Hoplocrisma-spongus: or, A sponge to vvipe avvay the weapon-salve A treatise, wherein is proved, that the cure late-taken up amongst us, by applying the salve to the weapon, is magicall and unlawfull By William Foster Mr. of Arts, and parson of Hedgley in the county of Buckingham.

A SPONGE TO Wipe avvay the Weapon-Salve.

Whether the curing of wounds by the Wea∣pon-Salve, be Witch-craft and unlawfull to bee used? affir.

The Proeme.

Wherein the scope and Method of the Tract is re∣cited.

IN this question I looke for opponents. Me thinkes I heare, ne sutor ultra crepi∣dam, sounded and resoun∣ded in mine eares. What hath the Author to doe with this question? What? a Divine a medler in the Art of Medicine? Is not this besides his text? Surely no. This question may bee handled three wayes, and so incident to three severall sciences. For

It may be con∣sidered,

• 1. As consisting of such and such In∣gredients, of such and such doses, so and so collected and compounded; and thus it belongs to the Art of medicine.
• 2. Whether agents and patients being not conjoyned in corporall or virtuall contact within a limited sphere of acti∣vity, can naturally produce any cure of alteration, as this unguent doth? And thus it belongs to naturall Philosophie.
• 3. Whether that which produceth su∣pernaturall effects, having no divine in∣stitution (as this hath none) be not from the divell, and so the vse of it witch-craft, and not to be practised by any ho∣nest and religious man? And thus it is of Theologicall and Ecclesiasticall cogni∣zance.

In the first consideration I leave it to learned Physitians, skilfull Chyrurgions, and expert Phar∣macapolists. But if I enter into consideration of it the two other wayes, I am neither ultra crepidam, nor extra textum. I am not beyond my Last. My Last extends to Philosophy. I am a Mr. of Arts in both Vniversities. I am not besides my text. I am a Divine by profession. Visiting the sicke and wounded is not the meanest part of my dutie. In that sacred action it is not to be forgotten, to ad∣monish that medicines be vsed for recovery. And if superstitious and magicall remedies be attemp∣ted, they must bee instructed otherwise, and by all meanes be perswaded from them. For their dam∣nation is just, which doe evill that good may come

of it. Now when suspected cures are performed (as by this ung••ent,) that Divine which takes into consideration, whether this or the like be not don•• by Magicke and witchcraft, cannot properly be•• said to be Non-resident from his profession. Divi∣nity is that science which teacheth the meanes to everlasting salvation both of body and soule. Nay the Heathen Poet can advize us as much,

Orandum est, ut sit mens sana in corpore s••no. * 1.1

Wee must pray that wee way have sound soules as well as bodies. He then that forewarnes to take such medicines for the curing of our bodies for a while, as may endanger both body and soule for ever, doth the part and dutie of a Theologue, and keepes himselfe within the boundes of Divinity. Thus much by the way of anticipation. Now to the question and disputation. In which that I may not rove, but deale punctally and martially with this martiall salve, Pede pedes & cuspide cuspis, I shall in two members observe the Hoplomaticall me∣thod;

Of

• Offence and
  • Proving against it.
  • Disproving whatsoever is brought for it.
• Defence

Membrum primum.

First I shall prove against it, that it is no lawfull * 1.2 cure, but a magicall, done by the helpe of the divell the corrupter of nature, and that 4. wayes, in 4. Articles.

viz. By

• 1. Reason and Philosophie.
• 2. Authority of Writers.
• 3. The effects of this oyntment.
• 4. The Author or first inventer of it.

Articulus primus.

Wherein Naturall Reason and Philosophy is brought to prove that this cure is not naturall, but Magicall and Diabolicall.

ALL lawfull medicines produce their effects either by divine institution, as Naamans seven times washing himselfe in the River Iordan to cure his leprosie, 2 Kings 5: and the poole of Bethesdaes curing such * 1.3 as entred into it after the Angels stirring it, Iohn 5. 5. or by naturall operation, according to such vir∣tues * 1.4 as God in the creation endued such creatures with, whereof the said medicines are composed. So the Prophet Esay prescribed King Ezekiah a lumpe of Figges to cure his Aposteme, 2 Kings 20. 7. * 1.5 And the Samaritan bound up the wounds of him that was halfe dead in the way, and powred in wine and oyle into them, Luke 10. 34. Both these * 1.6 were naturall medicines, found to have naturall virtue to produce their wished effects, by Sonnes of Asculapius, conversant in the inquisition of se∣crets of nature. Galen therefore the Prince of * 1.7 Physitians, directs the application of Figges to re∣bellious tumours, which hardly breake and come to suppuration. And Levinus Lemnius saith, that Figs are a powerfull and present remedy. And Fran∣ciscus Valesius, greatly commends not onely the charity, but also the judgement and skill of the Sa∣maritan for his fit and proper application. That which the Gracians call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ was in that case an artificiall and soveraigne fomentation. For

whether his wounds were compound (by contusion or dilaceration) or simple (by the sole solution of continuity) the medicine was most proper for the first intention. If compound, no∣thing more agreeable to the rules of Art: If sim∣ple, yet seeing the Patient had layne long in the aire destitute of helpe (his wounds not so much as co∣vered or bound up) his wounded parts were be∣come exasperate and refrigerated, Cui malo (saith my Author) nullare melius succureretur quam calen∣te * 1.8 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which evill could no way better bee hel∣ped, than by fomenting the parts with wine & oyle warmed. But this Weapon-Salvo worketh neither of these wayes; Ergo, the cures done by it are not lawfull, but prestigious, magicall and diabosicall. The minor or assumption I prove thus. First, that it is not of divine Institution, because it is no where registred in Scripture. Secondly, it workes not na∣turally, * 1.9 because it workes after a different manner from all naturall agents. For 'tis a rule amongst both Divines and Philosophers that; Nullum agens agit in distans. Whatsoever workes naturally, workes either by corporall or virtuall contact. But this workes by neither, therefore it workes not naturally. It workes not by corporall contact, the bodies are disjoyned. Paracelsus saith, if the wea∣pon be annoynted, the wounded partie may be cu∣red, * 1.10 though 20. miles absent. Oswaldus Cr••llius, ••o∣••linius, Helmontius, and others, put an unlimited distance. Therefore there is no corporall contact. So that this cure (if lawfull) must needes be per∣formed by virtuall contact. But not so neither. All Agents working by virtuall contact worke within

a certaine distance, and limited sphere of activitie, beyond which they cannot worke. The loadstone workes upon iron by virtuall contact: but it works * 1.11 but a small distance. And if the Iron be rustie, or oyle, or a Diamond placed betwixt them, the stone cannot so affect the iron as to draw it: Say Divines, Philosophers, and Lapidaries. Vineger is a most subtile penetrating agent. It is like hunger; it eates through stone walles. Hannibal that great Carthagenian Captaine, made his passage over the rockey Alpes (before unpassable) with vineger. Yet the interposition of tallow stayes his appetite. Stones or other objects annointed with it remaine safe and undiminished in his voracious and sharpe set presence, though his jawes and teeth be set to it. Fire is the most raging agent of all; but a fire of tenne miles or greater compasse (if such could bee) could not burne, heate, or warme a man two miles distant from it. The celestiall bodies, as the Sunne and the rest of the Planets excell in virtuall ope∣ration all sublunary agents. The light and heate of the Sunne goeth through the whole world. It goeth from the uttermost part of the heaven, and runneth a∣bout * 1.12 to the end of it againe; and there is nothing bid from the heate thereof, Psal. 19. 6. But yet a little cloud interposed obscureth the light, and abateth the heate. The interposition of the earth keepes the light from Antipodes. The interposition of the bodie of the Moone eclypseth the Sunne in our Hemisphere, in part to some inhabitants, and totally to others, which in a diametricall descendent line inhabit under it. It never workes alike upon all parts of the earth. When it is Winter with us by

reason of his Southerne journey and oblique beames, it is Summer in the other temperate Zone, because his beames strike downe in a direct line, and cause a stronger reflection, and that stronger reflection the greater heate. And when againe it is Summer with us, it is Winter with them, by reason of the Sunnes approaching neere unto us, and de∣parting from them. So though it worke upon all things vnder heaven, yet it worketh not at all times alike, by reason it is not at all times from all things distant alike, nor at all times free from interpositi∣ons alike. Now then shall terrestriall agents by di∣stance and interposition bee totally, and celestiall partly hindred; and shall this Weapon-Salve worke from the weapon to the wound at all distances? * 1.13 Shall the interposition of neither ayre, woods, fire, waters, walles, houses, Castles, Cities, mountaines, heate, cold, nothing stay or hinder the derivation of the virtue of it, to the body of the party wounded? O Agent beyond all Agents! Certainely the An∣gels of heaven cannot worke at such a distance. Onely God whose Essence is infinite, and is Omnia in omnibus, all in all, can worke thus: because from him nothing is distant at all. For in him we live, move * 1.14 and have our being, Acts 17. 27, 28. Let the judici∣ous and religious Readers judge then, if these wea∣pon▪ curing mediciners make not a god of their unguent, and commit not idolatry in attributing that to a little smearing oyntment of their owne making, which is proper to God only, the maker of al things. I cannot be perswaded but that this Salve, consisting amongst other things, of Mosse taken from the skull of a theefe that hath beene hanged;

of mans fat; of mans blood warme: as it is taken from his body, collected and composed with a great deale of superstition (as hereafter shall be re∣lated) the divell usually delighting in such things) is accepted of the divell as a kinde of sacrifice, and that hee greedily takes it from the Weapon, and makes the mediciner beleeve it is spent by the vir∣tue of it going to the wound, whilst hee (skilfull by reason of his long experience in all Arts, and so in the Art of medicine) doth himselfe secretly apply some other virtuall operative medicine to cure the wound, and to delude his credulous Mountabankes, makes them beleeve that this Salve (which dropt out of the hangmans budget) hath performed it. And I am drawne to this opinion, by an argument à comparatis. Canidiaes, witches and impes of the divell when they go a hagging, annoynt themselves, * 1.15 and are suddainly carried into remote places through the ayre, riding upon a broome, a hogge, a goate or the like; and the divell makes them be∣leeve that this their transportation is naturally ef∣fected by virtue of their medicament. But in very deed these their oyntments (which are made be∣sides other things of the fat of infants, as testifieth Gaudentius Merula; mans flesh as S. Hierome; mans blood as Apuleius) doe not doe the feate, but the divell himselfe carries them, as testifieth Cajetan, Navar, Grillandus, Bodin, &c. And the holy Scrip∣tures which tell us of the presumption of the di∣vell to carry Christ himselfe and set him on a pin∣nacle of the Temple, Math. 4. 5. and on an excee∣ding high mountaine, verse 8. So the divell when men in this case annoynt the weapon, makes them

beleeve that it is a naturall cure,when in very deed * 1.16 (if any cure be performed) it is done by him selfe, by secret application of other meanesendued with virtue to produce such effects. And the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vell doth this for his owne greater advantage, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shall more at large be related hereafter.

Artiticulus secundus. * 1.17

Wherein is brought the Authority of Writers dis. allowing this Care, and condemning it for magicall.

