitye in you, but because in explaning these controuersies he found in you a greater mayme of iudgement, then want of witt: and thys also not he onely and alone sawe in you: For I know many besides him, both godly & learned, who conceaue of you herein as much as Haddon did: And I thinke there is no man, though but meanely exercised in the conference of holy Scriptures, who perusing these your In∣uectiues, that will not easily descry the same mayme and want of Iudgement, that others doe finde in you: and withall wishe, and geue aduise with Haddon, that your industry may from henceforth be wholy applyed to this kinde of learning, to your singuler profite and increase in knowledge: but would hartely desire that your penne (sithence it delighteth so much to vaunt out her skill) may be employed to such kinde of matter, as may procure your greater commendation in disputing, and may lesse abuse the Reader by your Iudgement.

Bidd adiewe to these dispightfull reproches, and peruers∣nesse of brabbling: sett a side partialitye, cursed custome of euill speaking, and blind affections: And let vs now weye in vpright ballaunces of indifferent iudgement those your bookes so exqui∣sitely slaūderous, which you haue hitherto published, touching y^e order and administratiō of most sacred Religiō, euen as it were in despight of Diuinytye. What may any man finde in them commendable for a learned Deuine? or aunswerable to the soūd doctrine of Christes Euangelye? There be skattered here and there certein sentences takē out of y^e very bowells of holy scrip∣tures, but I pray you how vnaptly applyed? how contraryly misconstrued? and how iniuriously mangled? In how great cho∣ler doe you moūt, as it were an vnentreatable Orbilius, against

godly and learned men, whom you call enemies of Religion? of whom it might haue beseémed you to haue learned your les∣son, rather then to haue controlled them with your Ferula.

You say that you haue entred vpon a most iust complaynt, and most true discouery of our wickednesse and abhominable filthynesse of lyfe: In slaundering and reproching whereof, you doe employ the greater part of your discourse: which being layd open by you, shall finde no place to be shrowded or coloured by a∣ny protection of mine. Yet in y^e meane time you may not be igno∣raunt hereof good Syr: that it is not enough for a man to snarle and barcke openly at other mens faultes: vnlesse he ioyne with∣all an vpright consideration, namely, with what affection, vpon what occasion, by whose perswasion, and vpon what certeintye in trueth he may iustifye his raunging so at ryott. If you haue taken vpon you to inueigh so insolently agaynst other mens maners, carryed by ouermuch creditt of tale∣bearers and secret whisperers, or the report of fleeing fame (as ye confesse in one place of your writing) which is com∣monly geuen to speake the worst, and to make a Camell of a gnatt: what doe you herein els then willingly bring your selfe into deserued obloquy? and to be noted of that filthy disease of gyddy credulitye? But if you haue coyned the same out of your owne ydle braynes: how can you cleare your selfe of intollera∣ble Sychophancye? In both which you may doe very well to en∣quire what your owne conscience will tell you in your eare. In maners lykewise & common conuersatiō of lyfe, in the order and discipline of vertues, you doe alledge much matter, & the same not altogether amisse: but yet in such wise, as you make no di∣stinctiō betwixt y^e gospell and the law, and by vtter shew expresse your selfe a morall Philosopher rather then a Christian De∣uine, or at least not vnlike those Deuines, whom S. Paule in his Epistle to Timothe doth note by these wordes:* 1.178

They would fayne seeme to be Doctours of the Law (sayth he) and yet vnder∣stand not what they speake, nor what they doe iustifie. &c.

Neuerthelesse you proceéde on still and keépe a foule coyle, but with bare brawlyng onely, and castyng your cappe agaynst the wynde: you kicke sturdely, but altogether agaynst the pricke: you are a prety bow man, but your luck is very ill: you are a good

Piper, but an illfauoured Fiddler: you prate hard, but you proue nought: you builde a pace, but not vpon the Rocke, nor doe you couch your stoanes with Euangelicall lyme and morter, but w^t Babylonicall durte and playster, wherein you builde not the con∣sciences of men,* 1.179 but highe steépe Memphyticall steéples (as I may tearme them) very stately and notorious, in stately turretts of lofty speaches, but groūded vpon no sure foundation of truth.

Of all which if we should make a proportionable accompt, accordyng to the noumber of wordes heaped vpp together, with a tedious lauishenes of toung, and hoyste vpp a loft euen beyond the cloudes, they be infinite and incomprehēsible: but if we mea∣sure them accordyng to the qualitie of their substaunce, they be wythered wyndeshakē leaues: If we consider the truth of them, they be vntruthes & lyes: If we sift them accordyng to the rules and fourme of Logicke, there will almost nothyng els appeare in all this glorious Iocado akane of wordes, then as was some tyme noted in Anaximenes by Theocritus: A great floodd of wordes, but neuer a droppe of water. Lett any man peruse y^e will, or that can spare so much tyme, this whole discourse of the true and false Church: of the Romish Lordly Maiestie: of the inuocation of Sainctes: of worshypping of Images: of Mounc∣kery: of coacted single lyfe: of vowes: of ceremonies: of Sacra∣mentes: of Ecclesiasticall and Temporall preéminence, and of all other thynges, which this monstruous deépe Deuine so long and so much exercised in Readyng Diuinitie (as he persuadeth him selfe) hath either forged of his owne imagination, or scra∣ped from some where els, not out of the closettes of Crispine, but botched and patcht vpp together out of the ragges and re∣fuse of Hosius, Pighius, Latomus, Eckius, Roffensis and such like clouters euery where: the discourse and the handlyng of the matter will easily discouer it selfe, how in speakyng infinite wordes, he hath vttered litle or nought at all agreable with the truth, and aunswerable to the cause: so that the saying not of Thucidides 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:* 1.180 but that other tourned backeward 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, may be aptly and worthely applyed.

And bycause it shall appeare more euidently: Go to. Lett vs Imagine that some one Logician either of the auncient Uniuer∣sity of Philosophers, or of the crew of these new Schoolemen, did

take in hand those bookes of Osor, wherein he treateth so busily of Catholick Diuinitie:* 1.181 who rippyng away this outward huske of gaye paynted speach, may take a perfect view of the sounde∣nesse of the shell and the inward kernell of his best Argumentes, and reduce them by particularities, to the playne rules & forme of Logicke, and may pare away all rotten and vnsauory subtil∣ties, may cutt cleane away all lyeng and vntruthes, may pruyne all idle and vntymely applications, wherewith his discourse is altogether bedawbedd: may shrowde of all vnprofitable and withered superfluities and reduplications: may banish away all slaunders, reproches, tragicall exclamations, and Thrasonicall crakes, quyte voyd and impertinent to the matter: what will he leaue behinde then in all his whole threé bookes? In so manifest a truth, what neéde any probation? I will describe one for exam∣ple sake, and from no where els but euen out of his principall and exquisite exhortation, directed to our most Royall and noble Queéne of England. In which Epistle (if at least it may deserue the name of an Epistle, then the which her Maiestie neuer re∣ceaued any one more talkatiue, nor I euer sawe more wittlesse) you seéme good my Lord Byshopp, somewhat willyng and desi∣rous to aduertize her highnes of matters of great emportaūce, and highly Catholicke: to witte: That if the Queene will be wise, if she will be desirous to haue especiall regarde and consideration of her person, of the Realme, and of the pre∣seruation of her soule, and body: If she will vouchsafe to geue creditt to Osorius beyng a Portingall, geuyng whole∣some and godly coūsell, proceedyng dutyfully from god∣ly affection of pure loue: What must she do at the length? For∣sooth, That renouncyng in season this entangled crabedd doctrine of the Lutheranes, maisters of misrule and errours, Captaines of knauery and villany, pernicious botches of auncient discipline, counterfect coyners of a new Gospell: open Enemies of publique and priuate tranquillitie, she retourne agayne to the auncient obedience of the mother Church of Rome, and yeld her humble obeysaunce to the Pope hygh Byshopp thereof as next vnto Christ, and Christ his owne generall Vicar ouer all the face of the earth.

For if I be not deceaued this is the very scope of all your

persuasion: to this end tendeth the whole force of your glorious Epistle: wherein if we shall haue regarde to your wordes, I seé that you haue spoken very much, but if we consider the matter it selfe, you haue spoken nothyng at all, or at the most, no more thē may seéme to be compreheuded and concluded in threé proposi∣tious onely: The Maior whereof maketh nothyng for your pur∣pose: The Minor is simply false and wickedly slaunderous: The Conclusion such as may be more fittly reuersed agaynst you, & the rest of your Catholickes. If you be desirous to haue a view hereof by some playne demonstration: I will not refuse for your sake Osorius, to represent to the Reader the whole sub∣staunce of your Epistle, and the whole force thereof concluded in a briefe forme in full proportionable partes and propositions. Behold therefore the whole forme & maner of your Sillogisme.

Maior.

* 1.182Whosoeuer are enemyes of sounde doctrine, and do pro∣cure assured destruction and decay of honest conuersation of cyuill society: who may dought, but that the Prince may banish them farre from out her Realme, and that she ought not in any wise support them.

Minor.

The Lutheranes, wheresoeuer they sett foote on groūd, do infect the soundnes of doctrine as it were with a botche: they do kill mēs bodyes: they do destroy mens soules: they do disturbe the state of the common weale in sowyng sedi∣tions, they do ouerthrow lawfull Regimentes, they do sow abroad euery where outragious and close kyndes of licen∣tiousnes of lyfe, they doe tourne vpsidowne and bryng to confusion all lawes spirituall and politique.

Conclusion.

Ergo, Whosoeuer wilbe adiudged a godly Prince, & es∣pecially Queene Elizabeth, cā do nothyng better & more cōmodious, then to banish quyte frō out her Realme these pestilēt impostumes and Caterpillers of the earth, and ex∣clude them from all partakyng with the common wealth.

If this be not the whole drift of all your discourse, lett the matter it selfe conuince me. If it be so: lett vs then take a tast how coldly and vnskillfully you haue behaued your selfe in pro∣uyng

this Argument. For the proposition which you assume for matter confessed, and make the surest foundation of your whole discourse, what if we deny altogether at a word Osorius? to what end then will all your tedious lofty lauishenes puffed vpp with so many vayne and triflyng amplifications, and lyes tend? You do assume that all Lutheranes ought to be abandoned from out all common weales as open enemies of Religiō, ranke rebells, common Barretours and Traytours: On the contrary part, whereas we do affirme boldy that all your vayne suggestion a∣gaynst the Lutheranes is false, on their behalfe, & most true on the Papistes behalfe: hadd it not bene your part to haue Iusti∣fied first by probable and sure Argumentes the whole matter, which we do by good right and duely deny? yea with Scriptures and Doctours, if you be a learned Deuine? what? did you accōpt this sufficient proofe to perswade your Assertion, bycause your Lordshypp did boldly pronounce it to be so? or suppose you that there is no more required in an Accuser, but to rayle outragi∣ously and slaunderously, alleadgyng no firme, or honest proofe of y^e crimes, y^t be forged or forced agaynst the aduerse partie? I be∣seéch you good courteous Gentleman tell me for your courteous modesties sake: To hale men into hassard of their liues vpō trust of raungyng rumours (if not altogether innocent, yet altoge∣ther vnknowen to you) agaynst whom you are altogether vna∣ble to Iustifie any probable crime, besides bare and naked affir∣matiues: Is this to deale with Princes, and to write vnto Queénes? Doe you behaue your selfe at home with your owne Kyng in this wise, to accuse men, whom you know not, onely vp∣on Hearesay & reporte? And what if the Queéne her selfe, who by dayly proofe may be acquainted with the dayly conuersation of her Subiectes, better then Osorius beyng an alyen & straun∣ger, do of her owne knowledge feéle all this to be vntrue, which you so maliciously enforce? and in her secret conceipt doe vtter∣ly detest those your stinckyng lyes? haue you not made then a fayre speake? and geuen your selfe a foule fall without touche or trippe of your aduersary? Goe to yet: and what if some defect or disorder be in the Lutheranes lyues (as you call them) is this therefore by and by a good consequent, that whatsoeuer blemish or reproche be in mens conuersations shalbe forthwith impu∣ted

to the reproofe and reproche of doctrine? Did holy Diuinitie teache you to argue on this wise? or doth your Mistres Dame Slaunder rather teache you so to doe?

