The auncient ecclesiasticall histories of the first six hundred yeares after Christ, wrytten in the Greeke tongue by three learned historiographers, Eusebius, Socrates, and Euagrius. Eusebius Pamphilus Bishop of Cæsarea in Palæstina vvrote 10 bookes. Socrates Scholasticus of Constantinople vvrote 7 bookes. Euagrius Scholasticus of Antioch vvrote 6 bookes. VVhereunto is annexed Dorotheus Bishop of Tyrus, of the liues of the prophetes, apostles and 70 disciples. All which authors are faithfully translated out of the Greeke tongue by Meredith Hanmer, Maister of Arte and student in diuinitie. Last of all herein is contayned a profitable chronographie collected by the sayd translator, the title whereof is to be seene in the ende of this volume, with a copious index of the principall matters throughout all the histories

THE THIRDE BOOKE OF THE EC∣CLESIASTICALL HISTORYE OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICVS. (Book 3)

CAP. I.

Of Iulianus his linage and bringing vp: also howe that being Emperour, he left Christian profession, and embraced paganisme and gentilitie.

WHen the Emperour Constantius had departed this life in the borders of Cilicia, the* 1.1 thirde of Nouember within the Consulship of Taurus & Florentius: lulianus the ele∣uenth of December following, & the same Consulship, leauing the west parts of the world, came to Cōstantinople, & there was proclaimed Emperour. Now therfore in as much as I haue determined w^t my selfe to discourse of this Emperour Iulian, a mā passing eloquent, let none of his friends looke at my hāds for curious & lofty stile, as though it behoued my penne to coūteruaile y^• excellēcie of y^• person. But seeing our drift is otherwise bēt namely for to deliuer y^• posteritie in writing y^• true histories of y^• church, we will follow accordīg vnto out former promise, a lowly & soft kind of phrase correspōdent vnto y^• capacitie both of lear∣ned and vnlearned readers. Wherefore entring to discourse of him we purpose to proceede in this order, after our preamble hath vsed a litle digressiō, & fet a small cōpasse, for to lay downe his kin∣red, his nurture, & the maner how he attained vnto y^• emperiall crowne, Constantinus y^• Emperour who chaūged y^• name of Byzantiū, & termed it Cōstantinople, had two brethren of one father, but by diuers mothers, the one was Dalmatius y^• other Costantius. Dalmatius had a sonne of his owne name: Constatius also had two sōnes, Gallus & Iulianus. When as after the death of Cōstantinopls fosider, y^• yōger Dalmatius had ben staine of y^• souldiers: these orphanes likewise bereaued of their naturall father, escaped narowly the vnlucky successe of Dalmatius, for they had bene cut of & dis∣patched, had not sicknesse & diseases (as it was thought incurable) saued Gallus life & youthly age of eight yeare old preserued Iulianus aliue, & kept him from y^• tyrāts clawes. But after y^t the Em∣perour was appeased, & his furie withdrawen frō raging against thē, Gallus was trained vp vnder schoolemaisters at Ephesus in Ionia, where their auncetors had left either of thē great legacies. Iulianus also being come to y^• stature of a sprīgall, gaue him selfe to learnīg in y^• cathedrall church of Cōstātinople, where was a free schoole, he went in simple & meane attire, & was taught of Ma∣cedonius* 1.2 y^• Cunuch. he learned grāmer of Nicocles y^• Laconian: & Rhetorike of Ecebolius y^• sophist, who thē was a Christiā. The Emperour Constātius prouided very well, lest y^• by hauīg an ethnike to his maister (for Iulianus was a Christiā frō his cradell) he should fall to y^• superstitious idolatry of pagās. Whē he had profited very much in good discipline & godly literature, y^• fame wēt of him amōg y^t people, y^t he was a man both able & fit to gouerne & beare office in the cōmon wealth. The which thing afterwards being then rife in euery mans mouth, disquieted y^• Emperour not a litle. Wherfore he caused him to be remoued from y^• princely citie of Cōstātinople into Nicomedia, &* 1.3 charged him not to treade in y^• schoole of Iabanius y^• Syrian Sophist. Iabanius then was expelled by y^• schoolemaisters of Constātinople, & kept a schoole at Nicomedia who powred out y^• poison of his cākred stomake & displeasure cōceaued agaīst y^• schoolemaisters in a certaine booke which he published agaīst thē. & though Iulianus was therfore forbiddē to frequent Libanis lessōs because he

professed paganisme and heathenishe literature: yet for all that, was he so in loue with his works, that he procured them vnto him secretly and by stelth, and perused them with greate labor and di∣ligence. When he had taken good successe and great profit in Rhetorike, it fell out that Maximus* 1.4 the philosopher not the Byzantian the father of Eucleides, but the Ephesian, came to Nicomedia▪ whome the Emperour Valentinianus afterwardes founde to be a coniurer, and recompenced him with present death▪ but that (as I sayde before) fell afterwards. At that time there was no cause that draue him thither, but the fame of Iulian. Of this man it was that Iulian learned the pre∣cepts of philosophie: but as for religion he had such a maister as inflamed his minde to a∣spire vnto the imperiall scepter. When these thinges came to the Emperours eares, Iulian nowe muzinge betwene hope and fearefull hatred, howe he myght be voyde of suspition, who of late had bene a true Christian, but nowe an hypocriticall dissembler, shaued him selfe, and* 1.5 counterfayted a monkishe life. For all that, priuely he applyed heathenishe and philosophicall di∣scipline, but openly he read holy scripture, so that he was made reader in the church of Nicome∣dia. Thus craftely vnder cloke of religion did he appease the furious rage of the Emperour in∣censed agaynst him. These things did he of feare, yet not dispayring of hope, for he sticked not to tell diuers of his familiar friends, that it woulde be a happie worlde if he were made Emperour. When it went thus with him, Gallus his brother was created Caesar, who taking his iourney into the East came by Nicomedia for to see him. After that Gallus in a while after was slayne, imme∣diatly from that time forth Iuliamus was had in greate suspicion of the Emperour, and therevpon commaunded that he shoulde be straightly looked vnto, he espying fitt opportunitie to escape his keepers, conueyed him selfe away and saued his life. At length Eusebia y^• Empresse, finding him by chaunce lurking in some secret and obscure place, intreated the Emperour in his behalfe, that he would not onely doe him no harme: but also graunt him his lawfull fauour for to repaire to A∣thens for further knowledge in philosophie. To be short he sent for him: made him Caesar: gaue him* 1.6 his sister Helen to wife: and sent him into Fraunce for to wage battaile with y^• barbarian nations which rebelled agaynste their Christian Emperour. For the Barbarians whome the Emperour Constantius had hyred a litle before to geue battaile vnto Magnentius the tyrāt, when as they pre∣uayled nothing against him, they fell a ransacking and spoyling of the cities within the Romaine dominions: and because Iulian had but a greene head and of no great yeares, the Emperour gaue him charge to enterprise nothing without the aduise and counsell of his sage & expert captaines. When y^• they hauing this large commission waxed negligent, so y^• the Barbarians had the vpper hand: Iulianus permitted the captaines to banquet, to take their pastime & pleasure, & layd downe a sett and certaine reward for euery Barbarian that was slayne, whereby he did the more incou∣rage the souldiers. By this meanes it fell out that the power of the Barbarians came to nought, and that he him selfe was greatly beloued of his souldiers. The fame goeth that as he entred into a certaine towne, a greene garland hanging by a corde betwene pillours (wherewith commonly* 1.7 they are wont to trimme their houses, and sett forth the beautie of their cities) fell vpon his head, and sitted him very well, insomuch that all the people then present, gaue a great shout thereat▪ for it was thought that the falling garland prognosticated vnto him the glory of the imperiall seepter following after. Some say that Constantius sent him against the Barbarians, hoping that in skir∣mishing with them he shoulde there be dispatched▪ but whether they report truely or no I knowe not. For after that he had maryed him to his sister, if then he shoulde pretende him friendship and practise mischiefe towards him, what other thing were that then to procure vengeance to lyght vpon his owne pate. but whether it be thus or otherwise, lett euery man iudge as he thinkes best. When Iulian had signified vnto the Emperour the carelesse and s••outhfull disposition and negli∣gence of the captaines, he sent him an other, that was valiant, seruiceable, and a man for Iulianus owne vayne. Iulian after his comming fought manfully with the Barbarians: who sent an embassa∣dour vnto him shewinge the letters patents and commission of the Emperour that commaunded them to go into the borders of the Romaine countries. But Iulian layd their embassadour in hold, waged battaile with the multitude, ouercame the enemy, and sent the king of the Barbarians cap∣tiue* 1.8 vnto the Emperour Constantius. After this lucky and prosperous successe, the souldiers pro∣clayme him Emperour. The emperiall crowne was not then present, but one of his trayne tooke a chayne of golde from about his necke, and compassed his head therwith in steede of the crowne. In this sort it was that Iulianus beganne his raigne. What he did in time following, whether it became a philosopher or no, let other men iudge that shall heare thereof. For he determined with

him selfe thenceforth to send no embassadour vnto Constātius, neyther to doe homage, or to honor him as his superiour, patrone, or wellwiller: but to deale in all matters accordinge vnto his owne will and pleasure. He altered the presidents throughout euery prouince, he discredited Con∣stantius in euery citie by reading openly and sko••••ing at his letters written vnto the Barbariās, so that all fell from Constantius & followed after Iulianus. In the ende he layd aside all his hypocrisie* 1.9 & dissembling of Christian religiō. For as he passed throughout euery citie he set wide open their temples and idoll groues, he sacrificed to pictures, and entitled him selfe an high priest: so that the pagans celebrated afreshe their heathenishe & abhominable feasts. When these things were thus brought to passe, he tooke occasion to raise ciuill warrs against Costātius, & procured (as much as lay in him) all miserie, calamitie, & mischiefe which accustome to follow warre, to be committed. Neither truly could this philosophers mind haue bene throughly knowē without great slaughter & bloodshedīg, vnlesse God (who is the only iudge of his owne secret coūcell) had without y^• cala∣mitie of others cut of frō his purpose y^• other aduersary. For as Iulianus cōtinewed amōg y^• Thra∣cians, tydings were brought him of Constantius death. Thus was the Romaine empire then deli∣uered from ciuill warres. Immediatly Iulianus got him to Constātinople, and forthwith deuiseth how to winne the peoples harts, and to linke them vnto him in loue and obedience. He compassed* 1.10 with him selfe this craft. Knowinge of a certaintie that Constantius was deadly hated of all them that embraced the Creede contayninge the clause of One substance: partly for that he had de∣depriued them of their churches, and partly also for that he had banished and exiled their bishops: vnderstanding also that the Ethnickes could in no wise away with him, because that he kept them from sacrificinge, and that they hoped to see the day when their idoll groues should be frequented, and their altars loded with sacrifice: seeing that both these sorts of men seuerally owed spite vnto the deseased Constantius, and to be short how that all men abhorred the Eunuches, and detested the haynous spoyle of Eusebius: he craftely applyed him selfe to euery sort, and framed his behauiour according vnto euery ones humor. He dissembleth and fla••tereth with some: others he allureth w^t benefites and swellinge pryde of hoped promotion. But euery where he proclaymeth, and all the world is geuen to vnderstand his disposition towards idolatrie. And first he inueyeth at y^• crueltie of Constātius, next to the end he might make him odious amōg the cōmon sort of people, he calleth home by edict y^• bishops he had exiled, cōmaūding also that their cōfiscated substance should be re∣stored thē againe. He gaue charge that without any adoe y^• ethnickes should haue free accesse into their tēples: he made a law y^• the Eunuchs shoulde make restitutiō of such substāce as they had in∣iuriously takē away. he cōmaunded y^• Eusebius the Emperours chiefe chāberlaine should haue his head strooke of his shoulders, not only for the great iniuries he offred to diuers mē, but also (as he was geuē to vnderstād) for y^• his brother Gallus through his malicious procurement had bene put* 1.11 to death. At lēgth he buryed Constātius honorably. Afterwards he r••d y^• court of y^• eunuches, bar∣bours and Cookes: the Eunuches, because y^• by their meanes it came to passe, that Constātius be∣ing diuorced frō his wife, maryed not againe: the cookes, because he had vsed a spare kind of dyet: the barbours, because (as he sayd) one was inough for •• great many. For the aforesayd causes he banished these kind of men out of his pallace. He turned out diuers of the notaries to their former trades, and vnto some he cōmaunded that the stipend dew vnto scriueuers shoulde duely be payed. Moreouer he cōmaunded that the ordinary cariadge prouided for necessaries, shoulde no more be by Mules, Oxen, and Asses: but permitted that in such publique affaires the onely vse of horses shoulde be retayned. There be but fewe which commende these his doinges, and sure I am, there be many that discommende them: because that in remouing the admiration and glorie of the em∣periall treasure and sumptuous magnificence, whereat many dyd wonder, he brought the Em∣pire into an abiect porte, and contemptuous kinde of state. In the nyght he made orations, and pronounced them the day followinge in the Senate: so that he alone of all the Emperours from the raygne of Iulius Caesar, vnto his tyme was hearde to sound orations in the Senate. Although he fauoured greately and bare singular good wyll vnto all learned men and paynefull students, yet aboue all others he esteemed such as professed philosophie, so that the fame thereof beynge bruted abroade, all such kinde of men bragginge not a little of theyr profession frequented vnto the Emperours pallace, of which number manie attyred in mantells, were more reue∣renced for theyr peltinge habite then theyr professed doctrine. All these sorte of men became heauie friendes vnto the Christians, as lewde varletts they alwayes applyed them selues to the Emperours relygion. The Emperoure him selfe beynge puffed vp beyonde all

measure with the swellinge pryde of vayne glorie, wrote a booke the which he intituled Caesares, wherein he bitterly inueyed against all the Emperours his predecessors. Beyng also of the same minde, and hauing his stomacke distempered with the cancred poyson of malice, he made decla∣mations and inuectiues against the Christians. In that he banished Cookes and Barbours out of his courte, we haue to gather that therein he played the parte rather of a philosopher then of an Emperour: and in that he opprobriously taunted and reuyled his auncetors, he shewed him selfe playnely to be neyther philosopher, neyther Emperour. For both those sortes of men are voyde of malicious backbytinge, and despitefull enuie. For euen as it behoueth the Emperour to seeke after those precepts of philosophie which tende to the moderation and modestie of minde: so the Philosopher if he imitate the Emperour in all thinges, he shall passe the boundes of his cal∣linge, and forgett his profession. Thus much briefly of the Emperour Iulians linage, his brin∣ginge vp and disposition, also howe he came to be Emperour: nowe let vs returne to discourse of the ecclesiasticall affayres within that tyme.