THe Weapon Salve is the new inventi∣on of the divell, an old impostor. I can bring neither Plato nor Aristotle for an¦cient Philosophers, Galen nor Hippocra¦tes for Physitians, Tertull••an, Cyprian, nor Augustine for Fathers, Aquin••••, or Alexander de Hales for * 1.18 Schoolemen directly and expressely writing a∣gainst it. The first I found to make mention of it was Cardanus de venen•• libro 2. cap. 6. yet hee (though much given to magicke had no far∣ther knowledge of it than report, and that it was said to consist of such ingredients as he there men∣tioneth. The next was one Schenk••us, who calleth it Prodig••osa vulnerum curatio per opochrysmatis usum. A prodigious curing of wounds by the vse of the Weapon-Salue. No better commendation is given of it by Andreas Libavius, who calles it Impostoria vulnerum per unguentum armarium sanatio Para∣celsis usitata. The imposterous cure of woundes by he Weapon-Salve used by Paracelsians. The like Elog••e is given it by one ••ranciscus Tidi••••us. Calvin

also (as testifieth Rodolphus ••••clinius▪ denieth this * 1.19 cure to be naturall. Bartholomaeus Keckemannus saith that this Weapon-Salve is no naturall agent, but supernaturall. Not from God, nor from his holy Angels, nor miraculous, but from the divell; as shall be more at large declared hereafter. Doctor Ioan∣nes Robert•• wrote three Tracts to prove the vnlaw∣fulnesse of this cure. The first hee calles Anatome brevis tractatus novi de magnetica vulnerum curati∣one. A short Anatomie of a new tract of the mag∣neticall cure of woundes. The second is an an∣swer to R. Goclinius his Synarthrosis, which hee not vnfitly calleth Goclinius Heautontimorumenos. The third and last hee calles Curationis magnetica Impo∣s••ura; containing an answer to the pernicious dis∣putation of Ioannis Baptistae ab Helmont, a Physitian of Bruxels. To all which is added the censure of two Vniversities, Lovain & Doway, both pronoun∣cing the magneticall cure (as it is termed) of the Weapon-Salve, not to be naturall, but superstiti∣ous, magicall and diabolicall. I will conclude with the saying of Paracelsus himselfe, who speaking of the operations of this unguent, averreth that Certè haec omnia miracula & Dei dona sunt: Surely these are all miracles and the gifts of God; Therefore not naturall. But let his words sound what they will, the god which Paracelsus meaneth, was deus bujus mundi, the god of this world, 2 Cor. 4. 4. the * 1.20 divell, whom he too much followed, as shall anon be expressed. So that here by the authority of learned Physitians, Philosophers, Divines, and two Vniversities, the use of this unguent is condemned as prestigious and unlawfull. Wherefore seeing

(as the Apostle speaketh) We are compassed about with such a cloud of witnesses. Heb. 12. 1. let those which * 1.21 use it, with repentance lay aside the use of it, and those which have not used it, praemoni•••• praemuniti, with caution shunne and avoyde it.

Articulus Tertius.

Wherein the effects of this unguent are compared with other magicall oyntments, and found in operation like them.

VArious and pernicious, strange and un∣paralleled by any other medicine, are the effects and feates wrought by this unguent. By the weapon you may di∣vine whether the Patient shall live or die. Warme the annoynted Weapon, so that you may endure your hand on it, cast on poulder of red Saunders and bloodstones: if the Weapon thus heated, sal∣ved, and pouldred, sweate drops of blood, hee will dye, if not, he will live, saith Crollius. And by the * 1.22 appearing of spots of blood, at any time upon the Weapon, onely annoynted and not pouldred or heat, it may be knowne whether the Patient disor∣der himselfe by Racchus or Venus. Nay by the annoynted Weapon you may kill the Patient (if you will) without touching him. O gladius Delphi∣cus! If the annoynted Weapon be not wrapped in cloathes to be kept from the cold ayre, the Patient incurres a shaking Ague. If it be kept too warme, he falleth into a hot burning Feaver. If a Liga∣ture be made about it, and tyed hard, the Patients

body is tortured as if his limbes were coa〈…〉〈…〉 If the Weapon be put in the fire, his body will be * 1.23 blistred as if the fire it selfe had burned it.

I know not to what to liken these feates, but to those of Witches, who make pictures of men in waxe, and pricking them, the party for whose pi∣cture it is made, is tormented; and burning them, their limbes are burned and blistred. Of which practises the Poet spake long agoe of Medea.

Devovet absentes, simulacrá{que} cerea singit, * 1.24 Et miserum tenues in jecur urget acus.

Medea curseth those which absent are, And with her charmes she wounds mens hearts from farre; Of waxe she images doth make of men, And placeth needles in their bosomes then; These needles by th▪ helpe of the envious Fiend, Torture poore soules, and bring them to their end.

The effects then of this oyntment symbolizing thus with the practises of Witches; to my reason they seeme to have no reason, which deny these to come from the same founder the divell. Surely they are ejusdem farinae. For when I finde them of the same ••oafe, I cannot but judge them of the same meale.

Artic. quartus.

Wherein the vanity of this Salve is discovered by the * 1.25 iniquity of the Author, or first Inventer of it.

THe Author of this Salve, was Philippus Au∣reolus Bombastus Theophrastus Paracelsus. Feare not Reader, I am not a conjuring, they are onely the names of a Conjurer, the first Inventer of this Magicall oyntment. Therefore Crollius cals it, Vnguentum Sympatheticum seu stella∣tum * 1.26 Paracelsi, the Sympathizing or Starry-wor∣king vnguent of Paracelsus. Of this Paracelsus, Tho∣mas Erastus a Physitian, saith, that he brought an hundred thousand false imaginations and solemne dotemēts into the world, never dream'd of before, either by Wisemen or Fooles. And it is recorded, by Conradus Ges••erus, that he was a man which con∣temned all ancient Physitians and Philosophers: That he endevored to bring many strange and un∣heard-of practises into the Art of Medicine: that he was a man of base and wicked life and conver∣sation: that he conversed with a Familiar Spirit, * 1.27 and was given to all kinde of Magicall and Necro∣manticall practices. Malus Corvus, Malum ovum. An ill Bird laid this ill Egge. But Goelinius faith, that Paracelsus was not the first Inventer, but onely * 1.28 an illustrator and amplifier of it, the Author of it being much elder then he. But besides Crollius the great Champian for this Weapon working Medicine: A. Libavius, Ioannes Baptista Porta, Ioan∣nes Burgravius, &c. (all which I rather credit than

one single Goclinius attributes the first invention of this wonder-working Oyntment to the Bombasti∣call braine of Theophrastus Paracelsus. If any other braine were the Forge, in which it was first ham∣mered, why doth he not name his Author? Sure∣ly if it were not hee, 'twas a Whelpe of the same Litter, a Magician, an Impe of Cerberus. For in∣deed Keckerman saith, that one Anselmus, an Itali∣an of Parma, (who it seemes lived before Paracel∣sus) * 1.29 was the first that brought this Cure to light. Which of them soever it was, it skilleth not much. They were both Magicians, conversant with the * 1.30 Divel. Anselmus Parmensis, though some Saint him and mistake him, for Anselmus Cant. was rather a Divell. It is apparent then whence it came, and what earth-compassing Mountebanke it was that first taught it. For that, Paracelsus was a Conjurer, working besides the bounds of Nature, it is most evident, (besides the testimony of Gesner) by some propositions gathered out of his works, by Doctor Ioannes Roberti. But for mine owne part, to satisfie my selfe and my Readers, I will goe no farther than to the Tract wherein the Vnguent is described, and there to the prescription next adjoyned, which is a Receipt to cure one decayed in Nature, unable to performe due berevolence. The Cure by his di∣rection is thus to be effected. Take an horse-shooe cast from a horse, let it be wrought into a trident Forke, impresse these and these Characters on it, put a staffe of such a length into the socket for the stale of it; Let the Patient take this Forke and sticke it in the bottome of a River of such a depth, and let it remaine sticking there so long as is pre∣scribed,

and he shal be restored to his former man∣like abilitie. If this be not Witchcraft, I know not what is! Now then Paracelsus being a Witch, and this experiment being placed amongst his Diabo∣licall and magicall conclusions, it cannot choose but be Witchcraft, and come from the grand master of Witches the Diuell, if Paracelsus were (us most re∣pute him) the Author and Founder of it. Neither can it be better, if Anselmus were the Authour of it, as Keckerman reports. For, saith the same Kec∣kerman, * 1.31 this Anselmus (how soever he is by some now esteemed) was a noted Magician whilst hee li∣ved.

Now then if we make a collection of all. First, of naturall reason and Philosophy. Secondly, of the opinion of Authors decrying it. Thirdly, of the effects of it compared with other Agents. Fourth∣ly, of the Author that first invented it; the totall summe will be Witchcraft. Witchcraft is an of∣fence of the highest nature against God. There∣fore in the bowels of Christ, I advise all good Christians to shunne and avoyd the use of it.

••iscite justitiam moniti, & non temnere Divos.) * 1.32

And to follow the counsell of Tostatus, who saith, that Toleranda potius sunt quaecunque mala, quam re∣curramus ad malisicos. We must rather endure any misery, than have recourse to them which practise Witchcraft.

Membrum secundum.

Hitherto I have dealt by the way of offence, * 1.33 proving against it. Now I come to defence, dis∣proving what ever the Divell or man hath brought

for it: that so the Reader may be the better satis∣fied, by seeing all fully retorted and answered. And I shall still be at the same guard with this Wea∣pon-Salve. I shall lay on as many strong blowes to maintaine it, as I have brought against it to consure it. I shall be the same in order and method for the unguentaries, that I am for my selfe & the Contr unguentaries. Foure Articles shall stand up for them as for us. I shall bring

Their

• 1 Reasons and Philosophy maintaining it.
• 2 Writers and Authors allowing it.
• 3 Effects and operations approving it.
• 4 Inventor & first composer cōmending it.

Articulus primus.

Wherein the reasons and Philosophy brought for it * 1.34 are collected and disproved.

THose Medicines are lawfull however they worke, where no inchantments, no spels, no characters, no charmes, no in∣vocation, no compact with the Divell, no superstitious observations are used. But in the * 1.35 applying of the Vnguent to the Weapon, there are none of these. Therefore this Medicine is law∣full.

I deny the minor proposition. For there is a * 1.36 kinde of superstition, and compact with the Divell in the use of it. First, there is superstition, and that twofold. First, in the collecting of the ingredients. The Mosse must be scraped when the moone in∣creaseth, * 1.37 and is in a good house, as of Venus, not of

Mars or Saturne, (as Crollius tels us.) That some Plants are of greater vertue, gathered in the new or full of the Moone, (because they have then the greater drinesse or moysture in thē) I will not deny▪ but that the Moon must be likewise in such or such of the twelve houses, is an Astrologicall and super∣stitious observation. And in the Scriptures, Astro∣logers, * 1.38 Magicians and Sorcerers, like birds of a fea∣ther are linked together. Secondly, there is su∣perstition in the manner of annointing the Wea∣pon. If the wound came by a thrust, you must an∣noint the sword from the point to the hilt. If with a cut, then from the edge to the backe. In either, just so much must be annoiated as hurt the Pati∣ent. For, saith the same Crollius; Alioquin nocu∣mentum * 1.39 adferretur Patienti. You may else hurt the Patient. And that day the Mediciner smeares the Weapon, he must absteine from Venus. Of which Mediciners I cannot but say as S. Paul to the men of Athens: I perceive that in all things you are too su∣perstitious, Acts 17. 22.

Lastly, there's a compact with the Diuell. For * 1.40 the Divell may be compacted with two wayes, as Saint Augustine, Aquinas, and other Fathers and Schoolemen teach.

Either by

• Expresse and open or tacite and implicite
  • contract.

In the use of this Salve, though therebe no expresse and open, yet there is a tacite & implicite contract with the Divell. For Tacite invocatur daemon, quando * 1.41 aliquis cōtendit facerc aliquid, per causas quae necvirtu∣te sua naturali, nec divind institutione possunt illud ef∣ficere. The Divell is then implicity invoked, when

any man attempts to bring any thing to passe, by * 1.42 meanes which have neither naturall vertue, nor di∣vine institution thereto. And contrary to this rule is the use of this unguent, as is before demonstra∣ted. * 1.43 For a man may receive this Salve from a friend which plainely and totidem verbis, never had to doe with the Divell. That friend may haue had it from another, as farre from such practises as himselfe. Thus it may be derived through infinite * 1.44 hands: yet all these traditors in the use of it, had an implicite compact with the Divell; in as much as the Divell was the first inventor of it. For the Di∣vel whē he first appoints to any man inchantments, spels, characters, charms, herbes, ligatures, or oynt∣ments to produce such effects, entreth not into co∣venant with that individuall party for himselfe, but also for others specificall; that whosoever shall according to his prescription use them, shall bring to passe such effects by them. Not that the very charmes, characters, or oyntments, doe by them∣selves or his helpe produce such effects. There's no such force in them. But these are signes where∣by the Divell knowes our desires, and then he him∣selfe by some other meanes (if God restraine him not) secretly workes our desires. Therefore saith Saint Augustine, Daemones alliciuntur—non ut * 1.45 animalia cibis sed ut spiritus signis—per varia ge∣nera lapidum, herbarum, lignorum, animalium, carmi∣num, rituum. The Divels are drawn to our purposes not as beasts, by meates, but as spirits by signes, by sundry kindes of stones, of herbes, wood, living creatures, conjurations, and ceremonies. The Conjurers circles, his invocations, his inchant∣ments,

his characters, his rod, his charmes, cannot conjure the Divell to appeare will he, nill he; but out of former compact, he comes when these signes are exhibited. Yet the subtill Fiend feignes him∣selfe to be compelled. But it is to delude and de∣ceiue man, to gaine him to him, to be of his condi∣tion, saith Scaliger, and so the more freely and fre∣quently * 1.46 to converse with him and use his helpe. Therefore saith Henricus de Hassiā most excellent∣ly; Ipse simulat se captū ••t te capiat, se vin••••ū ut se vin¦ciat, se tuo imperio subditum, ut te sibi subdat, à te in∣clusum ut te finaliter includat, singet se tua arte vel imagini vel lapidi alūgatum, ut funibus religatum te ad infernum ducat. The Divell feignes himselfe to be taken, that he may take thee; to be bound, that he may binde thee; to be under thy command, that he may bring thee under his; to bee kept in and re∣strained, that he may restraine thee for euer: hee feignes himselfe to be bound by thy Art, either to this or that character or stone, that he may leade thee in his ropes bound to Hell fire. And of this opinion is Wierus (a man well skilled in such busi∣nesse) * 1.47 and Tostatus and others. Now then collect the summe of this answer, and you shall finde the falsehood of the minor proposition: that the use of this oyntment is unlawfull, there being first super∣stition, and then a compact with the Divell (a ta∣cite compact) in the use of it.