And thus much hitherto of your Epistle, not much vnlyke hereunto are all the rest y^t follow in all your Inuectiues against Haddon: which if any man will take the paynes to examine ex∣actlye by the common rules, and principles of Logick, as he shall finde in them many wordes nothing to the purpose: so shall he want two things, chiefly, and especially required in a deuine, namely, Trueth and Charitye.* 1.183 Which two vertues the farther they be estraunged from your writinges, so much the more causelesse was your choler agaynst Haddon for his good coun∣sayle that he gaue you, and his iudgement, whereby he accomp∣ted you more lyke a Cobler, then a foreman of the shopp: vnapt and vnskilfull yet to cutt such large thonges out of other mens leather: And yet meaning nothing lesse herewith, then to dryue you frō touching y^e testament of Christ, whether because he con∣ceaued, that the labor which he employed vpon this kinde of exercise was either very small, or altogether fruitlesse: but ha∣uing regard rather to make manifest what the right considera∣tion of that doctrine is, and how much you were short yet of a true and perfect knowledge in the true doctrine of Diuinitye.

For if this be a true definition of Dyuinitye, that it be a pro∣fession of Gods heauenly wisedome and trueth: what one thing is more contrary and repugnaunt to Gods trueth, then your opiniōs? wherin you doe enterlace vntruethes for verityes, new∣fanglenesse for auncientye: mens traditions for true Dyuinitye: None otherwise then as false Pedlers are wont to choppe and chaunge false & deceitfull wares for good, or as some our horse-coursers in England vse to bring into open fayres, and markets outrydden Iades pampered vp in fleshe, fayre, braue and smoathe to the eye, garnished with fine Saddle and trappers, being o∣therwise full of windegalles, stuft with glaunders, yelowes, and hundred horse euills, vnprofitable and vnapt to hackney and to draw, or to carry: Sauing that this one difference is betwixt you and them: whereas they by crafty dissimulation, and artificiall Conueyaunce doe beguyle the simple, and such as be without skill: but you (as you seéme) vtter your wares not as of

any sett purpose or skilfull craft, but because you haue no better wares in stoare, and withall seéme not willing to buye any bet∣ter. But I will presse you no further: onely this one thing will I say: If your industry had bene employed in the study of holy Scriptures, as much as you would haue it seéme to be: truely I must neédes accompt you a very vnciuill and vngentle person, who couering your knowledge as it were vnder a Bushell, will vouchsafe to expresse out of that sacred treasury of holy Scrip∣tures so litle, and out of auncient Doctors scarse one sentence through out all this your whole discourse.

But hereof enough: It followeth now, that I touch some∣what of the manaces and threatninges of Haddon: with the force whereof he would make you dismayd, as you say in these wordes, wherewith you bring him selfe in place speakyng, and threatning you in this wise.* 1.184 If you be determined to make a shew of your skill, to some of your owne faction, by ru∣shing so rudely vpon vs any more from henceforth. I tell you before hand, come heareafter better furnished then you be now. Further where you declare that it will come to passe that if you happen to dye, there will not want some that will breake of my force. These be the wordes of Haddon as Osorius doth cyte them: wherein I doe perceaue, that he doth not conceaue so much as by any probable coniecture, what the meaning of Had∣don is. For what doe these wordes emport els, then to sturre you vpp, and sett you on edge as it were by this frendly admo∣nition, to make you more earnestly bent to the reading of holy Scriptures? that if you did determine with your selfe to offer a∣ny freshe skarmish in this kinde of conflict, you might feéde your owne humour herein as you lifted, but yet you should foreseé to be better prouided with more skilfull, and more warrantable reasons, yea much more defensible, and armed as it were with armour of proofe:* 1.185 for that you be perhappes to greéne a souldiour as yet, not able to endure the force of this Combat, with so slen∣der prouision. Well now, what kynde of threatninges be these good Syr, that may geaue you any cause of terror? After this Haddon proceadeth: & because he would not haue you deceaue your selfe with this vayne perswasion, as though there were not in England besides Haddon onely, any other which in this

defence of the Euangelicall veritye, both would, and could skil∣fully enough encounter with you by the helpe of Christ: herein lykewise hys meaning was to geue you to vnderstand: That you should finde here in England not one or two onely, but very many, not onely in our Churches, and vniuersityes also, but euen emongest the Courtyers, which did farre excell him in learning and know∣ledge, and were in all respectes comparable with you. These be Haddons wordes: wherein I seé a certein comparison made but no threatninges at all as yet.

Wherefore comfort your selfe Osorius, there be no bugges here to make you affrayd. And surely I can not choose but com∣mend you for your naturall countrey courage: which lyke a lusty Portingall Prelate, will not be dasht out of countenaunce for any bygge lookes of any of all those men, whom Haddon doth compare you withall: And in deéde there is no reason why you should. For why should Osorius be agast of seély English dwarfes or babish wretched Haddons? And yet though you be without all feare of men, it will not be the least commendation of your wisedome, to feare the Lord your God Osorius, and to stand in awe of hys threatnings. For being so studious a Reader of holy Scripture, you can not be ignoraunt of the plagues which the Lord doth threaten to the Enemies of his Gospell: for how sharpely and greuously he will be auenged of such, the dayly and continuall examples of his wrath may be good lessous and war∣nynges vnto you. Lett the recordes of Historyes be perused, if your memory comprehend it not: what happened to the Empe∣rour Sigismund and his whole forlorne houshold, not long after the death and Martyrdome of Iohn Husse?* 1.186 what chaunced also to Iulian the Cardinall? and to themperour Albert sonne in law to Sigismund, after the Tyranny executed agaynst the Bohemi∣ans? what fortuned to Henry the 2. the French King? what al∣so to Francisce the 2. his Sonne? lykewise also what happened to Charles the 9? his other Sonne after the great murther and slaughter in Fraunce. Were not Syr Thomas Moore and Ro∣ffensis (after they had burned Iohn Fryth that excellent learned young man and his companion) imediately after committed to prison, and suffred iust plague for their vniust crueltye? And to passe ouer other,, what end Eckius and Iames Latomus came

vnto, I suppose you be not ignoraunt. Mary Queéne of Eng∣land, after she had consumed so many godly Martyrs to Ashes, being first forsaken of her husband, and afterwardes raught a∣way so quickly, with such an vntymely death, shall we thinke the same came to passe without some great iudgement of God? Can you tell vs of nothing happening in your owne Countrey of Portingall, after the horrible tortures and execution of William Gardiner, which might haue bene a manifest token of Gods vengeaunce agaynst you?

But why doe I stay vpon these? when as besides these, infinite lyke presidentes be manifestly extaunt, which ought worthely to terrify you and others also in the lyke. For as for those Eng∣lishmen whom Haddon doth make mencion of, there is no cause why you should be discouraged. Especially sithence this litle Island is (as your selfe doth confesse) replenished with so many notable godly men, excellent of witt, of learning and of pietye, who will neuer molest you as you say,* 1.187 because they doe wonderfully agree and consent with you in Religion. &c. Surely Osorius in this you lye nothing at all: wherein yet you haue forgottē somewhat your olde wont. For this is to true that you speake, that here be ouermanye companyons and confederates of your errors in this Realme? whereof some are roonne away of late, more afrayd a great deale then hurt. There be behind yet many tarryers,* 1.188 I will not say Traytors to the Common weale, whose witt and learning as we doe not despise, so also doe we not feare any harme they can do vs: for there is no question to be made at all of their witt, nor of their learning, but of other matters, the direction and dispo∣sition whereof resteth wholy in the power of the Lord, and not in any pollicye or force of men. Lett these therefore whosoeuer they be whom you prayse so much, haue their deserued prayse for their excellencye of learning, and actyuitye of witt, as much as you will: who if they be of your sect may happely be learned, doughtlesse godly they can not be. Agayne if they be godly, I am sure they will neuer agreé with you in thys Doctryne. But as for mens agreément in opinion, is not so much materiall. Neyther is any part of our cōtrouersye at this present, touching matters determinable by common consent, multitude, or wittes

of men: but must be decided by the infallible and vnchaungeable rules, & ordinaunces of y^e sacred Scriptures: whereunto if your opinions be consonant, as meéte is, we will all together lyke∣wise consent and agreé with you: If otherwise, what shall it pre∣uaile you to be lincked in any vniforme consent of those men, though they be neuer so excellently well learned, but onely that you may seéme to become a raunging rouer emongest straggling Starters?

From thence you proceéd, leauing them, whom you say be of your minde, and turne backe agayne to these Lutheranes and Haddonistes.* 1.189 Who if would contend with you, as you say, with reasons, with argumentes, or with Testimonies you promise that you will not refuse the conflict. But if they will brawle with cauntes and cursed speaking, you will not be persuaded by any meanes to make them any aunswere. &c. Loe here a very pleasaunt panion and Maister of his Arte: After y^t your gaye goodly choler had cought vpp as many slaun∣derous & reprochfull croomes, as it could, euē to y^e casting vpp of your gorge, to the poysoning and infecting of godly and lear∣ned personages: now at the last you prohibite them for pleading their causes: least happely some one or other in making his pur∣gation, will s••••t somewhat neare your holy Reuerent skirtes, or least with some corrysiue in aūsweryng, he frett to much vpon the skabbe of your delicate conscience. For that your Nature is of that complexion,* 1.190 as will not lightly be offended with a∣ny slaūderous toūges, nor accompt it any ioate praysewor∣thy to exceede by any meanes in so filthy a kynde of conten∣tion. Moreouer that it is no wisedome to spend your tyme so vnprofitably, whereof you haue skarse any breathing from other more weighty af••ayres. And therefore if Haddō or any other of that Crew shalbe so disposed as to rush vp∣on you with snatching and taunting more rigorously, then shall beseeme them: you will geue them free skoape to chauffe, foame and exclayme agaynst you as much as they list, and as much as they can. And that it is not conuenient for your personage in respect of the charge that is commit∣ted vnto you, that either you ought to be distempered with rayling, or that you should aunswere to all cursed speaking.

If to these wordes and speéches all his other doinges and writinges were in eche respect correspondent, what siner man might any man finde in this world? what more noble mind? what more excellent nature? which hauing so throughly mortified his affections, will not suffer him selfe to become impatiēt with any iniuries or rayling raging agaynst him? But if his doinges be called to an accompt before strickt Inquisitors: and if they will examine his wordes by his deédes: I beseéch you gentle Syr where was this mildnesse of spirit so gloriously commended by your selfe? where was this lenity of nature? where was this con∣tempt of reproches exiled at that time, whenas your reuerence being neuer prouoked with any iniury offered of our natiō, nor so much as euer molested by word, could not measure your inso∣lent malice, and wrath, nor make any end of slaundering, back∣biting, and rayling in so excessiue outrage, agaynst the godly and learned Preachers of Christ, both altogether vnknowen vnto you, and withall neuer deseruing to be thought ill of at your handes? Euery man must suffer the penalty of the breach of Law that himselfe maketh sayth Ausonius:* 1.191 You require vs to cutt of all contentious brawling, and to deale with you with sound Ar∣gumentes and Testimonyes. We do like well your law. For what can be more seémely for discreét Deuines, then a calme and peaceable modesty in disputation, not disquieted with any natu∣rall motions, nor waxing wroth with other mens rayling? But who doth obserue this order that you doe prescribe worsse then your selfe good Syr? If wāt of time, which you alleage in excuse, or consideration of your function (as you say) be such an estoppell vnto you, that you haue no leysure to aunswere to all mens ray∣linges, how is it thē y^t in this your aūswere to Haddō, be so ma∣ny slaūders heaped vpp vpon slaūders? so muche rayling in such skorpionlike nipping & bitternesse? wherein how vnmeasurably lauish you seéme beyond all cōsideratiō of your personage, all this your owne whole discourse remayneth a sufficient witnes against you, w^ch doth breath out, bray out, and spew out nothing els but flames, fierbrāds, furyes, botches, madnes, frensies, outrages, droūkenes, feuers, childishnes, Sathās, Deuilles, Treasons, false Prophets, Coyners of a new Gospel, subuer∣tours of vertue, Enemies of theyr countrey and of Religiō,

Churchrobbers, most abhominable, the destruction and pestilent Cōtagion of the whole world, and what not? But if this outragious licentiousnes of your unmoderate wilfu••lnes might haue bene satisfied with threé or foure tauntes and slaun∣derous reproches, it might haue bene pardonable: as seémyng some escape issuing somewhat vnaduisedly rather in some heate of disputation, then of any naturall greédynesse of curssed speak∣ing. Now what is your whole aunswere els almost, then a conti∣nuall processe, and an vncessaunt course of cursed raylyng? You begynn with cauillyng, you proceéde with slaunderyng, and end with rayling.

