A declaration of the practises & treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earle of Essex and his complices, against her Maiestie and her kingdoms and of the proceedings as well at the arraignments & conuictions of the said late Earle, and his adherents, as after: together with the very confessions and other parts of the euidences themselues, word for word taken out of the originals.
Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626.
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A DECLARATION of the Practises & Treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earle of Essex and his Complices, against her Maiestie and her Kingdoms, and of the proceedings as well at the Arraignments & Conuictions of the said late Earle, and his adhe∣rents, as after:

Together with the very Confessions and other parts of the Euidences them∣selues, word for word taken out of the Originals.

¶Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie.

ANNO 1601.

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A DECLARATION touching the Treasons of the late Earle of Essex, and his Complices.

THough publike iustice passed vpon capital of∣fenders, according to the lawes, & in course of an honourable and ordinarie triall (where the case would haue borne and required the seueritie of Marshall law to haue bene speedilie vsed) do in it selfe carie a sufficient sa∣tisfaction towards all men, specially in a mercifull gouernement, such as her Page  [unnumbered] Maiesties is approoued to bee: yet because there doe passe abroad in the hands of many men diuers false and corrupt Collections and Relations of the proceedings at the arreignment of the late Earles of Essex and South∣ampton: and againe, because it is re∣quisite that the world doe vnderstand aswell the praecedent practises and in∣ducements to the Treasons, as the open & actuall Treasons thēselues (though in a case of life it was not thought con∣uenient to insist at the triall vpon mat∣ter of inference or presumption, but chiefly vpon matter of plaine and di∣rect proofes) therefore it hath beene thought fit to publish to the world a briefe Declaration of the practises and treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earle of Essex and his Page  [unnumbered] complices against her Maiestie and her Kingdomes, and of the proceedings at the conuictions of the said late Earle and his adhaerents vpon the same trea∣sons: and not so onely, but therewith∣all, for the better warranting and veri∣fying of the narration, to set downe in the end, the very Confessions and testi∣monies themselues, word for word ta∣ken out of the Originals, whereby it wil be most manifest, that nothing is obscu∣red or disguised, though it doe appeare by diuers most wicked and seditious Li∣bels throwen abroad, that the dregs of these treasons, which the late Earl of Essex himselfe a litle before his death, did terme a Leprosie, that had infe∣cted farre and neere, do yet remaine in the hearts and tongues of some misaf∣fected persons.

Page  [unnumbered]THE most partiall will not denie, but that Robert late Earle of Essex was by her Maiesties manifold benefits and graces, besides oath and al∣legeance, as much tied to her Maiestie, as the sub∣iect could be to the souereigne, her Maiesty hauing heaped vpon him both dignities, offices, and gifts in such measure, as within the circle of twelue yeres or more, there was scarcely a yeere of rest, in which he did not obteine at her Maiesties hands some notable addition either of honour or profit.

But he on the other side, making these her Ma∣iesties fauours nothing els but wings for his ambi∣tion, and looking vpon them, not as her benefits, but as his aduauntages, supposing that to be his owne mettall which was but her marke and im∣pression, was so giuen ouer by God (who often pu∣nisheth ingratitude by ambition, and ambition by treason, and treason by finall ruine) as he had long agoe plotted it in his heart to become a dange∣rous supplanter of that seat, whereof he ought to haue beene a principall supporter: In such sort as nowe euerie man of common sense may discerne not onely his last actuall and open treasons, but also his former more secret practises and prepa∣rations towardes those his treasons, and that with∣out any glosse or interpreter, but himselfe and his owne doings.

For first of all, the world can nowe expound, why it was that hee did aspire, and had almost at∣teined vnto a greatnesse, like vnto the auncient greatnesse of the Praefectus Praetorio vnder the Em∣perours Page  [unnumbered] of Rome, to haue all men of warre to make their sole and particular dependance vpon him: That with such iealousie and watchfulnesse hee sought to discountenance any one that might be a Competitor to him in any part of that greatnesse: That with great violence and bitternesse he sought to suppresse and keep downe all the worthiest Mar∣shall men, which did not appropriate their respects and acknowledgements onely towardes himselfe. All which did manifestly detect and distinguish, That it was not the reputation of a famous Leader in the warres which hee sought (as it was constru∣ed a great while) but onely power and greatnesse to serue his owne ends, considering he neuer loued vertue nor valor in another, but where he thought he should bee Proprietarie and Commander of it, as referred to himselfe.

So likewise those points of popularitie which euery man tooke notice and note of, as his affable gestures, open doores, making his table and his bed so popularly places of audience to futers, denying nothing when he did nothing, feeding many men in their discontentments against the Queene and the State, and the like, as they were euer since Ab∣salons time, the forerunners of treasons following, so in him were they either the qualities of a nature disposed to disloyaltie, or the beginnings and con∣ceptions of that which afterwards grewe to shape and forme.

But as it were a vaine thing to thinke to search the rootes and first motions of treasons, which are Page  [unnumbered] knowen to none but God that discernes the heart, and the Diuell that giues the instigation: so it is more then to be presumed (being made apparant by the euidence of all the euents following) that he caried into Ireland a heart corrupted in his alle∣giance, and pregnant of those or the like treasons which afterwards came to light.

For being a man by nature of an high imagina∣tion, and a great promiser to himselfe aswell as to others, he was confident that if he were once the first person in a kingdome, and a sea betweene the Queenes seat and his, and Wales the neerest land from Ireland, and that he had got the flower of the English forces into his hands (which hee thought so to intermixe with his owne followers, as the whole body should mooue by his spirit) and if he might haue also absolutely into his hands potesta∣tem vitae & necis, & arbitrium belli & pacis, ouer the Rebels of Ireland, whereby he might entise, & make them his owne, first by pardons and conditions, and after by hopes to bring them in place where they should serue for hope of better booties then Cowes, he should be able to make that place of Lieutenancie of Ireland, as a rise or step to ascend to his desired greatnesse in England.

And although many of these conceites were windie, yet neither were they the lesse like to his, neither are they now onely probable coniectures or comments vpon these his last treasons, but the very preludes of actions almost immediatly subse∣quent, as shalbe touched in due place.

Page  [unnumbered]But first it was strange with what appetite and thirst he did affect and compasse the gouernment of Ireland, which he did obteine. For although he made some formall shewes to put it from him: yet in this, as in most things else, his desires being too strong for his dissimulations, he did so farre passe the bounds of Decorum, as he did in effect name him∣selfe to the Queene by such description and such particularities as could not be applyed to any o∣ther but himselfe: neither did he so onely, but fur∣ther hee was still at hand to offer and vrge vehe∣mently and peremptorily exceptions to any other that was named.

Then after hee once found that there was no man but himselfe (who had other matters in his head) so farre in loue with that charge, as to make any competition or opposition to his pursute, whereby he saw it would fall vpon him, and espe∣cially after himselfe was resolued vpon, he began to make propositions to her Maiestie by way of taxation of the former course held in mannaging the actions of Ireland, especially vpon three points: The first, that the proportions of forces which had bene there mainteined and continued by supplies, were not sufficient to bring the prosecutions there to period. The second, that the axe had not bene put to the roote of the tree, in regard there had not bin made a maine prosecution vpon the Archtrai∣tour Tyrone, in his owne strength, within the Pro∣uince of Vlster. The third, that the prosecutions before time had bene intermixed and interrupted Page  [unnumbered] with too many temporising treaties, whereby the Rebell did euer gather strength and reputation to renew the warre with aduantage. All which good∣ly and well sounding discourses, together with the great vaunts that he would make the earth trem∣ble before him, tended but to this, that the Queene should encrease the list of her Armie and all pro∣portions of treasure and other furniture, to the end his commandement might be the greater. For that he neuer intended any such prosecution, may ap∣peare by this, that euen at the time before his go∣ing into Ireland hee did open himselfe so farre in speech to Blunt,* his inwardest counsellour, That he did assure himselfe that many of the Rebels in Ireland would be aduised by him: so far was he frō intending any prosecution towards those in whom he tooke himselfe to haue interest. But his ends were two: The one, to get great forces into his hands: the o∣ther, to oblige the heads of the rebellion vnto him, and to make them of his partie. These two endes had in themselues a repugnancie: for the one im∣ported prosecution, and the other treaty: But hee that meant to be too strong to bee called to ac∣count for any thing, and meant besides, when he was once in Ireland, to ingage himselfe in other iourneys that should hinder the prosecution in the North, tooke things in order as they made for him. And so first did nothing as was sayd, but trumpet a finall and vtter prosecution against Ty∣rone in the North, to the ende to haue his forces augmented.

Page  [unnumbered]But yet he forgat not his other purpose of ma∣king himselfe strong by a partie amongst the Re∣bels, when it came to the scanning of the clauses of his commission. For then he did insist, and that with a kind of contestation, that the pardoning, no not of Tyrone himselfe, the capitall Rebell, should be excepted and reserued to her Maiesties imme∣diate grace, being infinitely desirous that Tyrone should not looke beyond him for his life or par∣don, but should hold his fortune as of him, and ac∣compt for it to him onely.

So againe, whereas in the commission of the Earle of Sussex, and of all other Lieutenants or de∣puties, there was euer in that clause which giueth vnto the Lieutenant or deputie, that high or regall point of authority to pardon Treasons and I rai∣tors, an exception contained of such cases of trea∣son as are committed against the person of the King: It was strange, and suspiciously strange, e∣uen at that time, with what importunitie and in∣stance he did labour, and in the end preuailed to haue that exception also omitted, glosing then, that because he had heard, that by strict exposition of law (a point in law that he would needes forget at his arraignment, but could take knowledge of it before, when it was to serue his owne ambition) all treasons of rebellion did tend to the destruction of the Kings person, it might breede a buzze in the Rebels heads, and so discourage them from comming in, whereas he knew well that in all ex∣perience passed, there was neuer Rebel made any Page  [unnumbered] doubt or scruple vpon that point to accept of par∣don from all former gouernours, who had their Commissions penned with that limitation (their Commissions being things not kept secretly in a boxe, but published & recorded) so as it appeared manifestly that it was a meere deuise of his owne out of the secret reaches of his heart then not re∣uealed: but it may be shrewdly expounded since, what his drift was by those pardons which he gran∣ted to Blunt the Marshall, and Thomas Lee, and o∣thers, that his care was no lesse to secure his owne instruments then the Rebels of Ireland.

Yet was there another point for which he did contend & contest, which was, that he might not be tied to any opinion of the Counsell of Ireland, as all others in certain points (as pardoning traitors, concluding warre and peace, and some other prin∣cipall articles) had bene before him, to the end he might be absolute of himselfe, and be fully Master of opportunities and occasions for the performing and executing of his owne treasonable ends.

But after he had once by her Maiesties singular trust and fauour toward him obtained his Patent of Commission as large, and his List of forces as full as hee desired, there was an end in his course of the prosecution in the North. For being arri∣ued into Ireland, the whole cariage of his actions there, was nothing els but a cunning defeating of that iourney, with an intent (as appeared) in the ende of the yeere to pleasure and gratifie the Re∣bell with a dishonourable peace, and to contract Page  [unnumbered] with him for his owne greatnesse.

Therefore not long after hee had receiued the sword, he did voluntarily ingage himselfe in an vn∣seasonable and fruitlesse iourney into Munster, a iourney neuer propounded in the Counsell there, neuer aduertized ouer hither while it was past: By which iourney her Maiesties forces which were to be preserued intire both in vigor and num∣ber for the great prosecution, were harased and tyred with long marches together, and the Nor∣therne prosecution was indeede quite dashed and made impossible.

But yet still doubting he might receiue from her Maiestie some quicke & expresse commandement to proceede: to be sure, he pursued his former de∣uise of wrapping himselfe in other actions, and so set himselfe on worke anewe in the Countie of O∣phaley, being resolued, as is manifest, to dallie out the season, and neuer to haue gone that iourney at all: That setting forward which he made in the ve∣ry ende of August being but a meere plaie and a mockerie, and for the purposes which now shall be declared.

After he perceiued that foure moneths of the Summer, and three parts of the army were wasted, hee thought nowe was a time to set on foot such a peace as might be for the Rebels aduantage, and so to worke a mutuall obligation betweene Tyrone and himselfe, for which purpose he did but seeke a commodity. He had there with him in his armie one Thomas Lee, a man of a seditious and working Page  [unnumbered] spirit, and one that had bene priuately familiar and intirely beloued of Tyrone, and one that afterwards immediatly vpon Essex open rebellion, was appre∣hended for a desperate attempt of violence against her Maiesties person; which he plainly confessed, and for which hee suffered. Wherefore iudging him to be a fit instrument, he made some significa∣tion to Lee of such an imploiment, which was no sooner signified then apprehended by Lee. Hee gaue order also to sir Christopher Blunt Marshall of his army, to licence Lee to goe to Tyrone when hee should require it. But Lee thought good to let slip first vnto Tyrone (which was neuerthelesse by the Marshals warrant) one Iames Knowd, a person of wit and sufficiencie, to sound in what termes and humours Tyrone then was. This Knowd returned a message from Tyrone to Lee,* which was, That if the Earle of Essex would followe Tyrones plot, hee would make the Earle of Essex the greatest man that euer was in England: and further, that if the Earle would haue conference with him, Tyrone would deliuer his eldest sonne in pledge for his assurance. This message was deliuered by Knowd to Lee, and by Lee was impar∣ted to the Earle of Essex, who after this message, imployed Lee himselfe to Tyrone, and by his nego∣ciating (whatsoeuer passed els) prepared and dis∣posed Tyrone to the parley.

And this imploiment of Lee was a matter of that guiltinesse in my Lord, as being charged with it at my Lord Keepers onely in this nature (for the message of Knowd was not then knowen) that Page  [unnumbered] when he pretended to assaile Tyrone, he had before vnder hand agreed vpon a pariey,* my Lord vtterly denied it that he euer imploied Lee to Tyrone at all, and turned it vpon Blunt whom he afterwards re∣quired to take it vpon him, hauing before suffici∣ently prouided for the security of all parts, for he had granted both to Blunt & Lee pardons of al trea∣sons vnder the great seale of Ireland, and so himselfe disclaiming it, & they being pardoned, all was safe.

But when that Tyrone was by these meanes (be∣sides what others God knowes) prepared to de∣mand a parley, nowe was the time for Essex to ac∣quite himselfe of al the Queenes commandements and his owne promises and vndertakings for the Northern iourney, and not so alone, but to haue the glory at the disaduantage of the yere, being but 2500. strong of foote, and 300. of horse, after the fresh disaster of sir Coniers Clifford, in the height of the Rebels pride, to set foorth to assaile, and then that the very terror and reputation of my Lord of Essex person was such as did daunt him and make him stoope to seeke a parley, and this was the end he shot at in that September iourney, being a mere abuse and br•••ry, and but inducements onely to the Treaty, which was the onely matter he inten∣ded. For Essex drawing now towards the Cata∣strophe, or last part of that Tragedy, for which he came vpon the Stage in Ireland, his Treasons grew to a further ripenesse. For knowing how vn∣fit it was for him to communicate with any En∣glish, euen of those whom hee trusted most, and Page  [unnumbered] meant to vse in other Treasons: That he had an in∣tention to growe to an agreement with Tyrone to haue succors from him for the vsurping vpon the State here, (not because it was more dangerous then the rest of his treasons, but because it was more odious, and in a kind monstrous, that hee should conspire with such a Rebell, against whom he was sent: and therfore might aduenture to alie∣nate mens affections from him) he draue it to this, that there might bee, and so there was, vnder co∣lour of treaty, an interuiew & priuate conference betweene Tyrone and himselfe onely, no third per∣son admitted. A strange course, considering with whom he dealt, and especially considering what message Knowde had brought, which should haue made him rather call witnesses to him, then auoid witnesses. But he being only true to his own ends, easily dispensed with all such considerations. Nay, there was such carefull order taken, that no per∣son should ouerheare one worde that passed be∣tweene them two: as because the place appointed and vsed for the parley was such, as there was the depth of a brooke betweene them, which made them speake some lowdnesse: therewere certaine horsemen appointed by order from Essex, to keepe all men off, a great distance from the place.

It is true, that the secrecie of that parley, as it gaue to him the more liberty of Treason, so it may giue any man the more libertie of surmize, what was then handled between them, inasmuch as no∣thing can bee knowen, but by report from one of Page  [unnumbered] them two, either Essex or Tyrone.

