The general history of printing: from its first invention in the city of Mentz, to its first progress and propagation thro' the most celebrated cities in Europe. ... By S. Palmer, ...

A GENERAL History of Printing:

BOOK I. Of its Origin, Improvement and Progress by JOHN FAUST from 1440. to 1462.

CHAP. I. An Enquiry into the Rise of Printing.

_MY design is to give an historical account of the authors, discovery, improvement and progress of the Art of Printing; an Art so highly beneficial to mankind, by preserving and transmitting to posterity the trea|sures of antient and modern learning, that its origi|nal has been esteem'd divine. I shall begin with a previous enquiry into the causes and concurrent circumstances, which excited the inventors of it to a discovery, that might answer this end, with more expedition and ex|actness, than Transcribing, the only method known before.

THE world at this time began to recover from a state of ignorance, under which it had labour'd many centuries; learning reviv'd, and was patroniz'd in almost every country of Europe; its votaries exerted a lau|dable zeal in searching the libraries for those valuable books, which had lain buried in obscurity, and were become extremely scarce, great num|bers being lost in the times of ignorance. Manuscripts were procur'd and multiplied; but the price of them was such, that none but men of for|tune could purchase them: 120 crowns for a Livy, and 80 crowns for three volumes of Plutarch's Lives * 1.1, was then a moderate price: a few manuscripts were thought a portion worthy a nobleman's daughter; and one or two intitled the donor and his posterity to the perpetual prayers of a monastery: nay kings themselves disdain'd not the office of procuring them for their learned friends, as appears from a letter of Antoninus Boca|tellus, sirnam'd Panormus, to Alphonsus king of Naples and Sicily † 1.2; and an old manuscript hebrew bible was a present from the Emperor Frederick III. to Reuchlin, who was sent embassador to him. Paulus Jovius relates a plea|sant story of one Jason Mainus, a student of Pavia, whose extravagance having brought him to a goal was oblig'd to deposit a manuscript Codex Juris on parchment, into the hands of an usurer, in order to procure his enlargement: Petrarch's rhetoric master likewise, by pledging two vo|lumes of Cicero's works, sav'd himself from a prison.

As this excessive price tempted some to purchase estates by the sale of their books, and exchange learning for money; so the learned at that time freely parted with their wealth to procure those invaluable remains of antiquity, out of a generous design to communicate them to the world.

THE Transcribers now had a favourable opportunity of enriching them|selves, which they might have enjoy'd much longer, had not they (possess'd with the most mercenary views) done an incredible, and in some cases ir|recoverable

damage to learning, by mutilating and corrupting the best authors: hence arise those frequent complaints against their negligence and ignorance, which have cost the learned an infinite deal of labour to remedy: to evince this the following instance will suffice.

JOHN ANDREAS, bishop of Aleria, one of the greatest criticks of that age, tells Pope Paul II. in his dedication prefix'd to Pliny's Natural History * 1.3, printed at Rome in the house of the Maximis by Panaratz and Sweyn|heim, anno 1470, that tho' he had spent nine whole years in cor|recting that author; yet ninety more would not compleat a correct edi|tion. This demonstrates what difficulties the republick of learning en|counter'd with at it's revival; namely, the scarcity and excessive price of books, and the sordidness of the Transcribers, from whose hands they came so maim'd and incorrect, that the great Printer Stephens truly said, they were a plague to the purchaser. These were motives sufficient to ex|cite the Inventors of this Art to a discovery so beneficial to the world, and of such honour and advantage to themselves: who those excellent persons were, and where it was made, will come under our enquiry in its proper place. And here the reader will find just cause of wonder, that this Art, which has been stiled the nurse and preserver of arts and sciences, should (if I may use the expression) be so forgetful of itself, as not to leave us the least sketch of its own history, the inventors being more ambitious of deserving, than of purchasing praise. Some light indeed we receive in this affair from a few inscriptions used by Faust at the end of his first prin|ted books, to this purpose. This present work, with all its embellishments, &c. was done, not with pen and ink, &c. but by a new invented Art of cast|ing Letters, Printing, &c. by me John Faust and my son-in-law Peter Schoeffer in the famous city of Mentz upon the Rhine, anno—: but re|course must be had to the writers of those times for the history of this In|vention. Many cities have contended for the glory of it, and engaged the learned in defence of their claim; but those on the side of Harlem have manag'd the controversy with great warmth, and charged Faust the Inven|tor with robbing his supposed master Laurence John Coster of many thou|sand weight of his materials, on Christmas-Eve, when the whole family and city were in prayer at church; with other such ridiculous stories, in|vented meerly to deprive this Great Man of the honour, which he had so

long incontestably enjoy'd. Had this been publish'd in his life-time, when he might have defended himself, or presently after his death, when his son-in-law or some of his friends might have done it for him, he had undoubtedly been clear'd; but such an accusation was not hinted till 125 years after, and then grounded only on suspicion, as Dr. Junius owns * 1.4, who was the first that attempted to transfer this Discovery from Mentz to Harlem. However Faust's name died not with him, tho' some Dutch wri|ters made use of his art to asperse his memory: and others of seve|ral nations rose immediately in his defence; in particular the learned Ma|lincrot, dean of Munster, in his treatise De Ortu & Progressu Artis Typogra|phicae, has not only refuted what was advanc'd on the other side, but made such researches after the old monuments of the Art, and collected so great a variety of testimonies, supported by undeniable facts, as seem at once to determine the controversy. Boxhorn indeed attempted an answer; but whoever reads it over, cannot but be convinc'd, that an over-fondness for his country's honour has made him deaf to the most evident demonstrati|ons of his antagonist. However as he and his followers, have given up the point as to separate Metal Types in favour of John Faust, and lay claim only to the invention of Printing on Blocks of Wood, which they affirm to have been stoln from Coster by Faust, whose next invention they would have to be only an improvement of the former; I shall give the reader an idea of both, and shew the difference between those first essays of Printing, and that perfect one, which succeeded and continues to this day.

CHAP. II. An Account of the different Manners of Printing by Blocks of Wood, and separate Metal Types.

TIS agreed by most writers on this subject, that about the year 1440, several attempts were made by some persons, with vast expence and labour, which prov'd abortive; but that the discovery of separate Metal Types was not brought to perfection till about the year 1450. We find that their first essays were by carving or cutting letters with a sharp-pointed knife upon Blocks of Wood, each Block containing a page or one side of a leaf; that instead of the common

Ink, which is the sort they first us'd, they invented a more glutinous one which succeeded better, being less apt to spread; that they pasted the two white sides of each leaf together, to make them look like single leaves: but of this I shall have occasion to speak more particularly in some of the fol|lowing chapters. In the mean time I shall endeavour to demonstrate that this invention has not that merit for ingenuity, usefulness, or novelty, which the Dutch writers boast of.

WITH respect to the first, the only requisites are a tolerable genius, sharp tools, and a good copy: as to its usefulness, the only advantage resulting from it, is, that whatever the book be, the forms remain intire, so that as many editions as the author pleases may be printed without the expence of a new composition; but on the other hand, if we consider that those forms are of no use to any other work, and the time and expence in cutting them very great, with the great space so many Pages of Wood must take up, we shall perceive the necessity of inventing moveable Me|tal Types: But farther, this method of Printing was far from being no|vel, it is even demonstrable from authentick testimonies to have been pra|ctis'd in China and Japan, above four centuries before it was known in Europe: it is not easy, I grant, to prove that we receiv'd it from them, because of their vast distance, and the little commerce between us before the year 1440: yet there is no impossibility, but that it might have been brought us by some merchant either by the way of Muscovy or the Red-Sea, the Persian Gulph or Arabia: of which opinion I could mention many authors. Gonzala de Mendosa, in his history of the Marvels of China, written in Spanish, Book III. Chap. 16; and Martin Martini in his Atlas Sinensis, tell us, that they could prove by good arguments, that the In|vention of Guns, of the Loadstone and Printing was known to us by their means. What adds to the probability of my conjecture is, that the Chi|nese to this day send with their goods, printed papers in the manner of our shop-keepers hand-bills, several of which I have seen; and 'tis not impossi|ble but the hint of Printing on Blocks of Wood might have been taken this way.

WHOEVER has a just idea of the genius of the Chinese and Japonese, will own their capacity to have invented the method of Printing with separate types, if their manner of writing had admitted it; but as they are known to write, not with letters, as other nations, but with characters, each of

which stands for a whole word; and that the number of those characters a|mount at least to 10,000, (tho' some authors reckon above 40,000); it would be impossible to have cases large enough to contain 'em, besides the insuperable difficulty of distinguishing and retaining them in memo|ry. To return from this digression, let us now take a short view of the other new and more expeditious method.

IF we duely consider it in all its branches, it will evidently appear the result of no small study, time and cost. The cutting the counter-punches and punches and sinking them into the matrices, the adjusting them to the mould, that curious piece of mechanism, for casting single letters; the difficulty of the whole manual operation of Letter-founding: in the Prin|ting, the disposition of the cases, the curious contrivance of the several parts of the work between the compositors, correctors and press-men, &c. add to all this the fine invention of the Printing-press, so admirable for its mechanical fabrick, together with the curious apparatus necessary for a Printing-house, for an explication of whose terms we must refer to the second volume of this work: these are things which require a genius vast|ly superior to devise, better hands to execute, greater forecast to obviate, and readiness to remedy all unexpected defects, more time and patience to go thro' all its various parts, more resolution to overcome all difficulties, and lastly the expences necessary to this invention vastly larger than those of the former; and consequently we shall be far from thinking an interval of ten years too long, but rather admire that such a prodigious design could be contriv'd and perfected in so short a time.

WHAT has been said on this head, will sufficiently demonstrate the dis|parity between these two methods, and convince the reader how much the former is inferior in every respect to the latter; nay, if we dare rely on the judgment of the learned, we should scarce think it worthy the name of Printing, since it has nothing common with it except the ink; and even a rowler, cover'd with cloath, would supply the place of a press to print their Pages of Wood.

NOW whether it be Faust or Coster, who practis'd this method on wood first, whether Mentz, Harlem, or any other city, gave it first encourage|ment; whether the afore-nam'd persons had the hint from China, or hap|pen'd on it accidentally, (tho' if we admit of the latter supposition, Faust and Mentz have the better title); this must be granted from what has

been said, that by Printing we do not understand the method of Printing on Blocks of Wood claim'd by Harlem, but the present Art of Printing by separate Metal Types, which is so justly admir'd for its expeditious and correct way of preserving and propagating knowledge; and to which we owe the improvements made in most arts and sciences for near three cen|turies past.

HENCE it appears how little reason the Dutch writers have to value them|selves upon an imaginary victory, which, were it granted in its fullest ex|tent, would be despicable in comparison of the other. Yet Boxhorn in his Theatrum Hollandiae, page 142. places his hero Coster in a kind of tri|umphal chariot, dragging his vanquish'd enemies the Germans and French after him, with a pompous inscription, which I think worthy the cu|rious readers notice * 1.5. He exults as if every sentence in that book was demonstration, and imposes an eternal silence on all those nations, which have appear'd in defence of Mentz, in a stanza of short verses after the manner of Claudian, which for its singularity is likewise here quoted † 1.6. However, I perswade my self that two or three of the following chap|ters will convince us of the vanity of these triumphs, unless this piece of divinity and poetry compos'd by Scriverius shall alter our sentiments; it contains four verses, to be plac'd under Coster's statue, and cited in the Theatrum Holland. abovementioned p. 156 * 1.7. I shall only inform the English reader, that the author of them pronounces it as rank atheism to deny Coster the glory of this invention, as to deny God that of the creation. I shall now leave Harlem and the Dutch writers, and pass over to the city

of Mentz, to examine the testimonies brought in favour of her, after having return'd Boxhorn four lines from a learned Italian poet, who may be suppos'd a more impartial witness in this controversy * 1.8.

CHAP. III. Testimonies of writers from the middle of the 15th century in favour of John Faust.

MALINCROT hath collected the testimonies of writers on either side of the controversy, from the promulgation of the art to the time in which he wrote. viz. ann. 1640. and rang'd them in the begin|ning of his book in the following order.

Those who declar'd for Mentz, before the dispute was started by Dr. Junius, and quoted by him in that work	62
Those, who have written on the same side since Junius	47
	109
Those who have written in favour of Harlem	13
Those who are neuters	11

BY this list 'tis manifest where the advantage lies as to numbers, but lest so many testimonies should be thought tedious, it will not we hope be improper to select the most considerable, especially from those au|thors, who wrote soon after the discovery, and were better acquainted with this matter, than those who liv'd any time after it, and may be just|ly suppos'd to have follow'd their predecessors. But I would therefore avoid, as much as possible, clogging or interrupting the thread of this history. I shall only extract the most material authorities out of them, and in such a manner as shall be consistent with it, by inserting the passages themselves in the notes, that the reader may use his plea|sure either in reading or omitting them.

BUT before I proceed any farther, it will be necessary to obviate an ob|jection, that will infallibly occur to the reader's mind; which is, that in mentioning the first inventors of printing in the two preceding chapters, I have not so much as nam'd John Guttenbergh: whereas the greatest part of the authors, whom we are about to quote, place him in the first rank, and mention only the other two as co-adjutors to him. In answer to this it will be sufficient for the present to say, that the sequel of this History will shew that Guttenbergh had no other share in this invention, than by fur|nishing the other two with necessary supplies to defray the great charges of it; and that the authors of the Mentz and Cologn Chronicle, whom the rest seem to have follow'd in this, as also the learned antiquary Tri|themius, have certainly confounded Guttenbergh with Faust, that is, mi|stook the one for the other, as will hereafter appear in its proper place.

OF all the authors, to whom the world is indebted for a particular ac|count of this Discovery, Abbot Trithemius justly claims the pre-eminence, both upon the account of his living nearest the time of this discovery, which he tells us happen'd in his younger years 1 1.9, as well as for his care to derive his intelligence from its origin. We have two noble testimo|nies out of his Chronicle; the one from the first part, intitled Chronicon Spanheimense, where 2 1.10 speaking of the year 1450 he says;

"That about this time the Art of Printing and Casting Single Types was found out a-new in the city of Mentz by one John Guttenberg, who having spent his whole estate in this difficult discovery, by the assistance and advice of some honest men, John Faust and others, brought his undertaking at length to perfection: that the first Improver of this Art, after the In|ventor, was Peter Schoeffer (in Latin Opilio) de Gernsheim, who after|wards printed a great many volumes: that the said Guttenberg liv'd at Mentz in a house call'd then Zum-junghen, but afterward known by the name of the Printing House."

But lest the reader should be

startled at the word a-new (de novo) it will be requisite to acquaint him that Trithemius was in all probability of the same opinion with some other writers, who from a passage of St. Cyprian misunderstood, wherein the invention of Printing (by which is meant no more than that of stamping of Letters and Hieroglyphicks upon Medals, Coins, &c.) is attributed to Saturn, took occasion to reckon it among the artes perditae, and conse|quently esteem'd this rather a revival of the art than a new discovery; but he sufficiently retracts that error in the next passage we shall quote from him, which was not wrote till many years after, and that from a more diligent enquiry into the discovery and merit of this new, and till then unheard of, Art; for this will appear from his words as you will see immediately.

THIS next passage, which is fuller, and for its singularity and decisive|ness deserves to be set down at length, is taken out of the second part of Trithemius's Chronicle, intitled Chronicon Hirsaugiense. This book was un|known to the learned till the year 1690. when the Benedictins of the monast|ery of St. Gall in Switzerland beg'd leave to publish it from the original manuscript, which had lain hid all that time. The Abbot wrote this to|wards the close of his life, after he had been inform'd of many particu|lars, relating to this invention, from the mouth of Peter Schoeffer (in En|glish, Shepherd) sirnam'd de Gernsheim, to whom Faust, for the many helps he had receiv'd from him, namely, in devising Punches, Matrices, and Moulds for casting their Metal Types (in which the main perfection of the Art consisted) gave his only daughter Christina in marriage, and from a servant took him into partnership with him, as appears by the inscriptions to the first books publish'd by them, of which we have given a sketch already. The passage is as follows 1 1.11.

"About this time (ann.

1450.) in the city of Mentz in Germany upon the Rhine, and not in Italy, as some writers falsly affirm'd, the wonderful and till then un|known Art of Printing Books by Metal Types [characterizandi] was in|vented and devis'd by John Guttenberg, citizen of Mentz; who having almost exhausted his whole estate in contriving of this new Method, and labouring under such insuperable difficulties, in one respect or other, that he began to despair of, and to throw up the whole design; was at length assisted with the advice and purse of John Faust, another ci|tizen of Mentz, and happily brought it to perfection. Having there|fore begun with cutting characters of the letters upon wooden planks, in their right order, and compleated their forms, they printed the vo|cabulary intitled Catholicon; but could make no farther use of those forms, because there was no possibility of separating the letters, which were engraven on the planks, as we hinted before. To this succeeded a more ingenious invention; for they found out a way of stamping the shapes of every letter of the Latin Alphabet, in what they call Matri|ces, from which they afterwards cast their letters, either in copper or tin, hard enough to be printed upon, which they first cut with their own hands. It is certain this art met with no small difficulties from the beginning of its invention, as I heard 30 years ago from the mouth of Peter Schoeffer de Gernsheim, citizen of Mentz, and Son-in-law to the first Inventor of the Art. For when they went about printing the Bible, before they had work'd off the third quire, it had cost them already above 4000 florins. But the afore-mention'd Peter Schoeffer, then ser|vant and afterwards Son-in-law to the first Inventor John Faust, as we hinted before, being a person of great ingenuity, discover'd an easier method of casting letters, and perfected the art as we now have it. These three kept this manner of printing very secret for some time,

until it was divulg'd by their servants, without whose help it was im|possible to manage the business, who carry'd it first to Strasburg, and by degrees all over Europe.—Thus much will suffice concerning the discovery of this wonderful art, the first inventors of which were citizens of Mentz.—These three first discoverers of printing, viz. John Guttenberg, John Faust and Peter Schoeffer his Son-in-law, liv'd at Mentz, in a house then call'd Zum-junghen, but ever since known by the name of the Printing-house."

FROM this authentick testimony, I shall beg leave to make the follow|ing observations, viz. 1. That when the author concluded his Chronicle, ann. 1514. two years before his death, and above 64 years after the disco|very, this invention was indisputably ascrib'd to Mentz; he says indeed that some writers had attributed it to Italy, but without any foundation; and therefore he rejects this notion as absolutely false. Yet Junius, as has been already hinted, first started a dispute in favour of Harlem, almost 130 years after the art became known; and after him Dr. Mentel began another in favour of Strasburgh, ann. 1650, both which shall be answer'd in their places.

THE next observation is, that tho' the passage quoted out of his first Chronicle seems to be taken, if not copy'd out of that of Mentz, which is likewise a very antient and authentick monument, yet our author seems not to have been satisfy'd with it, till he had it confirm'd by surer hands. Other authors indeed have written concerning the origin of this art, ac|cording to the best memoirs they could procure, whether true or false; but our author alone has been at the pains to fetch his information from the fountain head, and deliver'd the particulars of it, as he receiv'd 'em from the principal agent in the invention, in the quotation from his second Chronicle: so that his testimony, were it the only one we could pro|duce for Mentz, ought still to be esteem'd unquestionable and de|cisive.

ANOTHER particular worth our observation is, that tho' he mentions two books as printed immediately upon the discovery, viz. the Catholicon and the Bible, yet he sufficiently shews the difference between the methods of their impression; the former being done upon wooden planks, cut with a knife after the Chinese manner, as our wooden cutts are done now; whereas the Bible was printed with separate types, which, as we shew'd in

the preceding chapter, is the only way that merits the name of Printing. This seems plainly intimated by the words in the citation before-mentioned, When they came to print the Bible; and by the vast expence they had been at before they finish'd the third quire of it: from which it is evident, that this sacred book was the first work of consequence which the authors of this art made choice of to signalize the first-fruits of their invention.

THE last thing I would observe is, that tho' Trithemius gives the prece|dency of this discovery to John Guttenbergh, in the beginning of this pas|sage, yet within a few lines after, he twice gives the title of The first inven|tor of Printing to John Faust; which contradiction cannot be well recon|cil'd otherwise, than by supposing that he, thro' inadvertency, wrote the name of John Guttenberg instead of John Faust and this is far from being improbable, since their christian names are the same: and tho' he again puts Guttenbergh first, when he speaks of the house in which they liv'd, yet this might be done only out of respect to him, either as being a knight (according to the writers of that time), or because he was the most opulent of the three, and had contributed most to the charges of the in|vention.

THIS must be allow'd, unless we could suppose that the editor having compar'd the two passages together, namely, that out of the first, and this out of the second Chronicle, had corrected, as he imagin'd, the lat|ter by the former, upon a suspicion, that the author writing the last al|most 30 years after he had receiv'd the account from Schoeffer, might have mistaken one name for the other; but to be certain of this, it would be ne|cessary to consult the original. However, what confirms me in my conje|cture is, that the author or his editor have committed a mistake, and that Guttenberg had no other interest in the discovery than by assisting them with money to promote the design, is, the law-suit which he commenc'd against Faust at Mentz about the money expended, and the judgment of the court thereupon; of which the learned Salmuth has given the follow|ing account in his appendix to Pancirol's commentaries 1 1.12; and this may

be esteem'd another pregnant testimony for Faust, since 'tis extracted from an original record of the law-suit. The narrative as related by our author is as follows.

"ABOUT this time there liv'd at Mentz one John Guttenbergh, born of honest parents, who dwelt next door to John Faust: he observing this famous art of Printing was not only cry'd up every where, but also very gainful, contracted a friendship with Faust; and being ex|ceeding rich, offer'd to supply him with money to defray the charges of it, which was gladly accepted by Faust, who began to find the ex|pence grow too fast upon him, and wanted vellum to print a work then in hand. Upon this he agrees and covenants with Guttenbergh, that whatever sums were laid out in the work, should turn to their common profit or loss. But because Faust had dispos'd of more money then Guttenbergh imagin'd the business would require, he refused to pay his moiety; upon which a dissension arose between them, and they summon'd each other before the judges at Mentz. The parties being heard, it was decreed, that if Faust would make oath, that all the money which he had borrow'd, had been expended in carrying on the common busi|ness, and that he had converted no part thereof to his own private uses; Guttenbergh should be oblig'd to pay him. Faust submitted to this de|cree; as may evidently be prov'd from an original instrument still extant, which was drawn Nov. 6. ann. 1455. by Uldric Helmosperger,

a notary publick, pursuant to the said sentence. Hence it manifestly follows that Guttenbergh was in no wise the inventor or first author of Printing; but that he had been admitted by Faust into partnership with him some few years after the discovery of the art, and had lent him money to prosecute the design.—Guttenbergh being cast, and oblig'd to pay cost and charges, and new quarrels arising daily be|tween Faust and him, and he having seen and learn'd the business, as it was impossible that among so many hands requisite to the carrying on of the art, it should continue longer a secret, which probably God would not suffer it to be, he [Guttenbergh] went off to Strasburg, taking some of the workmen along with him. After this breach, o|thers having learn'd the art from Faust, left him, and settled some at Frankfort, and others elsewhere; especially when the city of Mentz, was taken 1 1.13 ann. 1462. and depriv'd of all its former liberties, where|by this excellent art became more publick and universally known."

Thus far Salmuth, whose account is confirm'd by the author of the En|comium Chalcographiae 2 1.14. J. Arnold Bergellanus (who wrote an elegy upon the dissension between those two persons, in which he seems to favour Guttenbergh more than Faust, and to have follow'd Wimpheling; who out of love to his fellow-citizen, for he represents Guttenbergh as born at Strasburgh, and not to have remov'd to Mentz, till he had almost per|fected the art) makes him the chief person in this discovery; yet menti|ons both the law-suit and the decree, as well as the deed before men|tion'd; but differs from Salmuth in affirming that the law-suit was not yet ended when he wrote his book, which might arise from Guttenbergh's hanging it upon the hooks, and escaping to Strasburgh, as Salmuth ob|serves, or to Harlem, as others believe. However, this is evident, and a|greed on by all hands, that there was an end at once to all their part|nership, into which he was only admitted for the sake of his purse, which was absolutely necessary to Faust.

FROM all these testimonies, which are not only quoted, but strongly assented to by the judicious Malincrot 3 1.15, I shall make one or two remarks in favour of Mentz and Faust, which are; 1. that among all the learn|ed

I have convers'd with, whose curiosity hath lead them to search into the rise and progress of Printing, and all the writers upon this subject I could ever meet with, not one has pretended to have seen any book printed in John Guttenbergh's name, even in the oldest monuments re|maining of the infancy of this art, whether printed upon wood, or by separate metal types: 2. That on the contrary, where there is any men|tion made of either printer or place, it is still in Faust's and Schoeffer's name.

THEREFORE until there is some better proof of Guttenbergh's name, ei|ther jointly with the other two, or separately, or some book produc'd with it, it seems evident beyond contradiction, that the glory of this in|vention is wholly due to John Faust, and the improving and perfecting it to his son-in-law Peter Schoeffer, exclusive of John Guttenbergh: this I hope, will suffice to justify my conjecture, that either Trithemius mistook the names, or the editor of his second chronicle chang'd them, to make it agree with his first, and to sa••••sfy the reader, that I had good rea|sons and authority to forbear mentioning Guttenbergh among the first in|ventors: I shall only add with respect to the learned Salmuth that he prefaces this account with a succinct relation of the improvements which the ingenious Peter Schoeffer made to the art, as the invention of Punch|es, Matrices, &c. as likewise of the difficulties which they met afresh, by reason of the softness of the metal in which they had cast their first types, and of his finding out a new mixture which fully answer'd the de|sign: lastly that Faust was so pleas'd with his servants ingenuity, that he made him his son-in-law. This passage which I have here subjoin'd 1 1.16 is so exactly like that out of Trithemius's second Chronicle that one might easily be induc'd to think he had copy'd it from him, were it not that this letter was neither printed or indeed known, till almost a whole cen|tury

after Salmuth wrote, as appears by Camerarius's letter prefix'd to his book, and dated from Nuremberg ann. 1596.

THE learned Wimpheling claims the next rank, as being contempora|ry with Trithemius, and a no less diligent searcher after the memorable things of his own country. He wrote his book ann. 1502 or 1504, wherein is the following account, viz.

"That in the year 1440, when Ferdinand was Emperor of the Romans, that great and almost divine gift, the discovery of a new way of writing, was bestow'd upon man|kind by John Guttenbergh; who having first invented the art of Print|ing, went afterwards to Mentz, where he perfected it."

—The rest of the passage, which relates chiefly to the promulgation of the art, and the Printers who enrich'd and signaliz'd themselves by it, we shall refer to the second book, to which it properly belongs.

I have already remark'd something of Wimpheling's partiality to his own city Strasburg: and indeed 'tis what the reader may observe in all authors, whose country laid the least claim to this invention; Faust for having carry'd on the business with all possible secresy, and scarce be|ing known out of his own city till the dispersion of his workmen; they, wherever they settled, challeng'd to themselves the honour of this disco|very, or at least of being co-adjutors to the inventor, as we shall shew in its proper place. However the reader will see with pleasure how our author retracts his too great liberality to his fellow-citizen, in another work, viz. his catalogue of the Bishops of Strasburg, wherein he ex|presses himself thus:

"Under that Bishop Robert of Bavaria was the no|ble art of Printing found out by a certain Strasburgher, tho' in an imperfect manner; but upon his going to Mentz unto other practiti|oners of that art, by the directions of one John Gensfleich, an old gen|tleman blind with age, the art was perfected, in the house call'd Gut|tenbergh in [English Good-hill] where the College of Lawyers now stands, to the eternal honour of the German nation."

THERE is no need to observe to the reader, the difference between this passage and the former; nor to inquire whether it was out of re|morse, or upon better information, that the author gave this latter ac|count; but it will be proper to remark, that Gensfleich is another name given by several writers to Faust, or perhaps a nick-name which he was known by, it signifying goose-flesh: so that our author has attributed to

him at least the glory of having practis'd the art at Mentz before Gutten|bergh came, and to have directed him in perfecting what he had in vain attempted at Strasburg. The reader may likewise observe that Gutten|bergh seems to have been thus denominated from the house so call'd, in which Faust and he carried on the business, till their mutual discords parted them.

JOHN NAUCLERUS author of the universal history, which is divided into generations, 1 1.17 tells us, that this art of Printing with metal types was discover'd at Mentz under the Emperor Ferdinand III. ann. 1440; and extols the genius of Germany, as for other glorious inventions, such as Guns, &c. so more particularly for this of Printing, which he makes a large encomium upon. He liv'd near the times of this invention, viz. ann. 1450, and tho' he mentions not the authors of it, yet since he says it was discover'd at Mentz ann. 1440, it is plain he could mean none but Faust, seeing no books were printed there for many years after, but by him and his son-in-law.

NEITHER have the poets of those times been wanting in celebrating this invention, from which alone they and their works could expect that immortality, which they confer upon the Great and Good. We have quoted some of them in the preceding chapter, as Laurentius Valla an Italian, and Sebastian Brand a German; tho' this last being a native of Strasburgh, and afterwards Mayor of that city, we will not pretend to de|termine whether what he sings of the Rhenish nation and the German ge|nius be meant of Mentz or his own city: however 'tis evident that he ne|ver dreamt of Holland or Harlem. But let us now hear Conrad Celt, the first German Poet-Laureat, who speaking of the river Rhine has the follow|ing Tetrastich upon the city of Mentz 2 1.18;

Jamque Mogunciacam vastus te flectis in urbem, Quae prima impressas tradidit aere notas; Qualem ego te memorem? talem qui invenerit artem, Italicis, Graiis plus memorande viris.

IN another elegy he expresses his desire of visiting that famous city, which had taught the Germans this excellent method of writing without * 1.19

pen, &c. I hope to be excus'd the pains of a larger collection of this nature; the reader may find plenty of such poetical encomiums upon this art in Malinkrot's history, chap. 2. and elsewhere. But I cannot omit in|serting a short passage out of the famous Swedish poet Nicodemus Frischlin, who in his Julius Redivivus, a comedy in praise of Germany and the Art of Printing, has these lines,

—primus Inventor [Typographiae] Moguntiae Vixit, fatale nomen adeptus Fausti.—

soon after which he gives an elegant description of the wonderful change produc'd by this art: which render'd the Germans, (before a rude and il|literate people) able to teach the most polite nations of Europe, by its ad|mirable quickness in multiplying of books, which is elegantly express'd by Campanus bishop of Aleria in this verse,

Imprimit illa die quantum non scribitur anno.

To return to the historians of later date; Peter Apian, who for his in|comparable skill in mathematicks had the honour to be tutor to the Em|peror Charles V. assures us 1 1.20 that Mentz, a frontier town between high and low Germany, was the place where Printing was discover'd by John Faust, ann. 1453. Sebastian Munster, another Cosmographer, gives a larger account of this invention 2 1.21, tho' he seems to follow Trithemius and those who place Guttenbergh at the head of the triumvirate: his words are these,

"From the year 1440 to the year 1450 the noble Art of Printing was discover'd at Mentz; thence it was carry'd to Cologn, then to Stras|burgh, Basil, and at last to Venice. Its first author and inventor was John Guttenbergh, otherwise call'd Zumjungen, who had two other citizens for assistants, viz. John Faust and John Medimbach, who kept this art very secret, having sworn their servants not to divulge it."

Mutius, who wrote his German Chronicle ann. 1539 attributes the in|vention of Guns, and soon after that of Printing, to Mentz. But the most illustrious testimony in favour of Faust, is that of the great collector of German antiquities John Aventine, to this purpose: 1 1.22

"In the year 1450 John Faust, citizen of Mentz in Germany, confer'd on man|kind a great and truly divine gift, viz. a new method of writing, undoubtedly reveal'd to him from heaven, commonly call'd Chalco|graphy or Printing, which he invented and perfected within the space of two years. This gentleman, like an indulgent father, study'd how to preserve learning and excellent Books to posterity, which must o|therwise have perish'd, thro' the carelessness and indolence of these times; had not this art (by which one man can print as many pages in a day, as several hands can write in a year,) quoted before, given new vigour to men's genius, made learning flourish, render'd books so cheap as to be a purchase for students of the lowest fortunes, and excited men to the study of arts and sciences by the plenty of learned works which it hath afforded us. This divine invention was kept pri|vate by John Faust and Peter Schoeffer de Gernsheim, to whom he had given his only daughter Christina in marriage; and all their workmen were bound by an oath not to disclose it. Ten years after this, John Guttenbergh of Strasburgh, one of Faust's servants, divulg'd it in Ger|many. Ulric Han a fellow-citizen of his, and Xyxtus Resius brought it to Rome and Italy; where, within my memory, Aldus Manutius, a person design'd for the restoration of learning, signaliz'd himself, &c."

The remainder of this passage chiefly relates to the dispersion and pro|mulgation of the art; and therefore is unnecessary to be set down here. There is but one thing in this quotation that can puzzle the reader; which is, that the author makes Guttenbergh to have been one of Faust's servants, instead of his partner and usurer as has been shewed already; in the rest he exactly agrees with the writers quoted before. With respect to the disagreement among authors concerning the names of the first inventors, if we remember that Guttenbergh, to evade the sentence pro|nounc'd against him at Mentz, departed with some of Faust's workmen to Strasburgh, it will not appear improbable that some, who wrote at a distance, might confound him with those servants, especially considering that his name was never in any Book printed at Mentz. However 'tis plain that a place of one writer mistaken by another, has been the occasi|on of leading many more, who have follow'd him implicitely, into the same error. An instance of this, which will be no digression from our history, is as follows.

THE authors who have follow'd Peter Ramus, from Sabellicus, Zurin|ger, &c. down to Paul Pater, author of the treatise De Germaniae Mira|culo [the Art of Printing] publish'd ann. 1709 have ascrib'd this inven|tion to J. Regiomontanus, and thought they did the Art no small honour, in making so great a Mathematician its author. What seem'd to con|firm their opinion was, that Faust, Guttenbergh and he were contempo|raries, and 'tis probable, liv'd near each other; tho' he afterwards re|mov'd to Nurembergh. What made this still more probable was, that Regiomontanus perfectly understood Mechanicks, so that, as it is said, he made an iron Flyspring from under his hand; fly round the room with a humming noise, and return back under his hand; he is likewise report|ed to have made a wooden Eagle, which flew from Nurembergh to meet the Emperor, hover'd over his head in a tonick motion, and went back the same way with him. It would be dangerous now to assert the truth of these stories, since such flights of ingenuity have been so long discou|rag'd, to make way for more useful inventions; yet Jul. Scaliger was so far from doubting of them, that he pretends to have found out the Art, and bragg'd that he could perform the like with a wet finger. Howe|ver this was sufficient to persuade our authors that Regiomontanus, repu|ted so universal an artist, was most probably the person who invented

the method of Printing, and communicated it to Faust and Guttenbergh; in consequence of which they have plac'd him at the head of the other two. Nevertheless this notion seems to take its rise from a passage in Purbach's tables, wherein 'tis said that the discovery of Printing is to be refer'd to the times of Regiomontanus, as Malinkrot has fully prov'd. This story, I hope, will both convince the reader of the danger of fol|lowing an author too implicitely, and justify my differin from the ge|nerality of those who attribute the discovery to John Guttenbergh, whose opinion I apprehend to be sufficiently confuted. Setting aside this mis|take of P. Ramus with respect to Regiomontanus, he agrees with the rest of our other testimonies in favour of Faust; and I conceive it to be not in the least improbable, that the inventors might, in such a variety of tools, implements, and other things necessary to the perfecting this Art, have recourse to him or some other ingenious person, for advice and assistance.

HOWEVER it is certain that Regiomontanus was a very early printer, tho' not taken notice of as such by any writer I have met with. I did indeed believe him to have been an assistant in perfecting of the Art, but never could meet with any sufficient authority to fix the honour up|on him, till I was admitted into the Library of the Right Hon. the Earl of Pembroke, whom I beg leave to take this first opportunity of mention|ing with honour and gratitude, not only for his great condescension in allowing me a free access to his noble Collections of antient Editions, but likewise for several very curious hints upon this subject, which shall be mention'd in their proper places; here it was that his Lordship was pleas'd to shew me the following great curiosity, viz. Manilius in 4to. with these words at the end.

Ex Ossicina Johannis de Regiomente in Nuremberg.

THE antiquity of this curious Edition shews it self at first sight, tho' there be no date to it, a circumstance much to be lamented, tho' too common to many of those antient monuments in the infancy of the Art. I must therefore be oblig'd to rank it with the rest of these dateless works, of which I shall have occasion to speak in the sequel of this history: it is evident this is an older edition than that mention'd by Fabricius of 1474,

which 'tis reasonable to suppose, not only by his being contemporary with, but assistant to, Faust in perfecting this art: however as Regiomontanus was a man of such profound skill in astronomy, mechanicks, and several other branches of learning, I am willing to hope time will bring forth some further testimonies concerning him.

BUT what convinces me that he had no share in the first discovery of the Art, is that in his long dedication prefix'd to his Astronomical Tables, the first piece he ever publish'd, which I have seen, and which is de|dicated to the Primate of Hungary, he doth not make the least men|tion of his having been concern'd in such a noble discovery, which it is reasonable to suppose he would have done, could he have claim'd such a singular piece of merit to have recommended him to so great a patron; especially when he expatiates so much upon the difficulties that attended the work he dedicates to him: but to return.

I apprehend a probable objection against the testimonies before quoted (which are scarce a fourth part of those collected by Malinkrot,) that they are taken from Germans, who may be reasonably suppos'd too par|tial to their country, and consequently less to be relied on than fo|reign writers, whose authority would be of far greater weight in this case. This I shall obviate by shewing, that learned authors of other nations are consistent with the Germans in this particular. I have alrea|dy cited two poets, the one an Italian, the other a Swede; the former of whom ascribes this discovery to Germany, and the latter to John Faust of Mentz. My next design is to produce some of those, who are emi|nent for their enquiries into the antiquities of their own and other coun|tries. At the head of these stands Polydore Vergil, an Italian, who in his Book de Rerum Inventoribus, after an elegant encomium upon the Art, and a description of its important benefits to mankind, proceeds thus

"Wherefore that the author of such a discovery may not be depriv'd of his due praise, and that posterity may know to whom we are in|debted * 1.23

for this divine gift; it was John Guttenbergh, by nation a Ger|man, and a Knight, who first devis'd this Art of Printing Books in the city of Mentz, and began to practise it there, as we have been inform'd by the citizens themselves; he is reported likewise to have made another discovery, viz. of a new kind of Ink, us'd now by all printers. Sixteen years after this, ann. 1457, one Conrad a Ger|man, brought it first to Rome, &c."

—Our author makes no men|tion of any but Guttenbergh; yet as he says the Art was first practis'd at Mentz, 'tis plain from what has been said before, that he deserv'd not the first name in this invention. The citizens who gave this account, were certainly those that dispers'd themselves from Faust; who, though they learn'd the Art of him, yet might esteem Guttenbergh the first au|thor, because he was most considerable; and not unlikely lorded it over the rest, who he knew, could not carry on the business without his purse; whilst Faust, whose chief care was to conceal the Art, till he had reim|burs'd himself so far as to be able to carry it on without his help, might let him enjoy the honour of the discovery in the mean time. What confirms my conjecture is, that if Conrad arriv'd at Rome in the year 1457 he must have left Mentz before Faust and Schoeffer had printed a|ny Books with their names. However in this case Faust would not be the only man, whose indigence and honesty have been inducements to part with the credit of a beneficial discovery to a person of less merit, rather than to let it die with him, for want of means to carry it on.

THE following author Jacobus Philippus Bergomensis,* 1.24 who is doubtful concerning the genuine inventor, may easily be set right, from what has been already said. He tells us,

"that the Art of Printing was first brought to light in Germany, about the year 1457; that the dis|covery was by some attributed to Guttenbergh of Strasburgh, by others to one Faust, and by a third sort to Nicholas Genson or Jenson, that the authors of it got immense riches, &c."

With relation to this Jen|son, it will appear by the sequel of this history, that he was only one of those who first carry'd the Art into Italy, where he distinguish'd himself

by his fine impressions, &c. but never made the least pretences to the in|vention. There is no necessity of repeating what has so often been said concerning Guttenbergh, whom Palmerius of Pisa asserts to have been the author of this discovery about the year 1440; his words are as follow:

"1 1.25 What obligations the learned world hath to the German nation, can|not be sufficiently express'd; for the Art of Printing, which had been invented by John Guttenbergh Zum-jungen, a knight of Mentz upon the Rhine, about the year 1440, is at this time (viz. ann. 1457) di|vulg'd almost throughout the world; by which the works of the antients may be purchas'd at a small price, and be read in an infinite number of volumes since printed."

There are a prodigious many more authors, who, tho' they do not mention either the names of the inventors, or the place of the discovery, yet unanimously give the honour of it to Germa|ny; and even Paulus Jovius, who ascribes the invention of wooden planks to the Chinese, from whom it was brought into Europe, by the way of Scythia and Muscovy, when he speaks of the other method of Printing, says, it is no wonder that several arts and sciences owe their birth to the Germans, since the noble discovery, of metal types, as well as that of brass cannons, was found out by them 2 1.26.

MY next testimony is that of the celebrated politician John Ruterus, who not only in his historical relations attributes the invention of Guns and Printing to the German nation, but confirms it more fully in his book de fortuna illustrium virorum, &c. where he says,

"That he will not contend about the author of Printing; but gratefully acknow|ledge the singular gift of God in it, seeing one man can print as much in one day, as the best hand can write in a whole year; for there is scarce (continues he) a Press, especially in the German Printing * 1.27

houses, which doth not print off 3600 sheets per diem, nay some 4000, and others exceed even that number."

I shall conclude this chapter with a passage out of the great Monsieur Thevet, cosmographer to the king of France, not only because his autho|rity will easily out-balance that of all the Dutch writers, but likewise be|cause there are some particulars in it which will be acceptable to the rea|der. As it is something prolix, I shall only extract the most remarkable part, as follows: 1 1.28

"This art [of Printing] is believ'd to have been first invented at Mentz in Germany, about the year 1442. by John Gutten|bergh, a German knight; who began his first essays of it there, and found out a new sort of ink, now us'd by the Printers: but there are some writers of opinion that this honour rather belong'd to John Faust and Ives [in latin Ivo] Schoeffer two years before that time, and affirm that Guttenbergh, John Mentel and others [whose names our author quotes out of Pantaleon] all Germans, improv'd afterwards the art, and divulg'd it in several parts of Germany; and at length carry'd it to fo|reign nations. Others write that this art came originally from China and Cathai; but this assertion is without any foundation, seeing the East-Indies were not discover'd by the Portugese till about 65 years ago; whereas Printing has been invented and practis'd ever since 1442. Paul the Venetian-indeed gave the first description of that country about 400 years ago, but made not the least mention of Printing being us'd there. A confirmation of my opinion is, that the Greeks, Mingrelians, Abyssines, Turks, Persians, Moors, Arabs and Tartars write all their books by hand, this method was ordain'd in Turky by an edict of Ba|jazet II. who prohibited the use of printed books under pain of death ann. 1483; which edict was confirm'd by Selim I. Bajazet's son ann▪ 1515. Besides this, whilst I was in Egypt, I saw several books so neat|ly written on the bark of palm-trees, that they might be taken for printed ones. The merchants, which bring their wares from India through the Red-sea, make use of the same sort of written books, some of which are now to be seen at the library of the Queen dowager at St. German's in the fields near Paris. Others pretend that this art of Printing has been carry'd as far as Mexico, which kingdom is directly

opposite to Cathai, the one being in Asia towards the south, and the other in America towards the north-pole. However it must be own'd that the Americans write with characters, representing several kinds of beasts, fish, fowl, the different parts of human bodies, and the like; by which they express their mind, as the Egyptians did formerly.—I have two of those books by me, with an interpretation of their hiero|glyphicks. The goddess Minerva is said to have been the inventress of learning and war; and the Germans have imitated her in both these respects, by the invention of bombs and printing, which were certain|ly discover'd by them. One fault however that nation labours under, which somewhat eclipses their glory, which is, that they know not how, or at least neglect to improve those inventions, that were so easily found out by them."

—The author proceeds in an encomium up|on the art and those who rais'd it to greater perfection; but that belongs to another chapter.

I hope that the testimonies produc'd hitherto will be more than suffici|ent to fix the palm upon Faust and the city of Mentz; and that the reader will follow me with pleasure to the next chapter, where they will be con|firm'd by incontestable matters of fact.

CHAP. IV. Authentick Facts in favour of Faust and Mentz.

IF the testimonies alledg'd in the preceding chapter are insufficient to convince any person that this invention is due to Faust; what follows in this will, I conceive, put it quite out of doubt, unless he be more in|credulous in this case than a Dutchman: for the great Erasmus has not on|ly own'd himself convinc'd of this truth by one single fact, but even transmitted it to posterity. I shall therefore begin with that noble testi|mony, which is a privilege granted by the Emperor Maximilian to John Schoeffer, grand-son of John Faust, not only for the sole printing the works of T. Livy (at the end of which, the privilege is annex'd, printed by the said John Schoeffer at Mentz, ann. 1499), but likewise prohibiting all persons to reprint either the said book, or any other which should be af|terwards

printed by him, in consideration of his being grand-son to the first Inventor of the art of Printing: concerning whom Erasmus, who first publish'd that work, speaks in his preface to it as follows:

"If those, who furnish'd Origen and St. Jerom with writers and parchments, have merited the highest commendation; what praise is due to Printers and Booksellers, who supply us with whole volumes for a small price? If Ptolemy Philadelphus acquir'd such reputation, for collecting so great a library; what recompence can be made to those, who furnish us daily with books in all languages? But amongst all these, to whom we are so much oblig'd, we must gratefully remember the first inven|tor of this divine secret; John Faust grand father to John Schoeffer."

Thus far Erasmus, without the least mention of his countryman Coster. With respect to the Emperor's priviledge, it could not be suspected of any partiality to Faust rather than to Guttenbergh, or to Mentz rather than Strasburg, &c. since they were equally under his dominion.

THE next fact to be related, is that of the tools, old types, &c. of the inventors, preserv'd in Mentz, above 130 years at least after the sack|ing of that city ann. 1462, and view'd before that time by some eminent persons, as curious relicks of the art: among others, John Arnold Ben|gellanus 1 1.29 assures us, that he had seen them there; and Nic. Serrarius 2 1.30 says, they were then kept at Mentz in a house in the street call'd Keyser's garden, and shewn to him by one Albinus a Printer. We need not bring a greater number of authors to attest this, seeing it may likely be esteem'd but a weak proof by some of our readers; but if they will consider what noise Junius and Scriverius have made about some trifles (compar'd to these) preserv'd at Harlem in memory of Coster, according to a tradi|tion of two or three old gentlemen; they will not wonder that I lay some stress upon this, and choose sometimes to make use of their own wea|pons against them. I shall therefore subjoin another fact, which is the inscription set up at Mentz by Ives of Witigen or Venza, doctor of laws, and professor in that university, in the inner court of the college of law|yers.

Johanni Guttenbergensi Moguntino, qui primus omnium literas ••re imprimendas invenit, hac arte de toto orbe bene merenti, Ivo Witigensis hoc saxum pro monumento posuit, anno 1508. This inscription tho' it favours Guttenbergh more than Faust, is more authentick than any of those three brought by Junius for Coster, the last of which as Malinkrot observes, is either written or at least publish'd by him; the second is but a few years older, and the first not plac'd over Coster's door 'till after Junius had publish'd his description of Holland.

A proof still stronger is the inscriptions found in the oldest books prin|ted at Mentz, wherein that city is styl'd the mother and inventress of printing. If Harlem or any other city could have shewn a juster title to this honour, it is surprizing that this place should have enjoy'd it for above 125 years without the least contradiction, and that no Dutch wri|ter did so much as attempt, in all that long interval, to confute those known and remarkable colophons or inscriptions, which Faust began to print at the end of his books, when he could no longer conceal his discovery; and in which he gives an account of the inventors and manner in which the books were done, first negatively, viz. not with pen and ink or any other writing instruments, and then affirmatively, but by a new art of casting types and printing; to which he adds the city of Mentz as the place where they were printed; and concludes with the date of the month and year when they were finish'd. We shall only subjoin some of the oldest and most remarkable of them for the present.

I begin with that which is at the end of the Codex Psalmorum, printed an. 1457, and consequently the oldest book known to be printed with a date or inscription. It is in the Emperor's library at Vienna; and Peter Lam|bec who was library keeper, gives this account of it 1 1.31; that he met with one of them there printed on vellum, at the end of which was this re|markable account of the origin of printing, viz. This present Book of Psalms, embellish'd with beautiful capitals, and illuminated with all necessary

rubricks, was thus form'd by an ingenious invention of printing by separate Types, without pen or wrinting, and finish'd with great care, for the service of God, by John Faust, citizen of Mentz, and Peter Schoeffer de Gernsheim, in the year of our Lord One Thousand CCCCL VII, on the eve of the assump|tion, i. e. Aug. 14.

THE next impression is the Rationale Divinorum Officiorum of William Durand, printed at Mentz an. 1459. in fol. Malinkrot has it, and tells us that it had been formerly bequeath'd to the monastery of Galilea near Zutphen (a place afterwards destroy'd in the civil wars,) to be kept chain'd in the library; and for which the donors were to be pray'd for, together with their whole generation. The inscription at the end of it being ex|actly the same with that of the Book of Psalms, needs not be repeated here. It is likewise mention'd by Hoffman in the second volume of his Lexicon Universale printed at Basil ann. 1677, who says he saw it in the library of that university, bearing date 1459, he calls it Officiale Duran|di, p. 508, and gives this inscription at the end, praesens hoc, &c. as before.

THE next in date is the Catholicon, a latin vocabulary, the same which is affirm'd by Trithemius to have been printed in wood some time before 1450, and which was reprinted at Mentz ann. 1460. I have seen two of these books, one in the Earl of Pembroke's library, and the other in the learned Dr. Mead's, with this very remarkable colophon at the end; 1 1.32

"By the assistance of the most high God, at whose nod the tongues of infants become eloquent, and who often reveals that to babes which he conceals from the wise, this excellent book, the Catholicon was finish'd in the year of our Lord's incarnation 1460, in the city of Mentz belonging to the noble German nation (which God of his goodness has vouchsaf'd to prefer to other nations, and of his free gift to make conspicious by this glorious invention) this work was done, not by the help of quil, pencil or any writing instrument, but

by the agreement, symmetry, and proportion of the printing-press."

then follows a doxology in four latin verses to this purpose;

To thee Father, Son and Holy Ghost, three in one, be honour and praise: O Catholick reader give thanks for this book in the church, and never cease to praise the blessed Virgin Mary.

Thanks be to God.

THIS book, tho' it mentions not the printers, yet is easily known to have been done by Faust and Schoeffer from the likeness of the types, and because at that time there were no other printers at Mentz, or any where else.

TWO years after this came out the great Latin Bible in solio, which I also saw in Dr. Mead's library, which according to Trithemius and the Cologn chronicle must be the second edition of it, the first having been printed soon after the year 1450, tho' without any colophon, whereas this has the following; 1 1.33

"This present work was finish'd and compleated, designedly for the service of God, in the city of Mentz, by John Faust citizen of it, and Peter Schoeffer de Gernsheim clerk of the said diocess in the year of our Lord's incarnation 1462, on the vigil of the as|sumption of the glorious virgin Mary."

IT is unnecessary to remark that the word Clerk [Clericus] doth not here signify a clergyman, for 'tis plain that Schoeffer was not so by his mar|rying Faust's daughter, and leaving a son to succeed him; but it was usual then to give that title to men of moderate literature. Father le Long in his Bibliotheca sacra gives us the colophon of this Bible something different from ours, tho' of the same date, the reader may see it at full length in the ingenious Mr. Mattair's Annals page 60, not. 6.

CONCERNING this bible some writers give us the following account, which is not a little in favour of Faust; that it was so like hand-writing, and the titles and capitals so finely painted on vellum, that Faust sold some of them at Paris for a prodigious price: but the buyers finding a greater number upon him, than it was possible for several men to tran|scribe

in their whole life, and the pages of each copy so exactly alike, that he was seiz'd, try'd and condemn'd for Magick and Sorcery, and was accordingly drag'd to the stake to be burnt; but upon discovering his Art, the parliament of Paris made an act to discharge him from all prosecu|tion, in consideration of his admirable invention. However 'tis not a miss to inform the reader, that his Black Art, for which he was so roughly treated, was printing his Bible on the Black Letter. I shall in its proper place give my reasons for my opinion, that the bible, which Faust sold for MS. was the first printed by him; in the mean time this process against him, and his discharge from it by order of that Parliament, be|ing matter of fact, it was not foreign to our purpose to mention it here.

THE last book which we shall speak of, is, Tully's Offices printed ann. 1465, at the end of which are these words 1 1.34,, John Faust, citizen of Mentz, happily perfected this famous Work of Marcus Tullius, not with pen and ink, &c. but by a new beautiful Art, by the assistance of my Boy Peter de Gernsheim, Feb. 4. ann. 1465, the edition at Oxford is dated 1466, tho' generally thought to be the same. This inscription I saw in the book which that great Lover of the antiquities of the Art of Printing, and Promoter of learning, the Right Honourable the Earl of Oxford, shew'd me the first time I had the honour to wait on his Lordship, and to whose kind reception and information I stand greatly indebted.

THE next inscriptions I shall mention, are those in Peter Schoeffer's name alone, in which there is a constant and remarkable strain of gra|titude and respect for the city of Mentz, from which, besides other am|ple encouragements, he had receiv'd his freedom as a reward for his im|provements in the art. As every one of them has an encomium upon that city, I shall content my self with abridging some of the first, and giving the last, which has something singular in it, at full length; and conclude this head with a remarkable one us'd by his son John Schoeffer at the end of some of his books.

IN the book call'd the decisions of the Rota printed ann. 1477, and said to be still extant in the library of Franckfort, he styles the city of Mentz the inventress and protectress of printing; in some other books,

viz. Justinian's Institutions, printed ann. 1468 and 1477, &c. he calls her the noble city which God has prefer'd to all others, and signaliz'd with such superior gifts, &c. the like is also to be seen at the end of Harpia|nus's Speculum decem praeceptorum, printed, ann. 1474.

THE last is at the end of St. Jerom's Epistles in Latin, printed in folio upon vellum ann. 1470, one of which is in the library of St. Victor, and another at the College of Sorbon at Paris, 1 1.35 and runs in English thus;

Now it behoves us to conclude as we began, The honour be to him, who was with us at the beginning; And also honour to him, who hath been with us to the conclusion: 'Tis the churches honour to preserve so many writings of her champion, If you design them for any, let it be for the churches honour.

"THIS book therefore of Sophronius Eusebius Jerom and [worthy its author] a most eminent defender of the orthodox church of Christ; or, if you rather choose to call it with me, the book of his epistles is fi|nish'd, that the honour of Jerom's name may be preserv'd, which is owing to the excellent John Andreas, who mov'd with a devout zeal towards that holy man, formerly publish'd this work to the world. This book was happily finish'd by the art of Printing by Peter Schoef|fer de Gernsheim in the city of Mentz, to the honour of which city the

blessed St. Jerom, writing to Ageruntia concerning monogamy (or mar|rying but once,) has given this lasting testimony, that many thou|sands of its inhabitants are honour'd in the church, for having suffer'd martyrdom in defence of the catholick faith."

Mentz now returns him (Jerom) praise for praise, by publishing so many of his writings for the service of the church.

in the year of our Lord 1470, the seventh day of September, which is the eve of the nativity of the Virgin Mary. Give glory to God.

THIS is an instance how ready Schoeffer was to take all opportunities of expressing his love and gratitude to that city, and rendering her praise as lasting as his own works.

THE last inscription which gives a succinct account of the discovery, is at the end of Trithemius's breviary of history, and is as follows 1 1.36

"This present chronological work was printed and finish'd an. 1515, on the eve of St. Margaret Virgin, in the noble and famous city of Mentz, first inventress of this art of Printing, by John Schoeffer grand-son of the worthy John Fust citizen of Mentz, the first author of this art, who found it out at length by his own ingenuity, and began to practise it anno 1450, in the time of the thirteenth indiction, Frederic III be|ing then Emperor, and the most reverend father in God Theodorick Pincerna de Erbach being Prince-Elector and Arch bishop of Mentz:

anno 1452. he perfected this art under God, and began to put it in practice, with the assistance of Peter Schoeffer de Gernsheim, first a servant, and then his son-in-law; who having made many necessary in|ventions in it, had his Daughter Christina Fust in marriage, as a just recompence for his labour, and useful discoveries. These two above-nam'd, viz. John Fust and Peter Schoeffer kept this art secret, having taken an oath of all their workmen and servants not to divulge it in any manner whatsoever: but afterwards it was divulg'd by those very workmen anno 1462, and spread it self over several provinces of Europe, &c."

THE like inscription is at the end of the Breviarum Mindense, printed anno 1516, by the same person: In both which the reader will be pleas'd to observe, that there is not a word mention'd of John Guttenbergh.

UPON the whole 'tis my opinion, that were there no other evidence but these inscriptions, they would be sufficient to determine this contro|versy, seeing neither Harlem, Strasburgh, nor any other place can pro|duce any thing equivalent. Had Harlem, for instance, any such authen|tick impressions in favour of Coster, all other testimonies of the best wri|ters for Mentz would have been rejected as inconsiderable: or if Dr. Men|tel could have produc'd any single book printed by his progenitor, of older or even equal date with the oldest of these, he would infallibly have triumph'd over all his antagonists. 'Tis certain that there is no book known to be printed at Harlem or any other place, of equal date with the last which were done by Faust, tho' it has been prov'd, that he con|tinu'd printing near ten years before he put his name to his impressions: whence it follows, that he was not only the first Printer with fusile me|tal types, but likewise the first inventor of them, according to the testi|monies quoted in the preceding chapter.

I doubt not but the reader is now willing to hear what methods the competitors with Faust take, in order to evade such a cloud of authentick testimonies; and what arguments they can allege in defence of their claim: in short, what grounds they have of triumphing in such an extra|ordinary manner. But I must here acquaint him, that if he expects evi|dence answerable to those clamours, he will be extremely disappointed in the two next chapters. However, since a controversy cannot be fairly

decided, unless both parties be heard in their turn; I shall not desire the reader to believe me implicitly, but propose their pretensions in as just a light, and brief a manner as possible, together with the answers of Malinkrot and others to them; to which I shall take the liberty to add my own thoughts and observations, whether they chance to illustrate and confirm, or to contradict the concurrent testimony of the early, and the establish'd notion, of the modern writers, upon the subject, and leave it to him to judge of the merit of the cause.

I hope what I said last will not be look'd upon as either a piece of pre|sumption or ostentation in me: no man can be more ready, than I am, to own the great helps I have receiv'd from these great men, especially from Malinkrot, Chevalier, Mattaire, Orlandi and some others of less note, or my own insufficiency for such a work as this, without such an assistance; but tho' they are all great and learned men in their way, yet for want of a sufficient acquaintance with the business of Printing, it was impossible for them not to overlook some things of moment, which a printer would easily discover at first sight, viz. Whether a book be MS. or printed; whether printed from pages of wood or with separate types, in both which respects, many of them have been either puzled or mista|ken: I shall add but one instance more, not foreign to our purpose; the famous Mons. Naudé directed his readers how to know the books printed by Faust by the mark in the paper, which he calls the Heifer's Horns; Mr. Mattaire, who has been as curious and diligent as any one, tells us he could never observe that mark or any thing like it, whereas the very first book the Earl of Pembroke shew'd me of Faust's printing, by holding a leaf against the light, the mark appear'd very plain; I shall beg leave to add, that the hints and helps I have had from the curious and lear|ned, and my access to several noble libraries, have moreover enabled me to make many more curious observations, on this subject, than I could otherwise have done. Let this be said once for all.

CHAP. V. The Pretensions of Harlem examin'd and con|futed.

I Have more than once hinted, that this controversy in favour of Harlem was not started till above 125 years after the discovery of the art, when Hadrian Junius, M. D. began the dispute. During that long interval, the invention was universally ascribed to the city of Mentz, tho' the names of the inventors were sometimes confounded; and what ought to surprise us most of all is, that not one Dutch writer, during that time, ever offer'd to contradict the received opinion concerning Faust and Mentz; tho' many of them were men of great learning, and some either natives of Harlem, or had been educated in that university. 'Tis really wonderful, that neither regard to truth, or their country's honour, nor the common ambition of being the author of a new dis|covery, should have inspir'd some of them to undeceive the world in this point, if they had the least grounds of suspicion. But whatever be the reason of this unpardonable supineness in them, Dr. Junius, rather than fall under such a charge, undertook a task, as difficult as that Egyptian one, of making brick without straw. For from a collection of old traditions, wooden types, and two or three books, printed on wood, without name, date, or any other mark (by which it might be guess'd when, where, and by whom they were done), with some other trans|muted relicks of the first essays of the art, he has form'd a story, which he thinks will baffle all the testimonies urg'd on the other side, and turn the panegyricks, bestow'd by the learned on the noble inventor, into the vilest calumnies. As his story is very prolix, and unnecessary to be set down at length, the following abstract may suffice.

"THO' the glory of this art is entirely due to the city of Harlem; yet I am sensible how deep the contrary notion in favour of Mentz is rooted in the minds of men.—Were I blest with that eloquence which Carneades is so fam'd for, who never affirm'd any thing but what he ful|ly

prov'd, nor oppos'd any error, but what he clearly confuted; I might have just hopes to reduce this stol'n glory to its owner, and bring to light the truth, which has so long lain hid in Democritus's well.—For if those antients, who contended for the invention of letters, in behalf of their favourite heroes, have merited such ap|plause; what hinders but that I, influenc'd neither by partiality to one place, nor envy towards another, but with a sincere love to truth, should appear in so just a cause, which has been suffer'd to sink for want of advocates?—And if Plutarch esteems him the best evidence, who is not byass'd by favour or affection; I have a sufficient claim to it, since none of Coster's posterity can reward me for my performance. I shall therefore relate what has been told me by some grave and worthy old Gentlemen, who have fill'd the best offices in the city, and heard it from others of equal weight and authority; viz. That about 128 years ago, there liv'd at a noted house, standing to this day, over against the Royal Palace, one Laurence John, sirnam'd Coster, (which word signifies a sexton or church-warden; or, in the Romish sense one who is intrusted with all the rich plate, sumptuous robes, &c. belonging to the parish church; a place hereditary in his family,) who was the person to whom the Art of Printing owes its original, tho' he has been unjustly depriv'd of that honour.—That walking by chance in an adjacent wood, according to custom, after a full meal, or on holy-days, he cut some letters out of the bark of beech-trees; which being inverted and joyn'd together, he began to print some words, and then whole lines, in hopes that this might turn to the advantage of his grand-children: that the success of this prompted him to greater discoveries, he being a man of an extraordinary geni|us: that he with Thomas Peter his son-in-law, finding the common ink apt to spread, invented a more glutinous sort, and began to print whole pages; of which kind I saw some essays in an anonymous work, printed only on one side, and entitled the Mirour of our Salvati|on, written in Low Dutch, the white sides of the paper being glew'd together to hide the chasms: that after this he chang'd his wooden let|ters into lead; and then into tin, which was still harder and more du|rable: some of these old types being cast into drinking-cups are still

to be seen at the aforesaid house, out of which Gerard Thomas, Coster's great-grand-son, dy'd a few years ago. But as all new inventions meet with encouragement, this art began to require a greater number of hands, which prov'd the first cause of mischief to this family: for one of his servants nam'd John (but whether Faust or not I shall not now enquire) being employ'd in this business, after having taken an oath of secrecy, had no sooner learn'd, as he thought, the method of casting and joining the fusile types, &c. but he took the next op|portunity of robbing his master of all his printing-tools, together with his art: to which end he chose the night before Christmass, as the most proper for his design, when the whole family, with the rest of the city were at church at midnight-mass. Thence he escap'd to Amsterdam, next to Cologn, and at last settled at Mentz; where the year following, viz. ann. 1442 he printed Alexandri Galli doctrinale, a grammar much in vogue at that time, with those very types that his master Coster had us'd before.

THIS is the substance of what I had from those gentlemen of vera|city, who told me they had it handed down by tradition; and this has been likewise confirm'd to me by others of equal repute. I re|member to have heard my tutor Nich. Gallius, an old gentleman of a very tenacious memory, say, that when he was a boy, he heard one Cornelius a printer, an old man, who had been one of Coster's workmen, mention the story of the first trials of printing, with a great deal of vehemence, and even with tears, especially when he came to the thievish part of it; protesting he could execute the rogue himself with the utmost pleasure, if he had been alive then; cursing those nights, in which, for near three months together, he had lain with so vile a miscreant. A story like this one Quirinus Talesius reports that he had heard from the same Printer.

THIS is what my sincere love of truth oblig'd me to publish, what|ever the consequence be,—but I am fearful that prejudice in this case will out-balance reason and authority. The passing of this in|vention into Germany in a lawful way had been no harm; nay, I be|lieve that it pleased God to make it the means of perfecting and di|vulging so useful an art, &c."

HERE is all that our author could collect in defence of his cause, which he had made the best of after his way: it were indeed to be wish'd, the Doctor had rather imitated the modesty of Carneades, than wish'd for his eloquence; since that great philosopher (however he seems to forget it) never was known to affirm any thing. Convinc'd as he was of the weakness of human understanding, and of the power of prejudice; he al|ways contented himself with confuting the opinions of others, without ever shewing that he held any of his own: but such an excellent talent would have spoil'd his design, and condemn'd both his book and his old men's fables to obscurity and oblivion, and saved some other authors the trouble of writing in the vindication of either; but tho' he has been follow'd by about a dozen of his country-men, yet no additional testimo|nies are to be expected from any of them: for even Boxhorn, who wrote with the greatest vehemence and spleen against Malinkrot, has been ob|lig'd to content himself with palliating the account of Junius, and en|deavouring to shew, that it is not quite so improbable as his antagonist hath represented it. However it must be owned, that except the two last nam'd authors, and one or two more, viz. Berchius and Scriverius, the first of whom has been confuted by Nicholas Serrarius a Jesuit in his book de rebus Moguntinis, lib. 1. Cap. 36, 37, 38, and 39; and the later by the learned Mons. Naudé, George Draude and others; I say except these, all the rest write more moderately, without invectives or ill lan|guage, and some of them even with doubt; whilst others modestly con|tend only for the invention of printing on wooden-planks, leaving that of metal types to Faust: but even this is inconsistent with the story of Junius, who asserts Coster to be the inventor of them both, and Faust the thief. It would be superfluous to multiply quotations out of the writers on the side of Harlem, since they follow Junius upon his bare testimony; and a confutation of him will easily dispatch all the rest. I shall there|fore examine the probability of his account, and see how far it outweighs, the testimonies and authorities alleg'd on the other side: in the execu|tion of this, the best method will be to follow the steps of the learned Malinkrot, who has sufficiently expos'd the numerous absurdities, which this story is attended with. Setting aside therefore the oddness of Co|ster's fancy, in chusing to make his first letters of the bark of beech,

which will bend whilst green, and break when dry; whilst the wood it|self would have been much more proper to bear the weight of the press; and the improbability of his changing them into metal ones, which is barely asserted by Junius, and contradicted by Berkius, Boxhorn, and other Dutch writers, as we hinted before: nothing can be more ridiculous than the converting those types into drinking cups to perpetuate the memory of their discovery; they had certainly been more authentick in their for|mer state; at least, if some notable work or inscription had been prin|ted with them: or would it not have been a better method to celebrate the name of the inventor, to have distributed annually a portion of wine out of them, in order to inspire their poets with songs in his honour and Faust's shame; or to have hang'd them up, as trophies, in the town-hall or great church, &c. with respect to the stolen types, (which were turn'd to a better purpose by the thief, who the next year printed with them Alexandri doctrinale, and the works of Petrus Hispanus, if Junius may be credited, who was the first that said or thought of this;) well might Ser|rarius say after the Emperor Julian, Who will be found innocent, if one ac|cusation makes a man guilty? One would naturally think that this story was devis'd in the woods and walks about Harlem; for several of the writers before mention'd, and particularly the Colognian Chronicle alleg'd by Box|horn, agree that the Latin bible was the first book printed by Faust at Mon••••••••••. 'Tis surprizing that these gentlemen of Harlem should pretend to tell us what was done with their types in the very heart of Germany, and yet be entirely ignorant of what was done in their own city: besides at that time it is certain, as we have already shewn, that separate types of any sort of metal were unknown—But to proceed; this treache|rous servant, it seems, went off at 12 a-clock at night, when the whole family was at church.—It is highly improbable, that a Dutchman should leave his shop so open and expos'd at that time of night, when it was fill'd with all the tools and apparatus of an invention so important, and known only to himself and his man: for it is downright absurdity to think, that he might depend on the oath, with which he had engaged the lat|ter to secrecy. Such a night as that, wherein the inhabitants of the ci|ty were going to or coming from mass, was by no means proper for such a design; and supposing he might have pass'd undisturb'd with his stollen

treasure, yet he could not with the same facility pass thro' the gates, or leap over the walls, with at least a thousand weight of letters on his back: or if his booty was those wooden planks, with which the two large books mention'd before were printed, as some of the Dutch writers seem to hint against Junius, it was sufficient to load two or three carts: that he should go with them to Amsterdam, then to Cologn, and at last to Mentz, without being taken notice of, is no less astonishing. I shall not insist upon his rashness in chusing to go thro' such publick roads and noted ci|ties, and thereby running the danger of being seized; the consequence of which would have been capital punishment: nor upon the unaccoun|table supineness of his master in not pursuing nor causing him to be ap|prehended, when he open'd shop at Mentz, where he could easily have reach'd him: nor yet upon the probability, that the publick must have been obliged, by this daring attempt of robbing the country of such a glorious discovery, to prosecute the robber with the utmost severity where ever he could be found.