CAP. II.

Of the commotion risen at Alexandria, and the death of Georgius.

IT fell out vpon this occasion at the beginninge, that there rose a greate vprore at Alexandria. There was a certaine place within the citie, which of old time lay all wast and open, full of all filth and vncleanesse, where the Ethniks (with rites and ceremonies done to the honor of Mi∣thra) accustomed to offer vp men for sacrifice. This platt of ground seruing to no vse or purpose,* 1.12 Constantius gaue to the church of Alexandria. Georgius purposing with him selfe to founde there a church, causeth the ground to be ridd, and the filthe to be caryed away. Hauing purged the place, there was found a chauncell of great heyghth where the Ethniks had layd vp the reliques of their mysteries. There was also found therein an infinite number of dead mens skulles, both of yonge and olde, the which as we are geuen to vnderstande, were slayne when the Pagans vsed bowells and intraylls for diuination and deuelish southsaying, thereby to dasell and bleare the eyes of sim∣ple and ignorant soules. When these were found in the vesteryes and secret closets of Mithra, the Christians went about to disclose vnto the world their practises, to the end their fond ceremonies myght be derided of all men. They cary about the bauld skulls of the dead for the people to gaze vpon. The Pagans inhabiting Alexandria perceyuing their drift▪ stomaked the Christians, boy∣led within them selues for anger, tooke that which first came to their handes, sett vpon them, and slewe of them euery kind of way: so that some were runne through with swords, some other bray∣ned with clubbs, other some stoned to death, some strangled with halters about their necks, some other were nayled to the tree, casting in their teeth the death of the crosse. In the end, as cōmonly it falleth out in such hurlyburlyes, they held not their hands, no not from their dearest friends: one friende fell vpon an other, the one brother sought the other brothers lyfe, the parents put theyr children to death, and to be short the one cutt the others throte: so that the Christians were fayne* 1.13 to ceasse from rydding the filth and foule closetts of Mithra: and Georgius was of the gentils pul∣led out of the church by the eares, tyed to a camell, torne in peeces, and burned to ashes, together with the beast.

CAP. III.

Howe that the Emperour taking grieuously the death of Georgius, rebuked sharply in his letters the people of Alexandria.

THe Emperour beyng wonderfully moued with the death of Georgius, wrote bytter letters vnto the people of Alexandria. The reporte goeth, that such as conceaued displeasure a∣gaynst him in the quarell of Athanasius, committed these thinges agaynste Georgius, for to dispatche him out of the way. But in my opinion they that be at variance amonge them selues, most commonly holde together when necessitie constrayneth them, in tumultes and seditions to withstand the violence of desperate and damned persons. Wherfore the Emperours epistle char∣geth not the Christians seuerally, but all the inhabitants of Alexandria. Georgius (as it is very lyke) had diuersly molested and greeued them all, and therefore the people was furiously sett on fiery seditiō. that the Emperour wrote generally vnto y^• whole multitude heare out of his epistle* 1.14 as followeth. The Emperour Caesar Iulianus, Maximus, Augustus, vnto the people of Alexandria

sendeth greetinge. Although it falleth out amongest you that there is no reuerence geuen vnto Alexander the founder of your citie, or (that vvhich is greater) if ye stand in no avve of the great and moste holie God Serapis: yet doe I greately maruell that you vvere so voyde of common reason, naturall affection, and honest ciuilitie and that (vvhich with modestie I may add there∣vnto) you had so little consideration of our person, vvhome not onely the greate God Serapis but also all the other godds haue thought vvorthie to be Emperour of the vvhole vvorlde, vnto vvhome it shoulde haue bene your parte to haue had recourse, and to haue geuen vs the hea∣ringe of all such iniuries vvhatsoeuer you had sustayned at the handes of levvde and disobedi∣ent persons. But peraduenture the boylinge heate of anger, and the furious motion of the mynde, ouershadovved your vvytts, and blynded your eyes, the vvhich most commonly be∣ynge remoued from the seate of reason, is vvont to committe such cruell and haynous actes. And though the fonde humour of sedition feedinge on malice, vvas hyndered a little: yet for all that it brake out to the contempt and ouerthrovve of the lavves. You therefore seynge ye are numbred amonge the people and inhabitants of Alexandria, vvhome neyther rea∣son coulde persvvade, neyther shame vvithdravve from attemptinge the thynges, for the vvhich you myght haue iustly detested them: I charge you in the name of Serapis tell mee, vvhat vvicked fiende hath thus furiously prouoked you to seeke the death of Georgius? you vvyll saye peraduenture he incensed agaynste you the most blessed Emperour Constantius: that he procured a bande of armed souldiers to be brought into your sacred citie: that the Liuetenant of Aegypt ransacked and kept from you the most holie temple of God, caryed avvay thence the images, the monuments, & glorious ornature prouided for the solemnitie of seruice: and also that vvhen you not digestinge those haynous acts, endeuoured (and that not vvithout iust cause) to maynetayne the quarell of your god, yea rather to retayne the glorious ornaments of your greate god, the same Liuetenant contrarie to all reason both vn∣iustly and vvyckedly sett vpon you vvith armed souldiers, vvho fearing more the displeasure of Georgius the byshop, then of Constantius the Emperour, thought best in such sorte to saue him selfe. For novve of a longe vvhyle he had behaued him selfe more orderly and ciuilly then tyrannically disposed tovvardes you. For the vvhich causes you vvere incensed agaynste Georgius the open aduersarie of the godds, and haue thus defyled vvith conspiracie and slaughter your holie citie, vvhen as you myght haue sued him in the lavve, and brought him to his tryall, and the sentence of the Iudges. In so doinge this haynous offence had not broken out into bloodshedinge and horrible murther: but vvoulde haue pacified the matter in aequall ballaunce and preserued you vvithout harme or domage: it vvoulde haue sharpely punished the authour of such levvde practises, and kept vnder all them vvhich not onely despise the gods, but also sette at nought such noble cities and famous assemblies, supposinge the crueltie they exercise vpon them to be a furtherance vnto their povver and authoritie. Conferre this my epi∣stle vvith that vvhich of late I sent vnto you, and weye diligently the difference betvvene them. In the former I haue highly commended you, but novve in the later I take the immortall godds to vvitnesse, vvhen that I endeuour (as duetie requireth) to prayse you, the horrible offence vvhich you committed, stoppeth my mouth, and stayeth my penne. VVhat? dareth the subiect as a madde dogge pull man in peeces vvith his teeth? ought not he be ashamed of so haynous an offence? Is this to purifie and clense the handes, and to holde them vp streat∣ched vvide vnto the gods, as if they vvere not polluted vvith the blemishe and infamie of mur∣ther? But Georgius had no other then vvas devve vnto his desert, and peraduenture I my selfe might iustly haue affirmed that by all ryght he shoulde haue suffered farre vvorse. But you vvill say, that he deserued it for his dealinge tovvards you: and therein I am of your opinion. But if you say that it behoued you to punishe him, that vvill I in no vvyse graunte. You haue lavves, the vvhich ought greatly to be honored and embraced of all men both publiquely and pri∣uately. But notvvithstandinge though it commonly fall out, that manie be founde faultie and seuerall trespassors, yet ought vve to fauour the publique state of the common vveale, to o∣bey the lavves, and in no vvyse to violate the auncient and godlie decrees. Thinke your* 1.15 selues happie (O ye people of Alexandria) that this haynous offence vvas committed by you in my tyme, for I can not in maner chuse but embrace you vvith brotherly affection, partly for the reuerence I ovve vnto God, and the affection I beare vnto my graundfather of the same title vvith me, vvho sometyme gouerned both Aegypt and your citie. For the prince

that vvyll not brynge him selfe vnder the gyrdle of his subiect, the discrete and vpryght magi∣strate may not vvinke at so haynous an offence of the people, lest that necessitie constrayne to cure so greeuous a maladie vvith farre greater griefe, and more desperate medicine. But I for the aforesayd causes doe applie vnto these your sores most gentle and tollerable salues, to wete exhortation and curteous language: vvhervnto I am certainely persvvaded you vvill yeelde, if you be the men I take you for, descendinge of the auncient stocke of the Graecians, & retaining in your breasts that noble & valiant courage, hauing also all the properties of curteous and ci∣uill life (I speake vnto you my louinge citizens of Alexandria) impressed in the secret closets of your mindes. This was the epistle of the Emperour.

CAP. IIII.

Howe that after the death of Georgius, Athanasius returninge vnto Alexandria, tooke agayne the gouernement of the bishopricke, of Luciser and Eusebius: and howe that Lucifer made Paulinus byshop of Antioche.

NOt longe after the people of Alexandria receaued with louinge and chearefull mindes* 1.16 their byshop Athanasius returninge from exile, at what tyme also the Arians were bani∣shed the Christian congregations, and the Church restored to the gouernment of Atha∣nasius. But the Arians meetinge in priuate houses, appoynted Lucius to succeede Georgius in the byshopricke. At that tyme thus went the affaires of Alexandria. * 1.17 In the meane whyle Lucifer and Eusebius by the Emperours edict were called home from banishment. Lucifer was byshop of Caralitanum a citie in Sardinia: Eusebius (as I sayde before) was byshop of Vercellae a ci∣tie of the Ligurian Italians. Both they returninge from the hygher countries of Thebae, con∣sulted together by what meanes they myght recouer their byshoprickes without preiudice to the canon and decree of the churche. * 1.18 Wherefore after aduisement taken it seemed good that the one of them (I meane Lucifer) shoulde goe to Antioche in Syria: the other, that is Eusebius, shoulde take his voyage to Alexandria, where by the meanes of Athanasius a Councell myght be cal∣led together, and the canons of the church therein confirmed. Lucifer sent thither a Deacon, si∣gnifyinge by him that he woulde subscribe vnto the decrees of the Councell. He him selfe went to Antioche, where he founde the state of the churche very troublesome. For the multitude was deuided, and the congregations at variance, not onely by reason of Euzoius hereticall opinion, but also (as I sayde before) because that the sect of Meletius, for the singular fauour they bare vnto him, seuered them selues from the faithfull. Lucifer therefore when he had ordayned Pauli∣nus to be byshop of that seae, departed thence.

CAP. V.* 1.19

Howe that Eusebius ioyninge with Athanasius called a Councell at Alexandria, where the blessed Trinitie was pronounced to be of one and aequall substance.