But, although there were no proceeding against Essex vpon these treasons, and that it were a need∣lesse thing to load more treasons vpon him then, whose burthen was so great after: yet for trueths sake, it is fit the world know, what is testified tou∣ching the speaches, letters and reports of Tyrone, immediatly following this conference, & obserue also what ensued likewise in the desseignes of Es∣sex himselfe.

On Tyrones part it fell out, that the very day af∣ter that Essex came to the court of England, Tyrone hauing conference with Sir William Warren at Ar∣magh, by way of discourse told him, and bound it with an oath, and iterated it two or three seuerall times:*That within two or three moneths, he should see the greatest alterations and strangest that euer hee sawe in his life, or could imagine: and that bee the said Ty∣rone hoped ere long to haue a good share in England. With this concurred fully the report of Richard Bremingham a gentleman of the Pale, hauing made his repaire about the same time to Tyrone, to right him in a cause of land: sauing that Bremingham de∣liuers the like speach of Tyrone to himselfe:* but, not what Tyrone hoped, but what Tyrone had promised in these words, That hee had promised (it may bee thought to whom) ere long to shew his face in Eng∣land, little to the good of England.

These generalities comming immediatly from the report of Tyrone himselfe, are drawen to more particularitie in a conference had betweene the Page  [unnumbered] Lord Fitz Morrice Baron of Liksnawe in Munster, and one Thomas Wood a person wel reputed of, im∣mediatly after Essex comming into England.* In which conference Fitz Morrice: declared vnto Wood, that Tyrone had written to the traiterous ti∣tularie Earle of Desmond, to informe him, that the Condition of that Contract betweene Tyrone and Essex was, That Essex should be king of England: And that Tyrone should holde of him the honour and state of Viceroy of Ireland: And that the proportion of souldiers, which Tyrone should bring or send to Essex, were 8000 Irish. With which concurreth fully the testimony of the said Iames Knowde,* who being in credit with O•••• Mac Roory chiefe of the Omoores in Lemster, was vsed as a Secretarie for him, in the writing of a letter to Tyrone, immediatly after Essex comming into England. The effect of which letter was: To vnderstand some light of the secret agreement betweene the Earle of Essex and Tyrone, that he the said Owny might frame his course accordingly. Which letter, with further instructions to the same effect, was in the presence of Knowde deliuered to Turlagh Mac∣dauy, a man of trust with Owny, who brought an an∣swer from Tyrone. The cōtents whereof were: That the Earle of Essex had agreed to take his part, and that they should ayd him towards the conquest of England.

Besides, very certaine it is, & testified by diuers credible persons, that immediatly vpon this par∣ley, there did flie abroad as sparckles of this fire, (which it did not concern Tyrone so much to keep secret, as it did Essex) a generall and receiued opi∣nion, Page  [unnumbered] that went vp and down in the mouthes both of the better and meaner sort of Rebels:*That the Earle of Essex was theirs, and they his: and that hee would neuer leaue the one sword, meaning that of Ire∣land, till he had gotten the other in England: and that he would bring them to serue, where they should haue o∣ther maner of booties then cowes: and the like spea∣ches. And Thomas Lee himselfe,* (who had bene, as was before declared, with Tyrone two or three dayes, vpon my Lords sending, and had sounded him) hath left it confessed vnder his hand: That he knew the Earle of Essex and Tyrone to be one, and to runne the same courses.

And certaine it is also, that immediatly vpon that parley, Tyrone grewe into a strange and vn∣woonted pride, and appointed his progresses and visitations to receiue congratulations and homa∣ges from his confederates, and behaued himselfe in all things as one that had some new spirite of hope and courage put into him.

But on the Earle of Essex his part insued imme∣diatly after this parley a strange motion and pro∣iect, which though no doubt hee had harbored in his brest before: yet for any thing yet appeareth, he did not vtter and breake with any in it, before he had bene confirmed and fortified in his purpose, by the combination and correspondence, which hee found in Tyrone vpon their conference. Neither is this a matter gathered out of reports,* but confes∣sed directly by two of his principall friendes and associats, being witnesses vpon their owne know∣ledge, Page  [unnumbered] & of that which was spoken to themselues:* The substance of which confessions is this: That a litle before my Lords comming ouer into England, at the castle of Dublin where Sir Christopher Blunt lay hurt, hauing bene lately remooued thither from Reban, a castle of Thomas Lees, and placed in a lodging that had bene my Lord of Southamptons: the Earle of Es∣sex tooke the Earle of Southampton with him, to vi∣sit Blunt, and there being none present but they three, my Lord of Essex told them, he found it now necessary for him to go into England, and would aduise with them of the manner of his going, since to goe he was resolued. And thereupon propounded vnto them, that he thought it fit a cary with him of the army in Ireland, as much as hee could conueniently transport, at least the choise of it, to the number of two or three thousand, to secure and make good his first deseent on shore, purposing to land them at Milford hauen in Wales, or thereabouts: not doubting, but that his army would so increase within a small time, by such as would come in to him as hee should be able to march with his power to London, and make his own conditions as he thought good. But, both South∣ampton and Blunt disswaded him from this enterprise: Blunt alledging the hazard of it, & that it would make him odious, and Southampt on vtterly disliking of that course vpon the same and many other reasons. Howbe it thereupon Blunt aduised him rather to another course, which was to draw forth of the Army some 200. resolute gentlemen, & with those to come ouer, & so to make sure of the Court, and so to make his owne conditions. Which Confessions it is not amisse to deliuer, by what a Page  [unnumbered] good prouidence of God they came to light: for, they could not bee vsed at Essex arraignement to charge him, because they were vttered after his death.

But Sir Christopher Blunt at his arraignment be∣ing charged that the Earle of Essex had set it downe vnder his hand,* that he had bene a principall Insti∣gator of him, to his treasons, in passion brake forth into these speeches: That then he must be forced to dis∣close what further matters he had held my Lord from, and desired for that purpose (because the present proceeding should not be interrupted) to speake with the Lord Ad∣mirall and M. Secretarie, after his arraignment, and so fell most naturally and most voluntarily into this his confession, which if it had beene thought fit to haue required of him at that time publikely, he had deliuered before his conuiction. And the same con∣fession he did after (at the time of his executiō) con∣stantly and fully confirme, discourse particularly, and take vppon his death, where neuer any man shewed lesse feare, nor a greater resolution to die.

And the same mattter so by him confessed, was likewise confessed with the same circumstances of time and place by Southampton, being seuerally ex∣amined thereupon.

So as nowe the worlde may see how long since my Lord put off his vizard, and disclosed the se∣crets of his heart to two of his most confident friends, falling vpon that vnnaturall and detestable treason, whereunto all his former Actions in his gouernement in Ireland, (and God knowes howe Page  [unnumbered] long before) were but Introductions.

But, finding that these two persons, which of all the rest hee thought to haue found forwardest,*Southampton, whose displacing hee had made his owne discontentment (hauing placed him, no question to that ende, to find cause of discontent∣ment) and Blunt, a man so enterprizing and pro∣digal of his owne life, (as himselfe termed himselfe at the Barre) did not applaud to this his purpose, and thereby doubting how coldly he should find others minded, that were not so neere to him. And therefore condescending to Blunts aduise to sur∣prize the Court, hee did pursue that plot accor∣dingly, and came ouer with a selected companie of Captaines and voluntaries, and such as hee thought were most affectionate vnto himselfe, and most resolute, though not knowing of his purpose. So as euen at that time, euery man noted and won∣dred, what the matter should be, that my Lord tooke his most particular friends and followers from their companies, which were countenance and meanes vnto them, to bring them ouer. But his purpose (as in part was touched before) was this: that if he held his greatnesse in Court, and were not committed (which in regard of the mise∣rable and deplored estate he left Ireland in, where∣by he thought the opinion here would be that his seruice could not be spared, he made full account he should not be) then, at the first opportunitie, he would execute the surprize of her Maiesties per∣son. And if he were committed to the Tower, or Page  [unnumbered] to prison for his contempts, (for besides his other contempts, hee came ouer expresly against the Queenes prohibition vnder her Signet) it might be the care of some of his principall friends, by the helpe of that choise and resolute company which he brought ouer, to rescue him.

But the pretext of his comming ouer was, by the efficacie of his owne presence and perswasion, to haue moued and drawen her Maiestie to accept of such conditions of peace, as hee had treated of with Tyrone, in his priuate conference: which was indeed somwhat needfull, the principall Article of them being, That there should be a generall restitution of Rebels in Ireland to all their lands & possessions, that they could pretend any right to, before their going out in∣to Rebellion: without reseruation of such lands as were by Act of Parliament passed to the Crowne, and so planted with English both in the time of Q. Mary, and since: and without difference either of time of their going forth, or nature of their offence, or other circumstance, tending in effect to this: That all the Queenes good subiects, in most of the Prouinces, should haue beene displanted, and the Countrey abandoned to the Rebels.

When this man was come ouer, his heart thus fraughted with Treasons, and presented himselfe to her Maiestie: it pleased God, in his singular pro∣uidence ouer her Maiestie, to guide and hem in her proceeding towards him, in a narrow way of safetie betweene two perils. For neither did her Maiestie leaue him at libertie, whereby he might Page  [unnumbered] haue commodity to execute his purpose: nor re∣straine him in any such nature, as might signifie or betoken matter of despaire of his returne to Court and fauour. And so the meanes of present mis∣chiefe being taken away, and the humours not stir∣red, this matter fell asleepe, and the threed of his purposes was cut off. For, comming ouer about the end of September, and not denied accesse and conference with her Maiesty, and then being com∣manded to his chamber at Court for some dayes, and from thence to the Lord Keepers house; it was conceiued, that these were no ill signes. At my Lord Keepers house he remained, till some fewe dayes before Easter, and then was remooued to his owne house, vnder the custody of Sir Richard Bark∣ley, and in that sort continued till the end of Trinity Terme following.

For, her Maiestie all this while looking into his faults, with the eye of her princely fauour, and loth to take aduantage of his great offences, in other nature then as contempts, resolued so to proceed against him, as might (to vse her Maiesties owne words) tend, ad correctionem, & non ad ruinam.

Neuerthelesse afterwards, about the ende of Trinitie Terme following, for the better satisfa∣ction of the world, and to represse seditious bruits and libels, which were dispersed in his iustificati∣on, and to obserue a forme of iustice, before hee should be set at full libertie: her Maiestie was plea∣sed to direct, that there should be associate vnto her Priuie Councell, some chosen persons of her Page  [unnumbered] Nobility, and of her Iudges of the law: and before them his cause, (concerning the breaking of his instructions for the Northerne prosecution, and the manner of his treating with Tyrone, and his comming ouer, and leauing the kingdome of Ire∣land, contrary to her Maiesties commandement, expressed as wel by signification thereof made vn∣der her Royall hand and Signet, as by a most bin∣ding and effectual letter, written priuately to him∣selfe) to receiue a hearing: with limitation neuer∣theles, that hee should not bee charged with any point of disloialty; and with like fauour directed, that he should not be called in question in the open and ordinary place of offendours in the Starre Chamber, from which hee had likewise by a most penitent and humble letter desired to be spared, as that which would haue wounded him for euer, as he affirmed, but in a more priuate manner at my Lord Keepers house. Neither was the effect of the sentence, that there passed against him, any more then a suspension of the exercise of some of his pla∣ces: At which time also, Essex that could varie himselfe into all shapes for a time, infinitely desi∣rous (as by the sequele now appeareth) to be at li∣berty to practise & reuiue his former purposes, and hoping to set into them with better strength then euer, bicause he conceiued the peoples hearts were kindled to him by his troubles, and that they had made great demōstrations of asmuch: he did trans∣forme himselfe into such a strange & deiected hu∣mility, as if he had bene no man of this world, with Page  [unnumbered] passionate protestations, that he called God to wit∣nes, that he had made an vtter diuorce with the world: and he desired her Maiesties fauour, not for any world∣ly respect, but for a preparatiue for a Nunc dimittis: And that the teares of his heart had quenched in him all humors of ambition. All this to make her Maiesty secure, and to lull the world asleepe, that hee was not a man to be held any wayes dangerous.

Not many dayes after, Sir Richard Barkley his keeper was remoued from him, and he set at liber∣tie, with this admonition only: That hee should not take himselfe to be altogether discharged, though he were left to the guard of none, but his owne discretion. But he felt himselfe no sooner vpon the wings of his liber∣tie, but (notwithstanding his former shewes of a mortified estate of minde) he began to practise a∣fresh, as busily as euer reuiuing his former resolu∣tion: which was the surprizing and possessing the Queenes person, and the Court. And that it may appeare how early after his libertie he set his en∣gines on worke, hauing long before entertained into his seruice, and during his gouernment in Ire∣land, drawne neere vnto him in the place of his chiefe Secretary, one Henry Cuffe, a base fellow by birth, but a great scholler, and indeede a notable Traytor by the booke, being otherwise of a turbu∣lent and mutinous spirit against all superiours:

This fellow, in the beginning of August, which was not a moneth after Essex libertie granted, fell of practising with Sir Henry Neuill, that serued her Maiestie as Ligier Ambassadour with the French Page  [unnumbered] King,* and then newly come ouer into England from Bulleyn, abusing him with a false lie, and meere inuention, that his seruice was blamed and misliked, and that the imputation of the breach of the treaty of Peace held at Bulleyn, was like to light vpon him, (when there was no colour of any such matter) onely to distaste him of others, and fasten him to my Lord, though he did not acquaint him with any particulars of my Lords deseignes, till a good while after.

But my Lorde hauing spent the ende of the Summer (being a priuate time, when euery body was out of towne and dispersed) in digesting his owne thoughts, with the helpe and conference of Master Cuffe, they had soone set downe betweene them the ancient principle of Traitors and Con∣spirators, which was: To prepare many, and to ac∣quaint few; and after the maner of Mynes, to make ready their powder, and place it, and then giue fire but in the instant. Therefore, the first considerati∣on was of such persons as my Lord thought fit to draw to be of his party; singling out both of Nobi∣litie and Martiall men, and others, such as were dis∣contented or turbulent, and such as were weake of iudgement, and easie to be abused, or such as were wholy dependants and followers (for meanes or countenance) of himselfe, Southampton or some o∣ther of his greatest associates.

And knowing there were no such strong and drawing cordes of popularitie, as religion: he had not neglected, both at this time, and long before, Page  [unnumbered] in a profane pollicy to serue his turne (for his own greatnesse,) of both sorts & factions, both of Catho∣licks and Puritanes, as they terme them, turning his out side to the one, and his inside to the other, and making himselfe pleasing and gracious to the one sort by professing zeale, and frequenting sermons, and making much of Preachers, and secretly vn∣der hand giuing assurance to Blunt, Dauies,* and di∣uers others, that (if hee might preuaile in his desi∣red greatnesse,) hee would bring in a toleration of the Catholike religion.

Then hauing passed the whole Michaelmas Terme in making himselfe plausible, and in draw∣ing concourse about him, and in affecting & allu∣ring men by kinde prouocations and vsage, where∣in (because his libertie was qualified) hee neither forgot exercise of minde nor body, neither Ser∣mon nor Tenis Court, to giue the occasion and freedome of accesse and concourse vnto him) and much other practise and deuise: About the end of that terme, towards Christmas, hee grew to a more framed resolution of the time and maner, when and how hee would put his purpose in execution. And first about the ende of Michaelmas Terme, it passed as a kind of cipher and watchword amongst his friends and followers,*That'my Lord would stand vpon his guard: which might receiue construction, in a good sense, as well guard of circumspection, as guard of force: but to the more priuate and tru∣sty persons hee was content it should be expoun∣ded that he would be couped vp no more, nor ha∣zard Page  [unnumbered] any more restraints or commandements.