The Divell goeth about like a rearing Lion seeking whom he may devour, 1 Pet. 5. 8. The Divell rageth * 1.48 to destroy us, he runnes not to helpeus. Therefore this medicine curing and helping men wounded, is not from the Divell, and so is lawfull.

I deny the argument. For the Divell, for ever to endanger two soules, the Mediciners and the Me∣dicined, * 1.49 may be ready by naturall meanes secretly applyed to cure the wounds of one body for a time. This is not to doe any good to man, but to bring him to ruine and destruction. The Divell is a lyer from the beginning, the father of lyes, yet some∣times he tels truth, to insinuate himselfe to be tru∣sted and beleeved, when he deales falsely. Christ therefore, and Saint Paul, though the Divels told the truth in the possessed, Marke 5. 7. and Acts * 1.50 16. 17. yet they silenced them and cast them out: So, though the Divell would cure our wounds or diseases, we must not accept it, because he in∣tends not our good, but our utter ruine and destru∣ction by it. Like a Boat-man hee rowes one way, and lookes another, quite contrary.

Those are naturall and lawfull cures which are * 1.51 wrought by Sympathies. But this cure is wrought so, & is called by Crollius unguentum Sympatheticum, * 1.52 the Sympathizing unguent. For this unguent con∣sisting of mans-mosse, blood and fat, hath in it a na∣turall Balsame. This naturall Balsame by the in∣fluence of the Starres, causeth a sympathy betwixt the weapon and the wound: and so the application of the Medicine to the one, effects the cure upon the other. Therefore this cure is naturall and law∣full.

I will not contradict the major proposition. But the minor is in part improbable, in part false. It is * 1.53 improbable that this stinking Weapon-medicine should have a naturall Balsame in it, more than o∣thers. That odoriferous ••pobalsamum, gotten in

Iudea and Aegypt, the Iewes chiefest treasure, (as Iu∣stine * 1.54 tels us) reputed the best in the whole world, curing wounds in three dayes, cannot worke such wonders as this. And 'tis false that that Balsame (if there be any) causeth any sympathy betwixt the wound and the Weapon. For the Weapon is an hard insensible substance voyd of all affection and pathy. It is not altered by the dressing of it. It * 1.55 comes not to suppuration as wounds doe. And where there is no affection and pathy, there can be no co-affection and sympathy. Besides, all things sympathizing affect the sympathized within a cer∣taine distance (as hath beene before related.) This * 1.56 doth not so. What sympathy then is there betwixt the Wound and the Weapon? And that the in∣fluence of the Starres should cause this sympathy, is yet more strange. As if the smearing of a Wea∣pon here below, can call the Starres above, at any time when we will, to give an influence which they gave not before, nor had not given at all, had not the Weapon been smeared at all. O inchanting Salve!

—vel possit coelo deducere lunam! * 1.57

Thus Witches by annointing themselves with their venificall ointments are carried up in the airy Heaven. Thus our Weapon-Salve-mongers by annointing their tooles, bring an influence downe from the starry Heavens. These like the Woman-Priest of Massyls in the Poet can command the starres. Of whom Virgil,

Haec se carminibus promittit solvere mentes, * 1.58 Quas velit, ast alijs duras immittere curas: Sistere aquam ••luvijs, & vertere sydera retrò.

Those which are sad, with charmes shee'l undertake To cheere up, and buxsome and glee to make; And others which to mirth themselves compose, To strike in dumpes, and all their mirth to lose: Shee'l make the Rivers cease to runne their race; And starres in heaven goe backward from their place.

That the annointing a peece of Iron here below, should draw down an influence from the celestiall bodies above, to conjoyne in sympathy two bodies farre disjoyned in place, is to me an argument suffi∣cient to prove (that if any such thing be) it is Witchcraft: and so I shall account it.

Magneticall cures caused by emission of radij * 1.59 and spirits, carrying a curing vertue from one bo∣dy to another, are lawfull. But of this sort is this cure. For as the Loadstone being sensi∣ble of an understanding phantasie, and endued with life, sends forth his radij and spirits even to the Ar∣ticke pole, though farre distant. So this Salve when the weapon is annointed with it, causeth the blood residing on it, by magneticall operation, to send forth his spirits by the vicine ayre, to the wounded body; and this spirit carries the sanative vertue from the weapon to the body, and so the weapon and the wound are (though not immediately yet) mediately joyned together by the spirit of the blood which hath life & motion in it, as Paracelsians teach. For whersoever the carkeise is, that is, the body, * 1.60 there will the Eagles be gathered together, that is, the spi∣rits, Matth. 24. 28. For the spirit of the blood doth sympathize with the body and hath life and moti∣on in it. And this appeares by the comming forth of fresh blood out of the carkeise and dryed limbes

of a man murthered, when the murtherer is pre∣sent. And by the testimony of holy Scripture, Le∣vit. * 1.61 3. 17. and 17. 14. Dent. 12. 23. All which pla∣ces tend to this purpose, that in the blood of crea∣tures is life. This likewise is manifest by the sun∣dry motions of blood in the body of man. In an∣ger the blood of man will boyle. In sorrow the blood is cold. In feare there is a palenesse in the face by a flight and recesse of the blood. In shame there is a blushing or flushing of blood in the face. All these are proofes of the life and motion of the blood. Nay, the blood of man hath a voyce, though we heare it not. For Cardanus saith, that Motus * 1.62 aer semper sonum excitat quamvis non audiatur. But God who sees and heares all things, heares the voyce of it and understands it. Therefore God said to Cain, What hast thou done? the voyce of thy brothers blood cryeth unto me from the ground, Gen. 4. 10. These * 1.63 are magnalia naturae, the wonders of nature. These are occultae qualitates, secret qualities. Every Peri∣pateticke, every pccorius asinus, rurall Rhombus, and pedainticall Parish-Priest understands not these magneticall cures by emission of the spirit of the blood. Onely Paracelsians (whose studies are to bring to light the abstruse and hidden secrets of nature) know and understand them, and to good purpose, for the health of man, practise them. The Levite and the Priest passe by the wounded man to Iericho. But the Lay▪ Samaritan versed in the my∣steries of Nature, takes him up, releeves and cures him, Luke 10. 33. Must it therefore be called in * 1.64 question, whether his applications be Witchcraft, because each obtuse understanding apprehends

not the reason of them? God forbid. To attri∣bute any thing to the divell, whereof God and Na∣ture is the Author, is to rob God and man of the honour due to each of them, and to give it to Sa∣than, which is slat idolatry, and a great discourage∣ment to learned men, to put in practise their rare and vulgarly unknowne experiments. Thus Galen himselfe complained, that when hee sometimes brought wonderfull things to passe, by his accurate knowledge in naturall Philosophy, he was accoun∣ted no better than a Necromancer familiar with the divell. Thus that learned Christian Romane Consul Boë••ius complaines that hee was falsely accused of * 1.65 Sorcery, because he was excellently skilled in the noble science of naturall Philosophy. All which I urge to this purpose, that because each person ap∣prehends not the reason of this cure, it is not by and by to bee accounted Witchcraft and Sorce∣rie.

Here is argument enough to furnish the magni∣loquent * 1.66 speech of a thundering Mountabanke, which though you have drawne it out of the wri∣tings of the prime unguentaries, as Crollius, Goclinius, Helmontius and others: yet you dispute fallacious∣ly, and doe (as we speake in Schooles) petere prin∣cipia, take that for granted, which we utterly deny and relinquish. For I deny in your argument no lesse than five things.

As

• 1. That the Loadstone doth worke upon the Articke pole.
• 2. That the Loadstone hath sense, vnderstan∣ding, phantasie, life.
• 3. That this cure is done by magneticall ope∣ration.
• 4. That blood separated from the body of man hath life, spirit, naturall motion, o•• voyce.
• 5. That your expositions of severall places of Scripture are genuine and consonant to truth.

First, I deny that the Loadstone doth worke up on the North-pole. The pole rather workes upon the stone. So testifieth Franciscus Ru••us an expert * 1.67 Lapidary. Thus Philosophie. That celestiall bo∣dies worke on terrestriall is, ver a philosophia, true Philosophy. But that terrestriall worke on cele∣stiall, is plana morosophia, plaine foolosophie.

Secondly, I deny that the Loadstone hath sense, phantasie, understanding, and life. I have read of Plantanimalia living plants, seeming to have sense, phantasie, and understanding. As of the tree grow∣ing * 1.68 in the Province of Pudiseram; to which when a man comes, ramos constringit, it shrinkes up the boughes, but when he departs, ramos pandit, it opens them againe. And of the plant called the Tartare∣an Lambe, resembling a Lambe in shape and pro∣portion, * 1.69 and grasing and eating up the grasse round about it. But of Saxanimalia stone-living crea∣tures, never did I heare, unlesse by some new Para∣celsians, as Goclinius and Helmontius, and old here∣tickes

whereof S. Hierom speaketh, who maintai∣ned * 1.70 omnia esse animantia, that all things were living creatures, to whom for their superstitious vanities, the Lord (as the Apostle speaketh) hath sent strong * 1.71 delusions that they should beleeve a lye, 2 Thess 2. 11. For all things living do live, either with a vegeta∣tive life, as trees and plants; or a sensitive life, as bruits and beasts; or with a rationall life, as men and Angels. The Loadstone living none of these * 1.72 wayes, hath no life in it. Having no life, it hath no sense, fantasie, and understanding; and I thinke their understanding little better which maintaine the * 1.73 contrary. When Marsilius Ficinus can perswade mee that the Starres have the senses of see••ng and hearing, and do heare mens prayers; then Paracel∣sians shal perswade me that the Loadstone hath life sense and fantasie.

Thirdly, I denie that this cure is done by mag∣neticall operation. My reasons are given in my So∣lution to the third objection and else where. To their places I referre you.