AFter that Eusebius came to Alexandria, he dealte earnestly with Athanasius for the sum∣moninge* 1.20 of a Councell: so that the byshops assembled out of diuers cities: decreed very necessarie doctrine: confirmed the diuinitie of the holie Ghost to be of one substance in the blessed Trinitie: affirmed the sonne of God at his incarnation, to haue taken not onely humaine fleshe, but also a reasonable soule, as the auncient fathers of olde haue deliuered vnto vs. They woulde not establishe neither thrust into the church of God any newe opinion. But such things as of old were inioyned by ecclesiasticall decree, and layd downe vpon good consideration by such as were wise, learned, and zelous Christians. For thus did the elders of old tyme reason of this mat∣ter, and deliuer in writinge vnto the posteritie. Irenaeus, Clemens, Apollinarius bishop of Hierato∣polis, and Serapion byshop of Antioch, haue w^t generall consent layd downe euery where through∣out their works, that the sonne at his incarnation was endued with reasonable soule. Moreouer y^• councell summoned for the hearing of Cyrillus cause, who was bishop of Philadelphia in Arabia▪ signified y^• selfe same by their letters vnto Cyrillus. Orige likewise who throughout his works tea∣cheth y^• the sōne in takīg fleshe tooke also soule: yet in y^• ninth homily vpō Genesis, he openeth this mystery more plainly, where at large he discourseth how y^• Adam ••are y^• figure of Christ, & Eue y^•

figure of the church. Hereof Pāphilus and Eusebius who of him tooke his appellation, are witnes∣ses sufficient, for both they imploying their labor ioyntly for to penne in paper the life of Origen, and preuenting w^t Apollogies in his behalfe the sclaūderous accusations of the aduersaries: haue affirmed y^t Origen was not the first that entreated of this matter, but y^t he interpreted vnto the po∣steritie the mysticall tradition of the church in y^• behalfe. Moreouer the bishops which mett in the councell of Alexandria, haue discussed the controuersie of the clause of essence and substance. For Osius bishop of Corduba in Spaine (of whome we haue spoken before) being sent by the Empe∣rour* 1.21 Constantine to appease the tumult raysed by Arius, in disputinge of essence and substance, to the ouerthrowe of Sabellius the Aphricks opinion, he ministred occasion to the raysinge of a newe controuersie. But at that tyme there was not a worde of this matter in the Councell of Nice: for afterwards when diuers contended and reasoned among them selues hereof, this coun∣cell tooke order toutching the clauses of essence and substance, and decreed: that in handling the diuinitie of God there should thenceforth no mentiō be made of these words: affirming y^• the word essence was not founde in holie scripture, and that the Apostle in deliueringe the grounde of doc∣trine, was constrayued of necessitie to vse the word substance. But they decreed farther that in an other sense, to the end the opinion of Sabellius might be rooted out, these words were to be admit∣ted: lest that through the want of proper wordes we should be compelled to imagine the thinge of three names to be as one, but that the seuerall names of the blessed Trinitie signifie and sett forth God, to subsist by him selfe in proper substance. These were the things decided in that Councell. I see nothinge to the contrarie, but that presently also we may laye downe what we learned and read of the wordes essence and substance. Such as laboured in Greece to sett forth the sage do∣ctrine of the Grecians, gaue vs to vnderstande, that the worde Essence was diuersly to be taken,* 1.22 and had many significations: but of the word Substance they made no mention at all: nay Irenae∣us Gramm••ticus in his Atticke Dictionarie termeth it a barbarous worde. He sayeth moreouer that it can not be founde in any auncient writer, and if that perchaunce we lyght vpon it, that it was neuer meant in the sense we take it: That Sophocles in his Tragedie of Phoenix, taketh Hy∣postasis for wyles or conspiracie, and Menander for sauce, and resignifyed also l••es or dregges of wyne. For though the auncient Philosophers haue not vsed this worde, yet we see that the la∣ter wryters haue taken it very oft for Essence. But we haue spoken before that the definition of Essence was deliuered to haue diuers significations. If that Essence may be comprised by defi∣nition, howe, when we entreate of God which is incomprehensible, can we properly vse this boyced Euagrius in his booke intituled The Mooke, exhorteth vs to refrayne from rashe and vn∣aduised reasoninge of the God head: he forbyddeth the definition of the diuinitie of God, because it is a simple thinge. For definitions (sayeth he) are alwayes of conc••e•••• and compound things, not of the abstract and simple. His wordes are these: Euery proposition, as the Logicians doe vvrite, hath eyther Genus, of vvhome it may be verifyed, o•• Species, or Differentia, or Proprium,* 1.23 or Accidens, or that vvhich dependeth of these: But in the handlinge of the blessed Trinitie, none of all th••se is to be required, because it can not be layde dovvne, neyther expressed by vvordes, therefore it is not to be defined, but reuerently to be runne ouer vvith silence. So farre presently out of Euagrius, but here after more at large. We of our owne parte, although we steme to haue digressed, yet in so much these things appertayne vnto the discourse of our present argument, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 haue thought good to lay them downe here.

CAP. VI.* 1.24

The Apollogie of Athanasius in defence of his flyght in the tyme of persecution:

AThanasius at that very tyme read in the hearinge of such as were present an Apollogie,* 1.25 the which he had written a litle before in his owne defence, when as by reason of the ar∣med souldiers that besett the churche of Alexandria, and sought his lyfe▪ he was fayne to leaue all and runne away. Whereof I haue thought good at this present to alleadge some such parcell as may seeme to brynge most profitt vnto the louing reader, leauinge the whole discourse beynge somewhat ouer longe vnto the labour and industrie of the paynefull students. Beholde* 1.26 (••ayth Athanasius) the lewde practises of vvicked persons. Although they are priuie vnto these haynous offences, yet for all that they are nothinge ashamed of the contumelyes an d••••uell

tyrannle they exercised against vs: but charge vs (in their opinion) vvith a foule spott and ble∣mishe of infamie, for escapinge the handes of cutthrotes and blood••uckers, yea they beshrevve them selues, that they dispatched vs not out of the vvay. Moreouer to the ende they may stayne my credite and aestimation, they fall to accuse me for faint courage, and timorous disposition, being forgetfull that vvhilest they blased these thinges to my dispraise, they turned the shame to light vpon their ovvne pates. For if it be a discredite to slie the handes of the tyrant, hovve much more to persecute mē vnto the death. He that flieth seeketh meanes to saue his life, but he that persecuteth goeth about to procure the others death. That vve shoulde flie in such cases the scriptures are on our side, but in thurstinge after the bloode of our brother, the commaun∣dement is broken, and the author thereof is founde chiefe cause of the flight. If they blame a∣ny man for geuinge them the slippe, they are vvorthie of farre greater shame and reprehension. For lett them ceasse from persecutinge and threatninge of death, then vvill the other remaine still, and not runne avvay. But their spite and malice hath no ende, they doe nought else ••aue deuise feates to bringe men vnto destruction, yea vvhen they knovve full vvell that the flight of the persecuted is a foule shame vnto the persecutours. For no man flieth the gentle and meeke, but rather the cruell and vvicked man. They that vvere greeued and farre indetted vnto* 1.27 others, gaue Saul the slippe, and fledde vnto Dauid. VVherefore these men goe about to dis∣patche such as conuey them selues out of their vvay, lest the levvdnesse of Bishops be manifest∣ly knovven, vvithout doubte herein they seeme to be starke blinde. For looke hovve euident the flyght is, farre more apparent vvyll theyr slaughter and banishmentes seeme vnto the vvorlde. If they murther men, death no doubt lifteth her voyce, and soundeth out their cruel∣tie: if they fall a banishinge of them, therein they sett vp monuments to the remembrance of their vvicked doinges. Had they bene in theyr ryght vvitts, they might haue easilie percea∣ned their ovvne follie, and them selues ouerthrovven in their ovvne deuises. But in that they are bereaued of their vvittes and beside them selues, they fall a persecutinge of others, and vvhile they endeuour to mischiefe others, they perceaue not their ovvne malice and impietie. If they reprochefully charge them which hide them selues from such as seeke their liues, and ac∣cuse them for strenge the handes of the persecutor, what haue they to say (I beseche you) vvhen they heare that Iacob fledd from the face of his brother Esau, and that Moses for feare of Pharao▪* 1.28 conueyed him selfe to Madian? VVhat haue these contentious quarellers to saye vnto Dauid, vvho fledd from Saul, vvhich sent of his garde out of his house to slaye him: hid him selfe in a caue: counterfeited his person vntill that subtly he had past Abimelech the priest, and auoyded their layinge of vvaite for him? VVhat ansvvere can these rashe bablers geue•• vvhen they see that the greate prophete Elias, vvho so deuoutly called vpon the name of God; and raysed the* 1.29 dead, vvas faine to hide him selfe from Achaab, and runne away because of the threats of Ie∣••••••bel? For it is written howe that in those dayes, the sonnes of the prophets beinge sought for, hid them selues, and through the helpe of Abdias ••urked in denns. VVhat haue they not read these auncient stories? vvhat, are they ignorant also of such thinges as the Euangelists haue* 1.30 vvritten? For the Disciples fearinge the levves, stole them selues from amonge them. More∣ouer Paul beynge at Damascus▪ and sought out by the gouernour of that countrey, vvas lett dovvne ouer the vvall in a basket, and so escaped the magistrate. Seeinge that holie scripture hath thus remembred the behauiour of holie men▪ vvhat coulourable shyfte can they finde to cloke their impudent dealinge? If they charge them vvith timorous feare, the fault recoyles and lighteth vpon their owne distempered brayne: If they report it to be contra∣rie to the will of God, then are they founde altogether ignorant of the vvorde of God. For it is commaunded in the Lawe, that sanctuaries and cities of refuge, shoulde be ordayned for such* 1.31 as vvere pursued to death, vvhere after they had sledde vnto them, they might lyue in safe∣tie. Furthermore the vvorde of the father vvhich in olde tyme spake vnto Moses, hath commaunded in these last dayes: VVhen they shall persecute you in this cytie, flye into an other. And agayne: VVhen you see (sayeth Christ) the abhomination of desolation,* 1.32 mentioned in the Prophete Daniel, standinge in the holie place, (he that readeth lett him vnderstande it) then lette them that be in Iudaea, flye vnto the mountaynes▪ he that is on the house toppe, lette him not come dovvne to take ought out of his house: and lett not him that is in the fielde, returne home for his raymente. The vvhiche vvhen holie men had learned, they framed their trade of lyfe agreeable therevnto. For looke vvhatsoeuer

the Lorde commaunded at that tyme, the same he vttered by the mouthes of his Sainctes, yea before his incarnation. And this is the vvay to perfection, for men to performe that in deede, vvhich the Lorde commaunded in vvorde. VVherefore the vvorde of God being made man* 1.33 for our sakes, sticked not to hide him selfe, as vve commonly doe, vvhen he vvas sought for: and agayne to flie, to the ende he might auoyde the conspiracie of the Pharises vvhich perse∣cuted him. For euen as by pacient sufference of hunger and thurst, and such kinde of miseries he vvoulde shevve him selfe to be true man: so also by flyinge avvay from the face of the ad∣uersary. Moreouer euen from the very cradle and svvadling cloutes, as soone as he had taken* 1.34 fleshe of the virgine, being as yet but a childe, he gaue charge vnto Ioseph by the Angell, say∣ing: rise, take the childe together vvith his mother and flie into Aegypt, for it vvill come to passe that Herode vvill goe about to seeke the life of the childe. Likevvise after the desease of* 1.35 Herode, vvhen he hearde that Archelaus the sonne of Herode raygned in his steede, it plea∣sed him to goe aside into the partes of Nazareth. Aftervvardes vvhen he made him selfe ma∣nifest* 1.36 to be God, and healed the vvithered hande, the Pharises vvent out and tooke councell hovve they might dispatche him: but Iesus perceauinge their conspiracie, conueyed him selfe from amonge them. Agayne vvhen he restored Lazarus to life, from that daye forth (sayth* 1.37 the text) they tooke councell hovve they might put him to death. Iesus therefore after that tyme shevved not him selfe openly amonge the Ievves, but departed vnto a solitary place ad∣ioyning vnto the vvildernesse. Beside all this vvhen our Sauiour auoutched, saying: before A∣braham* 1.38 vvas, I am: the Ievves tooke vp stones for to throvve at him: but the Lorde hid him selfe, and vvent out of the temple, and passing through the middest of the thronge, escaped avvay. VVhen they see these examples (but they seeing as it is vvritten doe not see) and be∣thinke* 1.39 them selues of these presidents, are they not invvardly pricked in conscience, vvhen as they pre••mue thus vnaduisedly to bolt out sentences, and sit in iudgment both vpon the sayings and doings of our Sauiour? To this purpose vvas that of Iesus, vvho vnderstanding of the be∣heading* 1.40 of Iohn the Baptist, and the burying of his body by his disciples, tooke shiping & wēt aside into a desert place. Thus the Lorde him selfe both did these thinges, and taught the same. I vvoulde to God these men vvoulde novv at length be ashamed of their doings, and cease e∣uen presently from sclaundering of true professors: and not proceede on further in their furious disposition, charging yea our Sauiour him selfe vvith timorous feare and faint corage, blasphe∣ming vvith all might the maiestie of his blessed name▪ but no man can avvay vvith such kinde of persons, that are vvholy geuen ouer vnto all vngracious behauiour, it may easily be proued that they are altogether ignorant vvhat the Euangelists haue left vs in vvriting. The cause that moued our Sauiour to slie and goe aside (being layde dovvne in the Gospell) seemed not one∣ly to be agreeable vnto reason, but vvas in very deede most true: vve therefore haue to conie∣cture that the same by all likelyhoode happened vnto all the Sainctes of God. for vvhatsoeuer thinges are vvritten to haue chaunced vnto our Sauiour, after the maner of men, vve haue not referre the same vnto all mankinde: in so much he tooke our nature vpon him, and liuely ex∣pressed in him selfe the humane affections of our fraile constitution: euen as it is vvritten in the Gospell after Iohn: they sought to take him but no man laide handes vpon him, because that* 1.41 his houre vvas not as yet come. Yea before this came about, he sayde vnto his mother: Mine* 1.42 houre is not as yet come. He spake also vnto them that vvere called his brethren: my tyme is not yet come. Agayne vvhen the houre vvas come, he sayd vnto his disciples: sleepe on novv* 1.43 and take your rest, beholde the houre is at hande, the sonne of man shalbe betrayed into the handes of sinners. Therefore neyther suffred he him selfe to be taken before his tyme vvas come: neyther hid he him selfe, vvhen the houre vvas at hande, but yelded him selfe vnto the ene∣mie. In like sorte the blessed Martyrs in the great heate, and troublsome stormes of perse∣cution vvhiche often came to passe, being pursued by men fledde avvay, and hid them sel∣ues in secret and solitary places, but being taken they valiantly encountred vvith the aduersa∣ries & ended the combatt vvith martyrdome. These were the reasons of Athanasius layd downe in his Apollogie the which he wrote in the defence of his departure from his bishopricke in the time of persecution.