But the next care was, how to bring such per∣sons, as he thought fit for his purpose, into Towne together, without vent of suspicion, to be ready at the time, when he should put his deseigne in exe∣cution: which he had concluded should be some time in Hillarie Terme: wherein hee found many deuices to draw them vp,* some for sutes in Lawe, and some for sutes in Court, & some for assurance of land: and one friend to draw vp another, it not being perceiued, that all mooued from one head. And it may be truely noted, that in the Catalogue of those persons, that were the eight of February in the action of open Rebellion, a man may finde al∣most out of euery County of England some, which could not be by chance or constellation: and in the particularity of Examinations (too long to be re∣hearsed) it was easie to trace in what sort many of them were brought vp to Towne, & held in Town vpon seueral pretences. But in Candlemas Terme, when the time drew neere, then was hee content consultation should be had by certaine choise per∣sons, vpon the whole matter and course which he should hold. And because hee thought himselfe and his own house more obserued, it was thought fit, that the meeting and conference should bee at Drury house, where S. Charles Dauers lodged. There mette at this Councell, the Earle of Southampton, with whom in former times hee had bene at some emulations and differences in Court. But after, Southampton hauing married his kinswoman, and Page  [unnumbered] plunged himselfe wholly into his fortune, and be∣ing his continuall Associat in Ireland, hee accoun∣ted of him as most assured vnto him, and had long agoe in Ireland acquainted him with his purpose, as was declared before. Sir Charles Dauers, one ex∣ceedingly deuoted to the Earle of Southampton, vpon affection begun first vpon the deseruing of the same Earle towards him, when he was in trou∣ble about the murther of one Long. Sir Ferdinando Gorge, one that the Earle of Essex had of purpose sent for vp from his gouernment at Plymmouth by his letter, with particular assignation to be here be∣fore the 2. of February. Sir Iohn Dauies, one that had bene his seruant, and raised by him, and that bare Office in the Tower, being Surueyour of the Ordinance, & one that he greatly trusted: and Iohn Littleton, one they respected for his wit and valour.

The consultation and conference rested vpon three parts:* The perusall of a list of those persons, whom they tooke to be of their party: The cōside∣ration of the Action it selfe, which they should set a foot, and how they should proceed in it: And the distribution of the persons, according to the Acti∣on concluded on, to their seuerall imploiments.

The list contained the number of sixe score per∣sons, Noblemen and Knights, and principall Gen∣tlemen, and was (for the more credits sake) of the Earle of Essex owne hand writing.

For the Action it selfe, there was proposition made of two principall Articles: The one, of pos∣sessing the Tower of London: the other of surprising Page  [unnumbered] her Maiesties person and the Court, in which also deliberation was had, what course to hold with the Citie, either towards the effecting of the surprize, or after it was effected.

For the Tower was alleadged, the giuing a reputation to the Action, by getting into their hand the principall Fort of the Realme, with the stores and prouisions thereunto appertaining, the bridling of the Citie by that piece, and commo∣ditie of entrance in and possessing it, by the meanes of Sir Iohn Dauis. But this was by opinion of all reiected, as that which would distract their at∣tempt from the more principall, which was the Court, and as that which they made a iudgement would follow incidently, if the Court were once possessed.

But the later, which was the ancient plot, (as was well knowen to Southampton) was in the ende, by the generall opinion of them all, insisted and rested vpon.

And the maner howe it should bee ordered and disposed was this: That certaine selected per∣sons of their number, such as were well knowen in Court, and might haue accesse without checke or suspicion, into the seuerall roumes in Court, according to the seuerall qualities of the per∣sons, and the differences of the roumes, should di∣stribute themselues into the Presence, the Guard∣chamber, the Hall, and the vtter Court and gate, and some one principall man vndertaking euery Page  [unnumbered] seuerall roume with the strength of some fewe to be ioyned with him, euery man to make good his charge, according to the occasion. In which di∣stribution, sir Charles Dauers was then named to the Presence, and to the great chamber, where he was appointed, when time should bee, to seaze vpon the Halberds of the Gard: sir Iohn Dauies to the Hall: and sir Christopher Blunt to the vtter Gate: these seeming to them, the three principall wards of consideration. And that things being within the Court in a readinesse, a signall should be giuen and sent to Essex, to set forward from Essex house, being no great distance off. Whereupon Essex, accompanied with the noble men of his party, and such as should bee prepared and assembled at his house for that purpose, should march towards the Court: And that the former conspirators alrea∣dy entered should giue correspondence to them without, as well by making themselues Masters of the gates to giue them entrance, as by attemp∣ting to get into their hand vpon the suddaine the Halberds of the Guard, thereby hoping to preuent any great resistance within, and by filling all full of tumult and confusion.

This being the platforme of their enterprise, the second act of this Tragedy was also resolued, which was, that my Lord should present himselfe to her Maiestie as prostrating himselfe at her feete, and desire the remoue of such persons, as he called his enemies, from about her. And after that my Page  [unnumbered] Lord had obtained possession of the Queene, and the State: hee should call his pretended enemies to a triall vpon their liues, and summon a Parlia∣ment, and alter the gouernement, and obtaine to himselfe, and his associates, such conditions as seemed to him and them good.

There passed speech also in this conspiracie, of possessing the Citie of London, which Essex him∣selfe, in his owne particular and secret in clination, had euer a speciall mind vnto: not as a departure or going from his purpose of possessing the Court, but as an inducement and preparatiue to per∣forme it vpon a surer ground. An opinion bred in him, (as may bee imagined) partly by the great ouerweening he had of the loue of the Citizens: but chiefly, in all likelihood, by a feare, that al∣though hee should haue preuailed in getting her Maiesties person into his hands for a time, with his two or three hundred Gentlemen, yet, the very beames and graces of her Maiesties magnanimitie and prudent cariage in such disaster working, with the naturall instinct of loyaltie, which of course (when fury is ouer) doth euer reuiue in the hearts of subiects of any good blood or mind (such as his troope for the more part was compounded of, though by him seduced and bewitched) would quickly breake the knot, and cause some disunion and separation amongst them, whereby hee might haue bene left destitute, except he should builde vpon some more popular number, according to Page  [unnumbered] the nature of all vsurping Rebels, which doe euer trust more in the common people, then in persons of sort or qualitie. And this may well appeare by his owne plot in Ireland, which was to haue come with the choise of the Armie, from which hee was diuerted, as before is shewed. So as his owne courses inclined euer to rest vpon the maine strength of the multitude, and not vpon surprises, or the combinations of a fewe.

But to returne: These were the resolutions ta∣ken at that consultation, held by these fiue at Dru∣ry house, some fiue or sixe dayes before the Rebel∣lion, to be reported to Essex, who euer kept in himselfe the binding and directing voice: which he did to preuent all differences that might grow by dissent or contradiction. And besides he had o∣ther persons, (which were Cuffe and Blunt) of more inwardnesse and confidence with him then these, (Southampton only excepted) which managed that Consultation. And, for the day of the Enterprise, which is that must rise out of the knowledge of all the opportunities and difficulties, it was referred to Essex his owne choise and appointment: it be∣ing neuerthelesse resolued, that it should be some∣time before the end of Candlemas Terme.

But this Councell and the resolutions thereof, were in some points refined by Essex, and Cuffe, and Blunt: for,* first it was thought good, for the better making sure of the vtter gate of the Court, and the greater celeritie and suddennesse, to haue a troupe Page  [unnumbered] at receipt to a competent number, to haue come from the Mewes, where they should haue bene as∣sembled without suspicion in seuerall companies, and from thence cast themselues in a moment vp∣on the Court gate, and ioyne with them which were within, while Essex with the maine of his company were making forward.

It was also thought fit, that because they would be Common wealths-men, and foresee, that the businesse and seruice of the publique State should not stand still: they should haue ready at Court, and at hand, certaine other persons to be offered, to supplie the offices and places of such her Maie∣sties Counsellors and seruants, as they should de∣mand to be remoued and displaced.

But chiefly it was thought good, that the as∣sembling of their companies together, should bee vpon some plausible pretext; both to make diuers of their company, that vnderstood not the depth of the practises, the more willing to follow them: and to ingage themselues, and to gather them to∣gether the better without perill of detecting or interrupting: and againe, to take the Court the more vnprouided, without any Alarme giuen. So as now there wanted nothing, but the Assignation of the day: which neuerthelesse was resolued inde∣finitely to be before the end of the Terme, as was sayd before,* for the putting in execution of this most dangerous and execrable Treason. But God who had in his diuine prouidence long agoe Page  [unnumbered] cursed this action, with the Curse that the Psalme speaketh of, That it should be like the vntimely fruit of a woman, brought foorth before it came to perfection, so disposed aboue, that her Maiesty vnderstanding by a generall charme and muttering of the great and vniuersall resort to Essex house, contrary to her Princely admonition, and somwhat differing from his former maner (as there could not be so great fire without some smoke) vpon the seuenth of Fe∣bruary, the afternoone before this Rebellion, sent to Essex house M. Secretary Harbert, to require him to come before the Lords of her Maiesties Coun∣cell, then sitting in Counsell at Salisbury Court, be∣ing the Lord Treasurers house: where it was one∣ly intended, that he should haue receiued some re∣prehension, for exceeding the limitations of his li∣berty, granted to him in a qualified maner, without any intention towardes him of restraint, which hee, vnder colour of not being well, excused to doe: but his owne guiltie conscience applying it, that his Traynes were discouered, doubting perill in any further delay, determined to ha∣sten his enterprise, and to set it on foote the next day.

But then againe, hauing some aduertisement in the euening, that the guards were doubled at Court, and laying that to the message hee had re∣ceiued ouernight: and so concluding that Allarme was taken at Court, hee thought it to bee in vaine, to thinke of the enterprise of the Court, Page  [unnumbered] by way of surprize: but that nowe his onely way was, to come thither in strength, and to that ende first to attempt the Citie. Wherein hee did but fall backe to his owne former opinion, which hee had in no sort neglected, but had formerly made some ouertures to prepare the Citie to take his part: re∣lying himselfe, (besides his generall conceipt, that himselfe was the darling and mynion of the peo∣ple, and specially of the Citie) more particularly vpon assurance giuen of Thomas Smith, then Shi∣riffe of London, a man well beloued amongst the Citizens, and one that had some particular com∣mand of some of the trayned forces of the Citie, to ioyne with him. Hauing therefore concluded vpon this determination, now was the time to ex∣ecute in fact, all that he had before in purpose digested.

First therefore hee concluded of a pretext which was euer part of the plot, and which hee had meditated vpon, and studied long before. For finding himselfe (thankes bee to God) to seeke, in her Maiesties gouernement, of any iust pretext in matter of state, either of innouation, oppression, or any vnworthinesse: As in all his former discontentments, hee had gone the bea∣ten path of Traytours, turning their imputation vpon Counsellours, and persons of credit with their Soueraigne: so nowe hee was forced to de∣scend to the pretext of a priuate quarrell, giuing out this speach, howe that euening, when hee Page  [unnumbered] should haue bene called before the Lordes of the Councell, there was an Ambuscado of Muske∣ters placed vpon the water, by the deuise of my Lord Cobham, and Sir Walter Raleigh, to haue murdered him by the way as hee passed. A mat∣ter of no probability, those persons hauing no such desperate estates or mindes, as to ruine themselues and their posteritie, by committing so odious a crime.

But contrariwise, certaine it is, Sir Ferdinando Gorge accused Blunt, to haue perswaded him to kill,* or at least apprehend Sir Walter Raleigh, the latter whereof Blunt denieth not, and asked Sir Walter Raleigh forgiuenesse at the time of his death.

But this pretext being the best hee had, was ta∣ken, and then did messages and warnings fly thicke vp and downe to euery particular Nobleman, and gentleman, both that euening and the next mor∣ning, to draw them together in the forenoone to Essex house, dispersing the foresaid fable, That hee should haue bene murdered, saue that it was som∣time on the water, somtime in his bed, varying ac∣cording to the nature of a lye. Hee sent likewise the same night, certaine of his instruments, as namely, one William Temple his Secretary into the Citie, to disperse the same tale, hauing increased it some fewe daies before by an addition, That he should haue bene likewise murdered by some Iesu∣its to the number of foure: and to fortifie this pre∣text, Page  [unnumbered] and to make the more buzze of the danger hee stood in, hee caused that night a watch to bee kept all night long towards the street, in his house: the next morning, which was Sunday, they came vnto him of all handes, according to his messages and warnings. Of the Nobilitie, the Earles of Rutland, Southampton, and the Lord Sands, and Sir Henry Parker, commonly called the Lord Mount∣egle, besides diuers Knights and principall Gentle∣men and their followers, to the number of some three hundreth. And also it being Sunday, and the houre when hee had vsed to haue a Sermon at his house, it gaue cause to some, and colour to others to come vpon that occasion. As they came, my Lord saluted and imbraced, and to the generalitie of them gaue to vnderstand, in as plau∣sible termes as hee could, That his life had bene sought, and that hee meant to goe to the Court, and declare his griefes to the Queene, because his enemies were mightie, and vsed her Maiesties name and com∣maundement, and desired their helpe to take his part:* But vnto the more speciall persons hee spake high and in other termes, telling them That hee was sure of the Citie, and would put himselfe into that strength, that her Maiestie shoulde not bee able to stand against him, and that he would take reuenge of his enemies.

All the while after eight of the clocke in the morning, the gates to the Streete and water were strongly guarded, and men taken in and let foorth by discretion of those that helde the charge, but Page  [unnumbered] with speciall caution of receiuing in such as came from Court, but not suffering them to goe backe without my Lords speciall direction, to the end no particularitie of that which passed there might be knowen to her Maiestie.

About 10. of the clocke, her Maiestie hauing vnderstanding of this strange and tumultuous as∣sembly at Essex house, yet in her Princely wisedome and moderation thought to cast water vpon this fire before it brake forth to further inconuenience: and therefore vsing authoritie before she would vse force, sent vnto him foure persons of great Honour and place, and such as hee euer pretended to reue∣rence and loue, to offer him iustice for any griefs of his, but yet to lay her Royal commandement vpon him to disperse his company, and vpon them to withdraw themselues.

These foure Honourable persons, being the Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England, the Earle of Worcester,* the Controller of her Maiesties houshold, and the Lord chiefe Iustice of England, came to the house, and found the gates shut vpon them. But after a little stay, they were let in at the wicket, and assoone as they were within, the wic∣ket was shut,* and all their seruants kept out, ex∣cept the Bearer of the Seale. In the court they found the Earles with the rest of the company, the court in a maner full,* and vpon their comming to∣wards Essex, they all flocked and thronged about them: whereupon the Lord Keeper in an audible voice deliuered to the Earle the Queenes message, Page  [unnumbered]That they were sent by her Maiestie to vnderstand the cause of this their assembly, and to let them knowe that if they had any particular cause of griefes against any persons whatsoeuer, they should haue hearing and iustice.

Whereupon the Earle of Essex in a very lowd and furious voyce declared, That his life was sought, And that hee should haue bene murdered in his bed, And that he had bene perfidiously dealt withall, and o∣ther speeches to the like effect. To which the Lord Chiefe Iustice saide, If any such matter were at∣tempted or intended against him, it was fit for him to declare it, assuring him both a faithfull relation on their part, and that they coulde not faile of a princely indifferencie and iustice on her Maiesties part.

To which the Earle of Southampton tooke oc∣casion to obiect the assault made vpon him by the Lord Gray: which my Lord Chiefe Iustice re∣turned vpon him, and saide, That in that case iu∣stice had bene done, and the partie was in prison for it.

Then the Lord Keeper required the Earle of Essex, that if he would not declare his griefes open∣ly, yet that then hee would impart them priuately, and then they doubted not to giue him or procure him satisfaction.

Vpon this there arose a great clamor among the multitude, Away my Lord: they abuse you, they be∣tray you: they vndoe you: you lose time. Whereupon my L. Keeper put on his hat, and said with a louder Page  [unnumbered] voyce then before: My Lord, let vs speake with you priuately, and vnderstand your griefes: and, I doe com∣maund you all vpon your allegiance, to lay downe your weapons, and to depart. Vppon which wordes the Earle of Essex and all the rest, as disdaining com∣mandement, put on their hats: and Essex some∣what abruptly went from him into the house, and the Counsellors followed him, thinking hee would haue priuate conference with them, as was required.

And as they passed through the seuerall roomes, they might heare many of the disordered companie crie, Kill them, kill them: and others cry∣ing, Nay, but shoppe them vp, keepe them as pledges, cast the great Seale out at the windowe, and other such audacious and traiterous speeches. But Essex tooke holde of the occasion and aduantage, to keepe in deed such pledges if he were distressed, and to haue the countenance to leade them with him to the Court, especially the two great Magi∣strates of Iustice, and the great Seale of England if he preuailed, and to depriue her Maiestie of the vse of their counsell in such a strait, and to ingage his followers in the very beginning by such a capi∣tall act, as the imprisonment of Counsellors cary∣ing her Maiesties royall commaundement for the suppressing of a rebellious force.