IN the next place should we grant that Faust, or some other servants had stollen the types; does it necessarily follow that he carry'd away the art with them? Could neither Coster, nor his son-in-law and assistant Tho. Peter, nor any of his grand-children, recover a new press, cast new types, and publish something that might expose the thief, and shew to whom the world was indebted for this invention? Besides, it appears from Junius that some of the types were left behind, which were after|wards transformed into drinking-vessels: if these were not sufficient to set them to work again, the interval of ten years, viz. from the pretended robbery anno 1441, to the divulging of the art anno 1452, was more than enough to have compleated a new set; seeing the first inventors de|vis'd, try'd, and perfected this method in less time. But 'tis urg'd that Coster dy'd either of grief or otherwise before he had brought the art to any perfection; so that Harlem was anticipated by Mentz. This is affir|med by Majolus and Quadi, tho' without grounds; for Junius tells us, that he invented the separate metal types, as well as wooden-blocks; and met with such encouragement that people came far and near to purchase his books, tho' at very dear rates: now if he was alive, as he and Berki|us relate, anno 1447, six years after this pretended flight; during that in|terval

he might have renew'd his works, there being no want of buyers, and inscrib'd his books after this or some such manner; This work was done at Harlem by L. J. Coster, the inventor of this art of printing, &c. and not by that notorious pretender John Faust, who stole my art and instruments, and is set up at Mentz, &c. But nothing of this nature was ever done by Coster or his po|sterity; which is a plain indication that this whole story is, what Salmuth and other learned writers affirm it to be, a mere old wife's fable without foun|dation or even probability. How the devisers and publishers of it can maintain it with so much positiveness and vehemence, with such calum|nies, invectives and ill language, against persons of incomparable learn|ing, who could not give into such an absurd and legendary account, is not my business to enquire. I shall only observe, that their charge up|on a man of such conspicuous merit as John Faust recoils with double force and shame upon themselves; for it proves them guilty of a crime more flagrant than what they accuse him of, in endeavouring to deprive him not only of the glory of that invention, in order to fix it upon an imaginary country-man of theirs; but even of what is most valuable in the world, his reputation, upon the bare testimony and tradition of three old citizens, whose memory is as justly questionable, as their and Juni|us's impartiality, in a case wherein the honour of their city and fellow-ci|tizens is concern'd; and what is still a greater aggravation of their unjust calumny, to make use of Faust's noble discovery to publish and perpetu|ate his shame, whose honour and memory ought rather to have been ce|lebrated by it: little did that good man think, that his art would ever be put to so vile a use against himself.

IN the mean time, I must not omit to remark, that of all the writers, whom we have quoted for Mentz, and of many more collected by the di|ligent Malinkrot in his History of Printing, there is not one native of that city. Munster indeed was born near it, but educated at a greater di|stance; and Serrarius, tho' he liv'd sometime there, was born in Lorain; yet if such an objection had been just against ten or twelve of 'em, there remains enough to fix the laurel on Faust's head. But with respect to the old evidences of Harlem, we only know what Junius is pleas'd to tell us of them, that they were persons who serv'd several considerable offices in the city. However Malinkrot makes a very shrewd remark upon one of:

them, viz. Cornelius the Printer, who in a sally of passion wish'd Faust had been then alive, that he might have executed him with his own hands; and was at that time, as Junius relates, above eighty years old: now as this theft is pretended to have been committed anno 1441, and it appears from an edition of Tully's offices that Faust was living anno 1466; it is plain that in this space of 25 years Cornelius might have had an oppor|tunity of gratifying his revenge upon him if he had thought fit. This circumstance therefore, which was contriv'd to add weight to the story, serves only to burlesque and overthrow it.

I fear the reader is more weary of this argument than I could wish; since there are two or three new allegations out of those who followed Junius, which tho' of small weight, I would willingly examine before I dismiss this chapter; tho' it were only to shew what shifts they are driven to, who undertake to support the credit of Junius's legend; and to let the world judge whether such arguments are not more likely to over|throw than maintain this cause. I shall here propose 'em with the ut|most brevity.

BOXHORN, in his Theatrum Hollandiae, triumphs upon the evidence of two eminent writers, whom he has violently wrested to speak in defence of his claim. One is the author of the Cologn Chronicle; the other Marian|gelus Accursius, a learned man, who flourish'd in Italy about the beginning of the sixteenth century. The former writes to this purpose 1 1.37, that

"altho' the Art of Printing had been found out at Mentz, in the man|ner we now have it, yet the first hints or pattern was taken from the Donatus of Holland, which had been printed there; that the aforesaid art took its origin from them, tho' the latter invention is much su|perior in contrivance and ingenuity."

'Tis to be observ'd by the bye, that this author wrote in the year 1499, almost 50 years after the discove|ry, and had these particulars from Ulric Zel an old bookseller then living at Cologn. The next testimony is a passage written by Accursius upon the

first leaf of a Donatus printed at Mentz by John Faust, as follows 1 1.38.

"John Faust citizen of Mentz, grand-father by mother's side of John Shepherd, was the first that devis'd this Art of Printing with brass types, which he afterwards chang'd for leaden ones: his son Peter Schoeffer added many other improvements to the art: this Donatus and the Confessionalia were first printed in the year 1450. He certainly took the hint from the Donatus printed before in Holland upon wooden planks."

What this Donatus and other books of that sort were, and whether really done in wood or otherwise, with some other particula|rities relating to them, shall be consider'd in a distinct chapter: our pre|sent enquiry is how far they make for the cause of the Dutch writers.

We will suppose that Ulric Zel was a man of as good a memory as those mention'd by Junius; and that the second passage quoted was actually written by Accursius, which is far from being certain: let us now exa|mine what both these writers do, and what they do not, affirm. They affirm, 1. that this method of printing by fusile types was found out at Mentz by John Faust, and improv'd by his son-in-law Peter Schoeffer: 2. that they printed some books in the year 1450: 3. that there was a Do|natus printed before that time upon wooden planks in Holland: and 4. that from the hint, or, as the chronicler terms it, the model or pattern [vorbildung] of those wooden planks, Faust began the new way of printing by fusile types; tho' this last article seems only a conjecture of theirs.

THEY do not affirm, 1. that the old method of printing on wood was the foundation of the new one: 2. that this Donatus was printed at Harlem rather than at any other place, or by Coster than any other per|son: tho' if they had asserted this, it ought to be examin'd how they got that intelligence; seeing it was not known in Holland ann. 1575. in which year Junius dy'd, that any such book had been printed there; for that author, who was indefatigable in collecting whatever favour'd his cause, would never have fail'd to mention it; and Jos. Scaliger, tho' he since de|clar'd

himself for Harlem, formerly attributed this rude invention to the city of Dort: 3. they don't affirm that this Donatus was printed before the Catholicon of Mentz, wherein lies the main point; for tho' they say it was done before Faust had perfected his invention, yet it does not fol|low that it was before he had begun to print with wooden planks. No|thing therefore can be gather'd from these authors, even with respect to this invention in wood, that favours Coster or Harlem more than Faust or Mentz.

I have already observ'd that some of the Dutch writers are for divi|ding the glory between those two corrivals, and particularly Peter Ber|chius: in this he is follow'd by no less an author than Boxhorn, so often mention'd for his zeal in this dispute. He finding the impossibility of defending all the assertions of Junius, is willing to come to a composi|tion. His words are these: 1 1.39

"It will be no difficulty to reconcile this great and weighty controversy, which has exercis'd the greatest wits of the age, if we will, as indeed we ought, yield the honour of the old wooden invention to Coster of Harlem, and that of metal types to John Faust citizen of Mentz."

But this accommodation is attended with this disadvantage, that it will set the Dutch writers at variance not only with one another, but also with themselves; whereas 'tis much better in my opinion, to continue in war with the whole world, than to bring a domestick one into their own bowels. A consequence still worse is inevi|table; for what will become of the pompous story of Faust's robbery? And of those creditable evidences mention'd by Junius? Would not they with the utmost vehemence protest against such a partition treaty? And old Cornelius the false accuser, deserve the most sanguinary treatment to be retaliated on him from some angry Moguntine? Will not the drinking cups, those noble relicks of Coster's metal types, run the risque of being turn'd into vessels of dishonour? And all the inscriptions in his praise, his statues, and even his house at Harlem, be liable to some such dismal fate.—If we should yield them this invention of wooden planks, so

eagerly contended for; or agree with the more moderate of their writers that Faust and Coster, tho' at so great a distance, happen'd upon it toge|ther; or grant to Boxhorn, that Harlem was the mother, and Mentz the nurse of these two discoveries; and that the one is but an improvement of the other: yet Coster would not have deserv'd half of the incense be|stow'd on him; nor Faust the least part of the calumnies which he has suffer'd. In vain were such shifts and forgeries used to deprive him of so small and inconsiderable share of his glory; whilst the far greatest part of it, which could not be touch'd, was more than sufficient to make him outshine and even eclipse his rival, for whose sake he was so ungrateful|ly treated. Had not he been bless'd with a genius vastly superior to that of his suppos'd competitor, or contented himself without aiming at a more useful and expeditious method than the first; the common wealth of letters had receiv'd as little advantage from his discovery, as his own name and memory from those Dutch writers, were they the only persons to transmit them to posterity. However if their partiality, and adhe|rence to Junius, have influenc'd them so far as to make such returns for those improvements, which they are oblig'd to acknowledge that he made; common justice will oblige me to acquaint the reader, that other writers of that country, of equal learning, and a more generous nature, have been so far from joyning with them, that they have ascrib'd the invention to Faust alone. I have before quoted an encomium of the great Erasmus upon him and his art, and shall close this chapter with another out of the learned Opmer of Amsterdam, who dy'd about the year 1595, i. e. 20 years after Junius, and has left us the following testimony in his posthu|mous book of Chronography: 1 1.40—

"This year 1440 the art of printing

began to be exercis'd at Mentz by John Faust, who was the grandfa|ther of John Schoeffer (a printer of this age,) and worthy the highest encomiums."

In another place (in the beginning of the 4th book) there is the following elegant panegyrick upon the art and inventor:—

"that at the decline of the world, when the last day seem'd to approach, so many men of accomplish'd learning and singular piety should break forth, like bright stars, with unusual lustre thro' the tempestuous clouds of deadly discord; so that you would have thought the world had been recover'd from a long disease, and gradually reassumed its lost strength, the arts and sciences: this was effected by the assistance of that art, which from metal characters of letters ingeniously cast, dispos'd in the order in which we write, spread over with a convenient quantity of ink, and put under the press, has usher'd into the world, books in all languages, and multiplied their copies like a numerous off-spring, and has obtain'd the name of Typography. This art of Printing was most certainly invented and brought to light by John Faust in the year 1440. It is amazing that the author of so important a discovery, and so generous a promoter of divine and human learning, should be un|worthily traduc'd by a writer of the German affairs: surely such a per|son deserves eternal remembrance, and a place amongst men of the brightest genius."

—Who this German writer was our author no where tells us; but it seems as if his unnatural usage of his own country|man had taken off Opmer's wonder at the like treatment from the Dutch writers. If it should be asked what converts these last have made among other nations, I can only answer, that I know of none.

THE generality of writers have esteem'd Junius's story unworthy of either credit or confutation; and if any of the moderns seem neuter or doubtful in this case, it is more owing to a peculiar affectation of mo|desty, than either to any design of complimenting the Dutch, or fear of being mistaken in so evident a matter.

CHAP. VI. An Enquiry into the first Books printed on Blocks of Wood, viz. the Donatus, Speculum, &c.

AS the reader may reasonably think, there is something exceilent in these Books, either for beauty of impression, learning, correct|ness, &c. from the great noise which they have made among the writers of this controversy; I must begin with acquainting him that their whole merit consists only in their being look'd upon by them as the very first essays of the art of printing, even before the invention of fusile types. This is so far from admitting of any controversy, however some of them may have been misled into a contrary opinion, that their being print|ed only on one side of the paper, and afterwards glew'd together, on the blank side, from which they were call'd paginae conglutinatae, is a very pregnant proof of their being done after the first method, viz. upon wood|en blocks; tho'we shall not only corroborate the fact by many other un|deniable arguments in the sequel of this chapter, but even lead the rea|der into so plain a method of judging of those works, from those printed by fusile types, that he will not have the least room left to doubt of it.

As for the Donatus, so strenuously insisted upon, by Bertius and others, in favour of Harlem, it is a question whether there be one copy of it ex|tant, seeing 'tis not to be met with in any of those curious libraries I have either seen or heard of, nor could ever be procured by any of our search|ers into these antient monuments, tho' they have spar'd neither pains nor cost to have it sought for far and near: to which let me add, that no au|thor I am acquainted with, has pretended to have seen it, if we except Angel Rocha, who in his Bibliotheca Vaticana, printed at Rome in the year 1591, 4to. pag. 411, tells us, that Aldus Manutius, jun^r. shew'd him a grammar of Donatus printed on vellum, upon one of the first white leaves of which Mariangelus Accursius, a learned author living in Italy about the year 1500 had wrote, as he suppos'd, with his own hand, the following words in latin,

"that this Donatus, and another book entitled Consessio|nalia

were the first printed books, and that John Faust citizen of Mentz, and first inventor of the Art of Printing, had printed them ann. 1450,"

as has been said in the last chapter.

FROM this account of Accursius it is plain: first, that this Donatus bore neither date nor name of place or printer, otherwise he need not to have been at the trouble of guessing at them. Secondly, That Donatus is the name of the author, not of the book; and that it was only a grammar for boys, for so Rocha calls it in the place before quoted; to which we may add, that in the last list which the first Printers at Rome gave of their works to the Pope, they call it Donatus pro pueris; so that it could not be such a trifling thing as some authors have thought it, who only call it a Primer. The third thing I would observe from this passage is, that John Faust, who is here call'd the first inventor of printing, is affirm'd to have printed it at Mentz: but what has puzled the world is, what the same author adds at the end of the passage, viz. that Faust did certainly take the hint from the Donatus in Holland, first printed on Blocks of wood; which for that very reason, those authors who have follow'd him, have thought fit to make 10 years older, and have suppos'd them printed about the year 1440. I might indeed have omitted this passage, seeing Accursius seems to hint that this book of his was printed by fusile types; but as it was the only one that has been seen by any author, and confirms some of our former assertions, I thought it would not be amiss to insert it, es|pecially considering that it was not impossible for Accursius to be mistaken in his judgment, of its being printed after the new method of separate types, as many other learned men have been in the like case. The merit of this quotation has been examin'd in the last chapter, and it is plain that all the authors that have mention'd the date of this book, such as Beughen, Boxhorn, Bertius, and others have taken it upon trust, as well as what they affirm of its being done upon wooden blocks, since none of them pre|tend either to have seen it, or to have taken it from any author that had: and if we should admit what Accursius affirms, that those suppos'd dutch ones were older than this he wrote upon, it will make it still plainer that they had neither date, printer, nor place's name; since this, which is sup|pos'd ten years younger, is without any of them. The same may be said of the other books I am now going to give an account of, viz. the

Speculum, Ars moriendi, &c. which are in the Earl of Pembroke's curious collection, none of which, tho' they seem to be improvements of one another, has the least mention of time, place, or printer.

However, as to their being engraven upon wooden blocks, and con|sequently being the first essays, or as some antiquaries call them, the first Maculatures of the art, I am fully convinc'd, both by the ink with which they are printed, viz. the common writing ink, and by some undoubted trials I have made of them. I shall therefore lay down the following rules to distinguish between books printed on blocks of wood and sepa|rate metal types.

First, Let an m, w, or any other remarkable letter, be curiously ex|amin'd both as to its length, breadth and shape, and compare it with the same letter in another word, if they vary either in similitude or size, you may be assur'd they are not metal types, since the most curious let|ter-cutter, writing-master, or engraver, cannot make any two letters so alike, but a nice observer will distinguish one from the other: on the contrary, in separate metal types each letter being cast in the same ma|trice, it is impossible there should be the least difference either in shape or size.

Secondly, Another way is by choosing any word, the longer the bet|ter, take the length of it with the points of the compass, and compare it with the same word in another place, and if you find them both of the same length, you may depend upon their being printed with separate metal types; for as each letter is cast in the same mould, it is impossible that their length should vary: but in writing and engraving there will be a visible difference in the same word in various places.

Thirdly, Measure the length of a page; tell the number of lines in a full one, and take the white spaces between each line, and by compa|ring them to any other full page in the book, if they are printed with metal types there can be no variation in any of these respects: whereas, if they were done in wood it would be as impossible for them to agree in any one instance, as it would be to engrave or write any two pages wherein there should be no visible variation in some one or more of the foremention'd particulars. It was by these methods that I distinguish'd, in the sive books in the Earl of Pembroke's Library, what was done on wood, and what by separate metal types.

MELCHIOR ADAMUS, and after him the learned Malinkrot and some others, tell us of separate wooden types cut with a knife, which were us'd by the first Printers, before the discovery of casting them into metal; but besides that this seems inconsistent with the most authentick testimonies we have quoted hitherto concerning this invention: whoever considers the vast time and trouble it would require to cut such a quantity of them as is necessary to print any moderate work, the great difficulty of making them stand exactly upright and even in line and body, how liable they would be to split, break, warp, shrink and swell with continual wet|ting and the weight of the press, with many more such like inconvenien|ces and difficulties, will easily judge, not only of the absurdity of this no|tion, but also of the impossibility of any of those old books being prin|ted by any such types; since it is obvious to every eye, that no one sin|gle work could have come perfect out of their hands for the reasons above-mention'd.

BEFORE I dismiss this point, I must not omit acquainting the Reader with a mistake into which Chevillier has been unwarily drawn, even when he took the surest method of coming at the truth, concerning one of these books in question, viz. the Speculum Salutis, he tells us, pag. 281 and 282 of his Origin of Printing, that having one of them in his own possessi|on, and having met with another in the library of the Celestin Monks at Paris, he had the curiosity to have them examined by a Printer, a Foun|der, and an Engraver, who judg'd them to be printed with separate|metal-types; so that those who have read his book, have thought it a sufficient ground to alter their opinion of their being done on wooden blocks. But this mistake of Chevillier's proceeded from his not examining the whole book, because as I shall shew anon, there were many leaves supply'd afterwards by separate metal types, one of which he had the misfortune to light upon, otherwise they must have manifestly seen the difference

I come now to give the reader an account of the other five books, viz. Ars Moriendi, the History of the Apocalypse, the History of the Bible, the Speculum Salutis, and the Spiegel or Speculum translated into Low Dutch. That these however are not all that was done upon wooden planks, is plain, because Trithemius tells us of the Catholicon, first printed upon wood,

Scaliger speaks of a Psalter of the same stamp, which his grand-mother had, and other antiquaries mention several others not worth inserting here, all which are either perish'd, or are as yet undiscover'd: however I cannot omit the Speculum, and some others seen by Saubert in the Nu|remberg library, of which he was keeper; and mention'd by him in the catalogue of that library, call'd in latin Bibliotheca Norica, which books were printed in High Dutch, and may justly be suppos'd some of Faustus's first Tentamina or essays from ann. 1440 to 1450: but as that author has only given us the names, without any further account of them; I shall pass them by, and return to the five abovementioned; which are no where to be met with together, but in that noble Collection of the Right Hon. the Earl of Pembroke: and as no one besides my self has describ'd them all, I hope the reader will not be displeas'd, if I give him a more parti|cular account of them, than any but a Printer could possibly have done: They are all five printed on a very small Folio.

I. ARS MORIENDI; or, SPECULUM MORIENTIUM. IT is a moral treatise upon the subject of dying well, with wooden cuts suited to the taste of the Romish church; a sick man is figur'd lying in his bed with angels and devils attending him, the one to tempt, the other to strengthen him; to which end the designer has made labels from their mouths, to express the intention of each: the designs of this first book are somewhat better drawn than those of the rest; for in that age, as well as ours, there were good and bad painters or designers, but the press-work is the worst of the five: this induces me to think this piece to be the oldest, and its wanting the several improvements which we find in the others, does not a little confirm me in my conjecture: for first, it is printed with common writing ink without any gum, which is plain from its spreading it self, and soaking into the paper, so that in many places it is scarce legible; and the ink is grown withall so pale by length of time, that it doth but just show it self at the best: secondly, it seems to have received several degrees of improvement as the work went on, and is better printed, and with better ink, the nearer it draws to the end: the third circumstance that proves its priority to the rest, is, that it hath

neither the capitals A, B, C, &c. (which are now call'd Signatures) at the bottom of the first pages of each sheet, nor any direction word at the end of each page; which is a guide to the book-binder how to place the sheets, this improvement we find in the two next books.

II. The HISTORY of the APOCALYPSE. THIS book, which I venture to give the second rank to, hath the advantage of being printed with better ink than the former, which makes it much more legible; it appears to have some gum dissolv'd with the ink, which was one of the first improvements that was made to the com|mon sort of ink; it has likewise the signatures at the top of each page of the sheet: This piece contains the history of St. John the Evan|gelist in forty six pages, each having some figures ill cut, representing some part of that saint's life; the cuts are interspers'd with short sen|tences, arguments and explications, in Monkish latin prose; likewise cut in wood after an indifferent manner; the paper has the mark of the heif|fer's LABEL and horns, which is allowed to be the mark in the paper Faust used.

III. The HISTORY of the BIBLE. THIS contains only histories out of the Old and New Testament, promis|cuously blended together with wooden cutts better perform'd, tho' worse drawn, than any of the two foregoing; it has likewise the arguments and explanations of each cut, and the paper seems to be the same with that of the Apocalypse; it has also the improvements of ink and signatures 1 1.41.

IV. The SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. IT is commonly called Speculum Salutis; or, the Mirrour of our Salvati|on; and is a comparative history of the old and new testament it is writ|ten

in Monkish latin verse rhim'd. This is by far the most perfect of the two I have seen, that which Dr. Mead shew'd me wanted many leaves, but this only two: it consists of fifty six pages, and each page has two columns of verses, which are so well cut, that were it not for some differences in the magnitude and shape of the same letters, one might easi|ly be induc'd to think them printed with metal types; and I believe this is the reason, that made some authors suppose them to be done with se|parate wooden types. I have already taken notice of the improbability of that notion.

V. De SPIEGHEL. THIS is only a translation of the Speculum Salutis into Flemish: it was upon this book that Dr. Junius and the other dutch writers, who have fol|lowed him, lay so great a stress; and upon whose antiquity, preferable to all others, they ground their claim to the invention of printing in favour of Coster. However it is very plain that the Latin one is prior to this, and that this is only a translation of that, because the wooden cuts are the same in both, the latin explanations at the bottom are left untranslated, and the cuts are printed with the same pale gum'd writing ink as in the Latin one, rather brown than black; whereas the body of this work is com|pos'd with separate metal types, and printed with an ink as remarkable for its blackness as any sort since made use of: it has also in several places the same mark in the paper, viz. the heiffer's LABEL and horns, ac|knowledg'd by Mons. Naudé to be the mark in Faust's paper. In the La|tin Speculum a great many pages are supply'd with the same separate me|tal types, press-work and ink as the body of this whole Flemish one; and has all the appearances sufficient to convince any one, of its being done at the same time, and by the same hand; one of which supply'd pages of the latin Speculum, Chevillier happen'd to pitch upon, when he shew'd it to the Printer, Founder and Engraver before mention'd. There is one circumstance worth noting, which is, that the Speculum salutis, tho' cut on wood, each page consists of two distinct pieces, the LABEL piece is the draught or representation of the history, the lower piece is the histo|ry itself in two columns, and if I may venture to account for this motled

work, it must be by supposing, that after they had cut the design, they might print several proof sheets, as is usual now, to see if it needed any amendment; which proof sheets of the draughts only, together with a compleat book of the latin Speculum, might afterwards fall into the hands of some dutch Printer, who got it translated into low dutch and prin|ted it with separte metal types upon the same proof sheets under the designs which were before printed at the LABEL of the page; and this will evident|ly appear from the manifest difference of the ink, as before mention'd.

THERE remain still two points to be examin'd with relation to the Donatus; 1. whether it be the first book printed with wooden planks; 2. whether it was done by L. Coster at Harlem. To the first there is on|ly the testimonies of Ulric Zel citizen of Cologn, who relates what was done almost fifty years ago, and of Mar. Accursius, who wrote in Italy what he heard was done at, a still, greater distance from him. To these, who could not possibly be acquainted with every circumstance of this disco|very, we may reasonably oppose the authority of Trithemius; for he learn'd what he tells us, not from report and uncertain tradition, but from the mouth of Peter Schoeffer, who related nothing but what he was an eye|witness of, or rather particularly interested in. Now Trithemius ascribes the invention of wooden blocks to J. Faust; and asserts that the Catho|licon was the first book (of any consequence) printed in that manner; and that his next step was the more ingenious invention of separate me|tal types.

LET the world judge whether his testimony be not far preferable to that of the two former. Scriverius indeed, and after him Mr. Beughen, affirm the Donatus to have been printed anno 1440; but give no reason for their fixing on that year rather than any other; and it is manifest from what they say before, that they only proceed upon a supposition, that this method being discovered about that time; this book (which is perhaps the least considerable of those which were printed then) might be one of the first essays of it. However let the Catholicon, the Donatus or any other, be the first book printed in Europe with wooden planks, yet there is no ground of boasting it to be the first in the world; since the Chinese practis'd that way of Printing at least 300 years before either Faust or Coster were born.

THE next consideration is, where and by whom it was printed. The Dutch attempt two ways of proving it was done by Coster at Harlem: the first is that of Junius, who pretends that it was one of the first tryals of Coster's metal types; but this has been so fully confuted, that they have been oblig'd to recur to another shift; which is, that Coster invented the engraven planks, and with these printed the Donatus and Speculum Salu|tis; and that from this Faust took the hint of inventing metal types, an improvement of the former method 1 1.42: As the latter part of this assertion has receiv'd a sufficient answer in the second chapter and elsewhere, so I need not insist long upon a confutation of the former part, i. e. the books themselves; since they carry no evident characteristick, nor are affirm'd with certainty by any author to have been done in Holland. No doubt the Latin Speculum is the original, and the Dutch only a translation; since as I observ'd before, the latin arguments under the figures are left un|translated. The learned Saubert likewise tells us in his History of the No|rimbergh library, that he hath seen several books there printed in high dutch after this manner, one of which is the Speculum 2 1.43. Who can there|fore determine which is the most antient, or where they were printed? If the Dutch one could be done no where but in Holland, because it is in low dutch; by parity of reason the high dutch must have been printed in Germany; and as to the Latin, it will remain still undetermin'd, whether it was done in the one or the other, and nothing will be certain concer|ning it, except that it must have been printed before the translations. From the whole of what has been said, it is apparent, that all the proofs which the Dutch bring either from facts or authentick writers, confute, rather than support, their pretensions: and I hope by this time the repu|tation of Faust is sufficiently clear'd from the two fold wrong done it by those, who endeavour to deprive him of his due honour, and asperse him with the vilest accusations of treachery and theft: and that the rea|der

not only esteems him acquitted of both, but is satisfy'd that neither Coster nor Harlem have the least share in this discovery.

BEFORE I conclude this chapter, I cannot omit a conjecture of the in|genious Mr. Mattaire, which will be a considerable confirmation of what has been said before. He tells us 1 1.44, that he is inclin'd to think the books beforemention'd were printed at Harlem, rather than at Mentz or Stras|burgh, because tho' Guttenbergh remov'd at first to the latter, soon after the sentence pronounc'd against him by the judges of Mentz; yet it appears from several authors even of our own nation, that he either suspecting his safety there, and a farther prosecution from Faust for the money ad|judg'd to him by the decree and deed mention'd in a former chapter, or upon some other reason, came afterwards to Harlem: in this city he is suppos'd by our author to have taught the art to Coster, and practis'd it with him about the year 1459. If this be admitted, which has all the air of probability to recommend it, Coster will be left entirely destitute of his former glory. The reader will find Mr. Mattaire's proofs for what he advanceth concerning Guttenbergh's printing at Harlem, in his book before quoted 2 1.45; which I refer to, rather than to those old and scarce authors, from whom he has extracted them. I shall close this contro|versy of Harlem with the words of Malinkrot: 3 1.46

"'Tis not the spacious

woods of Harlem, nor the fine walks of Holland, nor the supineness of its inhabitants that could produce an art so difficult and laborious; but 'tis to the strenuous endeavours of the city of Mentz, and the assidu|ous and indefatigable industry of the Rhenish nation for many years together, that we are indebted for it."

CHAP. VII. The Pretensions of Strasburgh confuted.

IN the two former chapters, the falsity of the charge against John Faust has been so fully demonstrated, that one would have reasona|bly expected the ill success of this accusation, and the many learned ad|vocates that appear'd in his defence, might have been sufficient to deter the most sanguine of mortals from a second attempt upon so great a man. Nevertheless the reader must have patience to hear him arraigned at another bar for the like crimes, committed about the same time, tho' upon another person, and at another place distant several hundred miles from the former.

FOUR years after the publication of Boxhorn's Dissertatio de Typogra|phiae inventione & inventoribus, printed at Leyden 1640; there started up another, who in a small treatise intitled, Brevis de loco, tempore & autho|re Typographiae excursus, pretended to prove that Faust stole the art of Printing from John Mentel at Strasburgh. 'Tis true, this author was asham'd to set his name to it; but neither that, nor the meanness of his performance hinder'd the diligent Malinkrot, who was then writing his treatise de ortu & progressu artis Typographicae against Junius and his fol|lowers, from confuting it. Hereupon James Mentel doctor of physick at Paris, a man of learning, and great grand-son of Mentel, the first Stras|burg Printer of that name, publish'd a book call'd Paraenesis de vera Ty|pographiae ••••igine at Paris anno 1650; wherein he undertook to make good the charge, which the anonymous author had laid against Faust, and chal|leng'd the glory of the invention in favour of his ancestor. Tho' no par|ticular answer to this book has been publish'd, yet there is not one writer

upon this subject, that I know of, that has not taken occasion to con|fute, or at least to say something to discountenance it. I should therefore esteem my self, wanting to this art and its inventor, should I omit giving a short account of this controversy, and expose the vanity of such an at|tempt; especially because it may be thought, that Dr. Mentel would not have troubled the world with it so soon after the other, unless he had had something more weighty to alledge in favour of Strasburgh, than the Dutch had for Harlem.

I hope to propose the arguments on both sides so fairly, that the reader will easily judge of the pretensions and merit of this new competitor; and with such brevity, that he will not be tired with it, by referring still to the quotations in the margin without interruption to the story.

THE first evidence alledg'd by Dr. Mentel, is an old Strasburgh chro|nicle, of equal authority with the Harlem tradition, to this purpose 1 1.47:

"that anno 1440 Nich. Schantlitt being consul, &c. the excellent and tru|ly useful art of Printing was invented at Strasburgh by the incompara|ble John Mentel, who dwelt in the Fronhoff market, and at the house commonly called Viergarten (brothel-house;) which divine invention he communicated to a servant of his of great ingenuity and dexterity, by name John Gensfleich, a native of Mentz, that he might be assisting to him in the business. But this treacherous fellow had no sooner learn'd the mystery, but he serv'd his master a base trick, by associating him|self with his counrryman J. Guttenberg, a wealthy silver-smith, who began to smell out something of the art (having been employed by Mentel to make some necessary tools;) and discovering to him the se|cret,

which he had been intrusted with by his master. These two ho|ping to make themselves famous by this art, but being fearful of di|vulging it at Strasburgh where the inventor liv'd, resolv'd to remove thence, and settle at Mentz."

WITH respect to this chronicle and the writer of it, we only know what our author tells us in his translation inserted at the bottom of the page, for the chronicle is written in high dutch. As it wants therefore some better authority for its support, Dr. Mentel brings, as a confirmati|on of it, the testimonies of the writers quoted in our third chapter, who make mention of Guttenberg's carrying the art from Strasburgh to Mentz, where he perfected it by the assistance of John Faust alias Gensfleich; whose words are not therefore necessary to be repeated here. In the next place he alledges an inscription, which with Mentel's coat of arms was put at the beginning of Otho Brunsfield's Onomasticon printed at Strasburgh by John Schott anno 1543, importing 1 1.48, that these arms of Schott's family had been given to John Mentelin, first inventor of the art of Printing, and to his posterity by the Emperor Frederic III. anno 1466. After this he gives us a latin epigram written by Erhard Windsberg and inscrib'd to the three famous Germans, who set up the first Printing-press at Paris. In the first verse of this he has thought fit to change the word Alemannia (Germany) for these of tu Argentina (thou Strasburgh) as more proper for his purpose.

THE book, at the end of which are these verses, is the Epistles of Cra|tes the Cynick, printed by Martin Crantz and his two partners beforemen|tion'd anno 1470, not at Strasburgh, as our author would fain insinuate to his readers, but at Paris; where it is still extant in the library of the Sor|bon, and was seen among others by Chevillier, who has occasionally con|futed Mentel's supposition, and expos'd his unfair quotation of the epi|gram, pag. 31. of his History of Printing; as we shall shew in its proper place.

THIS is all that I can find in Mentel's book, which has the appear|ance of argument: the rest consists chiefly in digressions, and quotations in praise of the art, and of the German nation; which are entirely foreign

to this controversy. In short our author shews himself more desirous of appearing zealous for his ancestor's honour, than solicitous what credit his work will merit among the learned: I shall give an instance or two of this, and proceed to the confutation of his main arguments.

IN page 31, he gives us a piece of a comedy written by the famous Swe|dish poet Nicodemus Frischlin; but is pleas'd to overlook the lines quoted by us before at p. 19, in which he affirms, John Faust citizen of Mentz to have been the inventor of the art; tho' they are at a very small distance from the passage quoted by him; what is still more remarkable is, that Mentel affirms that our Swedish poet dedicated this dramatic piece to the senate of Strasburgh; which he would scarce have done, had he dreamt any thing of that city's claiming the glory of this invention against his Hero John Faust, or heard any thing of the charge of theft alledg'd against him by the Strasburgers. The other instance of his unfairness is no less considerable at p. 67; where having suppos'd that the Rationale Durandi was not printed 'till after the falling out of Faust and Guttenbergh, viz. ann. 1461, to evade the force of the real date 1459, he says with a very serious air, that he had credible information from men of great learning, both Printers and others, that it was wrong printed, and that the figure I, which is put before, should have been after the X, that in|stead of MCCCCLIX, it should have been MCCCCLXI: whereas Mr. Mattaire assures us 1 1.49, that the year is not printed with numeral letters, but in words at length, one thousand four hundred fifty nine; I can hardly suppose Dr. Mentel could be mistaken for want of an opportunity of con|sulting the book itself, seeing it is to be so easily met with in several ••ibraries of Paris, which stand always open to the learned and curious; and I don't find he has been wanting in ransacking them to find out any thing to his purpose: tho' should even this supposition about the date be allow'd, it would not therefore follow, that no books were printed before the year 1460 with Faust's and Schoeffer's names, exclusive of Guttenbergh's, as Dr. Mentel attempts to persuade his readers; for the Psalmorum codex printed ann. 1457 mentions only the names of the two former; and the

latter was never printed in any book that could yet be produc'd. What is said will suffice, I hope, to give an idea of this author's sincerity, whose three principal authorities I shall now examine.

FIRST, as to the Strasburgh chronicle, we may reasonably be excus'd for not laying the same stress upon it, that our author doth; since the obscu|rity of the writer, a suspicion of his partiality for his country's honour|and a difficulty of believing a person in his own cause in opposition to a great number of more credible witnesses, are obstacles almost invin|cible. I am therefore inclin'd to think, that the bare opposing of the chronicle of Cologne and Trithemius, who assert that the art was first brought from Mentz to Strasburgh, will be a sufficient confutation of it, tho' there were no other authorities for the one, nor arguments against the other. However we have an unexceptionable witness to produce against this chronicle, viz. the learned Wimpheling, who was not only an eminent ci|tizen of Strasburgh, and almost contemporary with the discovery of the art, but is likewise quoted by Dr. Mentel, tho' his testimony be diametri|cally opposite to his purpose: the first part of the passage is set down at length in pag. 15, wherein he attributes the whole invention to John Gut|tenbergh; and tells us that he did not perfect it 'till he had been sometime at Mentz; whilst John Mentel undertaking the same business, printed a great many volumes very neat and correct, and grew exceeding rich in a short time 1 1.50. This is all that Wimpheling says of Mentel; nor has any author, except that of this Strasburg chronicle, mention'd or suppos'd him to be the inventor, but only one of the first that practis'd that art at Stras|burgh: and if the reader will recollect what most of the writers, quoted in the third chapter of this book, have said concerning Guttenbergh's leav|ing Mentz and returning to Strasburg, where some of them affirm him to have taught Mentel the art; we shall not wonder that Wimpheling makes him the first inventor of it, seeing he practis'd it there sometime before it was known that Faust had done the like at Mentz; and was consequently the first Printer, that Wimpheling might know of: nor is it reasonable to suppose that Guttenbergh could have been weak enough to say any thing

of what had pass'd at Mentz between Faust and himself, it being so little to his credit.

MENTEL's next authority is taken from the coat of arms given to the family by the Emperor Frederick III; for which there is no other testi|mony but the first leaf of the Onomasticon. However supposing it to be authentick, may we not with the greatest reason oppose to it the patent or privilege granted by the Emperor Maximilian to John Schoeffer, in con|sideration of his being the grand-son of John Faust the first inventor of the art of Printing? this privilege being of much later date than the other, may be reasonably enough suppos'd a retract••tion of the former, which might have been surreptitiously obtain'd; especially considering that Faust has the concurrent testimonies of writers and incontestable facts, but Mentel only brings an old chronicle and the most precarious grounds to support his pretensions. However the authentickness of this grant is not only much question'd by the generality of writers, but has one ma|terial objection against it, which is, that the person to whom it was gi|ven, never made any mention or shew of it in all the books printed by him at Strasburgh, which, according to Wimpheling's account, were very numerous. It seems to me surprizing, that if he had really obtain'd such a noble testimony of his being the first inventor of Printing, and had been so treacherously robb'd both of the secret and the glory of it by a faith|less servant, he had not made use of his Imperial Majesty's authority (whose subject he was as well as Faust,) to confirm the honour of the invention upon himself, and the shame of the theft upon the other. But on the contrary, there is not one book to be met with, (tho' we may reasonably think Dr. Mentel was not negligent in such a search,) that was printed by John Mentel before the year 1473, and even this was without any mention of the place where it was printed; as appears from the Speculum morale of Vincentius in folio, which is the oldest book known to bear his name: whereas Faust and his son-in-law put their names to their impressions almost sixteen years before that time, as is plain from the Psalmorum Codex printed ann. 1457. What is still more wonderful, is, that John Mentel never plac'd this coat of arms in any of his books as we can find; for the oldest edition that hath it, is the Geographical work of Ptolemy printed by his nieces son MDXX, that is, 70 years after the in|vention,

64 years after the grant, and 63 after Faust had begun to print in his own name, even by Mentel's own confession.

I come now to consider the epigram, and Dr. Mentel's wild inferen|ces from it, (which he grounds upon a supposition, that the epistles, at the end of which it is printed, were done at Strasburgh,) from which he would conclude, that from this city, not only the three first Printers of Paris, to whom they are inscrib'd, but also the most celebrated ones of Europe came. His words are these 1 1.51:

"So truly may it be affirm'd, that this art at first flow'd from Strasburgh, as from its fountain-head, whence it dispers'd it self abroad: to that city therefore, and to the greatest part of her first Printers mention'd by Wimpheling, is that epigram of Erhard Windsbergh directed, which is at the end of Crates's Epistles; wheresoever these are printed, (for there is no place nam'd, tho' I shou'd rather think at Strasburgh,) they being done with some of the first types, whose rudeness plainly shews the infancy of the art."

All this is said without any foundation, and would scarce have deserv'd to be inserted here, but that it afforded me an opportunity of shewing the reverse from the testimony of Chevillier, who examin'd and compar'd the the edition of Crates's Epistles with the first impressions of these three Printers of Paris, which are given under the first list, and found them exactly alike: they are all done upon the same paper, with the same types, ink, &c. and demonstrate the infancy of the art. He adds far|ther, that there is a greater probability that these three partners came from Mentz than from Strasburgh, tho' there is no record left of the par|ticular place, but of Germany in general; because he finds a great con|formity between their characters and impressions, and those of Peter Schoeffer; thus he tells us p. 51 of his History of Printing, that the Specu|lum of Zamora printed by them at Paris ann. 1475, bears a very great likeness with St. Jerom's Epistles printed at Mentz 1470; their Rationa|le Durandi of 1475 with Scheoffer's Speculum Harpianum X Praeceptorum;

their edition of Utinus's lenten Sermons of 1477, with the Scrutinium Scrip|turarum Pauli Burgensis printed at Mentz 1478; from which the author reasonably concludes, that it is more likely they came from the city of Mentz than from that of Strasburgh. I shall now subjoin at the bottom of the page the epigram, both as it is printed in the genuine edition of the Epistles, and as Mentel has alter'd it 1 1.52: I need not, I believe, point out to the reader the material difference between Alemannia and tu Ar|gentina; the latter of which, were it authentick, would undoubtedly de|termine the dispute on the side of Strasburgh: but as the former is exact|ly according to the edition preserv'd in the Sorbon library, ever since it was printed; 'tis plain that author of the epigram, who was probably a country-man and intimate acquaintance of the three Printers, and cor|rected their editions, adding sometimes a copy of verses in their praise, did not design to particularise any city, but to give the honour of the art to the German nation in general. It is likewise probable enough, that they might not come all three from one and the same city, but perhaps each of them from a distinct one; in which case the poet must have been forc'd, either to name them all, or disobliged one or two of them, or spoil a good epigram; and therefore rather chose to compliment them under the name of Germans without regard to the place of their birth.

THO' I have now done with Dr. Mentel, yet before I close this con|troversy it will not be improper to observe that there are two cities more of Germany, which have laid claim to this invention, viz. Ausburgh and Russenburgh in Alsace. The first of these owes its original to a pas|sage misunderstood in the supplement to Polydore Vergil De rerum inventori|bus, attributed by Irenicus to Gilbert Cognatus, and printed ann. 1604 in 16^o, it runs thus:

"The art of Printing is reported to have been disco|ver'd by the industry of Peter Schoeffer of Ausburgh, or invented by some of his relations, and cultivated by him."

'Tis plain here, that

the author doth not say that the art was invented at Ausburgh, but that the inventor was a native of the place; in which he was certainly mistaken, seeing Schoeffer, who best knew the place of his own birth, declares him|self in all his inscriptions a native of Gernsheim, a small town upon the Rhine, a little below Worms. Besides we have no books extant, which are printed before the year 1471 at Ausburgh, when John Schuster gave an edition of Paul Orosius's Chronography in folio. The other town, viz. Russenburgh is likewise said by the same Irenicus to have been esteem'd by some writers, the inventress of the art of Printing; and that it receiv'd its name from the noise of the many Printing-presses at work in it: but this name seems to be more antient than that art; and no book printed there has been ever produc'd, nor any author of antiquity mention'd it; so that this was only a mistake in Cognatus, if he was the writer of the book beforemention'd. I hope, that by this time enough has been said, to satisfy the reader, that all which hath been urg'd in favour of Har|lem, Strasburgh, or these two last cities, is unworthy to come into com|petition with these noble testimonies and facts we have alleg'd on the side of Mentz. I shall therefore with the greatest pleasure dismiss this rough and tedious path of controversy, and resume the thread of our history.

CHAP. VIII. The Time of the Discovery of Printing.

THE difficulty of fixing the exact time of the discovery arises from these two reasons: 1. Becau|s;e the inventors made many fruitless tryals, and a great number of maculatures, before they could bring the art to any tolerable degree of perfection: 2. Because the vast expences of such a discovery oblig'd them to keep it secret as long as possible, or at least 'till they had reimburs'd themselves in some measure, by finishing the latin bible, which tho' a great and expensive work, was most likely to compensate their pains and cost when finish'd. This is the foundation of the disagreement between writers upon the subject; which may how|ever

be easily reconcil'd by attending to the different epocha's, from which they date the discovery. Some of them, as Wimpheling, Palmerus, Althamerus, &c. date it from the infancy of the invention of wooden blocks, and assign the year 1440. Others, as the author of the chronicle of Cologn, Trithemius, Aventine, and many more, from the invention of fusile types anno. 1450. Andrew Thevet, Angel Rocha, &c. fix the disco|very of the former method in 1442; whilst others place the time of the second invention in 1453 or 1454, among whom are Apianus and P. Lan|gius. Lastly, Philip Bergomensis and Peter Ramus assign the year 1458 for the perfection of it. To accommodate this discrepancy among all these authors, it will be sufficient to say with relation to the first, that they take their date from the time in which the invention of wooden blocks was perfected, rather than from its infancy: with respect to the last, that they thought a ten years interval much too short for the transition from the infancy of the former to the perfection of the latter method, and therefore allow'd a few years more than their predecessors had done. As for those who fix the latter invention in 1458, they were such as esteem'd the first printed book to have been the Catholicon printed ann. 1460, or perhaps the second impression of the bible ann. 1462, or Tully's offices an. 1466, as Zwinger and others suppos'd; and allow'd some years more for the invention and perfection of the art. Now 'tis plain that before the Psalmorum Codex, as we have hinted, there is not any book known to have been printed with an imprimatur at the end; and it is equally certain, that the learned knew nothing of this last book 'till the year 1669, in which Peter Lambeck publish'd the second part of his catalogue of the imperial library, where this noble monument is preserv'd; which is the reason that it is omitted in all the lists of the first printed books. 'Tis not strange therefore that these writers, for want of dates and facts, should be oblig'd to guess, as well as they could, at the time of the discovery. However we find that the chronicler of Cologn, Serrarius, Sebast. Munster, and others after them, well enough reconcile this diversity of opinions, by assign|ing the year 1440 for the former invention, and 1450 for the latter. To these if we add the authority of Trithemius, who certainly had the best information in this matter, from Peter Schoeffer a principal person in the invention, it will be evident, that about the year 1440 they began to ap|ply

themselves to cutting or engraving upon wooden blocks, after the Chinese manner, and printed some books with them; but that after the year 1450 they found out a more excellent way, for these are Trithemi|us's words in the famous passage quoted in chap. 3 1 1.53, viz. of casting se|parate metal types: this method they might have been devising and try|ing before that time, i. e. during some part of the first ten years; tho' they continued still printing after the old way, 'till they had quite perfe|cted the new one; either to bring in a continual supply of money ne|cessary, or perhaps to keep the world from prying into the new disco|very wherein they were engag'd.

I have said nothing hitherto of the dutch writers, who to make the time of this invention agree with Junius's story of Faust's pretended theft, have put it back, some above ten, others twenty years: how little credit they merit in this particular is already shewn; and the reader will be still more convinc'd of it, when he sees what shifts they are reduc'd to, for want of authorities to oppose to the vast number of writers quoted on Faust's side, not one of whom ever thought of fixing this remarka|ble epocha beyond the year 1440.

THEIR first authority is the inscription set over Laurence Coster's door by one of the citizens of Harlem, which is mention'd by all the dutch writers, and says that he found out this art ann. 1430: but this is of too recent a date to be of any weight.

SCRIVERIUS in his apology against Naudé makes the discovery two years older, and gives us a Chronographic verse 2 1.54, whose numerical let|ters make up the date of MCCCCXXVIII, Boxhorn carries it still farther back, viz. to the year 1420.

BUT as the two former dates were affirm'd without any foundation, this author has endeavour'd to confirm his own with something, that might bear the appearance of authority; and to reconcile it with the other two, by affirming that Coster began to lay the foundation of this art ann. 1420, tho' he did not perfect it 'till ten years after. The author, upon whose testimony he would have us believe it, is one Joseph Karro, a Jewish

Rabbi, who in a book intitled Shulkan Aruch or Mensa instructa, extra|cted by him out of another Jewish book call'd Arbugh Thurim, i. e. qua|tuor ordines, tells us of an old chronicle printed at Venice A. M. 5188, which answers to our year MCCCCXXVIII. This book of Rabbi Joseph he owns that he could never meet with; yet he infers from what is said there, that there could be no printing at Venice at that time, unless Har|lem had it some years before. I shall content my self with giving Box|horn's words in the margin 1 1.55; especially since neither his Rabbi nor himself have gain'd any credit in this particular; as it would indeed be wonder|ful, if a Jew should be believ'd before the concurrent testimonies of all the learned men in Europe. If he wrote what Boxhorn quotes out of him, he either was prodigiously mistaken, or affirm'd it (as is too common with his nation) contrary to his knowledge: tho' if we should deny that he ever wrote thus, I can't see with what reason Boxhorn could resent it; since he neither saw the book himself, nor gives the author's name from whom he took it. However leaving him and the rest of the Dutch writers to search for more authentick proofs than what they have hitherto alleg'd, let us return to our own, which if we dare rely upon, as we have the greatest reason to do, it will be plain, that this art was first attempted about the year 1440, and about ten years after happily perfected by John Faust and Peter Schoeffer in the city of Mentz; that tho' the former im|perfect method was known in China some hundred years before we had it, yet this latter, the only one which deserves the name of printing, was neither known nor practis'd 'till those two persons had communicated it to some of their servants, by whom it was divulg'd and dispers'd over Europe and even beyond it. This will appear more evident in the next and subsequent chapters.

CHAP. IX. Of the first books printed by Faust and Schoeffer.

THERE has been frequent occasion of mentioning the Catholicon, as the first tryal of the art of Printing, according to Trithemius's te|stimony; but as it is our design to speak of those only, which are done with separate metal types, and bear some certain date or mark of the Printer; I shall suspend the account of it, 'till I come to treat of its se|cond impression by the same Faust and Schoeffer ann. 1460.

'T is certain that if only that book, which bears the oldest date, is to be esteem'd the first printed; the book of psalms so often mention'd will bid the fairest for the first rank. Nevertheless I can see no reason to de|part so far from the testimonies of Trithemius and the Chronicle of Cologn, as not to allow the preference to the Latin Bible, which, as they tell us, was the first book, to which the pious authors of this art thought fit to consecrate their labours. In this opinion they have been follow'd by ma|ny learned and judicious writers both antient and modern; particularly Malincrot, Chevillier, de la Caille, Paul Pater and Watson. I shall there|fore select the strongest of their reasons, add a few remarks of my own upon them, and leave the decision to the reader.

FIRST with respect to Trithemius's testimony; which, I think, is un|exceptionable, seeing he affirms nothing but what he had from Peter Scho|effer's mouth: He plainly enough intimates, that the Bible was their first work, when he says that the art was found out by degrees: that after they had finish'd the discovery in speculation, and came to put it in pra|ctice, they were involv'd in many difficulties: that 1 1.56 soon after or from the beginning of this invention, when they went about printing the Bible, before they had finish'd the third quaternion (or quire of four sheets,) the char|ges amounted already to four thousand florins, a prodigious sum in those days. If we duly consider these words, we cannot but conclude the Bi+ble

to have been the first book they engaged in. Our author indeed men|tions not the year in which it was printed; but this might proceed from forgetfulness or want of information. However since such a work could not be finish'd in a short time, when the art was in its infancy, the hands but few and unacquainted with the several branches of composition, im|position, correction, distribution, &c. we may suppose the invention to have been perfected in speculation about the year 1450, and yet to have required some time before it could be put in practice, by reason of the difficulties arising in it; so that it will be reasonable to allow a year or two more, before the impression of the bible could be compleated. This may in all probability be the reason why Trithemius, who is always ve|ry exact in his chronicles, and mentions the year of any fact, when he is sure of it, rather chooses to make use of a more general expression in this case, viz. his temporibus about this time, when he speaks of the year 1450: if we recollect that he expresses himself in the same words in his first Chro|nicle, we shall be oblig'd either to allow a larger scope to them; or else suppose that the Catholicon, which was done in wood, and the Bible printed with metal types, were finish'd at the same time, which would be absurd.

THE Manuscript Cologn Chronicle tells us, that it was printed in the Ju|bile year 1450, in a large character, such as is us'd in the impressions of Missals or Mass books, which answers to our Double Pica. This Chro|nicle was written in high dutch ann. 1499; the author of which acquaints us, that he had the particulars of this invention from Ulric Zel, an old bookseller then living at Cologn. As the original is not so well understood here, I shall subjoin at the bottom of the page, the whole passage in la|tin, as I find it translated by Malinkrot 1 1.57: the words are to this purpose,

"that the art of Printing was found out at Mentz—ann. 1440: that from that time to 1450 they were employ'd in perfecting it: that they were

began to print books in the Jubile year: and that the first that was printed was the Latin Bible, in a large character, &c."

Here Ulric Zel's words are to be taken in a lax sense; for he is far from saying that any thing in this kind, much less the bible, was finish'd in the year 1450; but only that they began then to set about printing it: how long it was before they compleated it, or what date it bore, is what he neither doth, nor perhaps could so well inform us of. However, tho' we cannot be certain either from him, or Trithemius, when this noble work was perfe|cted; yet it is manifest from their restimony, that, except some macula|tures and small tryals, the Bible was the first considerable piece printed by Faust.

I am not ignorant that Mr. Mattaire in his Annals has declar'd himself of the contrary opinion; but as he has not confuted any of the above-mention'd testimonies, tho' he must have read them in the authors before quoted, nor given any reason for his departing from them; I have gi|ven preference to the judgment of so many learned writers confirm'd by two such considerable testimonies, to his single opinion. I apprehend but two tolerable objections against this; the first is, that not one of these bibles is known to be extant: The second is, that Faust cannot pro|bably be suppos'd to have begun with so large and expensive a volume, when a smaller would have been more proper for an essay, and brought him a more speedy gain. To the first I answer, 1. That this bible be|ing so full of abbreviations, &c. in imitation of the old way of writing, and difficult to be read, might undergo the same fate with many other books both MS. and others, to be thrown by and destroy'd, when the fairer and more legible impressions came in vogue: 2. The learned Sau|bert in his Oration de Bibliotheca Reipublicae Noribergensis tells us, that he had seen no less than eight copies of them in the Norican library, without date, colophon, or any other mark of their being printed by Faust. As I have not been able to procure Saubert's book, I must content my self with giving the reader the passage out of Paul Pater, in which this is mention'd: it is as follows, 1 1.58

"The Latin Bible, commonly suppos'd to

have been translated by St. Jerom, printed at Mentz upon vellum about 1450 or the following year, a copy of which Faustus sold at Paris for 750 crowns, as we related out of Trithemius, is justly reckon'd among the first beginnings of this art by Corn. Beughen (in his Incunab. Ty|pograph. Amsterd. ann. 1688.) Henry Salmuth likewise mentions ano|ther Bible publish'd ann. 1459, at the end of which are these words; This present Rationale, &c. was finish'd at Mentz by John Faust, &c. but Salmuth is doubtless mistaken in taking this book for the Bible, of which it was only a short explanation. A copy of this Bern. Malin|krot tells us that he had by him. I would not however be too po|sitive that there was not a Latin Bible printed in the same year, see|ing John Saubert owns that he had seen eight copies of it in the Nori|can library, without Faustus's colophon, undoubtedly for the reason beforemention'd, (viz. in order to sell 'em for Manuscripts.)"

From this passage it appears, that there are eight bibles without Faust's mark preserv'd in that library, and seen by Saubert; tho' both he and P. Pa|ter took them for the second impression, in which they are certainly mi|staken: 1. Because this was printed ann. 1462, and not ann. 1459: 2. Be|cause it is so far from having been printed without a colophon, that it has one of the fullest and plainest that Faust ever us'd at the end of any of his books: the reader will see it, when we come to the edition itself. But 3. 'tis not impossible but that there may be still more of these copies in some other libraries, as yet undiscover'd. The only intelligence which we had concerning these eight, is owing to Saubert; neither would these gentlemen have believ'd that there had been a Psalmorum Codex printed at Mentz ann. 1457, tho' assur'd of it by Trithemius and Zel, had not Pe|ter Lambeck the Emperor's library-keeper 28 years ago told us, that he

met with it in that famous library. I have been likewise assur'd from the mouth of a gentleman of credit, that a friend of his had seen one abroad with the date of 1457, and farther that 'twas his opinion 'twould be brought to England. How many authors have had a notion that Tully's Offices was the first printed book? yet time has produc'd no less than four printed before it, exclusive of the bible now in question; and may yet discover more concerning this.

I come now to the second objection so much insisted upon by some; viz. that 'tis improbable Faust would begin his first essays with a volume so large and expensive, when a smaller would have answer'd his purpose much better, and brought an immediate gain. My reply is, 1. That the great expence at first consisted in purchasing such a quantity of materials as the business requir'd, and not in printing of the first book, which was inconsiderable compar'd with that; consequently a smaller volume would have been too slender a reimbursement for such great sums expended: Besides we have shewn that they took up money of Guttenbergh for buy|ing of parchment, &c. and were not so straitned as before. 2. As Faust design'd to sell as many of his first printed books as he could for manu|scripts, in order to make up the cost which he had been at; 'tis obvi|ous that he must pitch upon some considerable and valuable book, before his art was discover'd, and where could he fix upon one more adapted to his purpose than this? I will not insist upon the piety of the persons so conspicuous in all their inscriptions, (tho' our age may call it super|stition,) which might have a great share in determining their choice. I shall only add, that as it was by no means adviseable for him to sell any of his first essays, left they should betray his invention; so it was most prudent to make them upon the first leaves of the Bible, which if they succeeded, would in time make him ample amends; and if they did not, the loss was no greater than if they had been try'd upon a Donatus or a Primer. Besides none of our authors have affirm'd that he began to print the bible before he had perfected the art both in theory and practice; and made a sufficient number of maculatures and other tryals, which it was the most prudent way to burn as soon as printed off. I shall leave this discourse of the first bible to the reader's choice, either to close in with, or dissent from us in allowing it the first rank; and proceed now to the

remainder of our propos'd list. It will be necessary however to acquaint him, altho' we have given the preference to that sacred book upon the testimonies of so many antient and modern writers, tho' it bears no date, yet in the following list I am about to give him of these first impres|sions of Faust, we chiefly inquire after such as carry either date or some other certain mark of the year in which they were printed: for as to those that do not, I shall speak of them afterwards, and shew that those authors who thought to have found out their date, have prov'd to have been in an error; which will be a sufficient reason for us not to depend upon any others of the like nature.

NEXT to the Bible we find five several impressions, which have certainly been made between the years 1457 and 1466. The first of these, which as we hinted, is omitted in all the lists of the first books that have been printed before Lambeck's catalogue of the Vienna library, is the Psalmo|rum Codex printed at Mentz upon Vellum anno 1457; concerning this, what has been said already will suffice, the colophon of it is in the fourth chapter, p. 29.

THE second is the Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, written by William Durand, printed at Mentz upon Vellum two Years after the Psalter, viz. anno 1459 by John Faust and Peter de Gernsheim or Schoeffer; Malinkrot, who knew nothing of the Psalter, reckons it the first printed Book next to the Bible; and tells us that he purchas'd one of them, which had for|merly belong'd to a Monastery of Franciscan Monks, destroy'd by the civil Wars, the inscription of which is very near the same with that of the Psalter. This Rationale is likewise in the Earl of Pembroke's Library, where I saw it; it is beautifully printed in Folio, upon Vellum, and is a singular Beauty as to Press-work.

THE Supposition of Malinkrot and others that this was the first print|ed Book, was the reason that Father L'Abbé a learned Jesuit began his List of printed Books from the Years of its date, viz. 1459 to 1500. and the author of the Supplement to Bellarmin's Ecclesiastical Writers makes this remark upon it, That Anno 1459, John Faustus having dis|covered the art of Printing, first printed the Book of Guill. Durand de Officiis Ecclesiasticis in the city of Mentz. These authors were certainly

in the right, seeing no book was then known of an older date: but since the second part of Trithemius's Chronicle, and the second volume of the Imperial-library have been publish'd, we must look some years back for the first impression, and give that rank to a more noble work.

THE Third is the Catholicon, a Latin vocabulary, printed at Mentz anno 1460. the second time; for the first impression was done upon wood. This Book is likewise in the Earl of Pembroke's library, where I saw it, it is in a large folio, and beautifully printed. We have given the in|scription of it in the fourth chap. p. 30, in which tho' the printer's name is not express'd, yet it was done by Faust and Schoeffer, both from the similitude of its character, paper, &c. with that of their other works, and because there were at that time no other printers either at Mentz or any where else. This Catholicon is a kind of Grammar, compil'd by John of Genoa a Dominican Fryar anno 1286. It is divided into four parts, the last of which contains a dictionary of Latin words digested alphabetically. There have been several editions of it in folio, as Che|villier tells us, who saw two of them; one, very old and without date; the other printed at Paris anno 1506. by Jodocus Badius. Another im|pression of it is done at Lyons by Antony Du Ry anno 1520, and aug|mented by Peter Gille. Furetiere therefore was led into a palpable er|ror, when he affirm'd after Dr. Mentel and Father Jacob a Carmelite, that the first printed books known in Europe were Durandus de Ritibus Ec|clesiae printed anno 1461, a bible printed anno 1462, St. Austin de Civi|tate Dei, and Tully's Offices; seeing here are no less than four printed books before the oldest of them; besides this book de Ritibus Ecclesiae was not written by William Durand, but by John Stephen Durant, who was first president of the parliament of Tholouse, and is therefore a dif|ferent book from the Durand's Rationale we are now speaking of, and of a much later date.

THE fourth is the second edition of the Latin Bible printed anno 1462. in folio with the following inscription at the end 1 1.59.

"This pre|sent

work was finish'd and perfected for the service of God in the city of Mentz by John Fust citizen, and Peter Schoeffer de Gernsheim clerk of the same diocess, it was compleated in the year of our Lord's in|carnation MCCCCLXII on the eve of the assumption of the glorious virgin Mary."

I have seen one in the library of Dr. Mead, and ano|ther at the late Mr. Wooodman's bookseller, in Vellum, and Chevillier saw two more at Paris in two volumes. Of this bible Walchius 1 1.60 relates a story, which ought to be mention'd here, as far as respects the common opinion. Faust went to Paris with some copies of it finely illuminated, where he sold one of them for 750 crowns, and another for 500; till at length he reduc'd his price to 50 and 40 crowns. The great quan|tity which he sold, and the exact likeness of every copy, made it sus|picious that they were done by a more easy and expeditious way than that of writing; whereupon the buyers thinking themselves impos'd upon, began a prosecution which oblig'd him to fly the country, and return to Mentz. Thus far Walchius, who says nothing of Faust's being accus'd of magick, as some others affirm. What relates to the person of Faust will be best consider'd in the next chapter. As to the bible itself, 'tis my opinion, that the reason why the generality of authors have thought this second edition to have been that which he sold for MS. is, that they scarce knew of any other book printed before it 2 1.61: but for my own part I cannot suppose that Faust would offer a book to sale for a written one, which had such an inscription, as must infallibly discover the cheat. 'Tis urg'd, that he might print a certain number of them without this, and after the discovery, reprint the last sheet with this colophon at the

end: but this is improbable upon two accounts; first, he had already printed three books with inscriptions, viz. the Psalter, the Rationale, and the Catholicon; all which import particularly that they were not done with pen and ink or any writing tool, but by a fine new invented art of casting Letters, and printing with them. Now since some of these must of necessi|ty have been known in France long before this year; it was impossible to have deceiv'd them by any but the first impression, unless we did sup|pose that he kept the three former unsold and unseen; which would be most absurd to imagine. But secondly 'tis plain that his design in sel|ling them for MSS. was to reimburse himself for the vast charges which he had been at in devising this invention, preparing all the necessary materials, making essays, &c. Such expences must have reduc'd him a|bove twelve years before this to the necessity of a recruit, seeing he had perfected the new invention, and began to print with it on or soon after the year 1450. as has been fully prov'd; nor can we in any probability suppose that he should work on for twelve whole years successively and print three editions, two of which were very large, without vending them; especially since he is reported by most authors to have enrich'd himself exceedingly by this time, and consequently wanted no such stra|tegem? If I could have obtain'd with all my endeavours any certain in|formation of the year in which he went to Paris, it would have deter|mined the dispute. However, if I may be allow'd a conjecture, since we find by the unanimous consent of writers that the art was perfected in the year 1450, and no books printed in his name till anno 1457 as yet known: Faust might most probably spend these seven years in Printing, illuminating and selling his first Bible; after which, his new art being discover'd, he thought it in vain to keep it secret longer; and therefore in his next book gave the world an account of his method, as we find in the Psalmorum Codex and those that follow'd it. What confirms my conjecture is, that Guttenburgh, who was prosecuted by Faust for the moiety of the money expended, and gave a deed bearing date 1455 for the pay|ment, pursuant to the judge's determination, instead of complying with it, escap'd to Strasburgh, and left his partner in the lurch, this we may reasonably suppose, reduc'd Faust to such streights, as oblig'd him to go to Paris with what books he had, in order to sell them to the best ad|vantage.

These reasons induce me to think that it was the first, and not the second bible, which Faust sold at such extraordinary rates: The reader is at his liberty to judge as he pleases in this matter.