Neuerthelesse after all these tragicall outragies wherewith you haue prouoked both the wrath of the Lord, and teazed all godly personages agaynst you so insolently, you do now at the length challenge other men to keépe modesty. If any man (saye you) do write agaynst me: if he will argue with reason, with Argumentes, or with Testimonyes, I will not refuse the Challenge, &c. And herewithall in the meane space is enterla∣••ed a place of S. Paule.* 1.192 Whereby we be taught to eschew the company of endurate heretyques after once or twise admonition, forasmuch as they be condemned by theyr owne iudgement. Which Rule of y^e Apostle if must be obserued duely, as it ought to be, surely there is nothing of more force, to maintaine our departure fromout your papisticall Seé. For if we be commaūded by the authority of the Apostle to auoyde the company of such, as being once or twise warned, will not be con∣uerted from theyr waywarde obstinacye in error, what fellow∣shipp and partaking ought we to haue with such a conuenticle, which being polluted with so many more then hereticall errors, which being so bastardly estraunged and defiled with so heathe∣nish Idolatry, with such absurde Traditions, and so manifest blasphemies, doth not onely couple with this filthye stenche of Deuelish doctrine, sciffenecked and obstinate supportaūce, but also adde thereunto a more then Pharisaicall and Tyrannicall persecution?

Wherefore in that you thinke it best to passe ouer and eschew our society from henceforth, therein follow your owne affection Osorius a gods name. But whereas you geue vs full skoape to

frett, fume, & exclayme as much as we lyste, truely we are not so mynded, nor affectioned to rush so rudely into other mens in∣terest, as to seéke to disfraūchise you of your froward, malapert sawcinesse, whiche by the law of Armes you haue so valiantlye wonne in the field. And therefore you shall freély and without impeachment continew still your possession as in your owne pro∣per Title: From the which we do so much the rather disclayme, because in this kinde of faculty you doe excell, and are Mayster of the Craft. But lett vs heare this most milde Byshopp reason∣ing with this vnquiet Haddon.

I did neuer prouoke you (say you) by word or writing beyng a mā that I neuer knew.* 1.193 Myne Epistle which you doe infame with slaūderous railyng is cleare from all vnseeme∣ly speeches: vnlesse perhappes you will say that a most iust quarrell, and a true discouery of Errors and wickednesse, is a kinde of reproche. &c. First I will say somewhat touching your Epistle: and of Haddon shall be spoken afterwardes. Now therefore, were your wittes distempered with wyne when you wrate this Epistle? haue you forgottē now what you wrate then? If your Epistle haue not one reprochefull word, I beseéche you what name shall we geue to these wordes wherewith you rage not onely agaynst Luther, as though he were a dissolute persō, a common Barretor and manqueller, but withall agaynst all the congregation of those, which professe the true Gospell of Christ? agaynst whom you be carried with more then a Carterly kinde of rayling with foule mouth and most slaunderous Tauntes:* 1.194 As men that raging in maddnesse, doe rend in sunder all esta∣blished orders of law and Religion. Pag. 14. who with their frantyque preaching and bookes do exile all shamefastnes: do put honesty to slight: do treade vnder foote all lawes po∣sitiue and politique: do proclayme hauocke of sinning, de∣file Temples, skorne holynes: do support vnshamefastnesse, do supplāt all Christiā society with most horrible fierbrādes of discord. Pag. 15. all whose enterprises tend to none o∣ther end, then that spoyling Princes of theyr liues they may conspyre with full consentes agaynst the vtter rooting out of theyr dignityes and honours, some of whom they haue raught hence already by poyson, and some others they doe 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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practise to destroy with the sword. Pag. 16. Finally he cal∣leth them false Prophetts. Pag. 34. Who wheresoeuer they sett foote on ground, of purpose to enforce theyr Gospell vpon the ignoraūt, they are so farr of from Reformation of maners, that they doe defile all thinges with muche more stench then they found it, who do abandone ciuility: geue skoape for couetousnesse to raunge riotously: and renoun∣cing all feare of God graunt free libertye to doe all maner mischieues, without cōtrollement in such shamelesse care∣lessenesse, that they seeme to wish nothing rather, thē to see vtter confusion of all thinges. Pag. 30. Who be not onelye of themselues estraunged from all honesty, but accompt it yea and ratify it for matter as haynous also as hygh Treasō if any man dare be so bolde to vow perpetuall Chastity for Religion sake. Pag. 22. Who also do affirme that it is wic∣ked to be sorrowfull for sinne. Pag. 27. And do say that sor∣rowfull teares do emport a weakenesse & wāt of fayth. pag. 26. And this much of y^e professors of y^e gospell: Now let vs heare his blasphemous tongue touching the Gospell it selfe, & y^e doc∣trine thereof, which he doth call by y^e name of a Secte. For these be his wordes. Beleeue me gracious Queene (sayth he) this secte, which for our sinnes hath inuaded many partes of Christendome, is the ruine of Cōmōweales, the Canker of Ciuilitie, the dissipation of the Realme, and the small destru∣ction of princely renowme. Pag. 17. And in an other place making mēcion of y^e same Gospell he doth exclame on this wise O Gospell full of conspiracye and false dissimulation: for it promiseth lardge good thinges and procureth present infection: it maketh a fayre countenaunce of hope of Free∣dome, and it cloggeth with yoakes of intollerable bon∣dage: it doth persuade with glauering allurements of pre∣sent felicity, & afterwardes it drowneth the soule in deepe doungeon of dispayre: it preacheth a direct way vnto hea∣uen, and them that trust vpon assuraunce thereof, it doth throw downe headlong into hell. Page. 32. And agayne: proceading in y^e same Epistle, doth geue this iudgemēt of y^e doc∣trine of the Gospellers: that he affirmeth it to be wholy pat∣cht together of the craftes and subtiltyes of Sathā. Pag. 35.

I haue now rehearsed your owne wordes Osorius if at least they be your owne wordes, and not some other guest of yours, not all of the best: which how farre doe differ from reprochefull and slaunderous raylyng in your eye, I know not: But in my conceipt it appeareth none otherwise, then if some Poet would rayse vp some Furyes of hell as Megera or Alecto, out of that fiery lake to lye and to rayle, he could not haue imagined any o∣ther speaches more apt, & appropried to all reprochefullnesse then this your Epistle seémeth to be. Wherefore as you can not make your Epistle excusable of most haynous slaunderyng, without a most manyfest lye: so is that also in no respect more true: wherein you doe accuse Haddon of the same cryme.

Who being (as you say) neuer knowen to you,* 1.195 nor euer prouoked by you with any euill word, yet doth gnawe your Epistle with slaunderous teeth, and doth rushe ragingly v∣pon you as it were a wilde Boare deadly wounded with the hunters speare. In good sooth Osorius you doe very lyuely represent vnto vs, a singuler patterne of that olde Phariseé in the Gospell: who very briefly beholding a very small moate in his brothers eye, was not able to discerne a monstruous beame in his own eye: so forcible is the dazeled blindenes of selfe Loue. For euen with lyke insensibiltye doth Osorius, beyng himselfe a very cursed speaker, expostulate with Haddon about cursed speaking.* 1.196 You say he was neuer prouoked by you. In deéde neuer by name I confesse. But when as that your beastly Epi∣stle and mōstruous Antithesis, then the which I neuer sawe any more foolishely talkatiue, did rayle agaynst so many godly perso∣nages, he being one of the same noumber, and vnder the same predicamēt of them that were slaundered, could not but acknow∣ledge the common quarrell and iniurye of others to be stretched out also vnto himselfe. And therefore made aunswere in his owne and their behalfe, though not without his owne furniture and pollicye, yet much more modestly, I will not say then be∣came him: surely more quietly a great deale, then such an Im∣portunate aduersary deserued: for so was it requisite according to your desert Osorius, that you should not haue hadd a more entreatable aunswerer: but a farre other maner of aunswere, that might haue blazed out your armes in their right colours,

and haue paynted you out altogether according to your due de∣seruings. But Haddon thought it better to haue cōsideration of publique humanity, then of his owne priuate griefe. And yet as though he attempted all the force & sharpenesse of his penne agaynst you: it is a wonder to seé what mounteynes you rend a∣broade, because he was not impeached (as you saye) nor teazed with any iniurious word of yours. Go to then, And howe had the people and Natiō of England displeased you that you must neédes rage so rudely agaynst them, rather then Haddon might agaynst you? For so you proceade: And yet he runneth furiously agaynst me, as though it were (say you) a wylde Boare deadly wounded with some boarspeare. &c. How furiously I pray you, I would fayne learne? what? Because he doth commend your witt? prayse your dexteritye of nature? aduaunce your Eloquence?* 1.197 and highly esteéme your bookes? and especially that which you wrate of Nobilitye (as your selfe cōfesse no lesse) is this the part of a madd man? or the courteous commendation of a frendly wellwiller? And here I beseéch theé (gentle Reader) Iudge with me herein indifferently: what dif∣ference there is betwixt the disposition of these two, Haddon and Osorius: wherof the one doth with frendly prayses ad∣uaunce the style, the Eloquence, and artificiall disposition of wordes in Osorius: thother a most vngratefull creature of man, and beast, blynded with selfe loue, drowned in malice, swallow∣ed vpp with his owne conceipt, doth so not vouchsafe a man in all mens Iudgements graue, wise, and excellently learned, one ynche so much of commendable place emongest the learned, that he shameth not to condemne him, euen of most base ignoraunce, & extreame childishnes: as one y^t is not able to expres by mouth his owne meaning, and can vtter nothing purely, nothing ful∣ly, nothing playnely. Wherein I doe now appeale to the Rea∣ders iudgemēt, whether Haddon doth rage more agaynst Oso∣rius lyke a furyous Boare: or whether Osorius doe more im∣pudently lye agaynst Haddon lyke a shamelesse Goate. But be∣cause these meadowes haue bene reasonably well ouerflowed al∣readye, I thinke it not amisse to shutt vpp the hatches here.

