The succession of the bishops of England since the first planting of Christian religion in this island together with the historie of their liues and memorable actions faithfully gathered out of the monuments of antiquity. VVhereunto is prefixed a discourse concerning the first conuersion of our Britaine vnto Christian religion. By Francis Godwin now Bishop of Hereford.

A DISCOVRSE CONCERNING THE first conuersion of this Island of BRITAINE vnto Christian Religion.

CHAP. I.

DIuers yéeres after the ascension of our Sauiour Christ into heauen, his Apostles continued at Ierusalem, as we may perceiue in the story of their * 1.1 Acts. But Iames being slaughtred by the sword of Herod, * 1.2 and Peter appointed vn∣to the like paine (which by the miraculous as∣sistance of God he escaped) being also persecuted of the Iewes with great malice and cruelty;* 1.3 they all (except only Iames, com∣monly called frater Domini, the brother of our Lord, because hée was his néere kinsman, who was left at Ierusalem, as Bishop and Gouernour of that Church) they all (I say) dispersed them∣selues amongst the gentiles. So saith * 1.4 S. Chrysostome, Apostoli praedicauerunt Iudaeis, longo{que} temporis spatio caesi & flagellati in Iudaea manentes; ac demum ab ipsis propulsi, in gentes profecti sunt. And this came to passe (as Baronius * 1.5 probably deduceth) in the second yeare of Claudius the Emp. the year of Christ 44. although there want not some to affirme a 1.6 this, whether separation or dispersing of the Apostles to haue fallen out two yeares later.

Whensoeuer it was, we finde, that Iohn the Euangelist planted himselfe in b 1.7 Asia about Ephesus, remaining there in a manner altogether. Andrew passing through Asia, sowed the séedes of the Gospell amongst the c 1.8 Scythians, the people called Sacae and d 1.9 Sogdiani, and returning into Greece, ended his life in Achaia, by the way preaching vnto the Thracians, Macedo∣nians and Thessalonians, of all which he conuerted great num∣bers vnto the faith of Christ. Thomas trauailed into * 1.10 Parthia, e 1.11 India, Aethiopia, and as farre as the great Island of Taproba∣na, as Nicephorus ∴ 1.12 reporteth. The Indians to this day shew the place * 1.13 of his buriall. Matthew spent his time altogether, for ought I finde in f 1.14 Aethiopia: and so did g 1.15 Matthias. Bartholomew in h 1.16 Armenia, Lycoania, i 1.17 Albania and the hether part ofk 1.18 India; & Iudas Thaddaeus in l 1.19Mesopotamia, Arabia, and Idumaea. Phi∣lip trauailed in the ouer part of Asia, first; and then passing into Scythia, spent afterward much time in France as Isidore hath de∣liuered m 1.20 with some other. Howbeitn 1.21 Baronius wil néeds perswade vs, that Gallia is mistaken for Galatia. If any blinde note out of some obscure Gréeke authour haue deceiued him (as happily it may be) he shall doe well to take notice of that of o 1.22 Ammianus Marcellinus, that saith, Gallos sermone Gr••co Galatai dici solere & Celtas. And thereof we haue a plaine testimony in p 1.23 Theod••ret, that writing of that place of the Apostle, Crescens into Galatia, Sic Gallias appellauit, saith he.

Now whereas it is deliuered plainely by sundry * 1.24 ancient writers, that Brytaine fell in diuision amongst the Apostles (a∣mongst the rest Nicephorus hath these words, Aegyptum & Ly∣b••am ali••s, alues item extremas Oceaniregiones & insulas Britannicas sortitus est.) Of all the 12. I finde mention of thrée onely of the Apostles to haue beene in our Britaine, to wit Peter and Paul (of whom we shall anon intreat by Gods grace), & q 1.25Simon Chana∣naeus, called also Zelotes that S. Hieromr 1.26 deliuereth is somtimes named Iudas) who preached Christ ins 1.27 Persia, Aegypt & t 1.28Africke, passing at last into Britaine, as u 1.29Nicephorus affirmeth together with z 1.30Dorotheus; who also writeth that he was slain and buried in Britaine, and the same is confirmed by the Greeke Martyro∣loge, as Baronius witnesseth.

As for S. Peter, the authour of the 3. conuersions will néeds perswade vs,* 1.31 that he was, as the first Bishop of Rome, also the first founder of our Church. For proofe wherof, he brin∣geth vs 3. testimonies, the waight & validity wherof it shall not be amisse in few words to examin, The first of them is a bare re∣port of Simeon Metaphrastes; of whom, if it be not sufficient for me to say as Melchior Canus doth of Sozomenus, * 1.32 Graeciu sint, & haec natio est, fuit{que} semper, ad mentiendū prōptula; how worthy he is to be credited, let Baronius be the iudge, whose words I may well vse of him in this case, * 1.33 Sicut in alijs multis ibi••se positis errare Metaphrastem ertūc̄est, ita & in his hallucinatū esse constat. And well might hee brand him with this imputation of a no∣table lyer, who in lesse th••n 9. leaues before, he had thrée or foure times confuted & taken napping in so many notorious vntruths.

To leaue him therfore as an authour not worth the regarding, let vs consider the wordes of Innocentius, * 1.34 (if happily they bee his) affirming how that the first Churches of Italy, France, Spaine, Africa, Sicilia and the Ilands that ly betwixt them, were founded by S. Peter, or such as he or his successours had ordai∣ned to the Ministery; whereof if we can conclude any thing in this case, it is that the British churches in the iudgement of Innocentius were founded neither by S. Peter, nor by either his schollers or successours. For it is manifest, that he intending to de••cipher vnto vs the particularity of those Churches, that the Apostle aforesayd had caused to be conuerted to the faith in the West part of the world, hath plainely excluded ours; that is nei∣ther any of those he hath by name set downe, nor any Island ly∣ing betwixt them. If the question had been concerning Sardi∣nia or Corsica, Maioica, Minorca, Malta, or any other Island of the Mediterran sea (of such at least as do lie betwéen Europe and Africke) the conclusion had béene for the Jesuite; but our Bri∣taine lying quite out of the compasse of Innocentius his limi∣tation. I see no meanes to auoyd it, but that thereby we are vt∣terly excluded. For be sides that it is vnlikely, he would haue e∣mitted by name to set down the same, being the most noble & re∣nowmed of all Islands thē known to our world, whē Sicile was not forgotten that cannot make the fifth part of Britain; if he had had any intent to draw vs within the bounds by him pitched, he

would at least haue sayd, insulas{que} adiacentes and not interiacentes.

Now therefore to passe vnto the third testimony, it consi∣steth of certaine words of Gildas,* 1.35 taken out (not of his Epistle de excidio Britanniae, as the Conuersioner falsly quoteth) but out of another discourse intituled Castigatio in Ecclesiasticum ordinem. The words are these. Sedem Petri Apostoli immundis pedibus v∣surpantes, sed merito cupiditatis in Iudae traditoris pestilentem Catho∣dram desidentes. Wherein I sée not any more proofe that S. Peter preached Christ héere, then that Iudas the traytour preached a∣gainst Christ else where, which I suppose is not to be shewen. The meaning of those words for my part I cannot conceiue to be other then this, that in abusing and prophaning so excellent and holy a function, immundis manibus sacra contrectando, they did rather represent and imitate Iudas that betrayed Christ, then Peter and the rest of the Apostles that faithfully preached him.

Besides these before-mentioned testimonies, he offreth vs for proofe a monkish dreame taken out of Alredus Rieuallensis, and the bare assertion of one Gulielmus Eysengrenius a late writer; neither tone nor tother carrying with them any weight at all. A∣gainst all which, I will oppose two reasons, I thinke not so easie to be answered.

The trauailes of the rest of the Apostles, being so diligently and particularly recorded by writers of al sorts (as before I haue related) how is it possible that this so important a worke of S. Peter (not the meanest of the Apostles) should finde mention no where, either in our particular Chronicles, or in the generall sto∣ry of the Church, nor amongst any of the ancient writers, sauing onely at the hands of Metaphrastes, an authour not very anci∣ent (for he liued about the yéere 900.) and moreouer so farre di∣stant from our country (to wit at Constantinople) as he had not any such speciall opportunity to take notice of those antiquities concerning our Church; which so many other men very diligent collectours and excellently learned, dwelling as it were amongst vs, could neuer light vpon?

Againe, whereas all that séeme perswaded of S. Peters com∣ming into this Island (Baronius, Parsons, and the rest) assigne the particular time to be none other than that, when as all Iewes were cōmanded by a publique edict of Claudius the Emp. to de∣part

out of the City of Rome (the which thing is mentioned not only in the Scripture* 1.36, but in many other* 1.37 authors also) Meta∣phrastes (the Conuersioner his chiefe piller) affirmeth, that he failed immediately from Rome into Africke, where he founded the Church of Carthage, and left to gouerne the same Crescens his disciple, departing thence into Alexandria, of which Church he ordained Bishop S. Marke, and then from Alexandria tooke his iourney to Ierusalem. Héerunto accordeth Onuphrius in his notes vpon Platina, that making no mention of any trauaile of S. Peter at that time either Northward or Westward,* 1.38 sayth, Edicto Claudiano quo Iudaei pulsi sunt, Petrus Roma exire coactus, Hi∣esolymam reuersus est. And least we should thinke he might stay there but some short time and then passe westward againe, he ad∣deth, Ibi cōcilio Apostolorū de abrogāda circūcisione, & morti beatissi∣mae virginis interfuit.* 1.39 The same is likewise affirmed by Bellarmin who describeth the trauailes of S. Peter in this sort: Igitur ex Iu∣dea, &c. The 5. yeare after the passion of our Sauiour, Peter tra∣uailed from out of Iury into Syria and setled himselfe at Antio∣chia, continued Bishop of that city allmost 7. yeares. Howbeit we are not to perswade our selues that in all the space he neuer parted from that place; for it is certaine that at that time hée ranged ouer all the countryes adioyning, Pontus, Asia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Bythinia. But the seuenth yeare after hée became Bish. of Antiochia (which was the 13 after the passion of our L.) hée returned to Hierusalem, & béeing there apprehended of Herod was cast into prison in the dayes of swéete bread. Act. 12. But soone after, hée béeing deliuered by the Angell, the same yeare, (which was the 2. of the reigne of Claudius) hée came to Rome fixed now his seate or sea there, and held the same 25. yeares. Yet he remained not all the time at Rome, but after hée had preached 7. yeares there, hée returned to Hierusalem being expulsed out of Rome by Claudius together with all the Iewes that were then in Rome. And then a little after, when therfore (sayth hée) they which were at Antioch, heard how that Peter was come to Ieru∣salem, they sent vnto him Paule and Barnabas, and then was called together the Councell of Ierusalem: but Claudius being dead, Peter returned to Rome and there ended his life. Thus far Bellarmin. These things being considered, and search made

amongst such authors as are without exception; if we affirm that S. Peter was neuer further westward in Europe th••n Italy, I as∣sure my selfe it will neuer bée disprooued.

So, though we should account it a greate glory to our nation, to deriue the pedigrée of our spirituall linage, from so noble and excellent a father as S. Peter; yet reason of the one side, and want of authority on the other, enforceth vs to rest persuaded, that S. Peter neuer saw this Island.

* 1.40Concerning S. Pauls being in our Britayn, the proofes are much more pregnant. In the same chapter where he saith of him∣selfe * 1.41 that he had filled all nations with the Gospell of Christ as farre as Illyricum, he declareth his certayne purpose and deter∣mination of trauayling into Spayne, by twice mentioning the same. And in as much as after his deliuerance out of prison at Rome, in the 5. yeare of Nero, he liued many yeares at liberty; * 1.42I see no reason why we should doubt but that he satisfyed that his so earnest a desire by making a iourney thither and spending some time there. Howbeit our Romanists, not induring to heare of any good to slowe from any other fountayn then their Rome, diuers of them mayntayne stifly that S. Paule neuer per∣fourmed the sayd voyage.

Innocentius Bishop of Rome saith plainly, * 1.43 that none of the Apostles except Peter taught either in Spayne ••r in any other parte of the west. And Thomas * 1.44 Aquinas grounding himselfe vppon the iudgement of Galasius deliuered by Gratian * 1.45 vtterly denyeth the repayre of S. Paule into Spayne. So doth Domini∣cus Soto, * 1.46 yelding for his opinion 2. or 3. very friuolous reasons, whereof one (I remember) is, that no auncient writer euer mentioned that voyage; whereas in déede, in a maner, all the fathers haue as it were with one mouth deliuered and affirmed the same. And some of them there are that so deliuer it, as though withall they would giue vs to vnderstand, that before his re∣turne to Rome, he passed into diuers other countryes, & amongst the rest into our Britain.

Concerning this matter S. Hierom hath these words, Paule the Apostle being called of the L. was powred forth vppon the fate of the whole earth•• that he might preach the Gospell from Ierusalem vnto Illyricom;* 1.47 so that he built not vppon the founda∣tion

of any other, where Christ had heretofore bene preached, but extended his trauailes euen into Spayne, and continued them from the red sea vnto the Ocean, yea euen from one Oce∣an to another, imitating therin his L. God the sunne of righte∣ousnesse of whom we reade, his comming for this from the fur∣thest part of heauen, and his passage vnto the outmost bounds of the ••ame:* 1.48 so as land should sooner fayle Paule, th••n his desire of preaching the Gospell. Thus farre S. Hierom. But Theodoret * 1.49somwhat more plainly to the same purpose •• when Paul, saith he, vppon his appeale being sent to Rome by Festus, was heard, and vppon his hearing acquited and set at liberty; he trauailed into Spayn and making excursion vnto other nations, brought vnto them the light of heauenly doctrine. Againe, Paule (saith he) extended his trauaile•• into Italy •• Spayne, pro••iting also the Islands that ly in the Sea. And lastly, that we may not doubt, in these kind of spéeches (other nations, and, the Islands that ly in the Sea) he had an ayme at our * 1.50Britayn, in another place he sayth playnly and expressly (as I finde it cited by N.D.) that he preached in Britayn. The same séemeth to be confirmed (if hap∣pily he vsed not Poeticalicentia) by Venantius a Christian Poet (yet very auncient) that describing the trauailes of S. Paule,* 1.51 wri∣teth thus of him;

Transiit Oceanum, vel quafac•••• ••••sula portum, Quasque Britannus habet t••r••••s, quaesque vltima Thule.