CAP. VII.* 1.44

Eusebius after the councell held at Alexandria was broken vp, returned to Antioch, where he founde the people at variance by reason that Paulinus was there chosen Bishop: and when that he coulde not preuaile among them with exhort ations to peace and vnitie, he gott him home to his owne bishoprick of Vercellae.

EƲsebius Bishop of Vercellae immediatly after the dissoluing of the councell gott him to An∣tioch. but when he founde Paulinus whome Lucifer had assigned to be their Bishop, and the people deuided into two partes (for the sect of Meletius had seuerall conuenticles by them selues) he was wonderfull sorie, because they did not all agree vnto the election of Paulinus. for in his secret opinion he condemned the act, yet because of the reuerence he owed vnto Lucifer he con∣cealed his sentence: and as soone as he promised by summoning of a councell that he would pro∣uide for their quiet state, he left them and went his way. but first of all when as afterwards he had done his best for the reconciling of the brethren that were at variance, yet all was to no purpose. for Meletius returning from exile and finding his complices to frequent secret meetings and con∣uenticles, became their superintendent. all the other churches that were there abouts were vnder Euzouis the Arian. Paulinus had but one litle parish within the citie, of the which Euzoius did not depriue him, because of the reuerence he owed vnto him. Meletius had his conuenticles in the sub∣urbes without the walls of the citie. For that time, when the affayres went in this sorte, Eusebius tooke his leaue of Antioch. Lucifer vnderstanding that Eusebius misliked with that election of his,* 1.45 tooke it very contumeliously and was altogether impacient. He refused therefore to communicate with Eusebius, and being kindled with the fiery flame of contention, he reiected the canons of the councell. these thinges falling out in those heauy tymes and tempestuous seasons for ecclesiastical affayres ministred occasion that many fell from the fayth: so that a newe sect called the Luciferian heresie then first sprange vp. but Lucifer coulde not haue his fill, neyther satisfie him selfe with an∣ger,* 1.46 because that he bounde him selfe with his owne promises, sent vnto the councell by his Dea∣con (who subscribed thereunto in his name) to geue his assent. Wherefore hauing agreed (though against his will) vnto the canons of the church, he gott him vnto his owne bishoprick in Sardinia. But they which fretted within them selues no lesse then he, as yet doe remaine out of the Churche. Eusebius passing throughout the contries of the East cured and confirmed like a cunning Phisici∣on such as were weakelings in the faith: restored them to their former health, and instructed them in the doctrine of the Church. Thence he went into Illyrium & comming into Italie in like sort he diligently preached the worde of God.

CAP. VIII.* 1.47

Of Hilarius Bishop of Poetiers in Fraunce.

HIlarius Bishop of Poetiers a citie of Guyan instructed diligently both the bishops of Italy and also of Fraunce, in the canons of the Catholick fayth before the comming of Eusebius. for he first after his returne from exile had preuented him in those prouinces. but both of them very absolutely confirmed the fayth. Hilarius being endued with the gift of eloquence wrote* 1.48 in the latine tonge: expounded the canon contayning the clause of one substance: proued it suffici∣ently and confuted the arguments of the Arians. but these thinges were done a litle after their re∣turne from exile. Nowe we may not runne ouer with silence, howe that in the very same tyme the followers of Macedonius, Eleusuis, Eustathius and Sophronius, (all these were called Macedoni∣ans) had their priuate and often conuenticles: called vnto them such as were of their opinion in Seleucia, and accursed the contrary faction to wete, of the Acacians: reiected the fayth that was set forth at Ariminum, and confirmed the creede that was read in the councell of Seleucia. It was the same which a litle before (according vnto that we wrote in our seconde booke) was established at Antioch. These men being reasoned with in this sorte: you that are called Macedonians if so be that ye differ in opinion from the Acacians, howe is it that you coulde finde in your hartes to communicate with them euer vnto this day as if they had bene of one opinion with you? Sophro∣nius Bishop of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia, in the name of the rest made thereunto this an∣swere:* 1.49 the Bishops of the West Churches haue in maner doted ouer the fayth of one substance:

Aetius also in the East endeuored to corrupt the syncere doctrine, he taught the substance of the father and of the sonne were not like one the other, both these opinions are absurde. They vnadui∣sedly and without discreete iudgement ioyned in one the distinct and seuered substances of the fa∣ther and of the sonne, linked it (not well) together vnder the name of coessentiall or one substance: but this Aetius parted and deuided the proprietie of nature which the sonne hath together with the father terming it the vnlikenesse or diuersitie of substance. And in so much that both these fell* 1.50 into contraries, and meare extreamities, we thought good to walke in the midd way and holde the meane betwene both, to retayne the true and godly opinion, that the sonne is of like substance with the father. This was the answere of the Macedonians (as Sabinus writeth in his booke in∣titled the collections of the councells) exhibited by Sophronius vnto their demaunde. In that they charge Aetius as autor of the diuersitie of substance in the father and the sonne, and not the Aca∣cians, they craftely dissemble and cloke the trueth: in so doing they partly oppugne the Arians, and* 1.51 partly the opinion of such as maintaine the clause of one substance. but they ouerthrowe them sel∣ues with their owne wordes, for in displaying and opening both opinions, they laye downe a newe of their owne. So farre of these thinges.

CAP. IX.* 1.52

The hatred of the Emperour Iulian owed vnto the Christians.

THe Emperonr Iulian although at the beginning of his raygne he was meeke and curteous towardes all men: yet in processe of tyme he shewed him selfe not alike vnto all men, but when so euer any accusation was brough: before him to the discreditt of Constantius, then the Christians were hearde at will: when that againe he hearde of no such thinge, then beganne he to reueale vnto the worlde the priuate grudge and malice he conceaued agaynst all the Christi∣ans euery where. for he commaunded to buylde vp agayne at Cyzicum the Nouatian Churche which Eleusius the Bishop had pulled downe: threatning Eleusius the Bishop of that citie with grieuous punishment if he buylte it not agayne within two monethes vpon his owne costs & char∣ges. Furthermore he sett vp a freshe the rites of the Gentils: he set wide open (as I sayd before) their temples: and offered sacrifice in the Cathedrall church of Constantinople vnto the goddesse of Fortune where her Idoll was sett vp.

CAP. X.* 1.53

The conference which Maris Bishop of Chalcedon being blinde had with Iulian the Apostata,

ABout that tyme Maris Bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia being led by the hande vnto Iulian the Emperour (for that he was olde he had a webb growen in his eyes which berea∣ued him of his sight) beganne to rebuke the Emperour sharpely, calling him an impious person, an Apostata and an Atheist. he of the contrary answered him opprobriously, recompenced him with the like, called him a blind foole and sayd vnto him farther: thy God of Galilee will not restore thee thy sight agayne. for Iulianus called Christ a Galilaean and all the Christians in like* 1.54 sort. Maris a litle after answered the Emperour somewhat freely, I thanke God (sayth he) which made me blinde lest that euer I should set mine eye vpon so vngracious a face as thine is. Wher∣unto the Emperour made no answere but handled the Bishop roughly. When he perceaued that the Christians did highly reuerence and honor such as suffered martyrdome vnder the raigne of Diocletian: when he learned also for certayntie, diuerse men to be so well disposed, that willingly they woulde suffer martyrdome: he going about to depriue the Christians of so great a benefitt, deuised an other way to afflict them. And although he let passe the vnsatiable tyranny practised in the tyme of Diocletian, yet ceased he not altogether from persecuting. In mine opinion he is a per∣secutor* 1.55 which molesteth any kinde of way such men as leade a quiet and peaceable lise. Iulian in this sorte afflicted the Christans not a litle. he made a lawe that the Christians shoulde not be trayned vp in prophane literature. for (sayth he) seeing they haue the gift of vtterance so readily, they shall easily be able to ouerthrowe the quicks of Logick, wherewith the Gentils doe vpholde their doctrine.

CAP. XI.* 1.56

Of the sturre the Emperour Iulian raysed against the Christians, and what deuise he founde out to extort money from them.

MOreouer the Emperour Iulian gaue out a proclamation that such as would not renounce the Christian fayth shoulde warefare no longer in the Emperours pallace: likewise that all shoulde prepare them selues to doe sacrifice: that no Christian should beare office in the* 1.57 common wealth. for their law (sayth he) forbiddeth the execution by sworde vpon such as deserued death, and therefore they are not fitt to be Magistrats. He allured diuers with flattery and faire of∣fers to sacrifice. but immediatly they y^• were Christians in deede, & they also which were thought to be no lesse, made them selues manifest vnto all men as if they had shewed them selues vpon a stage. for they which with harte and good will professed Christian religion, threwe downe their sworde girdles & signified they woulde rather suffer any kind of torment then denie their Sauiour Christ Iesus. Of which number was Ionianus, Valentinianus & Valens, who afterwards were crow¦ned Emperours. Other some that were counterfeit Christians, who thought that the ritches and honor of this worlde was true felicity it selfe, without any delay fell to sacrifice. Of which number Ecebolius a Sophist of Constantinople was one, who conforming him selfe vnto the humors & di∣sposition* 1.58 of the Emperours, was an earnest follower of the christian faith in the time of Constan∣tius: but when Iulian succeeded him in the empire he fell to gentilitie and the idolatry of Pagans: againe after the death of Iulian he became a professor of the doctrine of Christ. He laye alonge at the porche of the Church and cried vnto such as came in: treade me vnder foote for that I am the vnsauery salt. Ecebolius as he was light and vnconstant, so he continewed vnto the ende. It came to passe about that tyme that the Emperour purposed to reuenge him of the Persians for the iniurie they had done him by inuading some part of the Romaine dominions, and determined to take his iourney into the East through the coastes of Asia. When that he pondered with him selfe howe many euills and inconueniences appertayned vnto warres, what greate summes of money were needefull thereunto, and howe that without it, it was vnpossible to bring his purpose to effect, he deuised a certaine sleyght to wring money from the Christians. for he sett a great fine vpon the heades of such as woulde not sacrifice, and the taxe was very grieuous and duely demaunded of the Christians so that euery one rateably was seased at a certaine summe and the Emperour him self in a short while was wonderfully enritched with the iniurious heapes of money vniustly exacted. This law was of force not onely where he traueled, but also in such contries as he came not neare. Then did the Gentils insult ouer y^• christians: the Philosophers celebrated their frequented confe∣rences:* 1.59 they solemnized certaine detestable rites and ceremonies: they made slaughter of infants sparing no sexe, they vsed their entralls for southsaying, they tasted of their tender bowells. These horrible practises were both at Athens, at Alexandria and other places.

CAP. XII.

Howe that Athanasius was faine to flie and leaue Alexandria in the tyme of Iulian the Apostata.

THey forged at that time a false accusation against Athanasius and signified vnto the Empe∣rour that he had subuerted Aegypt and the whole citie of Alexandria, and that of necessitie it behoued to banishe him the citie, so that by the commaundement of the Emperour the gouernour of Alexandria was sore incensed against him. Athanasius vttering these wordes vnto* 1.60 certaine of his familiars: My friendes let vs goe aside for a season, this is but a litle cloude which quic••ly will vanish away, fledd immediatly, tooke shipping and sayled into Aegypt. the enemy pur∣sued after & made hast to ouertake him. When it was vnderstoode that the pursuers were at hand, his companions gaue him counsell to flie into the desert. he by following their aduise escaped the enemy. for he perswaded them to turne backe and to meete the pursuers, the which they did im∣mediatly. As soone as they who a litle before fledd away, mett the persecutors there was nothing demaunded of them, but whether they had seene Athanasius: who answered againe that he hid him self in some bushe not farre from them, and if they would make quicke speed, they woulde be like to take him. so the pursuers followed after and the farther they runne the further they raunge, but they lost their labor. for he escaped their handes & conueyed him selfe priuely to Alexandria where

he hid himselfe vntill the kindled flame of persecution was wholly quenched. Such was the hurly burly after sundry stormes of persecution and manifolde vexations by the Ethnicks, which hap∣pened vnto the Bishop of Alexandria. Furthermore the gouernours of the prouinces supposinge nowe that it was highe tyde for them vnder coloure of the Emperoures religon to make vp theyr bagges, vexed the christians farre sorer then the Emperours proclamations bare them out: de∣maunded greater taxes then they were seassed at, and sometimes tormented their bodies. The Emperoure vnderstandinge of their doinges winked at them, and answered the christians which* 1.61 complained vnto him in this sorte: It is your parte when you haue iniuries offered vnto you, to take it paciently, for so your God commaunded you.

CAP. XIII.

Of suche as suffred Martyrdome at Meris a citie of Phrygia in the time of Iulian.

THere was at Meris a citie of Phrygla a certaine gouernour whose name was Amachius,* 1.62 who commaūded that the Idolatricall temple of the Ethnicks which stood in y^t citie should be set wide open, that the foule heapes and filthy corners of a long time vnfrequēted should be made cleane, and fell himselfe a worshipping of the Idols. Which act of his pricked not a li∣tle in conscience the zealous christians. Wherefore one Macedonius, Theodulus and Tatianus beinge kindled with fetuencie of loue towardes the christian fayth, coulde in no wise away with such horrible practises: but in the burninge zeale of their godly inindes, brake in the nighte sea∣son into the temple, threwe downe theyr Idols, and stamped them into pouder. Whereat when the gouernoure was wonderfull wroth and purposed to execute diuerse of the citizens whiche were giltelesse and innocente persons, the authors thereof presented themselues of their owne accorde before him and chose to dye themselues for the trueth, rather then any other for their sakes should be depriued of their liues. After they were layde in holde the gouernoure commaunded that they should cleare thēselues by sacrificinge vnto the Idols and threatned them if they refused he would seuerely punishe them. They beinge of a noble minde & valiant courage, set nought by his threats, made themselues redy to suffer what tormente soeuer were layde vpon them, for they counted it farre better to loose their liues then to defile their soules with those impure sacrifices. The go∣uernour* 1.63 whē he had assayd them at all kind of torments last of all set them on the gredyron, caused fire to be made vnder, & broiled them to death. And to the end they might valiantly encoūter vnder the glorious garlande of victory, they reason thus with the gouernour: If thou longe (O Ama∣chius) after broyled meate, turne vp the other side of vs, least in the eatinge we seeme rawe vnto thee and the bloode runne aboute thy teeth. This was the ende that these men had.