Fourthly, I deny that the separated blood of man hath any life, spirit, naturall motion, or voyce. The blood contained in mans body is not truly and properly his life. Mans life is his soule. Absit ut ani∣ma hominis sanguis putanda sit, saith S. Augustine. * 1.74 Farre be it from us that we should thinke the blood of man his soule. Valde cavendus est hic error & om∣nibus modis refutandus, We must by all meanes take heede of, and refute this error, saith the same Fa∣ther. * 1.75 Though the blood of beasts (which have mortall soules) be their life and soule, as Tully and * 1.76 others thought; yet the blood of man whose soule

is immortall is not so. When we say the blood is * 1.77 the life, it is a figurative speech. Metenomia subje∣cti. The thing containing is put for the thing con¦tained. For the blood is animae vitalis vehiculum, the continent or channell of the naturall spirits in the liver, of the animall in the braine, and of the vitall in the heart. It carries some spirits in the flesh, more in the veines, most and the purest in the arteries. The heat, motion and actions in the body of man, are begotten and conserved of blood, as Valesius observes out of Galen. Therefore mans life, and the life of other creatures is said to bee in the blood. And the Poet describing one bleeding to death, saith,

Purpuream vomit ille animam—* 1.78

He sends forth his purple soule——that is, his blood of a purple colour. What Oyle is to the Lampe, such is the blood to the body. It is the juyce of the whole body. Other juyces are proper * 1.79 to their parts. Chylus is the juyce of the ventricle, milke of the breasts, marrow of the bones, seed of the genitals, but blood of the whole body. Now then, if there be not life in the blood of man, when it is diffused through his whole body, certainly there's none in it parted and let out of the body. If there be no life in the fountaine and whole blood of man, there's none in the drops shed from the fountaine, and out of man. Neither is there any spirit in the blood departed, which hath recourse to the body againe. For then one man should haue infinite soules. So many drops of blood, so many soules or spirits. For where the spirits, the opera∣tions

or instruments of the soul are, there the soule must needs be. For they are Relata. (Instrumenta * 1.80 sunt instrumentati instrumenta.) And the rule is that; Relatorum vno posito, ponitur & alterum, nec est relatio nisi inter ea quae sunt actu, saith Zabarel. Or else the same soule shold be divided into infinit parts; all which are contrary to the affections of the soule, which are three. Simplicitie: it consists * 1.81 not of parts. Indivisibility: it cannot be divided into parts. Immobility: it gives motion to others, but it is immoveable it selfe. I have heard and read of spirits and quintessenses, artificially extra∣cted from insensible bodies, by the Art of Chimi∣stry, but I never heard nor read of spirits or phan∣tasies naturally residing in insensible parts separa∣ted from their bodies. That any such phantasies or spirits are, is a phantasticall conceit hatched by the spirits of Bombastus Paracelsus, which are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, evill spirits. And these spirits are they which in this cure (if any cure be) carry the sana∣tive vertue from the weapon to the wound. Nei∣ther hath the blood of man, once fixed and dried on a weapon, any motion. Nay, when it is but once setled in the cadaver or carkeise, it hath ordinarily and naturally no motion at all, unlesse to corrupti∣on, which (as Aristotle speaketh) is rather a mutati∣on * 1.82 than a motion. And for the fresh bleeding of a murdred man, at the approach of the murtherer, it is no naturall and ordinary motion proceeding of any life of the blood, but a supernaturall motion proceeding from the just judgement of God, who gives the blood a wonderfull and supernaturall motion to come forth and meet the murtherer,

and accuse him to his face. I am not ignorant that there are some which would assigne naturall causes of this fresh bleeding (which who de∣sires * 1.83 to know, let them reade Bocerus, Casman, and Lemnius.) But for my part nothing more resolves me, that it is supernaturall, appointed by God, than the bodies of such as are executed by course of Law. The Hangman or Headsman may come neere and touch the dead cold bodies of the exe∣cuted, and they bleed not a fresh, because he is no murtherer, but is the hand of the Magistrate, whose ordinance is from God, and beareth not the sword in vaine, Rom. 13. 4. Now dead bodies bereaved of * 1.84 life by externall violence, whether it be by a mali∣cious murtherer, or a legall executioner, would have all one effect, (for each bodies are of like senselesse qualities) but that God the supreme judge hath ordained and commanded the one, and in his Law expresly forbidden the other. The publike Magistrate may in justice kill, and no blood will cry, because with such actions God is well pleased. A private person cannot in malice kill, but innocent blood wil come forth, cry and ac∣cuse the murtherer; because with such actions God is most displeased. Not that the blood of the mur∣thered hath any voyce, as is alleadged by Cardanus * 1.85 his inaudible voyce (which is sufficiently refuted by Scaliger) and out of Scripture of Abels voyce, Gen. 4. 10. For that is a Prosopopeia, saith Mercerus. A figure whereby a voyce or speech is attributed, to that which hath none. Thus in Scripture there are foure sinnes, which have voyces attributed to them, and are called crying sinnes; such sinnes as

cry to heaven for vengeance. The Ancients have expressed them in two Hexameters.

Clamitat ad coelum vox sanguinis, & Sodomorum: Vox oppressorum, merces detenta laborum.

Foure sinnes there are which unto heaven cry, The voyce of blood, and of Sodomitry: Oppression of the poore, and labourers hier, Kept backe unjustly when they it requier.

The sinne of Sodome cryes, Gen. 18. 20. Blood * 1.86 cryes, Gen. 4. 10. Oppression cryes, Esay 5. 7. And detaining the hirelings wages cryeth, Deut. 14. 15. Now the money the hireling hath right unto, hath truely no voyce, but onely by prosopopeia: and so the blood of the murthered. Therefore the Scriptures are not urged to purpose. And for the boyling of the blood in anger, palenesse and flight of the blood in feare, rednesse of the face and blushing in shame, &c. These come not by reason of life and motion in the blood: but because the blood is moved according to the affections of the soule: and the soule is in the blood (as Valesius speaketh) * 1.87 Non per informationem aut praesentiam, sed per poten∣tiam & operationem.

Lastly, the interpretations of Scripture are false. That of Christ, Wheresoever the carkeise is, there will * 1.88 the Eagles be gathered together, Mat. 24. 28. is inter∣preted of the Paracelsiā cure by the spirit of blood, carrying the sanative vertue from the blood fixed on the weapon to the wounded body. Where the carkeise is, that is, the body, there will the Eagles, that

is, the spirits of the blood, be gathered together. O unheard of exposition! Who but Helmontius an impudent Paracelsian Doctor of Physicke ever in∣terpreted this place thus? This place is fruitfull for exposition. I finde no lesse then foure severall ex∣positions of it.

1. Some by the c••rkeise understand the Church, * 1.89 by the Eagles, the Doctors of the Church; by their gathering together, their unity and consent in the faith of Christ crucified. Thus Origen.

2. Some here by the carkeise understand the * 1.90 passion of Christ, by the Eagles, the Saints, and by their gathering together, the efficacie of his me∣rits, sufficient for all. Thus Hierom.

3. Others understand this place to be an adum∣bration * 1.91 of the day of judgement. By the carkeise they understand Christ the Iudge. By the Eagles, the soules comming to judgement. By the gathe∣ring together, the generall judgement. So S. Chryso∣stome, S. Hilarie amongst the Ancients. And Stella, Ferus, Maldonat, and Aretius, amongst the neote∣rickes.

4. Lastly, others interpret this place of the Saints * 1.92 ascending up into heaven, whither Christ hath car∣ried his humane body which suffered death for us. That where Christ now is, there all his Saints shall ascend and be hereafter. So S. Augustine, and Gre∣gorie.

These expositions I have met with; but such an exposition as these Bombasticall Mountebanckes bring to patronize their stincking Weapon-Salve, never did I meete with. Now for the other places of Scripture out of L••viticus and Deuteronomie, I

have already shewed the absurdity of their Glosse, corrupting the purity of the Text. And for their making themselves the onely Samaritans, out of Luke 10. 33. if they will needs be so, they shall bee * 1.93 so. But it shall be truely sayd of them in that sense which was falsely and blasphemously sayd of Christ. Say we not well thou art a Samaritane, and hast * 1.94 a divell? Ioh. 4. 48.

And whereas they say this Cure is done by oc∣cult qualities of the ingredients, there's no such matter, as shall anone bee made apparant. What * 1.95 hard hap Galen, Boetius, or any other person had to be accounted Sorcerers, because they were skilfull in the occult and secret qualities of things I know not, but this I know, that the divell often useth this appellation, as a cloake to cover his villany. Thus * 1.96 Cornelius Agrippa sent forth his bookes of occult Philosophy, stuffed with Conjurations of the di∣vell. Thus Ioannes Trithemius hides his unlawfull * 1.97 magicall operations, under his Art of Stenogra∣phy. Of which Bellarmine saith, Opus hoc merito pro∣hibitum * 1.98 est, &c. This worke is deservedly prohibi∣ted, because it is full of pernicious assertions ten∣ding to Magicke. Thus our Country-man Fryar Roger Bacon, used to boast, that he could by naturall magicke (that is, the application of actives to their passives in a due time and proportion) cause thun∣der, raine, stormes, and produce beasts of diverse sortes, &c. (as Agrippa testifieth) when indeed it * 1.99 was meere diabolicall Magicke and conjuration. And of this kinde is the Author of the Booke to Alphonsus, published vnder the name of Piccatrix, which intermedleth much superstition, conjurati∣ons,

and diabolicall operations, with naturall Phi∣losophy. And thus I suppose all the Vnguentaries reasons are fully answered.

Articulus secundus.

Wherein the Authors brought for this Cure, are ci¦ted * 1.100 and refuted.

THe first Author is Paracelsus Archidoxis * 1.101 Magiae, lib. 1. pag. 121. He was a man of great understanding, and brought to light many things hidden before, wher∣by many men have been cured since. Hee com∣mends this Salve, and saith it is, Dei donum, the gift of God.

Secondly, Oswaldus Crollius, a man rarely seene * 1.102 in the Art of Chimistry, gives us the receit of this Vnguent, commends the use of it to us: defends it not to be Witchcraft, and cals them imperiti fatui, unskilfull fooles which suppose so.

Thirdly, Ioannes Baptista Porta, a noted Philoso∣pher, * 1.103 sets downe for posterity the receit of this oyntment, as it was given him by a Courtier, and that Courtier had it from Maximilian the Empe∣rour, and he from Paracelsus.

Fourthly, Cardanus a renowned Philosopher * 1.104 and Physitian, doth allow this Vnguent.

Fiftly, Ioannes Ernestus Burgravius, highly extols * 1.105 this Salve, calling it illustre unguentum, a famous unguent performing the cure by an hidden myste∣ry, which as yet no man hath sufficiently mani∣fested

Sixtly, Rodolphus Goclinius, a Protestant by Reli∣gion, * 1.106 and for his learning publique professor of Physicke at Marpurg, hath written two bookes, to defend the lawfulnesse of this cure. One hee cals Magneticae curae Tractatus; the other, his Synarthro∣sis.

Seventhly, Ioannes Baptista ab Helmont, a Doctor * 1.107 of Physicke of Bruxels, hath like wise written a de∣fence of this Magneticall cure.

Eightly, Doctor Flud, a Doctor of Physicke yet * 1.108 living and practizing in the famous City of Lon∣don, stands tooth and nayle for it, and in his large workes, being three folio volumnes, amongst other secrets, maketh mention of this cure, and allowes it, and proves it to be naturall and lawfull.

Lastly, the learned Sir Francis Bacon, Lord Veru∣lam, * 1.109 and sometimes Lord Chancellor of England, recites and allowes this cure in his naturall Histo∣rie.

The answer to these Authors.

To all which we answer, there's no cause so bad but hath found some Patrons. Here are a goodly company of Authors, but they are taken up by tale, not by waight. Some of these are not for this Vnguent at all. Others are not home for it. And others are parva aut nullius fidci, of small or no cre∣dit at all.

First, Paracelsus is of no credit. For he was (as hath beene proved out of Gesner) a Witch and Conjurer; and so the God whose gift hee meaneth it is, is Deus hujus mundi, the god of this world, (as

Saint Paul cals the Divell, 2 Cor. 4. 4. For he main∣tained * 1.110 (as Doctor Ioannes Roberti tels us.) That so a sicke man may receive cure, it is no matter how, or from whom, though it be from an uncleane spirit.

Secondly, Oswaldus Crollius, is a Bird of the same feather. His workes are as full fraught with su∣perstition, detestable characters and diabolicall trumpery, as Paracelsus. Therefore hee is of little credit.

Thirdly, Ioannes Baptista Porta, was indeed a * 1.111 great Philosopher, yet a man suspected to be given to diabolicall Magicke. And Raphael de la Torre, saith, his bookes are prohibited in Spaine. There∣fore he is of suspected credit. Neither doth he so much commend this Salve. He sets downe indeed a receit of it, and saith it was given to the Empe∣rour by Paracelsus, who much esteemed it, and used it to his death, and the Emperour gave it a Cour∣tier. And the Courtier gave it to him. Now the Divell might deceive Paracelsus: Paracelsus the Emperour, the Emperour the Courtier, and the Courtier Baptista Porta, who had not entred into sufficient consideration of it. For he utters not a word of the seven superstitious observations, the five notes, and the two experiments given by Crol∣lius, * 1.112 but onely prescribes, that the Weapon be stic∣king in the Salve; and so the cure will be effe∣cted.