And after that they were come vp into his booke chamber, hee gaue order they should bee kept fast, giuing the charge of their custodie prin∣cipally to Sir Iohn Dauis, but adioyned vnto him Page  [unnumbered] a warder, one Owen Salisburie, one of the most se∣dicious and wicked persons of the number, hauing beene a notorious robber, and one that serued the enemie vnder Sir William Stanley, and that bare a speciall spleene vnto my Lord Chiefe Iustice, who garded these honourable persons with Muskets charged, and Matches ready fiered at the chamber doore.

This done, the Earle (notwithstanding my Lord Keeper still required to speake with him) left the charge of his house with Sir Gilly Mericke, and v∣sing these words to my Lord Keeper, Haue patience for a while, I will goe take order with the Maior and Sherifes for the Citie, and be with you againe within halfe an houre, issued with his troupe into London, to the number of two hundreth, besides those that remained in the house, choise men for har∣dinesse and valour, vnto whom some Gentle∣men, and one Noble man did after ioyne them∣selues.

But from the time he went forth, it seemes God did strike him with the spirit of Amazement, and brought him round againe to the place whence he first moued.

For after he had once by Ludgate entred into the Citie, he neuer had as much as the heart or as∣surance to speake any set or confident speech to the people (but repeated onely ouer and ouer his tale as he passed by, That he should haue bene murthered) nor to doe any act of foresight or courage: but he that had vowed hee would neuer bee cooped vp Page  [unnumbered] more, cooped himselfe first within the wals of the Citie, and after within the wals of an house, as arre∣sted by Gods Iustice as an example of disloyaltie. For passing through Cheapeside, and so towards Smiths house, and finding, though some came a∣bout him, yet none ioyned or armed with him, he prouoked them by speeches as he passed,* to arme, telling them, They did him hurt and no good, to come about him with no weapons.

But there was not in so populous a Citie, where he thought himselfe held so deare, one man, from the chiefest Citizen, to the meanest Artificer or Prentise, that armed with him: so as being ex∣tremely appalled, as diuers that happened to see him then, might visibly perceiue in his face and countenance, and almost moulten with sweate, though without any cause of bodily labour but on∣ly by the perplexitie and horror of his minde, hee came to Smiths house the Sherife, where he refre∣shed himselfe a little, and shifted him.

But the meane while it pleased God, that her Maiesties directions at Court, though in a case so strange and sudden, were iudiciall and sound. For first there was commaundement in the morning giuen vnto the Citie, that euery man should be in a readinesse both in person and armor, but yet to keepe within his owne doore, and to expect com∣mandement: vpon a reasonable & politique con∣sideration, that had they armed suddenly in the streetes, if there were any ill disposed persons, they might arme on the one side and turn on the other, Page  [unnumbered] or at least if armed men had bene seene to and fro, it would haue bred a greater tumult, and more bloodshed: and the nakednesse of Essex troupe would not haue so well appeared.

And soone after direction was giuen, that the Lord Burghley, taking with him the King of He∣ralds, should proclaime him Traitour in the prin∣cipall parts of the Citie: which was perfourmed with good expedition and resolution, and the losse and hurt of some of his Companie. Besides that, the Earle of Cumberland, and Sir Thomas Ger∣rard Knight Marshall, rode into the Citie, and de∣clared and notified to the people that hee was a Traitour: from which time diuers of his troupe withdrawing from him, and none other comming in to him, there was nothing but despaire. For ha∣uing stayed a while, as is sayd, at Shirife Smiths house, and there changing his pretext of a priuate quarell, and publishing, That the Realme should haue bene solde to the Infanta,* the better to spurre on the people to rise,* and called, and giuen commande∣ment to haue brought armes and weapons of all sorts, and being soone after aduertised of the Pro∣clamation, he came forth in a hurry.

So hauing made some stay in Gracious street, and being dismaid vpon knowledge giuen to him that forces were comming forwards against him vnder the conduct of the L. Admirall the Lieutenant of her Maiesties forces, and not knowing what course to take, he determined in the end to goe backe to∣wards Page  [unnumbered] his own house, aswel in hope to haue found the Counsellers there, and by them to haue serued someturne, as vpon trust that towardes night his friends in the City would gather their spirits toge∣ther, and rescue him, as himselfe declared after to M. Lieutenant of the Tower.

But for the Counsellers, it had pleased God to make one of the principall offenders his instru∣ment for their deliuery: who seeing my Lords case desperate, & contriuing how to redeeme his fault, and saue himselfe, came to sir Iohn Dauis and sir Gil∣lie Mericke, as sent from my Lord: and so procured them to be released.

But the Earle of Essex, with his companie that was left, thinking to recouer his house, made on by land towards Ludgate, where being resisted by a company of Pikemen and other forces, gathered together by the wise and diligent care of the Bi∣shop of London, and commanded by sir Iohn Luson, and yet attempting to cleere the passage, he was with no great difficultie repulsed. At which en∣counter sir Christopher Blunt was fore wounded, and yong Tracie slaine on his part: and one Waits on the Queenes part, and some other. Vpon which repulse he went backe and fled towards the Wa∣terside, & tooke boat at Queene hiue, and so was re∣ceiued into Essex house at the Watergate, which he fortified and baricado'd: but instantly the Lord Lieutenant so disposed his Companies, as all pas∣sage and issue foorth was cut off from him both by Page  [unnumbered] land and by water, and all succours that hee might hope for, were discouraged: and leauing the Earle of Cumberland, the Earle of Lincolne, the Lord Tho∣mas Howard, the Lord Gray, the Lord Burghley, and the Lord Compton, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Thomas Gerrard, with diuers others, before the house to landward, my Lord Lieutenant himselfe thought good, taking with him the Lord of Effingham, Lord Cobham, Sir Iohn Stanhope, Sir Robert Sidney, M. Foulk Greuill, with diuers others, to assaile the Gar∣den and Banketting house on the Water side, and presently forced the Garden, and woon to the wals of the house, and was ready to haue assailed the house: but out of a Christian and honorable con∣sideration, vnderstanding that there were in the house the Countesse of Essex, and the Ladie Rich, with their Gentlewomen, let the Earle of Essex know by Sir Robert Sidney, that hee was content to suffer the Ladies and gentlewomen to come forth. Whereupon Essex returning the Lord Lieutenant thanks for the compassion and care he had of the Ladies, desired onely to haue an houres respit to make way for their going out, and an houre after to barricado the place againe. Which because it could make no alteration to the hinderance of the seruice, the L. Lieutenant thought good to grant. But Essex hauing had some talke within of a sallie, and despairing of the successe, and thinking better to yeeld himselfe, sent word, that vpon some condi∣tions he would yeeld.

But the L. Lieutenant vtterly refusing to heare Page  [unnumbered] of capitulations, Essex desired to speake with my Lord; who thereupon went vp close to the house: and the late Earles of Essex and Southampton, with diuers other Lords and Gentlemen their partakers, presented themselues vpon the leades: and Essex sayd, hee would not capitulate, but intreat, and made three petitions. The first, That they might be ciuilly vsed: Whereof the Lord Lieutenant assured them. The second, That they might haue an honou∣rable triall: Whereof the Lord Lieutenant answe∣red, they needed not to doubt. The third, That he might haue Ashton a Preacher with him in prison for the comfort of his soule: Which the Lord Lieutenant said he would mooue to her Maiesty, not doubting of the matter of his request, though he could not absolutely promise him that person. Whereupon they all with the ceremony amongst marshall men accustomed, came downe & submitted themselues and yeelded vp their swords, which was about ten of the clocke at night, there hauing beene slaine in holding of the house, by musket shot, Owen Salis∣burie, and some few more on the part of my Lord, and some fewe likewise slaine and hurt on the Queenes part, and presently, aswell the Lordes as the rest of their confederates of quality were seue∣rally taken into the charge of diuers particular Lords and Gentlemen, and by them conueyed to the Tower and other prisons.

So as this action, so dangerous in respect of the person of the Leader, the maner of the combi∣nation, and the intent of the plot, brake forth and Page  [unnumbered] ended within the compasse of twelue houres, and with the losse of little blood, and in such sort as the next day all Courts of Iustice were open, and did sit in their accustomed maner, giuing good Sub∣iects, and all reasonable men iust cause to thinke, not the lesse of the offenders treason, but the more of her Maiesties princely magnanimitie and pru∣dent foresight in so great a perill, and chiefly of Gods goodnesse, that hath blessed her Maiesty in this, as in many things else, with so rare and di∣uine felicitie.

Page  [unnumbered]


Page  [unnumbered]

THE EFFECT OF the Euidence giuen, at the seuerall Arraignments of the late Earls of Essex and Southampton, before the L. STEVVARD; And of Sir Christopher Blunt and Sir Charles Dauers, and others, be∣fore great and Honourable Com∣missioners of Dyer and Determiner. And of the Answeres and Defenses, which the said Offendors made for them∣selues; And the Replies made vpon such their Defenses: With some other Circumstances of the proceedings, as well at the same Arraignments as after.

THE two late Earles of Essex and Southampton,* were brought to their triall, the nineteenth of Februarie, eleuen dayes after the Rebellion. At which trial there passed vpon them 25. Peeres, a greater number then hath bene called in any former president. Amongst whom her Ma∣iestie did not forbeare to vse many that were of neere alliance and blood to the Earle of Essex, and some others, that had their sonnes and heires ap∣parant that were of his Company, and followed Page  [unnumbered] him in the open Action of Rebellion. The Lord Steward then in Commission, (according to the solemnitie in such Trials receiued) was the Lord Buckhurst, L. high Treasurer, who with grauity and temperance directed the Euidence, and modera∣ted, and gaue the Iudgement. There was also an Assistance of eight Iudges, the three chiefe, & fiue others. The hearing was with great patience and libertie: the ordinary course not being held, to si∣lence the Prisoners, till the whole state of the Eui∣dence was giuen in: but they being suffered to an∣swere articulatly, to euery branch of the Euidence, and sometimes to euery particular deposition, whensoeuer they offered to speake. And not so onely, but they were often spared to bee interrup∣te'd, euen in their digressions, and speeches not much pertinent to their cause. And alwayes when any doubt in Law was moued, or when it was re∣quired either by the Prisoners or the Peeres, the Lord Steward required the Iudges to deliuer the Law; who gaue their opinions seuerally, not bare∣ly, yea or no, but at large with their reasons.

In the Endictment were not layed or charged the treasons of Ireland, because the greatest mat∣ter, which was the desseigne to bring ouer the Ar∣my of Ireland, being then not cōfessed nor knowen, it was not thought conuenient to stuffe the Endite∣ment with matters, which might haue bene con∣ceiued to be chiefly gathered by curious inquisiti∣on, & grounded vpon report, or presumptiō, when there was other matter so notorious. And besides, Page  [unnumbered] it was not vnlikely, that in his case, to whom many were so partiall, some (who would not consider how things came to light by degrees) might haue reported, that hee was twife called in Question a∣bout one offence. And therefore the late Treasons of his Rebellion and conspiracie, were onely com∣prehended in the Enditement, with the vsuall clau∣ses and consequents in Lawe, of compassing the Queenes death, destruction, and depriuation, and leuying warre, and the like.

The Euidence consisted of two parts: The plot of surprising her MAIESTIES Person in Court, and, The open Rebellion in the Citie.

The plot was opened according to the former narration, and proued by the seuerall confessions of foure witnesses, fully and directly concurring in the point: Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles Dauers, Sir Iohn Dauies, and Sir Ferdinando Gorge. Of which number, though Sir Christopher Blunt were not at the Councell helde at Drury house, no more then Essex himselfe was: yet, hee was priuie to that which passed. Sir Ferdinando Gorge being prisoner in the Gatehouse, neere the place of triall, was (at the request of the Earle of Essex) brought thither, and auouched Viua voce his confession in all things.

And these foure prooued all particularities of surprizing the Court, and the maner of putting Page  [unnumbered] the same in execution, and the distributing and na∣ming of the principall persons and actors, to their seuerall charges: and the calling of my Lords pre∣tended enemies to trial for their liues, and the fum∣moning of a Parliament, and the altering of the go∣uernement. And Sir Christopher Blunt, and Sir Iohn Dauies, from Sir Christopher Blunt, did speake to the point of bringing in a toleration of the Catholike religion.

For the ouert Rebellion in the Citie it selfe, it was likewise opened, according to the former nar∣ration, and diuided it selfe naturally into 3. parts.

First, the imprisonment of the Counsellours, bringing her Maiesties Royall commaundement to them, vpon their allegeance, to disperse their Forces. Secondly, the entring the Citie, and the stirring of the people to rise, as well by prouoking them to arme, as by giuing forth the slanders, that the Realme was solde to the Spaniard, and the assai∣ling of the QVEENES Forces at Ludgate. And thirdly, the resistance and keeping of the house a∣gainst her MAIESTIES Forces, vnder the charge and conduct of the Lord Lieutenant.

And albeit these parts were matters notorious, and within almost euery mans viewe and know∣ledge: yet, for the better satisfaction of the Peeres, they were fully prooued by the oath of the Lord Chiefe Iustice of England, being there present, Viua voce, and the Declaration of the Earle of Page  [unnumbered]Worcester, being one of the Peeres likewise, Viua vo∣ce, touching so much as passed about the imprison∣ment of themselues and the rest: and by the confes∣sions of the Earle of Rutland, the Lorde Sands, the Lord Cromwell, and others.

The defence of the late Earle of Essex, touching the plot & consultation at Drury house, was: That it was not proued, that he was at it: And that they could shew nothing prouing his cōsent or priuity, vnder his hād.

Touching the action in the Citie, hee iustified the pretext of the danger of his life to be a trueth. He said, that his speech that the Realme should haue bene sold to the Infanta of Spaine, was grounded vpō a report he had heard, that Sir Robert Cecill should say priuately, That the Infantaes title to the Crowne (after her Maiestie) was as good as any other. He excu∣sed the imprisonment of the Counsellors, to haue bene against his mind, forced vpon him by his vn∣ruly company. He protested he neuer intended in his heart, any hurt to her Maiesties person: That he did desire to secure his accesse to her, for which purpose he thought to pray the helpe of the Citie, and that he did not arme his men in warlike sort, nor strooke vp no Drumme, nor the like.

The defence of the late Earle of Southampton to his part in the plot, and consultation at Drury house, was: That it was a matter debated, but not resolued nor concluded; and that the action which was executed, was not the action which was consulted vpon. And for the open action in the citie, hee concurred with Essex, with protestation of the cleerenesse of his minde for Page  [unnumbered] any hurt to the Queenes person: And that it was but his affection to my Lord of Essex, that had drawen him into the cause. This was the substance & best of both their defences. Vnto which the Reply was.


To the point that the late Earle of Essex was not at the consultation at Drury-house.


It was replied, that it was proued by all the wit∣nesses, that that consultation was held by his spe∣ciall appointment and direction, and that both the list of the names, and the principall Articles, were of his owne hand writing. And whereas he saide, they could not be shewed extant vnder his hand: it was prooued by the confession of my Lorde of Rutland, and the Lord Sands, that he had prouided for that himselfe. For, after he returned out of the Citie to his owne house, he burned diuers papers which he had in a Cabanet, because (as himselfe said) they should tell no tales.


To the point which Southampton allea∣ged, That the Consultation at Drury house, vpon the list and articles in writing, was not executed.


It was replied, that both that Consultation in that manner held, if none other act had followed, was treason: And that the Rebellion following in the citie, was not a desisting from the other plot, Page  [unnumbered] but an inducement and pursuance of it: their mea∣ning being plaine on all parts, that, after they had gotten the aide of the citie, they would haue gone and possessed the Court.


To the point, that it was a truth, that Essex should haue bene assailed by his priuate enemies.


First, he was required to deliuer, who it was that gaue him the aduertisement of it, because o∣therwise it must light vpon himselfe, & be thought his owne inuention: whereunto he sayd, that hee would name no man that day.

Then it was shewed how improbable it was, considering that my Lord Cobham, and Sir Walter Raleigh were men, whose estates were better setled and established, then to ouerthrow their fortunes by such a crime.