This Enterlude is at the length come now to the last cast: wherein this tourne coate getting a new Coape vpon his back,

and putting on an other visor vpon his face, doth chaunge him∣selfe (as it were) into an Angell of light. A man would veryly thinke, that some one of the superexcellent Seraphycall sort of the ix. orders of Aungells were flowen downe frō heauen, spea∣king with whotte burning zeale of Charitye.* 1.198 Where calling God himselfe to be his wittnes and Iudge, he doth binde himselfe with a most holy protestatiō: that we should firme∣ly beleeue that he vndertooke not this trauaile of wryting agaynst Haddō as vrged thereūto for any other cause, then of a very earnest desire and zealous affection vnto pure and most sincere Religiō. We haue heard of his affection. Now let vs harken to the dutyfull loue of Christian Charity, & more thē brotherly compassion of his, and lett vs weépe with him for ioy. For on this wise he doth proceéde. If you did know (sayth he) how great compassion I take of you: with what deepe de∣sire I am rauished for your sauetye (that as it is the part of a good Christian man,* 1.199 I would willingly suffer losse of lyfe for you, and for your Countrymens sake) Surely you would become frendes with me. &c. If the duetyes and partes of true Loue and charitye may be valued by wordes, and not by matter, what can be found more vertuous then this minde? what may seéme more louing? or more fully replenished with charitable zeale of our sauety? For what loue can be greater thē for a man to yeald ouer his owne lyfe, for an other mans safety? But if you will vouchsafe to compare these wordes written here with the slaunders, Tauntes, and Reproches which are skat∣tered euery where before, and will examine Osorius thoroughly within and without: I am afrayd a man shall not finde him the man in proofe, that appeareth before in wordes: but a cleane contrary conditioned man, nor very much differing from the shape of those, whom Cicero doth not vnfittly decypher vnto vs.* 1.200 Of all the kindes of fraude and vnrighteous dealing, there is none more pestilent (sayth he) then the craft of those men, which when they doe deceaue most, will so handle the matter, that they may be taken for very honest men: Not much vnlyke hereunto seé∣meth to haue happened in Osorius at this present. For after that he hath slaundered and rayled (lyke a common skold in a Cage) in backbyting and reuyling the names and cōuersations of men,

whose lyfe he neuer knew, nor vnderstandeth their doctrine, yea and with such an insolent kinde of sawcynesse, nypping and skof∣fing, that no common Barretor could haue more fiercely exclay∣med agaynst the most Rascall in the world, nor haue forged more shamelesse lyes: tourning now his Typpett about, doth beginne to doe, as many men wont to doe, which through ma∣lice haue wounded any one greuously on the headd, will thinke to salue the iniury agayne, with puttyng the cappe on the headd, and telling him a mery tale of Robin Hoodde.

Semblably Osorius hauing well whett his owne humor vpō reproches and slaunders, being otherwise vnsatiable with any cursed speaking, outragiously raging in all manner of filthy∣nesse agaynst them whom he doth not know: & hauyng dischar∣ged his stomake of the very gall of his Melancholy, doth now endeuor to perswade, & thereunto pledgeth his faith with solēne protestation, that all his wordes and deédes before were not pro∣cured of any prouocation of hatred or malice, but proceaded frō very pure loue of godly affection, and from most hartye desire of our safetye. Well thē, Sithence you will haue it so Osorius & because you make so solemne a protestation: we doe beleéue your oath, that you did write this vnfaynedly, with all your hart, not of any malice at all, but simply, of a very Catholicke zeale and charitie. But yet we can not but maruell much, what kinde of Charity this may be, that rageth so cruelly? gnaweth, skra∣peth, and roumbleth so pestiferously? howbeit we doe not deny but that charitye is sometyme moued with choler, and hath her proper chydings and chastisements according to the misticall Sonett of the Prophett.* 1.201 The Righteous man shall smite me frēd∣ly, and reproue me, but the precious balmes of the vngodly shall not breake my headd. But to forge manyfest lyes agaynst them that you know not: to beare false wittnes agaynst your neyghbors, to rayle with most reprochefull blasphemies agaynst the Testa∣mēt of the lyuing God, & to teach Princes to rage agaynst their Subiectes, is this a poynt of Charitye? or an euident badge of that horrible hellhounde, which is a lyer, and a manqueller frō the beginning? But there is no neéde now to rippe vpp a freshe rehearsall of those vnmeasurable and incredible lyes, slaunders and blasphemies, wherewith this your volume is fully fraught

and stuft euery where.

But this in the meane space doth seéme to carry a wonder∣full shew of marueilous Charity:* 1.202 Whereas he affirmeth that he will willingly lose his life for our sauety: To contemne death boldely in wordes is a very common practise in many mē and to make stought bragges of vndaunted courage, especially when no perill is in place. So seémed Peter chearefully willing to dye for his Lord and Maister, whiles all thinges were calme & no Ieoperdy thought vpon: which foreward stomake neuer∣thelesse immediately vpō the sight of present perill vanished a∣way into flatt deniall of his Master. But thanked be God, there is no cause why you should offer any such hassard of life in our behalfes good Syr. For as concerning the safety of our soules: (we are well assured) is firmely grounded vpon an vnpenetrable rocke, not vpon your death which can auayle vs nothing at all, but vpon the death of the sonne of the liuing Lord. Therefore if the care that you take for our saluation, you will employe dili∣gently for your owne preseruation, you shall in my iudgement so much the better prouide for your selfe, by how much you be now more farther of, and more daungerously distaunt from the right rule and course of the truth. For if according to your Rhe∣thorick, the way for vs to saluation & to the hope of eternall feli∣city,* 1.203 be none otherwise open then being atchiued by godly actions and excellent integrity of lyfe: And if thys be the onely righteousnesse (as you say) wherewith the fauour of God is procured to mankynde. Pag. 142. Then what doth this your doctrine emport els, thē to forclose you & vs both frō all passable way to heauēly inheritaunce? for where shall we finde that excellency of integritye? where shall we finde that absolute righteousnesse whereof you bragge so much, which in equall bal∣launce is able to counteruayle the iudgement of God? Surely not in England you will say, nor in any common weale of the Lutherans: who do set theyr foote on no ground, but that they do infect the same with all stench and abhominable contagion. Emongest the Portingalls therfore hope I, where a man may be bolde to say, be no hedgcreépers men, but Golden Aungelles, flying abroad. Truly, that is well. And how commeth it to passe then that emongest those Aungelles, so many of all sortes, men

and weomen be daylye seéne in your publique assemblies, to scourge and teare their naked carkasses, with greéuous whipps, and bloody lashes? I would fayne learne of you whether they doe it for any theyr good deédes? or els for their offences and sinnes?

What meaneth Osorius himselfe in this, that he so holy a Fa∣ther doth so often roonne to reitterate confessions? lett him aun∣swere at his best leisure, whether he confesse his good deédes or his wicked: Wherefore if neither this reuerend Byshopp, so cu∣rious a carper of other mens faultes, is able to behaue himselfe so precisely, but that he must fleé dayly with vs to the mercy seate and compassion of God: where be then these glorious crakes of integrity? or whyther will your integrity & absolute perfection addresse vs to seéke out this superexcellent excellency that you boast vpon so much? Peraduenture to Platoes common weale, or to Moores Vtopia, or els to the goodly fieldes in hell, whereof the Poets make mention: for without question it can not possibly be found any where in this common course of vniuersall imbe∣cillity of nature.

But euen as it is reported, that Xenophon the wise Phi∣losopher of Athenes did in the describing of the famous vertues of Cyrus, imagine him to be not such a one as he was in deéde, but such a one as he ought to haue bene: and to haue expressed his wished and harty desire, rather then any true description of the Prince according to the very nature of a description histori∣call. So do I suppose y^t Osorius hath a will to teach vs not so much what we be, but what we ought to be, and so purposed in his mind to make a proofe of the force of his eloquence, what it were able to doe, in the extolling the prayse and commendation of vertue. And hereof who can either be ignoraunt or doubtfull, that all our actions and course of life ought to excell in such a perfection,* 1.204 that there neéded no supply to be required to absolute and Angelicke integrity? the which neither the Prophane Philo∣sophers before the birth of Christ, neither the Pharises had any feéling of without Christ, no more did they expresse the same in the dutifull affayres of their life, who being altogether estraun∣ged from the knowledge of Christian Religion, were neuerthe∣lesse not ignoraunt hereof, that all mans felicity consisted wholy

in vertue onely and ciuill direction of life: and that it was vertue onely which alone could make a passable way for godly minds to attayne euerlasting felicity: the likelihood whereof as many their notable lessons did aboundantly declare, so aboue all other who can wonder enough at that heauenly voyce of Scipio the Ro∣mayne surnamed Affricanus being an Ethnicke? whereof Mar∣cus Cicero doth make relatiō in his Treatize called the dreame of Scipio.* 1.205 Writing on this wise.

There is (sayth he) a certayne sure and determined place reserued in heauē for all such as do pre∣serue, ayd, & aduaunce their natiue coūtrey, where they shall liue in euerlasting felicity for euer and euer. There is nothing more accep∣table to that high and mighty God, that guideth and ruleth all the world, amongest all the actions of men, then counsailes, corporations and societies of men lincked and knitt together with orders and lawes: which are called Citties. &c.

If we regard the iudgement of the flesh, what sentence cann be spoken more plausible or more notable in the singler commen∣dation of vertue then this was? which doth assure the good deser∣uinges and mutuall amities of men ech towardes other exerci∣sed here of eternall and infallible rest and ioyes in heauen. Go to. And what is it els almost that this diuinitye of Osorius doth trayne vs vnto, then to teach y^e very same y^t Scipio the Romaine did? namely: That there is no passable way to the attaynmēt of the blessed felycyty of eternall lyfe, then that whych is atchyeued by godly actions wyth an absolute integryty of excellent life. Pag. 32.

But heauenly Philosophy doth direct vs a farre more neare way: The heauenly Scholemaister doth out of heauen display a∣broad, and chalke vs out a speédier way and an easier iourney to∣wardes heauen, teaching vs in the Gospell on this wise.

I am (sayth he) the way, the trueth, and the life:

* 1.206 Neither will Osorius deny this to be true (I know) in word, but in deéd what doth he els then deny it? For to admitt him his saying, y^t there is no pass∣able way to heauen, but which is purchased with absolute per∣fection of life: what may we winne hereof els, but y^t this way to heauē be not Christ? but y^e speciall prerogatiue of our owne pur∣chase? So y^t by this reasō, if our owne industry do satisfy all thin∣ges: what neéd is there of Christ thē? or to what vse will his death

and passion auayle? yes forsooth to this purpose you will say: that by the merite of his passiō, he may purchase for vs the grace and gift of sanctification & regeneration: wherewith being once en∣dued, hereof fortwith springeth that excellency of absolute per∣fection, and other ornamentes of charity and vertues, which will make vs an easy passage into the kingdome of heauen: What then? doe you so depaynt vs out the whole office and power of Christ in this one onely action, namely y^t he shall powre out vpō vs new qualityes & godly actions, by the Deuine operation of the holy ghost? what? doth he not redeéme vs also? doth he not iu∣stify vs, and reconcile vs? yes. What els, you will say. Doth he iustify all men without exception? or the faythfull onely? if he doe iustify them onely that do beleue: I do demaūd further, what the cause is why they be iustified? Is it for their faythes sake? or for their workes sake? If it be for their faythes sake, I aske againe, whether for faith onely? or faith ioyned w^t good workes? I do here expect some oracle frō you for an aūswere hereunto. If you finde y^t there is no hope of any thing to be iustified by w^tout fayth, then must you neédes alter your foundation, that you grounded vpon before, to witt, That there is no passable way to heauen but whych is atchyued wyth godly actions of thys lyfe. Pag. 32. And that it is onely righteousnesse that doth obtayne the fauour of God to Mankynde. Pag. 142. And in an other place. That fayth onely, is onely rashnesse. Pag. 74. What? shall fayth therefore be quite banished away?

No, but you will couple her with some copemate: that nei∣ther Fayth without the company of good workes, nor workes without the cōpany of Fayth may be able to procure righteous∣nes. But this knott will the aucthoritie of y^e Scriptures easily cracke in peéces:* 1.207 for if Fayth onely doe not aduaunce y^e faythfull to saluation, except it be coupled with excellēt integritie of life: why did not Christ thē couple them together, whē he spake sim∣ply, Hè that beleeueth in me hath euerlasting life? Why did not Peter couple them together, when he doth preach Remission of Sinnes vnto all as many as doe beleeue in his name? prouyng the same by the Testimonies of the Prophetes. Act. 10.* 1.208 why did not Paule couple them together. Actes. 16.* 1.209 where he instructeth y^e Gaylor in Fayth?