Fourthly, Cardanus, neither speaketh with or a∣gainst * 1.113 it. He onely saith, that he heard a report of such an Vnguent, and that it was said to be compo∣sed of such ingredients: as he there recites.

Fiftly, Ernestus Burgravius, is an Author as full of

superstition and charactericall impieties, as any of them. He teacheth by the helpe of a strong phan∣tasie, and by the thundring forth of certaine verses, * 1.114 to make an inchanted impenitrable sword: such a sword as the dint of no other shall hurt; such a sword as no man shall be overcome in conflict which useth it. Also he teacheth to make a lampe of oyle, made of the blood or excrements of a man. This lampe once fiered shall burne continually without renuing. This lampe cannot be extingui∣shed * 1.115 by any thing during the whole life of the man of whose blood or ordure the said Oyle is made. This lampe will of it selfe goe out at that very in∣stant and punct of time the man dyeth. All the while the lampe burnes, it may be knowne by the bright or dimme burning, whether the man be wel or sicke, merry or sad. All which I cannot but be∣leeve to be done by the helpe of the Divell. Hee secretly renues it, the man living, and blowes it out the man dying, and makes it burne cleare or dimne as he knowes him to be affected. For Saint Augu∣stine * 1.116 maketh mention of such a lampe, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an unextiguishable lampe among the Heathens, in the Temple of Venus. This lampe, saith he, no tempest or water could extinguish, be∣cause some Divell, under the name of Venus, did maintaine it. This Author then is of no credit. Neither doth he determine the question. He one∣ly saith this cure is performed by an hidden myste∣ry, which no man hath as yet sufficiently mani∣fested.

Sixtly, Rodolphus Goclinius is so full of characteri∣call superstitions and magicall cures, that I am

ashamed that any such cures should come from one reputed to be a Protestant.

Seventhly, Ioannes Baptista ab Helmont, is of the same straine.

Eightly, Doctor Flud hath had the same censure * 1.117 passe on him, and hath beene written against for a Magician, and I suppose this to bee one cause why he hath printed his bookes beyond the Seas. Our Vniversities, and our Reverend Bishops (God bee thanked) are more cautelous than to allow the Printing of Magical books here. But because I will not so slightly slurre by Master Doctor, I will an∣swer him in a digression to that purpose.

Lastly, the learned Sir Francis Bacon is not at all * 1.118 for this cure. He professeth himselfe not resolved whether it be effected or no. And for the lawfulnes of it, hee inclines rather to a starting suspition than a setled approbation. Now then, some of these Authors being not for this Vnguent at all, as Car∣danus. Some not home for it, as Ioannes Baptista Porta, and Sir Francis Bacon. Others of little cre∣dit for it, as Burgravius, Goclinius, Helmontius, and Doctor Flud. Others of no credit for it, as Para∣celsus and Crollius: and I, having brought sixe cre∣dible Authors, not once suspected for Magicians, and the censure of two Vniversities, directly against it; these will turne the ballance, and exauthorize their authority.

A Digression wherein Doctor Flud, his reasons are examined and answered.

DOctor Flud hath written some Folio pa∣ges, * 1.119 for defence of the Weapon-Salve! Well he may. He writes himselfe Armi∣ger & medicinae Doctor, is called by Fran∣ciscus Lanovius Medico-miles, a souldier Physitian; and being a Weapon-bearing Doctor, may well teach the Weapon-curing medicine: especially setting the Armiger before the Doctor, the Gunne before the Gowne, and the Pike before the Penne. I have read some dispute, whether a Knight or * 1.120 Doctor should take place: never of an ordinary Esquire. Herauld I am none. But I suppose that the worthy Gentlemen which professe it, will be∣twixt these two, decide the controversie with that of Tully,

Cedant armatogae, concedat laurea Lingua. * 1.121

But the quarrell is not betwixt the Doctor and me for his Weapon, but for his Weapon-Salve: whether that be Witchcraft or no? Surely his very defence of it is enough to make it suspected, him∣selfe being accused for a Magician, by Marinus Mersennus, with a wonder that King Iames (of bles∣sed * 1.122 memory) would suffer such a man to live and write in his Kingdome. But if to be accused were to be guilty, who could be innocent? Master Do∣ctor hath excused himselfe in his booke, entituled,

Sophiae cum moria certamen (cujus contrarium verum, * 1.123 saith Lanovius.) His friend Ioachimus Frizius (or ra∣ther his owne selfe, saith Lanovius) in a booke an∣nexed to his, called Summum Bonum, excuseth Fry∣er Roger Bacon, Trithemius, Cornelius Agrippa, Marsi∣lius Ficinus, and Fratres Rosea crucis, from being Caco-magicians. I wonder at nothing more than that Belzebub was not in the number! Whether the Doctor excuse himselfe any better, than these Arch-magicians can be excused, I leave to the learned judicious and religious Reader? Yet thus much for him in the question. Hee prescribes no superstitious, either collections of the Ingredients, composition of the Vnguent, or observation at the annointing of the Weapon. His directions are, that the Weapon be left in the Vnguent pot, till the Patient be cured: and that the wound bee kept cleane with a linnen cloath, wet every morning in his urine. Whether this be a fallacy or no, I com∣mend to the judgement of those which are expert in the renowned Art of Chirurgery. For let the Doctor be sure to keepe a wound cleane, and I suppose, they will tell him that it will cicatrice without his Weapon-Salve. Neither doth hee a∣scribe an unlimited sphere of Activity (though a large one) thirty or sixty miles (which is false too) unto it. And he saith, that an Horse pricked with a nayle, may bee likewise cured, if the nayle bee left sticking in the unguent pot. I desire the Doctor to remember this his horse-leechry, as an argu∣ment to overthrow his naturall balsame and sym∣pathy. But Master Doctors reasons to maintaine the lawfulnesse of this cure, are not yet called to

speake for themselves. Now they come. I have made them as short and perspicuous as I can, spea∣king another language, consisting of more words.

Scull-mosse or bones (saith he) Mummy and the Fat of Man (the speciall Ingredients) comprehend the corporeall perfection of Man, and so are apt to heale, by reason of a naturall Balsame resting in them, sympathizing with the hypostaticall Bal∣same residing in living man. These Ingredients have their beginning and aliment from the blood. In the blood reside the vitall spirits: in the vitall spirits the soule after her hidden manner. This causeth the blood to have recourse by sympatheti∣call harmony, to the masse of blood remaining in the body. For the spirit of the blood shed is car∣ried by the ayre (which is the carrier of the spirits of every thing) to his body: this spirit going by this ayre, in a direct invisible line, carrieth the sa∣native virtue from the annointed Weapon to the wounded party. For the Weapon communicates it to the blood fixed on it, the blood to the spirits, the spirits conducted by the ayre, communicate it to the body, and so the Patient is (without appli∣cation of Plaister) naturally healed. For as the ra∣dij or Sun-beames are a messenger betwixt heaven and earth: So this vitall beame or invisible line is a messenger and conductor (by a kinde of Magne∣ticall attraction) of the healing virtue of the bal∣same, residing in the unguent, to the body of the wounded party: and the sympathy betwixt the blood on the annointed Weapon, and the blood in the body causeth the cure. That there is such a sympathy betwixt the blood in the body, and the

blood drawne from the body, is most evident by the example of Witches. The Divell sucketh blood from them. This blood remaining with the Divell, participates of his maligne nature, and ha∣ving recourse by the spirits thereof to the Witches body, makes all their blood sympathize with that the Divell hath; and so the blood changeth the Witches nature, and they become maligne and di∣abolicall, and so addicted to the service of Sathan, that it is impossible to reclaime them. This is the summe of Master Doctors reason: against which least any should object, that the sanative vertue may be interrupted by the intervening motion of the sundry creatures, and so the vertue lost and not carryed to the wished port: He answereth, that though the ayre be by intervening bodies inter∣rupted, nay, parted and divided, yet it will after the passage of that body be re-united. As when we di∣vide the ayre with a sword, the blow ceasing, the ayre returnes againe to his former unity of sub∣stance. And as Dyers water cast into a River, pro∣tracts it selfe into a long line, and for some time keepes his colour and line; and if a Boat crosse and divide it, the Boat gone, the line comes toge∣ther againe: So though some creatures doe by their interposed motion interrupt and breake off this spirituall line carrying the sanative vertue, yet it will be so but a season; for they passed the line will be re-united, and so though somewhat for a time hindred, yet nothing of the end frustrated.

To all which I answer, that Master Doctor doth petereprincipia. For first, I deny that Scull-mosse or bones, Mummy and mans Fat have (though

they be medicinable) any natural balsame or radicall humour (for so some call naturall balsame) residing in them, sympathizing with the hyposticall bal∣same * 1.124 remaining in living man; unlesse a horse have a balsame sympathizing with mans. For, saith Ma∣ster Doctor, which I advised him to remember, if the nayle which pricked an horse be put into the oyntment pot, the horse shall be cured. I say there's no such sympathy betwixt horse and man. And if there be no cause at all to beleeve the one, there is but little to beleeve the other.

Secondly, I deny that mans bones have their be∣ginning and aliment from blood. For Physitians and Philosophers say that they have their begin∣ning * 1.125 from the grosser seminall parts, and their ali∣ment from blood, or marrow, or both.

Thirdly, I deny that any spirits reside in separa∣ted blood, my reason is already given in my an∣swer to the fourth objection. To which I farther adde, that Casman is so confident in this, that in parts separated from the body, remaine no spirits, * 1.126 that he saith, the very Divell cannot beget or con∣serve any spirits in them.

Fourthly, I deny that the soule resides after any hidden manner in the spirits. The Stoickes indeed held that the spirits were vinculū anima & corporis; & so the soule may be after a kind in the spirits, as that which is bound is within the teather. But the Peripateticks & Divines deny this as needlesse. For seeing the body is generated for the soule, and the soule created for the body, and both make the to∣tum compositum, what need these any bond to fa∣sten them together? There is a reciprocall desire

of comming together at first, and endevour after the union, so to keepe together. The spirits indeed are the instruments of the soule, by which it wor∣keth: and when these instruments 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the worke failes, and the soule, the worke-mistresse takes her leave, not because she is hid in the spirits, as the contiuent to abide in, but because she wants the spirits as her instruments, to worke by. For the is corporis organici actus seu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the act and per∣fection * 1.127 of the body; not onely for that shee gives the body act and being (as Aristotle defines it) but also because she gives the body action during the being: As Tully not improperly interprets it. Now * 1.128 then as the workeman cannot be said properly to reside in his instruments, but rather the instru∣ments in the workeman (because as Logicians * 1.129 speake, tota instrumenti vis in usu consistit:) So the soule cannot in any kind depend on, or reside in, the spirits her instruments, but the spirits on the soule. Therefore as the Axe must not boast it selfe against the hewer, nor the Saw magnifie it selfe against the shaker, Esay 10. 15. No more must the Doctor set * 1.130 up the spirits against the soule to be her upholder, from whom they have all their being and opera∣tion.

Fiftly, I deny Master Doctors carrier, viz, his di∣rect invisible line, carrying the sanative vertue so many miles from the weapon to the wound. Sure¦ly this is Tom Long the Carrier, who will never doe his errand. But the Sunne hath his beames a true messenger betwixt Heaven and earth: and so this Salve betwixt Weapon and Wound. O incom∣parable * 1.131 comparison! Tully saith, the Sunne is cal∣led

Sol quasisolus, as having no peere, no creature working like it. But the Doctor, like another Ar∣chimedes, can by his Art make one working by sen∣ding forth beames like it.