Furthermore, Sophronius * 1.52 Patriarch of Ierusalem in playn termes deliuereth, that S. Paule was here amongst vs. And one there is * 1.53 (as the conuersioner telleth vs•• for the booke it selfe I confesse could yet neuer sée) that taketh vppon him to set downe the very time of his comming hither, to wit, that it was in the 4. yeare of Nero, and the yeare of Christ 59. wherin it cannot be but he i•• mistaken; for that if it were in the 4. of Nero it could not be Anno Dommini 59. and it séemeth that Paul was called to his answer in the third of Nero his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 49. of Christ, and continued a prisoner (but with some liberty) two yeares after. So it must be Anno Domini 61. and Neronis 5. before he passed either into Spayne or Britayne. And thus much concerning the Apostles, so farre forth as I can finde any likeli∣h••••d, that they were the immediat instruments of our conuer∣ston

by preaching Christ amongst vs, themselues in person.

CHAP II.

* 1.54NOw to descend one steppe lower, vnto the disciples of the Apostles who are mentioned to haue preached héere a∣mongst vs; I find, especially two named, Iosephus of Arimathia that buried the body of our Sauiour, and Aristobulus mentioned Rom. 16. in these words;* 1.55 s••lute those that are of the house of A∣ristobulus. Of this latter, the Romane martyrologe * 1.56 saith, that he was disciple vnto the Apostles (not peculiarly of S. Peter, as the conuersioner makes him) and that cursu praedicationis per acto, Martyrium consummauit Dorotheus * 1.57 & the Gréek martyrologe (as Baronius telleth vs) report furthermore of him, missum esse ad Britannos euangelicae praedicationis causa. All which if it be true (as that he was sent hither by S. Peter, that he preached héer the Go∣spell that he ended his life with Mar••••rdome, and that euen héere (for the conuersioner putteth vs also in minde that he was neuer read to haue returned back agayne) Then must I néedes say that as our first Apostle S. Peter (as he imagineth) was very vn∣fortunate to find so slender mention of his so memorable labours amongst vs; so was this his Chaplain much more vnhappy, that being our proto-mar••i••, none of all our histories or Chrono∣graphers should once dreame of him, when the bookes and dis∣courses written concerning the suffrings of S. Albane (generally reputed our first martyr) are sufficient I wéene to fill a prety li∣brary.

* 1.58For Ioseph of Arimathia, the testimonies of his comming hither and his actions héere, they are so many, so cléere and preg∣nant, as an indifferent man cannot but discerne, that there is somwhat in it, our conuersioner mentioneth them so faintly, and passeth them so sleightly ouer. It shall behooue mée therfore to take a little the more paynes in setting downe y^e particularities of the same.

* 1.59If we will beléeue an ancient manuscript of the Uaticane li∣brary at Rome, mentioned in Baronius; * 1.60 Ioseph of Arimathia was not onely driuen out of Ierusalem at the time of the gene∣rall dispersion of the disciples after the death of Stephen, but also

caryed to the sea side, and there put into a ship or boate without either sterne or tackle, together with Lazarus, Mary Magdalen, Martha, and others, and so turned loose into the sea; where they were protected by the powerfull goodnesse of God from the daun∣ger of drowning, and brought safe vnto Marseilles in Fraunce, whence (saith this author) Ioseph sayled into Britayn and there ended his life.

The occasion of which his Iourney hither, Freculphus Bi∣shop of Lexouia that flourished A. 840. reporteth to be this, * 1.61 that when Philip the Apostle (or as some thinke rather the Euangelist: for their actions are much confounded in histories) preaching Christ in Fraunce, had much to doe with the Druides who had their beginning and cheife Doctors in Britayn, in so much as no man was estéemed his crafts master amongst them, that had not spent some time there, as Caesar * 1.62 witnesseth; and vnderstanding that this our Island was seperated from Fraunce by a small cut of a few houres sayle: He thought good to send ouer hither 12. preachers, the chiefe whereof was Ioseph afore sayd; the which ariuing here the yeare of Christ 63. did their best indeuour for the conuersion of our Britaynes to the faith. The place where they principally setled themselues, was euen there where Gla∣stonbury now standeth néere Welles, which being at that time & long after, an Island all compassed about with lakes and standing water, was giuen vnto them by the King of those parts; beside w^t 2. other Kings after him (as our histories moreouer reporte) gaue vnto each of those 12. a hyde of land, which now we commonly terme a plow land, in the country néere adioyning, and they are named to this day the 12. hydes of Glastonbury.

In this Island (then called Auallon) Ioseph and his fellowes found meanes to build a Church or Chappell, and were the first beginners of that famous & auncient monastery there yet partly standing, in which Ioseph, after the course of his life finished an. 76. and was buried,* 1.63 as Bale grounding vppon the testimony of other more auncient hath deliuered.

For the further credite of this history, because our conuers••o∣ner is not disposed to take notice of any testimony therof (except tradition) aboue 200. yeares old; beside the authority of Frecul∣phus, & the manuscript of the Vaticane library before mentioned,

it is wholly witnessed by W. of Malmsbury that liued 400. yeres since,* 1.64 as also * 1.65 Patricius, the second (if not the first) Bishop of the Scots or Irishmen, who hauing preached vnto them the space of 40. yeares, and perceiuing his end to approch; returned to this monastery (in which before that, he had led a Monasticall life 30. yeares) and dying at the age 122. Anno Domini 491. was buried in the same, as partly * 1.66 W. Malmesbury & partly ∴ 1.67 other haue deliuered. The same, Augustin the first Archbishop of Can∣terbury séemeth partly to confirme in an Epistle to S. Grego∣ry as I finde it cited by the author of the booke entituled. Anti∣quitates Britannicae. Est in consinio occidentalis Britanniae, quaedā rega∣lis Insula antiquo vocabulo Glascon nuncupata, latis locorum dimensa sinibus, piscosis aquis, stag••eis circundata sluminibus & plurimis huma∣nae indigentiae vsibus apta, sacrisque (quod maximum est) dedicata mu∣neribus. In ea siquidem primi Catholicae legis neophytae, Ecclesiam, nulla hommum arte constructam (vt ferunt) imo humanae salutia Deo paratam repererunt. In the west part of Britayn (sayth he) there is a certayne royall Island, called of olde by the name of Glascon large in circuit, compassed about with lakes and waters plenti∣fully abounding with fish, and furnished with most things requi∣site for mans vse, and (which is the speciall thing) dedicated to holy vses. For in it the first nouices of Christian religion found a Church, not built by the hand of man, but prouided by God himselfe for the saluation of men. These are the words of Aug. wherein although (for what cause I know not) he name not Io∣seph; yet the place, the persons in generall, and the matter hée sufficiently acknowledgeth.

Againe, the charters are extant of King Henry the second, that died 420. yeares since, wherin passing certaine grants vnto that Monastery, he affirmeth, it was founded by the desciples of our Sauiour, meaning perhaps, together with Ioseph, Simon Zelo∣••es, whom some thinke to haue béene one of his companions. The words of Iohn Stow to this purpose I thinke not amisse heere to insert.* 1.68 K. Henrie the second (saith he) hauing diligently perused diuers priuiledges and charters which were presented and read vnto him, not onely of William the first, William the second and Henrie the first his grandfather; but also the charters of the Princes his predecessours of more ancient time, to wit of

Edgar, Edmund, Edward, Elfred, Bringwalthius, Kenthwin, Bal∣dred, Ina, Arthur and that noble man Cudred, and many other Christian Kings beside, also of Kenswalla sometine a Heathen and Pagan King, concerning the house of Glastonbury; found, that in some of those charters it is called the mother of Saints, of some other, the graue of the Saints; and that the sayd place was first builded euen by the very disciples of Christ themselues and by them dedicated to our Lord, as the first place which he chose to himselfe in this Realme. All which so to be, the foresayd King Henrie established by his Charter, which Charter (sayth Stow) my selfe haue seene and read. To these testimonies let me adde an ancient inscription engrauen in brasse, heeretofore fixed vpon a pill••r of S. Iosephs chappell before mentioned, re∣maining in the custody of Th. Hughes of Welles Esquier, which myselfe haue lately read: and this it is (good and bad altogether) word for word.

Anno post passionem domini 30.12. sancti (ex quibus Ioseph ab Arimathia primus erat) huc venerunt, qui Ecclesiam huius regni pr••∣mam in hoc loco construxerunt, quam Christus in honorem suae matris, & locum pro eorum sepultura presentialiter dedicauit, sancto Dauid Meneuensiū Archiepiscopo hoc testante, cui Dominus Ecclesiam illam dedicare disponenti, in somnis apparuit, & eum à proposito reuocauit, nec non insignum quod ipse Dominus Ecclesiam ipsam primies cum coe∣miterio dedicarat,* 1.69 manum Episcopi digito perforauit, & sic perforata multis videntibus in crastino apparuit. Postea vero idem Episcopus Domino reuelante ex sanctoris numero in eadē crescente, quendā cancel∣lū in orientali parte huic Ecclesia adiecit & in honore beatae virginis consecrauit, cuius altare inestimabili sapphiro in perpetuam huius rei memoriam insigniuit; & ne locus aut quantitas prioris Ecclesiae per tales augmentationes obliuioni tradatur, erigitur haec columna, in linea, per duos orientales angulos eiusdem Ecclesiae, versus meridiem protracta & pradictū cancellū ab ea abscindente: Et erat eius longitudo ab illa linea versus occidentē 90, pedū, latitudo vero eius 26. pedum, distantia centriistius columne à puncto medio inter praedictos angulos 48 pedum. That is, In the thirty and one yeare after the passion of our Sa∣uiour, twelue holy men (of whom Ioseph of Arimathia was chiefe) came hither, and built héere the first Church that euer was built in the Kingdome &c.

What should I speake of writers of later time? Io. Capgraue (whom N.D. worthily calleth a learned man) in that Catalogue of his English Saints,* 1.70 which (amongst many other better workes) we finde written by him, he (I say) liuing euen almost 200. yeare since, affirmeth confidently this story. So doth Geor∣gius Maior,* 1.71 adding, that by Ioseph of Arimathia, Euangelij lucer∣na primum in Britannia accensa est. Harding acknowledgeth it an old tradition,* 1.72 that the faith of Christ was first brought hither by Ioseph and his fellowes.* 1.73 And D. Sanders, a man of no small reckoning amongst his consorts, to the same purpose hath these words, Britannos, ad sidem Christi primus conuertisse, primam{que} ec∣clesiam in illa natione erexisse perhibetur Iosephus ab Arimathaea. By which words, not onely S. Paul, but S. Peter also, and his legate Aristobulus, are manifestly excluded.

Sée now the indifferency of our conuersioner, whom such a rotten twine thred as Metaphrastes could draw into a con∣ceipt of S. Peters preaching héere, when in the behalfe of Io∣seph of Arimathia, so mayn strong cables cannot serue the turne, and all because he had not taken Rome in his way betwéene this and Ierusalem; or rather (happily I may say) because he taught not the same doctrine nor instituted the same discipline which since the church of Rome hath maintained. For it is manifest, that in a manner all the Churches of Ireland, Scotland & Wales, differed in many * 1.74 things from the practise of the Roman Church at the time of the comming of Augustine into this land and long after. Yea in Ireland almost 600. yeares after, diuers particulars we may find noted by ∴ 1.75 Giraldus, (as about the maner of their fasting, the marriage of their Clergy men, and other points of their discipline) wherein they were more conforme vnto the Gréeke Church then the Latine.

But the generall vsage of celebrating Easter after the maner of the Easterne* 1.76 Churches,* 1.77 so costa••ntly (I will not say obstinate∣ly) reta••ned of them, argueth plainly how that from thence came their first teachers and instructers in Christian religion. That by some heretique the sayd custom should be brought in after the Gospell planted, hath no likelihood. Doctrine is much more ea∣sie to bee corrupted then discipline: the one is done, paulatim, by little and little, in corners, worketh most commonly vppon

the ignorant and weakest minds, and is carried in silence till it become great as it were vnawares. But in discipline once established, there cannot bée the least alteration sine strepitu; none so simple but they take notice of it; and the wisest sort di∣scerne, that it is much better to indure some inconuenience in that kinde, then to hazard the danger of change by innouation.

Now although the contrary cannot appeare, but that Damia¦nus and Faganus, first, and after them Germanus and Lupus might endeauour the alteration of this vsage concerning the ob∣seruation of Easter, and we neuer heare any thing of the same; yet it is very probable, hauing their hands full enough otherwise, the matter being of no great importance, they would rather leaue it vnstirred, then by dealing with too many things at once, hazard the whole successe of their enterprise.

Neither is there any likelihood they could easily ha••e preuai∣led, if they had attempted any such innouation: Well they might haue expected from our Countrymen, this answer of their moti∣on out of Gratian, which in effect was afterward shaped vnto Augustine and his followers: Ridiculum est & satis abhominabile dedecus,* 1.78 vt traditiones quas antiquitus à patrib. suscepimus infringi patiamur. Or else this of S. Augustine, In his rebus de quibus nihil certistatuit diuina Scriptura,* 1.79 mos populi Dei & instituta maiorum pro lege tuenda sunt: Or lasty thus with S. Hierom, Traditiones ec∣clesiasticae, praesertim quae fidei non officiant,* 1.80 ita obseruandae vt à ma∣ioribus traditae sunt, nec aliorum consuetudo aliorum contrario mo∣re subuertenda.