THE fifth is the Tully's Offices printed at Mentz ann. 1465; tho' some editions have a later date by one, and others by two years, all of which are printed at Mentz, with the same inscription in every respect, as we shall shew immediately. The Right Honourable the Earl of Oxford shew'd me this book; 'tis a small 4to, and very beautifully printed, and well preserv'd. Sir Thomas Bodley had this in his library, which he presented to the university of Oxford, where it is still kept. Dr. James publish'd a catalogue of all Sir Thomas's books intitled Catalogus Bibliothecae Bodleia|nae in 4to anno 1605, in the 197 page of which book we find this Tully's Offices with the following inscription, Ejusdem liber de Officiis, &c. an. 1465. About 70 years after this, Dr. Thomas Hyde publish'd his catalogue of all the books in the university library, printed at Oxford in fol. ann. 1674, in which he gives the date of the book pag. 162; which is the same with the former, and confirm'd by Antony Wood's history of that university, printed likewise ann. 1674, pag. 228 1 1.62. Mr. Beughen mentions the same date in his list of the first editions 2 1.63, and tells us, that it was reprinted at Mentz two years after, viz. ann. 1467, and at Rome 1468. Father 1'Ab|bé 3 1.64 speaks of one which he saw in the French king's library dated 1466, and Chevillier saw another in the library of the Mazarin-college, with these words in red letters 4 1.65 This present noble work Tully's Offices was done by John Fust citizen of Mentz not with pen and ink, &c. but by a new art, &c. by the hands of my boy Peter de Gernsheim ann. MCCCCLXVI on the fourth of February. Several eminent writers, as I have already hinted, have esteem'd this the first printed book; among whom is Peter Ramus or de la Ramee, Royal professor of Mathematicks in the university of Paris, who had this edition in his library, and affirm'd it to be the first work

produc'd by the art of Printing 1 1.66 in this he has been follow'd by our country-man Anth. Wood in the book before quoted; by Pasquier in his Recherches de la France, lib. 4. ch. 4; and by several others. 'Tis very probable that the edition of 1465 and 1466 may be the same, the last sheet only reprinted; which may be easily known by comparing them together; and it were to be wish'd, that some of the Curioso's of Oxford would take that trouble, since they are both there, as appears from Ant. Wood's list.

AFTER the finishing of this book, Faust is suppos'd to have died, or lost his sight (as some report,) or at least to have grown so rich, that he left the business wholly to his son-in-law Peter Schoeffer, who then instru|cted his son John in that art. We find no more books printed in Faust's name, all the rest being in Peter Schoeffer's, some of whose inscriptions are given in the fourth chapter.

I have dwelt somewhat longer upon these noble relicks of our first printers, because I am sensible of the great value, which the curious and learned have for them.

I come now to those of other, but fictitious dates, which it will not be improper to say something of, in order to prevent the reader from be|ing deceiv'd or puzzled by them.

AMONG all the apocryphal editions that are to be met within any li|brary, exclusive of those which are suppos'd to have been printed with wooden blocks, and discours'd of already in a distinct chapter, that which bears the oldest date is the Book of Sermons de Sanctis by Leonard de Utino. John Godfrey Olearius, Lutheran minister of St. Mary's church at Hall in Saxony, says it is still preserv'd in the library of that church, and dated 1446, tho' there be no mention of the place where it was printed: the reader will find his account of it quoted in the margin 2 1.67, in his book de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, publish'd under the title of Abacus Patrologi|cus

in 8vo at Jena 1673, in which he quotes the testimony of his father Godfrey Olearius, who wrote the history of Hall, printed at Leipsick in 4to. ann. 1667. Chevillier observes very justly, that Olearius hath mention'd neither the size nor printer of this ancient book; and that all who have since spoken of it, rely upon his testimony: he thinks therefore that it ought to have been more nicely enquired into, since if the date be true, it entirely overturns the receiv'd opinion that this art was not perfected 'till the year 1450: the reasons of his suspecting it is, because Utinus liv'd in Italy ann. 1445, according to Possevinus, and can hardly be suppos'd to have had such credit in Germany, as that his sermons should be printed after a new method scarce known to above five or six persons: he is there|fore of opinion, that the book is a manuscript, or that Olearius has guess'd at the date, or which is most likely, that this is the date of the compiling, not of the printing of it.

MR. Mattaire has taken the pains to solve the greatest part of these doubts, and given the following account of it 1 1.68;

"That a very curious and learned gentleman of his acquaintance met with a copy of it at Aix la Chapelle in a monastery of regular monks, out of which he tran|scrib'd the following colophon printed at the end of it, in English thus; Thus end the golden sermons upon the Saints throughout the whole year, compil'd by Master Leonard de Utino, doctor of divinity, of the order of the fryars

Preachers, at the instance and intreaty of the magnificent city of Utino, and the noble citizens thereof MCCCCXL VI, on the eve of our blessed father Dominick confessor, to the praise and glory of almighty God, and of the whole triumphant court."

Mr. Mattaire adds, that the characters of it are very rude and ill shap'd and so full of abbreviations, that they are as difficult to read, as those printed at Mentz ann. 1459 and 1460.

THIS makes it abundantly plain, that tho' the book carries the above-mention'd date, yet it bears testimony that the compiling and not the printing of it, is there intended; so that not only the difficulty disap|pears, but Chevillier's conjecture is manifestly supported: And Mr. Mat|taire seems entirely of this opinion, and besides instances in a book or two which he hath, whose dates as he assures us, were those of their being com|pil'd; tho' the obscurity of their inscription, might possibly lead an unwary reader to take it for that of its impression: and indeed it is an unreasonable supposition, that Printing could have been brought to such a degree of per|fection at that time, against the general testimony of writers: besides nei|ther the abbreviations, nor the rudeness of the character, can be a suffici|ent index of their antiquity, seeing, as he observes, they continued in use among some eminent Printers even beyond the year 1500. In the next place I shall mention some editions, whose dates are certainly prov'd to be wrong. The first is the Regula Pastoris of Pope Gregory; a copy of which is in the French king's library, with this inscription suppos'd to be written at the end; Tentamentum Fausti, an essay of John Faust ann. 1459: now it is plain from what has been said before that Faust was so far from making any essays at that time, that he had already printed seve|ral perfect editions, Mr. Mattaire gives us this account of it p. 22. that he met with a book in 4to in the king's library at Paris, without the name of either place or Printer, only with this title, Liber Regulae pasto|ralis Gregorii papae ad Johannem episcopum Ravenensem: at the begin|ning of which Gabriel Naudé had written two verses to the reader with his own hand, intimating that book to have been certainly printed by Faust at Mentz, because the mark of the paper which is the head and horns of

an heifer, is an infallible criterium of Faust's books. And an advertise|ment in which he confirms his assertion, from the rudeness of the types, the want of diphthongs, and some other circumstances that favour the infancy of the art; and concludes, that Faust would not put his name, &c. to it, 'till his frequent essays had embolden'd him to make himself publick, as he did afterwards in the Durand's Rationale of 1459, Catho|licon, &c.

MR. Mattaire doth indeed prove plainly enough, that the rudeness of the types, and want of dates, names, &c. continued some considerable time after the discovery of the art, and consequently that that could be no certain mark of its being one of Faust's first essays: however as no|thing certain can be affirm'd concerning this book, we shall dwell no lon|ger upon it. I have seen Aeneas Sylvius's letters printed by Koelhoff of Lubeck, which is certainly antedated, for this reason, several dates in the letters being ten years older than the date of the book itself. There is another of his books in fol. in the library of the Sorbon, with a false date at the end of these words, Flores de diversis sermonibus & epistolis B. Bernardi per me Joan. Koelhoff de Lubeck coloniensem civem impressi an. MCCCC, feliciter finiunt: for 'tis plain the art was not so much as thought of at that time, nor perfected 'till 50 years after: but what demonstrates the falseness of the date is, that this John Koelhoff was scarce born then, since he printed the works of N. Gerson in 4 vol. in fol. at Cologn ann. 1483, which are of the same make and character as the Flores abovemention'd, as Chevillier p. 10 and 11 observes, who therefore thinks that the following numbers LXXXII were omitted at the end of MCCCC. The same author mentions two or three editions more of the same nature, the last of which is the Manipulus Cu|ratorum of Guy Mout Rocher with the following uncommon date at the end 1 1.69 Printed at Paris in the year one thousand CCCC and twenty three, amen: 'tis plain that the art was not brought to Paris 'till the year 1470, as shall be shown in its place; so that the last C must have been taken up by the balls, or lost some other way. Upon the whole it may be esteem'd a general rule that all dates before the year 1450 are false; and this is corroborated with the suffrage of all learned writers upon this

subject. In the mean time as it is not reasonable to imagine, that Faust and Schoeffer could be altogether idle from the year 1452, in which they are suppos'd to have finish'd their first Bible, to 1457, in which they pub|lish'd the Psalter, (unless we can suppose that Faust's law-suit with Gutten|bergh, and his journey and stay in France, could take him up five whole years, and that his ingenious son did not venture upon any work by him|self;) if time and industry should, as we may reasonably hope it may, discover any more of those old and valuable monuments of the infancy of the art; provided such impressions bear either a certain date or mark of their being done at Mentz, and by our Protodaedali before the dispersi|on of their servants, or even after that time; I doubt not but the learn|ed will allow them a proper rank in the lists, which shall be publish'd hereafter.

CHAP. X. Remarkable Occurrences between the year 1450, and the Divulgation of the Art.

THO' I propos'd to avoid all unnecessary repetitions, yet this chap|ter being design'd as a short recapitulation of the history of the first twelve years, the thread of which has been unavoidably interrupted by controversy; and to introduce some material occurrences, which could not properly be inserted in any other chapter, or such as may have escap'd the readers memory; I find the impossibility of joyning these notable events together, without interspersing them with most of those already touched upon: and this has render'd an apology before hand highly ne|cessary.

I begin with the year 1450, in which 'tis agreed by most authors, that the art was perfected in theory and practice, the inventors having prepar'd their tools and materials, and made a great number of essays; thinking they might with safety attempt some considerable volume: Their next care was to carry on the business without danger of being discover'd: to this end they admitted as few servants as possible into any part of the se|cret,

and such only upon whose sidelity they might depend, engaging them to the greatest secrecy by an oath. This being done they allotted to them their several provinces; but conceal'd every branch of Letter|founding and composing. If my authority be required, since all our accounts relating to these beginnings are so obscure and imperfect; I answer, that this may reasonably be infer'd from a remarkable passage out of the learned Hen. Pantaleon, a physician of Basil, part of which I have already quoted in a former chapter, as far as it related to Faust and Schoeffer's being the authors of this art; the remainder of it is as fol|lows 1 1.70:

"This art was at the first kept very secret and communicated to but very few; for they (Faust and Schoeffer) tyed up the types in bags, which they brought into the work-room, and took away when they went out, 'till at length in process of time the business increasing caus'd the Art to be divulg'd."

All the authors quoted by us agree with Pantaleon about their keeping the Art with all imaginable secrecy, but scarce any have inform'd us of this circumstance, of their carrying their types with them to and out of the work-room; which would have been a vain precaution, had they intrusted any but themselves in the composi|tor's part. However it is evident that the whole secret did not consist therein; the cutting the Punches, sinking them into the Matrices, ma|king the Moulds and casting the Letters, might be still a secret to any one that had been intrusted so far as to go through all the branches of the business of Printing; and he must have been a person of a surprizing ge|nius who could have found out the mystery of Letter-founding by bare|ly seeing the letters, therefore the keeping that part to themselves was making it a greater secret than all the oaths they could bind them with.

THE next remarkable occurrence is that of their admitting John Gut|tenbergh a wealthy goldsmith into partnership with them, as it is related by the last nam'd author, by Salmuth, and others quoted in the third chap|ter. This gentleman finding his neighbour Faust engag'd in a new and advantagious invention, which he wanted money to carry on, and attra|cted

by a prospect of gain, offer'd his purse and assistance upon good terms to Faust; who gladly accepted the proposal. But Guttenbergh pur|suing his own private rather than the common interest, and having at|tain'd some insight into the art, began to object that Faust had conver|ted some of the money to his own uses, and refus'd the payment of his dividend of the charges; 'till Faust had obtain'd a decree, which oblig'd him to pay his moiety of what the plaintiff should swear had been expen|ded upon the common fund: this he evaded by giving a bond payable some time after, and escaping to Strasburgh his native city, before it was due. But he first took care to learn as much of the art, as he could, to furnish himself with Printing-tools, and to draw off some of Faust's ser|vants with him. At Strasburgh he communicated to John Mentel or Men|telin the secret, and his design of setting up a Printing-house there: how|ever neither he nor his workmen were so throughly instructed in the bu|siness, but they were oblig'd to demur a considerable time before they could perfect every thing for the work, and to make many tryals in order to attain the right method; which is evident from this, that there is no book extant with Mentel's name 'till the year 1473, and not at all with Guttenbergh's; for it is scarce probable, that if they had printed any con|siderable volumes before that time, they should all have perish'd without being so much as taken notice of by any author, and especially by their learned townsman Wimpheling: whilst there remain so many of Faust's in the writings and in the hands of the learned and curious. During this time Faust finding himself impos'd upon by Guttenbergh, and disappointed of the money expected, and wanting either will o•• power to sue him in that city where he fled, form'd a strategem to raise himself a fresh supply, which succeeded according to his wish; for he went to Paris with some of his finest vellum bibles; one of which was sold to the king for 750 crowns, and is still to be seen in the royal library at Paris, a master-piece in that kind: another was bought by the Archbishop of Paris for 300 crowns: but as people were unwilling to give so exorbitant a price, he offer'd some of the last for 50 crowns and less, in hopes to have dispos'd of them all before he was discover'd. It is not indeed to be suppos'd, that they were all equal in the ornamental part; yet the beauty of the work,

the elegancy of the flower-pieces, initial letters, &c. the variety of the finest colours intermix'd with gold and silver, with which they were ex|quisitely variegated, made the purchasers fond of shewing them to their acquaintance; as every one thought the whole world could not produce such another. 'Tis reported that the Archbishop thinking his bible worth his majesty's seeing, carried it to him; who view'd it with surprize, and in return shew'd his own: upon a stricter examination and comparing 'em together, they found that the ornaments were not exactly the same; but as to the other part suppos'd to be written, they observ'd such a confor|mity in the number of pages, lines, words, and even the letters, as soon convinc'd them that they were done by some other method than transcri|bing: besides two such bibles were the work of a man's life-time to tran|scribe; and upon enquiry he was found to have sold a much greater num|ber. Hereupon orders was given to apprehend Faustus, and prosecute him as a Conjurer: I should have been apt to think this charge too absurd to gain belief, except among the vulgar; and that it was only conniv'd at, in hopes it would terrify him to a discovery of his art, were it not for a passage which I have met with in Mr. Maichel's history of the Paris libraries, where|in he mentions a strange problem publish'd by Father Bouhours, a learned Jesuit—Whether it be possible that •• German should be a wit? Mr. Maichel justly takes the part of his country-men, and proves them much wiser for the invention of Printing, than those stupid Paris doctors, who ra|ther believ'd it an effect of Magick, than of human wit or invention. De la Caille relates that he fled to Mentz, and suspecting his safety there, de|parted to Strasburgh, where he taught John Mentel or Mentelin his Art: but there is not the least probability for this assertion, since he could not be safer at one place than at another; and with respect to Mentel, it is much more probable tha•• he learn'd the invention from Guttenbergh, than from Faust who perhaps was never at Strasburgh, unless he pass'd thro' it in his journey to and from France.

HOWEVER, the parliament of Paris thought fit to make an arrest in favour of him, and to discharge him from all further prosecution, in con|sideration of his noble invention; and as I am credibly inform'd, a sala|ry was paid by that crown to Faust's descendants for many years after, as a reward for his sufferings and merit: this was the end and success of that

expedition, and prov'd at length very advantagious to him; and made some amends for the melancholy hours of his confinement, and the ter|rors of an approaching death.

FAUST discharg'd thus with honour and a large supply of money, re|turn'd to Mentz, where being inform'd that his quondam partner Gutten|bergh was endeavouring, with the assistance of Mentel, to set up a prin|ting-house at Strasburgh, and to challenge to himself the whole glory of the invention; he began to consider, that it was not only in vain, but even dangerous to conceal himself and his art any longer from the world; and 'tis probable, resolv'd at last to make both as publick as possibly he could in all the editions, which came from his press, 'till at least, ann. 1466 or 1467, in which he is suppos'd to have reprinted the last leaf of Tully's Offices, the last book known to be printed by him. During the interval between 1457, and the taking of Mentz ann. 1462, Faust meet|ing with prodigious encouragement, was oblig'd to increase the num|ber of his workmen, and open more of the art to them, than he had done 'till then. Some of these having attain'd a sufficient insight into the my|stery, were induc'd to go somewhere else, and set up for themselves; to which they were encourag'd, both by the example of those who went away with Guttenbergh, and probably by invitations from other places, which were desirous of having the Art brought to them. Pantaleon tells us, that some of those who signaliz'd themselves the first in Italy, were of that number; and indeed if we consider how soon they began to print in that kingdom, especially Rome, Venice, &c. and make a just allowance for preparing the great apparatus of a Printing-house, with their first es|says, before they came to work off those volumes, which are of the oldest date, some of them pretty large; we cannot but think that they left Mentz long before it was taken. Faust however had a sufficient number of ser|vants left to finish his last editions, which are mention'd before; after this we hear no more of him 'till the year 1471, wherein Peter Schoeffer and one Henlif a bookseller gave a book to a monastery, in order to ob|tain the prayers of it for Faust's soul: by which it was apparent he was dead before that time, or perhaps before 1470, because Schoeffer in that year printed St. Jerom's Epistles in his own name, without any mention of his master Faust.

HERE therefore I am oblig'd to conclude the history of that illustrious man, tho' I should have been vastly more satisfy'd in communicating other particulars of his life and death, could I have found 'em in the wri|ters of those times. But Germany is not the only ungrateful country that has neglected such as have best deserv'd of her; for the following books will furnish us with instances of this in other parts of the world. I shall only observe, that as it is the property of false desert to be solicitous for panegyricks and monumental records, whilst true and intrinsick me|rit is silent, and equally contemns both; so whilst the Dutch bestow the highest encomiums upon a suppositious and imaginary inventor: the Germans have been so regardless of a true and real one, as to leave it entirely to his own works to transmit his praises to posterity. If Faust had died be|fore the sacking of Mentz, we might have had grounds to suppose, that some monument had been erected to his memory by his fellow-citizens, and destroy'd by the conqueror; but as he surviv'd those times at least six or seven years, and carry'd on and improv'd the Art during that in|terval, 'tis impossible to entertain so favourable an opinion of the Mogun|tines. However his books and the art which he left us, will more effe|ctually and universally proclaim and perpetuate his name and memory, than any monumental inscriptions, &c. and endear both to the learned and curious, as long as the Art or the world itself shall endure.

THERE is one occurrence worthy to be mention'd, which I omitted in this chapter, not so much out of forgetfulness or neglect, since it is an instance of Faust's gratitude and generosity, as because it is not easy to fix the time of it, nor so likely to have happen'd within the compass of these ten years, as of some of the former, viz. between 1440 and 1450. That is, his giving his only daughter in marriage to his servant Peter Schoeffer, admitting him into partnership, and procuring him the free|dom of the city of Mentz, as a reward for his services, and the improve|ments which he made to the Art; such as the invention of punches, ma|trices, metal-types; and, as some report, Printer's ink: if these disco|veries are owing to him, Faust made him as ample amends as he could possibly. I wish Schoeffer had been so grateful to his generous master, as to have transmitted to us a fuller account of his life and character, than what we enjoy; or if he perform'd this, that time had not depriv'd us

of so valuable a monument; the want of which obliges me, much against my will, to bring this chapter and history to a conclusion, and rest sa|tisfy'd with what we have.

CHAP. XI. The Conclusion with an Account of the antient Me|thod of Printing.

I AM now come to the close of the first book of this history, which I have endeavour'd to inrich with collections from dead and living authors, and every thing valuable that I could procure upon this sub|ject, from many of the most curious libraries. The next book will open a large and pleasant scene. In the mean time I cannot conclude this bet|ter, than by giving a short summary of the whole, and digesting it into distinct periods, that the reader may, as it were at one view, see the whole progress of the Art, and fix it more easily in his memory; and by closing it with an account of the old way of printing us'd during the time of Faust, his son-in-law, &c.

1. THIS Art was devis'd a considerable time before any thing done that way appear'd.

2. 'TIS not improbable that the first hints of engraving upon wooden|blocks might come from the Chineses, who practis'd it above 300 years before it was thought of in Europe.

3. THE attempts to imitate it began about the year 1440, and not before.

4. THE new and more perfect method of Printing with fusile-types did not succeed it 'till 10 years after, viz. 1450.

5. THIS new invention was discover'd by John Faust in the city of Mentz; in the perfecting of which Peter Schoeffer assisted him very much, and was amply rewarded by his master.

JOHN GUTTENBERGH had no other share or merit in this discovery, than by promoting it with supplies of money from time to time, and that not from a principle of a publick spirit, but for his own interest, which made him drop both the Art and Artist when he found it less gainful than he expected.

6. THIS invention was kept with all imaginable secrecy by these three parties, 'till Guttenbergh, upon a difference between them, took some of their servants with him to Strasburgh, where he began to practise it, and to teach it to John Mentel: The person in whose favour the Strasburgh pretensions were afterwards started.

7. THIS contention not happening 'till the year 1455, they had already printed the latin bible, and perhaps privately dispos'd of some number of the copies, seeing their dispute was about stating their accounts, and balancing the charges and profits of the business.

8. WHETHER their first separate types were of wood, or lead, or any other metal; they ventur'd to print their first essays but on one side of the page, 'till they had found out a better ink than the common sort which they then us'd.

9. IT is probable from this circumstance, that their first improvement upon common ink, to prevent its spreading, was only by charging it with a proportionable quantity of some watery gum; such as gum ara|bick, mastick, &c. which tho' it remedied that defect, would not suffer the paper to be printed but upon one side: but either Schoeffer or his ma|ster having found out the way of making it with oyl, they then printed on both sides.

10. THEY did not begin to put their names and inscriptions at the end of their books, as we can yet find, 'till the year 1457: this they conti|nued to do 'till Faust either dyed or left off the business.

11. GUTTENBERGH's name was never joyn'd with theirs, nor put to of the books which he printed after he abandon'd Faust.

12. SOME others of Faust's servants forsook him before the taking of Mentz, and settled some at Cologn, others in Italy.

13. THE greatest dispersion of them was, when that noble city was taken and plunder'd by Archbishop Adolph, ann. 1462; so that the Art became universally known throughout Europe.

THERE remains now only to give the reader an idea of the first way of Printing, and of what is most peculiar to it; which, tho' a subject well known by the curious, may not be unacceptable to several persons, to whose hands this work may chance to fall.

1. WITH respect to their forms, they were generally either large or small folio's, or at least quarto's: the lesser sizes were not in use.

2. THE leaves were without running-title, direction-word, number of pages, or divisions into paragraphs.

3. THE character itself was a rude old Gothic mix'd with Secretary, cast on purpose to imitate the hand-writing of those times; the words were printed so close to one another, that it was difficult and tedious even to those who were us'd to MSS. and to this method; and often lead the in|attentive reader into mistakes.

4. THEIR orthography was various and often arbitrary; and as for the diphthongs ae and oe, they were not at all careful about them.

5. THEY had very frequent abbreviations, which in time grew so nu|merous and difficult to be understood, that there was a necessity of writing a book to teach the manner of reading them.

6. THEIR periods were distinguish'd by no other points than the double and single one, i. e. the colon and full stop; just after the same man|ner

as the reading psalms, in our Common prayer-books are pointed; all other punctuations being of much later invention.

7. THEY us'd no great letters to begin a sentence or proper name of men or places.

8. THEY left blanks for the places of titles, initial letters, and other ornaments, in order to have them supply'd by the illuminators, whose in|genious art, tho' in vogue before and at that time, yet did not long sur|vive the masterly improvements made by the printers in this branch of their Art. Those ornaments were exquisitely fine, and curiously variega|ted with the most beautiful colours, and even with gold and silver; the margins likewise were frequently charged with variety of figures of saints, birds, beasts, monsters, flowers &c. which had sometimes relation to the contents of the page, tho' mostly none at all: these embellishments were very costly; but for those that could not afford a round price, there were others done after a more ordinary manner and at much cheaper rates.

9. THE names of the printer, place, &c. were either wholly neglected or put at the end of the book, not without some pious ejaculation or doxology.

10. THE date was likewise omitted or involv'd in some crampt cir|cumstantial period, or else printed either at full length, or by numerical letters, and sometimes partly one and partly the other, thus; one thousand CCCC and sixty, &c. but all of them at the end of the book.

11. THERE was no variety of characters, no intermixture of Roman and Italick; which were of later invention; but their pages were conti|nued in a Gothick letter of the same size throughout.

12. THEIR Rubricks which were very frequent and added no small beauty to the pages, were sometimes done by the same hands as the initial letters.

13. WHENEVER they met with any Greek, they either left a blank for it, to be afterwards fill'd up by writing if the passage was long; or if short, consisting only of three or four words, they got it cut on wood, tho' after such a rude and ill-shap'd manner, that it required some pause to be read.

14. THE quotations of the places out of which they were taken, were very often neglected both in Manuscripts and printed books, which caus'd the curious no small trouble to find them out.

15. THEY had seldom dedicatory or prefatory epistles; and when they began afterwards to retail them in their impressions, they generally plac'd 'em at the end of the work; a piece of justice as much neglected, as want|ing in our age.

16. THEY collected no table of contents, no index nor summary, (which are indubitably a great help to the reader,) nor any errata's at the end; for what faults were in their editions were rather owing to the manuscripts which they printed after, than to the carelesness of the Printer.

17. THEY printed but few copies at once, for 200 or 300 were then esteem'd a large impression; tho' upon the encouragements receiv'd from the learned, they increas'd their numbers in proportion.

18. LASTLY, If I may be allow'd this article, they were not solicitous to obtain privileges and patents for the sole printing of any particular volume, tho' towards the later end of Faust's time several of his servants set up Printing-houses, and were ambitious to excel their master: How soon after those privileges began, appears from that granted by the Em|peror to John Schoeffer, Faust's grandson ann. 1519, for the sole printing T. Livius, and to prohibit any other to reprint those books which had come from his press: and as this had been granted upon the account of his being the grandson of the first inventor of the Art; so several Popes and Princes gave like patents to their first Printers as a mark of their favour.

I shall here mention something concerning their way of Book-binding, an account of which we find in Scaliger 1 1.71, who tells us, that his grandmo|ther had a printed Psalter, the cover of which was two inches thick; in the inside was a kind of cupboard, wherein was a small silver crucifix, and behind it the name of Berenica Codronia de la Scala. This book seems to have been printed with wood, but probably bound like the rest.

AS to the prices of their books, I cannot find any thing particular ex|cept what I have before quoted out of Campanus's dedication to the Pope; from which it may be infer'd, that in his time at Rome they were sold for about one fifth part of what the MSS. had done. To this I shall add an instance of the gift bequeath'd by P. Schoeffer, and Conrad Henlif of the same profession, to a library of monks, which will enable us to guess at the great rate they still were sold for. La Caille relates it out of the annals of the abby of St. Victor at Paris, and it is as follows 2 1.72;

"The anniversary (office for the souls), of the honourable Peter Schoeffer, Conr. Henlif and John Faust citizens and Printers in the city of Mentz, as also for the souls of their wives, parents, children, friends and bene|factors; which said P. Schoeffer and C. Henlif have given us the book of St. Jerom's Epistles printed upon vellum (in two vol. fol. ann. 1470,) excepting nevertheless the sum of twelve golden crowns, which the aforesaid Printers receiv'd from our Lord John Abbot of this church Oct. 29, 1471."

HENCE 'tis plain that the twelve crowns (which in those days were more than equivalent to as many pounds now) were but part of the price or value of the said book; and that the other part, whatever proportion it bore to this, was remitted to them in consideration of this anniversary office, to which there us'd to be no price fix'd, tho' the least for it was generally five or six crowns.

I conclude this chapter with an observation of Mons. de la Monoye con|cerning the phrase of Libri editi, which I hope the curious will be pleas'd with: he tells us, that this phrase was us'd before the invention of Prin|ting,

and signified only books publish'd and dispers'd abroad in some considerable number, in opposition to those that were writ fair to be set up in libraries, which were call'd Libri scripti. This observation he proves from a passage out of Philelphus, who speaking of his ten books of latin odes, expresses himself as follows; Carminum libri editi quinque, versuum quinque millibus; nam alteri quinque qui tantundem versus complectentur, partim scripti sunt non editi, partim ne scripti quidem, i. e. five books of the la|tin odes are already publish'd, containing 5000 verses; the other five, which will contain the same number, are partly written not publish'd, and partly still unwritten: he observes further, that the first five books of odes were not sent to the press 'till the year 1497, when they were printed in 4to. at Bres|cia: besides the same Philelphus tells his reader in one of his epistles writ|ten ann. 1453, that he design'd to publish all the ten books in that year, Libros decem hoc anno edere institui, which could not be understood of Printing, seeing tho' the art was perfected about this time, yet it was still kept secret 'till four years after, when Faust put his first colophon to the Psalter. Whether this observation be as certain as it is curious, I shall leave to the judgment of my readers.

CHAP. XI. An Account of the first printed Bibles before the year 1501.

AS those authors who have wrote any thing fully upon the subject of P••inting, have given their readers an account of the first Bi|••••es, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 have been printed, from the discovery of the Art to the year 15•••• or even beyond: I thought our English readers would not be dis|pleas'd to have a short abstract given them of those antient and valua|ble monuments of the art; and I can't but think it will be more accep|table to have them all in one view, than dispers'd, as they would be, were I to give them under their respective Printers, who liv'd at a vast di|stance of time and place from one another; especially considering that some famous cities, and even universities, as that of Louvain, have not printed so much as one single Bible in all the interval between the year

1450 and 1500, and even beyond; whereas others, for instance, that of Nurembergh has produc'd at least 13 in that time: I shall place them ac|cording to the years in which they were printed, and add such farther par|ticulars concerning them, as I have been able to meet with in those au|thors, who have given us an account of them; and such as my own ob|servations have enabled me to collect from those noble libraries I have formerly mention'd.

BY this the reader will be sufficiently appris'd, that I intend to speak only of those which bear any certain date; but as for those, which are either printed without date, or with a disputed one, I shall just say so much of them, as will let him see how little they are to be rely'd on, and what reasons I have to pass them by: I have, I think, already ventur'd to give the reader a rule how to judge of such works, viz. if their dates are before the year 1450, they must be suppos'd to have been wrong prin|ted, either designedly, or by mistake: the reader will find proofs suffici|ent of the former in our next book, and the later is too well known to require any: however in this later respect I shall give him an instance or two of it, because it will be a kind of a key to rectify any other that may hereafter fall in his way.

WE meet with an account of a German Bible, still kept in the library of the city of Ausburgh, affirm'd by Hottinger, who saw it there, to have been printed with fusile types ann. 1448, but with this caveat however, ni fallor, if I am not mistaken, as writing at some distance of time and place: other authors have given it that of 1449, but as either of them preceded the time of the invention, Malinkrot tells us, that Martin Zeiler thought it 'twas only a manuscript version made ann. 1449: but Mr. Beug|ben doth not scruple to tell us in the preliminary discourse to his Incunabu|la Typographiae, that they only misplac'd the two last figures of the date, and printed 1449 instead of 1494. Chevillier mentions two more out of Lipenius, whose dates are demonstrably false, the one is a Bible printed at Paris ann. 1443, and the other at Lyons ann. 1446: whereas it is cer|tain, that Printing was not brought to Paris 'till twenty seven years af|ter the date of the first, viz. ann. 1470, nor to Lyons 'till six or seven years after that: the same may be said of another printed at Basil, and affirm'd, by two booksellers of Geneva in the catalogue of their books, to bear date

1459, since 'tis plain that that city did not receive the Art 'till about 1475: if the reader therefore will take this rule with him, to examine the time in which the Art was brought to any place, which he will find in the following Book, he will easily rectify any wrong date that may come in his way, and as for those, which do not mention the place or Prin|ter's name, he may safely rank them amongst the apocryphal ones, and them which have no date at all, but as the former have been taken no|tice of by all our annalists, I shall be obliged so far as I am able to ascer|tain their respective dates, as we go along.

1. BEFORE I come to speak of those, which bear a certain and indisputa|ble date, I must not omit the first printed by Faust and Schoeffer about 1450 or soon after, and mention'd by Trithemius, the Colognian Chroni|cle, and some other authors, as the first considerable work printed with fusile types by those two Protodaedali. I have already given the reasons of its being printed without date or colophon, which would have betray|ed the discovery of their new Art, and prevented Faust's selling it for MS: but this however ought by no means to hinder us from giving it the first rank, seeing the fact is so undeniably attested. It is pity they have been long ago, either destroy'd, or buried in some private libra|ries, where the most diligent searches have not as yet been able to find them out: perhaps its being printed so like MS, may be one reason why they are still lookt upon as such by the owners, if any such there be; for which reason I am still willing to hope, that time may discover and bring some of them to light, and that what has been said in this histo|ry, and by authors of a much higher character, will spur up some curi|ous persons to make a more diligent search after so valuable a monu|ment; 'till when, no farther account can be expected of it than what we have already given.

2. THE next is that, which I have ventur'd, after other authors, to call the second impression of the Bible, printed at Mentz by the same worthy in|ventors ann. 1462, and which is consequently the most antient we know ex|tant in any library; we have already given some account of it in a for|mer chapter p. 31, and of the colophon printed at the end of it, which we need not therefore repeat here: as there are several copies of it here in London where I have seen them, and elsewhere in England, we need not

go to any foreign authors for an account of it: it is printed in fol. as in|deed all their other works were. For tho' I have follow'd Peter Lambeck's notion of the Psalters being printed in 4to, because its size may be very much like that of a quarto, yet if I may here venture to give my judgment of a book I have not seen, I think I have sufficient grounds to believe that the first Printers had their paper made of all sizes; and that the five books printed on Blocks of Wood, already mention'd to be in the Earl of Pembroke's library, would appear to any one like quarto's, were it not that the signatures shew the contrary.

THE next impression we meet with, is one which Mr. Mattaire gives us upon the authority of a learned friend of his, who desires to have his name conceal'd, and the want of whose date is supply'd by a colophon of three latin verses importing, that it was printed in the third year of Lewis XI. reign, i. e. ann. 1464 by the three German partners, who brought the Art to Paris, tho' there be no mention made of the place where it was printed, vid. Annal. Typogr. p. 41, and 60. I am persuaded that Mr. Mat|taire's friend was mistaken in the first verse, and I should not have given it a rank here, nor even mention'd it, were it not to prevent the reader's being puzzled with this account of it under the year 1464; or his suppo|sing me guilty of an omission: but as Chevillier gives us the same colo|phon printed at the end of the first Paris Bible by the same three part|ners, with this variation however from the former; that in the first verse, instead of Semi lustrum, it has tribus lustris, that is instead of the third, it imports the thirteenth year of that king's reign: we may easily suppose, that it was the first Paris Bible of 1475, and that this unknown gentleman might possibly be mistaken: however the book being in Queen's-college library, in Cambridge it may be easily consulted.

3. The next impression therefore to that of Mentz 1462, is that of Aus|burgh, [in latin Augusta Vindelicorum] printed by John Bemler ann. 1466 in latin fol. It is mention'd by Martin Crusius, Melchior Adamus, and after them by Malinkrot; Chevillier seems indeed to think their testimony in|sufficient to ascertain so old a date, but I cannot see any reason for it, seeing it is four years more recent than the taking of the city of Mentz, and the dispersion of Faust's servants; besides the city of Ausburgh was so near Mentz, and so considerable withal, that it is no way improbable,

but some one of them might go and settle there even sooner than the year 1466.

4. The latin Bible fol. printed at Reutlingen [Reutlingae] a small town in Germany in the dutchy of Wirtembergh ann. 1469, mention'd by Hallevor|dius, Father le Long, De la Caille, Chevillier and others; but more parti|cularly by John Saubert in his catalogue of the Norican or Nurembergh li|brary, where he saw it: the Printer of it was John de Averbach, we have nothing else extant of him at least with his name.

5. The latin Bible fol. printed about 1471 Mar. 15. at Rome by Conrard Sweynbeym and Arnold Pannariz [or Pararaiz as I have seen it printed in one of their books] who were the first Printers that settled in that city: it has a preface, and at the end four latin distichs in praise of those two Germans, and a small work or history of Aristeas, and is translated by Matthias Palmerius: the Printers tell Pope Sextus IV, in the lists which they gave him of their works, that they had printed 575 copies of it: concer|ning this Bible Spondaeus gives us the following account, we have, says he, the Bible printed at Rome in two very large volumes [ingentibus volumi|nibus] ann. 1471 in the house of the Maximis by two Germans named Con|rard Sweynheym and Arnold Pannartz.

6. The Italian Bible translated by Nicholaus Malherbis (in Italian Ma|lermi) a Venetian abbot of the order of the Calmaldules, printed at Venice ann. 1471 Calend. Aug. in fol. by Vindelin de Spire, who with his brother John, was the first who brought the Art of Printing unto that city. Che|villier tells us, he has seen it in the library of the Mazarine-college at Paris in two volumes, and that tho' the imprimatur doth not mention the Prin|ter, yet it is easy to guess at him by the Italian verses, which Squazafica has put to that edition.

7. Mr. Mattaire mentions another fol. Italian Bible printed in the same year 1571, of Malhermi's translation, without Printer or places name. Fa|ther le Long is the author he has taken it from.

8. The latin Bible reprinted at Mentz by Peter Schoeffer ann. 1472, on the eve of St. Matthias the apostle fol. the learned Walton (editor of our English edition of the Polyglot) thought this the first impression of the Bible, and seem'd doubtful of what some authors had affirm'd, that they had seen some more antient editions that that; how much he was mistaken

the reader may judge by the foregoing ones: this Bible has a colophon at the end, not unlike those us'd by his master and himself, in the former edi|tion and some other of their works.

9. Mr. Mattaire (after Father le Long,) mentions a latin impression ann. 1473 without Printer or places name. Annal. Typogr. p. 100.

10. The latin Bible fol. printed at Paris by Ulric Gering, Martin Crantz, and Michael Friburger, the first who set up a press in that city. This Bi|ble, which Chevillier has seen in the library of the Celestin monks, and has given us the colophon of; importing its being printed in the 13th year of Lewis XI. reign, i. e. ann. 1475, is the same which we suppose Mr. Mattaire's friend did inform him to have been printed in the 3d year of that monarch, i. e. ann. 1464: we need not therefore repeat here, what we said just before under that head; Mr. Mattaire however places this under the year 1476.

11. The latin Bible printed at Nuremberg in the same year 1475 in fol. by Anthony Koburger or Coburger first Printer of that city; in which libra|ry J. Saubert tells us, they have a copy still extant, we have another in the publick library at Oxford.

12. Another latin Bible without Printer or places name, printed also ann. 1475. fol. Mattaire p. 110.

13. The Bible in Italian printed by James de Rubeis, alias des Rouges, at Pignerol in Piedmont, ann. 1475, fol. idem.

14.—in latin quarto, printed at Placentia by John de Ferratis Cremonese ann. 1475.

15.—in low dutch, fol. at Cologn ann. 1475, without Printer's name, idem.

16.—in latin printed in fol. ann. 1476 at Venice, by Nicholas Jenson in Gothick character, a copy of which is still to be seen in the library of the Celestin monks at Paris.

17.—printed at Venice by Francis Hailbrun and Nicholas de Frankford partners, ann. 1476 fol. Chevillier seems doubtful, whether this and the last are not the same edition under different partners names; but Mr. Mat|taire and father Orlandi give them as two different editions.

18. The Bible in latin with canons and concordances fol. printed at Nu|rembergh by Anthony Koburger ann. 1476. Orlandi is the first author that has mention'd it: but doth not tell us where he saw it or how he came by the knowledge of it.

19.—ead. printed at Naples, ann. 1476, fol. by Matthias Mo|ravus de Olomuntz; the colophon of which has some lines in commendation of the Printer.

20.—ead. printed at Nurembergh by Anthony Koburger ann. 1477, fol. it has the arguments and references like that printed by the same Printer ann. 1476.

21.—ead. fol. printed by Bernard Richel citizen of Basil, ann. 1477, without places name.

22.—in Italian by Malhermi fol. printed at Venice by Anthony de Bononia, ann. 1477.

23.—ead. printed at Venice by Gabriel de Piero, a native of Treviso, ann. 1477, fol.

24.—in high dutch, fol. by Anthony Sorgius at Ausburgh, 1477.

25.—ead. 1477, without Printers name.

26.—in low dutch, fol. at Delph 1477.

27.—ead. in quarto, 1477.

28.—in latin with Gothick character, fol. at Venice by Leonard Wild for Francis de Hailbrun and Nicholas de Franck|ford, 1478.

29.—ead. in Gothick, fol. by Theodoric de Reynsberg and Reynald de Novimagio, fol. 1478.

30.—ead. with the arguments and references of Menardus Mo|nachus, fol. printed at Nurembergh by Anthony Coburger, 1478.

31.—ead. in Gothic fol. at Venice by Nic. Jenson, 1479.

32.—ead. with arguments and concordance fol. by Anthony Coburger at Nurembergh, 1479.

33.—ead. fol. at Lyons by Perrin de Lathomi de Lotharingis, 1479.

34.—ead. fol. without Printer's name at Cologn 1479.

35.—in low dutch, fol. at Goude in Holland by Gerard Leeu, 1479.

36. The Bible in latin with the apostils of Nic. de Lyra, fol. by John de Cologn and John Manthen, 1480; the place is not mention'd, but these two printed at Venice from 1471 to 1481, if not beyond. Orland.

37.—ead. quarto at Venice for Octavian Scot, 1480. by Fran|cis Halibrun.

38.—in High Dutch at Ausburgh, 2 vol. fol. by Ant. Sergius ci|tizen of it, 1480.

39.—in Latin fol. by Anthony Coburger, at Nuremberg 1480.

40.—ead. with summaries and references fol. by John Zeiner of Reutlingen at Ulms, 1480.

41.—ead. with apostils of N. de Lyra 7 vol. fol. Cologn, 1480 without printers name.

42.—ead. with Gothic character, by Leonard Wild of Ratis|bon, fol. at Venice 1481.

43.—ead. with postills of N. de Lyra by John de Cologn, Nic. Jenson, and partners fol. 1481; no place nam'd, but they printed at Venice.

44.—ead. in fol. by Conrard Lentorius at Nurembergh, 1481.

45.—in Italian, by Malermi fol. printed at Venice for Octavian Scot, 1481.

46.—in latin quarto at Venice by Francis Renner de Hailbrun, 1482.

47.—ead. by Reynhard of Strasburg, and Nichol. Philipi de Gernsheym fol. at Strasburg [Argentoratum] 1482.

48.—by Ant. Coburger at Nuremberg, 1483.

49.—in quarto by Francis Renner de Hailbrun at Venice, 1483.

50.—in fol. by John, sirnam'd the Great, Herbort, German at Venice, 1483.

51.—in high dutch by Ant. Coburger at Nuremberg, 1483.

52.—ead. in fol. at Ausburg 1483 without printers name.

53.—in latin fol. by John Zainer de Reutlingen. Ausburg 1484.

54.—ead. by Ant. Coburger fol. at Nuremberg, 1484.

55.—ead. in quarto by John, sirnam'd the Great, Herboxt of Selgenstat at Venice, 1484.

56. The Bible in Latin fol. at Nuremberg without Printer's name 1484.

57.—in Italian fol. at Venice by Andrea de Pattasichis de Ca|tharo, 1484.

58.—in high Dutch at Lubeck by Stephen Arnold, 1484.

59.—ead. at Stratzburg no printers name, 1485.

60.—in Latin at Antwerp fol. by Nicholas Kester, 1487.

61.—ead. in quarto Venice 1487, without Printer's name.

62.—ead. in fol. Basil, 1487, id.

63.—ead. in fol. with Lyra's apostils, 5 vol. fol. no Printer's name but known to be printed by Ant. Coburger, Nu|remberg, 1487.

64.—in French fol. by Antony Verard, Paris, 1487.

65.—in high Dutch fol. Ausburg 1487. no Printer's name.

66.—in Hebrew with points, fol. by Abraham Ben Rabb. Hhajim at Soncino, 1488.

67.—in Latin, fol. at Venice for Octavian Scot, 1489.

68.—ead. in Gothic character, fol. revis'd by Stephen Parisetti and printed by James Malieti, no place's name, 1490.

69.—in high Dutch, 4to, Ausburgh, 1490, no Printer's name.

70.—ead. 4to, at Nurembergh, 1490; no Printer's name, but suppos'd to be printed by A. Coburger.

71.—in Latin, fol. at Venice by Simon de Gara, 1491.

72.—ead. at Basil, 4to, 1491; no Printer's name.

73.—ead. at Venice, 4to, 1491, id.

74.—ead. at Basil by John Froben, 8vo, in a small letter, 1491.

75.—ead. with Lyra's apostils, 4 vol. fol. Stratzburg, 1492.

76.—ead. cum glossa ordinaria vol. 6. fol. Nurembergh by An|thony Coburger, 1493.

77.—in high Dutch by Stephen Arndes, fol. at Lubeck, 1493.

78.—ead. Gothic character, 4to, at Venice, by Fr. Renner de Hailbrun, 1494.

79.—in Italian, folio, by John Rosso, 1494; Venice.

80.—in Latin 4to, at Venice by Simon Bevilaqua citizen of Pa|via, 1494.

81.—in Hebrew, 8vo, by Gerson Ben Moses of Soncino at Brix|ia, 1494

82. The Bible in Hebrew, 4to and 8vo, at Pisauro, 1494; without Prin|ter's name.

83.—in Latin by Matthew Hus German, fol. 1494; no place's name, but we find him printing at Lyons three years before this.

84.—in high Dutch 4to, at Ausburg, 1494; no Printer's name.

85.—in Latin with Ord. Gloss. and Lyra's apostils, fol. by Pa|ganino de Paganinis, 1495.

86.—ead. Gothic character, by John Froben de Hamelburgh, 8vo Basil 1495.

87.—ead. 4to, by Jacob and Angelus Brittans at Brescia, 1496.

88.—ead. with Ord. Gloss. and de Lyra's apostils, 6 vol. fol. at Nuremberg, 1496; by Ant. Coburger.

89.—ead. corrected by Angelus de Monte Ulmi 8vo, printed by Jerom de Paganinis at Venice, 1497.

90.—ead. in Gothic character with summaries, &c. by Franc. Fradin and John Pivard 4to, 1497; no place's name.

91.—ead. fol. at Cologn 1497; without Printer's name.

92.—ead. at Strasburgh, ditto.

93.—ead. with Lyra's apostils 6 vol. fol. Basil 1498; no Prin|ter's name.

94.—ead. by Simon Bevilaqua 4to, Venice 1498.

95.—ead. 4to, by John Pivard 1500; no places name.

96.—ead. by Simon Vostre, fol. Paris 1500.

97.—ead. fol. at Nuremberg 1500; no Printer's name.

98.—ead. by John Froben, Basil 1500.

99.—ead. 8vo, Lyons 1500.

I have purposedly omitted some less considerable ones, which are either without Printer or places name, or both; because such were only the wretched performances of a few, who made it their business to reprint the editions of some of the most famous Printers of Europe, whether of the Bible, or of any other considerable work; and to vend them under|hand for the right ones: this was an abuse which began very early to be complain'd of; for no sooner had a Froben, Badius, Aldus or any other

great Printer publish'd a work, which had cost him infinite pains to cor|rect, as well as great sums of money to purchase the best manuscripts, but they pyrated them in such a shameful and incorrect manner, that they could afford to sell them for less than half the price. And as there wanted not sordid persons to encourage this vile practice, and to prefer those maim'd performances to the more correct ones, if they could but save money by them; it often prov'd that the sale of a valuable edition was hinder'd, to the great loss and discouragement of the Printer, whilst the bad ones went off with ease: this occasion'd them to complain of the abuse, in their prefaces to their works, and to appeal to the learned against such practices; some of whom (in particular Erasmus) did not fail to write very sharply against those enemies to learning, who were at length come up to such a degree of impudence, as to counterfeit the names, marks and rebus's of the famous Printers, of which we shall have occasion to give an account hereafter. In the mean time, all their complaints and efforts proving ineffectual towards the suppressing such pyracies; they were forc'd to have recourse to the higher powers, and to employ the assistance of their learned patrons, to obtain them patents and privileges for the sole printing of those works, upon which they had bestow'd so much pains and cost: but this more properly belongs to the next book to which I am now hastening.

BOOK II. The History of the Dispersion, Progress and Improvements of PRINTING, from 1462 to 1520.

The INTRODUCTION.

HITHERTO we have seen the Art of Printing kept with the utmost secrecy by its inventors, and confin'd to the city of Mentz, till the fatal year of its being ta|ken plunder'd and depriv'd of all its former rights and franchises, as we have hinted already: which occasion'd the dispersion of the greatest part of Faust's servants whom we must suppose by that time to have been very numerous: these seeing the deplorable condition to which that noble city was reduc'd, and the difficulty of carrying on the business any longer with that freedom and encouragement they had till then enjoy'd; and being perhaps inclin'd enough of themselves to leave their masters, to go settle in some of the most famous cities of Europe, where they were sure to gain, not only wealth and honour, but the friendship of the learn|ed, immediately dispersed themselves and settled, some in the neighbour|ing cities of Cologn and Ausburgh, others went to Rome, Venice, Paris, &c.

where they soon met with all the encouragement they could wish: this happen'd, as we have hinted in the former book in the year 1462. So that Faust and Schoeffer, had happily conceal'd the art from the rest of the world, at least the space of twelve years from the time of its being perfected: we must, however, except one of his servants viz. Nic. Jenson, who if the date of his first book be true and genuine, must have given his master the slip before that fatal period, since we find this book finish|ed at Venice an. 1461 with great advantage and improvement; we shall have occasion to enquire further into this man and his work, in the sequel of this book: however, if we except this one single work, we don't find any footsteps of the infant art, being carry'd out of its nurse's arms du|ing those twelve years.

BUT now we must consider it in a different view, dispersing it self over divers nations, patroniz'd by Popes and Kings, and esteem'd a di|vine blessing to mankind. It seems now to have left the city of Mentz, where it yet shines there brighter than ever; and at the same instant dis|covers it self at Rome, Venice, Oxford and Paris; and in a space shorter than can be imagin'd, becomes conspicuous over all Europe.

As there is so great a number and variety of events and remarkable occurrences, which happen'd in several cities of Europe, at the same time, or immediately after one another, with respect to the first printers who settled there, the improvements made by them, and the encouragement they receiv'd; it will be absolutely impossible to dispose them in such an order, as may give the reader at once a full view of them all, with|out interrupting the series, either with respect to time or place. Thus, for instance, while we shew the transactions at Rome, during the two or three first years, Venice, Paris, Oxford, Cologn, Milan, &c. will open new scenes to our view, attracting our eyes towards them, and oblige us to break the thread of one to begin with that of another; which continual diversions would rather confound than instruct the reader, and render the history confus'd and tedious. Our best annalists and historians being sensible of this, have follow'd a better method. Father Orlandi in par|ticular, the latest that has wrote upon this subject, hath taken that of De la Caille; who proceeds with every city by it self, from the time it is suppos'd to have receiv'd the art, to the end of the century, according to their fairest claim to priority in point of time; and then goes on with

the next in order. This method I have chose, and given under the head of each city the names, character and merit, of each printer that has wrought there, from the time of its receiving the art to the end of the year 1500; and pointed out the excellencies of those who have been emi|nent in this art, either by the beauty of their types, the elegance and correctness of their works, the number of their editions, or any improve|ments which they made. By this means, I hope the reader will clearly see the early progress of printing in every place; if not at one view, yet at least in such an order as more easily to form an idea, not only of the printers and cities wherein they resided, but likewise of the most conside|rable patrons for wealth, learning, &c. of that time, to whose character and merit, I have not failed to do justice throughout this whole work.

I propos'd at first to have clos'd this history with the fifteenth century; but when I came to consider that the most eminent printers, to whom we owe many important improvements of this art, such as Aldus at Venice, Amerbach and Froben at Basil, Badius at Lyons and Paris, with many others, did not begin to appear upon this stage, till almost the close of it: and that their merit was not discover'd till the beginning of the next; I thought it an unpardonable injustice to them and my readers, to curtail their history by too scrupulously adhering to my propos'd epocha; and therefore have chosen to continue this history twenty years longer, i. e. to 1520; and sometimes made an excursion beyond that time, when ever any of those excellent masters have outliv'd it. This has afforded me another agreeable opportunity, viz. of mentioning some others who did not enter the province of printing till after the fifteenth century.

ANOTHER motive which induc'd me to continue this history 20 years longer, was, that I found all the improvements that had been made to the art, were made by that time i. e. by the year 1520 at least; the foun|dation of them was so far lay'd before that year, that whatever has been done since, either with relation to the beauty of letter, elegancy of im|pression, variety of types, printing in different languages, especially in the eastern ones, in different columns, correctness and the like, all these and many more, had already been carry'd on to such a perfection before this time, that it admitted but of small improvements to be made to it afterwards. I have therefore thought it a much better period to close

this history with, than that of 1500 where Orlandi concludes his; this has given me an opportunity of mentioning not only the improvements them|selves, but likewise those glorious printers to whom we owe them. How|ever, as it would swell this book too much to insert the names of all the printers, that appear'd within those 20 years, they being too numerous, and a great many of them, deserving rather to be remember'd with shame than honour: I have resolv'd to speak only of those who signaliz'd themselves, either for some improvements they made to the art, the beauty and correctness of their editions, or any other merit they have been conspicuous for: it is for that reason I have chosen to speak of them in a chapter by it self, after I have clos'd the 15th century, to which I shall also add in another chapter, an account of the abuses which crept into the art from its promulgation to 1520, that there may be nothing wanting to make this history as compleat and instructing as possible.

IT will be necessary to acquaint the reader that tho' we have follow'd the method of the best annalists, in settling the priority of every city, ac|cording to the date of the oldest extant work, that was printed there, which is certainly the surest way and least liable to mistakes; yet it is more than probable that they might receive the art much sooner: seeing some time must reasonably be allow'd for setting up a printing-house, and furnishing it with the necessary apparatus, which in the infancy of the art was more difficult to procure, for want of proper workmen acquaint|ed with all the branches of such a tedious work, for which less than a year or two could scarce suffice: and because we are not absolutely sure that those editions, which we give for their first, were really so: Mr. Mattaire, who has taken such pains to search the best libraries of London, Oxford, Paris, &c. for those old monuments, that he thought he had exhau|sted that subject, has nevertheless post dated the claim and rank of several cities by some years; if Orlandi may be credited, who afterwards rectify'd them by the discovery of some older editions; and who can tell what time may produce, that may wholly invert our present order: thus for instance some of the historians quoted in the last book, tell us that Stras|burgh, Cologn, Francford, &c. receiv'd the art before any others; yet as we have none of their works extant, but such as were printed some years

after, we have been oblig'd to give them a lower rank, and place them after Rome, Paris, Venice, &c. The reader may easily remember that Guttenbergh left Mentz, and settled at Strasburgh some years before the ta|king of the former, i. e. before ann. 1462; and that he taught John Men|tel the Art in the latter: yet we meet with no edition done there of older date than 1471, viz. the Decretum Gratiani printed by Henry Egestein. Tho' Cologn receiv'd some of Faust's fugitive servants soon after his rup|ture with Guttenbergh, yet the oldest edition there, as yet known, is the works of Pope Leo I, printed 1470. What became of those impressions before that time, is scarce worth our enquiring, since the best of those which have been since publish'd, are far inferior to those done in Italy, France, &c. in beauty of character, elegancy of composition, correctness and choice of MSS to print after; while themselves proved indolent enough to neglect those improvements even after they had been made in other countries.

HOWEVER 'tis probable they might have sufficient business in printing small books of devotion, lives of saints, and legends; which, according to the tast of those times, and of that nation in particular, were eagerly bought up and thumb'd over, 'till scarce a leaf was left; while the men of learning and politeness were more curious in laying up such only as were a credit not only to the author and Printer, but to the Art it self. But however that be, I hope what I have said will sufficiently convince the reader, how cautious we should be in fixing the epocha's, and conse|quently the rank and claims of every city, in this respect; since we know not but the next diligent searcher may find matter enough to give this or|der a new turn.

I have shown in the close of the last book to what a degree of perfecti|on the Art of Printing was advanc'd even before the year 1467, and given there some account of that noble edition of Nich. Jenson, which is sup|pos'd to be done ann. 1461, with the encomium which Mr. Mattaire, to whom we are beholden for the first account of it, about eight years ago, gives to that master-piece of the Art, since which I saw it at the Earl of Pem|broke's. What seems strange in that Printer, is, that from the time of this date 1461 to 1471, not one of his impressions is to be met with; so that neither their beauty, nor the esteem which they merited among the curi|ous,

have been able to preserve them, unless they are still latent in some libraries, 'till some accident brings them to light, as happen'd to the De|cor Puellarum. 'Tis unreasonable to suppose that a man, who could, in so short a time improve the Art, to a degree equal to the best Printers of the next age, and publish'd so many excellent volumes from 1470 to 1480, should have continued idle for nine or ten years.

FOR this reason many learned persons are of opinion that the date of the book is wrong printed, and that one of the X's was either carelessly or wilfully omitted, or taken up by the balls: but Mr. Mattaire will by no means allow this supposition, and gives his reasons against it. But tho' I am partly of his opinion, yet there are two reasons that induce me to differ from father Orlandi, in allowing the preference to Venice before these last mention'd cities: the first is that this impression of the Decor Puellarum, doth not mention the place where it was done, and therefore might as well have been printed in any other place as at Venice; our an|nalists give no other reason for its being done there rather than any where else, but that Jenson is found, ten years after the date of it, flou|rishing in that city for the space of another ten years; but how to fill the chasm of the first ten is what they are at a great loss, as we shall see by and by. My second reason is that had this book been really printed at Venice, ann. 1461, it would have been absurd for the two Spires, who did not settle th••••e till about ann. 1468, to ••••ve taken upon them in their first colophon•• the title of the first persons who taught the city of Venice the art of printing, or if they had, I doubt not but Jenson would have taken care to have confuted such an assumption in some of his own works, which he never did: allowing therefore the date of this work to be genuine, yet it would be too presumptive to build the claim of that city upon a book, which for ought appears was not printed there.

I have ven ur'd to say so much concerning this impression, in this in|troduction, because of its being dated one year before the time our se|cond book begins; so that it could not so properly be brought into the book itself, without antedating of it by that one year for the sake of one impression. Before Mr Mattaire gave us an account of it in his Annal. Typogr. most authors gave the city of Rome the preference, to that of Venice by at least 4 or 5 years; and with respect to the latter the two

Spires were allow'd to have been the first Printers there, according to the verses that are at the end of their first works: this impression there|fore, doth at most prove Jenson to have began to print some where, be|fore those two brothers were settled at Venice. What discoveries may be made hereafter, which may perhaps invert the present order, is what I am not concern'd about at present: my business is to settle it now ac|cording to the best light I have been able to get. I hope the reader will excuse me, if the respect which I bear to those noble cities, who gave the first encouragement to this infant Art, hath made me somewhat pro|lix, and what he may perhaps call over curious in settling this point of precedency; for since it may be so easily settled and adjusted from au|thentic records, it would have been an unpardonable omission in me to have neglected it; seeing every one of those cities do still value them|selves upon their rank, and have taken all possible pains to find out all the old monuments that would both support and advance their respective claims.

I know that some annalists, in order to fill up the chasm of nine years, have suppos'd that Jenson went from Venice to Paris, where he taught the Art of Printing, and set up some presses, and instructed several, who became eminent Printers. But this is improbable on many accounts; 1. Because there are none of his works done at Paris; 2. Because his cha|racter is much finer than any us'd in France by the first Printers there; 3. Because he would have met with such encouragement there, especi|ally considering it was his native country, that there had been no occa|sion to return to Venice; lastly, because, if he had taught so many skil|ful workmen in the Art, of which himself was then by far the greatest master, it would have been unnecessary to send for the three partners out of Germany, who did not however come to that city 'till about the year 1469, that is, six or seven years after his suppos'd coming thither. To this we may add, that upon this supposition the Art must have been brought to Paris, several years sooner than the most authentick records, and the best writers allow, which seems as improbable; as it is difficult to assign a place where Jenson printed this work. From all which, allow|ing the date of the Decor Puellarum, as no place is mention'd where it

was printed, we are oblig'd for the reasons before mention'd to give the preference to Rome.

CHAP. I. The City of Mentz, Monastery of Subiaco, and the City of Ausburgh.

§. 1. Faust and Schoeffer continue to print at Mentz, after the Dispersion of most of their Servants, and the taking of that City.

IF those cities which gave the earliest invitations and encouragements to the Art of Printing, do so justly merit to be recorded in their re|spective ranks, that of Mentz certainly deserves to be placed at the head of them, upon two accounts; 1. because it was the mother and inventress of it; and 2. because it still continued to promote and cherish it, after it had been reduc'd to a foreign yoke. In the first book we consider'd her in the former view, whilst she was the only one in the world, that engross'd both the Art and Artists to herself: but the conqueror's sword was the occasion of its being dispers'd through the most eminent cities of Europe: 'till this time the best of Faust's servants being tyed by an oath of secrecy, and perhaps by some more powerful engagement, had not dar'd to for|sake their master; and if some few had ventur'd to break through their en|gagements, yet were they still so imperfectly acquainted with the Art, that they never perform'd any work that could abide the test of time, if we except N. Jenson's: but now as the city was depriv'd of its freedom and pri|vileges, it abolish'd the difference between master and servant, citizen and foreigner; they began to look upon themselves as free from all former ties, and at liberty to accept of the invitations which they receiv'd from England, Italy, France, &c. so that in the space of very few years, there was scarce a metropolis or considerable city, where there was not one or more Printing-houses set up: several monasteries likewise began to entertain those fugitives very early, as we shall show anon; and wherever any of those workmen chanc'd to settle themselves, they did not fail of meeting

with all the assistance and encouragement, which the most eminent men either for power or learning could give them. However as they cannot be suppos'd to have been all men of equal capacity and industry, so we need not wonder if they did not signalize themselves every where alike; but whilst one sort of them did in a short space improve the Art to a very considerable degree, others of a more sluggish nature, contented them|selves with going on in their old way, and some of them even from bad to worse.

WE need not doubt but that Faust and Schoeffer, during this sad inter|val, were as much courted by other nations to leave Mentz, and betake themselves to a place of greater tranquillity, and in a more flourishing state: but their love to their native city, which had favour'd them so much in its prosperity, prevail'd upon them to continue there, and to car|ry on their business, as before. This is apparent from the list of their works, given in the first book; and the edition of the great Bible which they printed in this very year, with that of Tully's Offices three years af|ter, gives ground to suppose, that the merit of this invention procur'd them some particular regard and privilege from Archbishop Adolph, as soon as it became known to him; which might induce them to go on with the business, as they had done formerly: however if they printed nothing between the year 1462 and 1465, (as we don't as yet find that they did) we may reasonably suppose, that the confusion in which the city then was, might obstruct it for that time, since we don't find such a length of time between any of their other works: the truth is, we have very few or no particulars concerning them, except what we have given in the first book, wherein I endeavour'd as well as I could to trace Faust's history to the end of his life. All that we can add concerning Peter Schoeffer, is, that he continued printing several considerable volumes 'till the year 1479, which he then subscrib'd with his own name, and to some of which (towards the latter end of his life) he added his coat of arms, which might in all probability have been given to him either by the Archbi|shop or some crown'd head: accordingly we find these words added to his colophons, Suis consignando scutis, that they were mark'd with his own arms. He left a son John Schoeffer, who became likewise an ex|cellent Printer at Mentz; but he must in all likelihood have been very

young when his father dy'd, seeing we find nothing printed by him 'till ann. 1503, when he acquainted his readers in the colophons to his first im|pressions, that he was the son of Peter Schoeffer and grandson to J. Faust, &c. the first inventors of the Art; and that himself was an excellent master of it, and an eminent citizen (primarius civis) of the metropolis of Mentz, but as this is beyond my propos'd epocha, I shall say no more of him.

I don't find any other Printer in the city of Mentz, during Peter Schoeffer's life: about 1480, we meet with one single work of no great conse|quence done there by one Erhard Rewick, and between the year 1470 and 1500, there are about fifteen impressions printed there without any Printer's name; and therefore are suppos'd to have been done by some of Faust's servants, who dared not put their names to them, whilst Schoeffer and his son liv'd.

THO' I do not design to swell the following book with a list of the works done in every city, it having been done by the indefatigable Mr. Mat|taire and father Orlandi, but only to give my readers an account of the most eminent Printers, that have signaliz'd themselves in any of them, with the names and dates of the less considerable ones; yet I hope the reader will forgive me, if my respect for P. Schoeffer, whose works are so much valued by the curious, as well for their antiquity, as for their elegance, correctness, and those ornaments, which he still caus'd the illuminators to bestow on them to the last, induces me to subjoin a list of them; they are as follows, with their colophons.

1. The edition of Tho. Aquinas's Secunda secundae, printed in fol. ann. 1467, with an inscription at the end to this purpose 1 1.73;

"This noble work intitled Secunda secundae was finish'd in the famous city of Mentz in Germany (which nation the divine goodness hath vouchsaf'd to sig|nalize with superior gifts to all other nations of the earth,) by a new invented Art of Printing, &c. without the help of any writing instru|ment, &c. for the service of God, by Peter Schoiffer de Gernsheim,

ann. Dom. 1467, on the sixth day of March."

In this he hath alter'd one letter of his sirname, viz. the first e into an i, in the next he chang'd the i into a y, according to Mr. Mattaire's list; who likewise justly cen|sures his latin syntax in writing Dei clementia dignatus est; tho' this hinders not his being a correct Printer, as well as tolerable good clerk for those times.

2. THE next is the Institutiones Juris Imper. Justinian. cum Glossa, in fol. ann. 1468. The colophon is much to the same purpose with the former, in which he is very liberal of his incense to Mentz and the whole German nation. It is superfluous to give a translation of it; but the ori|ginal may be seen in the margin 1 1.74; tho' Schoeffer's inscriptions in the fol|lowing impressions are somewhat shorter, yet we shall likewise take the liberty of abridging them to avoid repetition.

3. ST Jerom's Epistles with an introduction in 2 vol. fol. printed upon vellum ann. 1470. In this he styles himself that famous person Peter Scho|iffer 2 1.75, the colophon of it has been given in another place; and this is the book, part of the price of which, as we said before, was remitted by him to the monks of St Victor, in order to procure their prayers for Faust and himself. Cardinal Brissonet, abbot of St Germain in the fields near Paris, gave another copy of it to the library of that monastery; and a third was presented by Arthur de Montauban archbishop of Bour|deaux to the library of the Celestins at Paris, of which order he had been formerly. These are all still extant in the libraries abovemention'd.

4. VALERII MAXIMI dictorum factorumque memorabilium libri X. in fol. ann. 1471, in the noble city of Mentz upon the Rhine by Peter Scho|effer de Gernsheim, master of the Art of Printing 3 1.76.

5. THE Latin bible reprinted ann. 1472 by Peter Schoeffer with the same colophon as the former Bible of 1462. It was finish'd on the eve of St. Matthew the apostle.

6. THE Corpus Canonicum without the Printer's name, ann. 1472, fol.

THE Catholicon reprinted ann. 1472 with the same colophon as the for|mer; and finish'd on St. Matthew's eve. These three last being finish'd about the same time, show that Schoeffer had already more than one press at work.

7. ST. Austin's book De civitate Dei in fol. with the commentaries of Thomas de Valois and Nicholas Thevet, printed ann. 1473, at the end where|of are the following words in latin, 1 1.77 viz.

"This most excellent work of the city of God written by Aurelius Augustine, the bright star of the or|thodox city, with the commentaries of two learned professors of divi|nity, distinguish'd with rubricks and a table of contents, was with great labour finish'd in the famous city of Mentz in Germany, not with a writing instrument, but by an artificial disposition of the figures of let|ters, to the glory of the undivided trinity, and by the aid of the city of God, by Peter Schoiffer de Gernsheim, on the fifth day of September, 1473."

HENRICI HARP or Harpian. Ord. Min. Fr. Speculum aureum de|cem praeceptorum Dei, by Peter Schoiffer, &c. in fol. The colophon is al|most the same with that of the Secunda of Tho. Aquinas. It was finish'd on the fourth of the ides of September ann. 1474.