Beleeue (sayth he) in the Lord Iesus, and thou

and all thy houshold shalbe saued.

Many Sentences might be vouched purportyng the same in effect: but it shall suffice to haue noted these fewe for breuities sake. The History of the Galathians is notably knowen, who beyng seduced by the false Apostles, did not simply reuolt frō Christ, nor did simply aban∣done their Fayth in Christ, but endeuoured to couple the good workes of y^e beleéuers together with Fayth in y^e Article of Iusti∣fication before God for the attaynemēt of lyfe euerlastyng: On which behalfe how sternely and sharpely the Apostle did reproue them, his owne Epistle beareth sufficient Testimony.

But here commeth a Reply by and by out of the same Epi∣stle,* 1.210 where writyng to the Galathians, he doth treate vpon such a fayth as doth worke by loue. Upon this place Osorius agreé∣yng with the Tridentine Councell doth builde an vnseparable coniūction of Fayth and Charitie together:* 1.211 so that Fayth with∣out Charitie as an vnshapen and vnformed Image, is altoge∣ther vneffectuall to the absolute fullnes and perfect accomplish∣ment of righteousnes: But that Charitie (which they call a righ∣teousnesse cleauyng fast within vs) is so vnable to be seuered a sunder from the worke of Iustification, that they dare boldly pronoūce, that it is the onely formall cause of our Iustification.

To satisfie this place of S. Paule, here is an easie and a Re∣solute aunswere. For in the same Epistle: the Apostle doth en∣deuour by all meanes possible, to call backe agayne his Gala∣thians to the onely righteousnesse of Fayth, from whence they were backslyden: and withall bycause they should not be seduced with a vayne persuasion of counterfaict Fayth, he doth discouer vnto them, what kynde of Fayth it is, which he doth meane. Not the fayth that is idle, and dead without workes, but which doth worke by Fayth (sayth he) And in this respect, it is most true that Fayth is not alone. But what maner of concludyng an Argument is this.

Liuely Fayth is not alone without Charitie.

Ergo,* 1.212 Not Fayth onely, but coupled with Charitie doth Iustifie.

The Argument that is deriued from thynges setterer by nature, to thynges coupled by nature, concludyng from that which is Secundum quid, ad Simpliciter, is worthely reiected in

the Logicians Schoole, and is called a meére Sophistication. If all thyngs that goe commonly after a certein maner together, & be done together must be coupled & applyed to one and the selfe same operation̄, by this Reason it must come to passe, that he that hath feéte, eyes, and eares, and haue them not by them selues a∣lone, therefore he shalbe supposed to goe not vpon his feéte one∣ly, but to walke vpon his eyes,* 1.213 and to seé with his eares. For the matter goeth none otherwise in Fayth, Hope, and Charitie: which threé heauenly Iewelles albeit be instilled into vs by the freé liberalitie of God with Remission of Sinnes, and cleaue fast within one subiect: yet euery of them are distinguished by their seuerall properties and functions notwithstandyng. As for Example.* 1.214 If a question be demaunded, what thyng it is that doth Iustifie vs in the sight of God, and obteine vs euerlastyng lyfe? I doe aunswere: that it is Fayth, yea and Fayth onely: If you demaunde by what meanes? I do aunswere, through Ie∣sus Christ the Mediatour. Agayne if you aske what kynde of Fayth that is? I do aunswere: not an idle, nor a dead Fayth: but a liuely Fayth,* 1.215 and a workyng Fayth. If you will demaunde further by what markes you may be able to discerne a true Fayth from a false Fayth? S. Paule will make aunswere vnto you: The true Fayth is that, which worketh by Charitie. If you will demaunde further yet, what this Fayth worketh? I doe aunswere accordyng to the seuerall properties thereof, two ma∣ner of wayes, namely: Fayth worketh Saluation thorough Christ: and it worketh obedience of the law by Charitie: what? absolute obedience? I doe not thinke so. What then? vnperfect obedience? But such a Fayth must neédes be insufficient to the full measure of absolute righteousnesse and perfect felicity. And where is now that excellent integritie of lyfe which doth pur∣chase vs a way into the kyngdome of heauen? where is the effec∣tualnesse of Charitie auayleable to eternall lyfe? where is that solemne Decreé of that Tridentine Coūcell, which doth ascribe the onely begynnyng of our Iustification to Fayth,* 1.216 but maketh the Formall cause thereof onely Charitie, as a certein new kynde of obedience (which they call a righteousnesse cleauyng fast with∣in vs) whereby we are not onely accompted righteous, but be both truely called righteous, and be also truely righteous in

the sight of God. Annexing thereunto a very dreadfull and ter∣rible curse.* 1.217

If any man dare presume to say, that man is iustified ei∣ther by the onely Imputation of Christes Righteousnesse, or by onely Remission of Sinnes, excludyng Grace and Charitie which is poured forth into their hartes by the ho∣ly Ghost, and cleaueth fast within them: or if any man will presume to say, that the Grace, whereby we be Iustified is the onely fauour and mercy of God. Lett him stand accur∣sed. And agayne in the Cannon followyng.* 1.218

If any man dare presume to say,* 1.219 that Iustifiyng Fayth is nothyng els, then a Cōfidence of Gods mercy, forgeuyng Sinnes for Christes sake, or to be that onely affiaūce where∣by we be Iustified, lett hym be holden accursed.

Behold here, learned Reader a notable Decreé of this Coun∣cell: which when these graue Fathers did coyne, may any man dought, but that the Maister of the Familie was a sleépe, when the enuious mā did scatter abroad darnell emongest his wheate?* 1.220 They doe discourse and determine vpon Iustification, but none otherwise then as they might argue in Aristotles schoole, about naturall causes, or powers of the soule. For how much more nycely could Aristotle him selfe the Prince of the Peripa∣teticall Schoole dispute, if he hadd accōpanyed them, and deba∣tyng this cause together with that Ghostly Councell, then Oso∣rius and the Tridentine Deuines did Philosophically dispute of the formall cause of Iustification? which consideration of doc∣trine if must be holden for an infallible foundation, then lett vs be bold, and blush not to roote out withall, the whole natiue and essentiall substaunce of all mysticall Diuinitie, and lett vs ra••e out the very foundations of all our Religion. For if the state of our Saluation be come to this passe, that it must be established by merites, & not by freé Imputation onely: where then is that righteousnesse, which is called the righteousnesse of Fayth? the force and power whereof is so highely and often aduaunced by Paule, what shall become of the difference betwixt the law and the Gospell? which if be not obserued very diligently, we shall wander and straggle blindely in the course of the Scriptures, none otherwise then as wantes and rearemyce at the bright

beames of the cleare Sunne? Moreouer what shall become of that Antithesis of Paule betwixt the righteousnesse of the law and Fayth? betwixt grace and merite? what shall become of all that excluding of glorious boastyng vpon workes? where is that Fayth Imputed to Abraham for righteousnesse? Moreouer how shall this saying of Paule agreé with these Tridentine Lawge∣uers? to witte.* 1.221 Not to him that worketh, but vnto him that belee∣ueth on him that doth Iustifie the wicked & Sinner, Fayth is impu∣ted for righteousnesse. Moreouer what shall become of those ex∣ceptiue, & exclusiue sentēces of S. Paule? wherein all the consi∣deration of our Saluation beyng taken away from confidence in workes, is ascribed wholy to Imputation? Finally what shall become of all those sweét and most amiable promises of God? if according to the rule of this doctrine, we shalbe excluded from our assurednesse of Saluation and Gods freé imputation?

* 1.222We do heare the Lord promising in the Gospell. When you haue lifted vpp the Sonne of man on high, I will draw all things vn∣to my selfe. And how cann this be true, if all assurednesse must be attributed to merites according to the Tridētines? Not so sim∣ply to merits, say they, but we do couple Grace therewith which grace because is not receiued, but through the merites of Christ, herefore there it commeth to passe, y^t the merite of Christ is so farr forth effectuall to vs in the worke of our saluation as God doth powre into vs the measure of his grace, to worke well. O notable Deuines. But goe to, that I may the better aunswere them, may I be so bold to demaund a question or two touching Abraham? whose workes if we behold, what thing coulde be more holy?* 1.223 If we respect the vprightnes of his life, what was more excellent? if we regard the grace of his sanctificatiō and re∣nouaciō, where was it euer more plētifull in any man? And now lett vs heare the iudgement of S. Paule concerning all those so manifold and wonderfull workes.

For if Abraham haue anye thing, whereupon he may glory (sayth he) he hath it in respect of mē but not of God.

What? where the most excellent workes of Abra∣ham are nothing worth, shall our most filthy workes be auayle∣ables.

Lett vs haue recourse to the first creation of mankinde and lett vs call to remembraunce the auncient age of our first Pa∣rent

Adam: who alone tasting of the forbidden fruite,* 1.224 did he not withall difile all his posterity with that one onely morsell? And by what reason I pray you? surely not by way of participation of his offence, but by way of propagation vnto the posterity. In this Tipe of Adam, lett vs behold the thing signified aunswere∣able to the Type: And by Adam lett vs consider Christ: who one∣ly & alone being found obedient, did by this his owne onely obe∣dience purchase life euerlasting for all his posteritye, not by any partaking of his obediēce, but by propagatiō in y^e posterity one∣ly: namely by faith onely, which faith doth onely and alone begett vs vnto Christ.

Take an other Argument of the same doctrine, out of an o∣ther Type.

Euen as in olde time to the Israelites was externall health of bo∣dy geuen by the beholding of the brasen Serpent:* 1.225 so likewise to vs is graūted internall health of soule through Iesu Christ.

The Israelites were healed by the onely view of their eies.

Ergo, We are iustified also by fayth in Christ onely.

Hereunto may be annexed an other Argument as forcible as any of the rest taken out of Saynct Paule, whereunto what aunswere Osorius will make I would wish him to be very well aduised.* 1.226

We are made the righteousnes of God through Christ, by the ve∣ry same reason, whereby Christ was made sinne for vs.

But Christ was not made sinne, but by Imputation onely:

Ergo, Neither are we made righteous in the sight of God but by Imputation onely.

Hytherto in the behalfe of righteousnes of fayth, out of S. Paule to the Roma. Now let vs encounter Saynct Paule with an argument of the Romanists: which they do knitt together for the mayntenaunce of righteousnesse by workes, arguing in this maner forsooth.

¶Osorius Argument out of the Tridentine councell.* 1.227

There is no iustification without the sanctification and renouation of the inward man.

Sanctification and Renouation consisteth in holy actiōs and workes.

Ergo, Iustification consisteth in good workes, and not in fayth onely.

This Captious Sophistication can no man better aūswere then Augustine:* 1.228 Good workes do not goe before in the worke of iustification, but followe iustification. If workes doe followe, how doe they goe together then? If workes must be ioyned together with fayth, how are they reported in Augustine to fol∣low? Now therefore to aunswere the Argument. If the Maior be taken in this sence, that an vnauoydable necessity of coupling and conioyning new obedience must neédes be required in the worke of iustification, as the very cause thereof, so that there be no hope for the vngodly man to be iustified, but by his owne me∣rite and innocency of life,* 1.229 then is the Maior false. But if good workes be sayd to be required as y^e fruites of iustification, & not the cause of iustification, the Maior is true. And it is not to be doughted, but y^t with remissiō of sinnes the freé giftes of the holy ghost are ioyned, who doth beginne and lay the first foundation of renouatiō, & sanctificatiō of life. And yet is it not therfore true, y^t this renouatiō is the thing for y^t which y^e vngodly man is to re∣ceiue remission of sinnes, and to be adopted into euerlasting life.