It could not be denied vnto them, that the Churches of Asia founded by S. Iohn had béene wont to hold their Easter the fourtéenth day of the moone:* 1.81 yea and much deale did at that present, celebrating it after the same manner that our Scots and Britaines did; neither could Wilfride deny the same in the so∣lemne disputation held about that matter at Strenaeshalch (now called Whitby in Yorke-shire) mencioned by Beda. Nay rather it is to be thought,* 1.82 that the sayd order of celebrating that feast, was established by all or many of the Apostles in the counsell of Ierusalem aforementioned; when, euen as bloud and things strangled were forbidden vnto Christians, so happily this feast might be instituted in sort as aforesayd; al sending vnto one and

the selfe same end mentioned by S. Augustine in these wordes. * 1.83 Etsi hoc tunc Apostol•• praecepera••t, vt ab animalium sanguine abstine∣rent Christiani, ne praefocatis carnib. vescerentur; eligisse mihi viden∣tur pro tempore rem facilem,* 1.84 & nequaquam obseruantib. oner••sam, in quacum Israelitis etiam gentes, propter angularem illum lapidem duos parietes in se condentem, aliquid communiter obseruarent simul & ad∣monerentur, in ipsa arca Noe quando Deus hoc iussit, ecclesiam omnium gentium suisse praefiguratam, cuius facti prophetia, iam gentibus ad ••idem accedentibus, incipiebat impleri. Howbeit I will not deny, but the cause of all these things ceassing, these effects might then well haue receiued alteration, as they now haue done, and did for the most part in the time of S. Aug. who after a few wordes, addeth as followeth; Vbi ecclesia gentium talis effecta ••st vt in canul∣lus carnalis Israelita appare••t, quis iam hoc Christianus obseruet, vt turdos vel minutiores auiculas non attingat, nisi quarum sanguis effusus est, au•• l••porem non edat, simanu a ceruice percussus, nullo cruento vul∣nere occisus est? Et qui forte pauci adhuc tangeri ista formidant, a caete∣ris irridentur. And therefore, howsoeuer that Easterne custome was well altered;* 1.85 yet hauing a good ground of institution at the first, and so long a time of continuance; our Britans had no rea∣son ouer rashly to leaue it, nor the preachers before mentioned to trouble themselues about so difficult a péece of worke, hauing matters to deale in of farre greater waight, and more easie to manage; although (as before I sayd) well it may be, they endea∣uoured somewhat in that kinde, which none of our writers haue recorded.

As for the first beginning of that vsage héere amongst vs, First, it is manifest that it was not nuperrima exorta, no nouelty lately sprung vp,* 1.86 howsoeuer Honorius the Bishop of Rome (who sée∣meth to say so in Beda) might be falsly enformed; séeing it appea∣reth by the allegation of Colman, not denyed by the aduerse party, that it was practised by Columba and his successors for the space of 70. yeares before the time of the conference men∣tioned in the sayd Beda, and how long before that by other, no man is able to say. And theerefore except our aduersaries can shew vs when and where it was brought in other wise, we haue no reason but to thinke that it had his beginning amongst vs to∣gether with Christian religion it selfe.

In this point how the conuersioner behaueth himselfe, how bustly he searcheth and how gréedily he maketh aduantage of the least hold he can get, it is a world to sée. One while he will make Pelagius the heretique authour or that kinde of obseruation, or else his fellow Celestius; Another while, he sayes the Britons fell vpon it he can not tell how; and lastly he thinketh it probable that it was imparted vnto them by the Scottish nation of Ire∣land, or of the Isles Hebrides. Marry how they should come by it he cannot tel without the helpe of two or thrée peraduentures.

If Pelagius or his fellow had béen authour of such an innoua∣tion, how can we thinke it possible that they which write a∣gainst him should neuer mention the same, or that it should not be condemned amongst other their heresies?

As for the conceipt of our deriuing that vsage from the Scots, it had béene much more probable to haue affirmed, that they had re∣ceiued it from vs. Palladius was not the first preacher of Christ in Scotland, as many make him. For if Christian religion were generally receiued i•• this Island, in long before the time of Pal∣ladius, as by many testimonyes out of authours without excep∣tion it shall be prooued; how could Scotland so great a part of the same remaine still in the darkenesse of ignorance and Idolatry? And Ireland has vndoubtedly for his first Apostle, Patrike, a student of that worthy colledge of Auallon or Glastonburie. So that we must say and maintaine, Ioseph of Arimathaea the disci∣ple of our Saui••ur, first brought vnto this Island the light of the Gospell (if happily by some of the Apostles some kinde of foun∣dation were not layd before his comming) and that by his schol∣lers and successours the doctrine and discipline by him taught, was deliuered vnto the Scottish nation, of Scotland first, and of Ireland afterward: for both those people of old were called Scots. All these things are deliuered either by our aduersaries them∣selues or by authours approoued by them, as hath béene partly shewed héeretofore, and heereafter by Gods grace more at la••ge shal be.

In the meane time before I end this chapter,* 1.87 I thinke it not amisse to remember, how that Nauclerus deliuereth, Timothie, to whom Paul writ his Epistles, to haue preached the Gospell vnto King Lucius, and that he conuerted him and his people.

But because amongst so many as write the history of K. Lucius there is no one that I haue met withal, who ioyneth with him in this report, and the times of their ayes agrée not; I passe it ouer as a matter very vnlikely if not impossible to be true, and there∣fore, vnworthy further regard.

CHAP. III.

IT séemeth that Ioseph and his fellowes prou••••led little by their preaching, and therfore gaue themselues at last vnto •• mo••asticall and solitary life in the Island of Auallon before men∣tioned. Yet it séemeth also, by some, rather likelyhoods, and pro∣bable coniectures th••n cléere testimonyes, that our Britayne a∣bout these times brought forth ••iners Christians, as namely a∣mongst the rest, Claudia Ruffina,* 1.88 a noble British lady, wife (as it is deliuered) vnto one Rufus Pudens a Senator of Rome whom S. Paule is thought to haue mentioned in these words,* 1.89 Eubulus, Pudens, Linus, Claudia, and all the brethren salute thée. And the same Lady it was (as diuers of our writers take vppon them to prono••nce,* 1.90 and surely not without greate probability) whom Martial. the Poete so greatly praysed for her beauty and vertues in these verses following,* 1.91

Claudia caeruleis cùm fit Rufina Britannis * 1.92Edita, our Latiae pectora plebis habet? Quale decus formae? Romana••, credere matres Italides possunt; Atthides esse suam: Dij be••e quod sancto peperit foecunda marit•• Quot sperat generos, quotque puella nurus. Si place at superis vt coniuge gaudeat vno, Et semper natis gaudeat illatribus.

Whether it were one and the same woman that S. Paule so men∣tioned and Martial in these verses praysed, and whether she were mother to Praxedes and Pudentiana two famous and god∣ly virgins, I will not stande to dispute, as being little to the pur∣pose we ha••e in hand: Only this I say, that these things are affirmed, but whether vpon sufficient ground or no, I thinke it scarce worth the doing to examine.

That her husbands name was Pudens, vnto whome Martials

Epigram hath relation, it may appeare by another Epigram written as an Epithalamium by the same Poet at the time of their mariage beginning thus,

Claudia Rufe meo ••ubet peregrina Pudenti &c.* 1.93

Which also persuadeth me that neither she nor her husband could be the first intertainers of the Apostles in Rome (as by an ••utworne tradition the conuersioner goeth about to prooue) being maried yong (so the Epigram purporteth) and that as it semeth in the beginning of Domitian; except happily the said Epigram (as often it falleth out in those cases) were made long before it was published, or some time after their mariage. Againe, that the same Pudens was a Christian, we haue a greate presumption in the former Epigram, where for his v••rtuous ca∣riage hée calleth him sanctus maritus; but greater in another of the same Martial, wherin he yéeldeth him thanks for persuading him to amend his writings that for obscenity and lasciuiousnesse are in déede not to bée indured by Christian cares; And this it is,* 1.94

Cogis me calamo, manisque nostra Emendare meos Pudens libellos. O quàm me nimiùm probas amasque Qui vis archetypas habere nugas.

To write therfore that which for mine own part I am persua∣ded to be the truth in this matter; I should coniecture, first, the a∣foresaide tradition to be vtterly vaine and vntrue: Secondly, that Pudens and Claudia were two young persons, but faithfull Christians, and at that time vnmaried when S. Paul writ the second Epistle vnto Titus, which was in the last yeare of Nero, as all men suppose that I haue read except Baronius: Then that their religion was a meanes which did conciliare nuptias, did worke their coniunction in mariage; for (as S. Bernard saith) amor spiritualis citò transit in carualem, if happily we may call that carnall loue which aimeth but at holy Matrimony: And lastly, that they were maried in the latter end of Vespasian, or about the beginning of Domitian, & continued together til the raigne of Nerua, vnder whom (if not sooner) it is euident that his 11. booke of Epigrams was published: Which being from the time we ••••nde that couple first mentioned by S. Paule some 26. yeares,

Claudia might well bée a comely matrone about 40. yeares of age (what if it were 50.) when Martiall praysed her beauty in his last Epigram; which happily might bée written some yeares sooner, when her beauty was more fresh then now, though now then fresh in memory.

* 1.95Well howsoeuer it was with them, of these times we speak of I doubt not we may vse the words of Cassiodorus concerning a later age: Superstite adhuc Constantio, &c. Constantius (Chlorus) yet raigning it was not counted vnlawfull (saith hée) for those to be Christians that dwelt beyond Italy and Fraunce,* 1.96 as in Bri∣taine or néere the Pireney mountaines and so to the Western Ocean. Wherby vndoubtedly it came to passe, that many profes∣sing Christ, not daring to abide néere vnto the heart of the Em∣pire (as in Italy, Fraunce or some other of the néerest prouinces) made choice of our Britayne & some other remote places (though then very barbarous) where to leade their liues in such sort, as they might enioy liberty of conscience.

In the number of these, I may well suppose A. Rufus Pudens before mentioned to be one, who after the time of his mariage, trauailed to these Northern parts of the world as it is playne by these verses following

* 1.97Cernere Parrhasios dum te iuuat Aule Triones Cominus & Schythicisydera ferre poli, O quam penè tibi Stygias ego raptus ad vndas Elysiae vidi nubila fusca plagae? Quamuis lassa tuos quaerebant lumina vultus Atque erat in gelido plurimus ore Pudens. Si mihi lanificae ducunt non pulla sorores, Stamina, nec surdos nox habet ista Deos; Sospite me sospes, latias reueheris ad vrbes Et referes pilipraemia clarus eques.

By meanes of these kind, of men (adding their helps vnto the successors of Ioseph and his disciples) I suppose it came to passe that Lucius a King of this country,* 1.98 was drawen to a liking of Christian religion: Concerning whose conuersion, I will ende∣uour to set downe, first the causes, secondly the manner, and thirdly the sequell and effect of the same.

For the causes, besides them aboue mentioned I finde an∣other

touched in Galf. Monumethensis, where hée saith Sernaue∣rant mentem eius miracula quae tyrones Christi per diuersas nationes faciebant.* 1.99 Hée became well inclined through the miracles which were reported to be wrought by the souldiers of Christ in diuers countryes.

The same motiue it was, that wrought in M. Aurelius the Emp: if not a fauourable affection toward Christians, yet a stay of their persecutions, when that, raine was procured for his thirsting host by the prayers of Christians, with thunder and lightning that destroyed the enemies; for which cause he not only honoured the legion which consisted of them with the name of Thaumaturgus (as you would say the lightning legion) but also gaue streight charge vpon payne of death throughout all his Empire,* 1.100 that no man should dare to accuse any Christian for his religion. So hath Tertulliam, and out of him Eusebius, deli∣uered.

This (saith Baronius) was declared vnto Lucius by the Em∣perors Embassadour,* 1.101 who also shewed him, how greate num∣bers were dayly conuerted vnto Christ euen in the city of Rome and that not of the meanest sort; two senators of greate account (Trebellius and Pertinax) being of that number.

All this notwithstanding, these séedes of the Gospell had pro∣ued but badly (we may suppose) had not God as it were made way for their growth, by pulling vp the wéedes of that so long continued superstition of the Druides. Augustus * 1.102 the Emperour hauing forbidden vnto the Romanes only the excercise of that religion,* 1.103 Tiberius afterward vnto the Frenchmen; Claudius his next successor saue one about the yeare of Christ 50. (as much as in him lay) quite abolished the same. So Suetonius witnesseth But a short space could not extirpate a superstition that had taken so déepe roote.* 1.104

It continued therfore, notwithstanding all the Romanes could do, till about these times. For Pliny speaking of it some 50. yeares after the death of Claudius,* 1.105 vseth these words, Britannia hodie que eam attonite celebratt Antis ceremonijs, vt dedisse Persis vide∣ri possit. The Britaynes to this day doe vse and follow it, with such admiration and so many ceremonies, as though they had first taught it vnto the Persians. But Marcus Antonius a ver∣tuous

prince, not induring the barbarity of that superstition, by his publique edict vtterly at last suppressed & abolished the same; So I finde deliuered by some late * 1.106 writers, who I doubt not haue their authority in other more ancient, though my selfe (I must confesse) haue not light vpon it.

The pulling vp of these wéedes (as before I said) gaue good occasion vnto the seedes of the Gospell, heretofore sowen in this Realme (as hath béene declared) but to small purpose, now at last to spring and bring forth fruit. Lucius and his people being forced to forsake their auncient religion, were easily induced to hearken vnto the preaching of the truth. Thus much for the cau∣ses of his conuers••on.

Now concerning the manner and finall accomplishment of the same, the first notice I finde worth regarding, in which Beda affordeth vs, who I presume had it out of the old Mar••yloges, whereof some vndoubtedly are very ancient; but they haue re∣ceiued from time to time so many additions and alterations, (* 1.107 Baronius and * 1.108 Molanus doe both acknowledge it:) as I dis∣cerne not what we may account in them either auncient or true. The words of Beda are these: Anno ab incarnatione Domini, &c. The yeere of Christs incarnation, 56. M. Ant. Verus, the four∣téenth Emperour from Augustus began his gouernment toge∣ther with Aur: Commodus his brother. In whose time, Eleu∣therius a holy man, sitting Bishop of the Roman Church; Lucius a King of the Brittanes writ vnto him his letters, praying that by his appointment and direction, he might be made a Christian. And presently hee obtained the effect of his godly desire: from which time, the Brittanes, vntill the raigne of Diocletian, in∣uiolably held the true faith vncorrupted in peace and quietnesse. Thus much Beda.

Concerning this matter, Vsuardus our neighbor that writ his Martyrology at y^e commandement of Carolus Magnus, about y^e yeare 800. hath nothing at all: but that which Baronius calleth y^e true Romane Martyrologe, addeth further vnto that of Beda, that Eleuthersus sent into Brittane Damianus and Fugatius, who baptized the said King Lucius,* 1.109 his wife also, ac••o••um fere po∣pulum, and in a manner all the people of the Land. The historie of Landaff, (commonly called the booke of S. Teilo) saith, (that

which Baronius also deliuereth) how that the messengers sent vnto Eleutherius, were named Eluanus and Meduinus: and that propter eloquentiā & scientiam in sacris Scripturis, in regard of their eloquence and knowledge in the Scriptures, Eluanus was by the said Eleutherius consecrated a Bishop, and Meduinus appointed a Doctor or teacher.