9. S. BERNARDI Clarevallensis Abbatis sermones, fol. ann. 1475 2 1.78. Here Schoeffer began to put his mark, rebus, or coat of arms to his impressions.

10. JUSTINIANI Institutiones cum notis Accursii, fol. ann. 1476, Schoef|fer dedicated this work to Pope Sixtus IV, to the Emperor Frederic, and to the Archbishop of Mentz 3 1.79.

11. DECISIONES Rotae Romanae, in fol. ann. 1477. The original of the colophon may be seen in the margin 1 1.80.

12. JOHAN. de Turre-cremata ord. praedic. Card. exposition of the psalms, in fol. by Peter Schoiffer at Mentz, 1478.

13. PAUL. de S. Maria Bishop of Burgos's Scrutinium scripturarum, fol. ann. 1478. This work is inscrib'd to the same Archbishop of Mentz 2 1.81.

14. THE book of Decretals in fol. at Mentz by P. Schoiffer, 1479.

THIS is the last book that is known to have been printed by him, who is therefore suppos'd to have dy'd about this time.

WE have now done with the city of Mentz; whose fame in this res|pect seems to have been intirely confin'd to Faust's family, and that no further than to his grandson John Schoeffer; seeing nothing considerable was ever printed there by any other person, except the travels of Bernard Bredembach Dean of Mentz, into the Holy-land ann. 1486, by one Erhard Rewick a native of Utrecht, whom we have just mention'd. 'Tis now time to come to those places, which show'd the earliest specimens of this Art; and to give the best account we have of them.

§. 2. The MONASTERY of SUBIACO.

THE next place, that we know of, which signaliz'd it self in the Art of Printing, is the monastery of Subiaco, in latin Monasterum Subla|cense, in the territories of Campania, in the kingdom of Naples, and sub|ject to the Pope; the monks of which are of the Benedictin order, and very rich, having the lordship of no less than fourteen castles. Here the Art was introduc'd so soon, that in the year 1465, there was publish'd an edition of Lactantius's Institutions in fol. so correct and elegant, and in such a beautiful Roman character, that nothing seems wanting but the

name of the Printer. What is still more surprizing is, that Lactantius's quotations from the Greek authors are printed in a very neat Greek letter, and extremely like that which the first Printers of Rome, Conrard Sweyn|heym and Arnold Pannartz, became noted for. This induc'd father Or|landi to think it was one of the first essays, which those two Germans made in that convent, before they went to Rome; but this can by no means be allow'd, because tho' the character be like theirs, yet it appears by the eight first impressions, which they printed at Rome; that they had no Greek alphabet 'till four or five years after the date of this impression, as we shall see in the next chapter: the following colophon is at the end of it.

In the year of our Lord MCCCCLXV, and the second year of the pontificate of Pope Paul II. in the XIII indiction, and on the last day but one of the month of October, in the venerable monastery of Subiaco.

THIS scarce and curious edition is mention'd by Montfaucon in his Di|arium Italicum p. 255, & seq. who hath given it an earlier date, viz. 1461; but the mistake arises from the last figure's being imperfectly printed. We know nothing of any other impression, which came from that Mo|nastery's press.

§. 3. The CITY of AUSBURGH.

THE next is the city of Ausburgh [in latin Augusta,] one of the most opulent of the imperial cities in Germany; in which the learned John Bem|ler set up a Printing-press, about the year 1466. The only two books, that are known to be printed by him, are the Latin Bible in fol. with this inscription—••er Joh. Bemler, Augustae Vindelic. ann. 1466; and his translation of Joh. Nach's summa praecipuorum capitum fidei christianae, out of Latin into high Dutch, printed ann. 1472. Whether he printed any books during that six years interval, or was employed wholly in transla|ting this last work, is difficult to determine, as well as whether he pub|lish'd any thing after 1472. However there were five other eminent per|sons in that city, who, tho' they did not begin so soon as he, yet prin|ted

divers learned works; most of them, being either citizens or natives of Ausburgh, might in all probability learn the Art from him.

As we have little or nothing particular concerning them except their impressions, we shall content our selves with giving their names, chara|cter, and the time in which they printed, as far as we can discover it by their known works.

AFTER the above nam'd John Bemler came.

2. JOHN SHUSLER citizen of Ausburgh, a very good Printer, but whose works reach only from ann. 1471 to 1472.

3. GONTER ZAINER de Reutlingen, who printed from ann. 1471 to 1484, we have but eight of his impressions.

4. ANT. SORGIUS citizen of Ausburgh from 1477 to 1487, we have but four of his editions.

5. ERHARD RALDOLT of Ausburgh, who after having printed some works at Venice, with his partner Bernard Pictor, 'till the year 1485 or be|yond, return'd to his own native city, and there set up a press about or before the year 1488, and continu'd printing 'till 1490, if not beyond: however he was a very diligent Printer for those times, seeing he prin|ted in that short space seven books in latin.

6. THE last we find in this city, is John Schensperger, who printed a chronical work in Latin, with cutts fol. ann. 1497; but whether any be|sides that, is not as yet known.

WE find likewise two or three Dutch books printed here without Prin|ter's name, and of no great consequence.

CHAP. II. 1. The first Printers at Rome; their Patrons and Correctors; Books printed by them, &c. their Pe|tition to the Pope. 2. The City of Tours, 1467. 3. The Town of Reutlingen, 1469.

SOON after Ausburgh had receiv'd the Art of Printing, it was brought to Rome by two Germans, Conrard Sweynheim and Arnold Pannarts; who set up a printing-house there anno 1466, the second year

of the pontificate of Paul II. under the patronage of John Andreas Bi|shop of Aleria, who was the Popes library-keeper, justly fam'd for his learning and generosity. These printers assisted with that prelates purse, did immediately prepare an elegant, round, Roman character, and a suffi|cient quantity of the finest paper; they invented likewise such variety of spaces, as kept a beautiful distance between the words, and made their impressions appear with the greatest neatness and exactness. Their mar|gins were broad, and not only added a grace to the pages, but render|ed them likewise convenient for the writing of notes, &c. and their ink was so excellent, that it still looks as fresh as if newly printed. In short, they were persons who valu'd their credit, and the honour of pleasing their patron more than riches; and spar'd neither cost nor labour, in order to make their impressions as beautiful and correct, as possible; which any one that has seen them, will own with pleasure.

I doubt not but the great acquaintance amongst the learned, which their noble patron's friendship procur'd them, might be a great means of their improving the art to such a degree; seeing such persons were best able to discover the faults and inconveniences of the first printed books, which these Germans might more easily rectify when they became ac|quainted with them. These two partners settled themselves in the house of Peter and Francis de Maximis, brothers and Roman knights; where the Bishop of Aleria not only furnish'd them with the most valuable manuscripts, out of the Vatican and other libraties, but also prepar'd them himself, corrected their proofs, and prefix'd prefaces and de|dications to their works, in order to recommend them the more to the learned world. This laborious task was follow'd by him with such application, that he scarce allow'd himself time to sleep. What a value this great Bishop had both for the art and these two great masters of it, appears from his dedication to Pope Paul II. prefix'd to the edition of St. Jerom's Epistles, which I shall now give the English reader a translati|on of.

"It was, says he, in your days, that among many other divine favours this blessing was bestow'd on the Christian world, that every poor scholar can purchase for himself a library for a small sum,—that those volumes, which heretofore could scarce be bought for an hundred crowns, may now be procur'd for less than twenty, very well

printed, and free from those faults with which manuscripts us'd to abound.—for such is the art of our printers and letter-makers, that no antient or modern discovery is comparable to it. Surely the German nation deserves our highest esteem, for the invention of the most useful arts. The wish of the noble and divine Cardinal Cusa, is now—in your time accomplish'd, who earnestly desir'd that this sacred art, which then seem'd rising in Germany, might be brought to Rome. Your Pontificate, (glorious in every respect,) will be as immortal as learning it self. In which this art was brought and laid at your Holi|ness's feet.—It is my chief aim in this epistle to let posterity know, that the art of printing and type-making was brought to Rome under Paul II. This blessing was certainly confer'd on us by our heavenly Shepherd, that a book is now purchas'd for less than a binding for|merly. Receive then, great, generous and glorious Pontif, the first volume of St. Jerom, graciously,—and take the excellent masters of this art, Conrard Sweynheym and Arnold Pannarts, Germans, under your protection, &c."

THUS were these two printers caress'd and encourag'd by most of the men of letters and fortune at Rome, and even by the Pope himself, who frequently visited their Printing-house, and examin'd with admiration every branch of this new art; which seem'd design'd to recover learn|ing, and restore that city to its antient lustre. This excited them to approve themselves worthy of all that esteem, which was shew'd them, by publishing a vast number of elegant impressions, some of which were so large that they could not be done without great labor and charges, as will be evident from the list of their works, which they presented to the Pope, of which we shall give an account in its proper place.

WHAT their first impression was, whether Cicero's Familiar Epistles, or St. Austin's book de Civitate Dei, is what authors can by no means agree about; that the former was printed at Rome ann. 1467, with a latin epi|gram, at the end of which their names are at full length; and on the fol|lowing year, a new edition of St. Austin's book 1 1.82 is plain beyond contra|diction:

the dispute therefore seems to be about an edition of it, older by a year; in which the Printer, without either naming himself, or the place in which it was done, contents himself with this colophon in latin, MCCCCLXVII, in the third year of Pope Paul II, &c. from which last words, and the likeness of the character with the Lactantius printed at Su|biaco, and their first impressions at Rome; they venture to affirm it to have been printed by them, without deciding whether at Rome or any where else. Orlandi, the last writer upon the subject, speaks of it as follows, p. 67 1 1.83.

"It is certain that the first work, that came out of their press has been universally believ'd by authors to be St. Austin's book de civitate Dei; and tho' it mentions neither the name of the place or of the Printer, yet being printed in a round Roman character, and in the third year of Paul II. ann. 1467, as may be seen at the end of the said book;"

it cannot but have been done by them; but I think I have two material objections against it: the first is, that if they had printed it at Rome, they would not have omitted it in their list to the Pope; and if at Subiaco or any where else, I cannot see how they could print the Ci|cero at Rome in the same year. Secondly, tho' the likeness of the character seems to carry some proof, and inclin'd him to believe the edition of Su|biaco to have been also done by them; yet it is evident by what we hin|ted in the introduction, that they were so far from being furnish'd with a Greek alphabet, that their first works have all the greek done upon wood in a very inelegant manner; and that whenever the quotation was above three or four words, they left a blank space to be fill'd afterwards with the pen; whereas this of Lactantius has all the greek quotations printed in a beautiful cast letter: and therefore tho' we may allow this edition and that disputed one of St. Austin's, to have been done by the same hand, yet it is plain it could not be done by those two Germans. If we can believe them, they'll tell us, that they began their first tryal with a less conside|rable work, viz. Donatus's grammar, of which they printed only 300 co|pies: this is plain, both by their putting it at the head of their list, and

by their prefacing it with the words—unde imprimendi initium sumpsimus, after which they went on with 1 1.84 Cicero's Epistles, and the rest of their works without mentioning any edition of St. Austin's before the year 1468: the epigram which we mention'd before, to be at the end of both these editi|ons is as follows,

Hoc Conradus opus Sweynheim ordine miro Arnoldusque simul Pannartz una oede colendi Gente Theotonica Romae expediere sodales In domo Petri de Maximis.

I have already hinted their method of managing the Greek quotations, which they follow'd in the first volumes they printed, that is 'till the middle of the year 1469: perhaps were they forc'd to it for want of work|men to cut the Greek alphabet; but at length, notwithstanding the neg|lect of that tongue might have excus'd them from the labour and expence of procuring setts of punches and matrices for Printing in that language, and the difficulty of finding workmen fit for such a task, they surmoun|ted every obstacle of this nature, and form'd a compleat Greek alphabet, which they us'd in the edition of Aulus Gellius. Concerning this edition the Bishop of Aleria speaks thus;

"However, this prov'd a very ardu|ous task at first;—for a great part of the Latin was corrupted thro' the negligence of the transcribers; and a much greater part of the Greek deprav'd, maim'd, and mutilated. Even that, which remain'd entire, was scarce understood by Latin scholars, by reason of their ig|norance in Greek. Some attempts have been made by persons skill'd in both tongues, to restore this jewell to its former lustre; but they, either discourag'd by the difficulty, or diverted by other affairs, de|sisted from the undertaking."

Thus writes that learned prelate, who by the assistance of Theodore Gaza, a man of great abilities and universal learning, perform'd this admirable work, rectify'd the Latin text, and render'd the Greek intelligible. This edition was printed ann. 1469 in a fine character, with the arguments to each book done in red by the illu|minators.

The quotations, which are long and more frequent, than in any other author, are printed in a fair Greek character, considering this kind of printing was but in its infancy; and what is extremely remarka|ble, they were so correctly printed, that, as we are assur'd by Mr. Mat|taire, in two whole pages, which contain'd seventy six lines of a conside|rable length, there were but fourteen faults of impression. The place, mention'd by that author, may be seen in pag. 46 of his Annales Typogr▪ where he has set down those places, which were wrong printed, in order to convince the world, by the smallness of their number, of the accu|racy and diligence of those two Printers.

HE tells us likewise that their Greek character was somewhat large, round and even, without accents, ligatures, abbreviations, or any thing that might perplex the reader, except only that sometimes two or more words were join'd together without any space between them; and that the periods had either no full stop, or one in the wrong place; so that a person, not us'd to MSS. was doubtful where the sense ended. To this edition was prefix'd a dedicatory Epistle of the Bishop of Aleria to the Pope, wherein he acknowledges the kindness of his Holiness and the Car|dinal of Ostia, in supplying him with money in his greatest exigencies; and promises to proceed with the utmost industry in furnishing the learn|ed world with new productions from the press. At the end of the book is a copy of verses, suppos'd to be written by the same prelate, in praise of that edition, which are elegant for those times, the reader may find them at length in Mr. Mattaire's Annals p. 47. I shall only give a latin octastich, which was printed at the end of several of their impressions, in commendation of the printers; wherein the poet apologizes for the harshness of their German names, offensive without doubt to an Italian ear. They are inserted particularly in the first edition of St. Jerom's Epistles, and the great work of Nich. de Lyra entitled Glossa ordinaria in universam Bibliam, 5 vol. fol. and in several others. The reader will find them in the margin * 1.85. Thus they continued printing without inter|mission

mission for seven years, whilst their patron procur'd 'em all possible assis|tance, and overlook'd their impressions. This is manifest from the edi|tions of Tully, St. Jerom, Livy, Lucan, the works of St. Leo, Ovid, Ni|cholas de Lyra, and especially of Pliny, with many more; in which the Bishop acquaints the world with the pains, taken by himself and his con|stant assistant Theod. Gaza, in correcting the originals, and presiding over the editions 1 1.86. For this reason Dr. Mentel, mention'd in our first book, affirms him to have been corrector of Sweynheim's press, and Campanus Bishop of Teramo, who was Ulric Han's patron, to have per|form'd the same office in his 2 1.87. This is likewise asserted by Naudé in his supplement to the history of Lewis XI 3 1.88, and divers other writers. But it is questionable whether those excellent persons can properly be call'd correctors, or rather do not deserve the title of authors or editors.

HOWEVER, there is an eminent passage in this Epistle of the Bishop's before Pliny's works, which as it demonstrates his care and diligence in his province, ought not to be omitted.

"It was, says he 4 1.89, the earnest request of Ireneus Bp. of Lyons; and of Justin, who of a philosopher became a martyr, and likewise of St. Jerom and Eusebius of Cesarea, to the latest posterity, that those, who were to transcribe their works, would diligently compare the copies of them, and carefully correct them: the same request I make now, both with respect to other books, and in particular to Pliny, lest that work, which cost so much labour and study, (for he spent above nine whole years in it) should again sink into its former errors and inextricable darkness."

HITHER TO we have seen the flourishing state of this press, which in the space of six or seven years at most, viz. from ann. 1467 to 1472, oblig'd the world with no less than twelve thousand four hundred and se|venty five volumes, in eight and twenty editions, some of them very large, and all beautiful and correct; so that if their vast labours and cost had met with suitable success, they must have rais'd a prodigious estate. But, whatever be the cause, 'tis certain that the greatest part of this li|brary remain'd still in their hands for want of buyers; which reduc'd them to the most necessitous circumstances. Father Orlandi endeavours to account for this ill-success, by supposing that their impressions, being in Roman character, were dislik'd in those days, because the learned had been so accustom'd to the old Gothick, as not to approve of this new, tho' preferable one. This conjecture seems the more probable upon two accounts; 1. Because several eminent printers were oblig'd to com|ply with the tast of the age, and use the old character, resembling that of MSS. 2. Most of the first Printers of Paris, Venice, Rome, &c. who began with the Roman, were forc'd by degrees to resume the old Go|thick, which continu'd till almost the middle of the next century, and prov'd the ruin of many valuable impressions in divers parts of Europe. However that be, our two Germans under these pressing exigencies had recourse to their great patron, who immediately drew up a petition in their names and behalf to Pope Xystus IV, subjoin'd to the fifth volume of Nich. de Lyra's Gloss. and presented on the 20th of March 1472. In this he represents their great merit and misery in the most pathetick terms imaginable; gives a catalogue of all the volumes printed by them, the greatest part of which was still unsold; prays his Holiness to consider their deplorable case; and declares their readiness to deliver up the un|sold books either to him, or to whomsoever he should command, for their present subsistance. The Bishop, to shew that he was sensibly touch'd with their misfortune, prefaceth the petition in his own name, and requests the Pope to hear the just complaint of his worthy and in|dustrious Printers; and afterwards exposes their circumstances in their own words. As this curious piece has never yet, that I know of, been translated into English; I presume the reader will be pleas'd to see it, with the promis'd list of their works, both which they printed with the

works N. de Lyra; Chevillier tells us he saw it at the beginning of Tome 5. of that great work. It is as follows,

"1 2.1JO. ANDR. to XYSTUS IV.

—Your Holiness's humble petitioners Conrard Sweynheim and Arnold Pannartz, our printers and the first artificers, who practis'd this most

useful invention in Italy, implore your assistance.—This is the voice of those printers, who labour under such a load of printed vo|lumes, that they must sink under it, unless timely reliev'd by you.—We were the first of the Germans, who introduc'd this excellent art, with vast labour and cost, into your territories, in the time of your predecessor; and encourag'd, by our example, other printers to do the same. If you peruse the catalogue of the works printed by us, you will admire how and where we could procure a sufficient quantity of paper, or even rags, for such a number of volumes.—The books, done by us, are subjoin'd in the following order."

THE list of those books consisting entirely of Latin, I have put them with the original of the petition in the margin, and have added the date of the year wherein each was printed, as far as it could be procur'd, there being none in the catalogue. The order of time is not observ'd, but only the number of copies of each. We may likewise infer what book were then most esteem'd, not upon the account of their authors, but of their usefulness, by the proportionate number printed of them. The petition thus proceeds.

"THE total of these volumes amounts to twelve thousand four hun|dred seventy five, a prodigious heap, and intolerable to us, your Holi|ness's printers, by reason of those unsold.—We are no longer able to bear the great expence of house-keeping for want of buyers; of which there cannot be a more flagrant proof, than that our house, otherwise spatious enough, is full of Quire-books, but void of every necessary of life:—we are ready, if your goodness shall judge it * 2.2

meet, to deliver up as much of our wares, i. e. print••d sheets, as you please, to your self, or to whom you shall order.—We therefore be|seech your great Clemency to bestow some place upon us, whereby we may be enabled to maintain our selves and families. The im|pression of Nicol. de Lyra's works hath prov'd so chargeable, that we have nothing left to live upon. Could we sell our books, we should be so far from desiring any thing at your hands, that on the contrary we should willingly contribute of our own to you, whose exigencies at this juncture we are well acquainted with; and this shall readily be perform'd, whenever fortune, by your assistance, shall smile upon us. In the mean time, let your Holiness pity and help us, whose necessity is so exceeding great.—March xx, ann. MCCCCLXXII, and in the first year of your most gracious pontificate."

THUS were these indigent persons oblig'd to expose their misery to the world; with what success, I cannot learn: tho' it is evident from their printing a considerable time after, as shall be shewn, that some method must have been taken to extricate them from those wretched cir|cumstances. Sweynheim indeed publish'd nothing after the year 1473, and for that reason is suppos'd by some to have dy'd about that time; yet his partner Pannartz continu'd printing till ann. 1476, in a smaller character than what was us'd by him in company with the former. It will not perhaps be amiss to remark that the word quinternio in the peti|tion, translated by us Quire-books, signifies a quire of five sheets so im|pos'd, that they are put into one another by the book-binder, and the first sheet contains the first and last of the 10 leaves, the second the 2d and 9th, &c. this method oblig'd 'em to compose twenty whole pages of mat|ter, before they work'd it off at press; and requir'd a prodigious quan|tity of letter to every Font. All the editions of these two partners as yet known, from their first settlement at Rome, ann. 1467 to 1473 in which Sweynheim is thought to have dy'd, are 40 in number, all folio's and in latin; some of them pretty considerable, such were their Bible of 1471 mention'd in the former book in two large volumes, and Nicol. de Lyra in five larger ones; the works of Pope Leo sirnam'd the Great, &c. As for those which Pannartz printed afterwards by himself, we have not been able to discover above six, all latin folio's, but none so considerable as the three

last named: he began to use the Registrum Chartarum (which is the signa|tures plac'd at the end of the book thus, A B C D, &c. and so on for as many sheets as the book contains) in his edition of Herodotus translated by Laurent. Valla, and printed ann. 1475; his latter works are done in a very elegant character; the last of which is the Quaestiones de Veritate of Thom-Aquinas. It must be observ'd that many of these editions are printed with|out date, and sometimes without their names, but most of them have one or the other of the Epigrams mention'd before viz. Hoc Conradus opus &c. or Aspicis illustres, &c. but oftener the latter.

THESE are all the particulars I could meet with concerning these two Printers. The next in rank is,

ULDRIC HAN ann. MCCCCLXVIII.

ULDRIC HAN is commonly call'd in Latin, Gallus, in Italian Gallo, and in French Coq, which signifies a Cock; for every writer upon this subject, has thought fit to translate his name into that language in which he wrote. This Printer came and set up a Printing-press at Rome within a very short space after Sweynheim and Pannartz. He was a person so accom|plish'd in his art, that several nations have claim'd him, and in particu|lar the Germans and French. These latter grounded their pretences up|on the following authority. Anthony Campanus bishop of Terumo, the most distinguish'd poet and orator of his time, perform'd the same office to him, which the bishop of Aleria did to the two Germans, viz. of pre|paring and correcting his copies, revising his editions, and writing epi|stles and commendatory verses upon them. He observing that Han had latiniz'd his name, and subscrib'd one or two of his impressions Uldaricus Gallus, particularly the edition of the universal history of Rodoricus San|tius a Spaniard, whom Pope Paul II made governour of the castle of St Angelo and bishop of Palentino, took occasion to mistake his name will|fully, (for he could not possibly be ignorant of his being a German,) and to represent him as a Frenchman, not so much out of respect to that na|tion above the Germans, as for the sake of a pun in his epigram, which you will find in the margin 1 2.3. The witticism consists chiefly in this,

that the Gauls or French being discover'd by the noise of the geese one night in their attempt to surprize the Roman Capitol, a countryman of theirs had found out a way to be reveng'd of them, by teaching the world an art of writing without the help of their quills. These verses are annex'd to an edition of T. Livy by U. Han without date, and quo|ted by several authors.

MICH. FERNUS in his life of that Bishop tells us, that he learn'd this epigram of a Turk, whom he met with in a journey to the Pope's territories; and who gave him account of his conversion to the christian religion, and his early love of eloquence, which induc'd him to leave Turky and come to Rome, to see the famous Paul II. and Campanus, whose works he had carefully collected; and amongst other things recited this epigram. However, 'tis evident that he was a German by his adding the name of his country to that of Gallus in several of his editions. Thus, in that of Cicero de Oratore, ann. 1468. he calls himself Ulricum Gallum de Wienâ; in St Austin de civitate Dei ann. 1474, Ulricum Gallum Almanum; in some others Ulricum Gallum de Bienna & de Ingolstat. Wimpheling un|dertook to prove him a German against Fernus, who in his life of Campa|nus chang'd Gallus into Gallicus to make him an absolute Frenchman, and ascrib'd this mistake to his having translated his name into latin; which, as Hermolaus Barbarus asserts, ought never to be done. But in this he did no more than what was frequent among the Germans and others, who to soften the harshness of their sirnames, either alter'd or latiniz'd them; so Fust chang'd his into Faustus, Schoeffer into Opilio, Leichtenstein into Le|vi lapis, des Rouges into de Rubeis, and the learned Stephens into Stephanus; which custom still prevails in foreign parts: and the famous Mons. le Clerc of Amsterdam, stiles himself Joan. Clericus in all his latin works. To return to Ulric IIan.

THE time of his first coming to Rome is not easily determin'd. Some affirm that he was settled there before Sweynheim and Pannartz, as Wimpheling, Mons. Naude, and Dr. Mentel; but this seems improbable upon two accounts. 1. Because we have no edition of his so ancient as those of the two last nam'd; 2. Because the Bp. of Aleria, who was the editor of all the first impressions of these, determines in their favour; and his testimony is of much greater weight in this case, than that of

those writers. He attributes the honour to Sweynheim, &c. of having founded the first Printing-house at Rome, and brought the Art from Germany, in the preceding Popes reign, and by their example encourag'd others to do the like; as he speaks in the petition to Xystus IV, above quoted. Now Xystus's predecessor was Paul II, who was advanc'd to that dignity in August 1464; and in his days they came to Rome. If Campanus, the pa|tron of Ulric, had known of his settling there before them, he would certainly have contradicted the Bp. of Aleria, and maintain'd the prio|rity to the man, who, under his protection, prov'd so indefatigable in his business, that himself was engag'd night and day in revising his works 1 2.4. The merit of this Printer appears from his fine impressions, and the choice that his patron made of him to publish those works, which he had procur'd and corrected with the utmost application, as well as from the praises, which he gives him in his prefatory epistles and verses. We find by the list of his books, that he frequently neglected the date of the impression and his own name. The former defect is supplied, as far as possible, from some material circumstances, either in the epistles affix'd to them, or elsewhere in the book; and the latter by a diligent compar|ing of one edition with another; for there is some peculiar difference between the characters of the first Printers, by which a nice observer may judge of the author.

THUS Mr. Mattaire remarks that the types of Con. Sweynheim and Arn. Pannartz, were easily known by their having a long s at the end of words, the i without a point, and no diphthongs: those of Nic. Jenson were much more round and neat, with the diphthongs, ae and oe; whereas Jo. Spires made use of e for ae, and Ulric Han uses a single e instead of a diphthong.

ABOUT 1473, Han took Simon Nicolai de Luca into partnership with him till the end of the year 1474, after which he printed by himself till 1476. There was also a brother of his, call'd Lupus Han, whose name stands alone in some of those impressions, which are nevertheless allow'd to be Ulric's

by reason of the likeness of the character &c. and added to the list of his works by the two latest annalists, Mr. Maittaire and Father Orlandi. He affected to put at the end of some of his editions, the colophon of John Faust and Peter Schoeffer. Non atramento, plumali calamo, &c. i. e. that it was not done with pen, ink, or any other writing instrument, &c.

ANN. 1473 he began to print a register in two columns at the end of his Virgil: all his other editions, as yet known, are 21 in number, the first of which is Cicero de Oratore in 3 books ann. 1468, the last Til•• Livy in Italian 1476: this last is in three volumes fol. the 2d of which has an error in its date, where they have printed 1460 instead of 1476. This work has not indeed his name, but those who have seen it make no doubt but it was printed by him.

THE two Germans had reason to tell the Pope in their petition, that their example had encourag'd many more Printers to come and settle at Rome, seeing we find no less than thirteen, who practis'd the same Art there between 1470 and 1490, besides the brother of Uldric Han, and his partner Simon de Luca; and eight or nine of whom were actually settled there with|in a few years after the two former; but as we have nothing left particu|larly concerning them, except their names and their works, we shall just mention them as they came in course of time.

4. GEORGE LAVFR de Herbipoli 1470 alias Wortsburg, he wrought in the Monastery of St. Eusebius at Rome, as we find by an epigram of eight verses in latin rhyme written, as is suppos'd, by his corrector Celestine Pulverinus; and printed at the end of his edition of Tractatus de Instituti|one simplicium Confessorum, ann. 1472; he had a partner some space of the time, viz. Leonard Pelugi; we have but five editions of his; the first is that of St. Chrysostom's homilies, translated into latin by Fr. Aretine, sol. ann. 1470; the last is Durandi Speculum, ann. 1479; he had another cor|rector nam'd Pomponius.

5. ADAM ROT 1471, he us'd likewise Faust's colophon, and in the first of the two editions we have of him, styles himself Clericus Metens. Dioces. his last edi••ion is dated 1474.

6. JOHN PHILIP de Lignamine 1472, he was a native of Messina and a Sicilian knight, and intimate with Pope Sixtus IV, to whom he in|scrib'd a book of his writing, De unoquoque Cibo & Potu utili homini & nocivo, & eorum primis qualitalibus. Malinkrot mentions him pag. 84 upon the authority of Simler, which last affirms him to have printed the following works at Rome, viz. Quintilian, Suetonius, the works of St. Leo, Lactantius, St. Ambrose, Tully's Offices, Laur. Valla's Elegantiae, and Horatii opuscula: but we find none of these editions in the list of his works, but only four less considerable ones, the three first in Italian, and the last, Eusebius's history translated into Latin by Rufinus, and printed ann. 1476.

7. STEPHEN PLANCK of Padua 1472, we have eight editions of his, the last of which is dated 1497.

8. GEORGE SACHEL de Reichenhalt, 1474; his last edition of three is dated 1477.

9. JOHN REYNARD de Eningen, 1475; we have but one edition of his printed at Rome, ann. 1475, 14 years after which, we find him printing at Strasburgh.

10. JOHN de Nicolao Haneymar de Openheim, 1475,

11. JOHN SCHUSENER de Bopardia,1475,

we have but two editions of theirs, both dated 1475.

12. JOHN TIBULL de Amidanis Cremonese, 1475; the two editions we have of his bear the same date.

13. EUCHARIUS SILBER OF WIRTZBURGH, 1475.

THIS Silber, alias Franck, a German and native of Wirtzburgh, signa|liz'd himself at Rome by the fineness of his letter, which were of the Venetian sort. He set up his Printing-house in Campo di Fiore; and not only translated his name Silber [Silver] into latin, but likewise into greek; so that some of his editions are subscrib'd Achirion and Argyrion, others Argenteus, added to that of Franck. The works we have of his are twenty one in number, from ann. 1475 to 1500: however he continued printing there many years after, but either the greatest part of these last have been lost, or else he printed but little, since we meet only with two editions of his from 1500 to 1509, in Mr. Mattaire's annals.

HIS correctors were Michael Fern sirnam'd Archipoeta, Bartholomeus Salicetus, and Ludovicus Regii; the first of whom collected with prodigious industry all bishop Campanus's works, which he caus'd to be printed in two different places within six months of each other, viz. at Venice and Rome, in the order in which he had digested them. These impressions were prin|ted so incorrectly, that he was oblig'd to insert an Errata in Silber's edi|tion; wherein he expresses a vast deal of indignation, that a work, in which he had labour'd so much, should yet be publish'd so full of faults; and gives it the following title, Vis ex stulto demens, idemque ex demente in|sanus fieri? Libros Romae primus imprime, Corruptorum recognitio. After this he proceeds to the Errata, with an acknowledgement of his own er|rors, and endeavours to clear the Printers of others. He shows the care which he had taken to render the edition correct; but that his efforts were frustrated by the carelessness of the Printers, who, being tir'd with a days labour, correct their proofs imperfectly, and frequently neglect or omit the author's corrections.

IN the sequel of this history we shall have occasion to mention some Errata's of a much greater length than the foregoing, which Fern com|plains so loudly of, tho' this contain'd four large pages in fol. The two last Printers in this city before 1500 are:

14. SIMON de Nicolo of Luca 1478, who had been sometime partner to the fam'd Uldric Han, and of whom we have but one edition. And,

15. PETER de Turre, ann. 1490, in which year he printed Ptolemy's Cos|mography in a large folio with maps and cutts, and in a beautiful character, [Orland. p. 79.] which is all that we have of his. We find about twenty more editions without Printer's names; however the reader will easily see by this list of Printers, and the scarcity of their works, that the Art began to dwindle very much before the close of the century; and if he consults Mr. Mattaire upon the next, he will find it still much thinner of both; but whether for want of encouragement, or what other cause, is not my business to enquire.

§. 2. The City of Tours, 1467.

TOURS is an Archiepiscopal city of France; in which we meet with but one book printed. This, 'tho done in an old Gothick character, (which was not as yet us'd in any place but Mentz) is so elegant, that it may be esteem'd a master-piece of that kind. 'Tis to be regretted, that the Printer of such an excellent work should be unknown. The impression was done in the Archbishop's palace; but if the reader upon that account, shall expect it to be a piece of devotion, he will be vastly mistaken; for it is not unusual with ecclesiasticks of the most elevated stations in that church, to have a greater relish for gallantry than religi|on. The book is the loves of Camillus and Emilia; to which is subjoin'd another upon the same subject, translated from Boccacio by Aretin, and is inscrib'd as follows.

FRANCISCI FLORII Florentini de Amore Camilli & Aemiliae liber, expletus est Turonis, editus in domo Guillelmi Archiepiscopi Turonensis, anno millesimo quadringentesimo sexagesimo septimo, pridie calendas Januarii, 4to. De duobus Amantibus Libellus in latinum, ex Boccacio, transfiguratus per Leonardum Aretinum. This book is join'd to the former, and prin|ted in the same character and form.

THE following book was printed in the same city a long time after▪ viz. La vie & miracles de monseigneur St. Martin translatee de Latin en Francois: imprimee par Mathieu Lateron, fol. 7me de May, Tours. 1496.

N. B. Tho' we design to treat in a distinct book of the introduction and progress of Printing in England; yet it is not amiss to remark here, that Oxford comes next in course to the city of Tours, according to our premis'd criterion of the oldest editions; for the most ancient impression printed in that university, is St. Jerome's exposition of the apostles creed 4to, bearing date ann. 1468, a copy of which is now in the Earl of Pembroke's library.

§. 3. The Town of Reutlingen, 1469.

THIS town of Reutlingen, and the city of Venice are next; the for|mer of which being nearer to Mentz, may so far be allow'd the first rank: It is a small town in the dutchy of Wirtembergh, in which John de Averbach set up a Printing-house ann. 1466, and publish'd the two fol|lowing editions;

1. BIBLIA Latina, fol. per Johannem de Averbach, 1469.

2. ALVARI Pelagii Hispani ordin. min. summa de planctu ecclesiae Christianae, Reutlingae. 1474.

THIS is a very scarce book, and has not the Printer's name, but is nevertheless suppos'd to have been printed by Averbach: It is in fol. and the next edition of it was printed at Ulm ann. 1473. This John Aver|bach must not be confounded with the learned J. Amerbach of Basil, of whom we shall speak in its proper place.

CHAP. III. The City of Venice, 1469; the Names, Character, &c. of the Printers who flourish'd in this City from ann. 1469, to Aldus Manutius's Time, 1494

AS the city of Venice has excelled all others, not only in the num|ber of workmen and editions, but likewise in the goodness and excellency of them, I shall be forc'd to divide it into two chapters; in the first of which I shall speak of those Printers who flourish'd from its first settlement there by John and Vindelin de Spira, to the time of the great Aldus Manutius, whose merit alone will very well deserve to be spoken of in a chapter by it self, tho' there were no others to bear him company in it.

WITH respect to those first Printers, 'twill be superfluous to repeat here what I have said, in the introduction of this book, concerning

Nich. Jenson, and the reasons for suspending my judgment concerning his edition of 1461, and allowing the priority to the foregoing cities be|fore that of Venice. There will be further occasion of speaking of that Printer, when we shall come to thoseother works of his, printed between the years 1470 and 1480. In the mean time I beg leave to remind the reader of the remark upon this head, which we just hinted in the intro|duction, viz. that the verses at the end of the first impression by John and Windelin of Spire ann. 1469, evidently prove them to have been the first who brought the Art to that city. The reader will find them in the margin 1 2.5. Mr. Mattaire who hath a particular regard for his coun|tryman Jenson, and first discover'd to the world the edition in dispute, very justly intimates, that there was such an emulation among the first Printers, that they made no scruple of claiming the priority from each other, right or wrong; either by false dates, as we hinted before, or by pompous verses annex'd to their works; from which he infers a proba|bility that these two brothers might do so: whereas Jenson, in his opini|on was too modest, to have been guilty of such a piece of arrogance. For my part I can't see any necessity of accusing either side of such a fault, seeing they never charg'd each other with it; besides Jenson in all probabi|lity printed his book somewhere else, and therefore might indeed be too modest when he came to Venice, to challenge the priority from them as to that place in particular. However, as to the point of modesty, I own I am at a loss to what side to give it, seeing all the first impressions, both of Jenson and of the two brothers, are back'd with epigrams equally mag|nificent, and I don't see where there would have been the least immodesty in either to have ascertain'd a just claim, against an unjust assuming ri|val. Let me add, that (if there was any wilfull mistake on either side, which I think there was not) it is more probable Jenson should have com|mitted it, than the two brothers; because he might easily, if there was occasion, excuse it by making his date pass for an error of impression; whereas the two Germans publish'd themselves, in words at length and

in the plainest terms, the first Printers at Venice, and so left no room for evasion. I shall therefore begin with them, who were not inferior to Jenson himself.

JOHN and VINDELINE of SPIRE, 1469. THEY were natives of Germany, but whether of the city of Spire, whose name they bear, or whether that was only their sirname, I can|not determine; for tho' some of the epigrams annex'd to their books seem to imply the former, yet it is difficult to affirm certainly that it was not a poetical licence, which, in this case, might have been more excusable than that of Campanus upon Ulric Han, mention'd in the pre|ceding chapter. However, 'tis plain that many of the German Printers had no other sirnames than those of the places wherein they were born.

THESE two brothers soon surpass'd all their predecessors in the beauty and neatness of their characters, and the elegance of their impressions, which to this time render them admir'd and esteem'd by the curious, a|bove all other ancient editions. Venice by this gain'd so much reputation for the fineness of her types, that some eminent Printers at Rome and elsewhere either furnish'd themselves with setts of them, or endeavour'd to imitate them, acquainting their readers in their next impressions, that they were printed characteribus Venetianis, with Venetian types. Chevilli|er indeed thinks this to have been an imposition upon the world; nor can it be denied but that some of them pretended this, in order to re|commend their own wretched performances. But this demonstrates the superior merit of that city, and the laudable emulation of her Printers, not only to excell those of other places, but even one another. And in|deed these two brothers with John de Cologn and N. Jenson, seem to have brought the Art to its utmost perfection, because none of the most fa|mous Printers which succeeded till our time, such as Vascosan, the Ste|phens's, &c. have surpass'd them in this respect; as well as because this, like other arts, seem'd obnoxious to a certain fatality and decline, when carried to a particular height, as it happen'd in the space of six or seven years after their first settlement at Venice. What I mean is, that they should so unaccountably suffer themselves to be carry'd away by the degenerate

taste of that age, and change their beautiful Roman character, for the old, obsolete and disagreeable Gothick, which they began to print with about the year 1477.

THE Spires had the two following learned men for their correctors, viz. Christopher Berardus of Pisauro, and George Alexandrinus; John, the elder brother, is reported to be the first who put the direction-word at the end of the page, and that upon good grounds, since no book, to our knowledge, before his Tacitus, hath it; the singular use of which is too obvious to want explanation. He liv'd no longer than to the year 1470, and was succeeded in the whole business by Windelin, who manag'd it with great applause by himself 'till 1472, in which year he took John de Cologn into partnership with him. We find but one book, viz. Plautus, printed by them joyntly; so that it is probable each of them return'd soon after to his separate press. This Windelin was so highly esteem'd as a Printer even by his own countrymen, (a thing very uncommon!) that he was twice invited into Germany by some eminent counsellors at law of that nation, to print there the following considerable volumes, viz. 1. Bar|tholi commentarium juridicum, which he perform'd ann. 1471, without the name of the place, adding only two verses inserted in the margin 1 2.6; and 2. The commentaries upon the five books of Decretals of Nic. Tudeschi of Sicily, sirnam'd Abbas Panormitanus, ann. 1474 2 2.7; he printed likewise in Germany, about the same time, the first edition of the Tractatus Tracta|tuum sive Oceanus Juris 15 vol. fol. But as he had engag'd himself, pre|sently after his brother's death, not to leave Venice, (as appears by the verses at the end of St. Austin de civitate Dei, ann. 1470 3 2.8 begun, but not finish'd by his brother,) he return'd thither, and continued printing with prodigious honour till the year 1477, wherein he began to fall in with the Gothick character beforemention'd. In this he was followed by all the rest, and even by the celebrated Nic. Jenson, tho' this last still pre|serv'd the beauty and neatness of his forms, which the others very much

degenerated from. About this time Windelin probably dy'd, because we meet with no impression of his that bears a date later than 1477. Such was the esteem the learned had of this excellent Printer, that of twenty eight impressions we have extant of his, above twenty of them have a latin epigram at the end in praise of him; some of which are of a con|siderable length, and most of them by different hands. The first edition is that of Cicero's Epistolae familiares, ann. 1469; the last we know of with a date, is Dante's Poems, ann. 1477; some of his editions are without date.

3. NICHOLAS JENSON, JANSON or GENSON, 1470. NICH. JENSON is allow'd by the generality of writers to have been a Frenchman; and as he was one of the first of that nation, who was emi|nent in this Art, all his countrymen have been more than ordinarily la|vish of their praises on him; so that whoever reads some of their encomi|ums, would be apt to think him the only Printer of merit in that age, and that there had never been any edition worth their consideration, 'till it came out of his press; and this they did, even before they so much as dreamt of that early master-piece of his, the Decor Puellarum: we need not therefore wonder at Mr. Mattaire, if we find him so highly pleas'd at the discovery of this singular work; for it must be own'd, that unless we will dispute the date of it, the highest encomiums must fall short of his merit; since it will plainly follow, that he was not only the earliest by some years, who improv'd the Art, but likewise who brought it to its greatest perfection, with respect to the fineness of his Roman characters, and elegancy of composition. Whereas were the supposition of those, who think it antedated by ten years, to be allow'd, it will be manifest that there had already been several eminent Printers at Rome, Venice, and elsewhere before him, who introduc'd that noble and elegant character; and that tho' his should be allow'd to be somewhat finer than those of his predecessors, yet would his merit be inferior to theirs, and his improve|ment upon them be but small in comparison of that, which they made upon the old Moguntine types. However that be, I acknowledge with the greatest freedom and sincerity, that he was an excellent master of the Art, and his impressions as beautiful, and, for the last ten years space,

wherein he follow'd the business, as numerous as any of his contempo|raries. Polydore Vergil highly commends him for having so wonderfully improv'd the Art of Printing, and Sabellicus owns, that he and his partner John de Cologn, excell'd all the Printers of their time, in the richness and elegancy of their impressions 1 2.9. The learned Omnibonus Leonicenus, who prepar'd copies for him, and corrected some of his editions, hath, in an epistle to the bishop of Belluno, left us an excellent character of him, prefix'd to his Quintilian anno 1471 2 2.10. wherein he extols his types, and mentions him as a second Daedalus, and as one to whom the greatest share of this invention was due.

THE learned therefore are very justly surpriz'd, that so excellent a master and so great an ornament to the Art of Printing should be the first who brought the Gothic character to Venice, in which he printed his bibles, divinity, and law-books. This method was follow'd by all his brethren, both in that city, and in several others of Europe; tho' it must be own'd that he far surpass'd the rest even in that respect, and show'd a more exact taste and judgment; for his Gothic types had all the beauty and elegancy, which they were capable of, and may be still read with pleasure and admiration.

I don't find that he had any other corrector besides Omnibon. Leonice|nus above-mention'd, if we except Franciscus Colutia Verzinensis, who in his dedication prefix'd to the work of Palladius de Agricultura, of which he was the editor, tells Jenson to whom he dedicates it, that it was at his desire that he had undertaken to correct that work. By this it seems as if Jenson was the first printer who had any of his impressions dedica|ted to himself. Most of his works, like those of the two German bro|thers, have a latin epigram at the end in praise of him; but, what is re|markable, not one of them speaks of him as the first Venetian Printer,

which circumstance alone would be sufficient to justify us for postponing him to them. We meet with four of his editions printed in one year, viz. 1470, which shews him to have been a very diligent work-man. And in the space of ten years, we have thirty-nine of them, still extant; exclusive of the Decor Puellarum, besides those which may have been lost, or are still undiscover'd. The first edition printed by him in Gothic cha|racter, is St Austin's book de Civitate Dei, anno 1475. the two last of his works are dated 1481.

4. CHRISTOPHER WALDARFER of RATISBON, 1470. CONCERNING this Printer we know little, except that we have four of his editions still extant corrected by Ludovicus Carbo or Carbone: the third of which viz. Servius Comment. on Virgil fol. anno 1471, has an epigram of four latin distichs in his praise, by which we may guess that he printed a great many more works than these four, especially Classicks. The last of them, viz. Pliny's Epistles, hath neither the name of the Printer nor place; but by a dedication prefix'd to it by the said Carbo to Borso duke of Modena, one may conclude it to have been done by Waldarfer. He remov'd from Venice soon after, and set up a Printing-house at Milan, where we shall find him, when we come to that place.

5, 6. JOHN de COLOGN, & JOHN MANTHEN de GERETZEN. 1471. THESE two Germans came and settled at Venice, soon after the two Spires, and were equal to any of their contemporaries, in the beauty of their Roman types, the fineness of their paper, and elegance and cor|rectness of their works. But they likewise gave into the Gothic way of printing; and it is observable that Venice and Lyons have produc'd more of those impressions, than almost all Italy and France together. Whether these Printers were more modest than their brethren, is uncer|tain; but, however, in the list of their editions, we meet with none of those pompous epigrams and panegyricks upon themselves, so frequently us'd at that time. They took Nic. Jenson into partnership with them, towards the later part of their printing. John de Cologn is affirm'd by

some to have invented the Registrum Chartarum about anno 1475; but it is obvious to the reader, from the catalogue of Uldric Han's works at Rome, that the latter us'd it at least two years before him.

THERE is one thing remarkable in one of their colophons, at the end of their editions of Valerius Maximus, fol. anno. 1474; and which, for that reason, I have subjoyn'd in the margin 1 2.11: that they were rather book-sel|lers than Printers: because they acquaint the readers in it, that they had given this work to be printed by men hir'd for that purpose. We shall meet with many more in the sequel of this history, who follow'd their example.

HOWEVER it must be own'd, that all the works that came out of their press, or were printed for them, are an honour to them: the last list of their editions according to father Orlandi amounts to 28, from ann. 1471 to 1481.

As we know little or nothing concerning the following ones, besides their names and their works; we shall just mention them in their rank, according to the date of the works we have of them.

7. ANTONY BOLOGNESE, or Antonio de Bartolomeo, de Bolonia, 1472. we have five editions of his from 1472, to 1486.

8. LEONARD ACHATES of Basil, 1472. 1 edition.

9. GABRIEL de Pietro of Treviso, 1473. 6 edit. to 1478.

10. FRANCIS de Hailbrun 1473. 3 edit. to 1475.

11. NICOL. de Francford 1473. 3 edit. to 1475.

12. BARTOLOMEW CREMONESE, 1473. 3 edit. to 1475.

13. JAMES des Rouges 1474.

THIS was his true name, he being a Frenchman, tho' in his latin editions he writes himself Jacobus Rubeus or de Rubeis; and in his Italian ones di Rossi and Rossi: He was justly esteem'd one of the best Printers in his time. 'Tis affirm'd by some that he assisted Nic. Jenson in improving his Ro|man characters; but this is improbable, because it doth not appear, that he came to Venice 'till two or three years, at least, after the other had pub|lish'd some of his fine editions. However, the beauty of his letter, and the fineness of his impressions are incomparable; particularly the two

histories of Florence in Italian, one written by Leonard de Arezo, and the other by Poggius, are accounted master-pieces in that kind. At length he left Venice, and settled at Pignerol in Piedmont, where he printed an Ita|lian Bible, the satyrs of Juvenal, and some other work, which we shall speak of in its proper place. There is one thing more to enhance his me|rit, which is, that he comply'd not with the degenerate taste of those times, in introducing the Gothic characters into his Printing-house; his impres|sions from anno 1474 to 1476, are ten in number.

14. CHRISTOPHER ARNOLD: we have but two editions of his from 1474 to 1478.

15. ANDREAS JACOBI of Cathara; 5 editions from 1476 to 1482.

16. MARC. de Conti and 1 edit. 1476.

17. GERARD ALEXANDER 1 edit. 1476.

18. BERNARD PICTOR 5 edit. from 1476 to 1477.

19. ERHARD RALDOLT of Ausburg, 5 edit. from 1476 to 1477.

20. GERARD de Flandria, 1 edit. 1477.

21. JAMES LUNES E de Fivizano, 2 edit. 1477.

22. PHILIP PETRI or de Petro, Venetian, 13 edit. from 1477 to 1482.

23. GUERIN the young, 1 edit. 1477.

24. ANDREAS de Patasichis 8 edit. from 1478 to 1488.

25. BONINO de Boninis8 edit. from 1478 to 1488.

26. MARTIN SARACEN, 3 edit. from 1478 to 1488.

27. LEONARD WILD de Ratisbon, 3 edit. from 1478 to 1481.

28. FRANC. RENNER de Hailbrun, 5 edit. from 1478 to 1494.

29. THEODORIC de Reynsberg 2 edit. 1478,

30. REYNALD de Novimagio2 edit. 1478,

31. GEORGE WALCH German, 1 edit. 1479.

32. NICHOLAS GERARDENGO, 2 edit. from 1479 to 1480.

REYNALD de Novimagio by himself, 7 edit. from 1479 to 1494.

ERHARD RALDOLT by himself, 13 edit. from 1480 to 1485, after this he went to his own city Ausburgh, and set up his press there, as we have said under that head.

33. PETER PIASII 11 edit. from 1480 to 1495.

34. BARTHOL. BLAVII 11 edit. from 1480 to 1495.

35. ANDREA TORRESANI de Azola 11 edit. from 1480 to 1495.

36. JOHN LUCILIUS SANTRITER 3 edit. 1480 to 1489

37. FRANCIS THEODORE3 edit. 1480 to 1489

38. OCTAVIAN SCOT was a nobleman of the city of Mons, who set up some presses at Venice at his own charge, and printed a great num|ber of curious editions, all which are marked with O. S. M. his chief corrector was Maurice de Hibernia, or of Ireland, a Franciscan monk, who was afterwards made bishop of Triamo: all the editions we have of Octavian Scot are 39, from ann. 1480 to 1498.

THE chief workmen he employ'd to print for him are the three following.

39. CHRISTOPHER PENSI,

40. BENNET LOCATELLUS,

41. BARTHOLOMEW ZANI.

THE last of these did likewise print for himself, and we have 15 editi|ons of his printed with his own name, from 1487 to 1500.

42. JOHN de Forlivio and these two printed 26 edit. from 1481 to 1500.

43. GREGORY de Gregoriis 26 edit. from 1481 to 1500.

44. LUCAS de Dominico, Venetian, 5. edit. from 1481 to 1482.

45. BAPTISTA de Tortis, 18 edit. from 1481 to 1498.

46. THOMAS of Alexandria and partners, 6 edit. from 1481 to 1486.

47. ANTONY dalla Strada Cremonese, 10 edit. from 1481 to 1488.

48. MATHEW CAPCASA of Parma, 10 edit. from 1481 to 1495.

49. ANTONY PAP 1 edit. 1482.

50. BERNARDIN MORENI de Lecho 1 edit. 1482.

51. PETER LOSLEIN German, he was both partner and corrector to Bernard Pictor and Erhard Raldolt at Venice, we have two editions prin|ted with his name both 1483.

52. BERNARDIN BENATIO, or de Benateis, 12 edit. from 1483 to 1498.

53. PETER MAUFER a Frenchman 1 edit. 1483.

54. NICHOL. de Contengo of Ferrara1 edit. 1483.

MAUFER was a very good Printer, but mov'd often from place to place; he began first to work at Padua, then went to Verona, and after|wards came to Venice: where we find but one single edition done by him.

55. HERMAN LITCHENSTEIN in latin Levilapis; this was another unsettled workman, he wrought at Vincenza, Treviso, and now at Venice; where we have 5 edit. of his, from 1483 to 1494.

56. ANDREA BONETTI de Pavia, 3 edit. from 1484 to 1486.

57. PEREGRIN PASQUALI 12 edit. from 1484 to 1494

58. DIONIS BERTOCH, or de Bertochis of Bolonin 12 edit. from 1484 to 1494

59. PAGANINUS de Paganinis, 7 edit. from 1485 to 1498.

60. BERNARD STAGNINO de Trino, 5 edit. from 1485 to 1498.

61. ANTONY RACTIBOVIUS, 1 edit. 1485.

62. ALEXANDER CRETENSIS, he was a native of Crete, the only work we have of him, is a Greek Psalter 4to ann. 1486, with a latin co|lophon, in which he styles himself, Filius sapientissimi & celeberrimi Domini Georgii Presbyteri.

63. WILLIAM de Trino sirnam'd Anima mia, 5 edit. from 1486 to 1491.

64. BERNARD RIZZI de Novara, 10 edit. from 1486 to 1492, it is to be observ'd, that his five first, i. e. from 1486 to 1489, are subscrib'd only Bernard de Novara, and the five last Bern. Rizzi de Novara, which has made some authors question whether they were not two different Prin|ters: his corrector was Dominic Canali.

65. LEONICUS CRETENSIS, of him we have only Homer's Batra|chomuomachia, or battle of the frogs and mice in greek, cum graecis scholiis 4to, ann. 1486.

66. PETER CREMONESE sirnam'd Veronese, 2 edit. from 1486 to 1490.

67. JOHN ROUGES alias Rubeus, Rossi, 9 edit. from 1486 to 1499.

68. JOHN HAMMAN de Landoja 4 edit. from 1487 to 1500.

69. JOHN EMERICH de Udenhem4 edit. from 1487 to 1500.

70. HANIBAL de Parma, 1 edit. 1487.

71. THEODOR. RAGAZONI alias de Ragazonibus, 6 edit. from 1488 to 1500.

72. BERNARDINE de Choris Cremonese, 9 edit. from 1488 to 1492.

73. GEORGE ARRIVABENUS of Mantua, 4 edit. from 1488 to 1492.

74. CHRISTOPHER de Pensis de Mandello, 11 edit. from 1489 to 1500.

75. BERNARDINE de Renatis, 1 edit. 1490.

76. JAMES PAGANINI of Brescia, 1 edit. 1490.

77. PHILIP PINCIUS de Caneto, this was a very diligent as well as ex|cellent Printer: he continu'd printing 'till after the year 1510 with great

applause: his corrector was the learned Bennet Brugnoli, a man very well versed in the greek and latin tongues; his works from 1490 to 1500 are 24 in number.

78. THOMAS de Blancis of Alexandria, 1 edit. 1491.

79. SIMON de Gara, only a latin bible, 1491.

80. LAZARUS de Siviliano, 2 edit. from 1491 to 1492.

81. MANFRED. de Montferrat, 2 edit. from 1491 to 1492.

82. MAXIMUS de Butricis of Pavia, 1 edit. 1491.

83. FRANCIS GERARDENGO of Pavia, 1 edit. 1492.

84. JOHN de Cereto de Tridino sirnam'd Tacuino, 23 edit. from 1492 to 1500.

85. BARTHOL. VENETUS de Ragazzonibus, 1 edit. 1492.

86. SIMÓN BEVILAQUA citizen of Pavia, 21 edit. from 1492 to 1500; he wrought also at Pavia, as we shall see when we come to that city.

87. JOHN PETER de Querengis, 5 edit. from 1492 to 1498.

88. DAMIAN de Milan, 2 edit. from 1493 to 1494.

89. MARTIN de Rovado de Lazaronibus, 1 edit. 1493.

90. JEROM de Paganinis, 2 edit. 1493 to 1497.

91. JOHN RAGAZZO 1 edit. 1494.

92. JOHN MARIA 1 edit. 1494.

93. PERRIN LATHOMI, 1 edit. 1494, besides a Bible he printed at Lyons, 1479.

94. BERNARDINE VITATIS of Venice, 14 edit. from 1494 to 1500.

CHAP. IV. Aldus Pius Manutius Romanus a Venetian Printer, and the Inventor of Italick Letters; his Life, Character and Greek Editions, with an Ac|count of the other Printers at Venice, till the Year 1500.

ALDUS MANUTIUS, the most eminent Printer of the fifteenth century, was born anno 1445, when Printing was yet in its in|tancy; who as he grew up, became such an admirer of this new Art,

that tho' his education, learning and genius might have justly excited him to greater employments, yet he chose to devote his whole time and study to the cultivating and improving all the branches of it. This de|sign he perform'd with such indefatigable application and vast cha••ges, that his whole ambition seem'd to be confin'd to this province and the advancement of learning 1 2.12. After he had receiv'd the rudiments of Grammar, under Gaspar of Verona, he apply'd himself to the Greek and Latin tongues under the great Baptista Guarini of Verona; and in a short time made such a progress in these languages, as not only to surpass his fellow students, but even to rival his master himself. Thus he conti|nued furnishing his mind with every part of literature, in order to fit himself for that business, of which he was afterwards to become the or|nament. The war breaking out in Italy, and the city of Ferrara being besieged, he removed from thence to Mirandula, where he became ac|quainted with the great Picus of that name, a prince of the brightest genius that age had produc'd, and one of the greatest l••vers of learning, and of learned men, who not only receiv'd him with open arms, but procur'd him the acquaintance of many learned men, by whose conver|sation and correspondence, Aldus receiv'd no small advantage toward the acquiring that great knowledge of the Greek and Latin Tongues, which he became afterwards so famous for. In the 45th year of his age, anno 1490, he began to prepare the necessary apparatus of a Printing|house, wherein he spent four years, and consequently did not begin Printing till about anno 1494. During this interval he observ'd with regret to what degree the abbreviations, us'd by all the former Printers every where, were multiply'd; so that they became unintelligible, with|out some key to direct the reader, an instance of which is given in the margin 2 2.13. Upon this, he consider'd a method to remedy this inconve|nience,

and set them quite aside in his editions. But because the print|ing the words at length would enlarge the volumes a fourth part, (for there was scarce one word in five that was not abridg'd) and encrease the price; he resolv'd likewise to remedy that. To which end he invented the Italick character, call'd from him Aldine, or Cursivus and Cancella|rius, from its resemblance to hand-writing; which by-its figure and closeness, gain'd as much upon the round Roman, as the abbreviations did, and reduc'd the volume to near an exact bulk, thereby rendering them absolutely useless. This is the main, tho' not the sole advantage, which he propos'd by this new character; for the world has since found its extraordinary usefulness in many other respects; which being obvious to every person, I shall not particularise here, but mention only the agree|ableness of a mixture of Roman and Italick. However, it must be own'd, that Aldus made too great use of the latter, in printing whole volumes in that character, which is known to tire the eyes much more than the Ro|man. Upon this account several emineat Printers afterwards rejected it in their quotations, when they were of any considerable length, and substituted Double comma's or Guillemets at one end of the lines, to di|stinguish the citations from the body of the book: which Guillemets were so call'd from their Inventor, a French Printer of that name.

To return to Aldus; ••s soon as he had persected this new character, which must necessarily cost him prodigious summs of money, he obtain'd a privilege from three several Popes, for the sole use of them during the s••••••e of fifteen years; and these pontifs give him great encomiums upon the account of this invention. The first of these was granted him by Alexander VI, and is dated Sept. 17 1502, with the following preface 1 2.14.

"For as much as our beloved son Aldus Manucius Romanus hath, for the common benefit of the learned, invented a new sett of characters, and been at vast pains and charges in correcting and printing of books,—and is afraid lest some thro' envy or emulation should get patterns

of his characters and print with them, thereby reaping the benefit of another man's invention; he hath therefore humbly besought us, &c."

HE obtain'd the like privilege from Pope Julius II, within four months after the first, viz. Jan. 27 1503, which begins thus;

"For as much as thou—hast been at the pains to print with such diligence and ele|gancy, within these few years, and for the common benefit of all the learned, many greek and latin volumes, corrected and revis'd with the utmost care and diligence, in those new characters, which are vulgar|ly known by the name of Cursivi and Cancellarii, and are so beauti|ful as to seem written by hand, &c."

1 2.15

HIS successor Leo X, likewise granted him a brief to the same purpose within ten months after, expresly prohibiting any person to print in or imitate that character during the space of fifteen years 2 2.16.

'TIS apparent from the tenour of these briefs, that this Italick character was not the only particular, wherein Aldus signaliz'd himself; for the number and correctness of his editions, with the beauty of his characters, gain'd him the esteem and admiration of the learned; nor need I tell the reader how highly all his works have been valued ever since, as well as those of his son Paulus Manucius, of his son-in-law Andreas Azolanus, and his grandson Aldus; which are of equal merit with his own, and of equal value. His ambition of being esteem'd not only a man of letters, (as he really was,) but also the most correct Printer of the age, was such, that he spar'd no cost in procuring the best MSS, nor labour in revising them; and his care was so great, lest any errors should escape him either in the M S. or proofs, that, as we are assur'd by Angel. Roccha, keeper of the Vatican library, he would not allow himself to print above two sheets in a week3 2.17. But this must be understood only of such works, as re|quir'd

a more than ordinary diligence and application; otherwise it were difficult to reconcile this with what Aldus says in his preface to Euripides ann. 1503 1 2.18, that he publish'd some good author every month, of which he printed above a thousand copies; or with what Erasmus says of him in his proverbs 2 2.19; that he was erecting a library, whose limits would be those of the world it self. However that be, his accuracy and diligence is unquestionably attested by all the learned; and he tells Pope Leo X, in his petition beforemention'd, that the height of his ambition was to pre|sent the world with authors, corrected with the utmost exactness; and that nothing was more mortifying to him, than to see any faults in his im|pressions, every one of which he would gladly, if possible, have redeem'd at the price of a crown of gold 3 2.20. What assistance he had from the learned in correcting his books may be gather'd from his preface to the Greek edi|tion of Aristotle's Logick, where he assures us, that he had some of the ablest criticks with him, to assist in the correction; and in the preface to the phy|sicks of that philosopher, he boasts, that his impressions were more perfect and correct than the very originals from which they were printed 4 2.21.

BUT it must be own'd that the learned are far from granting him this last piece of merit, which he challenges; and some of them have obje|cted, that he either printed them not according to the best manuscripts, or corrected them by his own conjectures, or follow'd sometimes too scru|pulously those which were faulty and imperfect. Upon this account Eras|mus, tho' a great friend of his, complains that Michael Bentius, who prin|ted his proverbs, had follow'd the corrupt editions of Aldus in the quotati|ons from Homer and Cicero 5 2.22. The same author tells John Betzemius, in a letter sent with a catalogue of his works, that some of Plutarch's books were printed by Aldus after some very corrupt manuscript 6 2.23. Yet he excu|ses

him in another letter 1 2.24, and lays the blame upon some Pedagogue, whom Aldus intrusted with the care of some of the editions of ancient authors. If this be fact, 'tis very much to be regretted, that so great a Printer, to whom the republick of learning is in all other respects so much oblig'd, should be overseen in a matter of such importance. And this, in all probability, is the reason why he thus expresses his dissatisfaction at his own editions, in the petition to the Pope beforemention'd; 2 2.25 that he was so far from regarding the flatteries of some persons, that he had not as yet pub|lish'd one book, with which he could be satisfied 2 2.26.

BESIDES this, he carries his complaints still further, and inveighs loudly against two sorts of men, who alone are capable of depriving the learned world of the benefit of printing, unless some speedy stop be put to their wretched performances: the first are those, who, notwithstanding their notorious ignorance and incapacity, presume to print any kind of books: the second are the half learned editors, who not only venture upon pub|lishing ancient authors, but likewise write notes and commentaries with their own corrections upon them. Thus was this great man concern'd to see the corruptions already crept into the Art, thro' the avarice of some, and ignorance of others; whilst himself found by sad experience, that all his care, as well as learning, was scarce sufficient for such a task. As no Printer ever surpass'd him in the latter, so none ever equall'd him in the former; for so indefatigable was he in that laborious province, that he scarce allow'd himself time to eat, sleep, or attend his domestick affairs; and, which is still more, was so regardless of his health, as to neglect those pleasures and recreations so necessary and conducive to the preservation of it. The learned Zuinger, in his Theatrum vitae humanae p. 3713 of the Basil edition 1604, tells us, that his mind was entirely enga|ged in the care of his Printing-house; that, as soon as he had order'd his other necessary affairs, he shut himself up in his study, where he employ'd himself in revising his greek and latin manuscripts, reading the letters which he receiv'd from the learned out of all parts of the world, and writing

answers to them. To prevent interruption by impertinent visits, he caus'd the following inscription to be plac'd over his closet door 1 2.27; Who|ever you are, Aldus earnestly intreats you to dispatch your business, as soon as possible, and then depart; unless you come hither, like another Hercules, to lend him some friendly assistance; for here will be work sufficient to employ you, and as many as enter this place. These words were afterwards borrow'd by the learned Oporinus, (who from a professor of the greek tongue in the university of Basil, became one of the most eminent Printers, either of that city, or even of Europe;) and were set over his study door for the same intent.

ALDUS is affirm'd by many authors to have been the first who printed whole volumes in greek, particularly the learned Henry Stephens, asserts, both in the Complaint of the Art of Printing written by him, and in his epitaph upon Aldus, that he was the first Printer in that language 2 2.28; and Gesner tells Paul Manutius Aldus's son, in the 11th book of his Pandects, that if he is not mistaken, there were no greek books printed before those of his father, or at least, not with equal beauty and correctness with his 3 2.29. Tho' this is not strictly true, as we shall immediately shew, yet as he was the greatest Printer in greek, and inventor of a beautiful character, these and several other authors might easily attribute to him the first rank in this province. The first greek book was publish'd by him, anno 1494, as appears by the lists, which the annalists give us of his works, and from what Aldus himself says, in hi•• preface to Stephanus de urbibus, anno 1502 4 2.30, that he begun his first greek impressions in the year wherein the war in Italy commenc'd, viz. anno 1494, at the time of the expedition of Charles VIII king of France to seize upon the kingdom of Naples. Some writers, from a mistaken passage in his preface to Aristotle, anno 1495, wherein he tells his patron Prince Carpi, that he presents him with the prince of phi|losophers, Plato excepted, now first printed and very correct, have thought

it to have been his first greek impression; whereas he publish'd at least three the year before. However 'tis plain he had printed no book in any language before anno 1494.

IT appears from what has been said in a former chapter concerning the Lactantius printed in the monastery of Subiaco, anno 1465, the Gellius at Rome 1469, and others, that several considerable fragments were printed in greek with no small elegancy and correctness. But besides these there were several editions in that language printed in divers cities of Italy some years before; the principal of which we shall mention.

THE first, as yet known, is the greek grammar of Constantine Lascaris 4to, revis'd by Demetrius Cretensis, and printed by Dionysius Palavisinus at Milan, anno 1476, afterwards reprinted at Venice by Leonard of Basil, anno 1488.