Besides, it was shewed howe the tale did not hang together, but varied in it selfe, as the tale of the two Iudges did, when one said, Vnder the Mul∣bery-tree, and another said, Vnder the Figge-tree. So, sometimes it was, That he should haue beene murdered in his bed, and sometimes vpon the wa∣ter, and sometimes it should haue bene performed by Iesuits, some dayes before.

Thirdly, it was asked what reference the going into the citie for succour against any his priuate e∣nemies, had to the imprisoning of the L. Keeper, and the L. Chiefe Iustice, persons that he preten∣ded Page  [unnumbered] to loue and respect; and the Earle of Worcester his kinsman, and Master Controller his Vncle, and the publishing to the people, that the Realme should haue bene solde to the Spaniard.

And lastly, it was sayd, that these were the an∣cient footsteps of former Traitours, to make their quarrell as against their priuate enemies: because, God vnto lawful kings did euer impart such beams of his owne glory, as Traytours could not looke straight vpon them, but euer turned their preten∣ces against some about them. And that this Acti∣on of his, resembled the Action of Pisistratus of A∣thens, that proceeded so farre in this kinde of ficti∣on and dissimulation, as he launced his owne bo∣die, and came hurt and wounded before the peo∣ple, as hauing bene assailed by his priuate enemies, and by colour thereof obteined a guard about his person, by helpe of whom, he after vsurped vpon the State.


To the point that he heard it reported, M. Secretary should say: That the Infan∣taes title to the Crowne (after her Maiesty) was as good as any other.


Vpon this his allegation, M. Secretary stan∣ding out of sight in a priuate place, onely to heare, (being much moued with so false and foule an ac∣cusation) came suddenly forth, and made humble request to the Lord Steward, that hee might haue Page  [unnumbered] the fauour to answere for himselfe. Which being granted him, in respect of the place he carieth, (af∣ter a bitter contestation on his part with the Earle, and a serious protestation of his alienation of heart from the Spanish nation, in any such condition) he still vrged the Earle to name the reporter, that all the circumstances might be knowen. But the Earle still warily auoiding it, M. Secretary replied, that seeing he would alledge no Author, it ought to be reputed his owne fiction. Whereupon the Earle of Essex said, though his owne conscience was a sufficient testimony to himselfe, that he had not in∣uented any vntruth, yet hee would affirme thus much for the worlds farther satisfaction in that be∣halfe: that the Earle of Southampton also, had heard so much reported of M. Secretary: but sayd still, that he (for his part) would name no body. Wher∣upon M. Secretary adiured the Earle of Southamp∣ton, by all former friendship, (which had beene in deed very great betweene them) that he would de∣clare the person: which he did presently, and sayd it was M. Comptroller. At which speech M. Secre∣tary straight tooke holde, and said, That he was glad to heare him named of all others: for howso∣euer some malicious person, might peraduenture haue bene content, to giue credit to so iniurious a conceit of him, (especially such as were against the peace wherein hee was imployed, and for which the Earle of Essex had euer hated him, being euer desirous to keepe an army on his owne dependen∣cy) yet he did thinke no man of any vnderstanding Page  [unnumbered] would beleeue that he could be so sencelesse, as to picke out the Earle of Essex his vncle, to lay open to him his affection to that nation, in a matter of so o∣dious & pernicious consequence: And so did very humbly craue it at the hands of the Lord Steward, and all the Peeres, that M. Comptroller might bee sent for, to make good his accusation.

Thereupon the Lord Steward sent a Seriant at Armes for M. Comptroller, who presently came thither, and did freely and sincerely deliuer, that he had only said (though hee knew not wel to whom) that M. Secretary and he, walking in the garden at Court one morning about two yeeres since, and talking casually of forreine things, M. Secretary told him, that one Doleman had mainteined in a booke (not long since printed) that the Infanta of Spaine had a good title to the Crowne of England, which was all, as M. Comptroller said, that euer he heard M. Secretary speake of that matter. And so the weake foundation of that scandall being quick∣ly discerned, that matter ended: all that could bee proued, being no other, then that M. Comptroller had told an other, who had after told the Earle of Essex, that M. Secretary sayde to him, that such a booke saide so, which euery man could say, that hath read it, and no man better knewe then the Earle himselfe, to whom it was dedicated.


To the point of both their protestati∣ons, That they intended no hurt to her Maiesties person.

Page  [unnumbered]REPLY.

First, the Iudges deliuered their opinions for matter in Law vpon two points: The one, That in case where a subiect attempteth to put himselfe into such strength as the King shall not be able to resist him, and to force and compell the King to gouerne otherwise then ac∣cording to his owne Royall authoritie and direction, it is manifest Rebellion: The other, That in euery Rebellion the lawe intendeth as a consequent, the compassing the death and depriuation of the King, as foreseeing that the Rebell wil neuer suffer that King to liue or raigne, which might punish or take reuenge of his Treason and Rebelli∣on. And it was inforced by the Queenes Councell, that this is not onely the wisedome of the lawes of the Realme which so defineth of it, but it is also the censure of forein lawes, the conclusion of common reason which is the ground of all lawes, and the de∣monstratiue assertion of experience, which is the warranty of all reason. For first the Ciuile law ma∣keth this iudgement, That Treason is nothing els but Crimen laesae maiestatis, or Diminutae maiestatis, making euery offence which abridgeth or hurteth the power and authoritie of the Prince, as an insult or inuading of the Crowne, and extorting the im∣periall Scepter. And for common reason, it is not possible that a subiect should once come to that height as to giue law to his Soueraigne, but what with insolency of the change, and what with terror of his owne guiltinesse, he will neuer permit the King, if he can chuse, to recouer authoritie, nor for Page  [unnumbered] doubt of that, to continue aliue. And lastly for ex∣perience, it is confirmed by all stories and exam∣ples, That the subiect neuer obteined a superioritie and command ouer the King, but there followed soone after, the deposing and putting of the King to death, as appeareth in our owne Chronicles in two notable particulars of two vnfortunate Kings: the one of Edward the second, who when he kept himselfe close for danger, was summoned by Pro∣clamation to come and take vpon him the gouern∣ment of the Realme: but as soone as he presented himselfe, was made prisoner, and soone after for∣ced to resigne, and in the ende tragically murdered in Barkley Castle. And the other of King Richard the second, who though the Duke of Hertford, after, King Henrie the fourth, presented himselfe before him with three humble reuerences, yet in the ende was deposed and put to death.


To the point of not arming his men otherwise, then with Pistols, Rapiers and Daggers, it was replied.


That that course was held vpon cunning, the bet∣ter to insinuate himselfe into the fauour of the city, as comming like a friend with an All haile, or kisse, and not as an enemie, making full reckoning that the City would arme him, and arme with him, and that he tooke the paterne of his Action, from the Page  [unnumbered] day of the Barricadoes at Paris, where the Duke of Gwyse entring the citie but with eight Gentlemen, preuailing with the citie of Paris to take his part, as my Lord of Essex (thankes be to God) failed of the Citie of London, made the King (whom he thought likewise to haue surprized) to forsake the towne, and withdraw himselfe into other places, for his further safety. And it was also vrged against him out of the confession of the Earle of Rutland and o∣thers, that he cried out to the citizens, That they did him hurt and no good, to come without weapons, and prouoked them to arme: and finding they would not be mooued to arme with him, sought to arme his owne troupes.

This, point by point, was the effect of the Re∣ply. Vpon all which Euidence both the Earles were found guiltie of Treason by all the seuerall voyces of euery one of the Peeres, and so receiued iudgement.

Page  [unnumbered]

The names of the Peeres that passed vpon the triall of the two Earles.

The Earle of
  • Oxford.
  • Shrewesburie.
  • Durbie.
  • Cumberland.
  • VVorcester.
  • Sussex.
  • Hartford.
  • Lincolne.
  • Notingham.
The Lord
  • De la VVare.
  • Morley.
  • Cobham.
  • Stafford.
  • Gray.
  • Lumley.
  • VVindsore.
  • Rich.
  • Darcy de Chichey.
  • Chandoys.
  • Hunsdon.
  • S. Iohn de Bletso.
  • Compton.
  • Burghley.
  • Howard of VValder.
  • Bindon.

    The names of the Iudges that assisted the Court.
  • The Lord chiefe Iustice.
  • The L. chiefe Iustice of the Common Plees.
  • The Lord chiefe Baron.
  • Iustice Gawdie.
  • Iustice Fenner.
  • Iustice VValmesley.
  • Baron Clerke.
  • Iustice Kingsmill.
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SOME PARTICVLARITIES of that which passed after the arreign∣ment of the late Earles, and at the time of the suffering of the Earle of Essex.

BVt the Earle of Essex finding that the consultation at Drurie house, and the secret plots of his premeditated and prepenced treasons were come to light, contrary to his expectation, was touched euen at his parting from the Barre with a kinde of remorse: especially because he had caried the maner of his answere, rather in a spirit of ostentation and glory, then with humilitie and pe∣nitence: and brake out in the Hall, while the Lords were in conference, into these wordes: That seeing things were thus caried, he would ere it be long say more then yet was knowen. Which good motion of his minde being after his comming backe to the Tow∣er, first cherished by M. D. of Norwich, but after wrought on by the religious and effectuall perswa∣sions and exhortations of M. Abdie Ashton his Chaplaine, the man whom he made sute by name to haue with him for his soules health, as one that of late time he had bene most vsed vnto, and found most comfort of, comparing it, when he made the request, to the case of a Patient, that in his extre∣mity would be desirous to haue that Physician that was best acquainted with his body: He sent word the next day to desire to speake with some of the Page  [unnumbered] principall Councellours, with whom he desired also that particularly M. Secretary might come for one. Vpon which his request, first the L. Admirall, and M. Secretary, and afterward at two seuerall times the Lord Keeper of the great Seale, the Lord high Treasurer, the L. high Admirall, and Master Secretary repaired vnto him: before whom, after he had asked the Lord Keeper forgiuenesse for re∣straining him in his house, and M. Secretary, for hauing wronged him at the Barre, concerning the matter of the Infanta, with signification of his ear∣nest desire to be reconciled to them, which was ac∣cepted with all Christian charitie and humanitie, he proceeded to accuse heauily most of his confe∣derates for carying malicious mindes to the State, and vehemently charged Cuffe his man to his own face, to haue bene a principall instigator of him in his Treasons, and then disclosed how farre sir Hen∣ry Neuill her Maiesties late Ambassador was priuy to all the Conspiracie: of whose name till then, there had bene not so much as any suspition. And further, at the Lords first comming to him, (not sticking to confesse that hee knewe her Maiestie could not be safe while he liued) did very earnestly desire this fauour of the Queene, that he might die as priuately as might be.

And the Morning before his execution, there being sent vnto him for his better preparation,* Master Doctor Mountford, and Master Doctor Bar∣lowe to ioyne with Master Abdie Ashton his Cha∣pleine, he did in many words thanke God that hee Page  [unnumbered] had giuen him a deeper insight into his offence, be∣ing sorie he had so stood vpon his iustification at his Arraignement: since which time, he sayd he was become a new man, and heartily thanked God also that his Course was by Gods prouidence pre∣uented. For, if his proiect had taken effect, God knoweth (sayd he) what harme it had wrought in the Realme.

He did also humbly thanke her Maiestie, that he should die in so priuate maner (for hee suffered in the Towre yard, and not vpon the Hill by his owne special sute) lest the acclamation of the people (for those were his own words) might be a temptation to him: adding, That al popularitie & trust in man was vaine, the experience whereof himselfe had felt: and acknowledged further vnto them, that he was iustly and worthily spewed out (for that was also his owne word) of the Realme, and that the nature of his offence was like a leprosie that had in∣fected farre and neere. And so likewise at the pub∣lique place of his suffering, he did vse vehement de∣testation of his offence, desiring God to forgiue him his great, his bloody, his crying, and his infe∣ctious sinne: and so died very penitently, but yet with great conflict (as it should seeme for his sins. For hee neuer mentioned nor remembred there, wife, children or friend, nor tooke particular leaue of any that were present, but wholy abstracted and sequestred himselfe to the state of his conscience, and prayer.

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THE EFFECT OF THAT which passed at the Arraignements of Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles Dauers, Sir Iohn Dauies, Sir Gillie Mericke, and Henry Cuffe.

THE 5. of March by a very honora∣ble Commission of Oier and Deter∣miner, directed to the Lord high Admiral, the Lord Chamberlaine, Master Secretary, the Lord chiefe Iustice of England, Master Chancellour of the Exchequer, Master Secretary Herbert, with diuers of the Iudges, the Commissioners sitting in the Court of the Queenes Bench, there were arraig∣ned and tried by a Iury both of Aldermen of Lon∣don, and other Gentlemen of good credit and sort, Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Charles Dauers, Sir Iohn Dauies, Sir Gillie Mericke & Henry Cuffe. The three first whereof, before they pleaded, asked this questi∣on of the Iudges, Whether they might not confesse the Inditemēt in part, & plead Not guilty to it in the other part. But being resolued by the Iudges, that their pleading must be generall, they pleaded Not guil∣ty, as did likewise the other two, without any such question asked. The reason of that question was, as they confessed, in respect of the clause laid in the Inditement: That they intended and compassed the death and destruction of the Queenes Maiestie: vn∣to whose person (although they confessed at the Page  [unnumbered] barre, as they had done in their examinations, that their meaning was to come to her in such strength, as they should not be resisted, and to require of her diuers conditions and alterations of gouernment, such as in their confessions are expressed) neuer∣thelesse they protested, they intended no personall harme to hirselfe. Whereupon (as at the arraign∣ment of the two Earles) so then againe the Iudges deliuered the rule of the Law; that the wisedome and foresight of the Lawes of this land maketh this iudgement, That the Subiect that rebelleth or riseth in forcible maner to ouerrule the Royall will and power of the King, intendeth to depriue the King both of crowne and life: and that the Law iudgeth not of the fact by the intent, but of the intent by the fact. And the Queenes Councell did againe inforce that point, setting forth that it was no mystery or quidditie of the common Law, but it was a conclusion infalli∣ble of reason and experience: for that the Crowne was not a Ceremony or Garland, but consisted of preeminence and power.

And therefore, when the subiect will take vpon him to giue law to the King, and to make the power Soueraigne and commanding, to become subiect and commanded: such subiect layeth hold of the Crowne, and taketh the sword out of the Kings hands. And that the Crowne was fastened so close vpon the Kings head, that it cannot be pulled off, but that head and life, and all will follow, as all ex∣amples, both in forreine stories and here at home doe make manifest. And therefore, when their Page  [unnumbered] words did protest one thing, and their deedes did testifie another; they were but like the president of the protestation vsed by Manlius the Lieutenant of Catiline, that conspired against the State of Rome, who beganne his letter to the Senate with these words, Deos homines{que} testor, Patres conscripti, nos ni∣hil aliud &c.

And it was sayde further, that admitting their protestations were so farre true, that they had not at that time in their mindes a formed and distinct cogitation to haue destroyed the Queenes person: yet nothing was more variable and mutable then the mind of man, and specially Honores mutant mo∣res: when they were once aloft, & had the Queene in their handes, and were Peeres in my Lorde of Essex his Parliament, who could promise of what mind they would then be? especially, when my L. of Essex at his Arraignment had made defence of his first Action of imprisoning the priuie Councel∣lours, by pretence that he was inforced to it by his vnruly company. So that if themselues should not haue had, or would not seeme to haue had that ex∣treme and diuelish wickednesse of minde, as to lay violent handes vpon the Queenes sacred person: yet, what must be done to satisfie the multitude, and secure their partie, must be then the question. Wherein the example was remembred of Richard the third, who (though he were King in possession, and the rightfull Inheritours but Infants) could neuer sleepe quiet in his bed, till they were made away. Much lesse would a Catilinary knot and Page  [unnumbered] combination of Rebels (that did rise without so much as the fume of a Title) euer indure, that a Queene that had bene their Soueraigne, and had raigned so many yeeres in such renowne and poli∣cie, should be longer aliue, then made for their own turne. And much speech was vsed to the same end. So that in the end, all those three at the barre said, That now they were infourmed, and that they de∣scended into a deeper consideration of the matter, they were sorie they had not confessed the Indict∣ment.* And Sir Christopher Blunt, at the time of his suffering, discharged his conscience in plain terms, and sayd publiquely before all the people, that he fawe plainely with himselfe, That if they could not haue obtained all that they had would, they must haue drawen blood, euen from the Queene her selfe.