Sola Sophocleo tua carmina digna coth••rno! * 1.132

The Sunne beames, the Messenger betweene Heaven and Earth, proceed of the light of the Sunne, in whom is such innate light, that he is the fountaine of light. But what light hath this Salve to send forth radiant messengers? The Sunne, and the rest of the celestiall bodies, is or∣dained by God and Nature, to worke upon the ter∣restriall by light or beames, motion and influence. Art immitates Nature. But what Art hath in this kinde ouertaken Nature? The Sunne is a Gyant, saith David, Psal. 19. 5. many degrees, even 166, * 1.133 bigger than the earth, as the Astronomers collect, and so may by proportion worke on it. The Sun is * 1.134 the eye and visiter of the whole world, there's no∣thing hid from it, saith the Psalmist, Psal. 19. 6. and so by his presence is within the sphere of his activity. The Sunne is above, and so sends downe in a direct line, his beames without hinderance. But this Vnguent hath no proportion: 'tis little in * 1.135 respect of the Patient; it hath no presence or con∣tact with him; It must worke in a laterall oblique line, and so is subject by interposed bodies to bee hindred. A little fire cannot burne or heat a great body, at a great distance, in an ascendent direct line; much lesse an oblique, many other bodies be∣ing interposed. No more can a little Salve worke

naturally on a Patient at a great distance, when many other bodies are interposed. The line and the ayre carrying it so long a journey, will be hin∣dred and stopped; if not altered and changed. The line and his carrier the ayre may be stopped and hindred, not onely by moving intervening bodies, which may give place againe to the line and ayre when they have cut and crossed it, as the Doctor instanceth in the cutting of the ayre with a sword, and the re-union after the blow is ceased, and the re-union of the line of Dyers water cut with a Boat; but also it may meet with stationary im∣moveable bodies, as wals, woods, houses, castles, townes, cities, fiers, seas and waters, which will not give place to the Doctors line, though it were as strong as an halter. How then shall this line be car∣ried thus intercopted? It must either penetrate the bodies, or shun them before it comes at them, or when it comes at them, glyde in a laterall course by them, or per saltum, ascend in a transcendent course over till it comes beyond them, and then betake it selfe to its old course againe. Penetrate them it cannot: Nature abhorres vacuity and pe∣netration. Avoyd them before it comes at them, it cannot neither. To avoyde hurtfull things, is an act either of reason, sense, or naturall instin∣ction. This Carrier the ayre hath neither of these to goe his journey. Not reason, it is not rationall. Not sense, it is no sensible creature. It hath not naturall instinction to shunne any place. Ayre fil∣leth every place (without exception) not filled * 1.136 with some other body, saith Aristotle. Glyde by or leape over these bodies it cannot.

And M^r. Dr. saith, this line is a direct invisible line. It must then goe point blancke, (as we use to say.) If it glance a skew, or leape over, and make an angle, then the rectitude of this line is broken, and M^r. Doctors reason is broken also. Besides, the carrier failing, the line, the portadge must needs fayle also. And the ayre the carrier may fayle, by being changed and altered into an other body. For * 1.137 ayre and water are symbolicall elements, such as are easily transmuted into the substance of each other. The ayre when it comes into moyst and va∣pourous places, (Robertus de Fluctibus) or when it meets with glabritious and terse bodies, as polished iron (like M^r. Doctors weapon) stone, glasse, &c. (as experience teacheth) is turned into water. Or the ayre in a long journey may be turned into one of the other elements. For ayre may bee chan∣ged into fire, commodissimè & parvo momento, saith Scaliger, fitly and in a short time, and it may be∣come * 1.138 earth also, though not so easily by vicissitude and often changing, seeing there is (as Keckerman * 1.139 speaketh) Elementorum transmutatio circularis, a cir∣cular transmutation of the elements. Now then unlesse the Doctor can secure his carrier, that part of the ayre which carrieth his invisible line, from transmutation (the ayre onely being his carrier) his carrier will faile, and bee sit to goe of none but a dead mans errand; & so Mr. Doctors line will faile, the Cure fayle, and the reason fayle. Neither if the line should not fayle, but the carrier truly doe his message, and carry it from the weapon to the wound, can the Cure bee done by sympathy, be∣twixt the blood residing on the weapon, and that in

the body. The one is warme, living by the vitall spi∣rits, the other cold and dead by the losse of them. The one is blood in his persection, the other in corruption, the one properly, the other equivocal∣ly. And what actuall sympathy or corresponden∣cy is there betwixt heat and cold, perfection and corruption? Blood in their living fountaines may sympathize. The plague and other sicknesse is apt to runne in a kindred or blood, because of the simi∣litude. Were I perswaded of the artificiall incor∣poration of the warm blood of one man with ano∣thers, I might in time be brought to beleeve a sym∣pathy (and also the Doctors nancius inanimatus) * 1.140 because of the life in it, either by some sparke of spirits by the warmth detained, or by union acqui∣red: but that cold, dead, dry, corrupted blood, out of the body should smpathize with moyst, warme, living, perfect blood in the body, seemes to mee such a paradoxe, that I thinke I shall not beleeve in whilst I have blood in mine owne body. But the Doctor proves it by the example of blood sucked by the Divell from Witches; which remaining with the divell, & sympathizing with the blood in Witches bodies, changeth their nature, and makes them become maligne and diabolicall▪ O pro∣found example!

Non valet exemplum quod litem lite resolvit. * 1.141

Here Master Doctor closely conveyes a ground for his Argument, which neither true Philosophy nor Orthodoxe Divinity will give us leave to as∣sent to. The Witches blood remaining with the

blood-sucker the Divell, sympathizes with the blood in the Witches body? How can this be? How can blood, a substance corporeall, remain with the Divell a spirit and incorporeall? I smell a Rat. I know the Doctors intent. He would leade us into * 1.142 the errour of Plato as Iamblicus, followed by Apu∣leius and Theupolus, who hold that the Divels have tenuia corpora, tenuious and slender bodies; for the Doctor who impiously attributes compositi∣on to God, dares falsely (though it be a sinne to be▪ lye the Divell) attribute corporeity to Divels. The contrary of which, that they have no manner of bodies, is the tenent of the Church. And the truth of it may be manifested foure wayes.

viz. the autho∣rity of

• 1 Scriptures.
• 2 Councels.
• 3 Fathers.
• 4 Schoolemen.

First, Scripture teaches that the Divels have no manner of bodies. We wrestle (saith Saint Paul) not against flesh and blood, but against spirituall wicked∣nesse (or wicked spirits in high places, Ephes. 6. 12. And * 1.143 indeed living bodies may be touched and handled; therefore Christ said to his disciples when they were terrified and affrighted, and supposed that they had seene a spirit, Luke 24. 27. Handle mee, * 1.144 and see, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones, as yee see me have, vers. 39. But Divels cannot be handled, therefore Divels have no bodies. Besides, our Savi∣our * 1.145 cast out a legion of divels out of the possessed, * 1.146 Luke 8. 30. A legion is sixe thousand, saith Cas∣man

and others. Now sixe thousand divels could * 1.147 not really and substantially possesse one man (as a Pilot doth the ship, being the externall mover of it) if divels were corporeall.

Secondly, the second Lateran Councell (held at Lateran in Rome, anno 1••••5. in the time of Innocent the third, where were present 1284. Prelates, be∣sides Ambassadors from the East and Westerne * 1.148 Emperours, and from the Kings of Hierusalem, Eng¦land, Spaine, France and Cyprus) rankes it amongst the Articles of Faith, that we are to beleeve: That God created some creatures corporeall onely (as stones, * 1.149 mettals, &c.) some spirituall onely (as Angels good and bad) and some of a common and middle nature, participating of both, as men.

Thirdly, the Fathers teach the incorporeity of Angels, both celestiall and infernall. As Saint Ba∣sil, Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostome, Gregorius Mag∣nus, Cyrill, Theodoret, Venerable Beda, Isiodor, Damas¦cen, &c. * 1.150 In very deed, Origen, Tertullian and Saint Augustine seeme to incline to the contrary, as that the Angels are corporeall substances. But Origen was a Platenist and followed his Philosophy too much, wherby he brought himselfe into many er∣rours in Divinitie, amongst which this is one, wherein we leave him. And for Saint Augustine that incomparable Father, there are three opini∣ons concerning the verity of what he held in this point. Some say he did somewhat incline to this opinion: So Hurtadus de Mendoza. Others say that it cannot be denyed, but that he was absolutely of this opinion: So Lodovicus Vives. Lastly, others say, that he delivered not this opinion as his owne

dogmaticall tenent, asserendo, maintaining it, but recitando opinionem aliorum, as the opinion of o∣thers reciting it. So Thomas Aquinas and Duran∣dus * 1.151 de Sancto Portiano. But Casman, Estius, and other Schoolmen excuse both Saint Augustine, Tertullian and other Fathers; that they delivered not this o∣pinion positively, but comparatively in respect of God: who is so incorporeall, that he is all act without power of future being, what he now is not: infinite; repletively filling all places, without be¦ing circumscribed any where as man, or defined as an Angell: pure, and simple without composition of quantitative, essentiall, or integrall parts: without composition of matter and forme, without com∣position * 1.152 of subject and accident, without composi∣tion of power and act, without composition of kinde and difference, and without composition of being and essence. Man is not simple, but com∣pounded ail these wayes. God is most simple and absolute, compounded none of these wayes, Angels are not simple but compounded some of these wayes. Therefore when the Fathers said that Angels are corporeall they meant it, secundum quid, non simpliciter, comparatively, and in respect of God, who is actus simplex, voyd of all composi∣tion, not absolutely in respect of themselves.

Fourthly, and lastly, the Schoolmen run in this streame, as Aquinas, Durandus, and all the rest. For * 1.153 so saith Estius, a late and most learned Schoolman. It is the common and constant doctrine of all Schoole∣men, that Angels are altogether incorporcall and purely spirituall. Now then the Divels being not corporeall, how can they so retaine and incorpo∣rate

the blood sucked from Witches, as to alter and change the nature of it into their nature, and that altered blood by sympathy to change the masse of blood remaining within the body? For though it be a common received opinion, that the Diuell useth to sucke some place of the Witches body, and to that purpose either enters a true bo∣dy of some creature, as the Divell in Paradice en∣tred into the body of a Serpent to deceiue Evah, * 1.154 Gen. 3. 1. (and now adayes appeares to Witches like Dogs, Cats, Hares, &c.) or assumes a body of cōdensed thickned ayre, compacting it to the shape and colour of man: and when he hath done his er∣rand, layeth it aside againe (as a man doth his gar∣ment) it being resolved into the former matter, yet this body (because it is not united to, or long kept by the Divell) cannot keepe the blood it suc∣ked, but it is disposed some other way, spilt or lost, when the body is put off, and so there is no partici∣pation of the blood with the Divels body, nor of the Witches separated blood, with that in her bo∣die.

Besides, if there were any heate or spirit residing in the blood sucked from the Witch, the coldnesse of the Divels assumed body is such, it would streight chill and extinguish it. This Alexander ab * 1.155 Alexandro relateth to be true, by the experience of an acquaintance of his, who touched the heele of a Divell that assumed the shape of a man, and found it so could that no Ice could be compared to it. And Cardanus (a man conversant with spirits) affirmeth * 1.156 the like of his owne experience, that he being tou∣ched with the hand of a Divell, found it so cold

that it was not at any hand to be endured. And o∣ther examples are recited by Lavater, in his booke * 1.157 of walking spirits: by all which it is apparant, that there can be no sympathy betwixt blood separa∣ted and the fountaine, be it the blood of Witches, or of any other person whatsoever. The Divell indeed may by compact of Witches which shall serve him, and so endevour to be like him (as the fervant endevours to be like his Master) or by the permission of God, stirre and excite the humours of mans body (be he Witch or not) inflaming his blood, kindling his choller, disturbing his phan∣tasie, cause a malignity of Nature in him. But to doe it by a sympathy of the blood remaining with him, with that which remaines in the body, is alto∣gether a thing impossible. And so Master Doctors argument of sympathy, and his sympathizing Salve, cannot be salved to be naturall and sympa∣thize with reason, though he hath fetched an argu∣ment from Dyers and Lyers, from the Divell, the father of Lyers to maintaine it.

Articulus tertius.

Wherein the operations and effects of this Vnguent * 1.158 brought by the Vnguentaries, to prove the sympathy, and to approve the Cure, are alleadged and confuted.