THE next is the greek psalter printed at Venice, anno 1486 by Alexander of Crete 4to, and Homer's Batrachomuomachia, or battle between the frogs and mice 4to, at Venice by Leonic of Crete in the same year. But as these may be esteem'd only preludes or essays in that language, we shall come to a more considerable edition, viz. that of Homer's works in greek, which B. Neril caus'd to be printed at Florence in a large folio, anno 1488 by Demetrius of Milan, a native of Crete. This excellent work I have seen in the curious library of the learned Dr. Mead, and I dare affirm that whoever examines the whiteness and strength of the paper, the fineness of the character, the elegant disposition of the matter, the exact distance between the lines, the large margin, and in short, the whole performance with its various ornaments, will easily own it a master-piece in that kind. There was likewise a fine edition of Isocrates printed at Milan in fol. by Henry German and Sebastian ex Pontremulo, anno 1493, a year before any of Aldus's impressions appear'd.

HOWEVER, tho' he was not the first greek Printer, yet no person ever signaliz'd himself more in that province than he, nor equall'd him in beauty, correctness and number of editions. Concerning the beauty of his greek characters, of which he is said to be the inventor, Mr. Mattaire tells us pag. 237, Annal. Typogr. that those, in which he printed the Psalter, Aesop, Aristotle, Aristophanes, &c. were somewhat larger, rounder, more beautiful and elegant, adorn'd with frequent ligatures, which added no small

beauty to his greek editions, &c. Nor is this is the only particular, for which the learned world is so much oblig'd to him; since his designs reach'd still farther, and were answer'd to his great satisfaction before his death, which happen'd anno 1515. He observ'd, with no small regret, how much and how long the Greek tongue had been neglected; in order therefore to revive that noble language, and accustom the learned by de|grees to read nothing but the originals, he resolv'd to publish most of his books in Greek only. This succeeded so well, that the oldest men be|gan to acquaint themselves with it, and as many youths engaged in the study of that tongue, as of the Latin; which gave him such sensible plea|sure, that he mentions it in several of his prefaces, and particularly in that prefix'd to Aristotle's Logic, wherein he thus expresses himself: 1 2.31

"In our days we may see many old gentlemen, who follow Cato's example in learning the Greek tongue. For with respect to the youth, they equally apply themselves to that, as to the Latin. Upon which account Greek books, of which there is now a prodigious scarcity, are come into very great request, &c."

In his preface to Stephanus de urbibus he observes with pleasure, 2 2.32

"That Italy was not the only nation where in the Greek tongue was in vogue; but that in Germany, France, Hungary, Britain, Spain, and almost every place, where the Latin was known, not only the young, but even the old study'd Greek with the utmost eagerness and application."

ALL his impressions were not of that nature; for in some of them, printed before and afterwards, as Musaeus, Greek grammar, Proclus's Sphaera, the works of Philostratus, Eusebius contra Hieroclem, &c. he first gave the whole Greek text, and then the Latin translation.

SOON after this, he invented a method, entirely new, of printing these Greek editions with their translations, which I do not find practis'd by any Printer since.

THEY were impos'd after such a manner, that the purchaser might have them bound either with the Greek and Latin separate, or with a leaf of the one, and a leaf of the other alternately; for instance, the first leaf was Greek, then follow'd the first in Latin, then the second Greek leaf, and the second Latin, and so on to the end; but with this precaution, that the Greek of the first leaf was only printed upon the second page of it, and the Latin version opposite to it; the Latin upon the second page of the Latin leaf was the version of the Greek upon the first page of the third leaf, and all the Greek upon the second page of this leaf, fell exactly over against the Latin of it in the first page of the fourth or second Latin leaf. This order being observ'd throughout, every other leaf being Greek, and the rest Latin, it was easy either to bind it in two volumes, the one Greek, and the other Latin; or into one, with the original first, and version af|terwards, opposite to each other.

BUT, as we remark'd before, this excellent method was never ob|serv'd, not even by those, who reprinted such of Aldus's editions, as had been done after this way; viz. Esop's and Gabriel's fables, Lascaris's gram|mar, &c. for they printed the Greek in one page, and the Latin upon the other; which is vastly more inconvenient than his method; the manner of printing both languages in two columns not being invented 'till after the year 1550, Vide Chevil. pag. 238. I conceive there is no necessity of giving a more particular description of Aldus's Greek types, because his works are so universally known to the curious; but whoever desires to know further concerning them, and their superior excellence to those us'd before, may consult Mr. Mattaire's Annals, pag. 237.

ALDUS has been likewise suppos'd the first, or, at least, one of the first, who printed in Hebrew. But this is certainly a mistake; for, tho' he had a font of Hebrew, yet he made but little use of it; and 'tis evi|dent, that the jews of Soncino in the duchy of Milan began to print books in that language about twelve or fourteen years before Aldus appear'd, as shall be shewn in its proper place. Chevillier p. 267 tells us, that he saw nothing of his in this tongue, but the Hebrew alphabet, which is still preserv'd in the Sorbon library. We find however, that he wrote and printed an introduction to the Hebrew tongue; as appears from •• book printed by him, ann. 1501, intitled, Aldi Manutii Grammaticae Latinae

linguae rudimenta; de literis Graecis & Diphthongis, &c. ut & introductio ad Hebraeam linguam, 4to. Indeed Justin Decadius a Grecian and inhabitant of Venice, who caus'd the Greek psalter to be printed by Aldus in 4to, flatters those of his own nation, to whom he dedicates it, with a promise which that Printer made him, of printing an edition of the bible in He|brew, Greek and Latin; but it is not known, that he ever perform'd it, at least, with relation to the Hebrew.

BEFORE we close the character of this great man, it will be proper to acquaint the reader with the reason of his assuming the name Pius after the year 1503; because even this is another testimony of his merit. He receiv'd it from his patron prince Albertus Pius de Carpi, whose tutor he had formerly been, and who, on account of his singular desert, adopted him into his family, and contributed large sums towards defraying the charges of procuring and correcting manuscripts, preparing three fonts, of Italick, Greek and Hebrew, characters, entertaining so many learned correctors, and such a number of workmen, beside the other charges com|mon to every Printing-house. His chief correctors were Peter Alcyonius, Demetrius Chalcondylas, Marcus Musurus, and Alexander Bondinus.

THE mark of his Printing-house, which shall be given, with the rest of the marks or rebus's of the Printers of the 15th century, at the end of this book, was a dolphin twin'd about an anchor, and nibling at it; signifying his close and indesatigable application to business, which he went through with deliberation and judgment. Chevillier tells us, that he took it from the emperor Titus; and that Peter Bembus, who was afterwards made a cardinal, presented him with a silver medal, which had that em|peror's head on one side, and on the reverse, a dolphin twisting himself round an a••••hor. This was likewise, according to some authors, the device of Augustus the emperor 1 2.33, the anchor being design'd to signify rest, as lightning or the dolphin were to denote swiftness. These Titus after|wards express'd by the dolphin, signifying swiftness, and an anchor, de|sign'd to stop the course of a ship, denoting slowness. Aldus himself seems to hint at this signification, when he tells prince Carpi, in his epistle dedicatory prefix'd to Proclus's Sphere, anno 1499 2 2.34, that he could testify

for himself with the greatest sincerity, that he had always those two com|panions with him, which they say are so necessary, viz. the dolphin and anchor, and publish'd many things with deliberation, and yet without in|termission. His son Paul, who was Printer to the Vatican, his son-in-law A. de Azola, and his grandson Aldus us'd the same mark.

SOME vile Printers of Florence, finding the impossibility of equalling Aldus's editions, resolv'd to counterfeit them as well as his rebus, and carry'd on the cheat for some time, 'till it was discover'd by means of a mistake committed by the engraver, who revers'd the dolphin, so that his head was on the left side of the anchor, whereas in Aldus's mark it was on the right. Whether his son-in-law Andreas de Azola first perceiv'd this difference, I will not affirm; but he first gave publick notice of it, to prevent the world's being any longer impos'd upon. This passage in the preface to his Livy in 8vo anno 1518, is given at full length in the margin 1 2.35. I am sensible that in this sketch of the history of that Printer, I have exceeded in many cases my propos'd limits; yet, I hope, the worth and character of the person will sufficiently excuse me for not keeping too scrupulously to our epocha.

THE works, which we have of him, from 1494 to 1500, are in num|ber, twenty four; fourteen of which are Greek, and the rest Latin, or Latin and Greek.

THE reader may easily perceive, how short this list comes of the num|ber, which we might have reasonably expected from so industrious a Printer, within the space of six or seven years; especially considering, that as himself assures us, he publish'd an author every month, which amounts to almost four times our number. Whether the rest are perish'd, or are still latent in some libraries, I shall not determine, but am willing to hope the latter, and that time will by degrees bring them to light.

HOWEVER he still continued printing many years after the close of the century, and took his father-in-law Andreas de Azola [in Latin Azola|nus

in partnership with him. As to the time of his death, or any parti|culars of it, I have not been able to discover any thing certain; I shall therefore conclude his history with a remark or two concerning an edi|tion of his, which I hope will not be disagreeable to the reader: it is that of Poliphili hypnerotomachia, written by Franciscus Columna, to prove that all the world is but a dream; wherein he relates many things worth learning: it has been suppos'd to be printed at Treviso, anno 1467, because at the end are the following words; Tarvisii cum decorissimis Poliae a more lorulis distineretur misellus Poliphilus, MCCCCLXVII kalendis Maii, i. e. when the unfortunate Poliphilus was in love with the charming Polia, 1467.

THIS they thought to have been the year, when the book was printed; whereas Mattaire and Orlandi observe, that the words plainly demonstrate it to be the year, in which Colonna finish'd it. Besides, it is evident from the character, the registers, direction-words, comma's, interrogatory points, and other particularities, as well from the last leaf, which contains the errata, and concludes thus, Venetiis mense Decembri MID in aedibus Aldi Manutii accuratissimé, that this edition came out from Aldus's press. However, Orlandi tells us, that this leaf was designedly torn off, because there is no date of the year, in which it was printed; but Mr. Mattaire gives us an account of these errata pag. 255, which bore this title, Gli er|rori del libro fatti stampando, liquali corrige cosi: then follows the errata containing fifty nine full lines, a greater number than Aldus ever put at the end of his works. After the errata are the Latin words abovementi|on'd, Venetiis, &c. 'Tis plain from this, that 1467 was the year, in which the author finish'd it at Treviso, and the date of the edition, 1499. With respect to the author's name, Orlandi deduceth it from the initial letters of each chapter, which being joyn'd together form these words, Poliam frater Franciscus Columna peramavit. Orland. pag. 57, 58.

THE remainder of the Venetian Printers to ann. 1500 are as follows.

96. ANTONY MORETUS of Brescia 1 edit. 1495.

97. JEROM de Alexandria

98. ANTONY ZANCHI or de Zanchis, 1 edit. 1497.

99. OTINUS della Luna of Pavia, 3 edit. from 1497 to 1499.

100. JOHN ALVYSIUS de Varesio Milanese, 1 edit. 1498.

101. BARTHOL. JUSTINOPOLITANUS,

102. GABRIEL de Brisighella,

103. JOHN BISSOLI

104. BENEDICT MANGI of Carpi,

WE have but two editions of these four partners, viz. Phalaris Epistles 4to 1498, and Aesop's life and fables 4to 1500, both in Greek: the former of these editions has a privilege from the senate of Venice, for their sole printing of it during the space of ten years; and an epistle of Bartholo|mew Justinopolitan to Contarenus a senator of Venice, wherein he complains of the great abuses, which were crept into the Art of Printing; and the disadvantages thence arising to the common wealth of learning, thro' the ignorance and negligence of Printers, which encreas'd every day among them: he seems therefore rather to have been an editor than a Printer, and to have hir'd the other three to print in partnership with him.

105. ANTONY de Guzzago of Brescia, 1 edit. 1498.

106. SEBASTIAN MANILIUS a Roman and partners, 1 edit. 1499.

107. JOHN BAPT. SESSA of Milan, 2 edit. 1499.

108. ZACHARIAH CALIERGI of Crete; he was a very eminent Printer of Greek: we have two editions of his, both of 1499, viz. Simplicius Com|ment. upon Aristotle's Cathegorics fol. and Etymologicum magnum, fol. in Greek, the last of these printed at the desire of a Constantinopolitan lady: he re|mov'd to Rome, and printed there till ann. 1523 if not beyond; and the Lexicon Varini was printed by him in that year.

109. LUCANTONIUS de Giunta or Zunta of Florence, 1500.

ALL the Printers of this name [de Giunta or Zunta] have been persons of the most distinguish'd merit for their performances at Rome, Florence, Lyons and Venice; their common rebus or mark was the flower-de-luce, and sometimes the eagle. The first of that name is this Lucantonius Giunta, a man of noble extract, who employ'd John de Spira to print for him at Venice.

WHETHER this Spira was a son or grandson of one of the two bro|thers, who first brought the Art to this city, is uncertain. However, the Giunta's signaliz'd themselves in that Art, 'till the middle of the six|teenth century. The following edition is the only one, we know of, printed by him before the close of this century, viz. Regulae sancti Bene|dicti,

sancti Basilii, sanct. Augustini & Francisci; collectae atque ordinatae per D. J. Franc. Brixianum monachum congregationis S. Justinae ordinis S. Benedicti de observantia, 4to, cura & impensis nobilis viri Luc. Antonii de Giunta Florentini, arte & solerti ingenio magistri Johannis de Spira, idibus April. Venetiis. Some of the impressions of Matthew Capcasa at Venice, 1482, are said in the colophon to be printed at the desire of Lucant. Zunta.

109, NICHOLAS BLASTI, one Greek edition dated 1500.

110. ALBERTINE VERCELLENSIS, 1 edit. dated 1500.

THESE are all the Printers hitherto known to have wrought at Venice, from the time of its receiving the Art, to the year 1500, but there were many more, who, as was hinted before, made a trade of reprinting some of the best editions in a slovenly incorrect manner, and to undersell the good ones; for which reason, they did not dare to set their names to them. Father Orlandi gives us a list of 90 of them done at Venice during that interval, the greatest part of which, I am apt to suspect, are of that sorry kind.

CHAP. V. Of the three first Printers at Paris, and their Suc|cessors; the Encouragement which they met with; some Account of the Books printed by them; with other Particulars. A second Printing-house set up in the Louvre by King Lewis XI. rest of the Paris Printers.

WHOEVER desires a compleat account of the first settlement, progress and improvement of the Art of Printing, in the city and university of Paris, the metropolis of France, will find that subject copiously treated of by De la Caille in his Origine de l'imprimerie printed anno 1689, and more particularly by Chevillier in his Origine de l'Imprime|rie printed at Paris, anno 1694.

THESE two authors have chiefly confin'd their history to that king|dom; and, as they had all possible opportunities of searching the records and libraries of that university, have been enabled to acquaint the world with a vast many particularities relating as well to the Art, a•• to the most emi|nent Printers there. But since an induction of them would swell this work to too great a bulk, I shall select the most curious and material parts, and refer the reader for the rest to the authors before mention'd. Suffi|cient reasons, I hope, are already given, against the opinion of those, who, contrary to all the most incontestable records, assert that Nich. Jen|son first brought printing to Paris. This particular is further confirm'd by the two last mention'd French historians, whose account of that matter is as follows.

SOME time before the year 1470, William Fichet and John Heynlim de Lapide or Lapidanus, two famous doctors of the university of Paris, and of the college of Sorbon, observing the progress of printing in several cities of Europe, began to use their utmost efforts in order to introduce it not only into that city, but even into their college, where they might give it all necessary help and encouragement. They were both persons of great reputation for their learning and publick spirit. The former was a Savoyard by birth, and a great restorer of the long neglected art of rhetorick, and all polite literature. The latter was a German, and had been rector of the university, and prior of the college of Sorbon, to which last dignity, he was chosen again about this time. As there were then but few, if any, except Germans, eminent in printing, Lapidanus un|dertook to bring some of the most skilfull thither. This could not but seem easily attainable by him, who had such a numerous acquaintance amongst the learned in Germany, and is suppos'd, upon good grounds, to have been of the same diocess, if not the same city with Uldric Gering, a native of Constance. The latter being influenc'd by the kind invitations of a person of such esteem, who promis'd him the college of Sorbon for his abode, and his assistance in procuring and preparing manuscripts, and revising his editions; and allur'd by the hopes of considerable gain in so rich a city, wherein the Art was yet unpractis'd, brought two other countrymen with him, viz. Martin Crantz and Michael Friburger or de Columbaria or Colmar in Alsace, to Paris; where he set up presses in the

hall of Sorbon, and in the year 1470 publish'd the first book, that ever was printed in any city of France, except that of Tours mention'd in a former chapter. Father Orlandi tells us, that Lewis XI gave Fitchet and Lapidanus orders to send for some of the best Printers to Paris, at his own charge; and that by this means the three German partners were in|duc'd to settle there. Chevillier takes no notice of this, but attributes the honour wholly to the Sorbonists. However, it is certain that this king was a great encourager of learning; as appears by the magnificent library which he form'd at his palace in Paris; whither he brought not only all the books, which his predecessors, and in particular Charles V sirnam'd the wise, and Charles VI had collected and set up at Fountainbleau, but likewise all that he could purchase at any rate, together with a great num|ber of editions printed at Mentz by Faust and Schoeffer; and what manu|scripts he could not purchase, he order'd to be curiously transcrib'd, and to be set up there. A remarkable instance of this, mention'd by the French writers, is as follows.

THE king understanding that the college of physicians at Paris had in their library the works of Rhasis a physician, translated out of Arabick into Latin, sent to borrow it, in order to have it transcrib'd; but the college representing it as against their constitutions to lend any of their books without a sufficient pledge; his majesty was contented to obtain the use of it, by depositing a large quantity of his own plate. Whether therefore the king or the two doctors brought the first Printers to Paris, 'tis beyond doubt, that he gave them sufficient encouragement, and ac|cess to the library at the Louvre, with liberty to print from any of those volumes, in the choice of which, it is probable, they were directed by their two patrons.

As the Art was then in its infancy at Paris, their first editions were in a large round Roman character but greatly inferior in beauty to that of their contemporaries in Italy; their paper was smooth and strong, tho' less white; their impressions were maim'd and imperfect, with letters and words half printed, and finish'd with a pencil; the inscription and title of some epistles, and the large initial letters of books and chapters were done with the hand, for which a blank was left in the page; they had no capitals, nor regular spaces, but were full of abbreviations; in short,

there was nothing to recommend them except the newness, and the beauty of the ink. They us'd few rubricks, and those only upon vel|lum; some of their books begin at the folio verso, or even page; and all of them are without titles, number of pages, signatures or direction|words; they us'd no signatures 'till the year 1476, and then plac'd them not at the bottom, but at the top of the pages; they added neither date, nor names of Printer and place; all which are only to be gathered from the prefaces, or epigrams at the end, or some other circumstances, as will appear from the list of their works, especially of those printed in the three first years 1470, 1471, and 1472. It is certainly very surpri|sing, that neither Gering nor his two learned patrons, who must infallibly have seen some of the Italian editions, especially those of Rome and Ve|nice, which had all these necessary ornaments, should not make them sen|sible of their deficiencies in all those respects. However, so few were the elegant Printers in those days, that the learned men of Paris, who esteem'd the Art of more consequence than these embellishments, fail'd not to acknowledge their obligation to the Sorbon doctors, for the servi|ces they had done to the university in settling the Printers there, upon whom they were equally liberal of their encomiums. Enough of these may be seen in Chevillier pag. 41, & seq. I shall only cite in the margin an epigram printed at the end of Gaspar Pergamensis's epistles, which was their first impression, and had prefix'd to it a letter of thanks to those great men, upon their bringing the Art to that city.

THE epigram 1 2.36 is address'd to the city of Paris, and sufficiently shews not only that this edition was the first fruits of the Art both in that city and kingdom, against those who ascribe that honour to Jenson; but like|wise that the Parisians congratulated themselves for their success in intro|ducing it thither, since it gave the university an absolute authority over

all Printers and booksellers, in the seven following particulars, mention'd by Chevillier pag. 327, viz.

• 1. THAT all the Printers and booksellers of Paris, after the first set|tlement of printing there, have still continued in their former state, that is, been esteem'd as agents and servants to that university.
• 2. THAT they are oblig'd to take the oaths to the rector of it.
• 3. THAT they are not allow'd to follow that business 'till the univer|sity has judg'd them qualify'd for it.
• 4. THAT the university exercises their jurisdiction over them by sum|moning them to appear, &c. by fining, punishing and deposing them for any misdemeanor.
• 5. THAT the edicts and ordinances of the king impower that body to visit and search all Printing-houses, ware-houses for books, and book|sellers shops, &c.
• 6. THAT the university set a price upon their books, which was affix'd to their catalogues, and plac'd in some conspicuous part of their shops, lest any person might be impos'd on by them. This part of their pro|vince they exerted, long before the Art of Printing was discover'd, over all transcribers, illuminators, booksellers, &c.
• 7. LASTLY, that the booksellers, &c. should sell no books of religion, &c. 'till they had been examin'd and approv'd by the university, or, at least, by the faculty of doctors of divinity.

WE shall shew in the third book of this history, that the university of Oxsord had the same authority over the Printers and booksellers of that city.

TO return to our three Printers, they continued printing but three years at the house of the Sorbon; after which one of their patrons, Fichet being invited to Rome by Pope Sixtus IV, and the other intending soon after to return to Germany, they remov'd to St. James's-street, at the sign

of the Golden Sun. Upon this they immediately rejected all their old punches, matrices and letters, and furnish'd themselves with some entirely new, and printed several considerable volumes 'till the year 1477; at which time Crantz and Friburger either return'd into Germany, or, at least, left off printing, for there is no edition with their names after that year; but Gering printed in his own name many years longer, as shall be shewn in its place In the mean time, it will be proper to give the reader an account of this new set of characters, which they made use of in their new house.

'TIS to be observ'd, that they were of three or four sorts, all different from each other, and from those us'd at the house of the Sorbon, and cast in new matrices. One sort is vastly inferior to their former, and resem|bles the hand-writing of that time, but such as was done (stannea manu, as Aldus expresses it) with a heavy hand.

IT is not, however, altogether Gothic, but rather like that which Schoeffer us'd at Mentz. Another sort was not unlike this in shape, but of a much larger face. The third was a Roman much more round and fine than the two former; but the fourth sort, not us'd by Gering 'till after the year 1478, that is, after his partners had left him, is a very beautiful, large Roman, which (if we may believe Chevillier, who saw and compar'd them) is in no case inferior to that of the Spira's, Jen|son, or any other of the famous Venetian and French Printers, either before or since. Thus Gering attain'd to a degree of perfection equal with any of his brethren; but was at last oblig'd to comply with the custom, and print several books in Gothic, such as Virgil and some others, besides those for the use of churches. The editions printed at this house, and in these new characters, are still defective with respect to their dates or Printers names, some wanting the one, some the other, and some both, as appears by the list of his works given us by the foremention'd author, anno 1480. Gering took into partnership with him for some time, William Maynyal; and in the year 1483 remov'd from St. James's-street, and took a lease, during life, of a house belonging to the college of Sor|bon, where he set up his old sign of the Golden-sun. As he was now be|come very rich, and had contracted an intimate friendship with the Sor|bon collegians, he made them some considerable donatives both in books

and money; upon which account they chose him fellow of that college, and assign'd him chambers and commons in it: and as he was not en|gag'd in matrimony, he took the more pleasure in conversing with them, communicating his designs, and using their advice about the books which he was to print, and their assistance in correcting them; in return for which he presented them with copies of all his editions. It was no small advantage to that college (which was call'd at first by the founder Robert Sorbon, Societas pauperum magistrorum Parisiis in theologica facultate studentium) to have so generous a friend and benefactor admitted into it; who requited them for this honour with vast legacies, left by him in his will to this college, and that of Montague in the same city. For by his success in printing 'till anno 1510, in which he died, he had amass'd a prodigious quantity of wealth, all which he bequeath'd to those two colleges. What he endow'd the Sorbon in particular with, was suffici|ent to maintain eight fellows, to be added to those on the old foundation, and two lectures every day, one in the morning for the Old, and ano|ther in the afternoon for the New Testament; besides several other do|natives to those of the house whom he had a particular esteem for.

Now considering, that he was the first Printer of that city and king|dom; that he was invited thither by the college of Sorbon; that he had been so great a master of his art, and so liberal to that poor society in his life-time, and after his death; the reader may perhaps expect to hear of some monument erected by them to his memory: but 'tis plain from what Chevillier, a fellow of that college, tells us, that they did not so much as set a grave-stone over him, to let the world know where that great man was bury'd; so that our last mention'd author, after a vast deal of pains, could not gain the least certainty about it. However, to do them justice, they order'd an anniversary-mass to be said on the 23d of August, on which he dy'd. Who his correctors were, is difficult to determine; but it is probable he made use of any of the collegians, whom he pleas'd. He had some other partners besides Maynyal beforementi|on'd, and instructed several Printers, who signaliz'd themselves both du|ring his life and after he dy'd. There were likewise divers other Print|ing-houses set up at Paris soon after his, of which we shall speak, when we have given some further account of his works; Chevillier in his list of

them divides them into three classes, viz. those which he printed with his two partners in the college from 1470 to 1473; next those printed at the Golden Sun in St. James's-street 'till anno 1483; and lastly, those which he printed from that time 'till his death, either by himself or with his other partners. Of the first class there are eleven editions still extant all printed in the same character, some of the first of which have epistles affix'd and inscrib'd by Fichet above-nam'd, to several princes and prelates, and are dated 1470 and 1471; one of which, to cardinal Bessarion, has the fol|lowing, Aedibus Sorbonae scriptum, impressumque uno anno & septuagesimo quadringentesimo supra millesimum: those of the second class are 23 in num|ber: and sixteen of the third class, exclusive of those, which he printed after the year 1500: all which the reader will find either in Chevillier or Mr. Mattaire. Gering's last work is dated 1508, which shews that he left off printing two years before he dyed: for his death did not happen 'till anno 1510, Aug. 23. The next Printing-house, to that of the three Ger|mans last spoken of, was set up by,

4. PETER CAESARIS and 5. JOHN STOL, 1473.

THESE two Printers were likewise natives of Germany, but had already studied sometime in the university of Paris, where the former had attain'd to the degree of master of arts: these two became acquainted with their countryman Gering, and inform'd him of their design of setting up a Printing-house, begging his assistance and instructions therein, which he readily granted: and thus was the second Press set up at Paris by these two learned persons, who became soon after, no less famous, for their industry and application, than they had been for their learning. They pitch'd upon one of the houses, belonging to the college of Sorbon, to print in, which Chevillier tells us, was in St. James's-street at the sign of the Soldier and Swan: their character was short of the beauty of Uldric Ge|ring, tho' far from being of the Gothic kind; this may be one reason why a great many of their works are lost: they were likewise guilty of neglecting to affix either their names or dates to their works: so that the former is only to be gather'd from the likeness of the character to their

other works, that are printed in their names, and the latter is either sup|ply'd by some circumstance, or wholly guess'd at.

THEIR first work is suppos'd to be the Speculum Zamorae, which tho' printed without date, yet is known to have come out anno 1473 by the epigram at the end: one of their finest impressions is that of Ocham's deca|logue, which Naudeus thought to have been done by Gering, but Chevil|lier who has compar'd them with other of their works, assures them to have been printed by them: we have but ten editions of theirs from 1473 to 1500: but they continu'd printing beyond that time especially Caesaris. The next Paris Printer was,

6. PETER CARON, of whom we have but one edition dated 1474.

7. PASQUIER BON-HOMME 1475, he printed the chronicle of France, and that of St Dennis in three volumes fol. a scarce book, and the only one we have left of him, it is dated 1475.

8. ANTHONY VERARD, 1480.

HE was one of the most considerable Printers and booksellers of his time, and very eminent for the curiosity and number of his ditions. The greatest part of his books consist in romances and the like, printed in a Gothic character, but so elegant as to please the eve extremely. Many of them are printed upon fine vellum; La Caille tells us, that there are above an hundred volumes of his romances printed curiously on vellum, embellish'd with exquisite miniatures or small cutts, painted in water colours, in imitation of the manuscripts which he printed after, all which are to be seen in the French king's library. However, tho' he engag'd most in romantick pieces, yet he likewise publish'd several learned vo|lumes, all in French, with equal care and beauty, in the same Gothic letter.

HE kept his Printing-house and shop upon the bridge of Nôtre Dame at the sign of St. John the Evangelist. Sometimes he subscribes his books only with the first letters of his name, A. V. His mark is enclos'd with four French verses in a pious strain: the reader will find them in the mar|gin 1 2.37. Whatever is become of the great number of his editions, some of

which were printed by the French king Charles VIII's order, I can find no more in Orlandi's list than 32, from 1480 to 1500.

THE rest of the Paris Printers are as follows,

9. NICHOLAS de Philippis

and 10. MARK REYNHARD de Strasburgh,

WHERE they printed in partnership before they came to Paris: we have but one edition of theirs dated 1482.

11. ANTONY CAYLLAUT we have 4 edit. of theirs from 1483 to 1492.

and 12. LEWIS MARTINEAU, we have 4 edit. of theirs from 1483 to 1492.

13. GUIDO MERCANT, 10 edit. from 1483 to 1499.

14. GEORGE MITTLH or Mittelh, 2 edit. from 1484 to 1489.

15. DENNIS JANNOT, 1 edit. 1484.

16. ROBINET MACE, 1 edit. 1486.

17. JOHN BONHOME, who was also a bookseller, 3 edit. from 1486 to 1489.

18. PETER LEVET, 5 edit. from 1487 to 1497.

19. JOHN CARCHAGNI, 1 edit. 1489.

20. PETER ROUGE the king's Printer, 3 edit. from 1487 to 1488.

21. JOHN DUPRE, 1 edit. 1488: he went to Lyons soon after.

22. PHILIP PIGOUCHET, 3 edit. from 1489 to 1500.

23. WOLFGANG HOPYL German 4 edit. from 1489 to 1498.

and 24. JOHN HIGMAN, 4 edit. from 1489 to 1498.

THE former of these became afterwards partner of the great Henry Ste|phens.

25. MICHAELLE NOIR, 1 edit. 1489.

26. DURANT GERLIER, 1 edit. 1489.

27. JAMES MAILET, 1 edit. 1491.

28. GEORGE WOLF of Baden and partners, 7 edit. from 1491 to 1499.

HIS partners, who printed afterwards by themselves shall be mention'd in their place.

29. WILLIAM CARON, 1 edit. 1492.

30. JOHN BELIN with John Dupre abovemention'd, 1 edit. 1492.

31. GILLET COUSTEAU 2 edit. from 1492 to 1494.

and 32. JOHN MENARD, 2 edit. from 1492 to 1494.

33. JOHN LAMBERT 2 edit. 1493 to 1494.

and 34. CLAUDE JAMMAR, 2 edit. 1493 to 1494.

35. JOHN PHILIPPI de Cruczennach, German, one of George Wolph's partners: we have 3 edit. of his from 1494 to 1495.

36. PETER POUILLAC, 4 edit. from 1495 to 1498.

37. STEPHEN JANNOT 4 edit. from 1495 to 1498.

and 38. JOHN TREPEREL, 4 edit. from 1495 to 1498.

39. JOHN BOUYER 1 edit. 1496.

and 40. WILLIAM BOUCHER, 1 edit. 1496.

41. ANDR. BOCARD one of the best Printers of his time: De la Caille affirms him to have printed a great number of books, both for himself and other booksellers: and among others, the Figurae Biblicae of Anth. de Rampengol: his mark was the arms of France, and those of the university, and of the city of Paris with four French verses, which you will find in the margin 1 2.38: we have however but 4 edit. of his, 3 dated 1497, and the last 1498.

42. ANTONY NIDEL or de Nydel a citizen of Paris, and master of arts: we have but one impression of his dated 1497.

43. JOHN POITEVIN, we have but 1 edit. of each of these dated 1498.

JOHN HIGMAN, we have but 1 edit. of each of these dated 1498.

44. JOHN RICHARD, we have but 1 edit. of each of these dated 1498.

45. JO. PETIT, Parisian, 1498.

JOHN PETIT was a native of Paris, and rather a bookseller than a Printer: he is justly esteem'd one of the most eminent and industrious ones of his time. He kept the greatest number of the best workmen of any of his contemporaries, with no less than fifteen presses continually at work at his own charges, whilst himself was engag'd in the business of his shop, at the silver Lyon, and procuring the most skilfull correctors to revise his works. He gain'd a prodigious reputation by the beauty and correctness of his impressions, which, tho' printed in a Gothic character, are much esteem'd by the curious. He began to print anno 1498, tho' some copies

of editions by several former Printers have likewise his name, as Mr. Mat|taire informs us, yet all have not; he continued printing 'till anno 1532, and many of his impressions are as scarce as they are curious. The learned Henry Stephens, father of so many great Printers of that name, was so well satisfy'd of his merit, that he was glad to have him for his partner with Wolfgang Hopyl mention'd above, who was a Printer of much older date: Petit became so famous, both for the beauty and correctness, as well as the number of his editions, that he was afterwards sworn Printer and bookseller to the university of Paris, and chosen syndic or master of that company; among those Printers which he employ'd, was the famous Jodocus Badius, who printed several considerable editions for him. In the title page of his books, he us'd the words Petit a Petit [by little and little] alluding to his own name, which he also us'd for his motto. The books which we finde printed in his name from 1498 to 1500, are only three, the first of which is much valued by students in law, viz.

MODUS legendi abbreviaturus in utroque jure, 8vo, per Jo. Petit, Parisiis, 1498. For as we hinted before, abbreviations were become so frequent and intricate in most sciences, but especially that of the law, that such a help as this was become absolutely necessary.

46. JOHN DRYART, we have but one impression of each of these dated 1498

47. SIMON COLIN, we have but one impression of each of these dated 1498

48. GODFREY MARNEF, we have but one impression of each of these dated 1498

49. MICHEL TOLOSA, 1 edit. 1499.

50. ALEXANDER ALIATE, 1 edit. of each 1500.

51. THIELMAN KERVER, 1 edit. of each 1500.

WE find also in Orlandi's list about 44 editions without Printers names.

BEFORE I dismiss this chapter, I cannot omit observing, that Paris hath been a noble patroness of the Art of Printing. 'Tis true, Venice is justly fam'd upon this account; yet it ought to be remember'd, that most of her celebrated Printers were of the French nation, and signaliz'd themselves as much in this Art, as any other nation; and that Paris ex|cell'd all other cities of that kingdom in this respect. The encourage|ments which their kings, and the learned of that and other countries, have given the Art, and the care of the university over the Printers, have

contributed extremely to the great improvements made therein. Besides this, the French have shewn an extraordinary genius and skill in the cut|ting of their punches for all languages; they have been very curious about their paper, and more particularly in adorning their editions with cutts, head and tail pieces, initial letters, rubricks and other embellish|ments of that nature. This I mention not so much with respect to the 15th century, as to the following. No city has produc'd a greater num|ber of the finest bibles than Paris. Their large, royal and polyglot bibles are justly esteem'd master-pieces of that kind; their editions of general and provincial councils, of canon and civil-law, the works of the fathers, chronological and historical books, and, in short, in every art and science, are very numerous, rich, and valuable; and many of them contain seven, eight, and ten large volumes, and some twenty, thirty, and even thirty seven, as the acts of the council printed by the famous Anthony Vitré at the Louvre. The women likewise were very eminent in this province; and particularly, Charlotte Guillard, the widow of Berthold Rembolt, Ulric Gering's partner, who for the space of 50 years kept several presses, and printed a great number of large and correct editions both in Latin and Greek, her best editions were publish'd after she became a widow the se|cond time, viz. the bible, the fathers; in particular, the works of St. Gregory in two volumes were printed so accurately, that the errata con|tain'd but three faults. Her fame at last increas'd so, that the learned Lewis Lippoman, bishop of Verona, made choice of her to print his Cate|na SS. patrum in Genesim, which he finish'd in Portugal. This edition she perform'd so much to his satisfaction, that when he assisted at the council of Trent, he came on purpose to Paris to return her thanks, and prevail'd upon her to print likewise his second volume, viz. Catena in Exodum, which she perform'd with equal beauty and correctness. These with ma|ny other particulars relating to that admirable woman, may be seen in Chevil. p. 48, & seq.

As Paris has always abounded in excellent Printers, and furnish'd most other cities of Europe with some of them; so, on the other hand, it must be own'd, that it has produc'd several equally bad, who have publish'd many wretched editions; and 'tis probable they might have still increas'd, had not the university check'd their growth. For as it has such power

over all Printers and booksellers, as to refuse admitting those into the business, who are not sufficiently qualify'd, and to turn them out of it, or suspend or fine them for any misdemeanors, as was hinted before; it can more easily restrain them, than where such checks are wanting. However those, whose merit recommends them, enjoy all the encourage|ment they can reasonably desire, both from their princes and the univer|sity. They are endow'd with privileges, exemptions, and immunities beyond any other city; and have had frequent opportunities of raising themselves to great dignities, of acquiring large estates, and in short, every thing suitable to their merit.

CHAP. V. The Settlement and Progress of Printing in the Cities of Cologn, Milan 1470, Strasburgh, Bo|lognia and Treviso 1471, the Names, Dates, and other Particulars of their Printers.

Article I. COLOGN. 1470.

THE city of Cologn, (which is one of the most opulent Hans-towns in the empire, and an archiepiscopal see, pleasantly situated up|on the Rhine,) by its nearness to Mentz, must necessarily have receiv••d the Art of Printing very early. We have taken notice, in the first book of this history, that some of Faust's servants left him even before the taking of that city, and settled at Cologn; and the author of the Chronicle of that name mentions it as the first city, which receiv'd the art after Mentz. 'Tis unquestionable that if her first impressions had been preserv'd, we must have given it the precedency to almost all the cities hitherto mention'd; but whether the first printers of it neglected to add their own, and the cities name at the end of their editions, (a fault too common in those days) or whether their works were too inconside|rable to be preserv'd; it is certain that there is no book, as yet known, printed there with an authentick date, before this year 1470; which is

the reason why, according to our propos'd method, we can allow it no higher rank. We have indeed, in the introduction to this second book, taken notice of one of the most eminent printers in this city, viz. John Koelhoff, who antedated some of his impressions; but, I hope, the rea|der is fully satisfy'd from the reasons which we have given there, that he began not to work so early, since one of his dates is even much older than either himself or the Art of Printing. Cologn did not abound with great Printers during the first 30 years, viz. till 1500; tho' in process of time it became very famous in that art, as well by those who liv'd in it, as those that dispers'd themselves into many cities of Europe. It is call'd Colonia Agrippina in Latin from the empress Agrippina, Nero's mother: the following are all the Printers we know of 'till the end of the 15th cen|tury.

• 1. CONRARD WINTERS de Hombergh, a citizen of Cologn, of whom we have but one edition dated 1470.
• 2. PETER de Olpe, 2 edit. both 1471.
• 3. ARNOLD TERBORN or Terburn, 2 edit. from 1473 to 1477.
• 4. JOHN KOELHOFF de Lubeck, 9 edit. from 1474 to 1494: besides the two following ones, which tho' printed with his name, have a date manifestly false.

1. FLORES de diversis sermonibus & epistolis B. Bernardi per me Joan. Koelhoff de Lubeck Coloniensem civem impressi anno MCCCC, feliciter finiunt. The reader may see by the time in which he printed, that either the last C must have been taken up by the balls, or omitted by the com|positor; and that it was done anno 1500, or that some other figures are wanting to the date: but it appears to me to be done by design rather than mistake.

2. SILVII Senensis Epistolae, at the end; Pii secundi pontificis maximi, cui ante summum episcopatum primum quidem imperiali secretario, mox epis|copo, deinde etiam cardinali Senensi, Enee Silvii nomen erat, familiares epis|tole date ad amicos in quadruplici vise ejus statu finiunt, per me Joannem Koelhoff de Lubeck coloniae incolam, anno incarnationis MCCCCLVIII.

WE have already observ'd, that there are some letters in this book, which are of a later date by several years than that of the book; so that it must necessarily be false.

5. HENRY QUENTEL an excellent Printer, tho' omitted by the last annalist father Orlandi, continued printing long after the year 1500▪ and had a son Peter Quentel and a grandson John Quentel, who likewise dis|tinguish'd themselves for the goodness and correctness of their editions: we have but 4 edit. of his from 1480 to 1500.

6. JOHN GULDENSCHAYFF, 4 edit. from 1484 to 1487.

MR. Mattaire mentions likewise some bibles, and a few other books printed here without Printers names.

Article II. MILAN, 1470.

MILAN [in latin Mediolanum] is one of the four chief cities of Italy, situate near the rivers Adda and Tesino, and said to have been built by the Trojans after their expulsion by Bellover king of the Gauls. This city, after a variety of chances and wars, was almost ruined by Frederic Bar|barossa; but now flourishes under the emperor of Germany. It received the Art of Printing very early, and had many excellent artificers from the beginning, whose works are equally valuable with those of any other cities We cannot positively affirm any thing concerning the time, in which this Art was brought hither, nor who were the men that set it up. The first both in time as well as excellency was.

1. ANTHONY ZAROT, 1470.

HE was a native of the city of Parma, tho' of Cretensian parents, as appears by some of his colophons, and gain'd a great reputation for 30 years, in which he continued printing, by his elegant and correct im|pressions in a beautiful Roman character, which are sufficiently known among the learned. He was oblig'd indeed to comply with the custom in printing some editions in old Gothic; yet even th••se have all the ele|gancy and beauty they can admit of. He is esteem'd the inventor of signatures, or alphabetical letters at the bottom of every sheet, which

at first he plac'd under the last line of the page, where they ought to be: But afterwards he put them, upon what account is hard to guess, at the end of the last line, so as to make them serve, as it were, for the last word in the page. This appears by his edition of John Simoneta de gestis Francisci Sfortiae ducis Mediol. anno 1486. This whim of his was not fol|low'd by any Printer, nor by himself long; for he soon return'd to the first method. His main province was printing of classicks, which he ex|ecuted with extraordinary diligence and accuracy. He is said to be the first that printed missals or mass-books for the use of the clergy, who were hitherto us'd to MS ones. That which he printed anno 1478, had the four Latin verses in red letters, which you will find in the margin 1 2.39. His chief corrector was the famous Peter Justin Philelphus, a person of learning and great application, especially in correcting the faulty edi|tions which Zarot was oblig'd to procure from Rome or other places. His next corrector was the learned P. Steph▪ Dulcinio, prebend of Scala, who tells the marquiss of Palavicino, to whom he dedicates the second edition of Manilius, anno 1499 that he had corrected that author in above three hundred places, and clear'd it from the barbarisms, and other faults of the transcribers, as far as it was possible to be done in a very corrupt copy. Zarot continued printing till the year 1500, from which time we hear no more of him.

WE have twenty six of his impressions still extant, many of which have either an epigram or a colophon in his commendation. Some are without Printer or places name, and even without date; the last of which must be guess'd at, the former are easily known by the particular beauty of his character, and because he printed no where but at Milan.

2. PHILIP de Lavagna Milanese, 13 editions, from 1474 to 1480. The last of which, viz. Eusebii Chronicon in Latin, is without date, and has a Latin epigram of six lines written in his commendation by Boninus Mambritius.

3. CHRISTOPHER VALDARFER de Ratisbon, an excellent artist▪ who printed at Venice from 1470 to 1471, then came to Milan, where

he wrought till anno 1477, if not beyond. He made use of the same corrector here which he had at Venice, viz. Ludovicus Carbo or Carbone, a native of Ferrara; we have but four impressions of his done at Milan from 1474 to 1477.

4. DOMINIC de Vespolate, 4 edit. from 1476 to 1478.

5. DIONYS PARAVICINO, 4 edit. from 1476 to 1478.

THE former also took another partner, viz.

6. JAMES MARLIAN, of these we have 2 edit. 1477, 1478.

7. LUDOVIC Piedmontese.

and 8. ALBERT Piedmontese. Of these two Brothers we have only one edition, viz. Dante's comedies with comments: The text is printed in an elegant Roman, and the comments in a fine Gothic character, with the colophon which you'll find in the margin 1 2.40.

9. LEONARD PACHEL, 1479.

10. ULDRIC SCINZENZETER, 1479.

These two partners were Germans by birth, and printed sometimes to|gether and sometimes separately, till after the close of the 15th century. The former of them printed a great many of the classicks, and is report|ed to have printed a very considerable number of law books, many of which are not yet come to light. Their corrector was Benedict. Rhetho|ricus. The number of their impressions hitherto discover'd from 1479 to 1500, amounts to 36.

11. SIMON MAGNAGUS, 1 edit. 1480.

12. BENIGNUS Bonaso

and 13. JOHN ANTONY Bonaso brothers, 2 edit. 1482, 1488.

14. JAMES de S. Nazaro, 2 edit. 1489, 1494.

15. PHILIP de Montegaliis, 1 edit. 1490.

16. PETER ANTONY de Castillione, 1 edit. 1493.

17. HENRY GERMAN, 1 edit. 1493.

and 18. SEBASTIAN de Pontremoli,

19. WILLIAM SIGNER of Rouen, 2 edit 1496, 1498.

20. JOHN BAPT. ALVISIANUS, 1 edit. 1497.

21. ALEXANDER MINUTIANUS, 1 edit. of all Cicero's works in 4 volumes fol. the two first anno 1498, the other two 1499.

22. DEMETRIUS CHALCONDYLLA and partners, 1 edit. 1499.

23. AMBROSE CAPONAGUS, 1 edit. 1499.

24. JOHN ANGEL. SCINZENZELER 2 edit. both 1500.

and 25. BARTHOL MINIATOR, 2 edit. both 1500.

26. PETER MARTYR MONTLEGATIUS, 1 edit. 1500.

There are also many editions printed at Milan, from 1471 to 1500 without Printer's names. Fath. Orlandi tells us, that he has on purpose omitted many works done at Milan, because his learned friend Dr. Joseph Antonio keeper of the Ambrosian library in that city, was then (ann 1722) compiling a history which would shortly appear under the following title, Historia Literaria Mediolanensis ab an. 1470 ad 1500. qua occasione de Origine & progressu Typographiae, Libris editis intra illud tempus, ac Viris Illustribus, eo seculo in eadem Urbe florentibus. By this we may easily guess, that we have as yet but an imperfect history of that city. We may say the same of almost all the rest, except those that have met with some learned persons who have taken the pains of searching the libra|ries, in order to give a more perfect and full one of them, such as that of Paris, Nurembergh, &c.

Article III. STRASBURGH.

STRASBURGH, in Latin Argentina and Argentoratum, is an episcopal See, and the metropolis of Alsatia upon the borders of France, celebra|ted for the number of learned men, which it has produc'd; and the beauty and magnificence of its churches, towers, buildings, &c. according to the poet's description 1 2.41.

IT was the native place of John Guttenbergh, to which, after his disa|greement with Faust, he brought the Art of Printing together with some of his artificers; so that it may be justly esteem'd, at least, one of the

first cities, that practis'd it after Mentz, tho' all the monuments of it are so far lost to us, that we know not any books with a certain date, printed there before the year 1471.

WE have seen, in the first part of this history, how much this city hath been celebrated by some authors, upon the account of John Guttenbergh, whom they suppos'd to have been the inventor of this Art, or at least to have laid the first foundation of it here, tho' he was oblig'd to retire to Mentz in order to perfect it. But as this, I conceive, has been suffici|ently confuted already, it is unnecessary to repeat it here. I have like|wise given the reader an account of another controverfy in favour of Strasburgh and John Mentel started about two hundred years after the dis|covery of this Art, by Dr. Mentel of the university of Paris, who asserted that his ancestor was the Inventor of Printing; which discovery he was robb'd of by a treacherous servant, whom he suspects to be our famous John Faust. I hope, I have fully exposed the vanity of this author's pre|tences, and his unfaithfulness in quoting testimonies in behalf of Mentel; against whom, were there no other evidence, it would be sufficient to al|lege, that there is not one book printed in his name before the year 147••, and that without any mention of the city of Strasburgh.

ALL that is proper to add at present is, that our author, to elude, if possible, the force of this objection, affirm'd that this book, which John Mentel finish'd anno 1473, was no less than twenty years a printing, and contain'd ten large volumes in fol. so that it must have been begun about 1453, i. e. four years before Faust had printed any work in his name, but this is a groundless conjecture.

THIS book is the Speculum Morale of Vincentius Belvacensis, a very voluminous work; but that it should have taken up 20 years in printing, is only said without any authority or testimony for it; however we may allow it to have taken up some considerable time, without lessening the validity of what has been heretofore affirm'd after several eminent au|thors, viz. that John Faust, at his return from Paris, where he had been selling his printed bibles for manuscripts, stay'd some time at Strasburgh, where he taught Mentel his Art. The only difficulty against it is, that if thi•• last had been let into the secret so soon, there would be some ear|lier and a greater number of his productions to be seen. The former is

easily answer'd by the sad experience we have, of too many of the old monuments of the Art being either lost, or not yet discover'd; and the latter, De la Caille endeavours to account for, who peremptorily asserts this Mentel to be the same with John Mentelen or Manthen de Geretzsheim, who went and settled at Venice, and associated himself with the famous John de Cologne, one of the most eminent and first Printers of that city about the year 1474, with whom he printed several valuable editions, mention'd in the chapter of Venice.

IF this assertion be well grounded, 'tis superfluous to seek for any of his works at Strasburgh, except the Speculum beforemention'd, if even that was printed there. But as la Caille has not mention'd his authority, I shall not dare to assert the truth of this too positively. We must not omit taking notice, that this John Manthen continued printing at Venice, with his partner aforesaid, 'till the year 1480, as the reader may see by what has been said of him there; whereas John Mentel is affirm'd by the Dr. from the authority of Gaspar Benegerus to have dy'd at Strasburgh two years before, viz. 1478, in honour of whom the great bell of that city was or|der'd to be rung the sunday following 1 2.42, which is never done but upon the death of a prince or some very great man. I shall not take upon me to decide the controversy, but only say, that if the Speculum aforesaid, be Mentel's first edition at Strasburgh, it will follow, that he was outstript, at least by two years there, by the famous Henry Eggelstein, of whom we have only two volumes, both printed anno 1471; the last of which is per|haps one of the largest that ever was printed, the paper of it being of an extraordinary size, exceeding even that which is commonly call'd Charta magna. It hath likewise another remarkable particular, which is, that the beginning and end of it are printed in red, and is therefore the first edition done after that manner.

THE Printers therefore of Strasburgh from 1471 to 1500 are as fol|lows,

• 1. HENRY EGGELSTEIN abovemention'd, 2 edit. dated 1471.
• 2. JOHN MENTEL, 1 edit. viz. Vincentii Speculum morale in ten large

• volumes, fol. and suppos'd to be printed at Strasburgh, tho' no mention is made of the place where it was done; it is dated 1473.
• 3. MARTIN FLACH or Flachen citizen of Basil, 7 edit. from 1475 to 1500.
• 4. LEORIUS USNER citizen of Strasburgh, 2 edit. from 1476 to 1477.
• 5. MARC REYNHARD of Strasburgh 2 edit. from 1480 to 1482.
• and 6. NICOL. de Philippis of Gernsheym, 2 edit. from 1480 to 1482.
• 7. JOHN PRUS, 1 edit. 1487.
• 8. GEORGE REYNHARD or de Grunynger, 3 edit. from 1489 to 1498: he had likewise printed at Rome, as we have seen under that head anno 1475.

ORLANDI has likewise given us a list of 84 edit. printed at Strasburgh without Printers names.

Article IV. BOLOGNA, 1471.

BOLOGNA or Bolonia, in Latin Bononia, an ancient and famous city of Italy, at the foot of the Alps, upon the river Rhine, in the territories of the pope, was formerly call'd Felsina, from Felsinus king of the Thus|cans, which signifies a shield. This name she preserv'd above nine hun|dred years, and always was eminent for the number of learned men and brave warriers which she produc'd. This city afterwards was call'd Bo|jona from Buoi king of the Gauls, and in process of time Bononia and Bo|lonia. It is at this day a celebrated university, endow'd with extraordi|nary privileges from emperors, popes, &c. and such a concourse of students resort thither, that it is recorded of one of their doctors and pro|fessors, the learned Azzo, that he was oblig'd to read his lectures in some publick market places, to above ten thousand students. For these and other reasons, not necessary to be given here, it has been styl'd Archi|gymnasium mundi, and the mother and founder of universities 1 2.43. 'Tis no wonder therefore that the Art of Printing receiv'd such early encourage|ment from it, and that it had so many famous workmen, eminent for the beauty and correctness of their impressions.

IT is likewise observable that it had not the Art brought to it by foreigners, as other famous cities, Rome, Venice, Paris, &c. but was oblig'd for it to one of her own citizens, viz.

1. BALTHAZAR AZZOGUIDI, anno 1471.

A person well born and of good education, who set up his Press in that city, and continued printing, at least, till the year 1480, after which we hear no more of him. His editions are all in a neat Roman cha|racter, and printed with great accuracy, the first of which, viz. Ovid's Metamorphoses anno 1471, has the colophon which you'll find in the mar|gin 1 2.44. By which it is plain that he was the first who practis'd the Art of Printing, of which he improperly calls himself the inventor in his own city of Bolonia. We have 12 editions of him from 1471 to 1480.

2. HUGO RUGERIUS of Regio,

6 edit. from 1474 to 1495.

and 3. DONINUS BERTOCH of Regio,

6 edit. from 1474 to 1495.

4. DOMINIC de Lapis,

3 edit. 1476 to 1477.

5. JOHN SCRIBER of Ausburgh, call'd also JOHN de Annunciata de Augusta,

2 edit. both 1478.

6. HENRY de Colonia,

5 edit. from 1479 to 1486.

7. JOHN de Noerdlingen

8 edit. from 1480 to 1488.

and 8. HENRY de Harlem,

8 edit. from 1480 to 1488. THE last of these did likewise associate himself first with

9. MATH. CRESCENTINUS,

and afterwards with

10. JOHN WALBECK;

so that 3 of the 8 editions above-nam'd were printed, one with the former, and two with the last.

11. BALTHASSAR de Hyruberia,

2 edit. both 1481.

12. DOMINIC de Silvestro de Cini,

1 edit. 1482.

13. PLATO de BENEDICTIS; or DEI BENEDETTI of Bologna, 1483.

This Printer hath never been excell'd by any person in the beauty and elegance of his Roman character; and as his editions are extremely fine

14. BENEDICT HECTOR, 1478.

He was a very good Printer and Bookseller, who employ'd many Printers of this city, and kept likewise some presses of his own a-going, as appears by those impressions we have of him; all which are so cor|rect and beautiful, that he is justly rank'd among the best workmen of his time, and Ugerius de Pontremulo has honour'd some of his impressions with epigrams in praise of him. We have four and twenty of them still extant from 1488 to 1499.

15. BACILIERUS or de Bacilieris, 1489.

 

BASSALERUS or de Bassaleris, 1489.

 

BAZALERUS or de Bazaleris, 1489.

WE have but three editions of this Printer from 1489 to 1493, in each of which he spells his name differently. He was an excellent Printer, and a rival of the famous Plato de Benedictis, whom he endeavour'd to surpass in beauty of letter, finess and accuracy of his impressions, which tho' they do not excel, yet are not at all inferior to those of his corrival, and he doth not fail accordingly to give himself some of these pompous epithets which we have seen of the other; and it is observ'd that some of Plato's impressions were no sooner come out of the press, but Bacilierus went immediately to work upon them, and publish'd an|other

16. JOHN JAMES FONTANESE,

2 edit. both dated 1492.

17. HECTOR FAELLI Bolognese,

2 edit. from 1492, to 1500.

18. HERCULES NANI,

2 edit. from 1493, to 1494.

19. JUSTINIAN de Ruberia,

2 edit. from 1495, to 1499.

JOHN ANTONY Platonides Benedictorum Bolognese,

1 edit. 1499. With a small number printed at Bologne without the Printers names.

Article V. The City of TREVISO.

TREVISO, in Latin Tarvisium, a noble and ancient city of Italy, and the capital of the province of that name, by reason of its vicinity to Ve|nice, under whose dominion it is, had the Art of Printing soon intro|duc'd. Gerard de Lisa, a Flemming by birth, and an excellent Printer, was the first that set it up here. We can only say in general both of him and this city, that the few editions we have left of theirs are very elegant and in a neat character.

1. GERARD de LIZA or LISIS, or GERARD de FLANDRIA, 1471.

WE have but four editions of him; the two first are dated 1471, the third 1476, and the last 1492, which makes me hope that more of them will still come to light, these being esteem'd very curious, not only for their elegancy, but likewise for their correctness.

2. HERMAN LICHTHENSTEIN or LEVILAPIS of COLOGN, 1477.

THIS Printer we have spoken of under the chapter of Venice; and we shall again mention him under the city of Vincenza, where he printed for some time. At Treviso we have only two editions printed by him, both dated 1477. He died anno 1494, whilst he was printing that vo|luminous work of Vincentius, entituled, Speculum Morale.

3. BERNARD de Colonia, 2 edit. 1477, 1478.

4. MICHEL MANZOLI or MANZOLINI, 7 edit. from 1477 to 1480.

5. BARTHOLOMEW de Confoloneriis, 4 edit. from 1478 to 1483.

6. BERNARDIU CELERIUS de Luere, 2 edit. 1480, 1483. after which he went to Venice, where he associated himself with Bernardin de Novaria as has been mention'd under that Head.

7. JOHN VERCELLIUS, or Vercellensis, 6 edit. from 1480 to 1494. after which he went to Venice, where you will find him under that head, from anno 1486 to 1499. In this last place he calls himself John Rubeus Vercellensis.

8. PAUL de Ferrara 2 edit 1481, 1482.

and 9. DIONYS BERTOCH, 2 edit 1481, 1482.

DIONYS BERTOCH 2 edit. 1482, 1485.

and 10. PEREGRINE PASQUALI, 2 edit. 1482, 1485.

THERE is scarce one Printer to be met with in history, who chang'd oftner his place of abode, his partners, and even his name, than Dennis Bertoch; who sometimes calls himself Bertoch Doninus, and sometimes Dionys, sometimes de Bononia, and at other times de Regio. His first works, viz. for 1482 to 1490, were printed at Treviso; immediately after which we find him at Venice, where he stay'd till 1492; thence he remov'd to Regio, and associated himself with Marc Antony de Baccilie|ris; and lastly he settled at Modena about the year 1499. We find but two of their impressions under this head, dated 1482 and 1485.

BUT tho' we have rank'd them under the article of Treviso, yet they bear no name of any place, and may indeed be suppos'd done by them at Venice, where they printed about this time; however I have chosen to follow F. Orlandi, who thinks it more probable that they were done at Treviso.

THERE is an edition printed by Peregrine Pasquali at Scandiano near the city of Reggio, but with a date impossible to be understood or guess'd at;

IT is as follows,

DILIGENTIS ac ingeniosi calchographi Peregrini Pasquali exactissimâ tum operâ, tum curâ haec Candidi ex Apiano historico & sophista traductio, Scandiani Camillo comite, impressa est. Anno a natali Christi, 15. M CCCC LCXV.

Appendix to the foregoing chapter; Printing set up at Ratisbon, Amberg, and Colle, 1471.

THESE three cities, tho' distant from each other, we have join'd together at the end of this chapter, for the sake of the editions printed at each of them in the same year 1471, which were too few to deserve a distinct article; since we meet with no impressions at either of them, except the four following; viz.

• 1. AT Ratisbon an imperial city in Germany upon the Danube; Ser|vii comment. in Virgilium, fol. without the Printer's name. 1471. Orl.
• 2. AT Amberg in the Palatinate, now subject to the elector of Bavaria; Marc. Tull. Cicer. Orationes omnes, fol. without the Printer's name. 1471. Orl.
• 3. AT Colle a citadel situate upon a hill in Tuscany, and subject to the duke of that name;
  • (1.) OPPIANI Cilix, qui claruit sub imper. Caracallâ, halieuticon sive de naturâ & venatione piscium libri quinque, 4to. per. Gallum Bonum. 1471. Orl.
  • (2.) JACOBI de Voragine legenda aurea. ibid. without the Printer's name. Orl. 1471.

CHAP. VII. Printing brought into the Cities of Naples, Flo|rence, and Ferrara, anno 1471, and to Nurem|bergh, Verona, Parma, Mantua, Derventer and Padua, anno 1472; a List of the Printers, and their Works, with other particulars, till 1500.

Article. I. The City of NAPLES.

NAPLES, in Latin Neapolis and Parthenope, is the metropolis of the kingdom of that name, in Italy. It was formerly govern'd by kings of its own, but afterwards became subject to the crown of Spain, and is

now under the emperor of Germany. This city has been the residence of men of the most distinguish'd wit and learning, in ancient and mo|dern ages; as Virgil, who is said to have writ his Georgicks here; Livy, Horace, Claudian, Petrarck, Bocatellus Panormitanus, Laurentius Valla, the great restorer of latinity and eloquence; Perillus, an elegant Italian poet; and many others of conspicuous merit. The great number of learned men in this city, particularly, when printing became known and spread itself over Europe, was a sufficient inducement for some of the best Printers to settle there. But none encourag'd the Art and artists more, than Ferdinand III. king of Naples, whom we had occasion to mention before, upon the account of the free access, which the learn|ed had to his person, and their epistolary correspondence with him, and who liv'd at the time of the infancy of the Art. As his learning was equal to the esteem he had for the learned, I doubt not but it was he who procur'd the famous Sixtus Russinger a learned and pious priest, who was a native of Strasburgh, to settle in his capital. This seems more than probable, not only because he was the first who set up a press at Naples, but from the great marks of esteem which that prince shew'd him; insomuch, that having discover'd his intention to return to his own country, he try'd all possible means to divert him from it, and even offer'd him a noble bishoprick, or any other preferment, if that could have fix'd him in his dominions. But this venerable old man, whether out of modesty, or rather a desire of spending the small remainder of his days in his native city, refus'd the king's offer, and return'd home loaden with the presents of that generous monarch. Riessinger was not only a Printer, but a clergyman, and famous for his great learning; yet as he continued but a short time at Naples, we have few editions of his. Orlandi gives him a contemporary and fellow citizen, viz. Peter of Strasburgh, who settled there about the same year; but as I do not find that he printed any thing in company with Riessinger, or that any of his impressions are left, I shall say no more of him.

WE have but four impressions of Sixtus Russinger, or Riessinger, two dated anno 1471 and 1472, the other two without date. They are all curious and correct, and two of them have Latin epigrams at the end

in his commendation. We don't find that he carried on the business after he came again to his native place.

2. BARTHOLD RING of Strasburgh, 1 edit. 1475.

3. MATTHIAS MORAVUS de Olumuntz, 7 edit. from 1475 to 1499.

THE first of whose impressions, viz. Seneca's works is remarkable for its wrong date MLXXV for MCCCCLXXV. We find likewise an impres|sion of his done at Genoa in company with Michael de Monacho, viz. Sup|plementum Summae quae pisanella vocatur, fol. Januae 10. Cal. Julii millesimo quadringentesimo LII. quarto, instead of LXX. quarto: his corrector was Junianus Majus a Neapolitan, and a professor of grammar and rhetorick, who publish'd the following edition, Justiniani Maii Parthenopei liber de pris|corum proprietate verborum, fol. with this colophon, Impressere Matthias Moravus impressor solertissimus & venerabilis Monachus Blasius Theologus 1475, which book has been much esteem'd and reprinted in many places.

4. ARNOLD de Bruxella or Brussels, 5 edit. from 1475 to 1477.

5. JOHN ADAM de Polonia, 1 edit. 1478.

6. CONRARD GULDEMUND, 1 edit. 1478.

7. FRANCIS de Dino of Florence, 2 edit. 1480 to 1487. He went afterwards to Florence, where we shall find him under that head.

8. AYOLF de Canthono citizen of Milan, 1 edit. 1492.

THIS piece which is known but by few, is intitled, L' Aquita, and was compos'd in Latin by Leonard Aretino, and by him translated into Italian. It consists of four books, the first treats of the origin of the world, and the off-spring of Jupiter. The second of the departure of Aeneas from Troy, and of the kings of Italy. The third of the actions and sayings of Julius Caesar. And the fourth of the descendants of Ju|lius Caesar.

THERE are many others done here without Printer's name.

Article II. The City of FLORENCE.

FLORENCE, the metropolis and seat of the dukes of Tuscany, and a noble university, was not oblig'd to foreigners for this Art, since it was brought within her gates by one of her own citizens Bernard Cennini.

We do not find that he went to any other city in order to learn it, but being a considerable gold-smith, and having two sons, viz. Dominic and Peter, who were very ingenious artificers, and the latter a person of let|ters, they set themselves about cutting of punches, sinking of matri|ces, and, in short, got the whole apparatus of a Printing-house made with|in their house; insomuch that they were in a capacity of printing before the year 1471. The first book and only one we have left, which is the reason why he has been unknown to all our annalists till F. Orlandi, was Virgil's works with Servius's commentaries, which they began to print on the 7th of November 1471, and finish'd October the 5th 1472. The preface and colophon of this not only giving an account of their ingenuity and diligence, but containing likewise something remarkable, I shall refer the original to the margin, and insert it here in English. The book is printed in the father and his son Dominic's name, and Peter the other son was the reviser and corrector of it.

1. BERNARD, and 2. DOMINIC CENNINI Citizens of Florence, 1471.

VIRGILII opera omnia cum comm. Servii, & in fine Aeneid. ejusdem Ser|vii de Natura syllabarum libellus ad Aquilinum, fol. Florentiae. Orl. 1471. 1 2.45.

After the preface (which was at the end of the book) are the following words:

"

AT Florence VII Ides Novemb. 1471.

BERNARD CENNINUS a most excellent gold-smith, in the opi|nion of all men, and Dominic his son, a youth of an extraordinary genius, having first made their steel punches, and afterwards cast their letters from them, printed this their first work. Peter Cenninus ano|ther son of the said Bernard hath us'd his utmost care in correcting it, as you see it.

Nothing is too bard for a Florentine genius.

FINIS.

"

And after,

The colophon runs thus:

"BERNARD CENNINUS a most excellent goldsmith, &c. as in the last, and Dominic his son, a youth, &c. printed (this book); Peter the son of the same Bernard corrected it, having first compar'd it with the most ancient manuscripts. It was his first care that nothing should pass under the name of Servius, but what was truly his, or any thing, that was plain from the most ancient copies to be his, might be maim'd or wanting. But because many persons choose to write the Greek quotations with their own hands, and there are but few to be met with in the old copies, and their accents cannot be printed but with great difficulty, he thought proper to leave blank spaces for them. But as man can produce nothing absolutely perfect, it will be sufficient for us, if these books be sound (as we heartily wish) more correct than any other."

THE work was finish'd on the Nones of October 1427 at Florence.

3. FR. DOMINIC de Pistoria Monks, 1477.

and 4. FR. PETER de Pisa Monks, 1477.

THERE are some Florence editions with this inscription, Apud sanc|tum Jacobum de Ripoli, which have given F. Orlandi no small trouble to discover the Printers, who liv'd near that place; at length he found that it was a cloister of Dominican fryers, who liv'd in a little convent upon the plain of Ripoli, without St. Nicholas's gate at Florence, near which place he found four editions, the first of which is printed with the above-mention'd

Monk's name as follows, Improntata in Firenze al Monasterio di santo Jacopo di Ripoli del'Ordine del Fratri Predicatori per Mano di dua religiosi Frate Dominico da Pistoja e Frate Piero da Pisa Firenze 1477. The other three mention only the name of the place, Impress. apud sanctum Jacobum de Ripoli. The second and third are dated 1478, the last is without date.

5. NICOLAS ALLEMANUS, or Nicolas de Lorenzo Dallamagna, and Della Magna, 5 edit. from 1477 to 1485.

6. NICOLAS de Brestaw, 2 edit. 1478.

7. ANTONIUS BARTHOLOMAEI Miscomini, 12 edit. from 1481 to 1494.

8. FRANC. de Dino of Florence, 2 edit. 1487, 1490.

THIS Printer work'd at Naples about the year 1480 as we have seen before; after which he remov'd to Florence, and printed the above-men|tion'd editions, the first of which wants the place's name, but is reaso|nably suppos'd to have been printed there rather than at Naples, be|cause its character is different from that us'd at the latter.