Moreouer whereas the Tridentine Fathers doe add fur∣ther, that Iustification is not the onely Remission of sinns, but the sanctification and Renouation of the inward man (To speake their owne wordes) through the voluntary recea∣uing of grace and Gods giftes. &c.* 1.230 By what testimony of the Scripture will they proue this to be true? Surely if sinne be the onely thing which did scatter abroad death into the world: which alone doth procure the vengeaunce of God, and make seperatiō betwixt God and men: which alone doth make vs guilty of eter∣nall damnation:* 1.231 which alone forced Christ to suffer death vpon the crosse: Now I beseéch you tell me for the loue of Christ, what thing is iustification els, but a continuall skourging, and sup∣pressing of sinne? Euen as the life and the health of the body is nothing els, but an excluding of death and Sickenesse: Euen so sinne (the reward wherof is death) being vtterly extinct through remission: what remayneth els but life? and sinne being vtterly blotted out, what remayneth els but iustification?

Howbeit neither doe we alleadge this on this wise, as though \

we were ignoraūt, or did deny that sanctifiaction & Renouation, and such godly actions and vertues, which do proceéd from thēce, be the proper and peculiar giftes of Christ, and must be practi∣zed of all godly Christians of very necessity.* 1.232 But this is ••ot the state of the question properly: for the state of the question here doth not consist vpon the direction and gouernement of this pre∣sent life, but of the life to come, & of the cause thereof: not whe∣ther vertuous and godly actions of Christian piety ought to be exercised in this life, but when they be accomplished, whether they be of such valoure in the sight of God, as to be able of them∣selues to deserue saluation, and reconcile God vnto mankinde? and whether vertues or the good workes of them which be rege∣nerate be of such efficacy, as may stand vpright, and coūteruaile the rigorous curse of the law agaynst the iudgement of god, to preserue vs from damnation: and whether in extreame terrours of conscience, man may vndoubtedly, and without feare rest as∣sured vpon workes, when that dreadfull question shalbe demaū∣ded to become the Sonnes of the liuing God, and to deserue the euerlasting inheritaunce of our Father.

In y^t which you seé two maner of questions Osorius: in y^e one whereof we doe easily agreé with you:* 1.233 In the other not we onelye do gaynesay you, but the whole authority of Gods Testament doth determine agaynst you, whereby we be taught that man is not iustified by workes, but by fayth in Iesu Christ. Rom. 3.* 1.234 And that we, whiles we seéke to be iustified by him, are not founde righteous, are not found already endued with excellent integri∣ty, but are found vngodly sinners: so that in this life which we lead in this flesh, we liue none otherwise, then through fayth in the sonne of God, who loued vs, and deliuered himselfe to death for vs. Gala. 2.* 1.235 Let vs note the wordes of the Apostle himselfe: of being found sinners we liue by fayth, howe cann Osorius make it good that we be righteous?* 1.236 but if we be found righteous, howe doth Paule iustify vs to be sinners? but onely because whom this life doth make guilty of death, the same is released by faith of the Sonne of God: not whom he doth finde righteous, but whom he doth make righteous, not by liuing vprightly, but by not imputation of sinne.

Neither is this therefore false, that a godly carefullnesse of

liuyng vertuously is required in the faythfull, which may ex∣clude presumption of sinnyng: but it must be considered after what maner it is required. If you suppose it be requisite to the necessitie of obedience: you say truely: but if you thinke it to be an infallible assuraunce of Saluation and eternall lyfe, there cā be nothyng more false and more damnable: for as much as the same is not obteyned by our owne merites, and deseruynges, but is freély geauen to the vnworthy and vndeserued:* 1.237 and is thē also geauen, whenas we are founde Sinners: so that in this whole worke, the mercy of the Lord doth beare the whole and full prayse and palme, not our workes, which do but folow Gods re∣conciliation as fruites, and not make attonement with God. None otherwise then as Osorius, whenas he doth Consecrate, when he doth geaue orders, when he doth weare his Myter, he doth not all these to the ende he would be made a Byshopp: but bycause he was made a Byshopp before, therefore he doth exe∣cute the duties apperteignyng to a Byshopp. And as the Ser∣uauntes of noble men are knowen by their seuerall Badges: but do not weare noble mēs badges bycause they shall become those noble mēs seruauntes. In semblable wise Christian Fayth, al∣beit it worke allwayes by loue, and doth shew a speciall demon∣stration of pure and true Fayth:* 1.238 doth not therefore procure Sal∣uation, bycause it worketh: but bycause it doth beleéue in Christ Iesu, who beyng able alone to geaue that absolute integritie, which is required: for this cause therefore onely Fayth in Christ Iesu doth obteyne our Saluation, not our perfection and inte∣gritie. So that all the whole felicitie of our happy lyfe doth not proceéde from any efficacy or force of our owne worke, but by consideration of the Obiect onely, which is receaued thorough Fayth.

Neither are the endeuours and actions of loue, charitie, and pietie, excluded in this course of transitory obedience (as I haue often declared before) as though by this meanes they should be of any lesse necessitie not to accompany,* 1.239 or not to attend vpon Fayth: Agayne neither are workes so ioyned with Fayth, as though they should exclude Fayth from her dignitie and her pro∣per operation: nor enfeéble or abase the wonderfull riches of the grace of God, which is in Christ Iesu: nor that they should ex∣tinguish

the Glory of Christes Crosse: nor dispoyle afflicted con∣sciences of their heauenly cōsolation, nor should destroy the syn∣ceritie of sounde doctrine which the Apostles haue left vnto vs: which for as much as ascribeth the whole estate of our Salua∣tiō to no one thyng els, then to the onely freé liberalitie and mer∣cy of Christ Iesu: I doe appeale to the secrett Iudgementes of all the godly, whether the opinion of them be better, which doe establish their sauetie in Fayth onely: or of Osorius, which doth measure all our assuraunce and confidence of Saluation, by the onely Rule of our owne righteousnes? and who doth affirme that Fayth onely,* 1.240 is onely rash temeritie. Truely if the Spirite of the Lord could not disgest those Laodiceans, which beyng droū∣ken with vayne persuasion of their owne righteousnesse, hadd not any feélyng or perseueraunce of their owne vgly deformitie and filthy barraynesse: It may easily be coniectured, what we may determine of the hawty spirite of this Portingall Deuine, and of all his Diuinitie.

Wherefore in that you seéme so inwardly carefull for our sauety Osorius, as herein your honest inclination of gentle courtesie towardes vs may not vnthankefully be neglected of vs altogether: Euen so we also in requitall of our good will to∣wardes you, do earnestly exhort and hartely desire you, that ei∣ther you will vouchsafe to instruct vs in the true doctrine of Saluation more wholesomely and purely hereafter, or els that you reteigne still with your selfe this your safety, which you do wish vnto vs, if you can wishe vs no better: and enioy the same to your great comfort as much and as long as you will for euer and euer, world without end.

Amen.

¶ Lett vs pray.

OSorius.* 1.241 I do hartely pray, and beseech the hygh and eternall Lord Iesu Christ, for the loue of his most pre∣cious bloud which was shedd for the Saluation of all man∣kynde, for his woundes, for his bitter passion, for his death, wherewith he dyd vanquish death, for his victory wherein he triumphed ouer the kyngdome of Sathā, that he would vouchsafe to enlighten with the bright beames of his coū∣tenaunce

and deliuer frō all errours this kyngdome which was once a Receptacle of all vertue, Religiō, wisedome, and Iustice, disquieted now by the wicked practises of naugh∣ty packes: & woulde also vouchsafe to reclayme it to the Fayth and vniforme consent of most sacred Religiō, into the aūcient boundes of the Churche, & defend the same with the assistaūce of his holy Spirite, that whereas we are now disagreeyng in opinions, we may be conformed to∣gether at the length in vnitie of one Fayth, and one vni∣forme mynde of most vndoughted Religion, and may at∣tayne together that euerlastyng glory, to the vnspeakea∣ble ioy and Reioysing of all the holy Citizens in heauen. [At the Feast of Easter] Alleluya, Alleluya.

In recompence of this your solemne collect Right Reue∣rend Father? what remayneth at the length, but that we all and euery of vs doe with one mouth, one spirite, and one voyce sing as lowd as we can vnto you? Amen. which being but one word wanting onely to y^e knitting vpp of the prayer, I doe not a little maruaile, why was forgotten of you, vnlesse perhappes because it was skarse a good Latyne word, and neuer foūd in the bookes of Cicero, therefore it was vnworthy to be inserted in this place as not meéte for your fine phrase of Ciceroes Eloquence. Neuerthelesse it is right well yet, that making intercession for vs poore outcast Englishmen, you skippe ouer all other pelting and petty mediatours and aduocates, and haue thought good to call vpon y^e helpe of the most mightye & mercyfull Lord Iesus Christ, without calling for, or inuocating the helpe of any other Gods. Which deuise how well will agreé with the rest of your discourse, I can not well conceaue: for you seéme to pray one way, and to dispute an other way quite contrary: You doe pray as a Lutherane, but you dispute as a Papist. What a contra∣diction is this I pray you, where the Pyper playeth the horne∣pype, and you daunce the Antyck?* 1.242 For if this be true, as we are taught by your example, that we ought to fleé for succour to Christe onely as the most chiefe and highest Soueraigne: and in him onely & alone to repose all our whole shoote ancker of pray∣er & inuocation, without praying to all other perry Saincts, what neéde we then of any other Sollicitours, Patrones, and

Aduocates? But if the estate of our necessitye be such as may not want their ayde and assistaunce, how chaunceth it, that re∣nouncing the necessary helpes of pettygodds and pettygoodes∣ses, intercession is made here onely vnto Christ?

Afterwardes you doe proceade in your whott zealous prayer & doe make intercessiō For his bloods sake that was shed for the saluation of all mankynde, for his woundes sake, for his most bitter passion sake, for his death sake, wherewith he vanquished death, and for his conquest sake wherewith he did tryumph ouer the kingdome of Sathan. &c. In all this you both speake well, and doe well. Stand fast therefore, and be not remoued from your selfe if you can, and graunt that veritye may wringe that perforce from you in the matter, that you can not deny: If his blood were shedd for the saluation of all mankynde as you say: if that vnentreatable rygor of Gods wrath could no be pacyfied with any one thing els besides the blood of the Lambe: from whence then is saluation to be sought on our behalfe? or to whom ought we ascribe our sauetye, but vnto this one onely sacrifice? If we be healed by his woūdes and bitter bloodshedding, with what shamelessenesse dare your Romish pelting Potticaries presume to apply other rottē drug∣ges to our soares? to what purpose serue so many Rosaryes and garlandes of the blessed Uirgine Mary? so many inuoca∣tions of the dead? so many Suffrages of Saints? so many Sta∣tiōs? Iubiles? so many prauncing pilgrimages? so many peéuish pardons? so many Momish Mounckemerytes? so many ragged Churchrelliques? so many vayne vowes of votaryes? so many marketts of Masses? and so many Dolldreanches of dryueling Sacrifices? fynally to what end preuayleth all the pelting pylfe of Popish patcheryes? If it be true, as you doe beare vs in hand, that death is vanquished by the death of Christ, so that now it hath no more interest or tytle in them, or in their lyues which be engraffed in Christ Iesu: wherefore should we Christians be any more afrayd of death, that is swallowed vpp already, vn∣lesse paraduenture your popishe Archprelates with your outra∣gious Trūpetts doe think by blowing winde in his tayle to re∣store him to lyfe agayne, which you doe endeuor dayly & busily in deéde, but all in vayne notwithstāding. But now forasmuch as it is certaine, y^t there be two maner of deathes, thone of the

body,* 1.243 thother of the soule: & whereas also Christ did swallow thē vpp both, namely one by his resurrection, thother by faith: vayne therfore & fruitlesse be all your practises, dryftes, & turmoyles, wherein you promise a conquest of death, which is putt to flight already: Agayne if death be not vanquished, then doth Osor. lye.