The Euidence giuen in against them three, was principally their owne confessions, charging euery one himselfe, and the other, and the rest of the euidence vsed at the Arraignement of the late Earles, and mentioned before: saue that because it was perceiued, that that part of the charge would take no labour nor time, being plaine matter and confessed, and because some touch had bene giuen in the Proclamation of the Treasons of Ireland: And chiefly because Sir Christopher Blunt was Mar∣shall of the Army in Ireland, and most inward with my Lord in all his proceedings there: and not so onely, but further in the confession of Thomas Lee,Page  [unnumbered] it was precisely contained, That hee knew the Earle of Essex and Tyrone, and Blunt the Marshall, to be all one, and to runne one course: it was thought fit to o∣pen some part of the Treasons of Ireland, such as were then knowen. Which very happily gaue the occasion for Blunt, to make that discouery of the purpose to haue inuaded the Realme with the Ar∣mie of Ireland: which hee then offered, and after∣wards vttered, and in the end sealed with his blood, as is hereafter set downe.

Against Cuffe was giuen in Euidence, both Sir Charles Dauers confession, who charged him when there was any debating of the seuerall enterprises which they should vndertake, that he did euer bind firmely, and resolutely for the Court: and the accu∣sation vnder the Earles hand, auouched by him to his face, that hee was a principall instigator of him in his Treasons: but especially a full declaration of Sir Henry Neuils, which describeth and planteth forth the whole maner of his practising with him.

The fellow, after he had made some introducti∣on by an artificiall and continued speech, and some time spent in sophisticall arguments, descended to these two answeres: the one, For his being within Essex house that day, the day of the Rebellion, they might as well charge a Lion within a grate with Trea∣son, as him: And for the consultation at Drury house, it was no more Treason then the childe in the mothers bellie is a childe. But it was replied, that for his be∣ing in the house, it was not compulsarie, and that Page  [unnumbered] there was a distribution in the action, of some to make good the house, and some to enter the citie, and the one part held correspondent to the other, and that in Treasons there were no accessaries, but all principals.

And for the consultation at Drurie house, it was a perfect Treason in it selfe, because the com∣passing of the Kings destruction, which by iudge∣ment of Law was concluded and implied in that consultation, was Treason, in the very thought and cogitation, so as that thought be prooued by an ouert Acte: And that the same consultation and debating thereupon, was an ouert Act, though it had not bene vpon a list of names, and arti∣cles in writing, much more, being vpon matter in writing.

And againe, the going into the Citie was a pursuance and inducement of the enterprize to possesse the Court, and not a desisting, or depar∣ture from it.

And lastly, it was ruled by the Iudges for law, That if many do conspire to execute Treason against the Prince in one maner, and some of them doe execute it in another maner, yet their Act (though differing in the maner) is the Act of all them that conspire, by reason of the generall malice of the intent.

Against Sir Gilly Merrick, the Euidence that was giuen, charged him chiefly with the matter of the open Rebellion, that hee was as Captaine or commander ouer the house, and tooke vpon him Page  [unnumbered] charge to keepe it, and make it good as a place of Retraict for those which issued into the Citie, and fortifying and barriccadoing the same house, and making prouision of Muskets, Powder, Pellets and other munition and weapons for the holding and defending of it, and as a busie, forward, and noted Actor in that defence and resistance, which was made against the Queenes forces brought against it, by her Maiesties Lieutenant.

And further to prooue him priuie to the plot, it was giuen in Euidence, that some fewe dayes before the Rebellion, with great heat and vio∣lence hee had displaced certaine Gentlemen lod∣ged in an house fast by Essex house, and there plan∣ted diuers of my Lords followers and Complices, all such as went foorth with him in the Action of Rebellion.

That the afternoone before the Rebellion, Merricke, with a great company of others, that afterwards were all in the Action, had procured to bee played before them, the Play of deposing King Richard the second.

Neither was it casuall, but a Play bespoken by Merrick.

And not so onely, but when it was told him by one of the Players, that the Play was olde, and they should haue losse in playing it, because fewe would come to it: there was fourty shillings ex∣traordinarie giuen to play it, and so thereupon playd it was.

Page  [unnumbered] So earnest hee was to satisfie his eyes with the sight of that Tragedie, which hee thought soone after his Lord should bring from the Stage to the State, but that GOD turned it vpon their owne heads.

¶The speaches of Sir Christopher Blunt at his execution, are set downe as neere as they could be remembred, after the rest of the confessions and euidences.

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HEERE FOLLOW the voluntary Confessions them∣selues, such as were giuen in euidence at both the seuerall arraignments, taken forth, word for word, out of the Originals. Whereby it may appeare how God brought matters to light, at seuerall times, and in seuerall parts, all concurring in substance. And with them, other Declarations and parts of the euidence.

¶The Confession of Thomas Lee, taken the 14. of February 1600, before Sir Ioh. Peyton Lieutenant of the Tower, Roger Wilbraham Master of the Requests, Sir An∣thony Saintleger Master of the Rolles in Ireland, and Thomas Fleming her Maiesties Solicitour generall.

THis examinate saith that Tyrone sent a mes∣sage to this Examinate by Iames Knowd (whom this Examinate by the Marshals Page  [unnumbered] warrant in writing had sentto Tyrone, before him∣selfe went to Tyrone) that if the Erle of Essex would follow his plot, he would make him the greatest man that euer was in England, and that when Essex and Tyrone should haue conference together, for his assurance vnto the Earle of Essex, Tyrone would deliuer his eldest sonne in pledge to the Earle. And with this message this Examinate made the Earle of Essex acquainted, before his comming to this Examinats house, at that time when this Exa∣minate was sent to Tyrone.

This Examinate sayeth, he knew that Essex, Ty∣rone, and the Marshall Sir Christopher Blunt, were all one, and held all one course.

Thomas Lee.

Exam. per Ioh. Peyton, Roger VVilbraham, Anthony Saintleger, Thomas Fleming.

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¶The Declaration of Sir William VVarren, 3. Octobris. 1599.

THe said Sir William came to Armagh the last Friday,* being the 28. of September: from thence hee sent a messenger in the night to Tyrone, to Dungannon, signifying his comming to Armagh, as aforesaid, and that the next morning hee would meete Tyrone at the Fort of Blackwater: where ac∣cordingly the said Tyrone met with him, and after other speeches, by further discourse the said Tyrone told the saide Sir William, and deliuered it with an oath, that within these two moneths hee should see the greatest alteration, and the strangest, that hee the saide Sir William could imagine, or euer saw in his life: and said that he hoped before it were long, that he the said Tyrone should haue a good share in England. Which speeches of the alteration, Tyrone reiterated two or three seuerall times.

William Warren. Certified from the Councell of Ireland to the Lords of the Councell here.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The declaration of Thomas Wood 20. Ianuarij, 1599. taken before the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earle of No∣tingham L. high Admirall, Sir Ro. Cecill prin∣cipal Secretary, and Sir I. Fortescue Chan∣cellour of the Exchequer.

THe said Wood saith, that happening to be with the L. Eitzmorris Baron of Licksnaw, at his house of Licksnaw, betweene Michaelmas and Al∣hallowtide last, the saide Baron walking abroad with the saide Wood, asked of him what force the Earle of Essex was of in England Hee answered, he could not tell, but said he was well beloued of the Comminaltie. Then said the Baron that the Earle was gone for England, and had discharged many of the Companies of Ireland, and that it was agreed that he should be King of England, and Onele to be Viceroy of Ireland, and whensoeuer hee should haue occasion, and would sende for them, Onele should sende him 8000. men out of Ireland. The said Wood asked the Baron, how he knew that? He answered, that the Earle of*Desmond had written to him so much.

Thomas Wood.

Confessed in the presence of Tho. Buckhurst, Notingham, Rob. Cecill, Io. Fortescue.

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¶The Confession of Iames Knowd, taken the 16. of February, 1600. before Sir Anth. Saintleger Master of the Roules in Ireland, and Roger Wilbraham Master of the Requests.

OWney mac Rory hauing secret intelligence of the friendship betweene the Earle of Essex and Tyrone, wrote to Tyrone, desiring him to certifie him thereof, whereby he might frame his course ac∣cordingly, and not doe any thing contrary to their agreement: which letter my selfe did write by Ow∣neys appointment (for then I was in credite with him.) In which letter he also desired Tyrone to send him some munition. The letter, with instructions to that effect, was in my presence deliuered to one Turlagh mac Dauie o Kelly, a man of secrecy, suffici∣encie, and trust with Owney, and he caried it to Ty∣rone. Before whose returne, Owney grew suspicious of me, because I sometimes belonged to M. Bowen, and therfore they would not trust me, so as I could not see the answere: but yet I heard by many of their secret counsell, that the effect thereof was, That the Earle of Essex should be king of England, and Tyrone of Ireland.

Afterwards I met with Turlagh mac Dauie, the messenger aforesayd, and asked him whether hee brought an answere of the letter from Tyrone. He Page  [unnumbered] sayd he did, and deliuered it to Owney. And then I asked him what he thought of the warres. He told me he had good hope the last yeere, and had none this yere: his reason was (as he said) that the Earle of Essex was to take their part, and they should aid him towards the conquest of England: and nowe they were hindred thereof by meanes of his appre∣hension.

I dwelling with the Tanist of the Countrey (my mothers cousin germain) heard him speake sundry times, That nowe the Earle of Essex had gotten one of the swords, he would neuer forgoe his gouernement, vn∣till hee became King of England: which was neere at hand.

I saw a letter which the Earle of Essex writ to Owney, to this effect, That if Owney came to him, he would speake with him about that, which if hee would follow, should be happie for him and his Countrey.

Iames Knowd.

Exam. per Anthony Saintleger, Roger VVilbraham.

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¶The declaration of Dauid He∣thrington, an ancient Captaine and serui∣tor in Ireland, 6. Ianuary 1599. Taken before the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earle of Notingham L. high Admirall, Sir Robert Cecil principall Secretary, and Sir Iohn Fortescue Chancellour of the Exchequer.

HE the sayd Dauid Hethrington riding into the edge of the Countie of Kildare, about the end of the first cessation, fortuned to meete with one Iames Occurren, one of the horsemen of Master Bowen prouost Marshall of Lemister, who told him that the sayd Iames Occurren meeting lately with a principall follower of Owney mac Rory, chiefe of the Moores, Owneys man asked him what newes hee heard of the Earle of Essex. To which Iames Occur∣ren answered, that he was gone for England: where∣unto he sayd, Nay, if you can tell me no newes, I can tell you some: The Earle of Essex is now in trouble for vs, for that he would doe no seruice vp∣on vs, which he neuer meant to doe, for he is ours, and we are his.

Dauid Hethrington.

Confessed in the presence of Tho Buckhurst. Notingham. Rob. Cecil. Io. Fortescue.

Page  [unnumbered]Page  [unnumbered]

¶The first Confession of Sir Fer∣dinando Gorge Knight, the 16. of Februarie 1600. taken before Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Keeper of the great Seale, the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earle of Notingham Lord high Admirall, and Sir Rob. Cecill prin∣cipall Secretarie.

HE saith the Earle of Essex wrote a letter to him in lanuarie, complai∣ning his misfortune: that hee desi∣red his company, and desired his repaire vp to him, by the second of Februarie, That he came to Towne on Saturday seuen-night before the Earles insurrection: and that the same night late he visited the Earle. Who after complements, told him, that he stood on his guard, and resolued not to hazard any more com∣mandements, or restraints: that he desired him to rest him that night, and to repaire vnto him againe, but in such sort as it might not be noted.

That he had bene with the Earle two or three times that weeke; and on Saturday, being the se∣uenth of February, the Earle tolde him, that hee had bene sent for by the Lordes, and refused to come: deliuering further, that he resolued to de∣fend himselfe from any more restraint.

He further saith, that it was in question, the same Saturday night, to haue stirred in the night, and to haue attempted the Court. But being de∣manded Page  [unnumbered] whether the Earle could haue had suffici∣ent company to haue done any thing in the night: he answered, that all the Earles companie were readie at one houres warning, and had bene so be∣fore, in respect that he had meant long before to stand vpon his guard.

That it was resolued to haue the Court first at∣tempted, that the Earle had three hundred Gen∣tlemen to doe it: but that he the saide Ferdinando Gorge was a violent disswader of him from that pur∣pose, and the Earle most confident in the party of London, which he meant (vpon a later dispute) first to assure: and that hee was also assured of a partie in Wales, but meant not to vse them, vntill he had bene possessed of the Court.

That the Earle, and sir Christopher Blunt, vnder∣standing, that sir Walter Raleigh had sent to speake with him in the morning, the saide sir Christopher Blunt perswaded him, either to surprise sir Walter Raleigh, or to kill him. Which when hee vtterly refused, sir Christopher Blunt sent foure shot after him in a boat.

That at the going out of Essex house gate, many cried out: To the Court, to the Court. But my Lorde of Essex turned him about towards London.

That he meant after possession of the Court, to call a Parliament, and therein to proceed as cause should require.

At that time of the Consultation on Saturday night, my Lord was demanded what assurance he had of those hee made account to bee his friends Page  [unnumbered] in the Citie? Whereunto he replyed, that there was no question to be made of that: for, one a∣mongst the rest, that was presently in one of the greatest commaunds amongst them, held himselfe to be interessed in the cause, (for so hee phrased it) and was Coronell of a thousand men, which were readie at all times, besides others that hee helde himselfe as assured of, as of him, and able to make as great numbers. Some of them had at that in∣stant (as he reported to vs) sent vnto him, taking notice of as much as he made vs to knowe of the purpose intended to haue intrapped him, and made request to know his pleasure.

Ferd. Gorges.

Exam. per Th. Egerton C. Sr T. Buckhurst. Notingham. Ro. Cecill.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The second confession of Sir Fer∣dinando Gorge the 18. of February 1600. All written of his owne hand. And acknowledged in the presence of Sir Thomas Egerton L. Keeper of the great Seale, the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earle of Notingham L. high Admirall, and Sir Ro. Cecil principall Se∣cretarie.

ON Tuesday before the Insurrection (as I re∣member) I was sent vnto by my L. of Essex, praying me to meete my Lord of Southampton, Sir Charles Dauers, Sir Iohn Dauies, and other his friends at Drury house where I should see a schedule of his friends names, and proiects to be disputed vp∣on. Whither I came accordingly, and found the foresaid Earle, Sir Charles Dauers, Sir Iohn Dauies, and one Master Litleton. The names were shewed, and numbred to bee sixe score: Earles, Barons, Knights, and Gentlemen. The proiects were these: Whether to attempt the Court, or the Tower, or to stirre his friends in London first, or whether both the Court and Tower at an instant? I disliked that counsel. My reasons were, that I alledged to them: First, to attempt both with those numbers, was not to bee thought on, because that was not suffi∣cient: and therefore aduised them to thinke of some thing else. Then they would needs resolue Page  [unnumbered] to attempt the Court, withall desired in mine opi∣nion. But I prayed them first to set downe the ma∣ner how it might be done. Then Sir Iohn Dauies tooke inke and paper, and assigned to diuers prin∣cipall men their seuerall places. Some to keepe the Gate, some to bee in the Hall, some to bee in the Presence, some in the Lobby, some in the Guard∣chamber, others to come in with my Lord him∣selfe, who should haue had the passage giuen him to the Priuie chamber, where he was to haue pre∣sented himselfe to her MAIESTIE.

Ferd. Gorges.

Knowledged in the presence of Tho. Egerton C. S. Tho. Buckhurst. Notingham. Ro. Cecill.

Page  [unnumbered]

The confession of Sir Iohn Dauies, taken the 18. of Februarie 1600. before the Earle of Notingham L. high Admirall, Sir Rob. Cecill principall Secretarie, and Iohn Herbert second Secre∣tarie of Estate.

SIr Iohn Dauies being demaunded, how long be∣fore my Lord of Essex tumult he knewe of such his purpose?

He answeres, that he knewe not directly of any meaning my Lorde had, vntill the Sunday seuen∣night before, or thereabout.