9. ANTONIUS FRANCISCI Venetian, 1 edit. 1487.

10. DEMETRIUS CALCONDILLA MILANESE, a native of Crete, 1488.

HE was a person of admirable skill in the Greek and Latin tongues, and at first a corrector of the press; but afterwards he turn'd Printer, first at Florence, and then at Milan, anno 1499, where we have menti|on'd him under that article. The only book known to have been printed by him at Florence, is a beautiful edition of Homer in fol. of which I have seen two copies. It is printed in a fine Greek character with a large margin and distance between the lines; and considering that it was the first volume printed in Greek, is a very curious and valuable piece, and bears the following title.

HOMERI opera omnia cum textu Graeco, Labore & Industriâ Demetrii Mediolanenss Cretensis. Sumptibus Bernardi Nerisii & Nerii Tenaidis Flo|rentinorum, fol. idib. Jan. Florentiae, 1488.

11. FRANCIS BONA CORSI, 9 edit. from 1490 to 1499.

12. BARTHOLOMEW P. Florentine, 2 edit. 1492 1493.

13. LAURENCE FRANCISCI de ALOPA, Venetian, 1494,

THIS was a very ingenious and famous Printer both in the Greek and Latin tongues. Jo. Andreas Lascaris, a noble Grecian, and one of the most distinguish'd criticks and poets of that time, designing to revive, as much as possible, the study of those languages, especially of the Greek, chose this Laurence for his Printer, and corrected his copies. 'Tis remarkable that his editions in the Greek are all printed in fine capi|tals throughout, the use of which was till then unknown, if we except four or five to be met with in some old impressions and manuscripts. Mr. Mattaire hath given us a short specimen of the first of these curious editions, with the preface of Lascaris, in Latin capitals likewise, inter|spers'd with Greek words; the figures and letters of which, as well as the number of words in each line, and of the lines in each page, answer ex|actly to those of that edition. He hath added some remarks upon them, which the curious reader may find in his Annales Typograph. from p. 267 to 285. We have five editions of his, all in Greek, the first and second are dated 1494 and 1496, the rest are without date.

14. LAURENCE MORGIANI, 4 edit. from 1495 to 1497.

15. JOHN of Mentz, 4 edit. from 1495 to 1497.

16. SOCIETAS COLUBRI [or the fraternity of the Snake] 1 edit. 1497.

17. PHILIP JUNTA or de Junta, 2 edit. 1497 and 1500 both Greek.

18. GERARD de Harlem, 1 edit. 1498.

19. LEONARD de Arigis de Cesoriaco, 1 edit. 1499, besides many others which have no Printers names.

Article III. The City of FERRARA, 1471.

FERRARA is an ancient city built in the time of Theodosius II, sur|rounded afterwards with a strong wall by the Exarch of Ravenna: it was made an university by the Emperor Ferdinand II, and has always bee•• famous for men of learning and valour and for ingenious artificers. An. 1598 it past from the dominion of the Marquesses of Este to that of the

Popes of Rome, under which it has continu'd ever since: hither the Art of Printing was brought by one of its own citizens, viz.

1 ANDREAS GALLUS, 1471.

IT appears by the colophon to his first impression, which you will find in the margin 1 2.46 that he was either a Frenchman or of French extraction, tho' a citizen of Ferrara, which last might be bestow'd on him upon the account of his being the first person who set up his press there; the like encouragement having been given by many other cities to their first Printers: but whether he brought it thither from some other place, or devis'd it at home as Cennini did at Florence, is neither easy, nor very ma|terial, to guess: he was a good Printer and his editions are still esteem'd by the curious.

WE have but twelve of them extant from ann. 1471 to 1493.

THE rest of the Printers of Ferrara are as follows,

2. CARNERIUS AUGUSTINUS whose father Bernard Augustinus was a bookseller of the same city. We have four editions of his from 1474 to 1475 one of which, viz. Boccacio in Italian is the first poem printed in that language, it has neither date nor name of Printer or place, but the character shews it to be Augustines.

3. SEVERUS of Ferrara, 1 edit. 1476.

4. SEVERINUS bookseller of Ferrara, but whether this and the for|mer be the same, or father and son, is uncertain: we have but one edition of his, viz. Alberti Trotti de vero & perfecto Clerico 4to 1476, in which he writes himself per Severinum Bibliopolam Ferrariensem. This edition Or|landi tells us was afterwards reprinted at Lyons, ann. 1535, with a Latin preface, importing that it was about seventy years since Severinus book|seller had publish'd it at Ferrara, by which it would appear that he had printed it ann. 1465, even before either that city or even Rome had re|ceiv'd the Art: our author therefore guesses the mistake to be in the word septuagesimus annus, which he thinks was printed instead of sexagesi|mus, which last brings it almost to the very time.

5. THE fifth and last Printer was Laurence Rossi or Rubeus, of whom we have 6 editions from 1492 to 1497.

THERE are a few more without Printers names, the last of which is the history of Pope Joan in Italian 1497.

Article I. The City of NUREMBERGH, 1472.

NUREMBERGH or Norimbergh, in Latin Norimberga, is a free city in Germany upon the confines of Swabia, Franconia, and Bavaria, situate upon the river Pegnitz. It was formerly a democratical commonwealth, but upon some domestick sedition, it reduc'd itself to an aristocracy, in the reign of the emperor Charles IV, under the government of twenty four senators chosen out of so many of their ancientest families; which form of government hath been continued ever since. The city is very rich, large and populous, surrounded with a double wall above eight miles in circuit, and 180 lofty towers. It was always celebrated for producing the best artificers in every kind of handicraft, and particular|ly for a beautiful metal of their own making, call'd Nurembergh copper; the composition of which was kept with all imaginable secrecy within their walls, every workman being first sworn to it; so that the metal was almost equally dear with silver; till about the latter end of the last century, one of their own citizens came over and sold the secret here in England, which has made it more common, and consequently lessen'd the price of it. This metal I purposely chuse to mention because it was reckon'd very excellent for making of matrices, being far more ductile than the common copper, and not so apt to break the punches.

IT will be no easy matter to fix the time when the Art of Printing was brought to this city. John Andreas Endlers a Printer of Nuremberg, who publish'd a piece on Printing, in High Dutch, anno 1722, and in it has given us an account of its progress in that city, acquaints us that he had met with some MS. annals, which affirm, that the Art was no sooner found out at Mentz, but it was immediately communicated to Nuremberg, which did therefore receive it about the year 1444 accord|ing to one, or 1440 according to another. 'Tis true, our author is so far from being satisfy'd with their account, that he has even taken the pains to confute them from more authentic testimonies; however, tho'

I do not design to enter into a detail of that dispute, yet I could not forbear mentioning thus much, because it serves to confirm a former observation, viz. that not only the Printers, but likewise the Cities them|selves have taken no small pains to antedate their respective claims to this Art.

I have already taken notice in the first part of this history, pag. 22. that the discovery of the Art of Printing had been attributed by Pur|bach, and Peter Ramus to that learned mathematician and astronomer John de Monte regio, or Regio-Montanus, and mention'd Manilius's astrono|my printed by him without date or places name. Our German author acquaints us upon the authority of Gassendi, one of the French royal ma|thematicians,

"that Regiomontanus came to Nuremberg about anno 1471, with a design to set up a Printing-house there, in order to print his own works and those of other learned men, with greater accuracy and speed, and to improve the Art of Printing in several of its branch|es; but that he met with so many obstacles to his design, that he saw himself forc'd to make use of foreign Printing-houses, such as they were, till one Bernard Walter offer'd to bear the charges of erect|ing a Printing-house for him (as he likewise did towards many other curious inventions of his) and enabled him to print Purbac's new theory, Manilius's astronomy, and his own Ephemerides for the use of the publick."

OUR author observes further, that as this account of Gassendi's doth quite overturn Peter Ramus's supposition of Regiomontanus being the inventor of the art, so it likewise shews him to have contributed much towards the improvement of it. It likewise proves that there were some Presses in this city before he came thither, but who they were that set them up, and what works they printed before that time, is what he has not been able to find out, because they have no dates or Printer's names.

THE oldest book he could find with a date, is the Commestorium Vi|tiorum of Francis de Retza a Dominican Fryar; at the end of which are the words which you'll find in the margin 1 2.47 with this odd date 〈☐〉〈☐〉 LXXo.

which our author seems to take for 1470. This book was afterwards reprinted by Ant. Koburger anno 1476, and afterwards anno 1496, under the following title, Summa quae destructorium vitiorum nominatur, without Printer's name.

The author mentions another book of the same date, viz. Gerson, chancellour of Paris, Commentarium super sapientis hebrei cantica, &c. but as neither of these have the Printer's name, we shall seek somewhere else for the first Printer of Nuremberg. According therefore to our pro|pos'd method of the oldest edition known, that rank will fall upon.

1. ANTONY KOBURGER.

A person eminent for learning, and the number, elegancy and cor|rectness of his editions, which gain'd him the title of the prince of Printers among the learned of his time. At first indeed his character, tho' of the Venetian sort, was somewhat imperfect, and inferior to that of many of his cotemporaries; but he afterwards procur'd a new sett, which hath been justly esteem'd ever since as fine as any that have been us'd ei|ther before or after him. He was no less solicitous in correcting his works; so that tho' he was alone sufficient for that task, yet he took the learned Frederic Pistorius for his assistant. He spar'd no cost nor pains in procuring the best manuscripts, and always desir'd the judgment of the learned before he ventur'd to print them. The great Jodocus Badius hath made this short but just panegyric upon him, in a letter written to him anno 1499, and printed at the beginning of the works of Angelus Politianus anno 1519 1 2.48; That he was a great friend and lover of the learned, and indefatigable in printing the best copies faithfully, neatly and correctly. Mr. Mattaire hath given us an extract of this letter in his Annales Typogr. p. 79. by which the reader may see what esteem this great man was in, not only among the learned, but likewise among the best Printers of his time; and it may be said of him, that he printed more works than any of them, particularly bibles, of which the reader

will find no less than 12 editions still extant, one of which is in 5, ano|ther in 6 volumes in folio, and a third with fine wooden cuts.

HE was no less diligent in printing other works, and we are told by John And. Endters,

"That he kept daily twenty four presses at work, and employ'd no less than an hundred journeymen whom he main|tain'd without doors; they had a set hour to come to work, and to leave off, and he admitted none single into his house but oblig'd them to wait at his door till they were altogether, and then they were ad|mitted in, and enter'd upon their respective works.

HE was likewise a considerable Bookseller, and kept a spacious printing-house at Lyons in France, where he had sundry law-books printed for him; besides this, he had his factors and agents in the most considerable cities in Christendom, and kept sixteen open shops beside ware-houses, and in all of them a considerable stock of the best books then extant, so that he never was at a loss for any good edi|tions to supply his customers with."

THUS he continued printing both at Nuremberg and at Lyons with great success and applause, till the year 1501 if not beyond; however we don't find any edition of his of a more recent date, which makes me be|lieve that he left off printing about that time. In 1513. James Sachon one of his workmen at Lyons, printed Castellanus's Latin bible for him with this colophon, Lugduni per Jacobum Sachon expensis Antonii Kobur|ger. The same is likewise dated from Nurembergh, but is suppos'd to be the same edition with that of Lyons; he dy'd in this year after ha|ving been for some time a member of the chief council of Nuremberg; all the editions that we have of him, his bibles inclusive, from 1472 to 1500, amounts to but thirty seven, a number too inconsiderable for the many presses and workmen that he kept, which gives me room to hope that time will discover a great many more.

2. MR. Mattaire p. 79 tells us of one Adam of Amberg [the metropolis of the Bavarian palatinate] who flourish'd ann. 1472, but doth not tell us where he wrought. Our German author says that he had met with a small treatise in 4to. of a sheet and half, with his name, and the city of Nurembergh at the end; so that he most probably resided there, but tho' this work be without date, yet his edition of Cicero's Orationes print|ed

ann. 1472, tho' without places name, may be so far presum'd to be done here, as to allow him the next place after Koburger,

THE rest of the Printers of this city are as follows,

3. FREDERIC CREUSNER, 5 edit. from 1473 to 1479.

4. JOHN SENSENSCHMID of Eger, 1473.

5. HENRY KOLER of Mentz, 1473.

and 6. ANDREW FRISNER de Wunsiedel. 1473.

KOLER was a native of Mentz, and in all likelyhood one of Faust's servants who left that city soon after it was taken, and took sanctuary at Nuremberg.

THE last of these viz. Frisner after having been corrector and assistant to John Sensenschmid till 1478, set up a Printing-house himself, which ap|pears from many of his books which bear his name, as Printer and edi|tor. He had study'd for some time in the university of Leipsick, with a re|lation of his, Erasmus Frisner, a Dominican Fryar, who tho' but twenty seven years of age had compos'd several books, the printing of which he committed to his kinsman Andrew, who printed them some time after at Nurembergh where he dwelt, as appears by several of his books from 1473 till 1478, after this having taken his degree of master of arts he remov'd again to Leipsick, where he was soon after chosen professor of di|vinity, and attain'd even to the honour of Rector Magnificus of that uni|versity, to which place he got all his Printing-tools convey'd: he went from thence to Rome, where pope Julius II. made him Papae & sedis apostolicae primarius ordinarius. By his last will which he made at Rome ann. 1504, he left a noble legacy for the erection of a college at Wonsiedel, for the education and maintenance of young students of the family of the Fris|ner's which they enjoy to this day, he left them also his Historia Lom|bardica which he had printed whilst at Leipsick. He likewise bequeath'd all his printing materials to the convent of the dominicans of Leipsick, and expresses himself thus, Item, I leave my iron chest, presses, instruments and other utensils and materials for printing, together with twenty florens rhenish to pray for my soul and for buying the monks a better dinner than they us'd to have in the Prior's refectory—the day when they perform my ••bsequies.

WHAT use the monks made of the Printing-press, &c. I can no where find: we have but four editions printed by the aforesaid three partners from 1473 to 1487.

7. CONRARD LENTORIUS. We have but one Latin Bible with the apostills of Nich. de Lyra fol. 1482.

8. GEORGE STUCHS or Flucks de Sultzbach, we have but one missal of his, adorn'd with rubricks 1484.

9. GASPAR HOCHFEDER, our German author calls him Hochfelder. 2 edit. 1491 and 1494.

WITH about 60 more without Printers names

MR. ENDTERS mentions some other Printers before 1500, but as he gives us no account of their works, we shall say no more of them.

BEFORE I leave the city of Nuremberg I cannot but take notice that it is also famous for being the native place, and constant residence of the great Painter, Engraver, Mathematician and Printer Albert Durer.

MARK ANTONIO, Raphael's learned engraver, gives him this cha|racter, speaking of his skill in engraving and of his other excellent ta|lents;

"That if so excellent, so exact, and so universal a genius had been cultivated in Tuscany, instead of Germany, and had form'd his study according to the excellent pieces which he might have seen at Rome, as the rest of our celebrated painters have done, he would have prov'd the best in that respect that Italy ever produc'd, as he really was the greatest and most accomplish'd genius that Germany could ever boast of."

THIS great man was born ann. 1471. His father observing the ear|ly marks of his genius to all the liberal sciences, spar'd no cost to have it improv'd by all possible means (travelling excepted) and by the best masters in Germany. But tho' his other talents have been highly cele|brated by the learned, yet I never met with any who took notice of his having been a printer, (no not even his countryman and fellow-citizen, author of a Piece on the Subject of Printing &c. in Nuremberg, mention|ed in the beginning of this article) tho' several of his works are preserv'd in divers libraries both publick and private. I have seen some of them

very beautiful, nor do I doubt but that his genius for painting and engraving, led him to the other two branches of cutting upon wood and Printing, that he might be able to perform the whole work himself, with|out the danger of having any part of it spoil'd by unskilful hands, and the better to print the descriptions of his cuts, &c. in a more elegant manner than cou'd possibly be done in wood. His improvement in the art of engraving or cutting upon wood, was carried by him to its utmost perfection, as all persons must own who have seen any of his works.

The part of shadowing which is call'd cross-hatching, and which has been lost for many years, and conducted (if not wholly invented) by him with such extraordinary beauty and truth, join'd to the uncommon lu|stre of his ink, has surpass'd all the wood-cutters ever since. His rea|son for preferring this method of cutting on wood to that of copper plates; were; 1. The rouling-press, which is wholly us'd in the later, was not then so perfect as since; 2. His most considerable works (of which he was the author, for he scarce printed any other) being chiefly geometry, perspective, fortification and architecture as well as history, wooden cutts were much the more eligible method upon several accounts, especially when cut by such a masterly hand as his. The only difficulty was to make it subservient to his history-pieces; but that he easily surmounted by the strength of his genius; and those who have seen any of his performances even in this kind, will readily own that nothing of that nature ever equall'd them. His usual mark was the initial letters of his name AD joyn'd together thus

[figure] Albert Durer's printer's mark

but his most effectual way to prevent counterfeits was by giving his works a degree of beauty never yet attain'd to.

WITH respect to his Printing, I have already hinted, that he seldom meddled with any works but his own, as I can find; but as I have met with none done before the year 1500, tho' he probably entred into that province before that time; I shall not trouble the reader with a list of them, but content my self with subjoining an account of a few of the most considerable, which I have seen: They are esteem'd by the learn|ed master-pieces of the kind, and preserv'd as monuments of the author's merit, being as follow;

1. THE history of the Apocalypse, consisting of a fine set of draughts upon that subject, all cut upon wood with his own hand, and with the utmost beauty and truth.

2. The history of the four gospels, done after the same manner, and with the same beauty. Both these sets are printed with the common press, with explanations and historical accounts of the designs placed either under them, or on the other side, or upon a distinct leaf. They are both in fol.

3. His book of proportions, which he did not live to finish, but was printed by his widow after his death, is likewise esteem'd another master|piece in that kind. I shall only add, that the singular beauty of his ink, the excellency of the Press work, and in a word, the exactness of his performances do justly rank him amongst the greatest genius's of the age. I hope therefore the reader will excuse this digression in favour of a person to whom the world owes the great improvements made in the art of cutting upon wood, which has been so serviceable to the Printers in the ornamental part of their works.

Article V. The City of VERONA.

VERONA, an ancient city in Lombardy, famous for some noble relicks of the old Roman architecture, such as amphitheatres, triumphal arches, &c. which still retain some part of their former magnificence, is like|wise remarkable for having been the native place of several eminent per|sons, in particular, of Cornelius Nepos, Emilius Maurus, Pliny, Vitru|vius, Guarini, and others. It receiv'd the Art of Printing very soon, yet made but small advantage of it. We find very few Printers in it, and we have but a small number of their works left. The first of them was;

1. JOHN de VERONA.

WHO was a native of Verona, and son to Nicolas a doctor of physic, and the first who set up a Printing-press in that city, as appears by the

colophon of the only book extant of his, viz. Valturius de re militari liber. fol. per Jo. Veronens. Veronae 1 2.49. anno 1472.

2. FELIX ANTIQUARIUS we have but 1 edit. of theirs, dated 1476.

& 3. INNOCENT ZILETI we have but 1 edit. of theirs, dated 1476.

4. PETER MAUFER, 1480.

PETER MAUFER, was a Frenchman and an excellent Printer. The first place where he set up his press was the city of Padua, about 1474, as we shall shew in its proper place. Thence he came to Verona in 1479, and after a short stay there, went to Venice in 1483, and associated himself with Nicol. Contengo, as mention'd in the chapter of that city. We have only the following book printed by him here.

JOSEPHI opera Latinè, Ludovico Contrada interprete, fol. per Petrum Maufer Gallicum, oct. cal. Jan. pont. max. Sixto 4. Venetorum duce Jo|anne Mocenigo, in inclytâ civitate Veronae 1480.

5. BONINO de BONINI de RAGUSIO, 1482.

WHO printed at first in the city of Venice, with Andreas de Paltasi|chis anno 1478; whence he remov'd to Verona, and at last to Brescia, where he continued printing much longer; we have but three of his edi|tions done at Verona, 1482 and 1483.

6. PAUL FRIDENPERGER of Passaw in Germany, 1 edit. 1486. with a small number without Printer's names.

Article 6. The City of PARMA, 1472.

PARMA is another ancient city in Lombardy, call'd by the Romans Gallia Cisalpina, situate in a very pleasant large plain, and so well fur|nish'd with pasture ground, that it is recorded by Martial for the great number of cattel it bred, Tondet & innumeros Gallica Parma greges. It

was once under the pope's government, and given by Paul III. to his ne|phews, with the title of dukes of Parma, under whom it has continu'd ever since. Tho' this city receiv'd the Art of Printing so early as the year 1472, yet it had but very few artificers, and a small number of editions printed there. It may indeed be reasonably suppos'd that these being so much inferior to those of Venice, Rome, Paris, &c. have been mostly destroy'd; and the same may be said of many other cities. How|ever Parma deserves to be remember'd, if not for the number and excel|lency of her Printers, yet for having given birth to some of the greatest of that time, who were (perhaps for want of sufficient encouragement here) oblig'd to settle in other parts of Italy. Among these were the famous Antony Zarot, who printed at Milan a great many fine and correct vo|lumes, as we have shewn under that article, Fausto, Vincenzo, and Pel|legrino del Bonardi, and Bartholomew de Parma in Bolognia, and Matthew Capcasa in Venice, Mich. Manzoli in Treviso, with many more whose name and place of birth, &c. the reader will find in the article of each of those cities. The first book, we meet with printed here, is the works of the famous lawyer Baldus; but hath no Printer's name, tho' it is dated at Parma ann. 1471. However 'tis probable it was printed by Stephen Corali, a native of Lyons, who is the first in our list, and print|ed (or rather might reprint) the same work the year following.

• 1. STEPHEN CORALI, 5 edit. from 1473 to 1476.
• 2. AUGUSTINE GENOENSIS (or of Genoa) 1 edit. 1477.
• 3. ANDREA PORTILIA, 4 edit. from 1479 to 1481.
• 4. ANGELO UGOLETTI de Parma, 4 edit. from 1493 to 1499.
• AND near twenty more without Printers names.

Article VII. MANTUA.

MANTUA one of the most ancient cities of Lombardy, situate in the middle of an island, form'd by the river Mincio, had its name and origin from Manto daughter of Tiresias a Theban augur, she bore a son call'd Ocnus, who built a city near the river Po, and from his mother's name call'd it Mantoa or Mantua. After a great variety of changes, it is now subject to the house of Austria. It has given birth to many learned men

both ancient and modern, and particularly to the immortal Virgil. This city cannot boast of any great merit with respect to the Art of Printing, except that it was brought thither ann. 1472 by some Germans, who came to settle there; but, as it is probable, for want of encouragement, were oblig'd to remove. We find but four of these Printers at the most, and at a considerable distance of time from each other. Of the two first we know but one edition; and two of each of the rest, as will appear from the following list.

1. GEORGE, and 2. PAUL, Germans, 1 edit. 1472.

3. PAUL JOHN de Burschbach, of the diocess of Mentz, who was per|haps the same with Paul German the latter of the two foregoing, who takes now the name of his native town instead of that of his nation, 2 edit. 1479, 1481.

4. VINCENT BERTOCH of Reggio, 2 edit. 1493, 1498: and some others which have no Printers names.

Article VIII. The City of DERVENTER, 1472.

DERVENTER [in Latin Daventria] in lower Germany, near the river Issel upon the confines of lower Gelderland, near the city of Utrecht be|gan to practise the Art of Printing ann. 1472. The 1st impression done here, viz. Prudentius Aurelius Poeta Hispanus his poems, 4to. has no Printer's name, but is dated Daventriae 1472.

2. RICHARD PAFRADIUS, 1 edit. 1481.

3. JAMES de Breda, 4 edit. from 1490 to 1497, with about twenty more without Printers names.

Article IX. The City of PADUA, 1472.

PADUA or Padova, in Latin Patavia or Patavium, (so call'd by An|tenor the fi••st founder of it, in compliment to his companions, who were Paphlagonians, and for whose sakes he call'd it by the name of their metropolis) is a rich, ancient and noble city upon the river Brento, and now under the government of the Venetian republick, famous for its hot baths and mineral waters, and resorted to from all parts of Europe. It

is one of the last cities we know of that receiv'd this Art in the year 1472. in which tho' it was not very eminent either for the number of Printers or impressions, yet it publish'd several curious editions, which had not as yet appear'd in any of the foregoing cities. The two first Printers were;

1. BARTHOLOMEW de Val de Zochio of Padua, &c.

2. MARTIN de Septem Arboribus,

OF these we have but three editions, 1472, 1473, 1474.

3. PETER MAUFER whom we have already mention'd under the ar|ticles of Venice and Verona: we have four editions of his printed at Pa|dua from 1474 to 1479.

4. LAURENCE CANOZIUS de Lendenaro, 1 edit. 1474.

5. ALBERT de Stendalia, 1 edit. 1475.

6. JOHN HERBERT or Herbort, 3 edit. 1476, 1482; and one without date or places name.

7. ANTON. de Carcano, 1 edit. 1478.

8. MATTHEW de Cerdonis de Windischegrets, 5 edit. from 1482 to 1487.

9. MOSES de Castello, 1 edit. 1492.

10. JEROM de Duranti, 1 edit. 1493, he wrought also in Pavia with Christopher de Canibus, ann. 1488.

11. LEWIS or Alois de Como, &c. 1 edit. 1497.

12. BARTHOLOMEW de Trossis, 1 edit. 1497.

With a few more without Printers names.

CHAP. IX. The Cities of 1 Louvain, 2 Ulms, 3 Utrecht, ann. 1473. 4 Turin, 5 Genoa, 6 Brescia, 7 Alost, ann. 1474.

Article I. The City of LOUVAIN.

LOUVAIN, in Latin Lovanium, is a large populous and well fenced city, the capital of all Brabant, and one of the most fre|quented universities in Europe, founded by John duke of Brabant anno

1426. It abounds with magnificent colleges and other sumptuous edifices, according to that of the poet.

Postea Musarum Sedem, Collegiaque ampla —Lovani aspicienda dedit.

IT is likewise famous for the vast number of its students, especially in divinity; tho' the reader will scarce forbear wondering what sort of di|vines they must have been, when we tell him that they had the Art of Printing near thirty years, i. e. from 1472 to 1500, and God knows how far beyond, and never printed one single bible in all that time, at least as I can find in any annalist; whereas we have observ'd that a Nuremberg Printer, namely, Ant. Koburger printed at least a dozen in that time; the truth is, if we judge by the small number of workmen and of impressi|ons done here, we shall be apt to think that the Art of Printing met with but small encouragement; since if we except the first Printer, of whom we shall speak presently, I can find but two more till the year 1500, after which whoever examines the second volume of Mr. Mat|taire's Annales Typographici, will find them run much thinner of either.

THE first press was set up here by;

1. JOHN de Westphalia of Paderbourn 1473, an eminent Printer in|vited to Louvain by some of the heads of that university, where he con|tinu'd printing till ano. 1495, if we except 2 editions printed in his name if not by him; the first in the town of Alost in Flanders not far from that of Louvain anno 1474, as shall be mention'd at the end of this chapter; and the other, viz. Epistola de Simonia Vitanda, &c. per rev'. Magist. En|gelbertum Cultificis, &c. Novimagii 9 Julii 1479.

WE have nineteen editions of his from 1473 to 1495 some of which are without date, place, or Printer's name; but easily known to be his by the character.

2. JOHN VELDENER, 2 edit. of the Fasciculus Temporum, 1474 and 1476.

3. EGIDIUS VENDER HEERSTRATEN, 2 edit, 1486 to 1487. And five or six more without Printer's name.

Article II. The City of ULMS.

ULMS a considerable city in High Germany, situate near the Danube, between Ausburg, Constance and Strasburgh, and famous for the finest linnen and cambrick, with which it furnishes most parts of Europe, be|gan to set up the Art of Printing sometime before the year 1473.

1. JOHN ZEINER de Reutlingen, 1473.

WAS the first who practis'd it there. He was a native of Reutlingen a small city in the duchy of Wirtembergh, which we have mention'd as one of the first in Germany that receiv'd the art, viz. ann. 1469. This Printer was, in all probability, the son or brother of Gunter Zeiner, who work'd at Ausburgh from ann. 1470, and is mention'd under that article p. 122. We have but nine editions of his from 1473 to 1484, two of which are the Latin Bible fol. and one, viz. Alvarius Pelagius de planctû Ecclesiae 1473, 2 vol. fol. in large paper, is reckon'd a very curious as well as scarce edition: he used to subscribe himself sometimes Jo. Zeiner de Reutlingen or Reutlinga, and sometimes Jo. Zeiner Ulmensis Oppidi Incolam.

2. LEONARD HOL citizen of Ulm, 1 edit. 1482.

3. JOHN REGER de Kemnat, 5 edit. from 1486 to 1497.

Article III. The City of UTRECHT.

UTRECHT [in Latin Ultra trajectum] a city in Flanders upon the Rhine, and subject to the emperor of Germany, receiv'd the Art of Print|ing about ann. 1473, if not before; but its productions have been so few and inconsiderable that no annalist, De la Caille and F. Orlandi excepted, has taken any notice of them; and even the latter has been able to dis|cover no more than three editions, little remarkable either for bulk or beauty, for which reason I suppose they are all three without Printer's name.

Article IV. The City of TURIN.

TURIN [in Latin Taurinum] the capital of Piedmont, and residence of the dukes of Savoy now kings of Sardinia, is situate upon the river Durio nigh the Po, near the western Alps. It is a large rich and populous city and university, strongly fortify'd, and adorn'd with magnificent palaces, churches and edifices. It receiv'd the Art of Printing about ann. 1474. The first artists who set up their presses here were,

1. JOHN FABRI 1475.

and 2. JOHANNINUS de Petro, 1475.

THESE two printed together at first as appears by their first im|pression, viz. Breviarium Romanum fol. per Jo. Fabri and Johanninum de Petro: but Fabri associated himself with Martin Huz a Printer of the city of Lyons, with whom he printed some editions, and some by him|self: however he continu'd still at Turin, and we have three editions more of his printed there by himself from 1477 to 1487, wherein he sub|scribes himself Jo-Fabri Lingonensis; as for his partner we have nothing of him but the breviary abovemention'd.

3. NICOLAS de Benedictis 4 edit. from 1492 to 1494.

and 4. JACOPIN SVIGUS 4 edit. from 1492 to 1494.

Article V. The City of GENOA, 1474.

GENOA [in Latin Janua] is a rich populous ancient city, the metro|polis of Liguria, and capital of the republick of Genoa: it is fam'd for having given birth to Christopher Columbus the first discoverer of America, and for the greatness and extent of her maritime trade: we meet with two noted Printers, who came and set up their presses there, ann. 1474, viz

1. MATTHIAS MORAVUS de Olomuntz 1474.

and 2. MICHEL MONK or de Monacho 1474.

BUT whether that city chose to drive any other trade, rather than that of books, or whether they found it already furnished from other places, and so met with but small encouragement; or for whatever other rea|son, 'tis certain they tarry'd not long there. For Moravus printed but

one book in company with Monk, and the next year remov'd to Naples, where he continued 'till ann. 1490, as hath been said in the article of that city; and we hear no further of Monk. The book they printed here is,

Supplementum summae quae Pisanella vocatur, fol. per Matthiam Mora|vum de Olomuntz & Michaelem de Monacho socium ejus, x kal. Julii Millesimo quadringentesimo LIJ. quarto; where (LIJ stands for LXX) 1474.

It is very likely, that the ill success of these two Printers, frighten'd others from coming thither, for we don't meet with any that ventur'd to settle there after them, 'till a long time after the close of the century.

Article VI. The City of BRESCIA.

BRESCIA, in Latin Brixia, an ancient and noble city in Lombardy, now under the republick of Venice, gave much greater encouragement to the Art of Printing, than some of the last nam'd cities. About the year 1474.

1. HENRY of COLOGN, and 2. STATIUS GALLICUS.

CAME and settled here, and printed the following book, the only one yet known to be printed by them here, viz.

Homeri Iliades per Laurentium Vallensem in Latinum sermonem ••raductae &c. viii kal. Decemb. per Henr. Coloniensem & Statium Gallicum. Brixiae 1474.

3. BONINUS de BONINIS of RAGUSIO, 1480.

WHOSE first works were printed at Verona, ann. 1473, as has been said. Thence he remov'd to Brescia, where he continu'd printing 'till ann. 1486.

HIS corrector was Marcus Scaramuccinus of Palazzolo: there are 10 editions of his printed at Brescia from 1480 to 1486.

4. BARTHOLOM. VERSELLENSIS Printer and bookseller, 1 edition 1482.

5. JAMES BRITANNICUS, brothers, of the city of Brescia, 1485.

6. ANGEL BRITANNICUS, brothers, of the city of Brescia, 1485.

THE first of these was some time partner to John de Forlivio at Venice about the year 1483, as you'll find pag. 149; after which he came to his own city Brescia, and printed sometimes by himself, and sometimes with his brother Angelo: his corrector was a Franciscan monk nam'd Angel de Mon|telmo: we have 11 edit. of the former, from 1485 to 1498: and 2 with both their names, ann. 1496.

7. ARNOLD de Arundis, 1 edit. without date.

8. RABBI GHERSON, 1492.

RABBI GHERSON was the son of R. Moses a jew of Soncino, where Hebrew first began to be printed: he settled first at Brescia, where he printed the two following editions in Hebrew, viz.

Mechaberith Rabb. Immanuelis, per Rabbi Gherson, Brixiae, 1492.

Biblia Hebraicé, 8vo, per Gersonem F. Mosis Soncinatem, ibid 1494.

CHEVILLIER tells us likewise p. 265, that he printed also at Rimini|um in Romania, a Hebrew edition intitled, Col bo without date: after this he remov'd his press to Constantinople, where he printed several other He|brew works 'till the year 1530, in which he is suppos'd to have dy'd.

9. BERNARDINE MISENTI de Pavia came first from Cremona, where he had printed in company with Caesar de Parma, ann. 1492: we have but 2 edit. of his done at Brescia from 1495 to 1497.

10. FRANCIS LAURINI citizen of Brescia, we have only one edition of his, viz. Homer's Iliads translated into Latin by Laur. Valla, corrected by Baptista Farsengus a priest of that city, 1497: it has no place's name, but is suppos'd to be done at Brescia.

THERE are about 20 edit. more without Printer's names.

Article VII. The City of ALOST.

ALOST is a small town in Flanders upon the river Tever between Brus|sels and Gaunt, in which the following Printers set up their presses, viz.

1. JOHN de Westphalia, 1474.

2. THEODORIC MARTIN of Alost, 1474.

THE former of these, a native of Paderborn, printed in the city of Lou|vain, ann. 1473. 'till 1475, as we have shewn in that article. We find likewise a book printed by him at Alost, ann. 1474 in company with The|odoric Martin, a native of it, as follows;

Liber praedicabilium, 8vo, per Jo. de Westphalia Paderbonensem cum Theodorico Martini, Maii die sexto in Alosto oppido comitatus Fland. 1474.

THEODORIC MARTIN afterwards printed by himself, first at Alost 'till 1490; then at Antwerp, ann. 1509, and at Louvain, ann. 1516. His mark us'd to be a shield hanging upon a vine with T. M. tho' at other times, he made use of two anchors with his name Theodoric Martin excu|debat. His impressions at Alost are but three in number, viz. two dated 1487, and the last 1490.

CHAP. X. The Cities of Basil, Placentia, Pignerol, Esling, Vincenza, Lubeck and Valentia, ann. 1475; Ro|stock and Bruges, ann. 1476. At Basil, particu|lars relating to Amerbach and Froben; the Cha|racters and Names of the other Printers, and Number of their Impressions, 'till the Year 1500.

Article I. The City of BASIL, 1475.

BASIL, call'd in Latin Basilea, and by Ptolemy, Augusta Raurico|rum, is an ancient city and university in Switzerland, water'd by the two great rivers Rhine and Brise, which being navigable, increase very much the commerce and riches of it; so that in spite of all the calami|ties it has suffer'd in war, it is one of the most opulent cities of Germany. The university is likewise very celebrated for learned men in all sciences, and was founded ann. 1460, and endow'd with privileges equal to any university in Europe, by pope Pius II. In this city pope Martin V. call'd a council, ann. 1431; soon after which it became famous for the improve|ments, 5

which the Art of Printing, brought thither in or before the year 1475, receiv'd from some of its artificers; who have been generally the best and most learned Printers in Europe, and publish'd the most elegant and correct editions of the ancient fathers, and of the Greek and Latin classicks. Of this number were John Amerbach and John Froben, of whom we shall give an account in the sequel of this article.

THE first book we meet with printed here, has no Printer's name; nor is it possible to guess from the character, or any thing else in the edi|tion, who 'twas done by: It is as follows;

Roberti de Licio opus quadragesimale, Basileae 1475.

1. BERNARD RICHEL, 1477.

A citizen of Basil, and an excellent Printer, was the first who put his name to his editions there; we have but three of them. The first is his Biblia Latina, fol. per Bernardum Richel civem Basiliae 1477; the other two are dated 1478, 1482.

2. MICHEL WENKLER, 7 edit. from 1477 to 1486.

THE last of his impressions, viz. Gasparini Pergamensis Epistolae, 4to. F. Orlandi tells us in his list p. 166. that this has neither date nor Printer's name; but Mr. Mattaire gives us the same edition under the names of Michel Wenkler and Fred. Biel, with some verses at the end, as you'll find in that author, Annal. Typogr. p. 375, only he or his Printer has mistaken Parmensis for Pergamensis.

3. NICHOLAS KESLER citizen of Basil, 1486.

OF whom we have a Biblia Sacra printed at Antwerp, ann. 1487, and five other editions at Basil, from 1486 to 1494: his first edition, viz. Textus Sententiarum, fol. has the colophon which you will find in the mar|gin, in imitation of Faust, Schoeffer and others 1 2.50.

HIS last work, viz. Libri deflorationum does not bear Kesler's name; yet it being printed in the same character with the former, is easily known

to be his. It hath at the beginning the image of an old man with a tri|ple face, and these words over it, Sancta Trinitas.

4. JOHN AMERBACH, 1481.

JOHN AMERBACH, one of the most excellent and learned Printers of his time, was at first a student at Paris, under the famous Jo. Lapidanus or a Lapide, who, being rector of that university, invited the three Ger|mans thither. Amerbach follow'd his studies 'till he attain'd to the de|gree of master of arts, soon after which he came to Basil, and set up the Art of Printing, for which he became as famous, as he had been before for his learning.

WHAT countryman he was is not easy to determine. Some French annalists challenge him for theirs, and Orlandi calls him a Parisian, tho' perhaps on no other account, than that he studied so long in that univer|sity. His name is unquestionably German; but neither the colophons of his editions, nor his epitaph, make any mention of his country; for which reason, we shall not pretend to affirm any thing upon that head. His first care at his entrance into the business of Printing was to get a font of the most perfect round Roman, which however he made no use of in his books of divinity, the prevailing custom of those days being to print them in old Gothic. His next was to procure some of the best correctors of that age, of whom, tho' no person was more capable of correcting his works than himself, he had a greater number than any of his contempora|ries. Among these were Martin Dodo a prebend, Francis Wyler a learned Franciscan fryar, Conrard Pelican an eminent divine, Beatus Rhenanus and others. He was so carefull and diligent in this province, that he would not let one sheet pass unrevis'd by himself. Reuchlin gives us this cha|racter of him in the preface to his book De verbo mirifico, that he was a man of an excellent genius, highly valuable for the neatness and correct|ness of his works, and well skill'd in several arts and sciences. His for|mer master Jo. Lapidanus assures us 1 2.51, that he never read any books bet|ter

or more correctly printed than his. As Amerbach was a man of sin|gular piety and zeal for religion, which appears from all his prefaces, that scarce breathe any thing else; so he rather chose to consecrate his labours to that, than any other branch of learning. This induc'd him to print the works of all the ancient fathers, a task hitherto unattempted by any Printer. He began with an edition of St. Austin, which he finish'd not 'till the year 1505, in the old Gothic. But as he neither had a good manuscript to print after, nor sufficient assistance from the learned; we can only say that it was executed as correctly, as could be expected in those times. What he had most at heart was to publish St. Jerom's works, which, as he knew was impossible to be done without a competent skill in the Latin, Greek and Hebrew tongues, the last of which he was too old and full of business to learn, he made his three sons, youths of bright parts, divide that province among themselves; who having study'd those languages, were oblig'd by him, whether he liv'd or dy'd, to finish that edition; which they faithfully perform'd. But as this task, wherein he was engaged, was too large for one man, he took the learned John Fro|ben, whom we shall mention hereafter, into partnership, and printed seve|ral valuable and distinct volumes with him. The greatest part of these particulars we have from Erasmus, in his prefaces to St. Austin and St. Jerom, which later edition he revis'd and publish'd anno 1515, with a dedication to the archbishop of Canterbury. He highly extolls the piety of the Amerbachs, he praises the father for having taken such care of his sons education; and the sons for the great progress they made in those tongues, and for their piety in having so exactly fulfill'd their father's desire, in the impression of a work, which had cost them so much money and pains; he frankly owns, that as he stood in great need of some assi|stance for the Hebrew tongue, so he was chiefly beholden to those three learned brothers for it 1 2.52. Jodocus Badius another eminent Printer gives

their father the following encomium 1 2.53; that he was a man of indefatiga|ble industry, and consummate skill in correcting the errors of corrupt copies; and adds, that if all Printers would but follow his example, they would be in much higher reputation with the learned, than they were.

HE continu'd printing 'till the year 1528, and dyed whilst his second impression of St. Austin was in the press. It will not be amiss to repeat here a caution, which we have elsewhere given the reader, not to con|found this John Amerbach with John Averbach of Reutlingen, who printed there a Latin bible in fol. ann. 1469, after which we hear no more of him. La Caille makes them to be the same person, led undoubtedly into that error by the likeness of their names; whereas the distance of time between them, viz. from 1469 to 1481, the different spelling of their names, with other obvious circumstances, might easily have shewn him the mistake. Mr. Mattaire, in the place before quoted, hath col|lected a great number of extracts out of prefaces, epistles, and other works of the learned, in praise of him; and it must be own'd, that too much could not be said in a man's commendation, who had spent near 50 years in the service of religion with such constant zeal and application. I shall refer the reader to that author for them, and only add the epitaph, which his youngest son Boniface caus'd to be set upon his tomb.

EPITAPHIUM.

Joannes Amerbachius hic cubat Cum Barbara Ortenbergia singul. pudicit. foemina, Ac Brunone Basilioque, filiis, Praepropere quidem hinc ereptis. Sed ante tamen eruditione sua trilingui Per laboriosiss. Hieronym. operum recognitionem Quibus nunc Docti ubique gentium fruuntur, Orbi toto commendata. Bonifacius Amerbachius Parentibus & fratribus optimis,

Sed & Marthae Fuschiae Uxori suae Christianarum virtutum dotibus incomparabili, Cum Ursula ac Hertexe duabus filiolis. Hic quiescenti: Item sibi ipsi liberis suis superstitibus Faustinae, Basilio, Julianae, Posterisque in humanae fragilitatis memoriam

F. C.

Parentibus, fratribusque jam olim, uxore vero in ipso aetatis flore cum fili|olis haud ita demum expectandi censorii novissimique diei ergo collocatis.

Anno MDXLII.

WE have but nine editions of his as yet discover'd, from 1481 to 1500: the first of them is Vincentii Bellovacensis opuscula, and the last Fr. Petrar|chae opuscula, 1496.

5. JOHN FROBEN, 1491.

JOHN FROBEN was a native of Hamelburgh in Fraconia, where he study'd 'till he became master of the Latin tongue, and afterwards went to the university of Basil, where he perfected himself in Greek also, and betook himself to the business of Printing, of which he show'd himself so good a master, that John Amerbach took him as assistant and partner in his laborious and expensive undertaking of publishing the ancient fathers, as we hinted before. He acquitted himself so well both in this province and his own particular one, that he acquir'd as great a reputation and esteem among the learned, as his contemporary and partner; to whom Germany is oblig'd for bringing thither the neat round Roman character, hitherto scarcely known there, and improving it to the last degree of per|fection. No person was ever more curious in the choice of the works, which he sent to the press, than he; who had this excellent quality among many others, that he would never print any bad books, such as the sor|did avarice of other Printers had overstock'd the world with; but always chose the best authors, and best manuscripts of them, sparing neither

cost in purchasing them, nor pains in correcting and fitting them for the press; in which, tho' he was a man of singular learning, yet he always preferr'd the advice and judgment of the learned of his time, to his own. Among these were Mark Heyland, Erasmus, Wolfgang Musculus, Jo. Oeco|lampadius, Wolfgang, Lachner and others, all persons of the highest rank in the commonwealth of learning; for which reasons his impressions have ever been, and will continue in the highest esteem with all the learned. He was likewise particularly ambitious to have his works correct; and the abovemention'd learned men assisted him very much in that province; especially Oecolampadius, who tells us 1 2.54, that he could not sufficiently wonder that Erasmus, who alone kept three presses continually at work, who read and compar'd the Greek and Latin m••nuscripts, and consulted the writings of all the ancients and moderns, &c. could yet find time enough to correct the proofs of his works; and adds, that his example had not a little encourag'd him to take the laborious task of a corrector upon him. However, neither Froben's nor his corrector's diligence could prevent that edition, just now quoted in the margin, from having an er|rata of a page and half, tho' Erasmus gave the finishing hand to every proof.

THIS learned author, in one of his letters to Bilibaldus Parcheimerus, who was then at the emperor's court, complains highly of a great inju|stice done to many good Printers in general, and to Froben particularly, which was, that he had no sooner publish'd a good edition with great cost and labour, but it was immediately reprinted by others, and sold so much cheaper, that he could never reimburse himself half his charges. This re|duc'd him to the necessity of obtaining from the emperor, &c. a privi|lege for the sole selling them for the space of two or more years, accor|ding to the value of the work; there being no other effectual way of pre|venting such an abuse: the letter is dated from Basil, Jan. 28. 1522: the

reader will find it in Vita Erasmi, Leyden edit. 1642 in 16^o, pag. 226, what relates to our subject, he will find in the margin 1 2.55.

WE have had occasion to mention some cheats of even a worse na|ture with respect to the Venetian editions, which were counterfeited with the Printer's mark, and sold for the right ones, tho' incorrect and im|perfect to the last degree.

TO return to Froben; he is reported to have hang'd his proofs in pub|lick sight, with a promise of a reward for every error, that should be discover'd in them by any person. In his short preface to Celius Rhodi|ginus printed ann. 1517, he inveighs loudly against those pests of learning, those Printers, who regarded not the correction of their works, but had gain only in their view; and advises the learned against buying such bad books, for the sake of their cheapness, assuring them that they pur|chas'd nothing but plague and vexation, and that such wretched works could not but be dearly bought, how cheap soever they were sold; whereas he that bought a correct copy, always bought it cheap, how much soever he gave for it 2 2.56.

JO. FROBEN printed few volumes before the year 1500, and the num|ber of those which are extant, is still smaller. One of them was his concordance of the bible in fol. ann.. 1495; concerning which we meet with some particulars, not unworthy the reader's knowledge, tho' a di|gression from our subject.

FIRST it was so exactly printed, that there was not one error in all the numerical figures, which in a work of that nature are at least one third part of the matter; and is therefore very surprizing. Froben added a second part to it, which contain'd all the indeclinable particles, that are to be met with in the bible. This work was begun at Constantinople by Jo. de Raguza, a Parisian divine of the Dominican order, embassador

from the council of Baden to the emperor Jo. Paleologus about the year 1436; yet he did little to it himself, but left it to his three chaplains, one of whom was a Scotchman nam'd Walter Sonaw, who finish'd it in almost three years. After this it was reduc'd into an alphabetical order, by the directions of that council, by John de Segovia or Secubia, archdeacon of Cujedo, and doctor of divinity. What gave birth to this second part of the concordance was no less remarkable, John de Raguza beforemention'd, coming to Constantinople, found the divines there engag'd in a very warm dispute concerning the procession of the Holy Ghost, i. e. whether from the Son as well as from the Father; and that the controversy seem'd chiefly to be about the particles ex and per, i. e. whether it should be ex filio or per filium. He was likewise inform'd, that the Sultan and all the Mahometans having heard, that Paleologus design'd a journey into chri|stendom, in order to reconcile this difference between the Greek and Latin churches, had rally'd the christians with no small scorn, whom two such seemingly insignificant particles had divided to such a degree. This embassador fail'd not to acquaint the council with it, who immediately order'd John de Segovia to be ready to answer all the difficulties, which the Greeks should propose at their arrival at Basil. In the mean time the Hussites and John Huss of Bohemia, who were already at Basil, and insisted upon a communion in both kinds from the words of our Saviour, Un|less you eat, &c. and unless you drink, &c. which their opposers said sig|nify'd no more than, unless you eat or drink, from which they concluded that either the one or the other was sufficient to fulfill the command; these I say made it still more necessary to have a concordance, that should explain the meaning of those particles ex and per, nisi and et, and in how many different senses they were us'd in scripture. This induc'd John de Segovia to write the second part of the concordance relating to indecli|nable words, with a prolegomenon or preface, in which he hath given us this account of the occasion of it. The learned Sebastian Brant, author of the Navis stultifera, caus'd it to be printed by Froben, ann. 1495, and somewhat above twenty years after the same, Froben reprinted it with an elegant Latin dialogue between a bookseller and the buyer, relating to the value of good books, instead of a preface to that edition. The reader may see it at length in Chevillier, p. 130.

FROBEN had two sons Jerom and John, who succeeded their father, and publish'd a great number of volumes with good reputation after his death, which happen'd ann. 1527. Erasmus tells us that what he had most at heart was to give the world a correct edition of St. Austin's works, and that he desir'd to live no longer than to see it finish'd 1 2.57. However he was depriv'd of that pleasure, for J. And-Endters tells us tho' he kept seven presses continually at work upon that edition, yet not above two volumes of it were printed before he died, to the great loss and grief of all the learned world: the following epitaph, written by his friend Erasmus, was afterwards set upon his tomb.

Epitaphium JOANNIS FROBENII. per Desiderium Erasmum Rot.

Arida Joannis tegit hic lapis ossa Frobeni, Orbe vivet toto nescia fama mori. Moribus hanc niveis meruit studiisque juvandis; Quae nunc maesta jacent orba parente suo. Rettulit, ornavit veterum monumenta sophorum Arte, manu, curis, aere, favore, fide. Huic vitam in caelis date, numina justa, perennem; Per nos in terris fama perennis erit.

THIS epitaph was afterwards printed, according to la Caille, in Henry Ste|phen's Artis Typographicae Querimonia; Erasmus wrote another of four verses in Greek, which the Reader may see in Matt. Annal. Typog. v. 2. p. 36.

ERASMUS was not contented with writing the abovemention'd epitaphs in his late friend's praise, but he made likewise a kind of funeral oration or rather elogium upon him, in a letter to John Emsted a learned Carthu|sian; the reader may see it at full length in the above-mention'd Annals, vol. 2. pag. 36, & seq

AND indeed it was no more than he ow'd him, since Froben had long before given him a pleasure, which few men beside him had ever tasted, which was to see his own elegy before his death; the occasion of it was

as follows. Before these two were become intimate, Froben had heard that Erasmus was dead, and wrote much such another funeral oration up|on him, which he prefix'd to an edition of that great man's proverbs, which he publish'd Ann. 1513: Erasmus could not but be highly pleas'd to see himself prais'd in so extraordinary and sincere a manner, be|ing well assur'd that such encomiums could not proceed from flattery or self interest; for Erasmus being suppos'd dead, Froben could have nothing to hope from him; and had any but a man of Froben's integrity and ho|nour committed such a mistake, one might be apt to suspect it had been wilfully done, in hopes of procuring some valuable pieces from that learned author: but whoever is acquainted with that Printer's character, will undoubtedly believe him incapable of such mean arts. I think therefore it will not be amiss to close the history of this great Printer with some conspicuous parts of his character, which we have not yet touch'd upon, and which will easily acquit him of any suspicion; which is, that he was a man of the most disinterested and generous disposition. Erasmus in his letter to Emsted abovemention'd does even tell us, that he was so to a fault, and that he had often reprov'd him for it, but in vain, for his natural candor was proof against all admonitions of that kind: neither did his munificence to men of learning and merit show it|self only in the largeness of his presents to them, but in the manner of bestowing them; never, says that author, did he seem better pleas'd than when he had, either by intreaties or by some cunning device, pre|vail'd upon them to accept of some favour from him. The grief he shew'd in his countenance at their denial was such, that they found it more dif|ficult to refuse a favour from him, than to obtain one from another per|son; and when by chance, continues he, I have bought me some cloath for a gown, he has privately sent, and paid for it unknown to me. As his house was open to all learned men, so none had a heartier welcome than Erasmus, who us'd it as his home all the time he continued at Basil, and it is probable that he might have continued longer there, had he not ob|serv'd something in his family, which he could not forbear grieving at. Froben was under petticoat-government, which made his affairs go some|what wrong, wherefore he expresses himself thus to him in a letter da|ted from Louvain; Fama tibi parta est, ea poterit tibi magno emolumento

esse, si curam de tuo adhibueris; sed mihi non placet domi tuae regnum istud Muliebre, &c. But Froben was of too easy and patient a temper, to give himself any trouble about it: we have a remarkable instance of this in the last year of his life, when being seiz'd with such a violent pain in his right heel, that some physicians were for cutting off his foot, he had no sooner receiv'd some easement in it, than he went on horseback to Frankfort about some business; and tho' advis'd by his friends to stir sel|domer abroad, to go warmer in cloaths, and to spare himself as much as possible, he refus'd to hearken to them, and took such care to con|ceal his bad state of health, and the anguish of his pain, that he went still about his business; 'till being seiz'd with a fainting fit, he dropt down and broke his skull against the pavement; after which he continued two days, without any sense or motion, and expir'd ann. 1528. I hope the name and character of the person will excuse my account of these particularities, especially since the great Erasmus has thought them worth recording in a much ampler manner: he left two sons Jerom and John, who became excellent Printers, and signaliz'd themselves by their editi|ons of the Greek and Latin fathers; he had likewise some daughters, one of whom nam'd Justina he marry'd to Nicolas l'Evesque or Episcopius, an eminent Printer of Basil.

HIS usual mark or rebus was a dove sitting on the top of a staff, with two basilisks twin'd about it, to which he sometimes added the ini|tial letters of both his names IO. FRO. and sometimes the fourth verse of the 125th psalm in Hebrew, the sixteenth verse of St. Matthew's 10th chapter in Greek, and these words in Latin, Prudens Simplicitas Amorque recti, in three distinct lines. All the works we have extant of his from 1491 to 1500 are only four, viz. a Latin bible, 8vo, in a small character da|ted 1491. Another in the old Gothic, 8vo, 1495; his concordance of the bible mention'd before, fol. anno 1495; and the Speculum decem Prae|••••ptorum of Henry Harp.

I CAN find but one more Printer after him, viz.

JOHN BERGMAN de OLPE, 1497.

OF whom we have only two editions of Sebastian Brant's Navis stultise|••a, dated 1497 and 1498. the last of which is adorn'd with wooden cutts.

BESIDES these F. Orlandi has given us a list of above 60 Basil editi|ons without Printers names.

Article II. The Cities of Esling, Placentia and Pignerol.

THESE three cities being inconsiderable with respect to their Produ|ctions in the Art of Printing, except the earliness of their receiving it, I have joyn'd them into one short article.

§. ESLING is a small city in the duchy of Wirtembergh in Germany. It receiv'd Printing either about or before the year 1475; tho' we can meet but with the two following editions printed there by

CONRARD FYNER, 1475. viz.

1. PETRI Nigri Germani ord. praed. qui claruit anno 1475, tractatus de Judaeorum perfidia, per Conradum Fyner Eslingae 1475.

2. EJUSDEM tractatus de conditionibus veri Messiae contra Ju|daeos, Germanicé, by the same, ibid. Orl. 1477.

§. PLACENTIA a noble antient city upon the river Po in Italy, in which we find only one edition printed by

JO. PETER de Ferratis of Cremona, 1475. viz.

BIBLIA Latina, 4to, per Jo. Petri de Ferratis Cremonensem Placen|tiae, 1475.

§. PIGNEROL [in Latin Pignarolium] is a well fortify'd city in Pied|mont, at the foot of the Alps, under the dominion of the present king of Sardinia. Here the famous French Printer

JAMES des ROUGES or de RUBEIS,

Set up his Press, after he had printed at Venice from 1473 to 1477 with vast applause. The first book, which we find printed by him, is a Latin bible dated 1475; in which all our annalists have follow'd father se Long: but it is doubtful whether he was not mistaken in the year,

seeing des Rouges was still printing at Venice, anno 1477, and that we find no more impressions of his done at Pignerol, 'till anno 1479.

HOWEVER as it is not easy to determine whether father le Long was in an error, or the bible antedated, or whether this Printer kept two Presses at the same time, one at Venice, and another at Pignerol; I have follow'd the order of the annalists, and ventur'd to place this edition and city under that year.

WE have but four editions of his printed at Pignerol, that of the bible of 1475 included, two of which are dated 1479, and the last 1480.

Article III. The City of VINCENTIA, 1475.

VINCENTIA is a large ancient city and university in Italy, now un|der the republick of Venice, which receiv'd the Art of Printing anno 1475, and oblig'd the world with a greater number of editions than many cities of Italy, and other parts of Europe, which we have seen hitherto.

1. HERMAN LEVILAPIS or LICHTENSTEIN, 1475.

WAS one of the first that brought it hither. He was a native of Co|logn, and a very good, but unsettled Printer. We have already seen him at Venice and Treviso. At Vincentia he printed some editions in part|nership with Nicholas Petri of Harlem, alias Peter de Harlem.

WE have twelve of them extant, in some of which he calls himself Herman Levilapis, in others de Levilapide or Lichtenstein, in others Her|man Lichtenstein de Colonia; one remarkable edition of his, viz.

PAULI Orosii Hispani historiarum libri vii ad Aurelium Augustinum de maximis calamitatibus ab orbe condito usque ad sua tempora, fol. is without date, Printers or place's name.

THIS edition was corrected by Aeneas Vulpes, and printed at Vincentia by Herman Lichtenstein, as appears by the epigram quoted in the margin 1 2.58;

after which it was reprinted in the same place, but in a larger character, by Leonard de Basilea with the same verses, except changing the word Herman for that of Leonard, and Colonia for Basilea. It was reprinted likewise in several other places, only the 5, 6, 7 and 8th verses were omitted.

2. JOHN RHENISH or John de Reno, five editions from 1475 to 1481.

3. JOHN de Vienna, 1 edit. 1476.

4. STEPHEN KOBLINGER, 1 edit. 1479.

5. HENRY, bookseller of Vincentia, 3 edit. from 1480 to 1486.

6. LEONARD de Basilea or of Basil, Printer to the university of Vin|centia, 5 edit. from 1482 to 1491.

7. JAMES DUSENSIS, 1 edit. 1482.

8. HENRY de S Urso, 5 edit. from 1486 to 1499.

9. SIMON BEVILAQUA [Drink water] citizen of Pavia, 2 edit. both 1489.

HE went afterwards to Venice, where he printed a much greater num|ber of editions, from 1492 to 1500, as has been said under that head.

HERE are likewise a small number without Printer's names.

Article IV. The Cities of LUBECK and VALENTIA.

§. THE city of Lubeck is one of the Hans-towns in Germany, between the provinces of Saxony and Alsatia upon the Baltick sea. It is very emi|nent for its trade, port, fortifications, riches, and number of inhabitants.

HITHER the Art of Printing was brought anno 1475, yet appears to have met with but little encouragement from its trading inhabitants, for we find only four Printers in this city from 1471 to 1502, and they were so far from settling here any time, that their bad success had ob|lig'd them to quit the place, for we have but five editions extant of them all; their names are as follows.

• 1. LUCAS BRANDIS de Schafz, 2 edit. from 1475 to 1477.
• 2. STEPHEN ARNOLD, 1 edit. 1484.
• 3. STEPHEN ARNDES, 1 edit. 1493.
• 4. BARTHOL. GOTHAN, 1 edit. 1494.

I SHALL only add that the first work of Lucas Brandis, viz. Epitomae Historiarum has the pompous Latin inscription, which you will find in the margin 1 2.59, and which has led some authors into an absurd notion that the Art of Printing was found out at Lubeck.

§. VALENTIA, 1475.

THERE are so many cities and towns of this name in France, Italy and Spain, that it cannot possibly be determin'd in which of them the two following books, which are all that we find under that name, have been printed; there being nothing in the titles or any other part to ascertain it, and even the Printer's names are wanting.

• 1. SALUSTIUS, 4to. Valentiae, 1475.
• 2. XIMENIUS (Franciscus) de vita Christiana in vi partes distincta, ibid, 1484.

Article V. ROSTOCH and BRUGES, 1475; and DELPH, 1477.

§. ROSTOCH is an imperial free city in Germany, upon the Baltick sea. Here was founded an university about the year 1490, fourteen years be|fore which, we meet with the following book, the only one as yet known, printed there by some regular priests, as the colophon informs us.

LACTANTII FIRMIANI de divinis institutionibus, fol. per fratres pres|byteros & clericos congregationis Domus viridis horti ad sanctum Michaelem in oppido Rostochiensi partium inferioris Sclaviae, prout facultas & industria tulit, emendate satis & accurate consummat. millesimo quadringentesimo septuagesimo sexto, quinto Idus Aprilis: Rostochii, 1476.

§. BRUGES in Flanders had a Printer settled there anno 1476, nam'd

1. COLARD MANSION,

OF whom we have three editions from 1476 to 1486.

ORLANDI gives us another Printer of this city, viz. John de Rey, who printed Centon Epistolas dell' Bachiller, 4to, 1499. Mr Maittaire and la Caille date this edition from Burgos in Spain, and they seem to be in the right, because the book is written in Spanish, and the Printer's name shews him to be of that nation.

§. DELPH is a fine city in Holland, near the Hague and Rotterdam. We meet with seven editions printed there, all without any Printer's name; the first of which, viz. the Dutch bible is dated anno 1477. The rest are dated as follows; two 1480, two 1487, one 1491, the last 1497.

CHAP. XI. The Cities of 1. Spire, 2. Lyons, anno 1477. 3. Geneva, Brussels, Coscence and Pavia, anno 1478. 4. Goude, Zivol, anno 1479; and Caen, Ceu|len, Cenzano and Quilemburgh, anno 1480. 5. Lignitz, Husselet, Regio Mont royal and Wartzburgh, anno 1481. 6. Pisa, Aquila, Er|ford and Langres, anno 1482: And 7. Gaunt and Memining, anno 1483.

Article I. The City of SPIRE, 1477.

SPIRE is an ancient city in higher Germany, situate upon the Rhine, between Mentz and Strasburgh. It is now call'd in Latin Spira, but formerly was call'd Novimagium and Nemetes.

THO' this city doth not seem to have cultivated the Art of Printing within her walls, so much as other cities of Germany, yet it ought to be remembred for having given birth to some eminent Printers, who went

and settled in other parts of Europe, and in particular the two famous brothers, who first set up their presses at Venice, viz. John and Windelin of Spire, of whom we have given an account in the third chapter of this second part. Here we find the first beginnings of the Art about the year 1477, when

1. PETER DRACH of SPIRE.

PRINTED the Summa of Archiep. Antoninus, which is the first book we know of printed by him; as he is likewise the only Printer, who put his name to any impressions done in this city. His editions are but four in number, from 1477 to 1487; besides which we find about ten more printed here without the names of the Printers.

IT will not be improper to observe here, that our latest annalists place the city of Westminster under this year; the oldest edition as yet discover'd by them being Socrates's Sayings printed by Caxton, anno 1477; however the reader will find by the third book of this history, that there is a more ancient one by three years, viz. The Game of Chess, which is dated anno 1474, now in the possession of my worthy friend the curious Mr Granger of the East-India House: and it is plain from the account of the Art's being brought into England, that they began to print in the abbey of Westminster much sooner than that year.

Article II. The City of LYONS.

LYONS, a rich and populous city in France, upon the rivers Rhone and Arare, is call'd in Latin, Lugdunum, and is allow'd to be one of the most ancient cities in Europe; so that some French writers have not scru|pled to fix the date of its foundation within 600 or 700 years after the flood, which may more easily be believ'd than disprov'd. It has been always eminent for men of learning in all arts and sciences, which were particularly cultivated there, but more especially after the Art of Prin|ting was introduc'd; which receiv'd such encouragement there, that it has continu'd in a flourishing condition ever since. Some annalists have asserted that it is the first city in France which set up a Printing-press; but if we would judge of this controversy by the dates of the oldest im|pressions,

we shall find that the city of Tours, and next that of Paris had the Art several years before, as hath been already shewn. However, if Lyons hath not the preference of Rome, Paris, Venice, &c. either for the antiquity or beauty of its productions; it must be acknowledg'd that it hath gain'd it by the quantity of large impressions, than which no city in Europe has furnish'd the learned with a greater number. It is still a great emporium or market for books in all languages and sciences; and as it hath encourag'd some of the best artists to settle there, and pub|lish beautiful and correct editions, so it has induc'd many a wretched one to chuse it as a proper place to print and vend a much greater quan|tity of bad and counterfeit ones; but this hath happen'd in most famous cities of Europe. Lyons hath likewise been celebrated, if not for intro|ducing, at least for encouraging, the Gothick character, and publish'd more volumes of that sort, in proportion to those that were done in fine Roman, than any other city; and what is more remarkable of the Prin|ters of this city, they were vastly more fond of that inelegant character than of the Roman, especially for bibles, divinity, law and physick books.

THE reader will be justly surpriz'd to hear what encomiums they gave it, and how proud they were of their performances in that kind. I have subjoin'd in the margin three or four scraps of their colophons, to shew what a piece of merit the Printers of the 15th and above half of the 16th century made of their works printed in this character, not only at Lyons, but likewise at Venice, Paris, Rome, &c. 1 2.60 John de Cologne at Venice us'd to phrase it thus, Done in sublimely fine characters, &c. another 2 2.61 values himself upon the beauty and excellence of his character; a third 3 2.62 calls it the most elegant character; and a fourth 4 2.63 the most polite of all charac|ters: so that if a person did not see what Types they meant, he would be apt to judge it any other than the Gothick. The famous Badius, sirnam'd Ascensius, who had printed in this city of Lyons from 1495 to 1500, is reported to have gone afterwards to Paris, with a design to stop, as

much as possible, the current vogue of this old Gothick; but in vain, for he was oblig'd to continue it himself till almost the very later end of his days; and besides it still remain'd in great use long after that, insomuch that Atensis complains 1 2.64 that Printers were extremely curious, and spar'd no cost to give elegant impressions of the heathen poets, ora|tors, &c. whereas any batter'd old Gothick Types were thought good enough for those of Divinity. In the close of this second book we shall mention some of the Printers, to whom the world is oblig'd for the to|tal disuse of that inelegant character. To return to Lyons; the first Printer we find there, is,

1. BARTHOLOMEW BUYER, 1477.

Of whom we have only the two following impressions: the first, viz. the new Testament in French is without date, and has been suppos'd by de la Caille, to have been printed about 1500. but F. Le Long more justly supposes it, both by the rudeness of the character, and its likeness to that of the next edition of Buyer, which is dated 1477 to have been printed about this time.

2. MARTIN HUSZ two edit. from 1478, to 1485.

and 3. JOS. FABER two edit. from 1478, to 1485.

4. PERRINE LATHOMI, 1 edit. 1479.

He printed likewise at Venice with some others, about 1494.