The Author of the booke called Antiquitates Britannicae, out of Capgraue, and Bale out of Leland; report, how that Medwin was by birth a Dutchman, but as for Eluan, he was a Brittane brought vp in the Colledge or Monastery of Auallon amongest the Disciples and successors of Ioseph of Arimathaea; and had dis∣persed through the wilde fields of Brittane those first seedes of the Gospell sowed by the said Ioseph.

Whether Lucius were baptized by these men, or some other sent by Eleutherius, it is not easily to be discerned. The history of Landaff aforesaid with diuers other deliuer, that it was done by Eluan and Medwyn: But by most it is affirmed, how that E∣lutherius sent with these two before named, two other, to order the state of the Church, who had the honour of performing that office.

The one of them is called by some Damianus, by other Du∣uanus, and by other againe Deruianus, Derunianus, Dimianus, Diuianus, and Donatianus. Neither is the agreement much bet∣ter about the name of the other; who is sometimes termed Faga∣nus, and sometimes Fugatius.

Concerning the time also of this conuersion, there is much difference amongst writers: The history of Landaff saith it was anno 156. (in which yeare Galfr. Monumeth: saies, the saide King died.) Nauclerus also setteth downe the same time, and so doth a Manuscript containing a story in Latine (but without the Authors name) now remaining in my custody. Nennius reporteth the messengers aforesaid were sent to Rome the yeare 163. mary not to Eleutherius, but to Euaristus. Another anci∣ent Chronicle of mine written in English (a large history but namelesse also,* 1.110) appoints for the time of this conuersion the year 164. W. of Malmsburie concerning this matter hath these words, Fluxerunt anni ab aduentu, &c. From the comming of the disciples of S. Philip into Brittane vnto the time that Phaga∣nus,

and Deruuianus arriued héere, there passed 103. yeares, by which reckoning it must fall out, they came the yeere 165. Henricus de Erfordia sayes it was the yeare 169. Marianus Sco∣tus 177. Bale 179. Polydore Virgill, 182. Baronius 183. The history of the Church of Rochester 185. Flores historiarum. 187. & lastly Martinus Polonus (to trouble the reader with no more) the yeare of Christ, 188.

Whensoeuer it was that this good Prince receiued the faith of Christ; so it fell out (our histories say) that not onely his wife and family accompanied him in that happy course, but Nobles also and commons, Priests and people, high and low, euen all the people of this land which we now call England: And that ge∣nerally all their Idoles where then defaced; the temples of them conuerted into Churches for the seruice of God; the liuings of their idolatrous Priests appointed for the maintainance of the Priests of the Gospell, and that in stead of the 25. Flamines, or high Priests of their Idoles, there were ordained 25. Bishops; as also for 3. Archflamines 3. Archbishops, whereof one was seated at London, another at Yorke, and a third at Carlion in Monmonthshire.

Now whereas many of these points are (and not without good cause) called into question; it shall not be amisse, to spend some time in debating & discussing of the same. First it is made a doubt whether euer there could be any such King as Lucius or no. a 1.111 In this very season y^t is appointed by our writers to the raigne of Lucius, the Romanes possessed Brittane quietly, as may appear by all the Romane writers, to wit, during the times of M. An∣tonius and Commodus: and long before this, Brittane was wholly subdued vnto the Romanes, and brought vnder th•• soruie of a Prouince, to wit, in the time of Domitian, as b 1.112 W. Malmsbury hath deliuered, and amongst later writers, two men of great iudgement, ∴ 1.113 Baronius, and Master Camden: which is partly confirmed by Tacitus, * 1.114 deliuering, that a great part of it was reduced into the forme of a Prouince as aforesaide, in the time of Claudius. These things beeing so, how should a King haue any gouernment heere?

For answere whereof, first; I say, it appeareth notably by the testimony of Tertullian and Origen,* 1.115 who both liued in these

times, that our Brittane did then professe the faith of Christ, although when they first receiued it, bee not by them specified. Then furthermore I say with Tacitus,* 1.116 speaking of Cogidunus a King of our Brittane it was Vetus ac in pridem recepta populi Ro∣mani consuetudo, vt haberet instrument a seruitutis & Reges, An olde fashion and long since put in vre by the Romanes; to haue Kings the instruments of their tyranny.

Asia minor, in a manner all, after Mithridates and Antiochus were ouerthrowen, was brought into the perfect forme of a Pro∣uince: Yet long after that, some petty kings raigned in diuers parts of it. Hee that will take the paines to reade but one chap∣ter of Iosephus,* 1.117 shall find mention of no lesse than fiue Kings of so many seuerall places in Asia; to wit, of Sigerammes King of the Emifeni; of Archelaus king of Cappadocia, of Antiochus king of the Comageni; of Herod and Agrippa, the one brother, the other sonne to Agrippa King of the Iewes, the which were, one after the tother, kings of Chaleis; and lastly of Alexander king of Lesis in Cilicia, by the appointment of Vespasian: all which raigned, eyther in or after the time of Augustus.

But this in this case I haue obserued, that vpon euery change the iurisdiction and authoritie lightly was some what diminished, and the precinct of the gouernment lissened by cautoning out the territory of the same into seuerall portions and quillets, till at last the name and memory of kingly gouernment was quite ex∣tinguished. Héereof wée haue an example in Herod the great king of the Iewes,* 1.118 a man so greatly in fauour w^t Augustus, as he gaue him leaue by his last will and testament to bequeath his kingdome to whom hee list; which thing he did, appointing vnto the same Archelaus his sonne. Howbeit, he being dead, the said Augustus allowed vnto Archelaus only the tone halfe of that his Father possessed, denying vnto him the name & title of king; and bestowed the other halfe vpon Philip and Antipas his bre∣thren, (whom he made Tetrarchs) of the which two Philip dy∣ing shortly after, his portion was added to the gouernment of Syria.

This and many other like examples perswade me,* 1.119 that Luci∣us was neuer king of all Brittane (so long after the conquest of the same) but rather happily of some principall thereof.

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* 1.120To this opinion I am the rather induced, because if wée be∣léeue what hath béene written by Caesar, Tacitus, Suetonius and other authors of credit; it cannot but appeare vnto vs, that our Brittane was neuer wont to be gouerned by one Monarch, ex∣cept peraduenture, that vpon a pinch and at a time, by occasion of some forraine inuasion, all the cantons of the same might hap∣pily combine themselues together vnder one captaine; as many of them did vnder Cassiuellanus vpon the arriuall of Iulius Cae∣sar, when as in a small territory néere London, there were at that time no lesse then fiue Kings,* 1.121 whom Caesar nameth, to wit, beside the said Cassiuellanus, Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taxima∣gulus, and Segonax; to whom also I thinke we may adde, Man∣dubratius, king of the Trinobantes.

* 1.122So in the time of Claudius Caractacus king of the Silures••, or Southwales; he stood vp and had the managing of martiall af∣faires against Ostorius and other Romane captaines; when as beside him, there were many other Princes in the country. Car∣tismanda (as Tacitus witnesseth) ruled the Brigantes, and Ve∣nutius the Iugantes; and of Caractacus the said Tacitus repor∣teth, that multa eum ambigua, multa prospera extulerunt, vt caeteros Britannorum imperatores praemineret; that many doubtful, and ma∣ny prosperous chances (not his regall or monarchicall authority) had made him to be esteemed aboue all other leaders of the Bri∣tanes. * 1.123 Tacitus in Agricola, and Suetonius in the life of Claudi∣us, doe both mention Reges Britanniae, the Kings of the Brit∣tanes. And so in my conceit doth Iuuenal in these wordes:

Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno Excidet Aruiragus.

Where in my vnderstanding hee séemeth to say, thou shalt take prisoner one king or another of the Brittanes, or else at the least Aruiragus shall bée throwne downe from his seat of gouernment. But my principall argument in this case is, that no man I sup∣pose, is able to shew, by any monument 500. yeare old, that e∣uer before the Romanes time, either Brittane, or so much as that part sometime (as they say) called Loegria,* 1.124 now England, was vnder the perpetuall gouernment of one man.

Another thing now that séemeth vnlikely to mee in the fore∣said report concerning king Lucius, is, the multitude of Bishops

and Bishopricks that are said to be ordained at that time. In the counsell of Arles—which was the year 325. mention is made of one Restitutus a Brittane Bishop not intituled to any certaine See, but onely called Britanniarum Episcopus. And euen so like∣wise after him Fastidius is mentioned of Gennadius by the same stile.* 1.125 Which being considered, together with the rare and seldom mention that we find of Brittish Bishops, whose antiquities I haue hunted after with all dilligence; I cannot but rest perswa∣ded, that our Brittane had very few Bishops, vntill the com∣ming ouer of Germanus and Lupus to suppresse the Pelagian heresie; concerning which matter, I thinke it uot amisse to ofter vnto the reader that which I find in our history of Landaff.

Ad haeresim Pelagianam confutandam, sanctus Germanus Episco∣pus & Lupus, a Galliae antistitibus ad Britannos missi sunt. Saepe tamen ante missis legatis a Britannis adeos, implorantibus auxilium contratam execrabile periculum; quia prauae doctrinae haereticorum non acquiesce∣bant, ne{que} tamen consundere valebant. Postquam praedictiseniores Pe∣lagianam haeresim extirpauerant, Episcopos pluribus in locis Britannia consecrauerunt. Super omnes autem Britannos dextralis partis Bri∣tannia, beatum Dubritium, summum doctorema Rege & ab omni paro∣chia electum Archiepiscopum, consecrauerunt. Hac dignitate ei a a Germano & Lupo data; constituerunt ei Episcopalem sedem con∣cessu Mourici Regis, Principum, cleri & populi, apud podium Lan∣taui in honore S. Petri Apostoli fundatans & cum funbus istis &c. To confute the Pelagian heresie, Saint German a Bishop and one Lupus, were sent into Brittane by the prelates of France, when as many times before the Brittanes had sent their mes∣sengers to craue aid against so execrable a danger; because nei∣ther they could like of the naughty doctrine of the heretiques, nor yet were able to ouerthrow the same. After the saide elders had rooted out the Pelagian heresie, they consecrased Bishops in many places of Brittane. Ouer all the Brittanes dwelling on the right side of Brittaine, they consecrated for Archbishops S. Dubritius, who was chosen for the supreame Doctor, by the King and all the Diocesse. This dignity beeing bestowed vpon him by Germanus and Lupus, they, with the consent of Mouric the King, the Nobility, Clergy and people, appointed his see to be at the manner of Lantaui, and founded the same there, to the

honour of S. Peter, bounding the territories thereof in this wise. &c. This was about the yeare of Christ 430. about which time also (or somewhat later) Palladius (who is falsly said to haue béen the first Preacher vnto the Scottish nation) did first appoint Bi∣shops and ordaine Bishopricks in Scotland,* 1.126 as Buchanan hath deliuered.

Upon these testimonies, I reason thus; If before these times we had so many Bishops, Bishoprickes, and Archbishoprickes, how commeth it to passe, that in no monument whatsoeuer, we finde any name or mention of any Bishop of this land, sauing some few that (as we say) had their sée at London? and if so ma∣ny sees had been furnished before, what occasion had Germanus and Lupus to consecrate so many Bishops as in the report of the history of Landaff before mentioned is related.

* 1.127But there is nothing more absurd in this history, then the i∣magination of fitting the sees of Bishops and Archbishops accor∣ding to the place and number of the Flamines forsooth, and Archflamines of the Pagans. A deuise so childish and ridiculous as I cannot but wonder that any man of learning and iudgment should approoue it: and yet I perceiue not any that haue gaine-saide it, before Master Doctor Su••cliff; but contrariwise diuers both ancient and learned are to be found, that haue partly broa∣thed, and partly applauded the same.

Of this number I account especially two, The one is Fene∣stella; whose testimony were very ancient, if hee were that hi∣storiographer whom Pliny * 1.128 so often mentioneth. But hee died (as the said Pliny witnesseth Nat. hist. lib. 33. c. 11.) in the last yeare of Tiberius the Emperour: so that it could not be hee that writ the booke now extant De Magistratibus sacerdotijs{que} Rom. ex∣cept he haue beene much corrupted and altered: For thus he wri∣teth; Vt nostrum inter sacerdotum gradus non nihil interest, vt Episco∣pum, Archiepi••copum, Cardinalem, Patriarcham, & Metropolita∣num; Ita apud illos (Gentiles) Flaminum Protoflaminum & Archi∣flaminum diff••rentiam fuisse idone••••estes sunt. It is sufficiently to bo proued (saith he) that as amongst vs there is difference betwéen the degrées of our Priests, as Bishops, Archbishops, Cardinals, Patriarchs and Metropolitans; so, likewise there was difference betweene the Flamines, Protoflamines, & Archflamines of the

Gentils. But al men know, y^t it was many a yéer after the death of Tiberius, before diuers of these titles were heard of amongest Christians. By which, as also, for that hee citeth in diuers pla∣ces A. Gellius, who liued a hundred yeares after the death of Ti∣berius; it is manifest, that hee is some later counterfeit that is author of the Fenestella that we haue.

But to say no more of the man, his opinion (whatsoeuer hée were) is manifestly false. No man I dare affirm is able to shew out of any ancient writer or other authentical monument, y^t euer there was any such office amongst the Gentiles as Archiflamen or Protoflamen. Look who list in that volume of ancient inscrip∣tions published of late by Gruterus. Scaliger and other: He may there finde oftentimes mentioned Flamen for a man, and Flami∣nica for a woman Priest; but of Archflamen, Protoflamen or a∣ny other like, altum silentium.

Now, to leaue Fenestella; the other defender of this conceit, is Gratian, whom I do••ht not we may account the first author of the same. True it i••, that hauing first deliuered it as his owne opinion in* 1.129 one place; afterwards hee citeth for the same, Cle∣ment a Pope; wherein either he abuseth vs in citing that which neuer was written; o himselfe is abused by some counterfeit Clement; or else we shall be able to alleage this for an instance, that a Pope may erre and bee deceiued as well as an other mor∣tall man.