Being demaunded what he knew? then he an∣swered, That my Lord consulted to possesse him∣selfe of the Court, at such conuenient time when he might finde least opposition. For executing of which enterprises and of other affaires, he appoin∣ted my Lord of Southampton, sir Charles Dauers, sir Ferdinando Gorges, and himselfe, to meete at Drury house, and there to confider of the same, and such other proiects, as his Lordship deliuered them. And principally, for surprising of the Court, and for the taking of the Tower of London. About which businesse they had two meetings: which were fiue or sixe dayes before the insurrection.

He further sayth, That Sir Christopher Blunt was not at this consultation, but that hee stayed Page  [unnumbered] and aduised with my Lord himselfe about other things to him vnknowen. For that my Lord tru∣sted seuerall men in seuerall businesses, and not all together.

Being demanded what was resolued in the opi∣nions of these foure before named? He saith, that sir Charles Dauers was appointed to the Presence chamber, and himselfe to the Hall. And that my Lord was to determine himselfe, who should haue guarded the Court gate, and the Water gate. And that Sir Charles Dauers vpon a signall or a watch∣word, should haue come out of the Presence into the Guard chamber. And then some out of the Hall to haue met him, and so haue stept betweene the Guard and their halberds: of which Guard they hoped to haue found but a doozen, or some such small number.

Being asked, whether he heard that such as my Lord misliked, should haue receiued any violence? He saith, that my Lord auowed the contrary: And that my Lorde said, He would call them to an ho∣nourable tryall, and not vse the sword.

Being demanded whether my Lord thought his enemies to be Spanish, bona fide, or no? He saith, that hee neuer heard any such speech: and, if my Lord vsed any such, it came into his head on the suddaine.

Being demaunded what party my Lord had in London? Hee saieth that the Sheriffe Smith was his hope, as he thinketh.

Page  [unnumbered]Being demanded whether my Lord promised libertie of Catholike Religion? He sayth, that Sir Christopher Blunt did giue hope of it.

Iohn Dauis.

Exam. per Notingham, Ro. Cecill. I. Herbert.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The confession of Sir Charles Da∣uers, taken the 18. of February Anno 1600. before Sir Thomas Egerton L. Keeper of the great Seale, the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earle of Notingham the Lord high Admirall, Lord Hunsdon L. Chamberlaine, and Sir Robert Cecill princi∣pal Secretarie.

HE confesseth that before Christmas, the Earle of Essex had bethought himselfe, howe hee might secure his accesse vnto the QVEENE in such sort, as hee might not bee resisted: but no resolution determinately taken, vntill the comming vp of this Examinate, a little after Christmas.

And then he doth confesse, that the resoluti∣on was taken, to possesse himselfe of the Court: which resolution was taken agreeable to certaine articles, which the Earle of Essex did send to the Earle of Southampton, this Examinate, Sir Ferdi∣nando Gorge, and Sir Iohn Dauies, written with the Earles owne hand. To which consultation (be∣ing held at Druric house, some foure or fiue dayes before Sunday, that was the eighth of February) Littleton came in towards the end.

Page  [unnumbered]The points which the Earle of Essex proiected vnder his hand were these.

First, whether it were fit to take the Tower of London. The reason whereof was this: that after the Court was possessed, it was necessary to giue reputation to the Action, by hauing such a place, to bridle the Citie, if there should be any mislike of their possessing the Court.

To the possessing of the Court, these circum∣stances were considered.

First, the Earle of Essex should haue assembled all the Noblemen and Gentlemen of qualitie on his party: out of which number, hee should haue chosen so many as should haue possessed all the places of the Court, where there might haue beene any likelihood of resistance. Which be∣ing done, the Earle of Essex, with diuers No∣blemen, should haue presented himselfe to the Queene.

The maner how it should haue beene execu∣ted, was in this sort. Sir Christopher Blunt should haue had charge of the vtter gate, as hee thinketh. Sir Charles Dauers this Examinate, with his com∣pany, should haue made good the Presence, and should haue seazed vpon the Halberds of the Guard. Sir Iohn Dauies should haue taken charge of the Hall. All this being set, vpon a signall gi∣uen, the Earle should haue come into the Court with his company.

Being asked what they would haue done after? Page  [unnumbered] Hee saith, they would haue sent to haue satisfied the Citie, and haue called a Parliament.

These were the resolutions set downe by the Earle of Essex of his owne hand, after diuers con∣sultations.

He saith, Cuffe was euer of opinion, that the Earle of Essex should come in this sort to the Court.

Charles Dauers.

Exam. per Th. Egerton. C. S. Th. Buckhurst. Notingham. G. Hunsdon. Ro. Cecill.

Page  [unnumbered]

The second Confession of Sir Charles Dauers, taken the same day, and set downe vpon further calling himselfe to remem∣brance, vnder his owne hand, before Sir Th. Egerton, L. Keeper of the great Seale, L. Buck∣hurst L. high Treasurer, the Earle of No∣tingham L. high Admirall, Sir Rob. Cecill principall Secretarie.

SOme points of the Articles which my Lord of Essex sent vnto Drury house, (as neere as I can re∣member) were these: Whether both the Court, and the Tower should bee both attempted at one time? If both, what numbers should bee thought requisite for either? If the Court alone, what pla∣ces should be first possessed? by what persons?

And for those, which were not to come into the Court before hand; where, and in what sort they might assemble themselues, with least suspiti∣on to come in with my Lord?

Whether it were not fit for my Lord, and some of the principall persons, to be armed with priuie coates?

Charles Dauers.

Knowledged in the presence of Tho. Egerton. C. S. T. Buckhurst. Notingham. Rob. Cecill.

Page  [unnumbered]

The first Confession of Sir Christo∣pher Blunt examined the 18. of Februarie 1600. before Io. Herbert second Secretarie of Estate, and in the presence of Nich Kempe Coun∣seller at Law, William Wamarke, William Mar∣tin, Robert Andrewes, Citizens: Iohn Treuor Surueyor of the Nauy, and Thomas Thorney his Surgeon.

HE confesseth that the Earle of Essex sent Wise∣man, about the 20. of Ianuarie, to visit his wife, with letters of complement, and to require him to comevp vnto him to London, to settle his estate according as he had written vnto him be∣fore some few dayes.

Being demaunded to what ende they went to the Citie, to ioyne with such strength as they ho∣ped for there: he confesseth, it was to secure the Earle of Essex his life, against such forces as should be sent against him. And being asked, what, against the Queenes forces? he answered, that must haue beene iudged afterwards.

But being further asked, whether he did aduise to come vnto the Court ouer night? He saith no. For, Sir Ferdinando Gorge did assure, that the Ala∣rum was taken of it at the Court, and the Guards doubled.

Being asked whether hee thought any Prince could haue endured, to haue any Subiect make the Citie his Mediator? or, to gather force to speake Page  [unnumbered] for him? He saith, he is not read in stories of for∣mer times: but he doth not know, but that in for∣mer times Subiectes haue vsed force for their me∣diation.

Being asked, what should haue bene done by any of the persons, that should haue beene remo∣ued from the Queene? He answered, that he neuer found my Lord disposed to shed blood: but that any that should haue bene found, should haue had indifferent triall.

Being asked vpon his conscience, whether the Earle of Essex did not giue him comfort, that if he came to authoritie, there should bee a toleration for Religion? He confesseth, he should haue bene to blame to haue denied it.

Chr. Blunt.

This was read vnto Sir Christopher Blunt, and afterwards signed by him in the presence of vs, who are vnder written: Io. Herbert. Nicho. Kemp. VVil. VVaimarke. VVil. Martin. Robert Andrewes. Iohn Treuor. Th. Thorney.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The second Confession of Sir Christopher Blunt the same day, viz. the 18. of February: taken before M. Iohn Herbert se∣cond Secretarie of Estate, and subscribed by him in the presence of Nicholas Kemp Counsellor at Law, Thomas Thorney his Surgeon, and William Martin, Robert Andrewes, and Randolph Bull, Ci∣tizens.

SIr Christopher Blunt (after the signing of this con∣fession) being told, that he did not deale plainly, excused himselfe by his former weakenesse,* (put∣ting vs in minde that hee said once before, that when he was able to speake, he would tel all trueth) doth now confesse: That foure or fiue dayes be∣fore the Earle of Essex did rise, hee did set downe certaine Articles to bee considered on, which hee sawe not, vntil afterward he was made acquainted with them, when they had amongst themselues dis∣puted: which were these.

One of them was; Whether the Tower of Lon∣don should be taken.

Another, Whether they should not possesse the Court, and so secure my Lord, and other men to come to the Queene.

For the first concerning the Tower, he did not Page  [unnumbered] like it: concluding, that he that had the power of the Queene, should haue that.

He confesseth that vpon Saturday night, when M. Secretary Herbert had bene with the Earle, and that hee saw some suspicion was taken: hee thought it in vaine to attempt the Court, and per∣swaded him rather to saue himselfe by flight, then to ingage himselfe further, and all his company. And so the resolution of the Earle grewe to go in∣to the Citie, in hope (as he saide before) to finde many friends there.

Hee doeth also say, that the Earle did vsually, speake of his purpose to alter the gouernement.

Chr. Blunt.

Exam per. Io. Herbert. Subscribed in presence of Nico. Kempe, Tho. Thorney, Rob. Andrewes, VV. Martin, Randolph Bull.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The Declaration of the Lord Keeper, the Earle of Wor∣cester, and the L. Chiefe Iustice of England.

VPon Sunday, being the eight of February last past, about ten of the clocke in the fore∣noone, the Lord Keeper of the great Seale, the Earle of VVorcester, Sir VVilliam Knollis Comptrol∣ler of her Maiesties Householde, and the Lord Chiefe Iustice of England, being commaunded by direction from the QVEENES MAIESTIE, did repaire to the late earle of Essex his house, and finding the gate shut against them, after a little stay they were let in at the Page  [unnumbered] wicket. And assoone as they were with∣in the gate, the wicket was shutte vpon them, and all their seruants kept out.

At their comming thither, they found the court full of men assembled together in verie tumultuous sort: The Earles of Essex, Rutland, and Southampton, and the Lord Sandys, Master Parker, com∣monly called Lord Mountegle, Sir Christo∣pher Blunt, Sir Charles Dauers, and manie other Knights and Gentlemen, and o∣ther persons vnknowen, which flocked together about the Lorde Keeper, &c. And thereupon the Lorde Keeper tolde the Earle of Essex, that they were sent from her MAIESTIE, to vnder∣stand the cause of this their assembly, and to let them know, That if they had any particular cause of griefe against any per∣sons whatsoeuer, it should be heard, and they should haue iustice.

Hereupon the Earle of Essex with a very lowd voice declared, That his life vvas sought, and that hee should haue beene murthered in his bed; that he had Page  [unnumbered] beene perfidiously dealt vvith; that his hand had beene counterfaited, and Let∣ters vvritten in his name; and that there∣fore they vvere assembled there together to defend their liues: with much other speech to like effect. Hereupon the Lord Chiefe Iustice sayd vnto the Earle, That if they had any such matter of griefe, or if any such matter vvere attempted or pur∣posed against him, he vvilled the Earle to declare it, assuring him that it should be truely related to her MAIESTIE, and that it should be indifferently heard, and iustice should be done, vvhomsoeuer it concerned.

To this the Earle of Southampton ob∣iected the assault made vpon him by the Lord Gray. Whereunto the Lord Chiefe Iustice sayd, That in his case, iustice had beene done, and the partie imprisoned for it. And hereupon the Lord Keeper did eftsoones vvill the Earle of Essex, that vvhatsoeuer priuate matter or offence hee had against any person vvhatsoeuer, if hee vvould deliuer it vnto them, they Page  [unnumbered] vvould faithfully and honestly deliuer it to the QVEENES MAIESTY, and doubted not to procure him honou∣rable and equall iustice, whomsoeuer it concerned: requiring him, that if hee would not declare it openly, that hee woulde impart it vnto them priuatelie, and doubted not but they would satisfie him in it.

Vpon this there was a great clamour raised amongst the multitude, crying, Away my Lorde, They abuse you, They betray you, They vndoe you, You lose time. Whereupon the Lord Keeper put on his Hat, & said with a loud voice, My Lord, let vs speake with you priuately, and vnderstand your griefes: And I command you all vpon your alle∣giance, to lay downe your vveapons, and to depart, vvhich you ought all to doe, being thus commanded, if you be good Subiects, and owe that duetie to the QVEENES MAIESTY which you professe. Whereupon they all brake Page  [unnumbered] out into an exceeding loud shout and cry, crying, All, all, all.

And whilest the Lord Keeper was speaking, and commanding them vpon their allegiance, as is before declared, the Earle of Essex and the most part of that Company did put on their hats, and so the Earle of Essex went into the house, and the Lord Keeper, &c. followed him, thinking that his purpose had beene to speake with them priuately, as they had required. And as they were going, some of that disordered Companie cried, Kill them. And as they were going into the great Chamber, some cried, Cast the great Seale out of the window. Some o∣ther cried there, Kill them: and some o∣ther sayd, Nay, let vs shop them vp.

The Lorde Keeper did often call to the Earle of Essex to speake with them priuately, thinking still that his meaning had beene so, vntill the Earle brought them into his backe Chamber, and there Page  [unnumbered] gaue order to haue the further doore of that Chamber shut fast. And at his going foorth out of that Chamber, the Lorde Keeper pressing againe to haue spoken with the Earle of Essex, the Earle sayd, My Lords, be patient a while, and stay heere, and I will goe into Lon∣don, and take order with the Maior and Shiriffes for the Citie, and will be heere againe within this halfe houre. And so departed from the Lord Keeper, &c. leauing the Lord Keeper, &c and di∣uers of the Gentlemen Pensioners in that Chamber, guarded by Sir Iohn Dauis, Fran∣cis Tresham, and Owen Salisburie, with mus∣quet shot, where they continued vntill Sir Ferdinando Gorges came and deliuered them about foure of the clocke in the af∣ternoone.

In the meane time wee did often re∣quire Sir Iohn Dauis, and Francis Tresham, to suffer vs to depart, or at the least, to suffer some one of vs to go to the QVEENES Page  [unnumbered] MAIESTY, to informe her vvhere and in what sort we were kept. But they an∣swered, That my Lord (meaning the Earle of Essex) had commanded that we should not de∣part before his returne, which (they said) would be very shortly.

Thomas Egerton C. S. Edward Worcester. Iohn Popham.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The examination of Roger Earle of Rutland, the 12. of February 1600. taken before Sir Thomas Egerton L. Keeper of the great Seale, the L. Buckhurst L. high Treasurer, the Earle of Notingham L. high Admirall, Sir Robert Cecill Principall Secretary, and Sir Io. Popham L. chiefe Iu∣stice of England.

HE saith, that at his comming to Essex house on Sunday morning last, he found there with the Earle of Essex, the Lord Sandys, and the L. Chandos, and diuers Knights and gentlemen. And the Earle of Essex tolde this Examinate, That his life was practised to bee taken away by the Lord Cobham, and Sir Walter Raleigh, when he was sent for to the Counsell. And the Earle said, That now he meant by the helpe of his friends, to defend himselfe And saith, that the deteining of the Lord Keeper and the other Lords sent to the Earle from the Queene, was a stratageme of warre. And saith, That the Earle of Essex told him, that London stood for him, and that Sherife Smith had giuen him intelligence, that hee would make as many men to assist him as he could. And further the Earle of Essex said, That he meant to possesse himselfe of the Citie, the bet∣ter to enable himselfe to reuenge him on his ene∣mies, Page  [unnumbered] the Lord Cobham, Sir Robert Cecil, and sir Wal∣ter Raleigh. And this Examinate confesseth, that he resolued to liue and die with the Earle of Essex: and that the Earle of Essex did intend to make his for∣ces so strong, that her Maiestie should not be able to resist him in the reuenge of his enemies. And saith, that the Earle of Essex was most inward with the Earle of Southampton, Sir Christopher Blunt, and others: who haue of long time shewed themselues discontented, and haue aduised the Earle of Essex to take other courses, and to stand vpon his guard. And saith, that when the Earle of Essex was talking with the L. Keeper, and other the Lords sent from her Maiestie, diuers sayd, My Lord, they meane to abuse you, & you loose time. And when the Earle came to Sherife Smiths, hee desired him to send for the Lord Maior, that hee might speake with him. And as the Earle went in the streetes of London, this Examinate sayd to diuers of the Citizens, that if they would needes come, that it was better for their safetie to come with weapons in their hands. And saith, that the Earle of Essex (at the end of the streete where Sherife Smith dwelt) cried out to the Citizens, That they did him harme, for that they came naked: and willed them to get them wea∣pons. And the Earle of Essex also cried out to the Citizens, That the Crowne of England was offred to be solde to the Infanta. And saith, that the Earle burned diuers papers, that were in a little Casket, whereof one was, as the Earle sayd, An historie of Page  [unnumbered] his troubles. And sayth, that when they were as∣saulted in Essex house, after their returne, they first resolued to haue made a sallie out. And the Earle sayd, that he was determined to die: and yet in the end they changed their opinion, and yeelded. And sayth, that the Earle of Southampton, sir Christopher Blunt, and sir Iohn Dauies aduised the Earle of Essex, that the Lord Keeper and his company should be deteined. And this Examinate sayth, that he heard diuers there present cry out, Kill them, kill them. And sayth, that he thinketh the Earle of Essex in∣tended, that after he had possessed himselfe of the Citie, hee would intreat the Lord Keeper and his company, to accompany him to the Court. Hee sayth, hee heard Sir Christopher Blunt say openly in the presence of the Earle of Essex and others, how fearefull, and in what seuerall humors they should finde them at the Court, when they came thither.