THose which deny a sympathy betwixt the annointed Weapon and the woun∣ded party, may easily be convinced, by the strange operations and effects of this oyntment. For if the cold ayre come to the

Weapon, the wounded party will incurre an A∣gue, or if the Weapon be bound hard with a coard, the party feeles it in his joynts and limbes. And the Weapon being put into the fire, the wounded parties body will be blistered. What is the reason of this, but the sympathy betwixt the Wound and the Weapon, caused by emission of the spirit of the blood? what greater and more de∣monstrative evidence can be of a sympathie?

To which I answer. This reason is no reason. Therefore I will say of it as Tully did of an unreaso∣nable * 1.159 reason. Cujus rationis non est ratio, ci rationi non est ratio fidem adhibere: Where the reason hath no reason, there a man hath no reason to give cre∣dit to the reason. For there's no sympathy betwixt * 1.160 the Wound and the Weapon, as hath already been declared. For another substitute weapon, if the very weapon which inflicted the wound cannot be had, will doe the feat as well as that, so it be drawn through the wound. Where then is the sympathy betwixt the Weapon and the hurt, when another Weapon will doe the feat, which never caused the hurt? Nay, a Sallow sticke will doe it (say these * 1.161 Vnguentaries) if some blood of the wound bee but sprinkled on the sticke, and then the sticke be left sticking in the Vnguent pot. Nay, some have cu∣red * 1.162 the wound by applying the Salve to the Hose, Doublet, or Shooe of the wounded party, nay, to a stoole which hath hurt a man, nay, to a stoole which never hurt him. Where is then the sympathy be∣tweene the Wound and Weapon, when it may as well be applyed to any thing, as to the Weapon?

Besides, this Salve is not made alike by all men.

Reade Paracelsus, Cardanus, Crollius, Baptista Porta, Goclinius, D. Flud: so many severall Authors, so ma∣ny severall Receits of this Vnguent. Some put in Mosse growne on the Scull of a Theefe hanged. Others say it may be of any man taken away by any kind of violent death. Others prescribe Mosse growne upon the Scull of any dead man, whether he came by his death violently or naturally. Some prescribe blood warme, as it comes from mans bo∣dy. Others, blood indefinitely, whether warme or not. Some put in Oyle of Line-seeds, Turbinthine and Roses, others none. Some blood-stones bea∣ten to powder, others none. Some put in Hogges∣braines, others none. Some wormes washed in Wine and burnt in a pot in a Bakers Oven, others none. Some Bole Armenicke, others none. Some Muske, bdelium, storax, and other Gummes, others none. Some appoint the Fat of a Bore, and the Fat of a Beare, others none. Some say the fat of the Bore, and the fat of the Beare, must be the fat of a Bore and Beare killed in the act of generation; o∣thers however killed. Some allot Buls fat to the making of this Salve, others none. Some Honey, others none at all. I thinke it is no matter what the Salve be of. For when men goe about such un∣lawfull Cures, the Divell (delighted therewith) is ready to helpe them, so they put beleefe in the Salve, whatsoever the Salve be. For some, saith Doctor Ioannes Roberti, have performed the Cure, * 1.163 onely with Auxungia porcina, Hogges-fat. Nay, the same Doctor tels us, that he knew a Noble¦man, which, having entred into a perswasion of this Cure, made his Salve of such ordinary herbes as

grew in his Garden, and it performed it as well as all the mosse, mans-fat, warme blood and Mummy in the world: and indeed Cardanus reckons nine * 1.164 herbes said to goe to the composition of this Salve. Where is then the sympathy? where's the Bal∣same residing in the Mosse, Mummy, and Mans fat? Where is the Magneticall operation? Where's the spirit of the blood? where the occult quali∣ties? where's the invisible line carryed in the ayre? Surely all in the Divell. Hee is all in all in the busi∣nesse, and for my part to him I leave it all.

Articulus quartus.

Wherein the Author or first Inventor commending * 1.165 it, is shewed not to be worthy of commendations, nor in this to be followed.

THe Author or first Inventor of this rare Vnguent, was either Paracelsus or Ansel∣mus. Both these were famous in their time, especially Paracelsus, who is an Author of such allowed authority, that he is followed almost by all Physitians. Some doe, as the Poet speaketh, Iurare in verba magistri, and following him solely, are called Paracelsians. Therefore it is lawfull to vse his Medicines, and this amongst the rest.

To which I answer, That both these were fa∣mous indeed. They were both of them infamous∣ly famous. For what both these were is already related. Surely they are gone, when they went * 1.166 hence, to the graund master of such Impostures, if they did not before they went hence, earnestly

repent, of this and other their magicall and supersti∣tious operations and diabolicall Conjurations. From which evill and mischiefe, from sinne, the crafts and as∣saults of the Divell, and from everlasting damnation: Good Lord deliver us.

Now then, this Cure being done, neither by na∣turall meanes, nor divine institution, but by Ma∣gicke and an implicite compact with the Divell. It being not done by naturall Balsame, causing a sym∣pathy by the influence of the Starres, nor by mag∣neticall operation by emission of the radij and spi∣rits of the blood, carrying in a direct invisible line the sanative vertue: nor by occult and hidden qua∣lities (because any Salve applyed to any thing which never touched the wounded body (where the beleefe is strong) will effect it as well as the mosse, warme blood, and other things. Seeing there are no credible Authors home for it, seeing the effects symbolize, with the practise of Wit∣ches, seeing the first Inventor was a Conjurer, fa∣miliar with the Divell: Considering, I say, all these things, it cannot be lawfull for an honest and religi∣ous man to use it.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Iuvenal. Satyr 10
• * 1.2

  Membrum 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.3

  2 King. 5.
• * 1.4

  Iohn 5. 5.
• * 1.5

  2 King. 20. 7.
• * 1.6

  Luke 10. 34.
• * 1.7

  Gale••▪ ••e Arte Curativa ad Glan••. lib. 2. cap. 7. Levin. Lem. Herb. Bibl. cap. 7. Francisc. Val••••. de sa〈…〉〈…〉 Phi∣••••s. cap. 8〈…〉〈…〉 pag. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.8

  Idem Ibide〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.9

  See Aristol. Phys. l. 7. text. 10. 11. 12. Aqui••. 1. q. 8. Art 1. Durand. 1. Sent. dist. 37. 1
• * 1.10

  Parace••s. Ar∣chidox. Mag. lib 1. p 12 〈…〉〈…〉 Oswald. Cr••ll. Chim. basil. pag. 278. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. tract. de unguent. Armar H〈…〉〈…〉, de.
• * 1.11

  See C••s••. Com∣ment. in Ph••s. Arist. lib. 7. c. 2. August. de Civitat Dei. lib. 21. cap. 4. tom. 5. Pl••••. l. 37. c. 4. Sol••••. c. 55. &c 〈◊〉〈◊〉:▪ R••••i. degemmis, 1. 2. c. 15. pag. 254. Plutarch in vita Hannib.
• * 1.12

  Psal. 19. 6.
• * 1.13

  Vide Barth. ••ecker. Phys. lib. 1. c. 9. de Alterat. Theor. 3. pag. 73.
• * 1.14

  Act. 17. 27, 28
• * 1.15

  See Doctoris I••••n. Robert. Anatom. Sect. 43. & Magnet. Curae Impost. pag. 13. 14. Gaud. Merul. Memorab. lib. 1. cap. 13. Hieronyus. in Dan. cap. 2. ••om. 4. Ap••lei•••• Mo∣••amor. lib. 2. C••jet. 2. 2. q. 5••. art. 3. Mart. Navar. in Man. cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1. num. 38. Paul. Gr••lland. de Sortilegi••s, l. 2. q. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. B••di••. l. 2. c. 4. Mat, 4. 5. 8.
• * 1.16

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tostet. •• Gen. c. 13. l. 354. fol. 140. col. 2.
• * 1.17

  2
• * 1.18

  Cardanus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 venen. 1. 2. c. 0. Ioan. Scheo••. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 observation num medica∣rum rararum novarum admirabilium & monstraosa∣rum. l. 5. pag. 801. imprest Fra•••…•••…. 160 •…•… pe•• N. Ho•••• amanum. Andr. ••ibav. Apocalipseor •…•…ermet••e•…•… pars prio. c 22. pag. ••. ••. im∣press. Franc••••. 1615. Fran. T••••••…••••••… The•••…•••… p. 278. &c.
• * 1.19

  R Goclin. Sy∣narth. pag. 20. Barth Rocker∣man Syst Phys. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 9. pag. 74. 75. 7••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ioan. Ro∣bert. Anatom. ter••m, ••ess. Trevir. d〈…〉〈…〉de Lovani. ult〈…〉〈…〉 Luxco. burg. 1618. G〈…〉〈…〉. Heau∣tontimo. im∣presse. Luxemb. 1618. Magn. curati∣onis Impostura impress. Lux∣emburg. 1621. Belgicarum Academiarum de Helmonti▪ Doct. judici∣um, anne••um. Doctoris Ioan. Rober. magnet: Cu•••• Impo∣ctur••••. pag. 97. 98. 99. & 100. Paracel. A••∣chidox. Mag. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. pag. 121.
• * 1.20

  2 Cor. 4. 4.
• * 1.21

  Heb. 12. 1.
• * 1.22

  Oswald. Croll. ubi supra
• * 1.23

  See ••••cker. ubi supra.
• * 1.24

  Ovidius. Epist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hipsipelles ••aso••••.
• * 1.25

  4
• * 1.26

  Oswald Croll. ubi supra. Them. Frast. cit. Rat〈…〉〈…〉e ••a Torre 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Theol. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••5. Att. 4. disp. 1. p. 15••. tom. 2. Conrad Ges∣ner. ••n ••ru∣meratione Al∣phabetica Scriptorum Chirurgiae l••t. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. impress. T••guri, at no. 1555.
• * 1.27

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 tract. pag. ••5.
• * 1.28

  A L〈…〉〈…〉 ubi supra. Ioan. Paptist. Port. Mag. ••a uralis. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 8. c. 12. Ioan. Burgra••. in 〈…〉〈…〉oly ch••i••. pag. 123.
• * 1.29

  Barth. Kecker. System. Phys. lib. 1. pag. 75.
• * 1.30

  See Raphael. de la Torre summae Theol. q. ••5. art. 4. disp. 1. p. 287. tom. 2. Gesuer. ub•• supra. Vide. D. Iean. Robert. G••cl••••. Heauton. Sect. 12. pag. 125. 126. See Perkins Gover. of the tongue, c. 5. pag. 444. P〈…〉〈…〉. Ar∣chidox. Mag. lib. 1. pag. 121.
• * 1.31

  Kecker ubi supra. See R••ph de la T••rre ubi supra.
• * 1.32

  Virgil. Ae••eid. lib. 6. To••. in Mat. part. 5. c. 19. q. 90. ••ol 120. col. 2.
• * 1.33

  Memb, secund
• * 1.34

  1▪
• * 1.35

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Objection.
• * 1.36

  〈…〉〈…〉t on.
• * 1.37

  See Oswald. Cres••, ubi supra.
• * 1.38

  Dan. 2. 2.
• * 1.39

  Idem Ib. See Cornel. Agri••pa. de van. Scient. c. 46. Act. 17. 22.
• * 1.40

  See. August. de doct. Christi. l. 2. cap. 20. tom. 3. Aq〈…〉〈…〉. 2. 2. 〈…〉〈…〉 5. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & Ca••••t. in Thom. lb.
• * 1.41

  Mart Nava•• in Manual. Confess. cap. 11. num. 25. Tolet. Summa Cas. Co••scien. l. 4. cap. 16. num. 1.
• * 1.42

  See Memb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ A••••.1.
• * 1.43

  See Perkins his discourse of witchcraft▪ ••. 2. p. 616. col. 1. volum. 3
• * 1.44

  See Oth. Cas••al∣manus. Ange lograph. part. 2. cap. 24. pag. 653.
• * 1.45

  August. de Civit. Dei. l. 21 cap. 6. rom. 5.
• * 1.46

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scalig. Subtil. exerci∣tat ••49. Henri〈…〉〈…〉 H••ssi•• in Gen. citatur a D••l∣rio. l 2. disqui∣sit. magic. q. 30. Sect. 3. Vide D. Cy∣prian. Epist 8. Vi〈…〉〈…〉. & D. 〈◊〉〈◊〉∣ronym. in vitâ H••••ar. ••o••. 1. pag. 250.
• * 1.47