5. WILLIAM le ROY, 2 edit. from 1483, to 1488.

6. JANON CARCAIGNI, 2 edit. from 1488, to 1495.

7. MICHELET TOPIE de Piemont 2 edit. from 1488. to 1490.

and 8. JAMES HEREMBERCLE, alias HEREMBERCH, German,

9. JOHN CLEIN, German, 1 edit. 1489.

10. MATTHIAS HUSM, German, 1 edit. 1489.

11. JOHN DU PRE, 2 edit. from 1489, to 1493.

He printed likewise at Paris and Abbeville.

12. PETER MARESHAL, 1 edit. 1490.

13. JOHN DE LA FONTAINE of Lyons, 1 edit. 1490.

14. JOHN TRECHSEL German, 8 edit. from 1490 to 1497.

Whose corrector was the famous Jodocus Badius, of whom we shall speak hereafter; some of whose learned works, comments and annotati|ons he printed anno 1492 & seq. as Silvae Morales, cum interpretatione Badii ex Virgil. Horat. Pers. Juvenal. Ennio, Bapt. Mantuan. Sulpit. Caton. with some others which we shall speak of anon. I must not omit mentioning, that all Trechsel's works are highly valuable and correct.

15. ENGOLHARD SCHULTIS, German, 1 edit. 1491.

16. MATTHIAS HUTS, 1 edit. 1491.

17. ANT. LABILLON 2 edit. both 1491.

and 18. MARTIN SARACENI, 2 edit. both 1491.

19. JODOCUS BADIUS, sirnam'd ASCENSIUS, 1495.

Badius was born in the castle of Ase, in the territories of Brussels, and call'd Ascensius from it. He spent his younger years in study at Brussels, Gaunt, and last of all in the university of Ferrara, under the great Bapt. Guarini, where he became master of the Greek and Latin tongues, and very famous for his learning and parts. He remov'd afterwards to the city of Lyons, where he publickly taught those two languages, and became corrector to Jo. Trechsel's press, as has been said before. He publish'd several works, some of which were his own, as Silvae mo|rales contra vitia. fol. 1492. Epigrammatum lib. 1. Navicula Stultarum mulierum; the Life of Thomas a Kempis prefix'd to his works, and some others. Several excellent commentaries were likewise written by him upon the greatest part of the classicks, and other Latin authors, as Ho|race, Juvenal, Martial, Lucretius, Seneca, Salust, Valerius Maximus, Quintilian, Aulus Gellius, and others; all which he printed himself in folio very elegantly and correctly, tho' some of the first he caus'd to be printed by John Trechsel, whose daughter he afterwards married and had many children by her. To all his editions, which were not a few, he us'd to prefix an epistle dedicatory, address'd to some person, eminent either for his quality, piety or learning. Among others, he dedicated the first Volume of Tho. Waldensis works to pope Clement VII. After he had ta|ken the business of printing upon him; he became so excellent a Prin|ter, that the learned Rob. Gaguin, general of the Trinitarian Order,

who was perfectly well acquainted with his merit, wrote a letter to him, to desire him to undertake the printing of his works. This with some other invitations of the learned, brought Badius to Paris about 1499, presently after his father-in-law's death, where he design'd to teach the Greek tongue, and where his last endeavour, after he had fur|nish'd himself with fine sets of Roman characters, was to explode the old Gothick both in his works, and by his example, as we hinted be|fore. And accordingly printed the Philobiblion of that great encourager of learning, Richard Bury, lord high chancellor of England, bishop of Durham, and founder of the Oxford library, towards the middle of the 14th century; which book was sent to him by Dr. Bureau, bishop of Cisteron, and confessor to the French king, in order to be printed by him. This was the first book known that came to the press after he set it up at Paris; 'tis dated 1500; the next year he printed the Provinciale, seu constitutiones Angliae, cum Annotationibus Gullielmi Lindewode 1501, in •• vol. fol. in a beautiful round Roman. This book, as de la Caille tells us, is very scarce, and much sought for, being very necessary for those who would understand the old French us'd in William the conque|ror's time, tho' I doubt he is mistaken, the work itself being in Latin. He began to print by himself about the year 1495, at which time the great Aldus Manutius began at Venice; than whom neither that age nor the next produc'd two more learned or excellent Printers.

As this later was chiefly engag'd in printing and correcting of Greek authors, so Badius was employ'd in the Latin ones; and there seem'd a kind of friendly emulation between them, each carrying away the palm in a separate province. Upon account of this merit the editor of Guil. de Rubione in his dedication to the earl of Castille calls Ascensius a person skill'd in all kinds of science, and the prince of printers 1 2.65; and Trithe|mius ranks him among the Scriptores Ecclesiastici, when he was but two and thirty years of age, and gives him the following panegyrick, viz. that he was a perfect master of literature, not unskilful in the holy scrip|tures, a good philosopher, orator and poet, a man of a bright genius and a fluent tongue, 2 2.66 &c. Erasmus likewise gives him a great enco|mium

in his dialogue intitled Ciceronianus; prefers his stile to that of Apuleius, and highly applaudes his admirable facility of writing. I shall give the Latin reader a specimen of his poetry in the margin, which is a tetrastich in••crib'd to the learned Fath. Mark Benevent, to whom the edition of Holkoth upon the sentences, printed by J. Treschel anno 1497, is dedicated, and of which himself was the corrector; in which verses he desires him in a most el••gant manner to excuse the faults still remain|ing in it 1 2.67. He was no less skillful in restoring of corrupt manuscripts, than careful in printing of them with the greatest accuracy; so that some of his Errata's have contain'd but five words. In printing the work of any living author, he always follow'd the copy exactly; and he tells us in his preface to his edition of Angelus Politianus 2 2.68, that he endeavour'd to imitate the laudable diligence of Aldus Manutius, and to print from his copies with the utmost exactness. This made not only the learned very ambitious to have their works printed by him, but the most emi|nent booksellers of Paris were glad, in order to have him for their Prin|ter, to associate themselves with him; among whom, John Petit sworn bookseller to that university, and one of the most famous of that age, caus'd several noble editions to be printed by him as the Calepini Dicti|onarium octo Linguar. 1516. Origen. Opera Latinè 4 vol. fol. 1519, some of which beautifully printed on vellum, are still to be seen in several libraries of that city, with many others: He had other associates besides Petit, viz. Andreas Bochard, Dionys Roce, Geofrey Marneff, and many others, all eminent men in their way. Thus he continued printing and writing with great applause and reputation till the year 1534, in which he died. Some authors indeed have affirm'd that he died anno 1526, be|cause they knew of no works printed by him after that year. Chevillier gives us two particulars, which fix the year of his death beyond dispute. The first is the last book printed in his name, viz. Alphonsus a Castro contra Haereses. fol. 1534. and Peter Lombard in Epistolas Pauli. fol. ann. 1535. pro haeredibus Jodoci Badii, mense decembri, both which editi|ons

he saw in the Sorbon library. He us'd to put the following Latin verse to the first page of his impressions;

Aere meret Badius laude auctorem, arte legentem.

Sometimes this,

Aera meret Badio tersa atque impressa per ipsum.

Or thus,

Aera meret Badio, nomenque decusque parenti.

Some Impressions have only. Aera meret Badio.

His mark was the draught of a printing-house with the words Praelum Ascensianum upon the head of the press, the glory and credit of which dy'd not with him, but continued above 35 years in his own family; for Badius, whose love to learning, and in particular to the Art of Printing, was conspicuous thro' his whole life, prevail'd upon himself to breed up his only son Conrard Badius to the business of Printing, after he had perfected him in the Greek and Latin tongues, and in several other branches of literature. Conrard became so famous upon all these accounts, that the learned Henry Stephens has thought fit to transmit to us an elegant Latin epitaph made upon him, which the reader may see in de la Caille p. 131. Badius had likewise a brother nam'd John, who became an eminent printer, and left a considerable number of good edi|tions behind him; and as if this had not been enough to have three out of his family brought up to the Art of Printing, he marry'd his three daughters to three of the most eminent printers in Paris, Robert Ste|phens, Michael Vascosan, and John de Roigny. The two former of these are too celebrated to need a panegyrick here; and the last took his fa|ther-in-law's mark, succeeded him in his printing-house with great reputation, and signaliz'd himself by the elegancy and correctness of a great number of editions, which came from his presses; he left a son nam'd Michael, who did not prove much inferior to his father or grand|father.

We find two epitaphs on this great man, the one in Henry Stephen's book, De artis typographicae querimoniâ, anno 1569; which is as follows;

Jodoci Badii Epitaphium.

Hic liberorum plurimorum qui parens, Parens librorum plurimorum qui fuit, Situs Jodocus Badius est Ascensius. Plures fuerunt liberis tamen libri, Quod jam senescens coepit illos gignere, Aetate florens coepit hos quod edere.

His other epitaph is to be seen upon his tomb in St. Bennet's church at Paris, where he lies buried. It is as follows;

On this side is the picture of Badius.

D. O. M. B. Q. V. M. S.

And on this side his wife, Trechsel.

Viator, artes qui bonas piasque amas, Siste hic. Quiescunt subter illustres viri Qui litteris junxere virtutem arduam. Jacet Jodocus hîc Badius Ascensius, Candore notus scriptor & scientiâ. Gener Jodoci Vascosanus prope situs est, Doctissimorum tot parens voluminum, Socer Morelli, regis olim interpretis; Musarum alumni quae gemunt hic conditum, Foedusque Federici ademptum sibi dolent. Tres cyppus unus hic tegit cum uxoribus Lectissimis et liberorum liberis. Hos Christus olim dormientes suscitet, Ad concinendum Trinitati almae melos.

Ι. Χ. Θ. Υ. ʗ.

FEDERICUS Morellus Paris. professor & interpres regius Federici Morelli nobilis, genere Campani, regii quoque interpretis; Michael Vasco|sani scutiferi Ambiani nepos, Jodoci Badii illustris Belgae pronepos, mar|moreum hunc epitaphium patris, avi, proavi piae memoriae, aere suo po|suit; ejusdem, cum Deus vocans volet, tumuli compos fieri optans, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 anno salutis 1603.

Qui idem Morellus unus erat è Duumviris togatis hujus aedis sacrae D. Benedicti 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 praefectus.

BADIUS liv'd at the sign of the three wolves in St. James's street, and his house was so much frequented by learned men of all nations, who for conversation's sake, were forc'd to use the Latin tongue, that his daughters had obtain'd such knowledge of it, that no conversation pass'd in that language but they understood it; the same has been affirm'd of some of his domesticks. He was one of the sworn Printers of the uni|versity of Paris, as appears by the inscriptions to his epistles didicatory 1 2.69, as well as by the order which he receiv'd from the rector of it (by virtue of his oath of obedience and fidelity to it) to print the censure made by that body against Luther's doctrines.

BEFORE I conclude this article of that noble Printer, it will be ne|cessary to give the reader a caution, which he gives us in the title of his Calepin corrected, augmented, and printed by him in 1516, that some vile Printers had put his name to several editions never publish'd by him; for which reason he desires the reader to see that his mark be to them, least they be deceiv'd by those impostors. It seems these plagiaries were more modest than some Italians and others, who scrupled not to coun|terfeit both the name and mark of his contemporary Aldus.

THO' we have but one impression of his extant done at Lyons, which city he left about the close of the century, to which we have confin'd the lists of impressions; yet I hope the reader will excule our trans|gressing those limits in the account of his life and excellent character, as we have done in that of other eminent Printers, who have out-liv'd that epocha any considerable time. The edition spoken of is as follows;

GULIELMI OCKAM opera, fol. per Jodoc. Badium Ascensiunt Lug|dun. 1495.

As Badius is the last considerable Printer that made his entrance into the province of printing within this century, and of all the other cities and places which have receiv'd that art before the close of it, a small number excepted; we shall abridge the remainder of this history, and content our selves with giving our readers only their names, and

number of their works, that we may have the more room to open the scene of the last promis'd twenty years, viz. from 1500 to 1520, in the two last chapters of this II. Book.

THE rest of the Primers of the city of Lyons are as follow;

20. JOHN de Wingle of Picardy, 5 edit. from 1496 to 1499.

21. CLAUDIUS GIBOLET, 1 edit. 1498.

22. NIOHOLAS WOLF, 2 edit. from 1498, to 1499.

23. JOHN DYAMANTIER, 1 edit. 1500.

24. JOHN BACHELIER, 1 edit. 1500.

25. GASPARD ORT, 1 edit. 1500.

and 26. PETER SCHENCK, 1 edit. 1500.

27. CLAUDIUS de Huschia, a Latin bible with outs without date, with above twenty more without Printers names.

Article III. The Cities of GENEVA, BRUSSELS, COS|CENCE and PAVIA, 1478.

I SHALL not trouble the reader with a needless description of those cities, their productions in the Art of Printing being so inconsiderable, as barely to deserve a place here, especially the three first.

§. 1. GENEVA produc'd four editions, from 1478 to 1498, with|out printers names.

§. 2. BRUSSELS, two edit. from 1478, to 1480, without printers names.

§. 3. COSCENSA, two editions, the first by Octavian Salamonio de Mani|fredonia, 1478, the other without the printer's name, of the same date as the former.

§. 4. PAVIA, in Latin Papia, a noble city and university of Lom|bardy, receiv'd the Art of Printing about the same time with the three foregoing, according to the date of her first known edition, and her pro|ductions were somewhat more considerable than theirs. Her first Printer was,

FRANCIS de S. Petro, of whom we have but one edition, dated 1478.

2. ANTONY de Carcano, 3 edit. 2 dated 1478, the last 1494.

3. ANDREAS BONETI, 1 edit. 1486.

4. CHRISTOPHER de Canibus, 1 edit. 1488.

5. JOHN ANTONY BIRRETTI 3 edit. all 1489.

6. FRANCIS de Gyrardengo 3 edit. all 1489.

7. GABRIEL de Crassi, 1 edit. 1490.

8. BERNARD de Rovelli, brothers, 1 edit. 1493.

9. AMBROSE de Rovelli, brothers, 1 edit. 1493.

10. LEONARD GEROTA, 1 edit. 1497.

WITH about 10 more without Printers names.

Article IV. GOUDE and ZWOL, 1479. CAEN, CEULEN, CENZANO and QUILEMBOURG, 1480.

§. 1. GOUDE in Holland, between Hague and Utrecht, where Gerard de Leen, or de Lene, printed from anno 1479 to 1480, after which he remov'd to Antwerp, and printed there till 1491, as shall be shewn in its place. We have but six editions of his printed at Goude, the first is a dutch bible, fol. 1479, the last is dated 1484.

§. 2. ZWOL, a City in Lower Germany, between the rivers Isel and Vider. We find 5 editions printed here from 1479 to 1499, all with|out printers names.

§. 3. CAEN, in Latin Cadomum, an episcopal city and university, and the capital of Normandy, had two sworn booksellers, viz. Peter Regnault, and Richard Mace; but whether many Printers, or whether they had their books from some other place, we find but two editions printed here, viz. Horatii Epistolae, 1480, and Alberti Magni Compend. Theologic. Veri|tat. 1500.

§. 4. CEULEN. Our annalists are at a loss where to find this place, I imagine it to be the city of Cologn, which the Printer might not know how to spell right, neither do the Germans write it much unlike it. We find but one impression in Low Dutch, it is call'd Splegel der Sassen met de Glossen daarop, fol. 1480.

§. 5. QUILEMBOURO, in Holland, where the same Dutch edition was printed in the same year, and no other as I can find.

§. 6. GENZANO, Corn. Beughen in his Incunab. Typogr. mentions an edition of Joannes Annius de futuris triumphis contra Saracenos, fol. and dates it from Gentiae, 1480; de la Caille mentions the same edition of the same year, and dates it from Genzano. Father Orlandi is not sure that Gentiae and Genzano are the same place, but if it is, he tells us, that it

is a place in the Roman territories, more famous for an excellent wine in great request at Rome, than for this obscure edition which is the only one we have printed there. The same author mentions also a single edition, viz. Laurent. Gilelmi de Saona Rhetorica, printed at Villa S. Al|bani, 1480, but whether it be our St. Albans in England, which had the art much sooner, or any other town of that name, beyond sea, of which there are a great many in almost every province, is not easy nor of great moment to determine.

Article VI. LIGNITZ, HASSELET, REGGIO, and MONT-ROYAL, 1481.

§. 1. LIGNITZ in Silesia, in which was printed the following book, Fr. Hermani dialogus; Lignis, without the Printer's name, 1481.

§. 2. AT Hasselet, a place unknown, was printed Recollectorium ex gestis Romanormm, fol. Hasseleti, Orl. 1481.

§. 3. REGIO, a city in Lombardy, belonging to the Marquiss of Este, rich, ancient and populous, had the Art of Printing from

1. PROSPER ODOARD, and 2. ALBERT MAZALI, 1471.

OF whom we have 3 edit. The two first 1481, the last 1487.

3 BARTHOLOMEW BOTTONUS, alias Bruschi of Reggio, 1 edit. 1482.

4. DIONYS BERTOCH, who wrought first at Treviso, next at Ve|nice, then at Modena, settled at last at Reggio, where we find 4 edit. of his from 1496 to 1498.

5. FRANCIS MAZALA, of Reggio, 3 edit. from 1498, to 1499.

§. 4. MONT-ROYAL, in Latin Mons Regalis, in the Kingdom of Sicily, and near the city of Palermo, where Dominic de Nivaldis and his sons printed an edition of Aesop's Fables in Latin verse, fol. 1481.

§. 5. AT Wartsburg, in Latin Herbipolis, was printed Missale in usum Ecclesia Herbipolensis, impress Herbipoli, fol. 1481.

This book the earl of Pembroke told me he saw at Oxford; it has a Latin privilege at the end, impowering Mr. Isorius Ryfer to print those Missals, and to adorn them with rubricks. We have already taken notice, that this book had been set down in the list of Archbishop Laud's books for a MS. which is the reason it has not been mention'd by any of our annalists.

Article VII. The Cities of PISA, AQUILA, ERFORD and LANGRES, 1482.

§. 1. PISA is an antient, rich and populous city of Tuscany, where the Art of Printing got but small footing and encouragement. It is ve|ry likely that the wars which rag'd in several parts of Italy, from the time of the art's being brought to it, might be a great cause of the small progress it made in this, as well as many other, otherwise, considerable cities of Italy. We find but 4 editions printed here, the three first dated 1482, 1484 and 1489, are without Printers names. The only one that has, is Antonii Parnormit. libri IV. dictorum factorum, &c. fol. by Gre|gory de Gente. Pisis 1485.

§. 2. AT Aquila, an episcopal city in the territory of Abruso, distant about sixty miles from Rome, was printed an Italian version of Plutarch's lives, by Adam de Rotwill, a German, who stiles himself Stampatore ex|cellente. Aquilae 1482.

ORLANDI tells us pag. 196, that Mr. Robert Frebairn, (now the king's Printer in Scotland, and a particular friend of mine) shew'd him among some of his curious annotations upon editions which he had seen, the first part of the aforesaid lives printed at Aquila, ann. 1472; but said, he never could see the second part which was afterwards added to the first. The credit of this entirely depends upon that gentleman's ob|servation; but our author says, that he never saw any other part but this which we have given, nor heard of it from any but him.

§. 3. AT Erford, a large city in Germany, erected into an university ann. 1391, and subject to the elector of Mentz, was printed Lutreus de anima. Erford 1482.

§. 4. AT Langres, an episcopal city in Burgundy, the people of which were call'd Lingones by Lucan, Claudian, &c. and still reta in that name; we find the following edition, viz.

Jo. de Turre-cremeta ord. praed. card. expositio super psalterium. Impress per Johan. Fabri Lingonensem, 1482.

IT hath no place's name; only la Caille, and after him Orlandi have suppos'd it, from the Printer's appellative, to have been printed at Lan|gres. However the reader may find the same Printer at Turin, from anno

1474 to 1477, and at Lyons from 1478 to 1485. Orlandi dates the same edition from Turin, by the same Printer, where I think it more pro|perly belongs.

Article VIII. GAUNT and MEMINING, 1483.

§. 1. GAUNT, in Latin Gandavum, is too well known by most readers to need a description. Here were printed the two following editions with|out the Printers names.

• 1. GUILLELMUS Parisiensis de rhetoricâ divinâ, 4to. Gandavi. Orl. 1483.
• 2. BOETII de consolatione Philosophiae, lib. 5. cum S. Thom. Aquin. comment. fol. ibid.

§. 2. AT Memining, a City in Swabia, between Ulms and Ausburgh, we find six editions printed from ann. 1483 to 1494, all without Printers names.

CHAP. XII. The rest of the Cities and Places, which began to print before the year 1500, with an Account of the Books printed there.

Article 1. The Town of SONCINO, 1484.

SONCINO is a town or castle in the duchy of Milan, between Brescia and Cremona, and famous for being the place in which the first Hebrew books were printed. The Christians had hitherto esteem'd such a design too expensive and impracticable; it being scarce possible to find artists in those early days, who could cut punches exactly enough in that difficult and unpractis'd character. Another difficulty, which seem'd to them almost unsurmountable was, that to cast the letters with the points and accents, would multiply the cases to an excessive degree; and to print without points, accents, &c. would have infallibly prevented the sale of their books, because few at that time, except the Jews, could

read without them; and to cast the points and accents by themselves, and interline them as now, seem'd then perhaps wholly impractica|ble. We have seen under the article of Aldus Manucius, that he procur'd a fone of Hebrew types; but tho' the Jews had already printed at Soncino and elsewhere for above twelve or fifteen years, which might have given him an insight into their method of printing in that language, yet he found it so difficult, that he made but little use of them; and I can find nothing done by him in that kind, but an Hebrew alpha|bet, which Chevilier tells us is preserv'd in the Sorbon library. The Jews therefore, as they were the fittest for such a province, were the first who set about it. What encouragement they might receive from the Chri|stians in such an undertaking, I cannot affirm; yet it is probable they might in a great measure depend upon that; and without leave from the Pope and the Dukes of Milan they dar'd not have attempted it. Soon after the Jews had propagated this art into several cities of Italy, such as Brescia, Bologna, Rimini, Fano, Pesaro, and even as far as Constantinople and Salonica, in all which places they inscrib'd their editions as done by some of the family of Soncino; the Christians who now began to print in Hebrew in most cities of Europe, in Italy, at Venice, Cremona, Mantua, Verona, Ferrara, Leghorn, Padua, Naples, &c. in England, London and Oxford; in Germany, Basil, Frankford, Cologn, &c. in France, Paris, Lyons, &c. with some cities of Spain, Holland, Poland, &c. set up some ingenious artists, who engag'd in that province; tho' it must be own'd that the editions of the Jews were far preferable to those for beauty and correctness. However there were few impressions of this kind printed any where, but by these Jews of the Sontino family, 'till after the year 1500. Mr. Mattaire Ann. Typog. vol. 1. p. 152. makes a curious obser|vation after father le Long, which is, that in all the books that he had seen printed in this tongue before that year, as often as the name of God oc|curs in the text, they made use of the letter Daleth instead of He. Thus for instance they printed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for which no reason can be assign'd.

I MUST not omit giving the reader an account, which we meet with in Buxtorf the father, of a book, that he tells us was in the possession of Joseph Scaliger, of a much older date than those of Soncino. It was an

Hebrew grammar intitled Mahala Scevile Haddas, written by R. Moses Kimchi, which Buxtorf says had been printed in Sicily 152 years ago; Habuit Josephus Scaliger impressum in Siciliâ ante annos 152. (These words Buxtorf the son did not alter, when he reprinted his father's book at Ba|sil, anno 1640 in 8vo.) This, if it be true, will oblige us to seek much higher for the origin of Hebrew-printing, than the year 1484; which is the time wherein Rabbi Gedaliah, and after him the learned Bartolocci have affirm'd it to have begun; for if we substract 152 years from 1613 in which Buxtorf wrote, it will bring us to the year 1461. Chevilier p. 267 tells us, that he saw a third edition of this grammar, printed at Ortona in the kingdom of Naples, in the second year of Charles king of Sicily and Jerusalem, i. e. anno 1496, which shews that there must have been two editions of it before; and Cornelius a Beughen in his Incunab. Typog. p. 126 mentions an old Hebrew edition printed at Bologna, anno 1471, with this title, R. Obadia Sephorno lux populorum. Liber Hebraicus sic dictus, Bono|niae 1471. But as he doth not tell us in what library he met with it, and as we have not a sufficient certainty of the truth of the dates of this and the other book mention'd by Buxtorf; I can see no reason for depart|ing from the epoch of our latest annalists, to assign a new one upon un|certain grounds.

THE first Jew who oblig'd the world with Hebrew impressions, was

MOSES the Son of RABBI ISRAEL NATHAN, 1484.

A NATIVE of Spire in Germany, whose family multiply'd so much, and receiv'd such encouragement in this undertaking, that they spread them|selves over several parts of Italy, and printed many noble editions with vast success and applause. Among these a son of this Moses nam'd Rabbi Ger|son, after he had printed several works at Brescia, of which we have given an account, went and set up a Press at Constantinople, some time be|fore the close of this century, and continued printing there till ann. 1530. Some of his sons remov'd to Salonica, and other cities of the Ottoman empire, where they met with the same success. But as their works, at least as far as we know of them, were done after the year 1500,

I shall not give the reader a list of them, but confine myself to those printed in Italy before that time. The editions at Soncino are as follows.

1. MINCHAH Happenini 4 to. Soncini, anno mundi 5244. which answers to our 1484.

2. BECHINAL Olam. (Hebr.) ibid. 1485.

3. PROPHETAE priores. (Hebr. absque punctis) cum Com. R. David Kimchi. fol. ibid. 1486.

4. IKKARIM. per R. Joseph Albo. ibid. 1486.

5. BIBLIA Hebraica cum punctis per Abraham fil. Rabb. Hhajim. fol. ibid. 1488.

6. BERACHOTH and Beitzah. ibid. 1489.

7. JAD HHASAKAH RAMBAM. 2 fol. 1490.

Article II. LEIPSICK. 1484.

LEIPSICK, in Latin Lipsia, the Capital of Saxony, and founded into an university in 1404 by Frederic. 1. elector of that name, receiv'd the Art of Printing in 1484; and tho' it produ'd but few impressions before the year 1500, and yet it is become one of the most famous cities in Germany for the numbers of books printed there. The first Printer who settled there was,

1. MARK BRANDT,

OF whom we have only the following edition, viz.

ALBICII Archiepiscopi Pragensis praxis medendi. 4to. per Marcum Brandt. Lipsiae. 1484. * 2.70

* 2.71

2. GREGORY BOETICHER, 1 edit. 1493.

3. WOLFGANG MOLITOR de Monaco, 2 edit from 1495, to 1496.

4. JAMES THANNER, 2 edit. from 1498, to 1499. WITH about twenty more without Printers names.

5. ANDREW Faisner, a learned man, of whom we have given a full account under the article of Nuremberg, where he follow'd the Business of printing and correcting till the year 1478, after which he remov'd to Leipsick, and became Rector magnificus of that university. The on|ly book we find printed by him here is the Historia Longobardica, but our German author not having given us the date of it, no proper rank could be assign'd to it in this list.

Article III. VIENNA and URBINO, 1484.

§. 1. VIENNA (not the capital of Austria, as Orlandi thought) but a city in Dauphiny had two Printers, viz.

1. PETER Schenk of whom we have only the following edition, l'Abuse de Cour, fol. par Pierre Schenk.

2. CONRARD Celtis, 1 edit. 1500.

§. 2. AT Urbino a city in Italy famous for being the native place of that excellent painter Raphael Sancius; sirnam'd from it Urbin, was printed the following book without the Printer's name.

PAULI Middleburgensis Episcopi Semproniensis Practica de pravis con|stellationibus, ad Maximilianum Caesarem, Urbini, 1484.

Article IV. ANTWERP, HEIDELBERGH, CREMO|NA and HARLEM. 1485.

§. 1. ANTWERP, a large, rich and populous city in Flanders, did not much signalize itself in the art of printing in this 15th. century, but made ample amends for it in the two following, having produc'd some of the finest and largest editions of any place in the world, and by the number of its Printers, among whom were the famous Bellers, Raphelengius, Plantin, Morellus, Gumelers, Mevosius, Verdufen, and

many more, all too well known to the learned, to need a digression here in their praise. The first known Printer here was

1. GERARD LEU or de LEEU. 1485.

WHO printed first at Goude in 1480, whence he came to Antwerp: we have but four editions of his extant, from 1485 to 1491.

2. ADRIAN de Liesvelt, 1 edit. 1495.

3. NICOLAS Kesler of Basil, where he wrought from 1486 to 1494, betwixt which times we find a Latin bible, fol. printed by him, in 1487.

WITH a few more without Printers names.

§ 2. HEIDELBERGH is a city and university in the lower Palatinat, and seat of the elector Palatine, where we find 5 edit. from 1485 to 1489, all without Printers names.

§ 3. CREMONA is a city and university in Lombardy, famous for the best violins, &c. the following edition was printed here in 1485.

HERMOLAI Barbari Castigatio in Plinii Nat. Hist. without the Printers name. Tho' this is all our annalists mention, yet a learned gen|tleman assures me he has seen two editions more printed here, one was Fracastorius and the other Vida.

THE only Printers of this city as yet known are the two following, viz.

1. BERNARDINE de Misenti of Pavia, 1 edit. 1492.

and 2. CAESAR de Parma. 1 edit. 1492.

WE have seen Misenti under the article of Brescia, ann. 1495.

§ 4. HARLEM a city in Holland, sufficiently known to those who have read the first part of this history, for the great controversy started in favour of it, and for the number of her champions, who have endea|vour'd to deck her COSTER's tomb with the trophies of this noble art, has produc'd so small a number of works during this 15th cen|tury, if we allow it the Donatus, Speculum, &c. done upon wooden blocks so much boasted of by the Dutch Writers (tho' their title even to these has been shewn to be as precarious as that of Mentz;) that the reader no doubt will be surpriz'd, that we have not been able to find but one book printed there before 1500, viz.

DE Proprietatibus Rerum libri xviii Opus Theologicum & Philosophicum, fol. 1485.

Article V. ABBEVILLE and TOLEDO, 1486.

§ 1. ABBEVILLE a city in Picardy, had two famous Printers and Booksellers settled there for a small space, viz. John du Pré and Peter Gerard of whom we have but one edition printed here; after which they remov'd to Paris as has been said.

S. Augustin de la Cité de Dieu, fol. par Jean du Pré & Pierre Gerard xxviii Novem. 1486.

§ 2. TOLEDO, in Latin Toletum, an archiepiscopal city of Aragon in Spain printed

PETRI Ximenes Confutatorium errorum contra Claves ecclesiae, nuper edi|torum Toleti, without the Printers name, 1486.

PETER Hugembach reprinted by order of Cardinal Ximenes.

MISSALE mixtum secundum Regulam Beati Isidori, dictum.

MOZARABES fol. 1500.

TWO years after he was order'd by the same Cardinal to print the breviary of the same St Isidorus.

THESE two Books are reckon'd very scarce and valuable, espe|cially by those of the Church of Rome.

§ 3. RIMINO, in Latin Ariminum, a city in Romania, had a Printer of the Jewish family of Soncino, before mentioned, who printed

R. Joseph Albo Philosophi, Arbor plantata, in Hebrew 4to. 1486.

THIS book contains the fundamentals of the Jewish religion, and is levelled against the Christians.

§ 4. AT Munster, in Latin Monasterium, an episcopal city, we meet with the following editions printed by John Limburgh.

RODOLPHI Langii nobilis Westphali & Monasteriensis Canonici Car|mina, 1486.

§ 5. AT Messina, a famous city of Sicily, we find two books printed, one without Printers name, viz.

HISTORIA praeliorum Alexandri Magni Ducis Maced. fol. 1486.

THE other is printed by

WILLIAM Schonberger of Frankford, and is dated, 1498.

Article VI. 1. MODENA, 2. BOISLEDUC, 1487, 3. EYCHSTADT, 4. TUBINGEN, 5. ROCCEN, 6. GAETA, and 7. THOLOUSE, 1488.

§ 1. MODENA, in Latin Mutina, is an ancient city in Italy, now under the dominion of the house of Este Duke of Parma and Modena. The first Printer we find here was

1. DOMINIC Rocociola of whom we have seven editions from 1487 1498.

2. DIONYS Bertoch, whom we have seen already under the arti|cles of Venice, Treviso and Reggio, and under several names, did at length conclude the century at Modena. We have two editions left of him from 1499 to 1500.

§. 2. AT Boisleduc, in Latin Boscum-Ducis, a strong city in Brabant was printed one edition, viz.

PRAECEPTA XX. Elegantiarum grammaticarum, 4 to. 1487.

§. 3. AT Eychstat in Upper Bavaria, in Latin Eisteta, was printed Obsequiale sive Benedictionale Eistetense per Michaelem Keiser, 1488.

§. 4. TUBINGEN a city in the duchy of Wirtemberg, and made an university in 1477. had a Printer nam'd.

FREDERIC Meynberger, who printed two editions of Gabriel Biel's expositio Canonis Missae, from 1488 to 1489. The last of which was revis'd by Vendelin Stembach, and is much more correct than the first, but has neither Printer nor places name.

§. 5. ROUEN in Latin Rothomagum, is an archiepiscopal see, and the capital of Normandy, whose first Printer was,

1. JOHN le Bourgois of whom we have 2 edit. from 1488 to 1498.

2. MARTIN Morin, 3 edit. from 1494 to 1500.

3. PETER Regnault, Printer and bookseller, whom we have seen in the article of Caen, 1 edit. 1500.

At this place was printed a book, on the subject of grammar, for Martin Coestin dwelling at Exeter, and the only one I ever met with, which is in the Earl of Pembroke's library.

§. 6. AT Gaeta an ancient city in that part of Italy, call'd Latium, was printed by,

MASTER Justus, 1 edit. viz.

DIALOGO de S. Gregorio Papa, fol. 1488.

§. 7. THOLOUSE is the capital city of Gascony, in which we read of John James Colomiez with some more of his own family exercising the Art of Printing before and after the year 1500, but can meet with only one edition before the close of the century, viz. Thomae de Valois in D. Augustini de Civitate Dei Commentarii, Tholouse 1488, without Printer's name.

Article VII. The Cities of SIENA and HAGENAW, 1489.

§. 1. SIENA, an ancient city and university in Tuscany, had an emi|nent Printer nam'd Sigismund Rot, of whom we have two editions still ex|tant, one without date, viz. L. Florus de gestis Romanorum, and Cicero's Clausulae Epistol. 1489; but whether he was the same with that Sigismund, who sirnam'd himself de Libris, and for whom Dominic de Lapis printed several books at Bologna anno 1476, or some other, is not easy to de|termine: these two are all the books which I could find printed at Siena before the close of the century.

§. 2. AT Hagenaw, a city in Alsatia in upper Germany, but now un|der the French king, we find the following edition dated 1489, but with|out Printer's name, viz.

JOH. de Garlandia Cornutus, sive Disticha Exametra Moralia cum inter|pretatione. Hagenoae.

THE two following Printers, Joh. Ryman and Henry Gran, did like|wise print in this city: we have two editions of theirs, one dated 1497, and the other 1500.

WE find likewise some other works done here without Printer's names from 1493 to 1500.

Article VIII. The Cities of LISBON and SEVIL, 1491.

§. 1. LISBON, in Latin Ulyssipo, the metropolis of the kingdom of Portugal, did not signalize itself by any productions in this kind, if we except the two following ones, which being both in Hebrew, might be done by some of the family of Soncino, mention'd before. They are as follows,

PENTATEUCHE Hebraia cum Paraphras. Chald. & punctis, fol. Ulissipone, 1491.

ISAIAE & Hieremiae lib. cum Comment. Rabbi David Kimchi, Hebraicé, fol. Ulyssipone, 1497.

2. SEVIL, in Latin Hispalis and Sevilia, is an ancient archiepiscopal city and university in Spain, in which we find

PAUL de Colonia, Joh. Pegniczer de Nuremberg, le Grand and Thomas, flourishing anno 1491; in which they printed the two following works, after which we hear no more of them.

ALPHONS. Test. Episc. Abulensis opera, fol. Hispali.

FLORETUM S. Matthaei collectum a R. Praesule Cauriens. Petro Praxano in sacr. Scriptura Professore Siciliae, both 1491.

BESIDES these we meet with three other works printed by

MEYNARD UNGUT German, and STANISLAUS Polonese, Partners.

THEY are all three in Spanish, the first is dated 1494, and the other two 1495.

Article IX. DOLE and INGOLDSTAD, 1492.

§. 1. AT Dole, a city in low Britany, was printed the following book, HARNMUNDIENSIS Lectio declarativa de Epidemio morbo, 4to, per Johannem Hebertin, Dolae, 1492.

§. 2. AT Ingolstad, a city in Bavaria, was printed in the same year, Porphyrii Isagoge, fol. Ingolstadii 1492, without Printer's name.

Article X. LUNEBURGH, MAGDEBURGH, THES|SALONICA, FRIBURGH and ANGOULESME, 1493.

§. 1. JOHN LUCE printed at Luneburgh in lower Saxony, Tho. a Kemp. de Imitat. Christi, 8vo, per Jo. Luce, 1493.

§. 2. AT Magdeburgh in lower Saxony was printed Vincentii—Or|din. praed. anno Christi 1455, canonizati contemplatio de Homine interiore, without Printer's name, Magdeburgi 1493.

§. 3. AT Thessalonica, an archiepiscopal city in Macedonia, we find the following edition in Hebrew by one of the family of Soncino, as is suppos'd, tho' there is no Printer's name to it.

R. ISAAC ABARBANEI, seu ut alii, Abravanel celebris Judaei, & magnae aestimationis, qui obiit A. M. 5269, Commentarius in Prophetas prio|res, videlicet Jesuae, Judicum, Samuelis I & II. Regum I & II. Haebraicé, fol. Thessalonicae, 1493.

§. 4. AT Friburg in upper Germany, we find three editions printed by one Kilian, from 1493 to 1499.

§. 5. AT Angoulesme in France was printed the following work, viz. GRAECISMUS Angolismi. without Printer's name.

Article XI. LYRIA, MADRID and BARCELONA, 1494.

§. 1. LYRIA is a castle in the kingdom of Valentia in Spain, where the following Hebrew work was printed by some of the Soncino family, viz.

PROPHETAE priores cum Com. R. David Kimchi, fol. Leiriae, 1494, with|out Printer's name.

§. 2. AT Madrid the capital of Spain was printed Concilium Illiberita|num, fol. Madrid 1494.

§. 3. AND at Barcelona, the capital of Catalonia, we find three editi|ons from 1494 to 1500, without Printer's names.

Article XII. GRENADA, MONTFERRAT, MIRAN|DULA and PAMPELUNA, 1496.

WE have but one edition of each of th••se four places; the three first are inconsiderable, and without Printer's names: the last is print••d by William de Brocario.

Article XIII. AVIGNON, LEYDEN and PROVINS, &c. 1497.

1. AT Avignon, a city in the southern part of France, subject to the pope, we meet with a Printer nam'd Nicolas Lepe, a native of that city; we have but one edition of his before the close of the century, viz. anno 1497.

2. AT Leyden in Holland, one edition in low Dutch.

3. AT Provins (not a province so call'd in the south part of France, as Orlandi and others have mistook it) but a town in the county of Brie in the same kingdom; we have one small edition printed by one William Tavernier, 1497.

4. AT Bergamo, we find one edition dated, anno 1498; and

5. AT Bemberg two, anno 1499; the former is without the Printer's name, the last by John Pfeil.

I MUST not omit acquainting the reader that there are still above twenty editions, which being without dates, places, or Printers names, were not reducible to our former lists, tho' they are suppos'd to have been printed before the close of the 15th century. The reader may find them at the end of Mr. Mattaire's annals, vol. 1. with such remarks as that diligent author could make upon them.

I SHALL conclude this chapter with this observation, that the Art of cutting upon wooden blocks having past from the Printers to the en|gravers of cuts, they began to intersperse them among their works; so that we find many histories, both sacred and profane, adorn'd with wooden cuts, which, tho' already mention'd in the lists of impressions under every city, yet we shall subjoyn here altogether, at least the most con|siderable of them.

1. THE Speculum, or mirrour of our salvation in Latin, and another in low Dutch.

2. THE Speculum morientium, or mirrour of a dying person.

3. THE history of St. John's Apocalypse.

ALL these are challeng'd by the Dutch writers in favour of Harlem.

4. MEDITATIONES in figuras, quas Romae in templo S. Mariae supra Minervam pingere.

5. CURAVIT Jo. de Turre cremata, Romae, anno 1467 and 1473, fol.

6. FASCICULUS temporum, printed at Louvain, 1474, and afterwards both here and elsewhere, fol.

7. VALTURIUS de re militari, at Verona, 1472.

8. PASSIONALE van Jesu und. Mariae Leben. at Strasburgh, 1477; Geneva, 1490.

9. AESOPI fabulae, fol. at Naples, 1481, and elsewhere afterwards.

10. DIALOGUS creaturarum, in low Dutch, at Goude, 1482.

11. THE Bible, in high Dutch, fol. at Nurembergh, 1483.

12. LA mer des histoires, 1 vol. with 286 cuts, at Paris, 1485.

13. LE proces de Belial, &c. translated out of Latin into French, 4to, at Lyons, 1485, 1490.

14. ALBAMASAR Arab. astrolog. flores astrologiae, at Ausburgh, 1489, and elsewhere.

15. SEBASTIAN BRANT's navis stultifera, at Basil, 1491, 1496, and 1497.

16. HORTUS sanitatis, at Mentz, 1491.

17. REVELATIONES S. Brigittae, fol. at Lubeck, 1492, and elsewhere.

18. TERENTIUS, 4to, at Lyons, 1493; Strasburgh, 1496.

19. OPUS libri chronicon. fol. at Ausburgh, 1497.

20. GUIL. COURSIN's siege of Rhodes in Latin, at Ulms, 1497.

21. POLIPHILI Hypnerolomachia, fol. at Venice, 1499, and elsewhere.

IT must be own'd, that the design and performance of these, and many more of that sort, were very rude and uncouth, as all must acknow|ledge, who have seen them; which is rather owing to the covetousness of the booksellers, who chose to employ the cheapest hands, than to any want of excellent artists in that kind. For soon after the very infancy of Printing we meet with a great number of these engravers, whose per|formances were vastly superior to the best of those in the foregoing list. Of this number were Andreas Martegna in Mantua, Maso Finiguerra in Florence, Bon Martin in Germany, Michael Volgemut and Albert Durer at Nurembergh, Israel Van-Mecheln at Mentz, Hans Schauflich at Nordeling, and many more; some of whom, tho' they were excell'd by their successors in the following century, yet were all excellent masters, and whose

names and works will be still valu'd by all skilled in that Art. Engra|ving upon wood became afterwards no small ornament to the Art of Printing, not only for the fine cuts with which the editions were inter|spers'd, but likewise for the front, head and tail-pieces, initial letters, &c. which in time became in great vogue. It prov'd also of great use in books of architecture, geometry, prospective, and others, which re|quire a considerable number of demonstrations, figures, &c. in all which cases the wooden ones are much more expeditious, being contriv'd of the same height with the letters, and so impos'd, lock'd up and printed with them at once; whereas the copper ones must be printed off by themselves, and with a different press, which makes this method more tedious and ex|pensive.

CHAP. XIII. Of some eminent Printers from anno 1500 to 1520; their Improvements to the Art; and their En|couragement from the Great and Learned; with a Catalogue of their most considerable Impressions in the Oriental Tongues, &c.

I HAVE, in the introduction to this second book, given the reader my reasons for extending this history so far beyond the year 1500; and I presume that he is now fully satisfied that it would have been im|perfect, if I had stopt there; since the far greatest part of those Printers, who signaliz'd themselves, either for their learning or their industry, in im|proving every branch of Printing, appear'd not till the close of that cen|tury, or the beginning of the next; and consequently, he must have known little of those persons, to whom the world is particularly oblig'd for the vast improvements to this Art. Upon this account I have con|tinued, in the preceeding chapters, the history of several famous Prin|ters to the end of their lives, tho' some of them surviv'd even this epocha many years. But we omitted to give a list of their works beyond 1500,

because that would have swell'd this volume exorbitantly, and those im|pressions are less scarce than those of the former century. We shall add nothing therefore to their history, but proceed to do justice to the me|rit of those, who tho' they enter'd not this province, till after the be|ginning of the 16th century, yet may be justly esteem'd contemporaries with the former.

'TIS not however to be expected that we should prosecute the same method, as in the former chapters, by shewing the progress of the Art thro' every city, much less by giving an account of every particular Printer, and the number of their impressions; since such an history, how succinct soever, would be too large for a single chapter. Our design is therefore only to mention the most considerable Printers, and to point out the great improvements which each of them made to this Art, the encouragement they met with, and the noble impressions in all languages, particularly the Hebrew, Chaldee, Arabic, &c. (the first of which had been justly essay'd, before 1500, but the other scarce attempted) with an account of the undertakers and assistants in that difficult province. For as to the beauty of the characters, whether Roman or Greek, they were brought to such a degree of perfection in the preceeding century by the Italians and French, as hardly admitted of much additional beauty.

TO proceed in order, we should begin with the Germans, to whom we owe the Art; tho' the Italians were the authors of those improvements, which the former were too indolent in imitating; for the oriental tongues, and even the Greek, which the Italians had made a very considerable pro|gress in, was still much neglected by them; so that except Amerbach and Froben at Basil in Switzerland (which can scarce be call'd a part of Ger|many) who printed an Hebrew psalter, and Erasmus's Greek testament with his Latin version of it, anno 1586, we meet with but three eminent persons, who attempted to print in the Eastern languages. The first is John Schott of Strasburgh, anno 1515, who printed Lucian's dialogues of the gods in Greek with the Latin version of Othomar Nachtgall, with the title page in red, and some ornaments on the margin of the Greek text, and an errata at the end. By the compliments which the translator makes him in the preface, he seems to have been a very good Printer. He printed for

George Maxill about five years before. His rebus or mark is in the table at the end of this book. The second is Eucharius Cervicorn (i. e. Harts|horn) at Cologn, who printed some Greek editions, the first, anno 1517, is the Hours of the blessed Virgin Mary, the seven penitential Psalms, and some litanies and prayers in Greek, with one or two more after. His types are tolerable, but the edition somewhat faulty. The third is John Potken of the same city, who publish'd there a psalter in Hebrew, Greek, Latin and Aethiopic, anno 1518, 4to. This person travell'd into India, Aethiopia, Aegypt, &c. in order to become master of the Chaldiac or Aethiopic, and translated the psalter into that language, and publish'd it with the other versions. He promis'd in his preface to perform some|thing likewise in the Arabick, if he should meet with sufficient encourage|ment; but I do not find that he executed this. As for the Printer of this psalter, his name is no where to be found in the book.

THIS is all I know of, that has been attempted by the Germans in that kind; tho' to do them justice in another respect, they were industrious in printing Latin works that were very voluminous; particularly the De|cretum Gratiani, printed by Henry Eggestein, at Strasburgh, which exceeds all that have been since printed for bulk; and Vincentii Speculum, by John Mentel, in ten large volumes, fol. In the following century they have been no less diligent, and publish'd a very considerable number of im|pressions.

ITALY follows in course; where, tho' great numbers of editions of the antient Greek and Latin writers, as well as of the modern, were publish'd; yet the Hebrew, Arabic, &c. seem'd almost wholly neglected. 'Tis true, that there had been, as we observ'd, two Hebrew editions at Lisbon in Portugal, one anno 1491, and the other anno 1497; and that the Jews of Soncino had printed several Hebrew volumes there from 1485, to the close of the century; and, having dispers'd themselves into other cities of Italy, continued printing their own books in that language. But with respect to the Christians, no direct attempts were made that way, 'till Daniel Bombergh, an Antwerpian, set up a Printing-house for Hebrew at Venice. His first work was the Hebrew bible, anno 1511, 4to, reprinted by him several times, and particularly anno 1518; in which year he likewise

printed his Bibliae Hebraea Rabinica in fol. containing the Hebrew text of the bible, the Masora and Targums of Onkelos, Jerusalem, and Jonathan, R. Joseph, sirnam'd the Blind, and other Rabbi's comments, &c. which he dedicated to Leo X. But tho' Bombergh took a great deal of pains in this impression, and was himself a good master of the Hebrew, which he had learn'd of Foelix Pratensis, a learned Italian, who persuaded him to undertake this edition, and assisted in correcting it; yet the Jews set no value upon it; but Rabbi Chajin prevail'd on him to print another in 4 vol. in fol. which he did anno 1525; and which was reprinted anno 1548. 'Tis not my business to enquire into the merit of those editions; yet I cannot but observe, after several great criticks, that the Jews have always succeeded better in works of this kind than the Christians, as being more us'd to the niceties of the tongue, especially in its points and accents. Bom|bergh continued printing in Hebrew near forty years; and all his works were highly esteem'd on account of the beauty of the character and impression, their correctness, the fineness of the paper, and the num|ber that he printed, which Jos. Scaliger tells us amounted to above four millions of crowns of gold. He made use of the most learned Jews for his correctors. His greatest work was the Talmud printed anno 1520 in xi vol. fol. F. Bartolocci observ'd, that after his death Hebrew-printing declin'd exceedingly.

THE next improvement of this Art was by printing Polyglot works; and herein the city of Genoa first oblig'd the world. Peter Paul Porrus, a native of Milan, but inhabitant of Turin, an eminent Printer, under|took to print the1 2.72 Pentaglot psalter of Augustin Justinian, bishop of Nebo, anno 1516, in the house of Nicholas Justinian Paul, at Genoa. It was in Hebrew, Arabic, Chaldaic, and Greek, with the Latin versions, glosses and Scholia, which last made the 8th column, in fol.

SINCE I wrote this I have seen a fine copy of it upon vellum at my Lord Pembroke's, on which I shall venture to make the following obser|vations, viz.

THAT it is a compleat master-piece in that kind.

THE different disposition of the columns are very regular and neat, and kept up to their exact proportions, nor having one double line in the Latin versions, nor are any chasms or white lines seen throughout the work; so that I dare affirm that to this time I have never seen a work so well contriv'd, and so completely finish'd. The Hebrew is printed with all the points, both orthographical and musical, the Greek and Roman is very neat, but above all the Arabic (allowing for its antiquity) surpasses all I have ever seen of the kind; and, that nothing may be wanting to compleat the whole, the press-work and ink, both rubricks and black, excels any thing I have seen, except Durand's Rationale, printed by the inventor, Faust, in 1459, which book I have also seen in my Lord's library.

THE Arabic was the first that was ever printed, and this the first piece of the bible that ever appear'd in so many languages; for that of Potken at Cologn was not publish'd till two years after, and wanted the Arabic. The reader might reasonably imagine, that this work met with deserv'd encouragement; yet the reverse appears from the just complaints of the author. For F. le Long in his account of the po|lyglot bibles, p. 36, tells us,

'that he (Justinian) caus'd no less than 2000 copies to be printed off, presuming that such a work would not only procure him a vast reputation, but likewise prove very gainful to him; the profits of which he design'd to bestow upon some of his family who were then in want. He fancied that it would infallibly meet with a kind reception, and that all rich prelates and princes would think themselves oblig'd to encourage it, and reim|burse and inable him to proceed with the other parts of the bible.'

For this he promis'd in his preface to the psalter; and, about twenty years after, in his annals of the Republick of Genoa, he propos'd to add the whole old testament in all those languages to the new one, which was preserv'd there, done after the same manner; and this he would un|doubtedly have perform'd, had he not been unfortunately drown'd in his passage to the isle of Corsica the following year.

'But, continues Le Long, he (Justinian) was deceiv'd by his too great credulity;

every body applauded the work, but few proceeded further than that; scarce a fourth part of what he had printed was sold off.'

He says afterwards,

'that, this psalter being of no use to any except the learned, he found it impossible to reimburse himself the expence he had been at; because, besides the 2000 copies upon paper, he had about fifty printed upon vellum, which he presented to all the kings, whether Christians or Infidels.'

Vid. Matt. annal. Typ. Tom. II. par. 1. p. 121. sub not. C.

'TIS well that the author's disappointment did not discourage both him and others from attempting the like glorious performances: tho' we do not find any more works of that prelate in the oriental tongues, yet I have met with the following one printed at Paris, in 1516, which convinceth me, that he publish'd more of them, and in parti|cular that which is mention'd in it. It is entitl'd, Liber Job ad Hebraicam veritatem restitutus, duplici Latina versione, una vulgata, altera ex Hebreo Augustini Justiniani, 4to, i. e. the book of Job restor'd to the Hebrew text, with a double version of it, viz. the vulgate, and another from the Hebrew by Augustin Justinianus, 4to. But when and where Justinian printed the book of Job in Hebrew and Latin, I can no where find. As for Porrus, the Printer of the psalter above mention'd, tho' he was paid by the Bishop who employ'd him, yet 'tis probable he ventur'd no more upon that province; for we do not find that ever he printed any thing more in those languages, tho' he return'd to Turin, and printed for several years after. His mark or rebus was a leak with a P on each side, alluding to his name Peter Paul Porrus, as was the custom of that time to find some beast, bird, plant, &c. that had analogy to the person's sirname, in order to form a rebus; as appears from the table of them at the end of this book.

THE next considerable work is the bible of that great Mecaenas, Cardinal Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo, printed at Alcala de Herares in Spain, in Latin Complutum, from whence it is call'd the Complutentian bible. But before we leave Italy, I shall just mention some other printers, who, tho' they did not excel in this kind, yet oblig'd the world with many noble volumes in Latin and Greek. Of this number was Andreas Azulanus, father-in-law to the great Aldus of Venice, who

succeeded him in that Printing-house, and kept up the credit of it for several years. His acquaintance with the members of the learned as|sembly at Aldus's house, as well as with his other foreign correspondents, and his own extraordinary learning enabled him to print many noble editions, which it is not my design to give an account of here, since they may be seen in Mr. Mattaire's Annals, vol. II.

THE Junta's at Florence, a noble family of Printers, some of whom we have spoken of under the heads of Florence, Rome, Venice and Lyons, signaliz'd themselves in the preceeding and this century; parti|cularly those of Florence were famous for their beautiful and correct editions in Greek and Latin.

THE Lilly was their rebus, with this motto, Nil candidius, i. e. nothing is whiter; to which they sometimes added the initial Letters of their names, and sometimes printed them at length. There were two of them at Genoa, viz. Philip, who began to print in 1497, and continu'd till 1518, about which time he is suppos'd to have dy'd, and Bernard Junta, but whether a brother or kinsman to him I cannot determine. The for|mer having cause to suspect, that his works might be pirated, according to the custom of those times, obtain'd a patent from pope Leo X. of a ten years privilege for all the Greek and Latin editions, which he should print from that time. As the former are all very curious and highly esteem'd, I shall give a list of the most considerable of them, which is as follows.

• 1. BASILII Magni liber de exercitatione grammatica. 8vo, ann, 1515
• 2. AUSONII sophistae praeludia, & Hermogenis rhetorica, 8vo, 1515
• 3. MUSAEUS, Batrachomyomachia, Oppiani Halieutica, 8vo, 1515
• 4. NOVEM Comoediae Aristophanis, 8vo, 1515
• 5. APOLLON de constructione, 8vo, 1515
• 6. THEODOR. Gazae grammatices introductionis, lib. 4, 8vo, 1515
• 7. DION. Areopag. opera, 8vo, 1516
• 8. XENOPHONTIS opera, sol, 1516
• 9. PLUTARCHI vitae parallelae Graec, &c. fol, 1517
• 10. PHILOSTRATI icones & heroie, &c. fol, 1517
• 11. ARISTIDIS orationes, fol, 1517
• 12. SOPHOCLES cum scholiis Graecis, 8vo, 1518
• ...

• 13. HOMERI opera. 8vo.

THIS is the last book which he printed; the next, viz. Florilegium diversorum epigrammatum, &c. 8vo, being printed by his heirs.

I SHALL mention but one more Printing-house in Italy, viz. at the Quirinal-college at Rome, under the care of the famous Angel Gallotius, and protection of pope Leo, who was the founder of that college and Printing-house, and among other marks of his favour, gave them a privilege of ten years for all their impressions, some of which were ex|traordinary fine and correct, and revis'd by the learned Constantine Lascaris, often mention'd in this book; of which number were the Porphyri quaestiones Homericae & de nympharum antro, &c. and a very antient Latin translation of Homer, both printed in 1517. Sophocles's Scholiast, 1518, and others of great value.

I SHALL now return to that famous bible of cardinal Ximenes, as I hinted before, commonly call'd the Complutensian bible, which is the only considerable one publish'd, either in Spain or any other part of Europe before that time. It consists of six large volumes in fol. the first of which contains the new testament in Greek and Latin, finish'd in 1517; the second is a Hebrew and Chaldee vocabulary of all the old testament with some other dissertations, finish'd May 31, 1515; the third is the Pentateuch in Hebrew, Greek and Chaldee, with a Latin version of each; the fourth is a second part of the old testament, and contains the books of Joshua, Judges and Ruth, the two books of Samuel, of Kings, and of the Chronicles, with the prayer of Manasseh, in Hebrew and Greek, with their Latin version; the fifth is the third part of the old testament in Hebrew and Greek, with the Latin version, and con|tains the books of Esdras, Nehemiah, Hester, Job, the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom of Solomon, and Ecclesiasticus, the Apocry|phal part of Hester only in Greek; the sixth is the fourth and last part of the old testament in the same languages as the former, and contains the prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah, with the Lamentations at the end, Baruch, Ezekiel, Daniel (with the history of Susannah, and of Bel and the Dragon) Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Michah, Nahum, Ha|bakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zachariah, Malachi, with the three books of the Maccabees; these four last volumes were finish'd ann. 1517, July

the 10th; tho' Mr. Mattaire says, that the whole six volumes were not publish'd till the year 1520. Every page both of the old and new testa|ment is divided into three columns: in the old, the first column contains the Hebrew text; the middle the vulgate Latin; and the third the Greek of the Septuagint: besides the Chaldee, which is plac'd in the inner margin with the version of it opposite to it. The vulgate is printed with Gothic letter.

THE only objection against this work is, that the Printers made use of a sort of false letter to fill up the spaces, whenever any of the ver|sions run to a greater length than the text; that there might be no line shorter than another, nor any blank spaces in the column. The new testament is in a very plain large character, without ligatures, abbreviations or accents; tho' that of the Septuagint is different; the reason of which they give in the preface, to the following purport; that since all the ancient Greek authors, whether sacred or profane, were originally written without them, they were unwilling to introduce any thing into those holy books, which it is certain was neither origi|nally in them, nor of any use towards the understanding of them; but with respect to the Septuagint, which is but a translation, they thought it unnecessary to be too scrupulous about it.

THIS work was printed by Arnold William de Bracario, in the uni|versity of Alcala de Henares in Spain, at the charges and under the di|rection of that learned prelate, whose merit in this respect can never be sufficiently extoll'd. Alphonsus Zamora tells us, that he gave no less than four thousand crowns of gold for seven Hebrew manuscripts; and it would be difficult to determine the sums, which the Greek, Chaldee and Latin manuscripts cost him. As for the learned men, whom he sent for from all parts of Europe and Asia to assist him in this undertaking, Malincrot tells us they were very numerous, of whom we shall mention some. Among the Greeks were Demetrius Cretensis, An|tony Nebrissenus, Lopes de Astuniga, and Terdianus Pintianus, who were all professors of the Greek and Latin tongues, and famous for their works. Of the Hebrew professors were Alphonsus Medicus, a native of Alcala, Paul Coronellus, Alphonsus Zamorali and John Vergera, to the

last of whom was committed the translation of several books, in which he restor'd a great number of texts, which were wholly unintel|ligible in the vulgate Latin. These, with many of the most considera|ble men of the university of Alcala, were engag'd by the Cardinal with very large salaries in this work, for the space of 15 years, viz. from 1502 to 1517; soon after which he was prevented by death from executing several other glorious designs. A larger account of this work may be seen in Malincrot, p. 110. and Mr. Mattaire's Annals, p. 124, &c.

WHILE I am upon the subject of Polyglots, I must not omit one great advantage which the art receiv'd from it, and which it hitherto wanted, viz. that of printing in columns, by which the text and ver|sion are so easily dispos'd, that the reader may at one view satisfy him|self in any scruple, that may arise either from a word wrong printed, or misunderstood in the one, by casting his eye immediately on the other. This is particularly necessary in Greek works and their versions; in which when there happens to be some fault of impression, as 'tis almost im|possible both text and version should be faulty in the same word, the one may be easily corrected by the other. Chevillier gives us many re|markable instances of this, from pag. 240 to 243. I shall only mention one of them, in which the Printer or corrector makes Aelian call all the greatest and noblest men of Greece errant lyars thro' every part of their lives [omnes Graecorum clarissimi proestantissimique viri per totam vitam in extrema mendacitate versati sunt] a reproach which neither the author nor translator ever dream'd of fixing upon that nation. But upon a careful examination of the Greek text, the word appears to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and con|sequently it should have been printed mendicitate, i. e. Poverty, instead of mendacitate [lying] which escap'd the corrector's observation.

THERE is another conveniency in this method, viz. that it obliges a translator to be more concise, and to paraphrase less, since the exor|bitant length of his version would be visible at first sight. I have al|ready taken notice of Aldus's method of Printing the text in one page, and the version in the other; but he was not follow'd in it by any Prin|ter that I know of: whereas as soon as they had taken the hint of these columns from the Polyglot psalter and bible, it was immediately

follow'd by most Printers; and the famous Badius, in his edition of Ange|lus Politianus's works, anno 1519, printed all the epigrams and versions after this manner. How plain soever the advantages of this method may seem, yet several men of learning have decry'd it; and particularly An|tony Muretus and Jos. Scaliger have complain'd, that this way of printing the Greek and the version in two columns had been the cause of the for|mer being wholly neglected.

BESIDES books in two languages, the columns are very necessary in large folio's, and sometimes in large quarto's, where the lines run to so great a length, that they puzzle the reader, who is apt to read the same line over again, or perhaps to skip the next, unless he constantly keep his finger moving from one to the other; which is easily remedied by dividing the pages into two columns. This method has obtain'd almost from the middle of the 15th century, and is entirely owing to that of printing the sacred books in several languages and columns. This shall suffice concerning this work printed in Spain; in which I find but two Prin|ters more of any note, viz. John Peter Bonhomin at Lisbon, anno 1514, where he printed a Spanish book, entitled Ordinationes, &c. fol. in Gothic; and John de Porris at Salamanca, perhaps a relation of Peter Paul Porrus, who printed the psalter at Genoa, mention'd before.

I COME now to speak of the French Printers, whose merit, tho' late, became at least equal with that of Italy, or any other kingdom, in all respects. Henry Meibomius, a German historian, owns, 1 2.73, that the Art of Printing, which was invented at Mentz in Germany, and improv'd in Italy, was at last perfected in France: which is sufficiently evident from the im|pressions of Henry Stephens, in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, were there no other Printers to be produc'd in favour of that kingdom. But this cour|try has given greater encouragement, or abounded more in excellent Printers, than that; and considering the care the university of Paris, whose power and authority over Printers and booksellers we have given an account of under the article of Paris, had continually over them, and the many signal marks of their favour, join'd to the genius of the nation, we shall not wonder at the pe••fection which they brought the

art to, tho' somewhat later than their neighbours. For we may re|member that Badius, one of the first who signaliz'd himself in this pro|vince, did not begin to print till almost the close of the last century, nor come to Paris till the beginning of this. Hitherto, tho' the Roman character, and the elegant manner of printing introduc'd by the Ita|lians, were here exactly imitated, and in some cases excell'd; yet with respect to the learned languages, especially the Eastern, they were much neglected throughout France; and tho' the noble Greek impressions of Aldus, had rais'd an universal desire of reviving that tongue, yet the French were backward in introducing it, till they began to be contemn'd by the Italians, who were become every where masters of it. The only pieces printed by them in that tongue till that time, were some quota|tions so wretchedly perform'd, that Mr. Mattaire tells us, they were ra|ther to be guess'd at than read. The character was rude and uncooth, without accents, &c. for which Badius makes an apology, and desires his readers to impute those errors and omissions to the scarcity of types, and want of compositors who understood in that language. Franc. Tissard, a person compleatly skill'd in Greek and Hebrew, and qualify'd for such a task, reviv'd those tongues, and prevail'd upon the Parisian Printers to intro|duce them, having printed several books in those languages: whereas before this the expence of importing them from Venice was so great, that it deterr'd many from the study of them. At first he address'd a pathe|tic discourse to the scholars of Paris upon that subject; in which he re|presents how contemptible their neighbours in Italy thought them; what epithets they gave their nation, such as, barbarous, proud and ignorant, who pretended to give laws to Italy, the most learned and polite nation of the world, whilst themselves were not contented to despise the muses at home, but must make excursions over the Alps, to disturb them in their belov'd abodes there. He exhorted them to retrieve the honour of their country, and to apply themselves immediately to the study of those languages; he promis'd them his own and other learned men's assistance; and tells them, that he had caus'd some Greek books to be printed, which, tho' cheap, would be great helps to them in that study. In short, he laid before them such powerful motives, and convincing arguments, that he at length rais'd a desire in them of rivalling their neighbours for

learning. His extraordinary merit soon procur'd him the esteem and friendship of the great, who jointly assisted this noble design; among whom was the duke de Valois, afterwards king of France, and sufficiently known by the name of Francis I. the great patron of learning, who re|ceiv'd him into his family and protection.

THE first Greek book which Tissard caus'd to be printed at Paris, was entitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, containing the sayings of the seven wise men of Greece, Pythagoras's golden verses, Phocylides's ethic poem, and the verses of the Erithrean sybil upon the last day, with a Greek alphabet and some other inconsiderable pieces. It was printed in 4to, anno 1507, by Giles Gourmont, and dedicated to the prince de Valois and the archbishop of Thoulouse. This work was so well receiv'd, that he caus'd the same Printer to dispatch three more books in that language the same year; viz. 1. Homer's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 4to, or The battle of frogs and mice. 2. Hesiod's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 4to. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Chrysolaras's Greek grammar, 4to. This last has a tetrastich written by Cb. Rouseau, to acquaint the world that Fran|cis Tissard caus'd the first Greek editions to be printed at Paris 1 2.74 ; which Tissard himself took care to transmit to posterity in some epistles prefix'd to the books above mention'd. In these he likewise informs us of the difficulties which he met with in procuring Printers, who would engage in this new province; that they all alledg'd there was neither a suffici|ent number of Greek matrices and characters in Paris for such a work, nor any compositors that understood or could read that language; that the expence of setting up such a Printing-house must be very great, as well as the danger of losing both their labour and money 2 2.75. Notwith|standing this, Tissard stopp'd not here, but resolv'd to bring the Hebrew into vogue; and to this end caus'd a font of Hebrew letters to be cast, and the following year printed an Hebrew alphabet and

grammar with a Greek alphabet, and some hymns in Greek and Latin at the end; which book he dedicated to his great patron Francis prince de Valois. Giles Gourmont, who had printed his Greek works, likewise undertook the Hebrew. It is printed with his name; and tho' there is no date to it, yet it is plain it was publish'a in the year aforemention'd. However as he was the first who merited the title of Greek and Hebrew printer to the city and university of Paris, and has publish'd several other Greek works after the year 1508, viz. the Idyls of Theocritus, some of Lu|cian's works, a second edition of Chrysolaras's grammar in 1511, the Gno|mologia and Aldus's Greek Lexicon of 1497 much enlarg'd in 1512, the Grammar of Theod. Gaza in 1516, &c. I thought my self oblig'd to do justice to his merit. He us'd to put his coat of arms at the beginning or end of his books, and sometimes at both, with this French motto; Tost ou tard, pres ou loing, a le fort du foible besoing, i. e. sooner or later, far or near, the strong stand in need of the weak, with his name Giles or Aegidius Gourmont. His mark sometimes was the three crowns of the Kings of Cologn with the 25th verse of the 37th psalm; I have been young, and now am old, &c. in Hebrew and Greek, under them. He liv'd overagainst the college of Cambray, in the square of that name; and his books are much valu'd by the lovers of antiquity, especially at Paris. He continu'd printing till after the year 1527. As for the learned Tissard, as we find nothing printed by him, after his Hebrew grammar, he is suppos'd to have dy'd about that time.