CAP. XIIII.

VVhen the Emperoure Iulian forbad the christians the studie of Prophane literature both the Apollinaruses the father and the sonne fell a wrytinge. The profltte that the christians haue in prophane wryters.

THe lawe whiche the Emperoure made that the christians shoulde not be trained vp in the liberall sciences made bothe the Apollinariuses (of whome we spake before) to be of farre greater fame. For either of them beinge skilfull in suche artes as directed our style and orations, the father a grammarian, the sonne a Rhetorician profited very much the chri∣stians and furthered at that time not a little the churche of God. For the father as a profounde grammarian framed the arte of humanitie vnto the furtherance of Christian religion: he tur∣ned* 1.64 the fiue bookes of Moses into Heroycall verse, together with other bookes of the olde Te∣stament which contayne Hystories: partely in Hexameter verse and partely after the forme of co∣medies and tragedies, with the fitte application of persons: he wrote in all kinde of meter to the ende the christians shoulde not be ignorant and vnskilfull in any rare gifte that excelled among the Gentils. The sonne an eloquente Rhetorician, broughte the wrytinges of the Euangelistes and workes of the Apostles into Dialogues, as Plato vsed amonge the Heathens. Althoughe their laboure and industrie seemed auaylable and greatelye to sette forthe the seruice of God, in

so muche that thereby the lewde drift of the Emperoure was stopped from takinge effect: yet the prouidence of God did farre exceede both their carefull studie and dashed also the Emperours wi∣ked deuise. For immediatly the Emperours lawe (as hereafter it shall more manifestly appeare) was abrogated and theyr workes were as muche spoken of, as if they had neuer bene wrytten. But here peraduenture some man will saye vnto me: why then doe ye attribute bothe the afore∣sayde vnto the prouidence of God? As toutchinge the shorteninge of the Emperoures dayes it is knowen well inoughe howe auaylable it was vnto christian religion: but in that the Po••trye of bothe the Apollinariuses was neglected, and that the christians freely applied the Philosophicall sciences of the heathens, there is no man will graunte that it furthered the seruice of God, and the faith of Christ. For it can not be without daunger that the christians maye wade in the do∣ctrine of Ethnickes, in so muche it teacheth that there be many Gods. Vnto these things which aptely may be obiected vnto vs we will presentely frame suche answers as we can. The doctrine of the Gentiles is allowed neither by Christ neither by his Disciples as inspired from aboue: nei∣ther altogether reiected for daungerous. And I take y^• to haue come to passe not without the spe∣ciall prouidence of almightie God. For there were many heathen Philosophers which were not farre from the knowledg of God: such as by publique disputation confuted the Epicures and other contentious Philosophers delited with the quirckes of logicke and ouerthrewe their palpable er∣ror and ignorance. And thoughe they coulde stande the fauorers of christian religion in greate steade for their furtherance of learninge, yet attained they not vnto the grounde & principall point of our religion insomuch they vnderstoode not the mystery of Christ which was concealed the cō∣tinewance of many ages and generations. The whiche the Apostle in his epistle vnto the Roma∣nes sheweth plainely in these wordes: The wrath of God is reuealed from heauen against all vn∣godlines* 1.65 and iniquitie of men which withholde the trueth in vnrighteousnesse. For the thinge that may be knowen of God is manifest amonge thē, because God hath shevved it vnto them. For his inuisible thinges beinge vnderstoode by his workes, are seene through the creation of the world, that is, both his eternall power & godheade, so that they are without excuse, because that when they knewe God, notwithstanding they glorified him not as God. VVherefore they knowinge the trueth which God reuealed vnto them were worthie of death, because that whē they knewe God they glorified him not as God. Therefore sithence that the Apostle forbadd not the knoweledge of the Gentils doctrine, he gaue free licence and libertie vnto euery man at his choice and pleasure to wade in the vnderstandinge of them. Let this suffire for one reason to the satisfiynge of the former doubts. The seconde is as followeth. The holy Scriptures inspired from aboue deliuer vnto vs diuine precepts and mysticall doctrine: they graffe in the mind••s of suche as heare them, true Godlines and the righte trade of liuinge: they sette wyde open before such as study them, the most sacred faith: they teach vs no logicke, wherewith we may withstand such as oppugne the trueth, although the aduersaries are easiest ouerthrowen when their owne ar∣moure and proper defence is vsed to their foyle and destruction. But the christians enioyed not this benefit by the workes of bothe the Apollinariuses. This was it that the Emperoure Iulian shotte at when as he made a lawe that the christians shoulde not be schooled in the doctrine of the Gentils. He knewe full well that the fables contained in the works of the Hethen wryters being paised in the equall balance of indifferent iudgement would quickly be founde light and subiect to reprehension and discredit: the which fond inuention of theirs when Socrates their principall phi∣losopher had dissalowed, the Iudges condemned him, as if he had gone about to disproue or de∣stroy their Gods, nay rather theyr deuells. Besides all this both Christ himselfe and his Apostle commaunded vs to be tried exchaungers, to the ende we might examine all thinges & holde that* 1.66 which is good: We haue also to take heede lest any circumuent vs through Philosophie & vayne deceate. This we shall not be able to doe vnlesse we possesse the armoure of the enemy, and in en∣ioyinge it, we turne the whole vnto an other vse. For we haue to reiect that which is euell, to re∣taine that which is good, and to admit nothing without good trial. For that which is good where∣soeuer it is founde appertaineth vnto the trueth. For if any be disposed to vrge vs farther herein set him consider with him selfe howe the Apostle did not onely not forbidde the knoweledge of Heathenishe doctrine, but is seene not to haue despised them himselfe, to the ende he might be skil∣full in many of the Ethnicks workes. Where I pray you borowed he this sentence: The Creti∣ans are alwayes liers, euell beastes, slowe bellies, was it not out of Epimenides a Poet of Creta••* 1.67 or where learned he this: we are also his ofspring, was it not out of the Phaenomena of Aratus th••

Astronomer? That sayinge also: Euell wordes corrupte good maners, sheweth playnely that* 1.68 he was well seene in the tragedies of Euripides. But what neede I vse many wordes hereof? It is knowen well inoughe that the Doctors of the Churche of an aunc: ente custome neuer for∣bid vnto this day, exercised themselues from their youth vp euen vnto the last houre in the sciences and doctrine of the Gentils: partely for to attayne aswell vnto a fine stile and eloquente phrase as the exercise and whettinge of the wittes: and partely also for to confute the doctrine of suche wry∣ters as deliuered vnto the worlde error and falshoode in steede of the manifest and onely trueth. These thinges accordinge vnto our simple hability we haue layde downe by occasion of both these Apollinariuses.

CAP. XV.* 1.69

Howe the Emperoure takinge his voyage to warre with the Persians came to Antioch where the common people derided him, vnto whome after his departure he wrote an oration intitled Misopogon.

THe Emperoure when he had exacted of the christians and heaped together a great summe of money proceedinge on his voyage against the Persians came to Antioch in Syria, Being there and desirous to shewe vnto the people of Antioch a tast of his honors title the which he sette much by, sette the market lowe, made all things very cheape, had no consideration of the time: he pondered not with him selfe howe that an hoast or armie wheresoeuer it commeth, brin∣geth greate domage vnto the prouincialls and turneth plenty of necessaries to scarsitie of foode. Wherefore tauerners and vittayling houses which prouided necessaries for wayfaringe men, not able to beare the losse of so weyghty a burthen, whereunto they were inioyned by the Emperours edict, gaue ouer their trade, so that the citie was brought to greate distresse, because they wanted necessary prouision. The Antiochians an impatiente kinde of people, soone prouoked to anger and reuengemente coulde not away with this plague (which they tooke for no other) without a∣ny more adoe they goe to meete the Emperoure, they crie out agaynst him, they inueye at his* 1.70 doinges, and playe with his bearde (it was a longe thrumme bearde) they bidde him goe shaue his bearde and make halters thereof: they bringe him in remembrance of his coyne, wherein there was a bull conqueringe the worlde with his hornes. For the Emperoure beinge whol∣ly geuen to superstition, sacrificed bulls vpon the Idols altare, and therefore gaue charge that bothe the Alter and the bull shoulde be ingrauen in his coyne. The Emperoure beinge incensed with these skommes, threatned he woulde plague the people of Antioch. He remoued thence into Tarsus in Cilicia, as soone as he had prouided there suche necessaries as he stoode in neede of, he* 1.71 went on his iorney. Whereupon Libanius the Sophist tooke occasion to wryte the oration intit∣led of his embassie, where he entreated the Emperoure for the Antiochians, and also the oration vnto the people of Antioch where he layde before them the displeasure which the Emperoure had conceaued agaynst them. The reporte goeth that the Sophist wrote the sayde Orations and yet* 1.72 they neuer were seene abroade: and that the Emperoure was appeased not by reuenginge him of such as had flouted his beard, but requitinge them with like cōtumelious skommes. For he defa∣med the citie of Antioch for euer in the oration which he entitled Antiochian or Misopogon di∣rected against the deriders of his bearde. So farre of these things.

CAP. XVI.* 1.73

VVhen the Emperoure woulde haue an answere of the Oracle of Apollo, the deuell woulde not speake because the body of Babilas the martyr was buried hard by. The Em∣perours displeasure, and of the tormentes which Theodorus the Confessor suffred.

NOwe let vs speake of the iniuries which the Emperoure at that time did vnto the Christi∣ans at Antioch. Whē he had commaunded that the Idolatricall temples of the Ethnicks shoulde be set wide open at Antioch, the Emperoure made haste to the Oracle of Apollo which was in Daphne a litle out of Antioch. But the Deuell whose dwellinge was in that denne* 1.74 trembled for feare of Babilas the martyr (whose corps laye interred not farre from the place)

and woulde geue the Emperoure no answer, the Emperoure perceauing the cause, commaunded that the martyrs tumbe shoulde thence be remoued with speade. When the christians of Antioch vnderstoode of this they assemble together with women and children, they reioyce and are glad, they singe Psalmes, they translate the corps from out of Daphne into the citie of Antioch. The Psalmes which they songe tended to the reprehension of the Heathen Gods, and of such as wor∣shipped* 1.75 Idols and carued images. * 1.76 Then the Emperours disposition which was hid and cloked afore time was made manifest vnto the whole worlde. For he who alitle before was a professor of Philosophie, nowe breaketh out, and fretteth within himselfe at y^• Psalmes that were songe in de¦rision of the Gentils, and determineth to torment the christians as Diocletian had done in a while before. But when his expedition against the Persians permitted no leasure to bring his purpose about, he gaue out a commission vnto Salustius who was Liuetenante of that prouince, for to see that such as had songe the Psalmes in derision of the Ethnikes shoulde seuerely be punished. The Liuetenant althoughe he were a panyme yet was he altogether vnwillinge to execute his com∣mission. But he seing there was no other choice attached many of the christians, sent many to pri∣son. But one that was a yonge man by name Theodorus and appeached of the Paganes, he tor∣mented with sundry kindes of punishments, and rent the fleshe all his body ouer with the lashe of the whippe: and in the ende he commaunded that he should be let loose when in very deede he was thought not possibly able to liue. Yet God restored him to his former health, for he liued many yeares after that confession which he yelded in torment. Ruffinus who wrote the ecclesiasticall hi∣story of his time in the latine tongue reporteth that he had conference a longe time after with this Theodorus and demaunded of him whether he had not felt great payne when the lashe of the whip rebounded from his body: And that he answered him againe that the torments were not so grie∣uous as some men thought: that there stoode by him a yonge man which wiped away all the salte droppes of that swettinge combat, confirmed him in the fayth, and that the houre of torment was vnto him rather a delectable pleasure then a dolefull paine. This much shall suffice of the renow∣med Theodorus. At that very time there came Embassadors from the Persiās vnto the Emperour Iulian, requiringe him to proclaime open warres, he sent them backe againe with this answere. you shall see me shortely in mine owne person and therefore I shall not neede to sende any in em∣bassy vnto you for this matter.

CAP. XVII.

Howe the Emperoure exhorted the Iewes to sacrifice. Of the wonderfull signes* 1.77 which God shewed vnto the Iewes and the vtter ruyne of theyr temple at Ierusalem.