The very same may be verified of the kingdome of Sathan, whose whole force sithence is conteyned in the obligation and handwryting of Sinne: sithence also Christ hath victoriously tryumphed allready, both ouer the whole Empyre of Sathan, & ouer all the power of Sinne, as your selfe doe confesse: Why doe you so frett and fume then agaynst Luther and agaynst vs,* 1.244 who doe affirme nothing els then you doe, and who doe call back all thinges to the onely victory and Tryumph of Christ?

Therefore, whereas abandonyng all other intercessors you dyrect your prayer to Christ onely: whereas you doe so highly aduaunce and magnifye the death and conquest of Christ, here∣in hitherto you denounce your selfe a notable Lutherane: Now therefore from henceforth lett vs as briefly consider of what the very thing is in deéde, which you begg so earnestly of Christ: theffect of your request is, that he would vouchsafe to helpe vs wicked English outcastes. And why doe you not craue his ayde as well for your selfe, and for your natiue Countrey of Portin∣gall? what moueth you to pray so deuoutly for England perti∣cularly by name without any mentiō made of your owne Coun∣trey men? I doe suppose veryly, because there is no wicked∣nesse practyzed in that Countrey: there is no sheépe there either infected w^t noysome murrayne, or so tyed by the buttock in bram∣bles and bryars of errors, that it neédeth any ayd of the Shep∣heard. In Portingall groweth no Bruske neither Bryar, no furse, no baggadge, no fearne meéte for fier. Why then reioyce with the holy Phariseé Osorius, and geue harty thankes vnto Almighty God, both for your selfe and for your Countrey, that you be not lyke vnto other men, and especially to that most pesti∣ferous and abiect Nation of England:

Wherein was some∣tyme (as you say) the Princely pallace of vertue, of Religi∣on, of wisedome and of Iustice, but now is tourned vpsi∣downe by the wickednesse of desperate castawayes and is defiled with abhominable errours.

Go to, what be these so foule enormities and so haynous er∣rours for which you keépe so great a coyle? what men be these whom you call desperate abiectes? what Fayth and what kynde of Church is it, whose boundes and limittes we haue raunged ouer? you were now to be demaūded to render a reckonyng of all that your accusatiō particularly & orderly. What neéde that say you? I haue done this sufficiently allready in my former bookes. In deéde so haue you done & I trust you be sufficiētly aunswered also to euery of y^e former forged & false accusations. And so haue we hearde more then enough by you of the outragious haynous∣nesse of our execrable castawayes in our Realme at this present. But in the meane space this notable Rhetorician hath not all this whiles vttered one word so much of the hurly burly that this Childe of perdition hath kept,* 1.245 not in one kyngdome one∣ly, but through the whole state of Christendome, nor telleth vs what a coyle he keépeth dayly: what troubles he procureth, what warres he practizeth, what discorde he scattereth, in what con∣tinuall broyles he hath wallowed these many yeares agaynst the chief Princes & Potētates of y^e world: what monstruous poyson and Botches of erronious doctrine he hath vomited out agaynst the Church, what a floudd of Christian bloud he hath spilte: how many thousand soules he hath bereft of life, for whom Christ suf∣fred his bitter Passion: Finally how he hath tourned all thyngs typsy tyruye: of all these I say, mumme budgett alltogether. For this is a speciall principle of Rhetoricke wherein he is well-beseéne, that if he espye neuer so litle a scabbe in his aduersaries visadge, there shall his nayles be allwayes rakyng: on the other side, if there be neuer so mōstruous a Carbunckle on their owne behalfe whereat the aduersary may take some aduauntage, ei∣ther will him selfe not take any notice of it, or els will he collour it with some prety shift, or wype it away with some crafty con∣ueyaunce and dissimulation.

In the foote of your Orison, you do annex afterwardes, that Christ would vouchsafe with the assistaunce of his Spirite to gather together agayne vs which be now scatteryng and disagreeyng in opiniō, into one vniforme agreemēt of fayth, and within the boundes and limittes of his Church whereby we alltogether may attayne euerlastyng glory to

the singuler ioye and reioysing of all the holy company of heauen. To aunswere this your petition briefly: Doe you bryng to passe accordyng to your dutie first, that it may be law∣full for vs to be associated in your felowshipp with safe cōscience, with sounde Fayth, without manifest impietie and Idolatry, without most haynous blasphemy agaynst the liuyng God, and without present perill of euerlastyng damnation: and beleéue me we are not more willyng to doe any thyng in the world more readyly, then to ioyne with you. What can you craue more Oso∣rius? But if this request can not be brought to passe, nor obtey∣ned of you, to witte, that you abandonne out of your Church I∣dolles and prophane worshyppynges: nor will yeld to a refor∣mation of your filthy errours, and corruptions of Religion, ac∣cordyng to the true touchestone of sacred Scripture: that the same confuse licentiousnesse of vncleane single lyfe, croochyng and kneélyng to Images, and greédy gaddyng to the Reliques of the deadd more then Heathenish may be vtterly banished: that your breadworshypp & Imageworshypp, your prophane abuse of the Lordes Supper, your false packettes of Pardons, eare whisperyngs, satisfactions, & merite meritorious, and other vn∣measurable monsters of your ragged Religion may be altoge∣ther abrogated: If these (I say) so many so horrible botches, and cankers of superstitiō, disceiptes, vntruthes, patcheries and im∣pieties propped vppe in the Church by your filthy ignoraunce, you will not raze and scrape cleane out of the Church of Christ, but haue determined rather to mainteyne and vphold the same more then barbarously with slaughter, bloud, and all maner of sauadge cruelty: nor will as yet yeld to be tryed by any lawfull aucthoritie: but continue vnappeasable agaynst the manifest trueth, and persist vnremoueable in the supportation of your blasphemous Idolatry with vnmercyfull greédynesse: Briefly if you call vs to such a Churche, and to the embracying of such a Fayth, as no Christian faythfull man may by any meanes pro∣fesse, except he will renounce the true Churche of Christ, vn∣lesse he will vtterly denye Christ him selfe and his Fayth, here∣in neither shall it be conuenient for vs to agreé with you, and become partakers of this your horrible bootchery: nor shall it become you to require vs thereunto: moreouer we assuredly

trust that Christ will neuer permitt vs so to do.

I haue aunswered you now as briefly as I could: yet will I speake it somewhat more briefly. If any man dare be so har∣dy to chaunge, to counterfei••t, to peruert the Lawes, Statutes and autentique Monumentes of any earthly Prince, or the Te∣stament of any deadd person, after this sort, as you do Can∣uasse the word of God, no Prince would permitt such a trea∣chery in his Realme, and an hundred Gallowes and Tortures would seéme to litle for so haynous an offence. And what shalbe sayd then to them, who hauyng mangled and made hauocke of the euerlastyng Testament of GOD, whereunto to adde, or to diminishe therefrom any title is not lawfull vpon payne of damnation: who treadyng vnder foote the ordinaunces of the the Lord of Lordes, who hauyng chaunged and counterfayted the fine and pure gold of the sacred Scripture, and coyned vn∣to vs such drosse and ofscombe of Religion, wherein we must be forced to lyue now, not after the Lawes and Ordinaunces of Christ, but after their Decreés and Decretalles: I beseéch you shall it be reasonable for Osorius to allure vs to such a kynde of conformitie? and then after this lyfe to promise vs euerla∣styng glory, to the ioye of all the Company in heauen?

Wherein Osorius doth expresse in deéde a certein glorious presumption, of a courage wonderfully fawnyng vpon his owne dexteritie. Howbeit whatsoeuer sounde this shrill Trum∣pett of Osorius shall noyse forth from out of Portingall, we must neuerthelesse geue our attentyue eare rather to the Trumpett of GOD, and marke diligently whereunto it calleth vs, as the which soundyng vnto vs a farre vnlyke marche, commaundeth vs in any wise not to goe out of Raye, nor to depart from our Auncient and Standarde, vpon a greéuous payne: least we be partakers of their Treason, and be punished with their pla∣gues:* 1.246 And agayne with most cruell manaces threatenyng all such as shall receaue the marke of the Beast, either on the fore∣head or on the hand: to whom he doth promise not euerlastyng glory to the reioysing of all the company of heauen,* 1.247 but the bit∣ter cuppe of Gods euerlastyng wrathe, which is myngled with wyne in the Cuppe of Gods vengeaunce.

And they shalbe tormented (sayth he) with fire and Brimstone in the sight of the

holy Angelles before the face of the Lambe: and the smoake of their Tormentes shall ascende world without ende.

Apocal. 14. Which I doe most humbly and hartely beseéche the most mercyfull Lord that he will tourne farre away from you, and from vs all. And so is both your prayer come to an ende, and our Apologye finished. And so an ende.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Of Re∣liques.
• * 1.2