For beside (as before I haue alleaged) not so much as the name of Archflamen or Protoflamen is to be foūd in any author or monument of credit before his time; it is manifest, that di∣uers cities had many Colledges of Priests & consequently many Flamens.* 1.130 Marcus Varro sufficiently witnesseth the same, affir∣••••••••ming (which Fenestella taketh knowledge of) totidem Flami∣nibus, quot Deos colerent, veteres vsos, That the auncients vsed to haue for euery one of their Gods a Flamine. They had for Iu∣piter Dialem; for Romulus Quirinalem, for Vulcane Vulcana∣lem, for Mars Martialem, and so of the rest. Yea after they grew into a custome of making their Emperours Gods being once de∣ceased, they also alotted vnto euery one of them their Flamine, Augustus had Augustalem. Vesp. Flauialem, or gentis Flauiae, Traiane Traianalem, &c. Wherupon when this inconuenience 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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grew, that the number of Colledges, Priests, and temples daily increasing, they discerned that shortly the whole city of Rome would not be able to containe them: for saluing that sore, they vsed this deuice that now I shall declare vnto you.

* 1.131The people of Smyrna (as themselues doe boast in Tacitus) would needes make a God of the city of Rome, and accordinglie built in honor thereof a Temple•• appointing vnto the same with great solemnity, Priests, sacrifices, and all kind of Diuine wor∣ship. This grosse and absurd flattery of theirs, beeing yet not∣withstanding wel accepted by the Romans; in many other parts of the world, the same practise was taken vp by and by, and is worthily taxed by Prudentius, in these words

—Colitur nam sanguine & ipsa * 1.132More Deae, nomen{que} lociceu numen adorant.

The examples of so many other, at last stirred vp the Romans themselues to doe the like. But fearing it would not so well be∣come the Maiesty and grauity of that ••tate, to attribute not on∣ly life, but diuinity, vnto a company of ••elesse walles and hou∣ses; somewhat to countenance the m••••ter, as also at once to make a stay of the immoderate and da••••-growing number of temples and colledges; they deuised, to ••••ild one only more, and to dedicate the same, to the new made Goddesse the city of Rome, and together with her also, to al the Emperours that had béene, or héereafter should be deified, ca••ling it Templum Romae, Et Augg. and this was done at the charge of Adrian the Emp. as Dio hath deliuered.* 1.133

Yea it séemeth also (to note by the way) that another Temple was then likewise built vnto all the Empresses consecrated after their death. For amongst a number of ancient inscriptions to be seene in the booke before mentioned, (where we find memo∣riall of diuers women, priests of seuerall wiues, daughters, and sisters of Emperours, whom before that time these God-makers had registred amongst the numbers of their Goddesses,) there is one, wherin one Vsia is termed a Priest, diuarum (and I sup∣pose it is to be vnderstood Augustarum) the copy wheof is as followeth.

[illustration]

* 1.134

Upon this occasion it came to passe, that there was no place of any reckoning in the Romane Empire which was vnfurnished of his temple dedicate to the city of Rome and diuis Augg. which must haue their colledge of Priests and so their Flamine; as by the great number of olde inscriptions daily to be séene, and wit∣nessing the same, it may appeare. And then lightly they had also their temple for some one of the Emperours or other, as Cama∣lodunum had of Claudius, which in like sort had as the other, their Flamine &c.* 1.135 Now whereas the same cities they had also temples built before vnto other gods; Carleon for example had one of Diana, London another of Diana likewise, which by te∣stimony of authenticall monuments is cléerely to be proued: so that one and the same city had for the most part many Flamines, and namely Rome not so few I wéene as 100. how is it possible I pray you, that there should be any manner of proportion at all betwéene our Bishops and their Flamines; they hauing diuers Flamines to almost euery towne, and wee one Bishop not so much as for euery whole shire? and so much for that matter.

It is time for me now to say somewhat of a certaine Epistle written (as we finde deliuered) by Eleutherius Bishop of Rome vnto King Lucius. The copy of which Epistle was first found (for ought I can discerne) in an old Chronicle entituled Brut••••, amongst certaine lawes or statutes of the Saxons. The occasion thereof, was, that Lucius sometime after his conuersion (but whether before or after his baptisme appeareth not) made request vnto Eleutherius to send him some kinde of abstract of the Ro∣man lawes, whereby he might establish a settled order of gouer∣ment in his dominions. Now whereas the Druides, they were

the iudges of all matters * 1.136 both spirituall and temporall; the abo∣lishing of them, made an alteration, in politique matters as well as ecclesiasticall, or concerning religion. So that, the cause of re∣formation in both kindes being one and the selfe same, I sée no reason why we should not thinke, that the remedy of both was likewise sought at once. And true it is, that the authour of the booke called Antiquitates Britannicae, affirmeth, how that Eluan and Medwin made the foresayd motion for the Roman lawes at their being with Eleutherius before the baptisme of Lucius and then receiued answer. So doth M^r. Fox: And the reuerend fa∣ther of happy memory Bishop Iewell séemeth to be of the same opinion. Yet because the authours of our great Chronicle (Ho∣linshead and the rest) deliuer, not only y^t this motion was made after the Baptisme of Lucius; but also ••etting downe precisely the particular time, doe say it was in the third yeare after his con∣uersion; I will not take vpon me to pronounce either tone way or tother, but leaue it vnto the readers iudgement and dis••retion to determine of.

The Epistle, whensoeuer written, is as héere insueth together with the title of the same, although I must acknowledge that I finde great variety in the diuersity of copies, some containing much more then others.

Anno Domini 169. a passione Christi, scripsit D. Eleutherius Papa, Lucio Regi Britan∣nie ad correctionem Regis & pro∣cerum regni. &c.

PEtistis a nobis leges Romanas & Caesaris vobis transmitti, quibus in regno Britanniae vti volui••tis. Leges Romanas & Caesaris semper reprobare possumus, legem D•••• nequaquam. Suscepistis enim nuper miseratione diuina in regno Britanniae legem & ••idem Christi. Habetis penes vos in regno vtram{que} paginam: Ex illis Dei gratia per concilium regni vestrisume legem••, & per illem Dei patientia vestrum reges Britanniae regnum. Vicarius vero Dei estis in regno iuxta prophetam Regē, Domini est terra & plenitudo eius, orbis terrarū & vniuersi qui inhabitant in eo; & rursum iuxta prophetam Regem, dilexisti iustitiam & od••••ti iniquitatem, propterea vnxit te Deus tuus ol••o laetitiae prae con∣sortibus

tuis; & rursu•••• iuxta prophetam regem, Deus iudicium tu∣um &c. Non enim iudicium, neque iustitiam Caesaris; Filij enim regis gentes Christianae, & populi regnisunt quisub vestra protectione & reg∣no i•• pace degant & consistant, iuxta euangeliū; Qemadmodum gallina congrega•• p••llos sub alis &c. Gentes vero regni Britanniae & populi vestri sunt, & quos debetis in vnum ad concordiam & pacem & ad fidem & ad legem Christi & ad sanctam ecclesiam congregare, reuo∣care, fouere, manutenere, protegere, regere, vt possitis cum eo regnare in eternum, cuius Vicarius estis in regno pradicto, qui cum patre & ••ilio &c.

That is.

The yeare of our Lord 169. after the passion of Christ Eleutherus the Pope writte vnto Lucius King of Britaine, to the reformation and amendme••t of the King & the Nobles of the King∣dome, &c.

YE require of vs the Roman lawes and the Emperors to bee sent ouer to you which you would practise and put in vre within your realme. The Roman lawes and the Emperours wee may euer reproue, but the law of God we may not. Ye haue re∣ceiued of late through Gods mercy in the Kingdom of Britaine•• the law and faith of Christ; ye haue with you within the realme both parts of the Scriptures. Out of them by Gods grace with the councell of your realme take yee a law, and by that lawe through Gods sufferance rule your kingdome of Britaine. For you be Gods Vicar in your Kingdome. The Lords is the earth and the fulnesse of the world and all that dwell in it. And againe according to the Prophet that was a King, thou hast loued righ∣teousnesse and hated iniquity, therefore hath God annointed thee with the oyle of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes, and againe according to the same prophet, O God giue iudgement vnto the King and thy righteousnesse vnto the Kings sonne, &c. He said not the iudgement and righteousnesse of the Emperour, but thy iudgement and righteousnesse. The Kings sonnes be the Chri∣stian people and folke of the realme, which be vnder your go∣uernment

and liue and continue in peace within your Kingdome as the Gospell saith, Like as the hen gathereth her chickens vn∣der her wings, so doth the King his people. The people and folke of the realme of Britaine be yours, whom if they be diuided, ye ought to gather in concord and peace, to cal them to the faith and law of Christ, to cherish and to maintaine them, to rule and gouern them, so as you may raigne euerlastingly with him whose Vicar ye are, which with the father and the sonne &c.

This copy I finde thus set downe (for the Latine) in the book•• called Antiquitates Britannicae. But in M^r. Foxe his English co∣py, I finde moreouer added after the word (gouerne them) this that followeth, and to defend them alwaies from such as would doe them wrong, from malicious men & enemies. A King hath his name of ruling and not of hauing a realme. You shall bee a King while you rule well; but if you doe otherwise, the name of a King shall not remaine with you, and you shall loose it, which God forbid. The almighty God grant you so to rule the realme of Brittane, that you may raigne with him for euer whose Vicar you be in the Realme.

Against the title of this Epistle the conuersioner taketh excep∣tion, and namely concerning the date, which (he saith) falleth out to be certaine yeares after the death of Eleutherius; wherein if there were a mistaking, me thinks it should not be so much won∣dred at; séeing that, of 12. seuerall stories (which I haue before recited, all written concerning King Lucius his conuersion) no lesse than 11. do manifestly erre in the time thereof, for that, of them, there is neuer a one that agréeth with the other.

* 2.1Notwithstanding this so great a maime and imperfection as he accounteth it; sée how ready he is to make his aduantage of the same, and to scrape together any riff-raffe whatsoeuer for the heightning of his Babel; taking occasion (and that a poore one God wot) to prooue out of the same, the superioritie of the Pope ouer Princes. Etiam monstra & portentosi partus prosunt (saith Vl∣pian) With them that are childlesse,* 2.2 monsters and mishapen creatures are well accepted, for children. And surely, had he not great want of proofes otherwise, this would well haue béene spared, wherein hee hath shewed, either great malice, or igno∣rance more grosse than I can thinke to be in the man. For tran∣slating

corrigere, to correct: he goes about to make Lucius and his Nobility, like schoole boyes before their maister; to bee subiect to the correction of Pope Eleutherius.

As it possible that N.D. should bee so ignorant, as to think•• that corrigere, did alwaies import a superiority? When Simo said to his seruant Dauu••:* 2.3 corrigere mihi guatum porrò enitere; belike he gaue him authority ouer his sonne to correct him, that is, according to the ordinary signification of our English word to chastise and to punish him. If a shepheard séeing a King ready to go out of his way, doe put him into the right; I trow it may be said of him, past••r reg••m correxit, and yet it will not follow that the shepheard had any either superiority, or autho∣rity ouer him. In this case it was euen so: Eleutherius séeing King Lucius to go astray in the way of error, correxit reg••m, like a good pastor he reformed the error of the King; and to vse the wordes of Tully, Philosophiāines veterem correxit et emen∣dauit, by refining in him the olde British Philosophy & taking away the dregs of the Druides,* 2.4 he indeuoured to bring him to the knowledge of true wisedome, euen of our Sauiour Christ, that is become vnto us * 2.5 wisedome, and in whom are hidden all the treasures of wisedome and knowledge. And therefore, allowing for good, the worde (correctio) in the title of this E∣pistle; we will yet acknowledge and maintaine, that the eng∣lish worde correction, vpon Kings and Princes, is, and not without cause, in these daies, (in which the light of the trueth shineth more brightly than in former ages) right odious, especi∣cially from Cleargy men, that should be examples vnto others of obedience and humility.

The time was, when the noble and victorious King, Hen∣ry the second submitted himselfe vnto the correction of the monkes of Canterburis;* 2.6 by receiuing vpon his naked body stripes, at the hands of euery one of them: And so King Iohn, his sonne was induced to resigne his crowne at the Popes ap∣pointment, not receiuing the same againe, but vpon such con∣ditions as pleased the Pope in his good nature to afford; which were such; as a good whipping peraduenture had béen more to∣lerable. To say nothing of the old Henries, Othoes, Frederikes, and other Princes of other Nations, what disciplings they

haue receiued at the hands of the Popes of former times: these of our age may seeme yet to say with Nero,* 2.7 Principium nemi••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 scisse quid sibiliceret: No Popes before vs knew their owne au∣thority. For going an ac•• further th••n their predecessors, they so correct Princes,* 2.8 as the said Nero was w••nt to cure his Se∣nators that is, by cutting their throats. Parry was set a work after that sort to cure our late Quéene Elizabeth, •• by whome of the Cardinall de Como it is no question: But that hee was but a conduit to conueigh this medicine from the Pope, it may partly appeare by the words of that Popes predecessor; Volu∣mus & inbensui, &c. We will and command all the subiects of Quéene Elizabeth to take armes against her, and to what end but to destroy her? Henry the third of France was so cured by Clement the Iacobin, (if wée may say the Aposthecary cureth) for he alas did but minister the potion. The recipe was writ∣ten by them that say,* 2.9 Tyrannum occidere honestum est, &c. It is lawfull to kill a tyrant: And againe, Si vita priu••ri possint. &c. If they may be bereued of their liues, how much more of their liuing and gouernment? But his breath and spirit no doubt it was from whom came the first direction that at Rome com∣mended it at last, tanquam rarum, insigne & memorabile facinus, for a rare,* 2.10 worthy and memorable exploit. And how likely it is, that our late intended drench of gunpowder was brewed at the same place, ad correctionem Regis & procerum regni, to cor∣rect with a vengeance or (to vse Nero his phrase) to cure at once the King and all the gouernours of the Kingdome; I shall but refer me to the booke héeretofore published concerning the arraignment of Garnet the Iesuite.

Well, whatsoeuer be the opinion of N. D. the conuersioner in this case, or of his Masters at Rome, that will needs be the successor of Eleutherius; wee will say with Eleutherius (that which in déedes as well as in wordes they denye, howsoeuer they cloake it) how that our Princes in their seuerall domini∣ons, they are the Vicars & Lieutenants immediate of God, subiect vnto none other but God himselfe; & that therefore if ought be amisse in them, we ought to vse no other weapons in dealing with them but our tongues, namely and especially in praying for them, saying with an ancient Father, arma Chri∣stianorum

proces & lachrymae;* 2.11 The w••••pons of vs Christians in this case are none other, than prayers and teares. And so much for this Epistle of Eleutherius.