  Wierus de praestig. dae〈…〉〈…〉∣monum lib. 4. Testat. in Matth. part. 5 cap. 19. q. 90. fol. 119. col. 3▪ Cae〈…〉〈…〉. An 〈…〉〈…〉graph. part. 2, c. 17. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.48

  1 Pet. 5. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Obiect. 2,
• * 1.49

  Solution.
• * 1.50

  Mark. 5. 7. Act. 16. 17.
• * 1.51

  1. Objection.
• * 1.52

  Croll. ubi supra.
• * 1.53

  Solution.
• * 1.54

  Iusten. Histo••. l. 36. Sect. 3.
• * 1.55

  Vide 〈…〉〈…〉er. Phys. l. 1. c. 9. pag. 74. & 75.
• * 1.56

  See Memb. 1. Art. 1.
• * 1.57

  Virgisius.
• * 1.58

  Virgil. Aene••d. lib. 4.
• * 1.59

  Obiect. 4.
• * 1.60

  Mat. 24. 28.
• * 1.61

  ••••vit 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ 17. & ••7. 14. Dent. 12. 23.
• * 1.62

  S••••l. de subt••l. Ex••r. ••••5.
• * 1.63

  Gen. 4. 10.
• * 1.64

  Luke 10. 33.
• * 1.65

  Boet. de Con∣solat. Philoso. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ 1. Prosa 4.
• * 1.66

  〈…〉〈…〉tion.
• * 1.67

  Francis. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de gemmis▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ 2. c. 24 pag. 270
• * 1.68

  Scalig. de s••b¦til. E••ercitat. 181. Sect. 27. & 28.
• * 1.69

  Ioan. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ Com. Phys lib. 5. c. 16.
• * 1.70

  D Hieron in Matth. c. b. tom. 6. p. 12.
• * 1.71

  2 Thess. 2. 11.
• * 1.72

  Vide Ioan. 〈…〉〈…〉 phys. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 6. pag 628.
• * 1.73

  See Marsil. Ficin▪ in Ploti∣num de ani na. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. c. 30.
• * 1.74

  August. in Le∣vit. quast. 57. tom. 4.
• * 1.75

  Idem ••b.
• * 1.76

  M. T. C. Tuscu. l. 1.
• * 1.77

  Ista propositio est falsa, sed ta∣tré magis vera. in brutis quam hominibus. Tostat in Levi. c. 17. q.7. ▪ Sanguis anima est Augustine tantundem va∣let atque ani∣mae signum. Calvin. in. •…•… praecept. pag. 523. Francis. Vales de Sacrâ Phi∣losoph. c.5.p.104.
• * 1.78

  Virgil. Aeneid. l. 9.
• * 1.79

  See vales ubi supra. & Ioan. Combach. Phys. l. 4. c.1. pag. 611.
• * 1.80

  Zabarella de facultat bus animae. c. 3. Vide Kecker. ••yst. log. l. 1. c. 15 p. 132.
• * 1.81

  Vide 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Combach. Phys. l b. 4. c. 1. pag. 650.
• * 1.82

  ••ristotl. Phys. 〈…〉〈…〉5. c 1. tex. 8.
• * 1.83

  Vide He••ric. ••ocer. l. C. in tract. de quast. & tort▪ reorum. pag. 93. &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••asm. Somatalog. cap. ult. quaest. ult. Lem. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Miraculis na∣turae. l. 2. c. 7.
• * 1.84

  Rom. 13. 4.
• * 1.85

  Scalig. de sub∣til. Exercitat. 345. Gen. 4. 10. Mercerus in Gen. 4. p. 112. col. 2. & Lu∣ther. in Gen. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. fol. 87.
• * 1.86

  Gen. 18. 30. Gen. 4. 10. Esay. 5. 7. Dent. 14▪ 15.
• * 1.87

  Francis. Vales. de Sacrâ Phi∣losoph. c. 4. pag. 105.
• * 1.88

  Mat. 24. 28.
• * 1.89

  O〈…〉〈…〉gen. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Matth. c. 145 tract at. 30. tom. 2,
• * 1.90

  Hieron. in Matth. c. 24. tom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.91

  Chryso. Hom. 77. in Matth. tom. 2. Hilar. in Matth. Ca∣non. 25. Stella in Luc. c. 17.

  • ...Ferus
  • ...Mal.
    • in locū
  • ...Arc.
• * 1.92

  August. quaest. Evang. l. 1. c. 4••. tom. 4. Gregor expo∣sit. Mor. in Iob. l. 31. c, 33. tom. 1. pag. 206.
• * 1.93

  Luke 10. 33.
• * 1.94

  Iohn 4. 48.
• * 1.95

  Infra mem. 2. art. 4.
• * 1.96

  Cornel. Agrip. de occult Phil.
• * 1.97

  Ioan. Trithem. Stenograph.
• * 1.98

  Bellar. de Ec∣cles Script. in opus••. tom. 7. col. 194.
• * 1.99

  Cernel. Agrip. de van. Sci〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 42.
• * 1.100

  2
• * 1.101

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ar∣ch••d. Mag. l. 1. pag. 121.
• * 1.102

  Oswald. Croll. Chim〈…〉〈…〉. Basi〈…〉〈…〉. pag. 278.
• * 1.103

  Ioan. 〈…〉〈…〉. Port Mag. nat. l. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1••
• * 1.104

  Cordan. de ven l. 2. c. 6..
• * 1.105

  Ioan. Ernest. Burg. 〈…〉〈…〉 p. 123
• * 1.106

  〈…〉〈…〉od. Mag. 〈…〉〈…〉e 〈…〉〈…〉r. Rodolph. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉hrosis.
• * 1.107

  Ioan Baptist. ab Helmont. disputatio.
• * 1.108

  D. Flud. Ana∣tom. Sect. 1. Port. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 2 de myst. anatomia San∣guinis c. 9. pag. 236. 237. 238. 239.
• * 1.109

  Sir Francis Bacon his na∣turall histor. Cent. 10. Ex∣pe〈…〉〈…〉. 998.
• * 1.110

  2 Cor 4. 4 G〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉2. B〈…〉〈…〉r 〈…〉〈…〉 pag. 1〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.111

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉a Tor〈…〉〈…〉 Theol. 〈…〉〈…〉. art. 〈…〉〈…〉. p. 2〈…〉〈…〉. Ioan. Bap〈…〉〈…〉. ub〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.112

  Croll. ubi supra.
• * 1.113

  Car••an. ub supra.
• * 1.114

  Ioan. Burg. Lucer. pag. 105.
• * 1.115

  Academici Doctores & Professores qui Lovanij & Duaci sanam medicinam prositentur, hoc mendacium diabolicum censent & damnant.
• * 1.116

  August. de Ci∣vit. Dei. l. 21. c. 6. tom. 5.
• * 1.117

  Doctor Flud 〈◊〉〈◊〉 written a∣gainst by Ma∣rinus Mersen∣nus, Petrus Gassendus, and others for a caco-magi∣cian.
• * 1.118

  Sir Francis Bacon ubi su∣pra.
• * 1.119

  Vide Francisc. Lanovij judi∣cium de Rob. Flu〈…〉〈…〉, ad Ma∣rinum Mer∣sonn〈…〉〈…〉 annex. epist. exer. Petr. Gassend••, impr. Parisi•••• anno 1630.
• * 1.120

  See Sir Tho. Ridley his view of the Civill and Ec∣clesiasticall Law.
• * 1.121

  M. T. Cicero offic. lib. pri∣mo.
• * 1.122

  Marinus Mer∣sennus in Ge∣nes.
• * 1.123

  See 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Flud. certa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 en l. 3. p. ••7. ••8. Lanovius ubi supra. Ioach. Friz. summ. Bon. annex. D. Flud. Sophia cum Moria certamini. im∣press. 1629.
• * 1.124

  See Combach. Phys. 1 4. cap. 5. p. 1000. num 4.
• * 1.125

  Vide 〈…〉〈…〉ni institut. ana∣tom. p. 6. Sect. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈…〉〈…〉an∣〈…〉〈…〉 1616.
• * 1.126

  〈…〉〈…〉th Casm. Angelog. parte 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 21. p. 605.
• * 1.127

  A〈…〉〈…〉 ani〈…〉〈…〉 l. 2. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.128

  M. T 〈…〉〈…〉. T〈…〉〈…〉nl. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.129

  〈…〉〈…〉r. Sy∣stem log. l. 1. c. 15. p. 13 3.
• * 1.130

  E••r 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.131

  A••. T. Ci〈…〉〈…〉 nat. deo〈…〉〈…〉 l. 2.
• * 1.132

  Virg. Eclog. 8.
• * 1.133

  Psal. 19. 5.
• * 1.134

  Vide Com∣ment. lac. Christmanni super Alphra∣ganum, citat Kecker in Astronomi••. Psal. 19. 6.
• * 1.135

  See Mem. 1. Art. 1.
• * 1.136

  A••••st••••. de Gen. l. 2. c. 3. Natura nihil agit per saltū. Tastat. in l. c∣vit. c. 17. q. 7.
• * 1.137

  See Aristot. de Ort, & Inter. c. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 25.
• * 1.138

  Scalig. de sub∣til. exer. 16. Sect. 1.
• * 1.139

  Kecker. Sy∣stem. Phys. l. 2. c. 9. Theor. 4.
• * 1.140

  See D. Flud. ubi supra.
• * 1.141

  Keeker. Syst. •• log l. 3 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4.
• * 1.142

  Apuleius do Deo Socratis. Theup. Aca∣dem contemp. l. 6. c. 4. See Pet. Gas∣send exercit. epistol. in ••lu••danam Philosoph. parte 3. c. 13. p. 121.
• * 1.143

  Ephes. 6. 12.
• * 1.144

  Luke 24. 37.
• * 1.145

  Ibid v. 39. Luke 8 30.
• * 1.146

  〈…〉〈…〉h. Casm. An∣gelog parte 1. c. 3. pag. 65.
• * 1.147

  Minsh••i Di¦ctionar. pag. 271. num. 7666.
• * 1.148

  Barthol. Ca∣ranza, summa Concil. Late∣ran. Can. 1. p. 240.
• * 1.149

  De. Basil. Hom. ••. quod Deus non est au∣thor malorum. Gre. Nazian. in Nat. Dom. Chrysost. in Math. Hom. 44.
• * 1.150

  Gregor. Moral. lib.4.c.••. Cyrill Sent lib. in Ioan. c 11. Theodor. con∣tra Graecus. lib. 3. Beda de•••…•••…∣ment Pu•••…•••…. l. 1. Isiodor de sum. Po••o. c 3. Damasc. orthod fide•…•…. 2. c 3. Hurtad. de Mend. Pkilos∣tom. 1 de Ani∣mâ disp. ••. Sect. 4. quid. sit corpus & spiritus. Lod. Vives in Com. in Au∣gust. de Civi•…•…. Dei. l. 15. ••. 23.
• * 1.151

  Aqum parte 1 quaest. 51. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ 1. Durand Sent. l. 2. dist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ q. 1. resp. ad pr〈…〉〈…〉. Casm. Ange∣log. parte 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. Estius in Sent. l. 2. Sect. 3. pag 98. l••t. C.
• * 1.152

  Sex mod•• compositionis, a philosophis valgo a••••gnati.
• * 1.153

  Aqum. ubi su∣pra. Durand. ubi s••pra. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Sent. l. 2 dist. 8. Sect. 1.
• * 1.154

  Gen. 3. 1.
• * 1.155

  A〈…〉〈…〉 Alexand. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nial▪ d〈…〉〈…〉▪ 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.156

  Hieron. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••n. de v••••••et 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. ••3.
• * 1.157

  〈…〉〈…〉ater of walking spi∣rits, the first part & 15. Chap.
• * 1.158

  3
• * 1.159

  〈…〉〈…〉ero ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ 4.
• * 1.160

  See Me••. b. 2. art. 2.
• * 1.161

  Croll. G〈…〉〈…〉▪ & c.
• * 1.162

  V〈…〉〈…〉 R〈…〉〈…〉 ••eau••.
• * 1.163

  D. Ioan. Ro∣berti. G••••len. Heau∣ton. Sect. 19. ••ng. Arm. compositio.
• * 1.164

  Cardanus ut〈…〉〈…〉 supra.
• * 1.165

  4
• * 1.166

  See Memb. 1. art. 4.