FVrthermore when the Emperoure endeuored an other way to vexe the christians, he sette for the his owne superstition to be derided of all men. For when he tooke greate pleasure in sacrifice, he did not onely feede his owne fonde humor with the shedinge of bloode, but also inioyned penalties for suche as recreated not themselues with the like. When he perceaued that he coulde finde but a fewe men of his disposition, he calleth for the Iewes and demaundeth of them the cause why they did not sacrifice, seinge that Moses had commaunded them so to doe? af∣ter they had answered that it was not lawefull for them to execute that functiō in any other place saue at Ierusalem: he commaunded that in all the hast the temple of Solomon shoulde be buylded vp againe. After this he taketh his voyage against the Persians. The Iewes who of a longe time had dreamed they shoulde see the day when theyr temple shoulde be buylded againe for sacrifice, nowe thinkinge that the houre was come, occupied their heads busily about the buyldinge: they putte the christians in great feare: they insolentely crowed ouer them: they threatned them the like entertaynement, as they themselues had of olde at the Romaynes handes. When by the Em∣peroures commaundemente the coste and charges was awarded out of the publicke treasory, all necessaries were prouided: as timber, stone, bricke, claye, lyme, together with other things that are required in buyldinge. At what time Cyrillus Bishop of Ierusalem remembred the pro∣phecie of Daniel, the which Christ had confirmed and prognosticated vnto many: that the time* 1.78 was nowe come when there shoulde not be one stone of the temple left vpon the other but that the prophecy of our Sauiour shoulde nowe take place and be fulf••illed. When the Bishop had thus prophecied, there was a great earthquake the night followinge which shooke the olde foundation

of the temple and turned all downe to the grounde, together with the houses which adioined there∣vnto. The Ievves at the sight thereof were taken with a sodayne feare, the fame thereof brought many which dwelled in farre countreyes to see it. Agayne not only this but also many that were presente sawe with theyr eyes an other wonder. For there came downe fyre from Heauen* 1.79 whiche burned all theyr tooles and instrumentes. Then mighte a man haue seene theyr ham∣mers, grauing irons, sawes, axes, hatchets and all suche thinges as the workemen occupied in the buyldinge, consumed with fire. The fire ceased not to burne the space of a whole daye. The Ievves againe beinge in maner astonyed at this straunge sighte, confessed agaynste theyr wills that Christe was an omniporente God: yet yelded they not vnto his will and pleasure but were helde backe with the stubburne opinion of Iudaisme that was rooted in theyr bones. Neyther coulde the thirde wonder whiche ensued after conuerte them vnto the true fayth. The night follo∣wing* 1.80 there were formes of crosses marked in their garments which shined like the sunne beames: in the morninge when they sawe them and coueted to wipe and rubbe them of, they coulde not by any meanes. Wherefore beinge blinded as the Apostle wryteth, they banished the goodnesse of God from amonge them. To conclude the temple at that time in steede of raysinge vp was ruy∣nously throwne to the grounde.

CAP. XVIII.* 1.81

Of the Emperoure Iulians voyage into Persia and his miserable ende.

THe Emperour vnderstanding the maner of the Persians that in winter they are very weake,* 1.82 of smale power and simple courage (for they are a kinde of people that can not awaye with colde: the Mede also as it is commonly sayde, all winter tyme, neuer pulleth his hande out of his bosome) knowinge also that the Romayne souldiere is of power and force, thoughe the weather pinche neuer so much: marched forewardes a litle before winter and led his army into Persia. First he destroyed the countrey, the villages, threwe downe theyr castells after∣wardes he fell a ransackinge of their cities. He besieged Ctesiphon that greate citie of Persia, and pinched therein the kinge of Persia very sore, so that he sente vnto him many Embassadors hum∣bly requestinge him to take from him some parte of his kingdome, to ende the fielde, to rayse the siege and so goe his way. But Iulian was nothinge moued therewith: pitied them not at all: nei∣ther remembred he the common sayinge: To conquere is prayse worthye but insolentely to tri∣umphe ouer the cōquered is a despiteful Act: he put confidence in fond coniectures of south saying, he trusted to much fantasticall dreames, the which Maximus the Philosopher then present put in his heade: he hoped verylie to counteruayle or rather to surmount the greater glorie and no∣ble prowesse of Alexander the Greate, so that he sette noughte by the humble sute of the Per∣sians: he dreamed accordinge vnto the opinion of Pythagoras and Plato that by the transmigra∣tion of the soules from one body into an other, the soule of Alexander was crepte into his car∣kasse: or rather that he was Alexander himselfe in an other body. The whiche opinion led him into a foule error, and caused him to make light of the kinge of Persia his requeste. The kinge vnderstandinge that his embassie was to no purpose, beinge broughte to a narrowe straicte and sore plunge gathered his power the daye after this embassie and ioyned with the Romayne hoste face to face. The Romaynes althoughe they founde greate faulte with theyr Emperoure for refusinge the offer and fallinge to bloodshed, yet doubted they not to deale with the Persians who nowe were come forthe to meete them, so that in the ende they putte them to flighte and wonne the fielde. The Emperoure himselfe was a horsebacke at the battell to the ende he mighte ani∣mate and incourage the souldiers: but trusting to much to his prosperitie and thinkinge himselfe cockesure wente into his campe without complete harnesse. Therefore an arrowe beinge sod∣daynely shotte at him, pearced throughe his arme and stucke in his ribbes whiche gaue him his deathes wounde, but who did it, was neuer knowen. Some reporte that he was wounded by a fugitiue Persian: some other that he was slayne by one of his owne souldiers, whiche is rife in euerye mans mouthe, yet Calistus one of the Emperours housholde garde, who wrote his life in Heroycall verse, and the battell whiche he gaue then vnto the Persians, say the that it was a wicked fiende or Deuell that runne him throughe, whiche peraduenture is fayned after the maner of Poeticall inuention, and yet it may very well be true, for we learne that the furies of Hell haue often times recompenced suche lewde persons with extreme punishmente. But

howe so euer it was euerye man knoweth that for his headye rashenesse he was subiecte to daunger: for his eloquence, and gifte of vtterance he was desirous of vayne glorie: and for his counterfete grauitie he was contemned and derided of all men. Thus he ended his life in* 1.83 Persia (as I sayde before) in his fourth Consulship the whiche he enioyed with Salustius, beinge the sixt and twentieth of Iune and the thirde yeare of his raygne: the seauenth yeare after he was made Caesar by Constantius, the one and thirtieth yeare of his age.

CAP. XIX.

Iouianus is created Emperoure. A notable confutation of Libanius the Heathen Rhetorician.

THe souldiers beinge doubtefull, knowinge not what was best to be done, the nexte day af∣ter the death of Iulian, without any further deliberation, they proclaime Iouianus a man* 1.84 of valiante and noble courage theyr Emperoure. This man beinge a tribune, when Iu∣lian by proclamatiō gaue the souldiers in choice eyther to doe sacrifice or to leaue warefare: chose rather to throwe awaye his swordegirdle then to satisfie the wicked and detestable edicte of the Emperoure. For all that, Iulian, when the necessitie of the warres then in hande constrayned him, retayned him in the number of his Captaines. But Iouianus beinge nominated Empe∣roure refuseth the crowne and beinge compelled thereunto agaynste his will by the souldieres breaketh out into lowde speache, sayinge: In that he was a Christian he woulde not be Em∣perour where Ethnickes shoulde become his subiectes: yet when all with one voice confessed themselues to be Christians, he yelded and was crowned Emperour. Beinge in Persia and so∣dainely put to his shiftes, his souldiers also being almost famished to death: vpon certaine condi∣tions he ioyned in league with the kinge of Persia and so ended the warres. The couenantes as the Romaynes thoughte were vnlaweful, yet consideringe the case of that presente time they were not to be misliked. For he was contente to loose the dominion of Syria and to deliuer the Per∣sians Nisibis a citie in Mesopotamia. When these tidinges were blased abroade the Christi∣ans conceaued no small ioye at the departure of Iulian: the whole armie also misliked very muche with his vndiscreete and headye rashenesse and laye to his charge that the boundes of the Em∣pire were cutte shorte. For be beinge deceaued by a Persian that was a fugitiue, sette afire cer∣taine vessells vpon the seaes whiche broughte them corne, and thereof it rose that the famine grieued them sore. At that time Libanius the Sophist made a funerall oration where he be way∣led the death of Iulian and entitled it Iuliana or the Epitaph of Iulian. In the whiche he payn∣ted forthe his life with loftye stile in prayse of his person and to his further commendation repor∣teth of the bookes he had wrytten agaynste the Christians, and howe that in them he had pro∣ued theyr doctrine for triflinge and ridiculous stuffe. If this Rhetorician had extolled the Em∣peroure onely for his other Acts, I would haue proceeded with silence to discourse of that which remayneth of the historie: but in so muche he hath mentioned the bookes of Iulian, and like a graue and wise orator inueyed bitterly againste Christian religion, therefore I haue thoughte good to saye somewhat thereof, and firste I will laye downe his owne wordes * 1.85 In the vvinter season (sayth he) vvhen the nights are somevvhat longe, the Emperoure perusing those bookes vvhiche affirme that the man vvhose originall vvas in Palaestina is bothe God and the sonne of God, confuted them vvith manye reasons and stronge argumentes and condemned them for ridiculous doctrine: affirmed moreouer that the glorious religion, highly esteemed of them was full of toyes and trifles, vvhere he proued himselfe to be farre vviser then the olde grayberde of Tyrus. VVherefore let the olde man of Tyrus (he meaneth Porphyrius) conceaue no displea∣sure at all but patientely vveye vvherein his childe doth preiudice his creditte. These are the wordes of Libanius the Sophiste. Truely I will saye no lesse, but that he was a notable Rhetori∣cian and I am verelye perswaded that if he had not consented vnto the Emperours religion, he woulde haue had no other speache in his mouthe then the Christians haue at this day, and that by all likelyhoode, beinge an excellent Rhetorician, he woulde haue extolled Christian religion vnto the skies. For he wrote in the prayse of Constantius while he liued, after his desease he wrote to his disprayse and made inuectiues agaynste him. Wherefore if Porphyrius had bene Emperoure, he woulde haue preferred his workes before the wrytinges of Iulian: againe if

Iulian had bene a Sophist (as he wrote of Ecebolius in his funerall oration of Iulian) he would haue called him a ••au••••e Rhetorician. In as muche as then he beinge of the same religion with the Emperoure, beinge a Rhetorician, beinge also his friende wrote his pleasure of him: we also after our habilitie will fall to answere his sclaunderous workes. First he sayth that in the winter season the nights beinge somwhat longe he tooke great paines in perusing the christians bookes He signifieth by taking of paines in this place, that his trauell was greate in wrytinge of inuec∣tiues, as Rhetoricians doe vse, when they traine vp youth to the knoweledge of their art. A good while agoe he read those bookes in deede, tooke greate paynes, discoursed at large, not as Liba∣nius sayth with stronge argumentes, but with weake, in somuche they were contrarie to the trueth, and endeuored skoffinge wise to refell suche thinges as of themselues were of force i∣noughe. For whosoeuer disputeth with an other, laboureth to foile his aduersarie, sometime by corrupting and peruerting, some other time by concealinge of the trueth. Whosoeuer also he be that oweth spite and hatred vnto any man, he will endeuer like a deadly enemy not onely to doe, but also to speake the worste of him: he will also wreste all the mischiefe whiche the enemy deui∣seth agaynst him, vpon his aduersarie. Their owne bookes doe manifestly declare, that bothe Iulian and Porphyrius (whome he calleth the gray bearde of Tyrus) were raylers and skoffers. For Porphyrius in his booke intitled the liues of Philosophers, wrytinge of Socrates the chiefe of all the reste, inueyeth against him bitterly: and wryteth to his contumely raylinge speaches and farre more opprobrious languages, then Melitus or Anytus who of olde sclaundered him alike, euer durste to reuile Socrates with all. I meane that Socrates whome the Gentils haue in greate admiration for his temperance, iustice and others his vertues: whome Plato the de∣uine Philosopher, whome Xenophon with the whole Senate of Philosophers doe greately reue∣rence. But Iulian followinge his fathers steppes in all thinges, reuealed vnto the worlde that corrupte humor whiche troubled his heade (wherewich he reuiled all the Emperours and Cae∣sars that were before him) in so muche that he spared not, no not his deare friende the Philo∣sopher Marcus. Wherefore lette theyr wrytinges be iudge whether bothe Porphyrius and Iu∣lian were reuilers and sclaunderers or no. Neyther haue I neede of greate and weyghtie argu∣mentes to confirme this my assertion: but the opinions of diuerse sage personages grounded v∣pon good coniectures the whiche I minde to alleage shall stande for sufficiente proofe. What Gregorie Nazianzen hathe thoughe of Iulian, lette vs first of all see out of his owne wordes. For in his seconde Oration agaynst the Gentils he wryteth thus. Althoughe bothe his raygne and* 1.86 also experience hathe taughte other men that these thinges vvere moste true in him: yet percea∣ued I them longe a goe since the time I vvas aquaynted vvith him at Athens. For he came thi∣ther vvhen the Emperesse had procured licence of the Emperoure for his voyage, vvhen also his brother Gallus had conspired the deathe of Constantius the Emperoure. There vvere tvvo causes that moued him to repayre vnto Athens. The first tollerable, the seconde of smale honestie: the first to see Grece and the schooles that florished therein: the seconde (vvhiche vvas more secrete and knovven vnto fevve) for to consulte vvith southsayers and sacrificers a∣bout his affayres in time to come, because it vvas not then openly permitted for the authors of suche impiety to practise suche Deuelishe inuentions. And I my selfe in coniecturinge of him at that time (although I am not of the number of Propheciers) vvas not much deceaued: for his vvauering mind and frenticke disposition, made me a Prophet good inough. He vvich goeth nearest the marke by coniecture, is commonly called the beste Prophere. I savve not one signe* 1.87 in him that gaue me any hope of him that euer he woulde become an honeste man. He had a runninge heade: his shoulders did neuer lynne vvagginge, and lay slatte or stipe vvise: he had vvinkinge eyes that continevvally rolled in his heade: his countenance vvas staringe: he had a slidinge, slippery and limpinge pace: his visage vvas scornefull: he had a flyringe face of his ovvne, the which his immoderate laughter and continevvall skorninge did declare: his maner vvas without all good order to say and vnsay: his vvords came tumblinge out vvith vehemen∣cie and stoppes, the sentence broken in the middes: his questions and obiections were rashe and foolish, his ansvvers vvere litle better which oftentimes follovved one after the other, and as there vvas litle holde of them, so were they proposed vvithout order. But what neede I to runne ouer all particulers. I foresawe in him before he was created Emperour that which after∣vvardes proued to be moste true. If there were presentely in place any of my familiars vvhiche hearde me thus diuininge of him, I am sure they woulde testifie this to be no othervvise then