Now to procéede in our story, it is recorded by most of our writers (in a manner all) that King Lucius hauing founded many Churches, and afforded vnto them many possessions, with great priuiledges; be at the last departed this life in peace and was buried at Glocester, the 14. yeare after his Baptism as some say; the tenth as other, and againe (as some other will haue it) the fourth. Whereby it may appeare, how greatly they are deceiued that affirme,* 2.12 how King Lucius after a cer∣taine space forsaking his kingdome, became a Cleargy man, and preaching the Gospell in diuers countries of France and Germany, suffred martyrdome at last at a place called Curiac.

When and wheresoeuer he died, great cause haue we with al thankfulnes to celebrate the memory of this excellēt Prince: by whom God did not onely bl••sse this land with the know∣ledge of his truth, but in such sort did it, as thereby hee hath purchased vnto the same the title of primogenita Ecclesia the most auncient and first-begotten of all the Churches in the world,* 2.13 for that (as Sabellicus hath well noted) although Christ was preached elsewhere priuately in many other nations long before; yet, omnium proninciarum prima Britannia, publicitus Christi nomen recepit; Of all nations it was the first that with publique approbation of Prince and state receiued the profes∣sion of Christian Religion; which also it retained in great sin∣cerity, for the space of 100. yeares, to witte, vntill the time of Dioclesian that cruell persecutour, who began his raigne the yeare 288.

Now by y^t which hath béene before deliuered,* 2.14 it may suffici∣ently appeare vnto the indifferent reader, how little our coun∣try of Brittane hath béene hitherto beholding vnto the sée of Rome. For whether it were Simon Zelotes, or S. Paul, that brought hither y^e first light of the Gospell; yea were it S. Peter (which could not possibly be, as before hath béene shewn and proued) In as much as they were all Apostles, who at once receiued their commission of him vnto whom was giuen all power both in heauen and in earth,* 2.15 in these wordes, Goe

teach all nations, &c. and that Peter if his function were by God appropriate vnto any one place more than another,* 2.16 was rather the Bishop of the Iewes th••n of the Romanes (for as S. Paul witnesseth, hee was appointed the Apostle of the cir∣cumcision) I sée not how wee are any thing at all obliged vnto the sée of Rome,* 2.17 or vnto any Bishop of the same for any thing by them done amongst vs.

As for Ioseph of Arimathea, for whose historie the testimo∣nies are so pregnant as no man mee thinkes heereafter should greatly doubt of the same, it appeareth not that euer he was at Rome in his life; nay rather the contrary appeareth, & that hée receiued directions for his preaching and discipline; either in the councell of the Apostles gathered at Ierusalem, or else of Saint Philip the Apostle in France.

Concerning King Lucius, I discerne not but the Sée of Rome is more beholding vnto vs than we vnto it. Here hee was conuerted in his owne Country: but he was contented, peraduenture (for it is questionable) to affoorde vnto the Bi∣shoppe of Rome, the honour of baptizing of him and his com∣pany. For there is no doubt to be made, that at their handes (if he were not) hee might haue béen baptized, that were the instruments of his conuersion. But what shall I say? humani∣tus aliquid passus est: Hée tho••ght happily it would be some little glory vnto him, and a countenance also to the action, to fetch them that might séeme to bee the authors of his designe from Rome, the seat•• of the Empire, the Mistresse of the world•• yea and also happily, the vpholders of his Crowne and authority regall. The men that were sent from Rome, were vtterly ig∣norant of the British language, and so could not possibly preach any thing themselues, but were faine to commit that office altogether vnto other, to wit, especially, to Eluan & Medwin. And what is all this to the Sée of Rome? Surely, hitherunto we sée little cause to acknowledge ourselues any thing at all obliged therunto. The Story following will yéeld some better colour of these néedles exprobrations; wherein notwithstan∣ding, the truth by Gods grace shall plainely and ingenuously be acknowledged.

CHAP. IIII.

IN the former thrée chapters I haue deliuered what by search and all my best indeuours I could get notice of concerning the first conuersion of this Island vnto Christian religion; the history whereof I must acknowledge for the particular cir∣cumstances of the same to be very vncertaine and inuolued in much obscurity, although for the generall there can be nothing more cléere and manifest then that soone after the Apostles times we had Churches established héere. Tertullian and * 2.18 O∣rigen do witnesse the same about the yeare of Christ 200. And betwéene the yeares 300. and 400. we•• finde in the Fathers often mention of the Churches and Bishops of Britane,* 2.19 as in the places quoted in the * 2.20 margent may appear to such as shal thinke it worth the doing to search for them. For the times following,* 2.21 Beda and other that succéeded him haue affoorded vs much more light, which I shall gladly make vse of. Now therefore to procéed, you shall vnderstand that amongest di∣uers terrible persecutions wherewith our Churches heere in Brittane were shaken at sundry times vnder Dioclesian and other tyrants; the most gréeuous of all others was that of the Saxons, who being Pagans and worshippers of Idoles, ex∣pelled, not onely Christian religion, but the followers also of the same into a corner of this Island, to wit, Wales & Corne∣wall, whereby it came to passe, that all the rest of our England was quite ouerwhelmed with the waues of Paganisme and Idolatry. True it is y^t many of the Brittanes remained here after the conquest of the Saxons: William of Malmsbury te∣stifieth the same:* 2.22 Of some hee saith, In eius verba volentes con∣cessere, speaking of Cerdic King of the West Saxons, they were content to submit themselues vnto him. And againe of other reliquos in sidem acceptos, placidae quietis gratia mulcebant: hauing receiued their submission for peace and quietnes sake, they made much of them.

But these wee are to presume were of the basest of the peo∣ple, and so kept vnder by perpetuall seruitude, as it was im∣possible for them to maintaine any exercise of religion in anie

publicke manner. Yet priuately no doubt, many of them, they not onely in secret serued God, and kept a good conscience, but vsed their talent in seeking to draw some of the Saxons vnto the faith of Christ. This partly appeareth in Offa that (as Munster reporteth) being an English-man and of the bloud royall (it seemeth hee was sonne vnto Athelfride King of the Bernicians) was a very good Christian,* 2.23 trauelled into Ger∣manie, and there the yeare 601. layed the first foundation of the monastery of Schuttern.

It is manifest also by the letters of S. Gregorie vnto the King and Queene of France, that there were many amongst the Saxons well inclined in religion, that complained of the negligence of the Frenchmen their neighbours, in affoording them instructers and teachers, which it séemeth they greatlie desired.* 2.24 For thus he writeth to the King; Peruenit ad nos, &c. Wee are informed, that the English nation by the mercie of GOD is become desirous to bee conuerted vnto the faith of Christ; but that the Priests of your neighbourhood do neglect to satisfie their desire, or so much as to increase the same by any good exhortations.* 2.25 Againe to the Queene thus, Indicamus, &c. We certifie you, that the English nation (God permitting it) is willing to become Christian; but that the Clergy of their neighbourhood, extend not their pastorall care vnto them. But this negligence of theirs, it pleased God at last in his good time to s••pply, by the meanes and occasion that now I shall declare vnto you; and to replant againe Christian Reli∣gion in this Realme, where heeretofore, vntill the comming of the Saxons, it had so many yeares flourished.

* 2.26It chanced vpon a time, S. Gregory (beeing then a priuate man) to espye certaine beautifull children to bee sould in the stréetes of Rome; and vnderstanding they were Pagans, as∣ked of what country they were? it was answered, they were Angles or Englishmen. Well may they bee called Angles (quoth hee) for they looke like Angels. Demaunding then of what Prouince they were; it was saide they were of Deira: God grant (saith hee) they may be De ira Dei eruti, deliuered from the wrath of God and made partakers of his mercies by Christ. He procéeded yet further, and asked how the King of

that Co••ntry was called; Understanding his name was A∣ella, Alleluia (quoth he) must needes be sung in those partes in prayse of the true God. Hereupon hee went presently vn∣to Pelagius the second, that was then Bishoppe of Rome, de∣siring him to send Preachers into Brittaine, offering himselfe to be one; and obtaining his request, tooke his iourney toward England. He was scarsely thrée dayes iourney on his way, when at the importunity of the Romanes (who would not endure the losse of so worthy a man) hee was called backe.

Not long after it fell out, that Pelagius dying, this good man, Gregory, was chosen Bishop of Rome in his place. He mindfull then of his former enterprise, presently tooke order for the sending of Preachers into this land, for the conuersi∣on of the same; and the sooner, for that (as before I said) the dayly complaints of certaine good Saxons, concerning the carelesnesse of the French Clergy in that behalfe, did greatly prouoke him thereunto. The man that he made choice of for performance of this great work, was one Augustine a Monke of greater vertue than learning; although as a mortall man he was not without his vices, and namely, such, as the now aspi∣ring Sée of Rome (from whence he came) was likely to infuse into him, as anon (by Gods grace) shall further bee declared. Unto him were adioyned for assistants 40. other, that should accompany him in this voyage, and helpe him in the worke he was appointed vnto. They, being now well onward on their way, enquired of the State of the Country, and manner of the people vnto whom they went; and vnderstood so much of their barbarous and fierce rudenesse, as they in a manner, all vtterly renounced procéeding any further in the voyage, and as it were compelled Augustine to poste backe to Rome, there to craue licence of returne.

Saint Gregory much grieued with this message, writ his letters vnto them, vsing many reasons to perswade them, in any wise to goe forward; whereunto at last they yéelded. Hée writ also vnto the Kng and Quéene of France, and to diuers Bishoppes, to shew vnto them what kindnesse they might in their passage; which thing they did abundantly, not onely in welcome and entertainment, but also in adioyning vnto their

company diuers French men to be their interpreters; where∣by it séemeth, the French tong, and the English at that time were much alike; as well they might bee, the Franks and Saxons, being both, people of Germany, and hauing seated themselues much about one time; the one in France some 130 yeare, the other in Britaine, 150. yéeres then past.

Augustine and his associates landed in the Isle of Thanet the yéere 596. (as most affirme, but as some account 597.) which was the yeare (as histories deliuer) in which Maho∣met was borne.* 2.27 There raigned at that time in Kent Ethel∣bert, the fifth King of the Saxon race; whose dominions, though he bare the title of Kent onely, were extended North∣ward as farre as the riuer of Humber. He had vnto his wife at that time, a daughter of Clotharius the first of that name, King of France, named Berta; who being a Christian, and born of Christian parents, was permitted by her husband, the ex∣ercise of her Religion, and had attending vpon her for her Chaplaine, one Luidhard a Bishop with diuers other Chri∣stian seruants; And there was allowed vnto them a certain Church built heretofore by the Romanes, dedicate vnto S. Martin, and standing néere the walles of the City of Canter∣bury, where they vsed to pray, preach, and administer the Sa∣craments; whereby (no doubt) many of the Saxons were dayly wonne vnto Christ, and Ethelbert the King well pre∣pared to entertaine the motion which Augustine and his As∣sistants made afterwards vnto him. In regard thereof, Cap∣graue saith,* 2.28 that the saide Luidhardus was praecursor & ianitor venturie Augustini, the forerunner & porter to giue Augustine entrance when he should come: and againe, that, parauit ei viam & ingressum, he prepared him a way and entrance. And surely so it may well séeme by his first welcome and enter∣tainement.

When Augustine vpon his arriuall sent to the King to let him vnderstand that he was come from Rome, and that hée & his company had brought with them such doctrine as should bring him and his (if they receyued the same) to enioy euer∣lasting happinesse in heauen after this life past: he presentlie commanded that they should be well entertained, and all ne∣cessaries

prouided for them, & wished them to attend a while; saying•• that euen shortly they should haue audience.

It was not long after, before the King came himselfe in person into the saide Isle; where hee tooke order, these men should be brought before him, not into any house, but (forsooth) to preuent sorcery, in a place appointed for that purpose, in the open fields. So thither they came, in an equipage somewhat strange; one carrying aloft a Crosse of siluer before them, an∣other hauing a Table containing the picture of our Sauiour, and all singing of the Letanie.

Being come, they were all willed, first to sit downe, and then to declare their errand: which being deliuered, they recei∣ued of the king this gentle and courteous answere; that their pains in comming so far to séeke his good, hee tooke in very good part, although he could not without note of leuity and rashnes, sodainely forsake the religion left vnto him by his an∣cesters, to receiue an vncertains nouelty. He therefore would be so far from giuing them cause of griefe or discontentment, as that they should not onely finde kinde entertainement at his hands, but haue all ample liberty and licence to preach & teach the doctrine they had so greatly commended. So hi•• appointed them a dwelling in the City of Canterbury, where by their preaching (as well in deedes, and good example of life as of words) the same being confirmed by certaine miracles, (as Beda reporteth), they wonne dayly many vnto Christ, and in the end amongst other, the King himselfe, who thereupon gaue them a faire house at Stablegate within the City afore∣saide, and assigned a liberall portion of possessions for main∣tenance of them in the same.

The matter being thus farre forward, Augustine thought good to steppe into France, where he caused himselfe to be con∣secrated a Bishoppe, of Etherius Archbishop of Arles, by the name of Episcopus Anglorum.

This narration is taken in a manner altogether out of Be∣da. And whosoeuer shall duely consider of the same,* 2.29 shall find that wee are not so much beholden to the Sée of Rome for this conuersion of the Saxons, as N. D. our conuersioner would perswade vs. For had not the ground béene first well prepa∣red

by the remnant of Christian Britons; by some (though not many) Saxons conuerted by them; by the good life and * 2.30 preaching of Lu••thardus•• by the perswasions of Berta the Quéene with her husband, who at the first hearkened so rea∣dily to the motion; by the vertuous examples of her seruants ••nd other Christians; surely, in all likelyhood, long inough it might haue béene before the séede of Christian religion sown•• by Augustine would haue brought forth any great haruest, himselfe being a man very vnlearned (as his simple questions proposed vnto Saint Gregory * 2.31 doe sufficiently shew) and the rest of his company (wee may presume) much more igno∣rant.