Exam. per Th. Egerton C. S. T. Buckhurst. Notingham. Ro Cecill. Io. Popham.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The Confession of William Lord Sandys, of the parish of Sherborne Cowdry, in the Countie of Southampton, taken this 16. of February 1600. before Sir Iohn Popham L. chiefe Iustice, Roger Wilbraham Master of the Requests, and Edw. Coke her Maiesties Atturney Generall.

HE saith, that hee neuer vnderstood, that the Earle did meane to stand vpon his strength, till Sunday in the morning, being the eight of this instant Februarie. And saith, that in the mor∣ning of that day, this Examinat was sent for by the Earle of Essex, about sixe or seuen of the clocke: and the Earle sent for him by his seruant Warber∣ton, who was married to a widowe in Hampshire. And at his comming to the Earle, there were sixe or seuen Gentlemen with him: but remembreth not what they were: and next after, of a Noble man, came my Lord Chandos, and after him came the Earle of Southampton, and presently after, the Earle of Rutland, and after him Master Parker, com∣monly called the Lord Mountegle. And sayeth, that at his comming to the Earle of Essex, he com∣plained That it was practised by Sir Walter Ra∣leigh to haue murdered him, as hee should haue Page  [unnumbered] gone to the Lord Treasurers house, with Master Secretary Herbert. And saith, that he was present in the Court-yard of Essex house, when the Lord Keeper, the Earle of Worcester, Sir William Knollis, and the Lorde Chiefe Iustice, came from the QVEENES MAIESTIE to the Earle of Essex. And the Lord Chiefe Iustice required the Earle of Essex to haue some priuate conference with him: and that, if any priuate wrongs were offered vnto him, that they would make true report there∣of to her MAIESTIE, who no doubt would re∣forme the same. And sayeth, that this Examinat went with the Earle, and the rest of his company to London to Sherife Smithes: but went not into the house with him, but stayed in the streete a while, and being sent for by the Earle of Essex, went in∣to the house, and from thence came with him, till hee came to Ludgate: which place being guarded, and resistance being made, and perceiued by the Earle of Essex, he said vnto his company, Charge: And thereupon sir Christopher Blunt, and others of his company, gaue the Charge, and being re∣pulsed, and this Examinat hurt in the legge, the Earle retired with this Examinat and others, to his house, called Essex house. And on his retire, the Earle said to this Examinat, That if Sherife Smith did not his part, that his part was as farre foorth as the Earles owne, which mooued him to thinke, that he trusted to the Citie. And when the Earle was after his retire in Essex house, he tooke an yron Page  [unnumbered] Casket, and broke it open, and burnt diuerse pa∣pers in it. Whereof there was a booke, as he taketh it: and said as he was burning of them, That they should tell no tales to hurt his friends. And saith, that the Earle saide, That he had a blacke bagge about his necke, that should tell no tales.

William Sandys.

Exam. per Ioh. Popham. Roger VVilbraham. Edw. Coke.

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¶The Examination of the Lord Cromwell, taken the 7. of March 1600. by Sir I. Popham L. chiefe Iustice, Christ. Yeluerton her Maiesties Sergeant, and Fr. Bacon of her Maiesties learned Councell.

AT the Sherifs house this Examinate pressed in with the rest,* and found the Earls shifting themselues in an inner cham∣ber: where he heard my L. of Essex certifie the Company, that he had bene aduertised out of Ireland (which hee would not nowe hide from them) that the Realme should be deliuered ouer to the handes of the In∣fanta of Spaine, and that he was wished to looke to it. Further, that he was to seeke re∣dresse for iniuries: and that he had left at his house for pledges, the Lord Keeper, the Earle of Worcester, Sir William Knollis, and the Lord chiefe Iustice.

Edw. Cromwell.

Exam. per Io Popham. Chr. Yeluerton. Fr. Bacon.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶Sir Christopher Blunt, knight, at the time of his arraignement, did openly at the Barre desire to speake with the L. Admiral, and M. Secretary: before whom he made this Con∣fession folowing: Which the Earle of Southampton confirmed afterwards: and he himselfe likewise at his death.

HE confesseth, that at the Castle of Dublin, in that lodging, which was once the Earle of Southamptons, the Earle of Essex purposing his re∣turne into England, aduised with the Earle of Southampton, and himselfe, of his best maner of go∣ing into England for his securitie, seeing to goe hee was resolued.

At that time he propounded his going with a competent number of souldiers, to the number of two or three thousand, to haue made good his first landing with that Force, vntill hee coulde haue drawen vnto himselfe a sufficient strength to haue proceeded further.

From this purpose, this Examinate did vse all forcible perswasions: alledging not only his owne ruine, which should follow thereof, and all those which should adhere to him in that action: but vr∣ging it to him, as a matter most foule, because hee was not onely helde a Patron of his Countrey, Page  [unnumbered] which by this meanes hee should haue destroyed: but also, should haue layed vpon himselfe an irre∣uocable blot, hauing bene so deeply bound to her MAIESTIE. To which disswasion, the Earle of Southampton also inclined.

This desseigne being thus disswaded by them, then they fell to a second consideration. And therein this Examinate confesseth, that hee ra∣ther aduised him, if needes hee would goe, to take with him some competent number of choise men.

He did not name vnto him any particular po∣wer, that would haue come to him at his landing, but assured himselfe that his Armie would haue bene quickly increased by all sorts of discontented people.

He did confesse before his going that hee was assured that many of the Rebels would be aduised by him: but named none in particular.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The Examination of the Earle of Southampton after his Arraignement: taken before the Earle of Notingham Lord high Admirall, Sir Robert Cecill prin∣cipall Secretarie, and M. Iohn Herbert second Secre∣tary of Estate.

SIr Christopher Blunt being hurt, and lying in the Castle of Dublin, in a chamber which had bene mine, the Earle of Essex one day tooke me thither with him: where being none but we three, he told vs, he found it necessarie for him to goe into Eng∣land, and thought it fit to carie with him as much of the Armie, as he could conueniently transport, to goe on shore with him to Wales, and there to make good his landing with those, till hee could send for more. Not doubting but his Army would so increase in a small time, that hee should bee able to march to London, and make his conditions, as he desired.

To which proiect I answered, that I held it alto∣gether vnfit, aswell in respect of his conscience to God, and his loue to his countrey, as his duetie to his Souereigne, of which, he (of all men) ought to haue greatest regard, seeing her Maiesties fauours Page  [unnumbered] to him had bene so extraordinarie. Wherefore, I could neuer giue any consent vnto it. Sir Christo∣pher Blunt ioyned with me in this opinion.

Exam. per Notingham, Ro. Cecil, Io. Herbert.

Page  [unnumbered]

¶The speaches of Sir Chr. Blunt, at the time of his death, as neere as they could be remembred March 18. 1600.

MY Lords, and you that be present, Although I must confesse, that it were better fitting the little time I haue to breath, to bestow the same in asking God forgiuenes for my manifold and abo∣minable sinnes, then to vse any other discourse, e∣specially, hauing both an imperfection of speech, and God knowes, a weake memorie, by reason of my late grieuous wound: Yet to satisfie all those that are present, what course hath bene held by me, in this late enterprise, because I was sayd to be an Instigator, and setter on of the late Earle, I will truely, and vpon the perill of my soule, speake the trueth.

It is true, that the first time that euer I vnder∣stoode of any dangerous discontentment in my L. of Essex, was about three yeeres agoe, at Wansted, vpon his comming one day from Greenwich. At that time he spake many things vnto mee, but de∣scended into no particulars, but in generall termes.

After which time, he neuer brake with me in a∣ny matter, tending to the alteration of the State, (I protest before God) vntill he came into Ireland, o∣ther then I might conceiue, that he was of an am∣bitious and discontented mind. But, when I lay at the Castle of Thomas Lee, called Reban, in Ireland,Page  [unnumbered] grieuously hurt, and doubted of my life: hee came to visit mee, and then began to acquaint me with his intent.

As hee thus spake, the Sheriffe began to inter∣rupt him, and told him the houre was past. But my Lord Gray, and Sir Walter Raleigh Captaine of the Guard, called to the Sheriffe, and required him not to interrupt him, but to suffer him quietly to fi∣nish his prayers and confessions. Sir Christopher Blunt said, Is Sir Walter Raleigh there? Those on the scaffold answered, Yea. To whom Sir Christo∣pher Blunt spake on this maner.

Sir Walter Raleigh, I thanke God that you are present. I had an infinite desire to speake with you, to aske you forgiuenes ere I died, both for the wrōg done you, and for my particular ill intent towards you: I beseech you forgiue me. Sir Walter Raleigh answered, that he most willingly forgaue him, and besought God to forgiue him, and to giue him his diuine comfort: protesting before the Lord, that whatsoeuer Sir Christopher Blunt meant towards him, for his part, he neuer had any ill intent towards him: And further saide to Sir Christopher Blunt, I pray you without offence, let me put you in minde that you haue bene esteemed, not only a principall prouoker and perswader of the Earle of Essex in all his vndutifull courses, but especially an aduiser in that which hath bene confessed of his purpose to transport a great part of her Maiesties Armie out of Ireland into England, to land at Milford, and thence to turne it against her sacred person. You Page  [unnumbered] shall doe well to tell the trueth, and to satisfie the world. To which he answered thus.

Sir, if you will giue me patience, I will deliuer a trueth, speaking now my last, in the presence of God, in whose mercie I trust. And then hee dire∣cted himselfe to my Lord Gray, and my Lord Comp∣ton, and the rest that sate on horsebacke neere the scaffold.

When I was brought from Reban to Dublin, and lodged in the Castle, his Lordship and the Earle of Southampton came to visite me; and to be short, he began thus plainely with me: That hee intended to transport a choise part of the Armie of Ireland into England, and land them in Wales, at Milford, or thereabouts: and so securing his descent, thereby would gather such other forces, as might inable him to march to London. To which, I protest before the Lord God, I made this, or the like answere: that I would that night consider of it, which I did.

And the next day the Earles came againe: I told them, that such an enterprise, as it was most dange∣rous, so would it cost much blood, as I could not like of it: besides many hazzards, which at this time I cannot remember vnto you, neither will the time permit it. But I rather aduised him to goe ouer himselfe with a good traine, and make sure of the Court, and then make his owne conditions.

And although it be true, that (as we all protested in our examinations and arraignements) we neuer resolued of doing hurt to her Maiesties person: (for in none of our consultations was there set downe Page  [unnumbered] any such purpose) yet, I know, and must confesse, if we had failed of our ends, we should (rather then haue bene disapointed) euen haue drawne blood from her selfe. Frō henceforward, he dealt no more with mee herein, vntill he was discharged of his keeper, at Essex house. And then, he againe asked mine aduise, and dispu∣ted the matter with me; but resolued not. I went then into the Countrey, and before he sent for me (which was some tenne daies before his Rebellion) I neuer heard more of the matter. And then hee wrote vnto mee, to come vp, vpon pretence of ma∣king some assurances of land, and the like I will leaue the rest vnto my confessions, giuen to that ho∣nourable Lord Admirall, and worthy M. Secreta∣ry, (to whom I beseech you sir Walter Raleigh com∣mend me) I can requite their fauourable & charita∣ble dealing with me, with nought els but my pray∣ers for them. And I beseech God of his mercy, to saue and preserue the Queene, who hath giuen comfort to my soule, in that I heare shee hath forgi∣uen mee all, but the sentence of the Lawe, which I most worthily deserued, and do most willingly im∣brace, and hope that GOD will haue mercy and compassion on me, who haue offended him as ma∣ny wayes, as euer sinfull wretch did. I haue lead a life so farre from his precepts, as no sinner more. God forgiue it mee, and forgiue mee my wicked thoughts, my licentious life, and this right arme of mine, which (I feare me) hath drawen blood in this last Action. And I beseech you all beare witnesse, that I die a Catholike, yet so, as I hope to be saued Page  [unnumbered] onely by the death and passion of Christ, and by his merits, not ascribing any thing to mine owne works. And I trust you are all good people, and your prayers may profit me. Farewell my worthy Lord Gray, and my Lord Compton, and to you all, God send you both to liue long in honour. I will desire to say a few prayers, and imbrace my death most willingly. With that hee turned from the rayle, towards the Executioner: and the Minister offering to speake with him, he came againe to the raile, and besought that his conscience might not be troubled, for he was resolued; which he desired for Gods sake. Whereupon commandement was giuen, that the Minister should not interrupt him any further. After which he prepared himselfe to the blocke, and so died very manfully and reso∣lutely.

¶An abstract out of the Earle of Essex Confession vnder his owne hande.

VPon Saturday the 21. of February, after the late Earle of Essex had desired vs to come to him, as well to deliuer his knowledge of those trea∣sons, which he had formerly denied at the Barre, as also to recommend his humble and earnest re∣quest, that her Maiesty would bee pleased (out of her grace and fauour) to suffer him to die priuate∣ly in the Towre: He did marueilous earnestly de∣sire, Page  [unnumbered] that we would suffer him to speake vnto Cuffe his Secretary: Against whome hee vehemently complained vnto vs, to haue bene a principall In∣stigator to these violent courses, which he had vn∣dertaken. Wherein he protested, that he chiefly desired that he might make it appeare, that he was not the onely perswader of these great offences, which they had committed: but that Blunt, Cuffe, Temple, besides those other persons, who were at the priuate conspiracie at Drury house (to which though these three were not called, yet they were priuy) had most malicious and bloody purposes, to subuert the State and Gouernment: Which could not haue bene preuented, if his proiect had gone forward.

This request being graunted him, and Cuffe brought before him, hee there directly and vehe∣mently charged him. And amongst other spea∣ches vsed these words: Henry Cuffe, call to God for mercy, and to the Queene, and deserue it, by declaring trueth. For I, that must now prepare for another world, haue resolued to deale clearely with God, and the world: and must needes say this to you; You haue bene one of the chiefest instigators of me, to all these my disloyall courses, into which I haue fallen.

Testified by Tho. Egerton. C. S. Th. Buckhurst. Notingham. Ro. Cecil.

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The Earle of Essex his Confession to three Ministers, whose names are vnder written, the 25. of Fe∣bruarie 1600.

THe late Earle of Essex thanked God most hear∣tily, That he had giuen him a deeper insight into his offence, being sory he had so stood vpon his iustification at his arraignment, for he was since that become an other man.

He thanked God that his course was so preuen∣ted: for if his proiect had taken effect, God knowes (sayde hee) what harme it had wrought in the Realme.

He humbly thanked her Maiesty that he should die in so priuate manner, lest the acclamation of the people might haue beene a temptation vnto him. To which he added, That all popularitie and trust in man was vaine: the experience whereof himselfe had felt.

He acknowledged with thankfulnesse to God, That he was thus iustly spewed out of the Realme.

He publikely in his prayer and protestation, as also priuately, aggrauated the detestation of his of∣fence: and especially in the hearing of them that were present at the execution, hee exaggerated it with foure Epithetes, desiring God to forgiue him his great, his bloodie, his crying, and his infectious Page  [unnumbered] sinne: which word Infectious, he priuately had ex∣planed to vs, that it was a leprosie that had infected farre and neere.

Thomas Montford. VVilliam Barlow. Abdie Ashton his Chaplaine.

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