I doe reporte it: in vvhose hearinge also at the foresight of these thinges I vttered these vvordes: O good God vvhat a monster the Empire of Rome doth nourishe. VVhen I had vttered these vvordes I desired of God that in this behalfe I might be founde a lyer. For that had bene farre better, then that the vvhole vvorlde shoulde haue bene visited vvith so many mischiefes, then that suche a monster shoulde euer haue beene seene amonge men, vvhen the like thereof had neuer bene remembred before: seing there happened many deluges and floodes ouerflowing the countreys, the vvhich both yong and olde at this houre doth remember: great losse by fire: terrible earthquakes and gapinge of the grounde, and men also of a straunge shape vvere seene borne into the vvorld, of mixte and compound natuers halfe man halfe beast. But he purchased vnto himselfe suche an ende as his frentike disposition by all right deserued. These thinges did Gregorie reporte of Iulian. Because that Porphyrius and Iulian bothe, in many their rashe allega∣tions to the sclaunder of Christian religion haue done greate iniurie to the trueth, partely by per∣uertinge certaine places of holy Scripture, partly also by reconcilinge of others after theyr owne foolishe iudgement, with applyinge of them to their owne purpose: many withstoode them, con∣futed and ouerthrewe their Sophisticall positions, yea aboue all the rest, Origen, who florished a long tyme before the raigne of Iulian, sifted out such places of holy Scripture as seemed to bring the readers into doubt, layd downe the obiections together with the answers, & satisfied the cap∣tious & vayne doubts of wicked persons. If Iulian and Porphyrius had diligently perused these his workes, they woulde (I am sure) not onely haue approued the same but also applyed all theyr giftes to other matters and neuer sette theyr mindes to wryte Sophisticall fallacies full of blas∣phemous impietie agaynst the maiestie of God. It is manifest hereby that the Emperoure vsed these cauillations amonge rude and vnlearned people, and not in the hearinge of such as had lear∣ned the manifest trueth out of holy Scripture. For when he had heaped together many wordes of holy Scripture whiche are necessaryly sette forthe after a common and vsuall kinde of frase to expresse the Oeconomie, the order in doinge or dispensation of God, in the ende he sayth thus: Verely these places euery one vnlesse the sentence hath some secret or hid mystery (the whiche* 1.88 I take to be most true) contayne as farre forthe as the vvordes geue vs to vnderstande manye blasphemies against God. This was one amonge other of his argumentes layde downe in his thirde booke against the Christians. In his booke intitled Cynisme while he endeuoreth to in∣structe vs howe farre forthe it may be lawefull for vs to proceede in framinge of holy fables or diuine comedies, his opinion is that in the handelinge of suche matters it behoued vs to conceale the trueth, his wordes are these: Nature had leuer be vnreuealed, the hidde also,* 1.89 and the intrecate essence of the Gods vvill not in any vvise suffer it selfe to be beaten vvith playne and manifeste vvordes, into the defiled eares of men. Wherefore the Emperoure as farre forthe as we can gather by his wordes, seemeth to be of that opinion toutchinge holy Scripture, because the wordes are mysticall and contayne secrecie: but it grieues him that all men be not of his minde and therefore he scorneth at such Christians as vnderstande the sayd my∣steries simplie. Yet he shoulde not haue so derided the simplicitie of the common people: ney∣ther therefore to haue inueyed against holy Scripture: neither to haue abhorred and detested the sense and notable sentences comprised in the same, because all men did not vnderstande them as he thoughte good. Nowe as it is very euidente the like happened vnto Porphyrius. This Por∣phyrius* 1.90 beinge rebuked of certaine Christians at Caesarea in Palaestina, beinge altogether im∣paciente throughe boylinge choler, and burninge heate of furious rage fell from the Christian faythe and rashely tooke penne in hande (because of the hatred he owed vnto them, whiche re∣prehended him) for to wryte bookes where he inueyed bitterly with contumelious stile againste all Christians: as I reede in the bookes of Eusebius Pamphilus whiche he wrote to the confuta∣tion of his workes. The Emperoure also settinge vp him selfe insolencely agaynst the Christi∣ans in the hearing of vnlearned persons, and being prouoked thereunto by the selfe same fren∣tike and raginge humor fell into the like Apostasie with Porphyrius. Wherefore bothe of them, fallinge of theyr owne accorde into extreme impietie, and priuye in conscience to theyre blas∣phemous practises receaued punishment due vnto theyr deseruinge. Furthermore when Liba∣nius the Sophiste skornefully derided the Christians, in these wordes: they take the man that was borne in Palaestina for God and the sonne of God: me thinkes he forgetteth himselfe when as* 1.91 in the ende of his Oration he numbred Iulian amonge the Gods, in this sorte: Firste of all (sayth he) they coulde not refrayne, for they stoned him almoste to deathe vvhiche broughte

the firste tydinges of Iulians departure out of this lyfe, as if he had lyed agaynste God. Agayne a little after: O thou scholar (sayeth he) of the deuells: O thou disciple of the deuells: O thou assistent and associate of the deuells. Although he vnderstoode this otherwise, yet in so much he eschewed not the equiuocall worde which comprised also the Deuell, he seemed to vtter no lesse then the Christians accustomed to doe in reproche. Wherefore if he had determined with him selfe to extoll any man, he shoulde haue auoyded euery ambiguous worde in such sorte as he reiected an other phrase beynge reprehended for it, and blotted it out of his bookes. Howe that man in Christ is made God: howe that he is both man openly, and God in mysterie, howe that also both these thinges may be iustifyed, the holie bookes of the Christians doe declare. The Ethnickes before they beleeue, are not able to comprehende it. For the saying of the Prophete is true: If you beleeue not, ye shall not be able to vnderstand. Wherefore they are not ashamed to number many mortall men in the catalogue of the gods. I would to God they had offended herein onely in takinge them for godds who were vertuous lyuers, iuste men, and temperate persons: but they haue preferred such as were impure, vniust, and dronken sortes: I meane Herculeans, Bacchians, Aesculapians, whome Libanius doeth very* 1.92 oft call to wittnes in his writinges, whose amorous toyes and wanton behauiour both with male and female if I shoulde goe about to rehearse, woulde compell mee to vse a longe di∣gression. Such as are desirous to vnderstande farther hereof, lette them repayre vnto A∣ristotles Peplus, by interpretation the womans attyre: vnto Dionysius garlande, vnto Regi∣nus Polym••••emon, and to the whole rable of Poets, who writinge of these thinges doe sette wyde open vnto the worlde the vayne and ridiculous mysteries of the Ethnickes. but that it is a heathenishe custome to accompt of mortall men as of gods, lette vs consider thereof a lit∣tle better. The Rhodians beynge in greate distresse receaued answere of the Oracle, that they* 1.93 shoulde worship Attis the Phrygian, who was a priest, and dyed frentike. The Oracle was as followeth:

Set forth the greate God Attis name, sounde out his glorious prayse, VVhome vertue ioynd with Adon chast and Bacchus happie dayes.* 1.94

This Oracle maketh Attis, who dyed for loue, a god, together with Adonis & Bacchus. More∣ouer when Alexander king of Macedonia came to Asia, the people Amphictiones brought him presents, of whome the Oracle of Apollo in Delphos made this answere, and charged the peo∣ple as followeth:

Let altars burne and incense powre, please Ioue, Minerua eke: The potent prince though nature frayle, his fauour you must seeke. For Ioue from heauen to earth him sent, lo Alexander kinge, As God he comes the earth to rule, and iust lawes for to bringe.

These were the words which the deuell out of the breast of Pythia vttered of Alexander. The same Oracle to the ende he myght flatter greate personages and Princes of greate power, num∣bred them in the catalogue of the gods, and peraduenture this answere was no other but a flatte∣ringe of Alexander. To what ende shall I write of Cleomêdes the wrastler, of whome to the ende* 1.95 he myght be canonized a god, the Oracle spake in this sort:

Cleomede interred is, his fame lett florishe styll, Aduaunce with feasts and sacrifice his name, this is our will.

Diogenes Cynicus and Oinomaus the philosopher, condemned the Oracle of Apollo for this afore∣sayde follie. The people Cyciceni called Adrianus the thirtienth god: Adrianus him selfe coun∣ted Antinous his dearlinge in the catalogue of the gods. Yet Libanius woulde not once open his lyppes to the reprehension of these ridiculous toyes and meere follie. Neuerthelesse though he perused these Oracles, and read ouer the booke of Adrias, intituled The lyfe of Alexander, yet was not he ashamed to esteeme of Porphyrius as of a god. I am humblie (sayeth he) to craue pardon of the olde graybearde of Tyrus, in that I haue preferred the vvorkes of the Empe∣rour before his vvritinges. Thus haue we discoursed by waye of digression somewhat at large, to the ende we myght satisfie the despitefull reportes of the sclaunderous mouth of the Sophist: yet in so much they seeme to require a seuerall volume we will ende them heare and proceede on in our historie.

CAP. XX.

Howe that the bishops of all sects & opinions posted vnto Iouianus the Emperour as soone as he was created, hoping euery one to finde him according vnto their owne vaynes.

AS soone as the Emperour Iouianns returned out of Persia, the churches immediately* 1.96 were troubled with sedition. The bishops likewise whilest they hope to finde y^• Emperour of their owne seuerall opiniōs, endeuour with all might to preuent one an other. The Em∣perour for as much as alwaies he cleaued vnto the creede cōtayning the clause of One substance. made flatt answere that he would alwaies further the same, & encouraged Athanasius bishop of A∣lexandria by his letters, who immediatly after the desease of Iulian enioyed againe y^• bishopricke of Alexandria. For he being thē cōfirmed therein by the Emperours letters, layd aside all feare & fayntnes of courage. Moreouer the Emperour called home againe the bishops whome Constātius had exiled, whome Iulian also had not restored to their seaes. Thē also the Idoll groues & temples of the Ethnicks were shut vp: the Pagans them selues wandered & hid them here & there: such as wore y^• philosophicall habite, layd it aside & wore y^• cōmon & vsuall attire. Those bloody & detesta∣ble sacrifices wherwith they openly defiled thē selues, & tooke their fill during y^• raigne of Iulian, were nowe wholly taken away.

CAP. XXI.* 1.97

How the Macedonians and Acacians assembling at Antioche, confirmed with their subscriptions the Nicene Creede.

THe Christian affaires were not as yet pacified, neither enioyed they a quiet ende. For such as were ringleaders of contrary factions gott them vnto the Emperour, hopinge that he would geue them free libertie to feede & foster among them selues the fiery humour of con∣tention, & licence to deale sediciously w^t their aduersaries. And first of all y^• Macedonians exhibite vnto him a supplication where they request that such as auoutch the vnlikenes & dissimilitude be∣twene the sonne & the father should be banished y^• church, & thē selues substituted in their rowmes. The authors of this supplication were Basilus bishop of Ancyra, Siluanus bishop of Tarsus, So∣phronius bishop of Pompeiopolis, Pasinicus bishop of Zenum, Leontius bishop of Comanum, Cal∣licrates* 1.98 bishop of Claudiopolis, & Theophilus bishop of Castabala. The Emperour receauīg their supplication gaue them no answere at all, but sent thē away w^t these words. I tell you truely I cā not away w^t contention, but such as embrace vnitie & concord, I doe both honor & reuerence them. These words of y^• Emperour cōming to y^•eares of other contentious persons, delayd the heate of sedition y^• was kindled amōg them, which fell out right as the Emperour had wished. Againe at y^• time also the behauiour of y^e Acacians, a busie kind of bodies, a sect wonderfull seditious was per∣ceaued: a kind of people they are alwaies applying them selues according vnto the vaynes of the Emperours. These men assemble them selues at Antioch in Syria together with Meletius, who a litle before had seuered him selfe from their communion, they creepe to familiaritie & conference with him. The cause that moued them therevnto was, for that they sawe him in great estimation with the Emperour, who then made his abode at Antioche. They frame a supplication amonge them selues with vniforme cōsent of them all: They acknowledge the faith of One substance: they ratifie the Nicene creede: They exhibite vnto y^• Emperour their supplication cōtayning y^• forme* 1.99 as followeth. Vnto our most holy and gratious lorde Iouianus, victorious, puisant, Augustus: the councell of bishops assembled at Antioch out of sundry prouinces, send greeting in the Lorde. VVe haue experience & tryall sufficient (most holy Emperour) howe that your graces highnes with great industrie endeuoureth to establishe peace & vnitie in the church of God: neither are we ignorant howe that your prudent aduice thinketh no lesse then that the forme of the catho∣licke faith will preuayle very much to the furtherance and confirmation of the aforesayde vnitie and concorde. Therefore lest we should be numbred among the corrupters of the true and syn∣cere character of Christian doctrine: we thought good to let your maiestie vnderstand that we both allowe and retaine vnuiolably the Creede confirmed of old in the holy & sacred councell of Nice: sithence that the clause of One substance (according vnto some mens thinkinge vnadui∣sedly layde downe) is very well interlaced of the fathers, interpreted and expounded both with commodious phrases, and fitt epithetons: the which exposition sheweth forth the sonne to be begotten of the fathers substance: to be like vnto the father according vnto his substance: that