Yet we will not greatly grudge him the name of Apostolus Anglorum, the Apostle of Englishmen, so it bée but rightly vn∣derstoode. For we deny not but he was sent, marry by whome by Gregory, that had no more authority here then himselfe; & therefore he was not able to say as Saint Paul the Apostle,* 2.32 ne{que} ab hominibus, ne•• per hominem, sed per Iesum Christum, ney∣ther from men, nor by man, but by Iesus Christ. We deny not but he was sent hither to preach vnto the nation of the English; but a great (I thinke we may say far the greatest) part of England, remained in the darkenesse of their infidelity, many yéeres after he was dead. For by * 2.33 Paulinus the Gos∣pell was first preached in the North of England, anno, 625. by Wilfride in the South, 681. by Foelix in Norfolke and those parts, 630. and so by other elsewhere at other times. We de∣ny not but he was sent to preach Christ and his Religion: but it is manifest, he preached also himself; like a curst cow throw∣ing downe with his heele, much of the good milke that before he had giuen, as anon we shall haue occasion to shew.

Presently vpon the returne of Augustine out of France, two of his company (Lawrence and Peter) were sent vnto Rome, to aduertise Gregory of their good successe, by whom, at their comming backe, he sent vnto Augustine an Archiepis∣copall Pall, certaine bookes, Church ornaments, and other necessaries. He sent also by them presents vnto the King, & writ diuers letters, some gratulatory to the King, some vnto Augustine, exhorting him to diligence in his calling, and to

take héede, lest the miracles which for the conuersion of this people, God wrought by him (diuers it is said hée wrought) should lift him vp into a proud and high conceit of his owne worth: and lastly, others vnto the Archbishoppe of Arles, to thanke him for his good aide and assistance yeelded to these men in this businesse.

Augustine in the meane time had obtained of the King an o∣ther Church in the middest of the City, built likewise hereto∣fore by the Romanes, and dedicated the same vnto our Saui∣our Christ. Soone after, this good King gaue vnto him also his owne Pallace, and chiefe seat of his kingdome, remouing himselfe vnto Rheaculfe•• called by the Romanes Regulbium, now Reculuer: And lastly, he laied the foundation of a goodly Monastery which he dedicated to Saint Peter and S. Paul, knowne afterwardes by the name of S. Augustines.

These things being thus ordered, hee made shew of ende∣uouring a concord and agréement betwéene the Saxons & the Britons; but his intent was, to establish his owne throne, and to inlarge the bounds of his Prouince, by bringing Wales vnder his iurisdiction, wheras they had an Archbishop of their owne, and might not in policy submit themselues to him, that was to liue a subiect to a forraine Prince, more likely to bée a foe th••n a friend.

Yet thus,* 2.34 and in this sort he deals with them. Hee procu∣red by the meanes of king Ethelbert, a certaine méeting of di∣uers British Bishops, & other the principal of their Clergy, at a certain place called afterward vpō that occasion, Augustines oake, being in Wiccia or Worcestershire, vpon the confines of the Country of the West Saxons. There by perswasions, intreaties, threates, and all manner of meanes he endeuou∣red to draw them to an entire conformity with the Church of Rome, that had then admitted diuers corruptions, and much fallen from the purity of former times, whereas the Britons had continued still in the same tenor of pure * 2.35 doctrine which they had receyued in the first infancy of the Church. But his answere was short and peremptory, that they might not sub∣mit themselues vnto him, hauing an Archbishop of their own; that the doctrine and discipline of their Church they had recei∣ued

from the Apostles of Christ, neyther would they change the same for any mans pleasure whatsoeuer.

Augustine notwithstanding not discouraged with this re∣pulse, procured yet another meeting, to which many more of the Brittaines repayred then vnto the first: For it was saide there were there 7. Bishoppes, to wit, of Hereford, of Lan∣daffe, of Paterne, of Bangor, of Saint A••••aph, of the VVicci∣ans, and of Morgan. There were there also many other Cler∣gy men, and Monkes, especially out of that famous Monaste∣ry of Bannachor néere Chester, in which there liued at that time aboue 2000. Monkes, whose Abbot or gouernour Di∣not was there present at this conuenticle.

Some time before this assembly, certaine of the Brittanes thought good to aske counsell of a certaine Anchorite whom they estéemed greatly of for his holinesse, and to know of him whether hee thought it best for them to yéeld vnto the directi∣ons of Augustine or no. He aduised them, if hee were a man of God, to take the course hee shewed, and to follow the same. And when they asked how they should discerne whether hée were such a one or no; hee pronounced this saying of our Sa∣uiour, Take my yoke vpon you, and learne of mee; for I am meeke and humble of heart:* 2.36 If therefore (saith he) this same Augustine bee a méeke and humble minded man•• it is a great presumption that he beareth the yoke of Christ and offreth the same vnto you: But if he be stout and proud, he is not of God you may be bold. This therefore (quoth he) is my aduice, haue a care that he and his company be first in the place where you méete: If then you being the greater number, he rise not to do you reuerence, but despise you; despise you also him and his counsell.

Augustine therefore first entred the place, with his banner and his crosse, with singing, procession, and great pompe; and when the Brittane Bishops came in, neuer mooued to rise or saluted them at all. This they taking very ill, gainsaid him in euery thing, exhorting one another not to yeeld a iote vnto him by any means.* 2.37 For say they, si modo nobis assargere noluit; quan∣to magis si eisubdi c••perimus, nos pro nihilo contemnet? If hee will not daine so much as to rise out of his chayre to salute vs, how

much more when we haue once submitted ourselues to his iu∣risdiction, will he despise vs, and set vs at nought?

With this repulse Austin was so much moued, as he could not forbeare immediately to breath out threats against the poore Brittanes, telling them that they which refused to bée at peace with their friends, should shortly find war and enemies; and that they should finde temporall death by the swords of them, at whose hands they would not receiue the offer of euer∣lasting life.

How well he seconded these words by déedes, let it appeare by the words of Thomas Gray that writ a Chronicle in french now well néere 300. yeares since. Aust••n (saith he) being thus refused of the Bishops and other the learned of the Brittans; made such complaint therof vnto Ethelbert the King of Kent, that forthwith hée leuied his power & marched against them, and slue them in most cruell wise; hauing no more regard of mercy, then a Wolfe hath vpon shéepe.

An other olde Chronicle reporteth, that Ethelbert béeing incensed as aforesaid by Augustine, he sent to Elfred king of Northumberland to come and helpe him to distresse the Bri∣tons of Wales; that Augustine the Archbishop of Canterburie met them at ••egecester (now Chester) the King wherof was called Broch••ail, who being afraid of the other two Kinges, fled away and left his Country, which they parted betweene them. Afterward (saith hée) they went towards Wales, which the Britons heting of, sent men to them in their shirts & bare∣foot to aske mercy; but they were so cruell, they had of them no pitty at all. Whereby it appeareth, that the said Austin was not onely author and perswader of this slaughter, but al∣so present, and an actor in the same, which our conuersioner cannot endure by any meanes to heare of.

Well I know, that diuers affirme, Austin died the yeare 603. whereas this warre was made two yéers after that time.* 2.38 And Beda (as now we haue him) séemeth to confirm the same. For talking of the foresaid slaughter, and how it was foretold by Augustine (as before I haue declared) he addeth, quamuis ipso (Augustino) iam multo ante tempore ad coelestia regna transla∣to, as though long before that warre, Austin had died. How∣beit

it appeareth manifestly, that those words are fraudulent∣ly thrust in. For the olde Saxon copies (whereof diuers are to bee séene) haue no such thing. Againe, it appeareth that Augustine was aliue, and confirmed a Charter made by King Ethelbert, the yéere, 605. which was two yéeres af∣ter the warre. And diuers do witnesse he died after that, some the yéere 611. and other (as namely Mat••. Westmin) ••he yéere, 608. whereas most of our histories affirm, the said warre was made against the Britons, the yeare, 603.

Whensoeuer it was, a great ouerthrow they receiued vp∣on this occasion, wherein they lost, beside an infinite number of Souldiers & men of Arms, a great many Monks (no lesse then 1200.) that neuer fought against the enemy at all, but onely by prayer:* 2.39 50. there were that saued themselues by flight, and escaped the reuenging sword of our Apostles soul∣diers, who hac of all others the greatest spléene against them of the Clergy, as the greatest wrong-doers, because they wold not take wrong by receyuing quietly the yoake of a forraine and vsurping iurisdiction, obtruded vnto them.

This action vndoubtedly sauoureth strongly of that ambi∣tious humour, wherewith Rome hath euer béene déeply tain∣ted, and that now waxing weake, and lesse hopefull in the temporall state, began to creepe into the Spiritualty. Gre∣gory an humble & vertuous man, suppressed the same in him∣selfe and other what he might; and the rather happily, because the title of supremacy which afterwards his Successors ar∣rogated to themselues, was vsurped by the Patriarkes of Constantinople; against which, how bitterly Gregory in∣neigheth, it shall not be amisse a little to consider; that it may appeare vnto the Reader, how true it is which the conuersio∣ner and his fellowes stand so confidently vpon, that Saint Gregory, and so his Disciple Augustine our Apostle (as they call him) was iust of the same Religion that now is maintay∣ned, in Rome.

Ego sidenter dico (saith he) &c. I speake it confidently, who∣soeuer calleth himselfe the vniuersall Priest, or desireth to be so called, in that kind of pride is the forerunner of Antichrist; quicun{que} whosoeuer, he excepteth not the Bishop of Rome.

Nay, when this title (as himselfe saith) was offered him, being the Bishop of Rome, by a Synode assembled at Chalce∣don, he refused the same, yéelding this reason of his so doing; Nullus decessorum meorum hoc tam profane vocabulo vti consensit,* 2.40 None of my predecessors would euer endure to vse so pro∣phane a word;* 2.41 and againe, No Bishop of Rome euer tooke vnto himselfe a name of such singularity. In one place he cals it, Nouum a 2.42 nomen a new name; In an other vocabulum b 2.43 te∣merarium & stultum, a rash and foolish name. Again elsewhere, superbum c 2.44 pompaticum, a proud and pompous title, d 2.45 peruersum, superstitiosum, e 2.46 prophanum,f 2.47 sc••lestum, nomen g 2.48 erroris, h 2.49 vanita∣tis, hypocriseos, & blasphemi••, perverse, superstitious, pro∣phane, wicked, a name of error, vanity, hypocrisie, and blas∣phemy; and lastly, Typhum i 2.50 superbiae, a puffe of arrogancy and pride.

If we should go no farther but euen to the Epitaph engra∣uen vpon the tombe of our Austen, me thinks it might suffici∣ently perswade vs that things are farre otherwise for matters of religion in our daies, th••n they were at Rome when that was written; for thus it is, Hic requiescit Augustinus Doro∣bernensis Archiepiscopus, qui olim huc a Beato Gregorio Romanae vrbis Pontifice directus & a Deo operatione miraculorum suffultus, & Ethelbertum Regem & gentem illius ab idolorum cultu ad ••idem Christi perduxit, & completis in pace diebus officij sui defunctus est. 7. cal. Iun eodem Rege regnante.* 2.51 Heere resteth the body of Au∣gustine the first Archbishop of Dorobernia, that was sent into this land by S. Gregory Bishop of the city of Rome, approued of God by working of miracles, and that brought Ethelbert the King and his people from the worshipping of idols vnto the faith of Christ, the daies of whose office beeing ended in peace, hee deceased, May the 26. the said King Ethelbert yet raigning.

If Augustine were now aliue, and should call the Pope E∣piscopum vrbis Romanae, Bishop of the city of Rome, when orbis Romani, of the Roman world will not content him, how well thinke you it would be taken at his hands? But if S. Gregory should heare the Pope challenge an vniuersal iurisdiction ouer the whole globe of the whole earth, euen amongest the Indi∣ans

East and West, and the very Antipodes (Super & G••ra∣mantas & Indos Protulit Imperium.) and yet not ouer the Cler∣gie onely, or the baser sort of the laity, but ouer Kings and Em∣perours, Princes and Magistrates, and whosoeuer; how would he detest and abhorre such presumptuous & monstrous arrogancy: how farre would hée bée from either accepting in himselfe, or approouing in others, such a large authority, that tooke so hainously the very shew and offer of the title one∣ly, which being pr••ffered vnto himselfe, he vtterly refused, as most absurde and blasphemous? An easie thing it were to set downe (God wot) a number of other points of doctrine, wher∣in Saint Gregory and diuers of his successors, do apparant∣ly vary much from the doctrine now currant in the Church of Rome. But it is matter of history onely which•• I haue vn∣dertaken, and therefore refusing to meddle with any contro∣uersie, that shall not of it selfe fall within the compasse of those things I haue béen occasioned to intreate of; I shall leaue that vnto the discourse of some other man.

This Augustine was a man of excéeding tall stature, well fauoured, of a very amiable countenance. His body was bu∣ried first without doores, néere to the Church of his Monaste∣ry, because the Church was not yet finished, but afterwards was remoued into the North porch of the said Church, in which place all the bodies of the Archbishops following were laid vntill Theodor, who was first buried in the Church, be∣cause the porch was full.

Tho: Spot that liued a Monke in the Abbey of Saint Au∣stins at Canterbury, about the yéere 1270. setteth down for his Epitaph (how truely I know not) this which followeth, which I thinke not amisse héere to insert:

Inclytus Anglorum praesul pius & decus altum, Hic Augustinus requiescit corpore, sanctus.