  The Maun∣ger where∣in Christ was layde.
• * 1.3

  The fore∣skin of Christ.
• * 1.4

  The Altar whereupon Christ was Circumci∣sed.
• * 1.5

  The swath∣ling cloutes and Cradel of Christ.
• * 1.6

  The Piller where vnto Christ did leane when he dispu∣ted in the temple.
• * 1.7

  Water pots
• * 1.8

  The Shoes.
• * 1.9

  The Reli∣ques of Christes bloud.
• * 1.10

  The Tables whereas Christ made his last supper.
• * 1.11

  The bread of the sup∣per.
• * 1.12

  The knife that stucke the pascall Lambe.
• * 1.13

  The Cupp.
• * 1.14

  The platter
• * 1.15

  The towell wherewith Christ did wash his disciples feete.
• * 1.16

  Broken bread.
• * 1.17

  The Reli∣ques of the Crosse.
• * 1.18

  The Title of the Crosse.
• * 1.19

  The Nayles of the Crosse.
• * 1.20

  The Speare head.
• * 1.21

  The crown of Thornes.
• * 1.22

  Christes coate with∣out a seame The Verny¦cle of Ve∣ronica.
• * 1.23

  Christ wyn¦ding sheete
• * 1.24

  The Reede.
• * 1.25

  The Spōge.
• * 1.26

  The xxx. pence.
• * 1.27

  The Grie¦ces in Pilats Iudgement hall.
• * 1.28

  The Crosse which ap∣peared to Constan∣tine in the ayre.
• * 1.29

  The fote∣stepps of Christ vpon the earth.
• * 1.30

  Our Ladies heare.
• * 1.31

  Our Ladies Milke.
• * 1.32

  Our Ladies smocke.
• * 1.33

  Our Ladies kerchiefe.
• * 1.34

  Our Ladies kirtell.
• * 1.35

  Our Ladies girdle.
• * 1.36

  Her slipper.
• * 1.37

  Her Shoe.
• * 1.38

  Her Coam∣bes.
• * 1.39

  The wed∣ding Ring of our hady
• * 1.40

  Iosephes hose and his boanes.
• * 1.41

  Monstruous pictures & Images.
• * 1.42

  Out of A∣lanus Co∣pus, in his Dialogues.
• * 1.43

  The dagger & the buck¦ler of Mi∣chaell.
• * 1.44

  The fea∣thers of the holy ghost.
• * 1.45

  The Coales of S. Lau∣rence.
• * 1.46

  The Reli∣ques of Iohn Bap∣tiste.
• * 1.47

  Diuers scrappes of Iohn Bap∣tistes head in sondry places.
• * 1.48

  His Iawes.
• * 1.49

  A peece of his eare.
• * 1.50

  The whole headd of Saint Iohn at Rome.
• * 1.51

  His Arme.
• * 1.52

  His Finger.
• * 1.53

  His Ashes.
• * 1.54

  His shoe.
• * 1.55

  His heary shyrt.
• * 1.56

  His Altar.
• * 1.57

  A lynnen Cloath.
• * 1.58

  The sword that behed∣ded him.
• * 1.59

  The bodies of Peter & Paule.
• * 1.60

  Peters law.
• * 1.61

  Peters brayne.
• * 1.62

  Peters sl••pper.
• * 1.63

  Peters Chayre and his massing vestmentes.
• * 1.64

  Peters sword.
• * 1.65

  The staffe wherewith he walked.
• * 1.66

  The blocke whereupon he was be∣headed.
• * 1.67

  Sixe bodies of the A∣postles.
• * 1.68

  The cupp of S. Iohn.
• * 1.69

  Anne the Mother of our Lady.
• * 1.70

  Three bo∣dyes of La∣zarus.
• * 1.71

  Mary Mag∣dalen hath two bodyes
• * 1.72

  S. Longius the blinde knight with his speare.
• * 1.73

  Three kings of Colleine
• * 1.74

  S. Denis two bodies.
• * 1.75

  S. Stephens body.
• * 1.76

  His headd.
• * 1.77

  His bones.
• * 1.78

  The Stones wherewith he was Sto∣ned to death.
• * 1.79

  S. Laurence•• body.
• * 1.80

  His Arme.
• * 1.81

  His gredi∣erne.
• * 1.82

  S. Laurence Coales.
• * 1.83

  His coate with long sleeues.
• * 1.84

  The bodies. of Geruase and Prota••¦us.
• * 1.85

  S. Sebastian multiplied into iiij. bodyes.
• * 1.86

  Petronilla the daugh∣ter of Peter
• * 1.87

  S. Susans two bodies.
• * 1.88

  S. Helene
• * 1.89

  Vrsula and the eleuen thousand Virgines.
• * 1.90

  Two bodies of Hyllary.
• * 1.91

  Two bodies of Honora∣tus.
• * 1.92

  Gyles.
• * 1.93

  Simphori∣anes many bodyes.
• * 1.94

  S. Lupus.
• * 1.95

  S. Ferreol.
• * 1.96

  The boanes of Abrahā Isaac and Iacob.
• * 1.97

  August. in in his book de opere Monachorū cap. 28.
• * 1.98

  Osor. pag. 204.
• * 1.99

  Osor. pag. 204.
• * 1.100

  Osor. pag. 205.
• * 1.101

  Osorius pag. 206.
• * 1.102

  Aristotel.
• * 1.103

  Hippoda∣mus Milesius.
• * 1.104

  The princi∣ples and chiefe gro∣undes of the Popish doctrine.
• * 1.105

  The cause of the first b••ildinges of Abbyes in England. Ethelbert King of Kent.
• * 1.106

  Ealbalde sonne of Ethelbert. Anno. 618.
• * 1.107

  Ethelrede kyng of Mercia. Anno. 681. Berthe∣walde.
• * 1.108

  For what cause Mo∣nasteryes were ••rected at the first.
• * 1.109

  Out of the Cronicle of Osberne vpon the lyfe of Dun stane, and out of Mal∣mes b. Ro∣ger Houedē and others.
• * 1.110

  King Edgar
• * 1.111

  Osori. pag. 208.
• * 1.112

  Osor. pag. 208.
• * 1.113

  Osori. doth exclude Princes frō Ecclesiasti∣call gouer∣nement.
• * 1.114

  Chrisost. vpon the 13. to the Romaines.
• * 1.115

  Osor. pag. 208.
• * 1.116

  Osor. pag. 209.
• * 1.117

  How per∣nitious the obedience of the pope hath al∣wayes bene to Christiā Princes.
• * 1.118

  In the yere of our Lord 1404.
• * 1.119

  To much lenitie of Princes to∣wardes the Pope.
• * 1.120

  Tim. 5.
• * 1.121

  Constanti∣nus.
• * 1.122

  Theodosius Lndouicus Pius.
• * 1.123

  Ambrose did enstruct Theodosius the Empe∣ror.
• * 1.124

  Rom. 3.
• * 1.125

  It appertei∣neth to the Ciuill Ma∣gistrate to gouerne ec∣clesiasticall causes.
• * 1.126

  The Triper tite history 1. booke. cap. 5.
• * 1.127

  Socrates lib. 1. cap. 5.
• * 1.128

  Socrates. lib. 5. cap. 10.
• * 1.129

  Action. 2.
• * 1.130

  Iustinian in cap. de Epis∣cop. & Cle••isis.
• * 1.131

  Ierome.
• * 1.132

  Augustine.
• * 1.133

  Chriso∣stome.
• * 1.134

  Paule the Apostle Actes Cap.
• * 1.135

  Osori. pag. 209.
• * 1.136

  Grego. lib. 11. Epist 8. 2. quest. 5.
• * 1.137

  Out of the auncient re∣cordes and Hystoryes of England.
• * 1.138

  AEsopes Crow.
• * 1.139

  Osori. pag. 209.
• * 1.140

  Osori. pag. 209.
• * 1.141

  Osor. pag. 210.
• * 1.142

  Osor. pag. 211.
• * 1.143

  The booke of Wise∣dome the first. chap.
• * 1.144

  Ex plutar∣cho de vi∣tis.
• * 1.145

  The cruelty of the Por∣tingalles a∣gaynst Gar∣diner an Englishe man.
• * 1.146

  ••x Abbat vspergens. Ex staura∣stico. Iohā. Francisci Pici Miran∣dule.
• * 1.147

  Apocal. 19.
• * 1.148

  Osori. pag. 211.
• * 1.149

  The doc∣trine of the Gospell is not now first sprong vpp but is renewed frō out lōg darkenes in to a more freedome of lightsom∣nesse. Apoc. 11.
• * 1.150

  The aūciēt witnesses & professours of the Gos∣pell.
• * 1.151

  Rob. Gros∣tred By••h. of Lyncolne
• * 1.152

  The Gos∣pell of Christ as it is true so is it not newe.
• * 1.153

  What was the chiefe cause and meanes of the Resto∣ring the trueth of the Gospell
• * 1.154

  The Arte of Imprinting was a sin∣guler gift of God.
• * 1.155

  The yeare of Anti∣christ. 666.
• * 1.156

  Osori. pag. 212. 213.
• * 1.157

  Osorius ex∣hortation to Queene Elizabeth.
• * 1.158

  Osor. pag. 211.
• * 1.159

  Pestiferous Councell.
• * 1.160

  The Troi∣ane horse.
• * 1.161

  Osori. pag. 214.
• * 1.162

  In matters of Religion it is more meete to deale with mens cōsci∣ences rather then with Princes on∣ly.
• * 1.163

  Osor. quar∣rell for the Popes Chayre.
• * 1.164

  Osori. pag. 214.
• * 1.165

  Osori. pag. 214.
• * 1.166

  A slaunde∣rous cauil∣lation a∣gaynst Haddon.
• * 1.167

  Why Oso. bookes trea¦ting of Re∣ligion haue no force to perswade.
• * 1.168

  The constā∣cye of Quee¦ne Eliza∣beth in de∣fending Christian Religion.
• * 1.169

  Osor. pag. 214.
• * 1.170

  Osorius re∣proch a∣gainst the Lutherans.
• * 1.171

  The won∣derful pro∣uidence of God in the preseruati∣on of Eliza∣beth our Queene.
• * 1.172

  The tēpest of Queene Maries per∣secution.
• * 1.173

  Apoca. 18.
• * 1.174

  Horace. ser. lib. 2. satir. 3
• * 1.175

  The circum¦cision of the crowne a∣mōgest the Papistes. Osor. pag. 215.
• * 1.176

  Osor. pag. 216.
• * 1.177

  The know∣ledge of the Scriptures doth apper∣teigne to all men in∣differently.
• * 1.178

  1. Tim. 5.
• * 1.179

  Osor. doth build Mem¦phyticall Steeples.
• * 1.180

  In fewe wordes much mat∣ter. In many wordes no∣thing at all.
• * 1.181

  Osor. wry∣tinges dis∣cussed.
• * 1.182

  A recapitu∣lation of all Osorius E∣pistle to the Queene.
• * 1.183

  What doth want in Osorius bookes.
• * 1.184

  Osori. pag. 216.
• * 1.185

  Osori. but a greene soul¦diour.
• * 1.186

  God doth auenge him of the per∣secution of his Gos∣pell.
• * 1.187

  Pag. 216.
• * 1.188

  English Papistes.
• * 1.189

  Osori. pag. 216.
• * 1.190

  Osori. pag. 117.
• * 1.191

  Ausonius.
• * 1.192

  Tit. 3.
• * 1.193

  Osori. pag. 217.
• * 1.194

  Osorius E∣pistle to Queene E∣lizabeth how full it is of slaun∣derous re∣proches.
• * 1.195

  Osori. pag. 217.
• * 1.196

  Antithesis, a figure whereby one contra∣ry is ioyned for an other
• * 1.197

  A Compa∣rison be∣twixt Had∣don and O∣sorius.
• * 1.198

  Osor. pag. 217.
• * 1.199

  Osor. chari∣ty for our sauety.
• * 1.200

  Cicero in his 1. Booke of duetyes.
• * 1.201

  Psal. 140.
• * 1.202

  Osori. care∣full of our sauety.
• * 1.203

  The way to saluatiō af∣ter Osorius Rule.
• * 1.204

  Osor. diui∣nity is Phi∣losophicall.
• * 1.205

  Cicero in the dreame of Scipio.
• * 1.206

  Iohn. 14.
• * 1.207

  Faith is not coupled with Cha∣ritie in the Article of Iustificatiō. Iohn. 6.
• * 1.208

  Actes. 10.
• * 1.209

  Actes. 16.
• * 1.210

  Galath.
• * 1.211

  The Triden tyne Coun∣sayle. Ses. 6. Cap. 7.
• * 1.212

  The fallax from the Diuision to the Con∣iunction.
• * 1.213

  Onely faith worketh Iustificatiō, but is not alone.
• * 1.214

  In what respectes Fayth, hope and Chari∣tie be cou∣pled.
• * 1.215

  What fayth doth worke through loue.
• * 1.216

  A new kynde of o∣bediēce but vnperfect.
• * 1.217

  The for∣mall cause of Iustifica∣tion accor∣dyng to the Triden∣tynes.
• * 1.218

  The Coun∣cell of Tri∣dent. Canō. 11.
• * 1.219

  Canon. 12.
• * 1.220

  Math. 13.
• * 1.221

  Rom. 4.
• * 1.222

  How much the merite of Christes death and passion may auayle vnto vs accor∣ding to the Tridentyne Councell.
• * 1.223

  An Argu∣ment a∣gaynst the Tryden∣tines deri∣ued from Abraham.
• * 1.224

  An Argu∣mēt against the Triden∣tines deri∣ued from the Type of Adam.
• * 1.225

  An Argu∣mēt agaynst the Triden∣tines deri∣ued from the Type of the Brasen Serpent.
• * 1.226

  An Argu∣mēt against the Triden∣tines deri∣ued from S. Paule. 2. Cor. 5.
• * 1.227

  An Argu∣ment of the Tridentine Councell agaynst righteous∣nesse of fayth.
• * 1.228

  An Aun∣swere out of Augu∣stin••.
• * 1.229

  New obe∣dience is not the cause, but the fruite of Iustifica∣tion.
• * 1.230

  The Asser∣tion of the Tridentines confuted.
• * 1.231

  It is proued that Iustifi∣cation in the sight of God, is no∣thing els then the Remission of Sinnes, agaynst the Tridentines
• * 1.232

  The state of the questiō.
• * 1.233

  Two kindes of questions
• * 1.234

  Rom. 3.
• * 1.235

  Galath. 2.
• * 1.236

  To lyue Through fayth.
• * 1.237

  When good workes be necessary.
• * 1.238

  Wherefore fayth onely doth iu∣stify.
• * 1.239

  Fayth wor∣keth by loue, but not as effe∣ctuall to e∣ternall life.
• * 1.240

  Apoca. 3.
• * 1.241

  A Collect. for the king¦dome of England.
• * 1.242

  Onely Christ is to be called vpon as a Mediatour.
• * 1.243

  The death of the body & the soule swallowed by Christ onely.
• * 1.244

  The Con∣quest ouer the Empire of Sathan.
• * 1.245

  2. Thes. 2. The Childe of Perditiō.
• * 1.246

  Apoc. 18.
• * 1.247

  Apocal. 14.