no passion ought to be conceaued in his inexplicable generation: that the word Substance was not vsed of the holie fathers in that sense which the Graecians take it, but to the ouerthrowe of the poysoned doctrine which the blasphemous mouth of Arius endeuoured to establishe, say∣ing that Christ had his originall of nothinge: that also these Anomoians affirming (by interpre∣tation) the sonne to be vnlike the father, who lately stept vp, auoutched more impudent and levvde doctrine to the ouerthrovve of the ecclesiasticall peace and vnitie. VVherfore vve haue thought good to annexe vnto this our supplication, vvherein our censure and opinion is layde* 1.100 downe, the forme of faith (which we honor and reuerence) decreed by the bishops assembled at Nice. It beginnes as followeth: VVe beleeue in one God the father almightie, &c. contay∣ning throughout very sounde and substantiall doctrine. I Meletius bishop of Antioch, doe sub∣scribe and allowe of all the parts and parcells of the aforesayde supplication and creede aboue written. Euen so doe I Eusebius bishop of Samosata, Euagrius bishop of Sicilia, Vranius bishop of Apamea, Zoilus bishop of Larissae, Acacius bishop of Caesarea, Antipater bishop of Rosse, Abramius bishop of Vria, Aristonicus bishop of Seleucobelus, Barlamenus bishop of Perga∣mus, Vranius bishop of Melitine, Magnus bishop of Chalcedon, Eutychius bishop of Eleuthe∣ropolis, Isacocis bishop of Armenia the greater, Titus bishop of Bostra, Peter bishop of Sipus, Pelagius bishop of Laodicea, Arabianus bishop of Antros, Piso bishop of Adana, by his sub∣stitute Lamydrio the elder, Sabinianus byshop of Zeugma, Athanasius byshop of Ancyra by his substitutes Orphitus and Atetius the elders, Irenio byshop of Gaza, Piso bishop of Augusta, Patricius byshop of Paltum by his substitute Lamyrio the elder, Anatolius byshop of Beroea, Theotimus byshop of Arabia, and Lucianus byshop of Arce. This supplication haue we founde in the booke of Sabinus intituled The collection of the Councells. The Emperour who determi∣ned with him selfe to pacifie with gentle and curteous languages all quarelles and contention, made answere that he woulde not molest any, what faith or religion soeuer they professed, but aboue all others that he woulde honour and reuerence such as shewed them selues peacemakers, and went about to mayntayne the bonde of vnitie and concorde. Themistius the philosopher doth* 1.101 report these thinges in this sort of him. For in the oration intituled Consul, the which he wrote of him, he extolleth him vnto the skies, because that in grauntinge euery man free choyce and li∣bertie to professe this or that kinde of religion, he stopped the mouthes of all flattering parasites and sycophants, which kinde of men (sayeth he nyppinge wyse) as it is knowen vnto the whole world, worship not the kinge of heauen, but the earthly crowne and scepter, much like vnto Eu∣ripus caryed headlong some times this way, some times that way.

CAP. XXII.

The death of Iouianus the Emperour.

THe Emperour when he had appeased the sedition of contentious persons, in such sorte as we haue sayde before, remoued with speede from Antioche, and gotte him to Tarsus in Cilicia, where after the wonted solemnitie of honorable funeralls he buryed the corps of Iulian his predecessor, immediatly after he is proclaimed Cōsul. Thence he tooke his voyage to∣wards Cōstantinople, & came vnto a place called Dedastana, lying in y^e middest betwene Galatia and Bithynia. There was he mett of Themistius the philosopher, together with other Senators and noble personages, who then pronounced before him his oration intituled Consul. the which afterwards also he vttered at Constantinople in the hearing of the whole multitude. The empire* 1.102 of Rome had enioyed great prosperitie: the state of all people both hygh and lowe: the ecclesia∣sticall affaires of the church of God, by reason of so vertuous an Emperour, had florished excee∣dingly: had not death vnlooked for, pearced his breast with her poysoned dart, and depriued him of all his princely ioy: for he dyed in the aforesayde place in winter, of the longues beynge stopped with deadly obstructions, the 17 of Februarie: he him selfe together with his sonne Ʋaronianus being Consul. He was Emperour seuen moneths, and departed this lyfe beyng three and thirtie yeare olde. This booke compriseth the space of two yeares and fiue moneths.

The ende of the thirde booke of Socrates.

Notes

• * 1.1

  This second booke com∣priseth the historie of 2. yeares and 5. moneths du∣ringe the raigne of Iu∣lian & Ioui∣n••n the Em∣perours en∣ding Anno Dom. 368. Iulian suc∣ceeded Con∣stantius An. Dom. 365. Constantius. Dalmatius. Constantius. Gallus. Iulianus.
• * 1.2

  Macedonius the Eunuche. Nicocles the Laconian. Ecebolius the Sophist
• * 1.3

  Iabanius the Sophist.
• * 1.4

  Maximus the Ephesi•• phi∣losopher was a coniurer, & therfore put to death.
• * 1.5

  Iulian a coū∣terfeyte shauching.
• * 1.6

  Iulianus was made Caesar, and sent into Fraunce.
• * 1.7

  A garlande foreshewing the crowne of the empire
• * 1.8

  Iulianus of the souldiers proclaymed Emperour, & crowned with a chaine of golde.
• * 1.9

  Iulian the Emperour is become an Apostata, & so was he called vnto his ende.
• * 1.10

  The policie of Iulian for the winninge of the people
• * 1.11

  Eunuchs, Barbours, & Cookes were banished the Emperours court.
• * 1.12

  The Persians worshipped the sonne, which they called Mi∣thra.
• * 1.13

  The death of Georgius bi∣shop of Ale∣xandria.
• * 1.14

  The epistle of Iulian the Apostata vnto the in∣habitants of Alexandria.
• * 1.15

  Nicephorus in steede of graundfather readeth Vn∣cle.
• * 1.16

  Athanasius returneth to Alexandria after the death of Cō∣stantius.
• * 1.17

  Cap. 5. in the Greeke.
• * 1.18

  Cap. 6. in the greeke.
• * 1.19

  Cap 7 in the Greeke.
• * 1.20

  The councel held at Ale∣xandria con∣demned the A••••••ns, A∣pollinari••••s, and Macedo∣nians.
• * 1.21

  Osius. b. of Cordubago∣ing about to remoue one opiniō, gaue occasion to rayse an o∣ther. Hebr. 1.
• * 1.22

  Irenaeus Grāmaticus.
• * 1.23

  Fuagrius in lib. Monach
• * 1.24

  Cap. 8. in the Greeke
• * 1.25

  Athanasius re••d his A∣pollogie in the counce•…•… of Alexād•…•…
• * 1.26

  The Apol•…•…¦gie of Athanasius wr•…•… in his owne defence a∣gaynst the sclaunderous mouths of the Arians.
• * 1.27

  1. Reg. 22.
• * 1.28

  Gen. 27. Exod. 2. 1. Reg. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 27.
• * 1.29

  3. Reg. 17. 18. 19. 3. Reg. 18.
• * 1.30

  Mat. 26. Act 9. 2. Corinth. 11.
• * 1.31

  ••••on. 35. ••e••t. 4. ••e••t. 19. 〈…〉〈…〉sue. 20.
• * 1.32

  ••at. 10. ••at. 24. ••ar. 13. ••c. 21.
• * 1.33

  Iohn. 8.
• * 1.34

  Matth 2.
• * 1.35

  Matth. 2.
• * 1.36

  Matth. 12.
• * 1.37

  Ioh. 11.
• * 1.38

  Ioh. 8.
• * 1.39

  Matth. 13.
• * 1.40

  Matth. 14.
• * 1.41

  Ioh. 7.
• * 1.42

  Ioh. 2. 7.
• * 1.43

  Matth. 26.
• * 1.44

  Cap. 9. in the Greeke.
• * 1.45

  Impaciency bringeth he∣resie.
• * 1.46

  The hereti∣call sect of the Luciferi∣ans.
• * 1.47

  Cap. 10. in the greeke.
• * 1.48

  Hilari{us} wrote 12. bookes of the trinity the which are to be seene in latine among his workes.
• * 1.49

  The opinion of the We churches. The opinion of Aëtius.
• * 1.50

  The opinion of the Mace∣donians.
• * 1.51

  The Mace∣donians pro∣ued them selues Neu∣terans.
• * 1.52

  Cap. 11. in the Greeke.
• * 1.53

  Cap. 12. in the Greeke.
• * 1.54

  The answere of M•••• is vn∣to Iulian.
• * 1.55

  Who is a per¦secutor.
• * 1.56

  Cap. 13. in the Greeke.
• * 1.57

  Iulian sclaū∣de••eth and gibeth at the Christians.
• * 1.58

  Ecebolius was a turne coate.
• * 1.59

  The ho••••∣ble practises of the l••h nicks.
• * 1.60

  Cap. 14. in ••he greeke. Athanasius ••keneth per ••••ution to cloude or •…•…ist.
• * 1.61

  Iulian the A∣postata moc∣keth christi∣ans with their religiō. Cap. 15. in the greeke.
• * 1.62

  Amachius an Heathen magistrate.
• * 1.63

  Macedonius, Theodulus, & Tatianus broyled to death.
• * 1.64

  The fine bookes of Moses in H〈…〉〈…〉¦roycall vers〈…〉〈…〉 The newe Testament was turned into Dialo∣gues.
• * 1.65

  R••m. 1.
• * 1.66

  〈…〉〈…〉. Thes. 5. 〈…〉〈…〉ss. 2.
• * 1.67

  〈…〉〈…〉. 1. •…•…t. 17.
• * 1.68

  1. Corinth. 15.
• * 1.69

  Ca. 17. in the Greeke.
• * 1.70

  The bearde and coyne of Iulian.
• * 1.71

  The oratiōs of Libanius.
• * 1.72

  The oration of Iulian a∣gainst suche as slouted his bearde.
• * 1.73

  Cap. 18. in the Greeke.
• * 1.74

  Babilas the martyr.
• * 1.75

  Rust. lib. 1. ec∣cles. hist. cap. 35. sayth the Psalme was this: confoū∣ded be all they that wo••ship car∣ued Images and put their trust in Idols.
• * 1.76

  Cap. 19 in the Greeke. Theodorus a confessor Ruff. li. 1. c. 36.
• * 1.77

  Cap. 20. in the greeke.
• * 1.78

  The prophe∣cy of Cyril. Math. 24. A greate earthquake.
• * 1.79

  Fire frō hea∣uen burned the instru∣ments of the Iewes.
• * 1.80

  Crosses were printed in the clothes of the Iewes that coulde not be wiped away.
• * 1.81

  Cap. 20. in the greeke.
• * 1.82

  The Persiās & Medes can not abid cold
• * 1.83

  Iulian dyed Anno Dom. 367.
• * 1.84

  Iouianus was created Em∣perour Anno Dom. 367.
• * 1.85

  Cap. 23. in the Greeke. Libanius the Sophist in his funerall ora∣tion vpō the death of Iu∣lian the A∣postata.
• * 1.86

  Gregorius Nazianzen ora. 2. cont. Gentil.
• * 1.87

  The phisio∣gnomie of Iulian the Apostata.
• * 1.88

  Iulian lib. 3. contra Chri∣stian.
• * 1.89

  Iulian lib. Cynis.
• * 1.90

  Impatiencie brought Por¦phyrius into Apostasie.
• * 1.91

  Libanius in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 funerall ••f Iulian.
• * 1.92

  Hercules. Bacchus. Aesculapius.
• * 1.93

  Attis dyed for loue.
• * 1.94

  Adon was a beautifull boy slaine of a bore & be∣cause he was the dearlinge of Venus she turned him to a purple flowre, or as some say, vn∣to a Rose. Bacchus was a dronkē so••t
• * 1.95

  Cleomêdes was a wrast∣ler of excee∣ding strēgth & greatnesse of body, who beinge put beside the price at the game of O∣lympus, fell madde. Antinous was a yonge boy whome Adrianus the Emperour loued. Cap. 24. in the greeke.
• * 1.96

  The Empe∣rour Iouian{us} was a fauorer of the Ni∣cene creede.
• * 1.97

  Cap. 25. in the Greeke.
• * 1.98

  Iouianus the Emperour coulde not away with contentious persons.
• * 1.99

  The suppli∣cation of the Acacians as∣sembled at the councell of Antioch vnto the Em∣perour Ioui∣anus.
• * 1.100

  The subscri∣ption of the bishops.
• * 1.101

  Flatterers are likened vnto the sea Euri∣pus which ebbeth and floweth seuē times a day.
• * 1.102

  Iouianus the Emperour departed this life Anno Dom. 368.