Thus much concerning the first conuersion of this Coun∣try to Christian Religion, and Augustine the first Archbishop of the Metropolitan See of Canterbury.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Act. 8.1.
• * 1.2

  Act. 12.2.
• * 1.3

  The Apostles d••sperse them∣selues.
• * 1.4

  Homil. 70. in Matth. c. 22.
• * 1.5

  Annal. to. 1. in anno Chri∣sti 44.
• a 1.6

  Apollonius apud Euseb. hist. ec••. lib 5•• c. 16.
• b 1.7

  Euseb: hist: l. 3. c. 1.
• c 1.8

  Eu••eb: ib. Nice••h: lib: 2 c. 3••. & l. 8. c. 6.
• d 1.9

  Sophron: a∣pud Hier: de sc••ip••ed:
• * 1.10

  Euseb: l. 3. cap: 1. O••••g••m Gen: l. 3.
• e 1.11

  Greg: Nazi∣an••: hom: ••d Arian:
• ∴ 1.12

  Lib: 2. c. 40. & l, 3, c, 1.
• * 1.13

  Osot: de reb: gest: •• m:
• f 1.14

  Soci: lib: 1, c, 15.
• g 1.15

  Sophron: a∣pud Hier: de descript: ecc: Niceph: l, 2, c, 40.
• h 1.16

  Chrys. hom: de 12, Apost:
• i 1.17

  Sophron•••• bi¦sup.
• k 1.18

  Soc, l, 1 c, 15
• l 1.19

  Niceph••l, 2, •• 4.
• m 1.20

  Devi: & ob. sanct. 3, c, 1.
• n 1.21

  In M••••tyro∣log M••••j••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• o 1.22

  〈…〉〈…〉
• p 1.23

  Lib: 15.
• * 1.24

  Theod••de ••ur: G•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉: l. ••. Solip••on: l. 3. c••p. 1
• q 1.25

  ••n l••p: •• ad l•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 4.
• r 1.26

  Hier: in ep: ad Gal.
• s 1.27

  Beda in retract: in Act: Ap.
• t 1.28

  Isid: de vit: ob: s.
• u 1.29

  Lib: 2. cap: 40.
• z 1.30

  In Synopsi: Apost.
• * 1.31

  Wh••ther S^t. Peter were euer in England. 12
• * 1.32

  Theolog. loc. lib. 11. cap penultinio.
• * 1.33

  Annal. ecc. Christ••. 44. pag. 371.26.
• * 1.34

  Epist. ad ••••cent. dist. 11. ca. Quis n••sci. at praeserum cú sit manife∣stū in omnem Italiá, Hispa∣niam & Afri∣c•• at{que} Sicili∣am insul asque intertacent••s nullum insti∣tuisse ••••••lesi∣as nisicos quos venera∣bilis Aposto∣lus Petrus aut succ••sso∣res e••••s con∣stitue: un••••••∣cerdotes?
• * 1.35

  In initio Epistolae.
• * 1.36

  Act. 18.2.
• * 1.37

  O••os. l. 7 Sueton. in Claudio. Dic 29. Iunij.
• * 1.38

  Ad vitam S. Petri.
• * 1.39

  Bellarmin to. 1. de Rom. Pont l. 2. c. 6.
• * 1.40

  of S. Paules 〈…〉〈…〉 Spayn and England.
• * 1.41

  Rom: 15.16.
• * 1.42

  vers. 24.23.
• * 1.43

  Epist. ad De∣c••nt. dist. 11. Quis nesciat. L••gant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 istis ••••ouin∣cijs alius ••l∣lus Aposto∣l••••••, inueni∣tur aut legitur 〈◊〉〈◊〉; In Rom. 15.
• * 1.44

  Epist. ad De∣c••nt. dist. 11. Quis nesciat. L••gant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 istis ••••ouin∣cijs alius ••l∣lus Aposto∣l••••••, inueni∣tur aut legitur 〈◊〉〈◊〉; In Rom. 15.
• * 1.45

  Epist. ad De∣c••nt. dist. 11. Quis nesciat. L••gant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 istis ••••ouin∣cijs alius ••l∣lus Aposto∣l••••••, inueni∣tur aut legitur 〈◊〉〈◊〉; In Rom. 15.
• * 1.46

  In Rom. 15.
• * 1.47

  Hier in cap. ••. Amos.
• * 1.48

  Psal. 18.
• * 1.49

  Theodore•• in cap: vlt: 2. Tim.
• * 1.50

  In Psal: 116. Lib: 9. de cu••: Graec. ass.
• * 1.51

  Ven: Honor: Clementian. Fortunatus.
• * 1.52

  Sermo de rat. Apost.
• * 1.53

  Arn. Mir∣mannus in Theatro de conuers••gent.
• * 1.54

  Whether euer Ar••stobulus were here or no••
• * 1.55

  Vers. 10,
• * 1.56

  In Martij. ••5
• * 1.57

  In Synopsi.
• * 1.58

  Of Ioseph of Arimathia who first plan∣t••d Christian Religion her••.
• * 1.59

  Ann••l: to: 1, an: Chr: 35.
• * 1.60

  Act. 8.••.
• * 1.61

  Chronici lib: 2. c. 4. & in coll: in Nennium. Leland in assert. Artu∣rij.
• * 1.62

  Caesar com. De bello Gall. lib. 6.
• * 1.63

  De script: A••g••cent. 1. c. 22.
• * 1.64

  De antiq: Glast: mona∣sterij.
• * 1.65

  Apud ••e∣landum in a••••••rtione Artu••ij.
• * 1.66

  De ant: Glast. mo∣nast.

  De Pontii. lib. 2.
• ∴ 1.67

  Sigebe••tus in Chron. Mar: Scot: l. 2. 6. Aetat.
• * 1.68

  In Annal.
• * 1.69

  Scilicet.
• * 1.70

  In vita 5. Ioseph.
• * 1.71

  In pre••atione ad.
• * 1.72

  Consut. Apol. Cap. 14. §. 3.
• * 1.73

  In prefat. ad lib. de Schis. Angl.
• * 1.74

  Nec non & de alijs eccle∣siasticae vitae disciplinis controuersia nata est. Beda l. 3. c. 25.
• ∴ 1.75

  Topograph. Hibern: lib. 3. c. 26.27.
• * 1.76

  That the ce••e∣bration of Ea∣ster after the manner of the ••••ist churches was receiued of him.
• * 1.77

  See Beda ecc. hist. l. 3. c. 25.
• * 1.78

  Di••••. 11.
• * 1.79

  Ad Casulansi Presbyterum.
• * 1.80

  Ad Lucianū.
• * 1.81

  Luna. 14.
• * 1.82

  Ecc. hist. lib. 3 cap. 25.
• * 1.83

  Aug. contra Faust. lib. 23. cap. 13.
• * 1.84

  Opus fuit o∣lim multa Christianis in du••gere quod senes ple••um∣que ad no∣st••••m religio••nem con••e••si fuerint, ideo{que} haud ••acile adduci po••••e∣rint vt ••eme•• receptū con∣si••••tudmem abijeerent. Nam Quo se∣mel & imbuta &c.
• * 1.85

  B. Rhenanus in Tertull: de Coron: milit.
• * 1.86

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. hist. lib. 3. ••••p. 5••
• * 1.87

  Io: Naucler: vol: gener. 7.
• * 1.88

  Of Claudia Ru∣fina.
• * 1.89

  2. Tim. 4.21.
• * 1.90

  Antiquit. Brit. Camden in Brit:
• * 1.91

  Bale cent: 2. c 26. S. Aug.
• * 1.92

  Lib. 11. Eplg. 54. D•• Clau: dia Rufi••s.
• * 1.93

  Lib: 4. Epi. 13.
• * 1.94

  Lib. 7. Ep. 10.
• * 1.95

  Britain•• a re∣fuge for Chri∣stians.
• * 1.96

  Tripartit: hist: l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.97

  Martial: ad A. Pudentem lib: 6 Epig: 58.
• * 1.98

  King Lucius his conuersion.
• * 1.99

  Lib: 5. c. 19.
• * 1.100

  Tertul: in A∣pol: c. 6.

  Euseb: Eccl: hist. lib. 5. c. 5.
• * 1.101

  Baron. To. 2.
• * 1.102

  Suet: in Claud.
• * 1.103

  Plin: nat: hist: lib: 30. c. 1.
• * 1.104

  In vita Claud: cap: 25.
• * 1.105

  Vbi sup.
• * 1.106

  Antiqui••at. Britan.
• * 1.107

  In precap. di¦cen l••ad Mar∣tyrol c. 8.
• * 1.108

  Mola••n praef: r. ad Vsuardū. Ecc. hist. lib. 1. cap. 4.
• * 1.109

  In 7. Kal. Iun.
• * 1.110

  In lib. de An∣tiq. Glast. Mō
• a 1.111

  In Britannia &c. imperium eius recusātib. prouinci lib. quae omna per duces seda••a sunt.

  Ael. Lamprid. in Commodo: Pe••tinax ••n Britannia se∣ditiones com. pescuit. Capi∣tol. in Perti∣nace.
• b 1.112

  In fastis ā ab vib. cond. 838. Christi. 86.
• ∴ 1.113

  In Martyro: ad diem 26. Maij.

  De Rom. in Britannia.
• * 1.114

  Redactaque paulatim in formam pro∣uinciae proxi∣ma pars Bri∣tanniae. Tacit. in vit. Agric. Romanorum inaccessa loca Christo vero subdita. T••it. Adu. Iudae••s.
• * 1.115

  Quando ter∣ra Britannia ante aduentū Christum in vni∣us dei consē∣sit religionē? Orig. ho 4. in E••••••h.
• * 1.116

  In vita Agric.
• * 1.117

  Antiq. lib. 18, cap. 11.
• * 1.118

  Ios Ant, Iud. l. 17. c. 17.
• * 1.119

  Lucius but a petty King.
• * 1.120

  Vide, p. 35.
• * 1.121

  Com. Caes. l. 5
• * 1.122

  Tacit. An∣nal. lib. 12.
• * 1.123

  Domicae gē••tes, capti Re∣ges. Tac. in vit Agr.

  Ad••maginem bellicā & de∣ditionem Bri∣tanniae regum cap. 1.

  Iuuenal. lib. 1. sat. 4.
• * 1.124

  ••••w Bishops in Britain till the c••mming of Germanus and Lupus.
• * 1.125

  In Catal. ece. script••••pud Hieron.
• * 1.126

  Rer. Scotic. l. 5 Reg. 42.
• * 1.127

  Bishops in steal ••f Flamines an absurd conceipt.
• * 1.128

  De sac. Rom. cap. 5.
• * 1.129

  Dist. 21. c. Decretis. Dist. 80. c. In illis.
• * 1.130

  In lib. de lin∣gua Lat.

  De sac. Rom. c. 5.
• * 1.131

  Hist. l. 3.
• * 1.132

  Prudentius.
• * 1.133

  In vita Hadr.
• * 1.134

  Inscr. ant. ar∣bis Ro. p. 322. nu. 6.
• * 1.135

  Tacit. Annal. 14.
• * 1.136

  Caes•• cō. l. 6. F••re de om∣nib. contro∣uersijs publi∣cis priuatis{que} constituunt, & si quod est admissum fa∣cinus, si cae∣des facta, si de haereditate, de ••inibus cō∣trouersia est, ijde decerunt praemia poe∣nas{que} consti∣tuunt. Fox. pag. Contra Hard. fo. 119.
• * 2.1

  Correctio re∣gis &c. mistaken by N D.
• * 2.2

  De verb: & re••••sig: Quae∣ret aliquis.
• * 2.3

  Terent: An••l: Act. 3. s••. 3.
• * 2.4

  Cic••de finib: lib: 4.
• * 2.5

  1. Cor. 1.24. & 30. Col. 2.3.
• * 2.6

  Virgis corpo∣raliter casti∣gatus. Neubri gensis, l. 2. c. 34
• * 2.7

  Sueton. in Ner. cap. 37.
• * 2.8

  Medicos ad∣mouebat qui cunctan••es continuo cu∣ratēt. Ita enim vocabat venas mo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gratia iucidere. Suet. ibidem. Bulla Pij quinti.
• * 2.9

  Lib. de abd. Hen. 3. Greg. de valē. Q To. 3. d••••p. 1. q 11.
• * 2.10

  Xistus 5. in orat: habita in consist. Sept: 2. 1589.
• * 2.11

  Ambros. epist. 34.
• * 2.12

  R. Vitus.
• * 2.13

  Sabellic: Enn: 7. lib: 5.
• * 2.14

  Brittane hither∣to no way obli∣ged to the Sec of Rome.
• * 2.15

  Mat. 28.19.
• * 2.16

  Mat. 28.19.
• * 2.17

  Gal. 27. &. 9.
• * 2.18

  Contra Iu∣daeos.
• * 2.19

  In Ezech.
• * 2.20

  Athanas. A∣pol. 2.
• * 2.21

  Theodoret. hist. ecc. l. 1. c. 10. & l. 4. c. 3. Hilar. de sy∣nod Chrysost in Hom. quod Christus sit D••us.
• * 2.22

  De Regib. l. 1.
• * 2.23

  Munster in Cosmogr.
• * 2.24

  Greg. in Re∣gist. c. 158. ad Theodoricū & Theode∣bertum Reges
• * 2.25

  Cap. 159. ad Brumchildim Reginam.
• * 2.26

  Io. Diac. in vi∣ta S. Greg. lib. 1. cap. 21.
• * 2.27

  Florant. Wigorne.
• * 2.28

  In vita Aug.
• * 2.29

  Lib. 1. cap. 23. & in seq.
• * 2.30

  Quo factum est vt postea beato Augu∣stino predi∣canti, Regis animus ram emollitus faci∣le cederet. W. Malmsb. de Reg. lib. 1.
• * 2.31

  Beda lib. 1. cap. 28.
• * 2.32

  Gal. 1.1.
• * 2.33

  Beda lib. 2. c. 9. & 4. c. 13. lib. 2. c. 15.
• * 2.34

  Beda lib. 2. c. 2
• * 2.35

  Grex Do∣mini rectum ordinem tene∣bat Galfr. Menum. l. 11. cap. 12.
• * 2.36

  Matth. 11.29.
• * 2.37

  Beda vbis.
• * 2.38

  Lib. 2. c. 2. in fine cap.
• * 2.39

  Sic Fimbria accusat Scae∣uolam (apud Cic:) quod totum telum corpore non recepisset: Orat. p••o Sext: Ros. Amer.

  A Bonifacio 5. rogatus, Phocas Imp. sta••uit, vt Ec∣clesia Rom. esset ca∣put omnium ecclesiarum, & magistra. Nam antea ecclesia Con∣stantinopol i∣tana primam se scribebat om••um Ec∣clesia••um. Flo••lerg. in an. 609.

  Greg Epist. ex Regist: 194
• * 2.40

  Lib: 4. Ep: 36 cap: 80.
• * 2.41

  Lib: 4. Ep. 32. c. 76.
• a 2.42

  Lib: 4 Ep. 32
• b 2.43

  Lib: 4. Ep: 38
• c 2.44

  Lib: 4. Ep. 32
• d 2.45

  Lib: 4 Ep: 38
• e 2.46

  Lib: 4. Ep. 24
• f 2.47

  Lib: 4. Ep: 39
• g 2.48

  Lib: 4. Ep: 38
• h 2.49

  Lib: 4: E: 39.
• i 2.50

  Lib: 6. Ep. 2:
• * 2.51

  Declaramus, dicimus, defi∣nimus, pro∣nuntiamus, omnino esse de necessitate salutis, omni humanae cre∣aturae; sub esse Ro: Pontifici. Bonif: de ma∣iori: & obed: vnam sactā. Q••icquid sal∣uatur est sub Ro: Pont: Glosa ibidem