HOWEVER, he did not want a successor of equal merit to carry on this work; for Jerom Aleander, a person so well skill'd in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, as to speak them with as much fluency as his own lan|guage, was sent for by Lewis XII. from Italy, where he profess'd the Greek and Latin tongues with universal applause. His reputation was so great, that the elector Palatine sent his own brother Wolfgang de Ba|varia to be instructed by him, and the learned Vatablus, who had been formerly his scholar, was proud to assist him in some of his works, and take care of their correction, whenever Aleander was hinder'd by sickness or avocations. As soon as he came to Paris, he employ'd Gourmont's presses in printing those Greek works which we mention'd just before in speaking of that Printer. The King fail'd not of giving

him immediate encouragement; for he settled on him a pension of 500 crowns of gold, with many other marks of his favour; so that he was chosen principal of the college of the Lumbards, and, in 1512, rector of the unversity, with general applause; tho' he had not yet taken his do|ctor's degree there. At last he was made library-keeper to the pope, a bi|shop and nuncio, and then cardinal, by Clement VII. I shall only add, that he was one of Aldus's learned academy; and that under his care the Greek and Hebrew tongues were so well settled in France, as to flourish there ever since.

BUT it must be own'd, that those editions of Gourmont were very far from perfection, since the types were ill shap'd, the punches ill fi|nish'd, and the matrices worse sunk; besides which defects they had not cast a sufficient font of types, and were for that reason oblig'd some|times to stop till a form was work'd off and distributed, before they could go on. Another defect in those types was, that the accents not being cast to place between the letters as now, but by themselves, and so compos'd in intermediate lines, as the Hebrew points are done at this time, they were often plac'd over the wrong letters, and frequently confounded one for another, thro' the unskilfulness of their compo|sitors. Tissard complains of this more than once, but tells his readers, that they were taking all proper means to remedy those defects; and hopes in time, that those characters would be brought to as great a perfection there, as in Italy. And indeed we find that the success of Gourmont's impressions, under all these disadvantages, excited other printers in that city, to procure better types, workmen, correctors, &c. (not to mention that beautiful font of small Greek which king Francis I. caus'd to be cast at his own charge) in which they succeeded to admiration, and soon publish'd much finer editions than those of Gourmont. We shall only mention some of the most considerable, tho' they all came out later than 1520, except Angelus Politianus's epi|grams, printed by Badius in 1519, already spoken of in this chapter; and his edition of Guillelmus Budaeus's Greek epistles, 4to, in 1520. Af|ter this, Peter Vidoue, or Vidaeus, master of arts, and an eminent printer, printed Berault's Greek lexicon in fol. and Or. Apollo's Hieroglyphics, 8vo, in Greek and Latin, in 1521 and 1523. Gourmont printed Homer's first

and second Iliad, 4to, with Wolmar's short notes; and the Greek lexicon of Magnus Chaeredamus; and in 1527, Gwinler's Greek syntax, 8vo. Anno 1528 Simon Colinaeus, or de Colines, printed Sophocles tragedies, and in 1534, the new testament. These, with a few inconsiderable ones more, were all that came out in Greek during the space of 27 years, viz. from Tissard's first impression in 1507 to 1534; which I have men|tion'd here, tho' they run beyond our period, to shew how slow their first progress was, tho' their advances afterwards were prodigious. Chevilier, from whose list I have extracted the best part of these edi|tions, has carry'd it on to the year 1560; and the reader will find, both in this piece and the remainder of it, several remarkable works omitted by Mr. Mattaire in his Annals, particularly the Greek lexicon and the new testament above nam'd. However as Chevilier tells us, that he saw them all in the Sorbon library, I thought proper to mention them.

THE reader perhaps will be surpriz'd to find nothing attempted by the Parifians in the polyglot way, whilst the Italians, Germans and Spaniards set them so fair an example. But, whatever be the reason of this neglect, 'tis certain, that if we except the Psalterium quincuplex of Mr. Faber, or Fabry, printed in fol. 1509, by Henry Stephens, in Hebrew, Latin and French, with the Psalterium vetus & conciliatum, in five co|lumns, and reprinted by him in 1513, and again at Caen [Cadomi] in Normandy, by Peter Olivier, in 1515, I can find nothing of that kind during the greatest part of this century. However, it must be ac|knowledg'd they have made the world ample amends in the next, in which Antony Vitré printed that noble work, known by the name of Monsieur le Jay's polyglot bible in 1657; which being of too late a date, and so well known to the learned, I shall only say of it, that as sar as relates to the Printing part, (for as to the author's merit with respect to learning, 'tis not my province to enquire into) it has not yet been equall'd by any work publish'd, in any nation, either for beau|ty of character or elegancy of disposition, fineness of paper or richness of embellishment; in all which Mr. le Jay, who was at the charges of the impression, spar'd neither cost nor labour, in order to render it a master piece of that kind. Here I must draw a veil over my own

country, which is greatly injur'd, if it did not contribute to the ruin of the undertaker of this glorious work. An intimate friend at Paris sent me word, that the sheets of Mr. le Jay's Polyglot was unfairly procur'd from the press at Paris before the work was publish'd, and, by the editor's of the English Polyglot, improv'd and publish'd so soon after, as to reduce Mr. le Jay almost to want; after his having expended above 5000 l. sterling to compleat his work. But, as 'tis unpleasant to relate, I shall proceed.

As for the other printers who flourish'd at Paris during this space of 20 years, since my design is only to mention those who were emi|nent for improvements, unattempted in the former century, I have but few to add to the preceeding. The first in rank and merit is Henry Stephens, the father of that numerous family of Printers, whose learn|ing and impressions for near 200 years have been celebrated by much better pens, and particularly by Mr. Bayle and Theod. Janson abroad, and by Mr. Nichols, Collier, but much more fully by the laborious and learned Mr. Mattaire, in his Vitae Stephanorum and Annales Typograph. I shall therefore content my self with giving a short account of their great progenitor Henry, as far as relates to my present subject. He began to exercise the Art of Printing about 1502, in company with Wolfgang Hopyl, a noted German Printer at Paris, of whom we have given an account in the foregoing century. He had afterwards several other partners, viz. John Petit, Dennis Roce, John de Brié and John Hongel, all eminent Printers. We have already spoken of his Po|lyglot Psalter, which, for ought I find, was the only piece he did in that way. As for the Greek, it was so little in vogue in his time, that he printed but little in it. He us'd two sorts of characters for the Latin, viz the Gothic and Roman, both good in their kind. It were, superfluous to tell the reader, that he was a man of great skill in the learned languages, and wrote several curious pieces in ele|gant Latin. He was extremely correct in his editions, so that their faults are so few, as scarce to deserve an errata; yet he always rea|dily acknowledg'd the smallest number of them, as appears from his edition of Erasmus's apology against Latomus, in which he confesses,

* 2.76 that some saults escap'd him thro' neglect; tho' the whole was but twenty. Hi chief correctors were Peter Porta, Volgatius Pratensis, John Solidus of Cracow in Poland, and Beatus Rhenanus. As he was sworn Printer of the city of Paris, instead of a mark or rebus, he us'd to put the arms of that university to his impressions, which is the escutcheon of France, with a hand from the clouds holding a book. Several other printers of that city follow'd his example in this. He dy'd in 1520, leaving among other children three sons, who became very eminent, vid. Mattaire Vit. Steph. the two first Robert and Francis in printing, and Charles in physick.

HIS successor was Simon de Colines, or Colinaeus, who marry'd his relict, and educated his two sons before mention'd; and with them rais'd the reputation of his Printing-house higher, than their father could, whilst the learned languages were in their infancy there. I shall only add, that Robert became so great a proficient under his father and father-in-law, that he was able to manage that great Printing|house at the age of 18; and that one of his editions of the new testa|ment in 16^o. ann, 1549, printed in a very fine Greek character, and ve|ry scarce, is affirm'd to be without a fault. This deserves notice, because there is another of his likewise in 16^o, 1546, which has an errata at the end, and is frequently sold for the other. I cannot but observe, that to this Robert Stephens we owe the invention of dividing the chapters of the bible into verses, found out by him on a journey from Paris to Lyons, as we are inform'd by Theod. Janson de Vit. Stephanorum, printed at Amsterdam ann. 1643, pag. 48; the great advantage of which is obvious to every person.

BEFORE I dismiss the city of Paris, I cannot forbear mentioning a most curious and elaborate work, which tho' not printed till the year 1529, yet, both for its singularity and its having been begun many years before, ought by no means to be omitted, I mean the book entitled Champ-Fleury, written by the famous Godfrey Tory, printer and bookseller of the city of Bourges, at the sign of the broken pitcher, and printed by Giles Gourmont likewise, Printer and bookseller at Paris, under the following title;

CHAM-FLIURY, auquel est contenu le Art & Science de la deue & vraye proportion des Lettres Attiques, qu'on dit autrement Lettres antiques & vul|gairement Lettres Romaines, proportionees selon le corps & Visage humain.

THE author, who for his learning had been some time before chosen president of a college in Burgundy, and had translated and publish'd se|veral learned works out of Greek and Latin, ever since the year 1512, was afterwards admitted sworn Printer and bookseller to the king, and to the university of Paris; but became most famous for the curious work abovemention'd; in which he endeavours to demonstrate the due pro|portion of letters from those of a human body and face, as appears by the title. As it would spin this chapter to too great a length, were I to give the reader a more particular account of this scarce and singular piece, I shall content my self with referring him to Mr. Mattaire's An|nales Typogr. vol. II. part 2. from page 550 to 559, where he will find such particularities both of the book and its author, as he will think worth reading, if he has any taste in this way.

I HAVE already dwelt so long upon the subject of Polyglots, the most considerable improvement of the Art in this century; and upon the city of Paris, the most celebrated in France for productions of that kind; that I shall scarce have room to speak of Lyons, Rouen, Tholouse, Caen, &c. which have produc'd many excellent works, if not in the Polyglot way, yet in all branches of the Art. I shall confine my self therefore to those Printers who have cultivated the Greek or Oriental tongues, and refer the rest to Mr. Mattaire's Annals, where the reader may see their merit, and the list of their impressions.

THE city of Lyons has been always the next in rank to Paris, in every branch of Printing; and if we consider that it receiv'd less encourage|ment from their princes and the learned, the latter chusing to reside at Paris, where there was a greater probability of advancement, we shall wonder that Lyons was so little inferior to Paris; and may remember, that it produc'd many valuable impressions during the last century. However, the reader must not expect any productions in Greek, much less in Hebrew and the Polyglot kind, during these 20 years, or long after, since he has seen the slow progress of those languages at Paris; and with respect to the Latin and modern tongues, they are foreign to our pre|sent

purpose. I shall therefore only say, that the Lyons Printers publish'd many editions of the classics, &c. law-books, and especially Latin bi|bles, there being scarce a year past for a long time, in which they did not print two or three of them of different versions, and some with very fine rubricks and other curious embellishments. The most remarkable Printers of them were James Sacon, or Sachon, who printed some works of the fathers, and one time two Latin bibles in one year; James Mareschall, John Moylin and Nicholas de Benedictis.

THE city of Rouen, in Latin Rothomagium, and Caen follow next: but their productions for these twenty years, and after, are so inconside|rable, if we except a Latin bible in 4to, anno 1511, and the Psalterium quincuplex of Faber aforemention'd, which was printed in the latter anno 1515, both by Peter Olivier, and a Latin bible in the former; that I shall insist no longer upon them. With respect to the other cities of France, which receiv'd the Art either before or after the close of the last century, their impressions are still less considerable. I now pass there|fore to Holland and Flanders, where the reader will be surpriz'd to see the Art rather sunk and lost than improv'd. In the preceeding cen|tury we find several cities in Holland, as Utrecht 1473, Delph 1477, Goude 1479, Harlem 1485, and Leyden 1497, receiv'd and cultivated the Art; yet now we meet not with a single edition done in any of them; nor find that any other city receiv'd it during those twenty years. As for Flanders and Brabant, 'tis manifest they have been less neg|ligent than the Dutch; for the city of Antwerp entertain'd one or two Printers, who publish'd three or four books during this space; the most considerable of which was the new Testament in Latin and Dutch, in 4to, anno 1509; and the university of Louvain had an eminent Printer, Theodore Martin, who, having printed at his own native town of Alost 'till the end of the 15th century, remov'd to Antwerp, where he pub|lish'd some Latin editions, and at length came hither and continued prin|ting till 1528, or perhaps longer. His impressions in this city are not in|deed very remarkable for their bulk, beauty or number. I find but nine or ten, most of which are school-books, either written or publish'd by Erasmus; yet his most considerable work is the Latin testament in 8vo, anno 1519, if it was printed by him, as is probable, since we find

no other Printer here during this space, tho' F. le Long mentions not the Printer's name.

AS for the other cities, which receiv'd the Art before 1500, as Bru|ges, Alost, Brussels, Gaunt, Boisleduc, &c. we find so profound a silence among the annalists and historians, as makes me suspect that it either ceas'd entirely there, or that their produce was not worth preserving, unless we suppose that they were lost in the war, of which this country was the seat in those times; which is evidently the case of other coun|tries, especially of those upon the Rhine, Switzerland, &c. Some emi|nent authors have told us, that they purchas'd some of those valuable pieces, which had been plunder'd by the soldiers, during the wars, out of the libraries of the monks and others. If this be fact, 'tis strange that Louvain, which calls itself the maiden city, because it was never taken by any foreign power, should not have preserv'd some more valuable im|pressions than those of Theod. Martin, just mention'd. However, to do justice to the Low Countries, and Holland especially, I must say, that how negligent soever they were at first in this respect, they have sufficiently oblig'd the world since by their improvements to this Art; nor need I tell the reader how much they have excell'd the English in the goodness of their paper, beauty and variety of characters, and in elegance and correctness of composition; in short, how they have equall'd any nation of Europe in every branch of Printing since. In the second volume we shall shew what improvements they have made to the mechanic part of it, and in parti|cular to the Printing-press, chases, &c. the former of which is so com|pleat, as scarce to admit a greater degree of perfection.

HERE I cannot but observe the strange vicissitudes that have attended this Art since its first invention. We have seen how diligent the Italian nation has been in improving it, what quick progress they made in it, and to what a degree of perfection they brought it even before the close of the 15th century; whereas scarce any nation in Europe has neglected it more within these hundred years, having suffer'd their elegant Roman and Italick to degenerate, and are become very careless in their com|positions, ornaments, &c. so that they are almost inferior to any coun|try in all the branches of Printing. The French, on the contrary, who did not introduce the fine Venetian Roman, Italick, and Greek 'till late in the

16th century, have been allow'd the best Printers, 'till Elzevir arose; since which time the Dutch, who were by far the latest of any nation in Europe in bringing it to the perfection which their neighbours had, have been lately superior to all. I shall say but little of England, where every reader is already sensible what rank our Printers here deserve with respect to other countries; but 'tis with the utmost regret that I observe our nation, which took so much pains to have the Art brought over in its earliest days, and cultivated it with so much application, should have been so far excell'd by the French and Dutch Printers, and even by those of our own nation, who liv'd a century and a half ago. But were the reader conscious of the disadvantages we labour under, and the small Profit we reap from our labour, he would rather be apt to wonder that any of us have been able to keep it up to that degree of perfection it is still in. I could easily make it appear from whence these difficulties arise. This complaint, which is far from being new, the Latin reader will find ele|gantly express'd above 150 years ago by Cornelius Kelian, one of the great Plantine's correctors, in an epigram of sixteen verses, which I have subjoin'd at the bottom of the page 1 2.77. However, this I may modestly say for our selves, that, whenever we have met with sufficient encou|ragement, we have demonstrated our capacity by printing as beautiful and correct impressions as any of our neighbours.

BUT to return from this digression, which I hope will merit the reader's pardon, I shall now mention some cities in other kingdoms, which receiv'd the Art after the 15th century, and conclude this chap|ter with some remarks on the success of it in other parts of the world.

HITHERTO we have not seen that any Printer ventur'd farther North than the empire of Germany. As for the kingdoms of Poland, Sweden,

Denmark, &c. they imported books from Germany and other countries, and transmitted any works thither, which they wanted to have printed. I can find no city in those parts, except Cracow, the metropolis of Poland, that receiv'd it so soon as 1520; and even in this we have but one in|considerable impression done in 1518, viz. a diary of Sigismund, the king of Poland's nuptials, printed by one Jerom Victor, in 4to. I shall there|fore pass over to Turky; were we find some of the dispers'd Jews of Soncino, and particularly Rabbi Gerson, who, as we gave an account under the article of that place, brought the art to Constantinople; whilst others settled at Thessalonica and other parts, of which we have but a small account, and carry'd on the business of printing with good suc|cess. But it must not be suppos'd that the Turks invited them or any other Printers thither, much less that they gave them any other encou|ragement than a large toleration. On the contrary, we have shewn in a former chapter, how Sultan Bajazet II. publish'd an edict in 1483, against the use of printed books under pain of death; which edict was afterwards confirm'd by Selim I. his son. The encouragement there|fore which they receiv'd was from the Christians and Jews; the latter undoubtedly were pleas'd to have their own books at a more moderate rate, than when they were only transcrib'd; and the former, being willing not only to have the old Testament printed by them more cor|rect than the editions of Christian Printers, but likewise to have it dis|pers'd among the Turks, Indians, &c. who were wholly ignorant of those important truths contain'd in it, spar'd no cost to purchase them. Besides this, their Targums, Talmud, and other Rabbinical learning were brought up by the Christians to furnish themselves with what arguments they cou'd, against that poor infatuated people, out of their own books. And perhaps this might be the main motive which induc'd those two Sultans to publish so severe an edict against printing any books in the Turkish language, since the aversion of that nation to almost every branch of learning, and especially the religious, is sufficiently known.

I FIND however but three editions of the sacred books printed in that emperor's territories, during these twenty years, viz. at Constan|tinople.

1. THE book of Tobit in Hebrew, without points, in 4to, in 1517.

2. THE book of Esther in Hebrew, with the commentary of Rab. Isaac Armah, 4to, 1518.

And at Thessalonica.

THE book of Psalms, Proverbs, Job and Daniel in Hebrew, with the commentary of R. Rasi, in fol. in 1500. Besides these three editions, which are all that Mr. Mattaire has given us out of father Le Long's Bibliothec. sacr. Chevilier, pag. 266, mentions some others which I shall here subjoin, viz.

1. ONE at Constantinople in 1506. Chevilier does not tell us what it is.

2. Jad Khasakkah, fol. ibid. 1509.

3. Josippus Ben Gorion, fol. 1510.

THE two last M. Simon tells us, he made use of in his critical history of the Old Testament.

4. Berescith Rabbah, of Rab. Bar. Nachman, fol. Constantinople 1512.

THIS book is now in the Sorbon library.

THO' these be all that we can yet find to have been printed in Turky from 1500 to 1620; yet I cannot persuade myself, that they were all which the Jews printed there, but am apt to believe, that they were bought up by the eastern Christians, Jews, &c. and carried to the re|mote parts of Asia and Africa; whilst the Jews of Soncino and others were grown so numerous as to supply those countries with works of that kind. However that be, I do not find that this art made any further progress in these parts of the world during this space, or at least that those authors, who have represented its advances greater, have been much depended on by those that wrote after them; and therefore I think myself obliged to stop here.

I HAVE already transgress'd my propos'd limits, as often as the life of any eminent Printer has extended beyond them, or any material occurrence happen'd worthy of the reader's notice. Agreeable to which liberty, I shall now close this chapter with some remarks on the success which attended the art, tho' at some distance of time from the year 1520. First 'tis observable, that it has extended itself to Africa and America; not indeed at the invitation of the natives, especially of

America, but by means of the Europeans, and particularly of the Spa|nish missionaries; who carry'd it to the latter for their ends, where it has throve, tho' not flourish'd ever since. The Romish society de pro|pagando fide, gives us an account of printing-houses being set up in the cities of Goa, Rachol, in the country of Salsetta, Manella, the me|tropolis of the Philippine islands, &c. in the first of which were printed the two following works, viz. Doctrina Christiana lingua Malabarica Tamul et litteris Malabaris in collegio Goano, 1577. This edition was in Scaliger's possession, and is now among those which he bequeath'd to the university of Leyden. The other is part of Confucius's works printed likewise at Goa in 1569; a copy of which is now in the empe|ror's library at Vienna. We find also some printing-houses set up a|bout this time in the city of Lima, capital of the empire of Peru, and in several cities of the kingdom of Mexico. I shall only add, that our honourable society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, having heard of the good success, which Mr. Zidgenbalgh and Mr. Grundler, two Danish missionaries, sent to the coast of Tanquebar by his Danish majesty, had in converting a great number of the natives of that country to the christian faith, were pleas'd to send them the whole apparatus of a printing-house, with proper workmen and large quantities of paper, which they thankfully receiv'd, and immediately set to work, having since printed a fine quarto New Testament, pray|er-books, catechisms, &c. in Portuguese and several eastern languages and characters, for the promoting of their pious design.

To return again to Europe, the Printers, who first introduc'd the art into Muscovy about 1560, were less successful. That nation was too little friendly to learning to give it any encourgement; and even suffer'd both the printing-house and its whole apparatus to be burn'd and destroy'd, without ever enquiring after the authors of the mischief. The famous Thevet, historiographer to Henry III. of France, and a great traveller, gives us the following account of it:

'As for the Art of Printing, they (the Muscovites) had not the use of it till 1560; when it was discover'd to them by a Russian merchant, who bought a num|ber of types, &c. with which many neat editions were printed. Ne|vertheless, as they are a very superstitious nation, and apt to raise scru|ples

without any foundation, in which they imitate their followers of the Greek church; some of them hir'd several fellows privately to burn all their characters, apprehending that printing might make some change or confusion in their religion. And yet not the least enquiry or prosecution was made after this, either by the prince or his Subjects.'

But since that time they have admitted it into their metropolis of Moscow, and elsewhere in the last century, tho' they print but little, and sell at excessive rates.

I HAVE already hinted, that the emperor of Ethiopia, and monarch of those christians, that are commonly known by the name of Abyssines, who is falsly call'd by some writers Prester John, wrote a letter in 1521, to Don Manuel, king of Portugal, and another in 1524 to his successor John III. (which letters are to be seen in the Hispania illustrata, translated by Paul Jovius, tom. 2. p. 1293, 1297,) in which he desires those princes to send him some of the most curious artificers of Europe; and in the latter he says thus:

'I entreat you, my lord and brother, to send me some workmen to carve images, to cast books, make swords and all sorts of weapons; likewise masons, carpenters, physicians, sur|geons, apothecaries, coiners of gold and silver, and persons who un|derstand how to extract gold, silver, and copper out of the mines, to cover houses with lead, to make shields and muskets; and in short, all sorts of necessary workmen.'

What success these letters had, and whether king John answer'd his request in any of these particulars, I cannot determine. But the second tome of the Abyssine history by Job Ludolph, or rather the commentator upon it, informs us, that when Abba Gregory Abyssin saw the library of father Alphonso Mendez a jesuit, whom the pope had sent into Ethiopia in quality of patriarch, in 1623, he could not forbear extolling that art, which had produc'd so many books, and esteeming it as a sacred invention, worthy to be plac'd among the regalia of the greatest princes * 2.78. By this it seems, that printing had been wholly unknown to them at that time; and consequently that it was never sent thither by the king of Portugal or any other. However, our knowledge is very imperfect of those remote parts of Africa; and

even of those which are nearer, as Morocco, Fez, &c. we can only say, that 'tis certain they receiv'd the art early from their neighbours, the Spaniards or Portuguese, and encourag'd it for a considerable time; yet whatever be the reason, scarce any footsteps of it now remain, if we believe Mr. S. Olon the French king's embassador to the king of Morocco; who, in his present state of that empire, printed in 1694, assures us, that there is scarce one printing-house left in it. He adds, that it is a piece of religion among them not to suffer any corn, horses or books to be exported; and that their fondness for books is the greater, by reason of their scarcity, since there is hardly a press in the whole empire.

WE read of some attempts made by the missionaries in Persiae to in|troduce printing there; which prov'd ineffectual. I shall say nothing here of the kingdoms of China and Japan, nor of their manner of print|ing, having already spoken of it upon another account in the first book of this history.

CHAP VIII. Of the Abuses of the Art of Printing.

IT would have been very wonderful, if the encouragement, which that art receiv'd from the great and learned, should not have in|duc'd at the same time some persons, whose ignorance and avarice would not permit them to aim at that degree of perfection; which they saw others arrive at, to engage in base methods of enjoying the fruit of their ingenuity and diligence, without the trouble of imitating them in it. We have already given occasionally some accounts of these practices, in counterfeiting the works, names and marks of the best Printers, who have been oblig'd to remonstrate against them to the world. For as soon as they had publish'd a curious and correct edition, with prodigious charge and labour, some of these pyrates immediately printed another after it, tho' in every respect inferior to the former; and either by un|derselling, defrauded them of the reward of their care and expence, or by counterfeiting their names and marks, destroy'd their reputation.

By these abuses, they were oblig'd to make many fruitless attempts in order to suppress these counterfeits, and at last to have recourse to the higher powers for priviledges and patents, the only effectual way to pre|vent such practices. We have likewise hinted, that some of these pests of learning have impos'd upon the world, by selling their impressions as done at Venice or some other famous place, or pretending they were printed characteribus Venetianis, with Venetian characters, &c. tho' they were the production of some obscure place and printer, whose only aim was profit.

ANOTHER abuse consequent upon this, was the counterfeiting of dates. For when, by the care of a Froben, a Badius, or some other eminent Printer, the world was so far appriz'd of these counterfeits, that the au|thors of them could not vend their impressions, they immediately reprint|ed the title page, perhaps with some alteration, put a new date, and some|times a new name to it, and so pass'd them off for new editions. To recommend them the more to the buyers, they generally asserted them to be newly revis'd, diligently compared with the best MSS. corrected in above 500 places, and the like. It was with great difficulty that these abuses were detected in such a manner as to make the world aware of them. The complaints of the learned, and their vain efforts to remedy such inconveniences are too well known to be mention'd here. I shall pass to another equally shameful and dangerous abuse, viz. printing of leud, infamous books, of which the learned Gerson, among many others, complains with great zeal; and mentions particularly a romance, inti|tled the Romance of the Rose, compos'd in 1300, of which he said, that if he was the master of the last copy, he would rather choose to burn it than part with it at any price * 2.79. Pastor fido, is a poem almost univer|sally known, which, we are told by J. Nicius Erith, caus'd many virgins and marry'd women to prostitute their honour. Yet great numbers of a much more pernicious nature have been publish'd in those times. I shall only mention one, which I esteem a master-piece in that kind, heighten'd by the art of engraving, that it might be a consummate piece of the most scandalous lewdness in nature. George Vasari, in the lives

of the Italian painters, gives us this short account of it; that Julius Ro|manus, the most celebrated painter of his age, invented above fourscore designs, which he caus'd to be engraven on wood, while Peter Aretine, a great Libertine and Atheist, compos'd a sonnet for each of the prints. This vile performance was published about the year 1525. I shall con|lude with Vasari's character of it, * 2.80 that he knew not which was most brutish and shocking, the design of Julius to the eye, or the verses of Aretine to the ear. This same avarice which prompted Printers to undertake such infamous works, as the foregoing, induc'd them to abuse thei•• art in another respect, viz. in printing scandalous and defamatory libels' to the shame of their profession, and the regret of the virtuous. As printing and the reformation begun about the same time, the former was prostituted by the meaner sort, who printed the vilest forgeries on each, tho' that which was uppermost, acted most flagrantly, when the other was oblig'd to work covertly. But as this and the last do not so properly fall within my province as a Printer, I shall content myself with having just mention'd them, with abhorrence of such practices, and return to some other abuses.

THE next arose from want of good correctors; for persons of that class were thought too chargeable by many Printers; who therefore made use of illiterate fellows, whom they could hire much cheaper; or, which often happen'd, us'd none at all. It will easily be imagin'd, what a number of wretched editions the world must have been pester'd with by this sordid neglect. However, as books were not yet so plentifully pro|pagated, as to suffice the number of students, there wanted not persons either dull or poor enough to purchase them, especially upon a small abatement of the common price. This made some Printers designedly suppress the errata, which would have inevitably endanger'd the sale of such books; tho' others were oblig'd by the authors or editors to print them at the end of their works. The reader will no doubt be surpriz'd to hear of some of them so prodigiously large, as to be scarce credible. We have a remarkable instance in the works of John Francis Picus de Mi|randula, printed at Strasburgh for the first time in 1507, by John Krob|louch,

a man of some note, and at the charges of Matthias Schurrer, another eminent Printer of that place, who styl'd himself master of arts. This edition was so faulty, that the author was oblig'd to make an er|rata of fifteen pages in filio, tho' the book was but a thin small folio. Were I to trespass the bounds of this period, I could mention some which amounted to fourscore and eight pages, even in Venice itself, where Bellarmin, who had been very unsuccessful in the former impressi|ons of his polemick works, sent them in order to have them more cor|rectly printed; tho' quite the reverse happen'd. Rome, Paris, Lyons, &c. have been no less complain'd of upon this account. The learned Mich. Fernus, who with prodigious labour had collected, and revis'd the works of bishop Campanus, was so provok'd to see them so incorrect, that he put an errata in the edition of Rome, with this surprizing title at the head * 2.81;

'If you have a mind to show yourself compleatly foolish and mad, print your books at Rome first, &c.'

Gaguinus was not less displeas'd to see his history of France printed at Paris with such a vast number of faults, that he thought it impossible to add an errata to it. He therefore sent it to Lyons to be reprinted, and tells the bishop of Mascon, to whom he intrusted the revising of it, that he wish'd he could get all the 500 copies of the first, in order to burn them. The like com|plaints against the Printers, he repeats in another edition at Paris in 1497, and wishes these incorrect and mutilated editions could be condemn'd to perpetual oblivion. Galatinus's book De Arcanis Catholicae Veritatis, printed at Ortona, by Jerom Soncino in 1518, was so wretchedly maim'd by the Printer, that the author inveigh'd vehemently against all Printers in general, accusing them, in his 12th book of adulterating and cor|rupting the best copies, tho' ever so accurately written, in such a manner, that it is impossible to mend them. But the Printers sufficiently reveng'd themselves on him, by reprinting, tho' long after his death, the Pugio Fidei, written by Raymund Martin, a Dominican fryer in 1280 against the Jews; in which edition they unjustly accuse Galatinus of having taken the best part of his book out of this; tho' Galatinus does ingeni|ously own in his preface, that he had taken the greatest part of his book

out of it. Paul Middleburgh, a learned Dutchman of the university of Louvain, and afterwards bishop of Fosembrona in Italy, having wrote a Treatise about keeping Easter, which he call'd Paulina, gave it to a Printer of his own metropolis, nam'd Octaviano Petrucio, to be print|ed; but he committed it to the care of an Ethiopian youth, wholly ignorant of the business, and who probably made his first tryal upon it; so that, in spite of all the accuracy of Posthumius who corrected it, it was so maim'd and incorect, that the author was oblig'd to com|plain publickly against such ignorant and careless Printers; who (says he) in the preface to the errata of that very book, invert the letters, change and transpose whole syllables from the end of one word to the beginning of another, and put one word in the text instead of ano|ther: he might have added, that they have sometimes omitted not only words and lines, but whole paragraphs and chapters, or else misplac'd them extremely. We have in the last chapter given an ac|count of Rob. Stephens, who was certainly an excellent Printer; and yet, however it happen'd, M. Le Clerc tells us, Bibl. An. & Mod. pag. 415, that he has an edition of the bible in 8vo, printed by him in a small character, containing the vulgate, and the version of Leo Juda, with Vatablus's notes, in which there is a chasm of one whole sheet, tho' the figures of the pages follow each other exactly; so that there wants from part of the 2 to half of the 11th chapter of the prophet Zachary. If so great a man could over look so important a mistake, what could be expected from those who valued neither their own re|putation, nor that of their authors, being actuated only by the views of gain. His son Henry Stephens afterwards wrote a poem of about 150 Latin verses, entitled * 2.82 A complaint of the Art of Printing against some ignorant Printers, upon whose account it is fallen into contempt. At the end of this, are some Latin and Greek epitaphs, in honour of the most learned Printers till that time. In this complaint he tells us, that the corruption of so many editions was entirely owing to the gross ignorance of the Printers, some of whom he knew, that could not tell the letters of their names † 2.83. The reader would in all probability

be tir'd, if I should mention the tenth part of the complaints which we meet with in the writings of the greatest men of that time, against the avarice, ignorance and negligence of the Printers; some of which are so sharp as to call them beasts and drunkards, the offspring of wild centaurs and of Vulcan's untam'd Cyclops; but I shall choose to give some more diverting instances of their own, and their corrector's ig|norance and neglect.

John Chapius tells us of a change and transposition of words, which render'd the sense wholly unintelligible, in his Sext. Decret. printed at Paris in 1510; where under the title De dolo et contumacia, he found these words; Et nuntio ella cum creditur ex de appiurato parati; instead of, Et nuncio jurato creditur ex De Apella cum parati. Henry Stephens, in his preface to his Querimonia just mentioned, tells us of an ignorant corrector whom he knew, who, wherever he met with the word procos, us'd to correct it porcos, and change the word exanimare, into exami|nare. He mentions others, who alter'd a word they understood not, for one more common and known; thus in the second epistle of the first book, Horace says, Nunc adbibe puero pectore verba, puer; but the word adbibe not being understood by them, they substituted that of adbibe, which was more obvious to them; yet even this absurd cor|rection, is still retain'd in some more modern editions. To this, I be|lieve, we owe another correction in the same poet, where they have chang'd sectis unguibus, into strictis unguibus; whereas, Horace only meant the kind fair ones par'd their nails close, when they encounter'd with the youths, least the scratches which decency and formality ob|lig'd them to give them when they play'd too rudely, should enter deep enough to hurt them. Chevilier speaks of a book printed by Guido Mercator at Paris, in 1493, in which there is a flagrant error in the very frontispiece, for the title is Elegantiarum viginta praecepta. It may be objected, that this was an oversight; but the contrary is plain, since it is printed so in the next leaf, and at the end of the book, Expliciunt elegantiarum viginta praecepta Parisiis per Guidonem, &c. so that it evidently arose from their ignorance of the Latin tongue. Nor is this to be wonder'd at, when Erasmus tells us, in his preface to the 4th edition of his Adages in 1525, that some of the Printers of Rome,

Venice and Germany, scarce knew how to read. This same author likewise wrote 10 or 11 years before this to his friend Schurrer, a Printer of Strasburgh. John de Savigny had been so ill us'd by these drunken and ignorant Printers, as he styles them, in a work of the learned bishop of Gaieta, which he publish'd in 1520, that he took the most effectual way to make them trumpeters of their own igno|rance, by couching his reproaches in such terms in Greek and Latin, as were not understood by either Printer or correctors. His words are these: In istos haud abstemios 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Clitorio fonte longe remotissimos cudatur faba. Let the blame be laid upon those drunken and illiterate Printers, who are equally remote from learning and politeness. We shall conclude this subject with one instance more. After the bishop of Aleria had publish'd his edition of Pliny's natural history, in the dedication of which he tells the pope, that he had spent nine whole years in correcting it, tho' he believ'd nine more would scarce suffice to make a perfect edition, Hermolaus Barbarus corrected almost five thousand faults in it. Several other learned men engag'd in the same province, and in particular John Caesareus corrected about four thousand faults in his edition printed at Cologn, by Eucharius Cervicornus, a famous Printer of that city, in 1524, as he acquaints us in the preface. But the composer and corrector suffer'd a prodigious blunder to go uncor|rected in the frontispiece of that book, wherein the reader is told, that this new edition is corrected in no less than four hundred thousand places * 2.84. 'Tis surprising, that a book should be corrected in so many places since the last edition of it; but when the reader comes to the preface, he finds but four thousand, and the Printer put quadringentis millibus, instead of quatuor millibus.

WHEN it was found, that neither the remonstrances of the learned, nor their sarcasms continually printed against such Printers, could pre|vail upon them to be more diligent, and procure better correctors; se|veral countries took methods of putting a stop to this growing evil. Spain was, I think, the first which shew'd the example, by a way to

make the composer and corrector more careful in their respective pro|vinces. It was order'd, that before a book could be sold, it should be examin'd by censors appointed for that purpose, and compar'd with the manuscript; and that all the faults of the impression should be set down in the first least; after which they were to write underneath, that the book, the faults of the impression above noted excepted, was faithful|ly printed. This certificate had generally the following title in Spanish. Esta este libro bien impresso y correcto conforme a su original de mano. En Madrid, &c. sign'd N. N. It was sometimes printed in Latin. Where they could not obtain such an order, they follow'd the Spanish method as far as they could. Thus Jo. Ravisius Textor, professor of rhetorick at Paris, made a kind of affidavit, that he had corrected all the errata of the dialogue of Henry Hutten, intitled Aula, printed at Paris in 1519, by Antony Aussurd, who put under the title-page. Textor ema|culavit. The same method was follow'd by Henry Stephens, who in his edition of the Pimander of Hermes Trismegistus, printed in 1505, publish'd by James Fabry d'Estaples, has set down the names of the correctors in these words; Parisiis ex officinâ Henrici Stephani, recog|nitoribus mendasque ex officinâ eluentibus Jacobo solido Cracoviensi & Vol|gatio Pratensi, anno 1505. We could trace this method as far as the be|ginning of the 15th century; which had this good effect, that those books, in which the correctors had put their names, were always pre|ferr'd to those where no mention was made of any. There were after|wards better regulations obtain'd from the higher powers in every kingdom, in order to abolish these pernicious abuses; but as they do not come within our epoch, we shall forbear mentioning them.

THE reader will excuse me, if I so far digress from my subject, as to give an instance or two of the dangerous consequences, which had like to have happen'd to two eminent writers of that age, to the one by the addition, and to the other by the substraction of a single letter. The first is of Erasmus, who in his paraphrase on ch. 16, v. of S. Matthew where S. Peter says, Tu es Christus Filius Dei vivi, had writ|ten, Non suspicione proferens, sed certa & indubitata scientia pros••tent, illum esse Messiam a prophetis promissum, singulari more Filium Dei, &c. by which last words he only meant, as he afterwards explain'd it, that

Christ was the son of God after a particular manner, different from that which was common to men. But it happen'd, that in his Basil edi|tion printed by Froben, the letter a being added to more, made it have a quite disserent sense. Hereupon Noel Beda, a famous divine of Paris, and enemy to Erasmus, fail'd not to take him to task for that expres|sion, and charg'd him with having affirm'd, that Christ was only the son of God by adoption, and by a particular love of God towards him (fingulari amore) and not his eternal son, &c. Soon after which, the divines of Paris publish'd a censure of that proposition to the fol|lowing tenour; That it gave a false sense to the words of the Evangelist, and a handle to men, to think wrong of the divinity of the Son of God, as Nestorius had done; for that Christ was not the Son of God by any particular love of God towards him, nor by any adoption or favour, but that he was originally and necessarily so. Erasmus clear'd himself by saying, that it was a fault of the impression, and appeal'd to his original and former edition of the same paraphrase, in which they would find the word more, instead of amore; but he was too much suspected by those gentlemen, to be easily believ'd either in this, or any other case.

THE other happen'd to the learned Dr. Flavigny, author of some letters against Mr. Jay's polyglot, in which two learned Maronites had been employ'd by Mr. Jay, viz. Abraham Echellensis, Regius professor of Syriac and Arabic, who had given the text and Latin version of those two languages of the book of Ruth; and Gabriel Sionita, pro|fessor of the same languages. The former of these had committed a great many errors in his translation, as well as in the text of that book, nevertheless he attack'd his brother Maronite, and charg'd him with some mistakes in his part of the work. Hereupon Dr. Flavigny, who knew them both equally guilty, undertook to rebuke the aggressor; and in a letter to him (Echellensis), made use of these words of our Saviour; Quid vides f••stucam in oculo fratris tui? (why beholdest thou the mote in thy brother's eye?) &c. It happen'd unfortunately, that the first letter of the word oculo being either taken up by the balls, or dropt out of the sorm, or some other way lost, after the first proofs had been corrected, gave a very harsh sound to it, and made it seem a profane jesting upon that sacred book. Echellensis, in his answer,

took notice of this, and calls him a sacrilegious and Jewish perverter of the holy text; and, without acquainting him with his faults, tells him, that such an abominable correction of the text, was too foul for his pen, and only worthy the writings of a Flavigny; in short, he spends near a whole page in the most opprobrious language against him, that the height of malice and resentment could inspire an inve|terate antagonist with. Dr. Flavigny was a long time before he could discover the cause of this accusation, and in all probability might have been still longer ignorant of it, had not a friend of his shew'd it to him in the printed copy; for in the two first proofs the word was printed perfect. The result was, that the author being recover'd of his surprize, threw the fault upon the corrector, appeal'd to his ori|ginal, and to the two first proofs, protested his innocency and abhor|rence of such an action, and took a solemn oath, in order to clear himself. Chevilier, who relates this story, tells us, that Flavigny, some time before his death, happen'd to mention this; and tho' it was above 30 years after this transaction, he could not forbear expressing the highest indignation against his Printer and corrector. These instances sufficiently demonstrate the dangerous consequences of neglect in cor|recting to the author of any book, especially in divinity.

BEFORE I dismiss this article of the incorrectness of the press, I cannot but mention some of the greatest Printers; who, when any of their editions have happen'd to be incorrect, have made an inge|nuous confession of, and apology for it, that the commonwealth of learning might not receive any disadvantage by it, nor the authors suffer in their reputation thro' their neglect. I shall begin with Mar|tin Schurrer, of Strasburgh, allow'd by Erasmus to be a person of learn|ing, who printed in 1500 the treatise De Patientia of Bapt. Mantua|nus. But as he had committed the care of it to a negligent and igno|rant corrector, he found himself oblig'd to add an errata of a page and half to it, which he prefaces in the humblest terms imaginable * 2.85; I rather choose, says he, to take the shame of them upon myself, by confessing my fault, than to let the republick of learning suffer by

my concealment of it. Of this kind is the apology which the same Printer makes for the errors of impression in an edition before men|tioned, viz. the works of Picus de Mirandula; wherein he desires the reader, * 2.86 that he would not attribute those errors to the author, but to the Printer, who frankly confesses his fault. Such errata's not only make some kind of reparations to the authors, but oblige likewise an honest Printer to be more careful for the future. Henry Stephens hath often taken the same method, and owns, that some errors have crept unawares into some of his editions † 2.87. I should digress too far, if I should instance in all those Printers, who have follow'd so good an example; 'tis sufficient to say, that none of those eminent ones, of whom we have given an account in this whole book, have ever been asham'd of acknowledging the faults of their works, when they had any share in them. I shall close this with a pleasant way, which the abovemention'd Stephens took to correct a fault in his edi|tion De praesagiis in morbis acutis of Hippocrates, anno 1512. 'Tis ob|vious to every scholar, that the first syllable in the word Febris (a fe|ver or ague) may be either long or short; but he having thro' in|advertency spelt the word with oe, which made it absolutely long, he corrects himself for it, by saying, ‡ 2.88 That the Printer had foolishly chosen a long fever, when a short one was much more eligible, as being less dan|gerous.

BUT after all that hath been said concerning the baseness, negligence, and ignorance of some of the Printers of those times, it must be own'd, that many a negligent and ignorant author, when he has been admonish'd of his errors, hath not scrupled to throw them upon the Printer and corrector; which I esteem another abuse of the Art of Printing. I could give many instances of it, were I not apprehensive of betraying too great a fondness for our profession. However, any judicious reader will easily perceive by the largest Errata's which we have mention'd, that the authors had as great a share in them as the

Printers and correctors. Chevilier, who cannot be suspected of parti|ality to the latter, has excus'd them in many cases, and shewn that the fault was rather to be imputed to the former. But he has furnish'd me with an instance of this, which, I believe, he little thought of; in the case of a learned divine of the university of Paris, whose works having been censur'd by that body, and he refusing to retract them, he was expell'd that university, but was afterwards prevail'd upon to recant. After his death a paper was publish'd in his name, in which the blame was laid upon the protestant Printers, to whom he had intrusted the work. I shall relate the story exactly after Chevilier, tho' somewhat abridg'd, and leave the reader to judge, whether the wrong persons were not un|justly blam'd. I hope the singularity of the fact will sufficiently excuse me, tho' it is of later date, than our prefix'd period.

René Benoist, D. D. curate of S. Eustace at Paris, made a French ver|sion of the bible, which he caus'd to be printed in fol. ann. 1566 by three eminent booksellers of that city. This book immediately met with ma|ny opposers, who censur'd it as heretical and erroneous, alledging, that it was only the Geneva translation; in which the author had soften'd those expressions which were most shocking to the Roman Catholicks. The divines of that university, having met several times, agreed to censure the book, which they did accordingly, July 15, 1567. The same cen|sure was renew'd, and subscrib'd to, by seventy three doctors of that fa|culty, and approv'd viva voce by above one hundred and twenty more about 7 years after. Gregory XII. confirm'd the censure, and condemn'd the book, by a brief dated Nov. 3. 1475. During this, Benoist abso|lutely refused to submit, in spite of all the endeavours of that body to persuade him to it. At length they agreed upon expelling him that uni|versity as an obstinate heretick, and the sentence of his proscription was written in great letters, and set up in the common disputation-hall of the university, by which he was, as it were, executed in essigie. However, Henry IV. took him into favour, made him his confessor, and pro|moted him to a bishoprick; but the Pope refus'd to grant him his bull. At last, his seniority entitling him to be chosen dean of the fa|culty, they all refus'd their votes, unless he would submit to their for|mer censures, which he was at length oblig'd to do by a recantation,

in which he condemns his version, and rejects some parts of it as be|ing falsly attributed to him. This was not done till the year 1598, i. e. 32 years after the publication of it.

IN 1608, a little before Benoist's death, came out a book in 8vo, intitled, A declaration of René Benoist, concerning his translation of the bible and annotations thereupon; in which he declares,

'That the ground of all his sorrow was the treachery of the cor|rector, composer and press-man, who had been intrusted with the impression of his bible; that the copy which he had given them was a printed one (here Chevilier notes, that it was a Geneva one,) upon which he had made his corrections and erasements, which were not so fully eras'd, but that they might be easily read:

THAT some of the journeymen (they did not dare publickly to at|tack their masters, who would in all probability have clear'd themselves) were of the Geneva leaven, and printed nothing in the first and se|cond proofs but what was in his copy; but when they came to the third, which he did not see, they substituted, instead of his corrections, the words or notes, which he had eras'd (some instances of which the author of the book gives), and which the composer and press-man in confederacy had maliciously falsify'd:

That it were tedious to enumerate all such pieces of treachery; but that the result of it turn'd to his reputation, notwithstanding his unsuccessful attempts to bring those journeymen to punishment:

That his books had been sold under his name, tho' he had disown'd them:

That the censure of the university, and the confirmation of it by the court of Rome, which had condemn'd the work, and not the au|thor, was the consequence of this imposture, &c.'

I SHALL not enter into a detail of the reflections which Chevilier makes upon the Calvinist Printers, as he calls them, nor enquire whe|ther this declamation was really penn'd by Benoist, or father'd upon him; or if the former, whether it might not be extorted from him, a practice not unusual with the divines of that church. I shall only ob|serve, that, were the case as it is related in that pamphlet, 'tis scarce credible, that the doctor could have been 30 years unappris'd of it,

especially when the censures and libels, continually publish'd against him, sufficiently pointed it out to him; and if he knew it, can it be imagin'd that he would have continued so long under all that scandal, and the persecution of his enemies, when he might have easily clear'd himself of the one, and so put a stop effectually to the other? Upon the whole, whoever the author of this declaration is, this story evi|dently confutes itself, and is no other than one of their pious frauds, on which 'tis not my province to animadvert, any further than the credit of our profession is concern'd.

BEFORE I close this chapter, it will be necessary to remind the reader, that this second book being wholly confin'd to the history of printing in other parts of Europe, (what relates to our nation being the subject of the next book,) I have given none but foreign instances of the corruptions and abuses introduced into this art.

'TIS not therefore to be concluded, that it hath been free in any case from them in England; since we have imitated our neighbours in these bad, as well as in their other good, examples; and therefore as these abuses have been equally common to us and them, I shall not repeat them in the English part, but only request the reader, once for all, to remember, that we have had our share as well in the disadvan|tages, under which our art has labour'd, as in the advantages and im|provements, which it has receiv'd.

APPENDIX. An Account of a newly discover'd Edition, printed by John Guttenberg at Stratzburg in 1458, com|municated to me by, and now in the possession of, the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke.

THE reader may be pleased to recollect that I have, throughout the first book of this history, constantly endeavour'd to fix the glory of the invention of Printing upon John Faust, and that of the improvements of it upon his worthy son-in-law Peter Scheoffer, exclusive of John Guttenberg, notwithstanding the testimony of some few writers who have ascribed the first discoveries to the latter. I did likewise offer it as a probable conjecture of the ingenious Mr. Maittair, that Gutten|berg, having been cast in a law-suit at Mentz for non-solvency of his quota, might retire to Stratzburgh, and there teach John Mentel, what he had been able to learn of Faust's art. We had not till then the least ground to conjecture that he ever practised it himself, no annalist that ever I could meet with ever mentioning, or perhaps dreaming of, any edition printed with his name. But since then the noble lord above-mention'd, unwilling to rest satisfy'd with conjectures, has spared no pains or cost to inform himself whether there was any impression extant done by Guttenberg, and has at length procured this curious one, which his lordship has been pleased to communicate to me. The reader, I doubt not, will be highly satisfy'd to find that, instead of contradicting any thing I have advanc'd upon that subject, it rather confirms it all beyond any possibility of doubting.

THE book is the dialogues of St. Gregory in Latin, it has no title|page, but begins abruptly with the subject itself, only at the end of it are these words;

Explicit liber quartus Dyalogor 4 Gregorii.

Then follows in red letters,

Presens hoc Op⁹. factum est per Johan. Guttenbergium apud Argentinam, Anno Millesimo cccclviij.

I SHALL now beg leave to make a few remarks on this curious piece, and to shew how manifestly it confirms all my former conjectures.

1. IT is very rude, and comes vastly short of those of Faust and Scheoffer; and the great and almost constant difference of the shapes of the same letters, shews it to have been done upon wooden blocks, after the manner of the paginae conglutinatae mention'd above, pag. 49 & seq. there is, however, this difference and improvement in it, that it is not printed with the same (that is with the) common Ink, which made them incapable of a reiteration, i. e. of being printed but upon one side, but with the new invented sort, which was a mixture of oil-var|nish and lamp-black, and will bear printing on both sides. This, there|fore, shews that he had only got an insight into the first discovery, but was an utter stranger to the last and more useful one of separate metal|types, which Faust had probably kept conceal'd from him.

2. SUPPOSING it to be the first piece that ever he did, as it pro|bably was, if not the only one of that kind, it was printed in 1458, i. e. about three years after the law-suit and his falling out with Faust; so that it took him up all that time in cutting his blocks, and getting the rest of the apparatus of a Printing-press, making of tryals, macu|latures, &c. after he was settled at Stratzburgh.

3. IT is printed one year after the psalter of Mentz, which was done in separate metal-types, and wherein Faust and Scheoffer assume to them|selves the whole glory of the invention; so that had Guttenberg had the least pretension to it, he would not have fail'd doing himself justice by altering the style of his colophon, and telling the world what share he had borne in this noble discovery, that his silence was not owing to his honesty is plain from his refusing to pay his dividend of the charges, much less to his being ignorant of the publication of Faust's psalter, be|cause Mentz and Stratzburgh being both situate upon the Rhine, and not above 60 leagues asunder, it was morally impossible he should not have

heard of it. On the contrary, it is likely that, having seen it, and ob|serv'd it to be printed with fusile types, he might just finish this rude edition of his, and then stop his hand until Mentel and he had fallen upon the same way of casting them.

4. THIS piece is printed upon the same paper that Faust did use, which is mark'd with the heifer's head and horns, and might either be his share of the paper-stock which they divided at parting, and which he took away with him, or else might be designedly imitated by him, to give a credit to his work. Upon the whole, its having neither title|page, running title, signature, nor direction-word, and being altogether a rude piece of workmanship, doth plainly shew it to have been of the nature of the first essays of Faust, and that it is by no means ante|dated.

A Catalogue of some of the most eminent Persons, Authors and Editors, &c. who condescended to prepare MSS. and to correct for the Press during the 15th Century, with the Character of some of the most considerable of them.

At BASIL for JOHN AMERBACK.

1. JOHN CAPNIO, alias Reuchlin, an eminent lawyer, who had studied at Paris under the famous John de Lapide, doctor of Sor|bonne, at whose request he wrote three books de verbo mirifico. He wrote another treatise which he entitled Oculare Speculum, for which the universities of Cologn, Mentz, Louvain, and Erphord condemn'd him of Heresy and Judaism, and made pressing instances to that of Paris to do the same. To prevent which, Reuchlin wrote to the doctors of Sor|bonne, and reminded them, that he had been Lapidanus's disciple, and that the university of Paris was his dear mother: but, as all his rhetorick could not prevent his book being censur'd by the Paris divines, he calls her afterwards an unnatural step-mother. He was one of the most di|ligent promoters of the study of Hebrew, of which himself was a good, master, tho' he did not learn it of Lapidanus, as some have imagin'd,

but from a Jewish rabbi, call'd Jacob Jehiel Loans, to whom therefore he directs a letter inscrib'd as follows, Johannes Reuchlin praeceptori suo Jacobo Jehiel Loans Judaeo, &c. it is likely, therefore, that after his squabble with those universities he retir'd to Basil, where he became cor|rector to the great Amerback, who was himself a very learned man, and had taken his degrees of master of arts in the university of Paris. Vide pag. 218.

2. JOHN CONN. CONUS, a native of Nurembergh, famous for his skill in the Greek and Latin tongues.

3. AUGUSTIN DODO, a learned canon of Basil, who, dying of the plague in 1513, was succeeded by

4. FRANCIS WILER, a learned franciscan.

5. CONRARD PELICAN, an eminent divine, and

6. BEATUS RHENANUS.

For JOHN FROBEN, ibid.

• 1 PETER CASTELLANUS.
• 2. SIGISMUND GELENIUS.
• 3. MARK HEILAND.
• 4. DES. ERASMUS of Rotterdam.
• 5. WOLFGANG MUSCULUS.
• 6. JOHN OECOLAMPADIUS.
• 7. WOLFGANG LACHNER.

ALL these are sufficiently known to the learned, especially the 4th, 5th, and 6th.

At BOLONIA.

BENEDICT HECTOR and PLATO DEI BENEDETI, both eminent and learned, who printed and corrected their own works.

At BRESCIA for BONINO DE BONINIS.

MARCUS SCARAMUCCINUS, a native of Palazolo in the territories of Brescia.

For JAMES and ANGEL BRITANNICI, ibid.

ANGELUS DE MONTELMO, a learned franciscan.

At FLORENCE.

DEMETRIUS CALCONDILLA, a native of Milan, printed and corrected that noble and beautiful edition of Homer's works, fol. in 1480, of which I have given an account above, pag. 196. He corrected many other Greek and Latin works, and at length went and set up a press in his own native city, where he continued printing and correcting for himself.

For FRANC. LAURENCE de ALOPA, ibid.

JOHN ANDREAS LASCARIS, a famous critick in the Greek and Latin tongues. He was descended from an illustrious family in Greece, which gave birth to three Greek emperors. After the taking of Constan|tinople by the Turks, he retired into Italy, and some time after went into France, whence he was sent embassador to the republick of Venice by Lewis XII. As he was thoroughly versed in all the antient authors of his own nation, he spared no pains to procure the best manuscripts from thence, to compare, correct, and fit them either for the Press, or for translating into Latin. He was in such credit with Francis I. that Gene|brard tells us, that he and the great Budaeus persuaded that monarch to erect that noble library in his own palace of Fontainbleau, and to found a college at Paris for the royal professors in the learned languages. He is also supposed to have been the corrector, if not the editor, of that noble edition of Avicen, which was printed at Lyons by Trechsel and Clean in 1498, in 3 vol. fol. to which he prefixed a dedication to Dr. Ponceau the king's physician. Erasmus thinks it a kind of miracle that any Greeks should ever become such masters of the Latin tongue as he and his two countrymen Marcus Musurus, of whom we shall speak by and by, and Theodore Gaza proved.

At LYONS for JOHN TRECHSEL.

THE famous Jodocus Badius, sirnamed Ascensius, who became after|wards one of the most eminent Printers.

At MILAN for ANTONY ZAROT.

PETER JUSTINUS PHILELPHUS.

For LEONARD PACHEL, ibid.

BENEDICT, sirnamed Rhetoricus.

At NAPLES for MATT. MORAVIUS.

JUNIANUS MAJO, professor of grammar and rhetorick.

At NUREMBERG for ANT. COBURGER.

THE learned Frederick Pistorius.

At PARIS for ULRICK GERING and his two Associates.

JOHN LAPIDANUS, or a Lapide, doctor of Sorbonne, and a great promoter of learning. Vide supra pag. 166, & seq.

WILLIAM FITCHET, a native of Aulney in Normandy; he was doctor of divinity, and fellow of the college of Sorbonne. Vide supra ib.

ERHARD WINDSBERGH, doctor of physick in the university of Paris.

For ULRICK GERING and BERTOLD REMBOLT, ibid.

THE learned John Capuis, editor of the Corpus Juris Canonici, with the gloss, short notes, index, &c. printed by Gering and his associate in 3 vol. fol. in 1501. This was a most elaborate and expensive work, every page being charged with letters ranked in five or six columns, and mix'd with red and black. This edition was so highly liked, that it was presently sold off, and a new one of a smaller size came out soon after.

At ROME for CONRARD SWEYNHEYM and ARNOLD PANNARTZ.

1. JOHN ANDREAS, bishop of Valeria, and library-keeper to pope Sixtus IV. He wrote some learned comments on the IVth, Vth, and VIth book of decretals, and gave the world the first edition of Pliny's natural history, in correcting of which he had spent nine whole years. We have likewise a volume of his letters which are very curious, and the book itself scarce. His province was to furnish these two German Printers with the most valuable manuscripts out of the Vatican and other libra|ries, to compare, correct, and prepare for the press, and then to revise the sheets as fast as they came out. All which he perform'd with inde|fatigable application. Vide supra pag. 123, &c. He dy'd in 1470, and was succeeded by

2. BARTHOLOMEW (by others call'd Baptist) Platina, famous for his history of the popes.

For ULRICK HAN or GALLUS, ibid.

1. JOHN ANTONY CAMPANUS, bishop of Teramo. This prelate undertook the same province for Han that the bishop of Valeria did for Sweynheym and Pannariz, viz. to procure, correct, and prepare for the press, and to revise the proofs. He was also at the pains and charges of collecting the Latin translations of Plutarch's lives, which till then did lay dispers'd, and by pieces among other manuscripts; and publish'd the first edition of it in two vol. fol. it has neither date, place, or Printer's name, and is dedicated by Campanus to Cardinal Piccolomini. In all these provinces he was so diligent and assiduous that he scarce allow'd himself time to eat, and not above three hours to sleep. He dy'd in 1477, in the 50th year of his age, and was succeeded by

2. CHARLES de Alexandris.

For EUCHARIUS SILBER, ibid.

1. BARTHOLOMEW de Salicetis.

2. LUDOVICUS de Regiis.

3. MICHEL FERN, sirnamed Archipoeta, editor of bishop Campa|nus's works, and a severe satyrist against careless and incorrect Printers, plagiaries, &c.

For GEORGE LAVER, ibid.

1. CELESTINE PULVERINUS.

2. POMPONIUS.

At TREVISO for MICH. MANZOLI al. MANZOLINI. JEROME BONINI.

For BARTHOLOM. CONSOLONERI, ibid. BARTHOLOMEW PEROT.

At VENICE for NICOLAS JENSON.

OMNIBONUS LAODICENUS, a native of Vincentia, famous for his learned comments upon several antient authors. He revised and cor|rected some of Cicero's works, as likewise Quintiliani Oratoriarum Insti|tutionum libri, fol. which were printed by Jenson in 1471, with this colo|phon, Quintilianum Eloquentiae fontem ab eruditissimo Omnibono Laodiceno emendatum, M. Nicolaus Jenson miro impressit artificio, &c.

For VINDELIN de SPIRA, ibid. GEORGIUS ALEXANDRINUS, & CHRISTOPHORUS BERARDUS de Pesauro.

For CHRISTOPHER WARDAFFER, ibid.

THE famous Ludovicus Carbo, who is said to have corrected his proofs with red ink, from which one might be led to conclude that they had not yet got the method of writing their corrections on the margin of the proof.

For BERNARD PICTOR and ERHARD RADOLT, ibid.

PETER LOSLEIN de Langencen, who, from being their corrector, became their partner, and afterwards set up a Printing-house of his own.

For ANTONY della STRADA, ibid. VICTOR PISANUS.

For PETER VERONENSIS, ibid. JEROME CENTONE of Padua.

For PHILIP PINCI, ibid. BENEDICT BRUGNOLI, famed for his great skill in the Greek and Latin tongues.

For ALD. P. MANUCIUS, ibid.

1. PETER ALCION.

2. DEMETRIUS CALCONDILLA, mentioned above.

3. ALEXANDER BANDINUS.

4. BENEDICT TYRENUS, and

5. MARCUS MUSURUS, who was a native of Candia, and became a famous professor of the Greek and Latin tongues in the university of Padua, and for his great learning and merit was afterwards made bishop of Ragusium. We have already mention'd what Eraesmus said of him and his Countrymen Laescaris and Theod. Gaza, concerning their great skill in Greek and Latin; to which Beat. Rhenanus adds in his Vita E|rasmi,

that he was a man of such extensive reading and profound eru|dition, that there was nothing so obscure and intricate which he could not render plain and easy by his eloquence. Ald. Manucius doth like|wise commend him very highly not only for his vast learning, but also for his indefatigable diligence and accuracy in comparing and correcting antient manuscripts, both Greek and Latin, and fitting them for the press. Upon which account the care and correction of that noble edi|tion of the Etymologicon Magnum, printed at Venice by Zacbary Caliergius in 1499, was committed to him.

For BENET LOCATELLI, ibid.

MAURICIUS de Hibernia, afterwards bishop of Tuamo..

At VINCENTIA, for HERMAN LEVILAPIS.

AENEAS WOLPIUS, prior of the convent of the Holy Cross.

I HAVE only mention'd some of the most famous for their learning and diligence, besides whom there were many more, who, tho' of an infe|rior class, in comparison of the former; yet were all men of letters, and vastly superior to those, which Printers have been forced to make use of in process of time. It must be also remember'd, that many of those Printers of the 15th, and part of the 16th century, were men of great learning and parts, and indefatigable industry, able to prepare their manuscripts for the press, and to correct their own works: Such were the great Amerback at Basil, who was master of arts in the university of Paris, Froben his worthy partner and successor, Ant. Coburger at Nurem|bergh, Aldus Manucius and Azulanus at Venice, Jodocus Badius at Lyons and Paris, and many more, of whom we have given an account in this history. And yet it is observable from this table, that those, who were the most capable of correcting their own works, did still entertain the greatest number of correctors.

HOWEVER, I must not omit acquainting the readers, that those great persons whom we have mention'd in this list, were not properly correctors in the sense we now understand that word; that is, men re|tain'd

by a proper salary to perform that function, but editors or au|thors, and correctors only of their own works; or if at any time they were prevail'd upon to oversee any curious edition, it was done rather out of curiosity than for gain. For 'tis certain that every Printer had besides a corrector of an inferior rank to revise and correct every proof, if he did not do it himself, before they were sent to those great men, whose corrections were generally of a higher nature. What makes me mention this distinction, is the grief which the famous Erasmus conceiv'd at his being upbraided by count Carpi, and more particularly by Jul. Staliger, with having serv'd as corrector in Aldus's Printing-house, and the pains he took to clear himself from that imputation. Every body knows that Erasmus had ventur'd to print a dialogue, entitled Ciceronia|nus, in which he endeavour'd to shew that Cicero was more cry'd up than he deserv'd; at which Scaliger was so enraged, that he wrote a vin|dication of that great master of eloquence in two different orations, which he soon after printed. In the last of which he addresses himself to Erasmus in words to this effect; Did not you get a livelihood by cor|recting Aldus's proofs? and were not those errata we meet with in them more owing to your drunken carelessness than to the Printer? do they not smell stronger of your drunken cups than of the composer's dulness? He af|terwards affirm'd that he met with Aldus one day at Mantua, who told him that Erasmus was wont to dispatch as much business in one day as other correctors did in two, and to solace himself the rest of the time with drinking of good Malmsy wine. Erasmus was so gall'd at this ora|tion, that, as Merula tells us, he bought and burnt all the copies he could possibly get of it, and that he succeeded so well that there was not one to be met with. However, in his answer to count Carpi, he says that he was so far from correcting for Aldus, unless it were his own works, that he refused that office to some eminent cardinals who desired him to revise the laft proofs of some works then printing: that if he took any thing else in hand, whilst he staid at Venice, it was not for lucre, but out of curiosity; and acquaints us, that Aldus had a constant corrector to his press named Seraphim, and then adds, Can he be call'd a servant who revises only his own works? for I never did any thing else for Aldus, whose Printing-house I used only for my conveniency. He has likewise been

supposed to have corrected for Theodore Martin at Louvain, but it is likely that it was in the same manner, and on the same foot as he did it at Venice. I had not dwelt so long on this nice distinction, were it not that those annalists, who have mention'd these great and learned men as correctors, have not sufficiently taken notice of it. Besides, it ought to be consider'd that there is a vast difference between Printing and correcting the works of antient authors after a number of manuscripts, which have been mutilated and spoil'd by every hand through which they pass'd; and Printing the works of a modern author after his own manuscript-copy, who is at hand either to revise it, or to be consult|ed upon any difficulty. The former province requires persons of the greatest learning, abilities, and most indefatigable application, in reading and comparing their manuscripts, in order to distinguish be|tween the genuine meaning of an author and the blunders of his tran|scribers; whereas the latter may be supply'd by a person of moderate parts and industry. As therefore, they have been the greatest promo|ters of learning, I hope the reader will not blame me, if I have en|deavour'd to do them all possible justice, and to distinguish them from those lazy and ignorant ones who have been, and are still, justly reckon'd the common pests of it.

The End of the Second Book.

The EDITOR to the READER.

SOON after Mr. Palmer's death, I was desired to see what was still wanting to compleat his History of Printing, according to his first pro|posal, and what materials he had left behind. I found, upon enquiry, that five sheets of this last Number were already printed off; but that the third sheet in course, viz. Q q, was left unfinish'd, being partly compos'd, and partly in manuscript, most likely in expectation of that curious edition which

the R. H. the Earl of Pembroke was then in search after, which has been mention'd in the Appendix to this second Book; and this seems to have been the cause of his delaying this last Number so long, that his last sickness pre|vented his publishing it.

The reader will, no doubt, be as much surprised as I was myself, at finding the last page of the second book and the first of the third book so diffe|rently numbred; and that there is a retrogression from 312 to 121: but, as the signatures of each sheet do follow in their regular course, I am fully persuaded that it must have been an oversight either of the compositor or of the author, which we hope the reader will easily forgive, especially consider|ing that there is not any thing wanting to compleat this second book; and that the materials he left behind do even exceed his computation for filling this suspended sheet. However, as there were but three sheets thus mis-num|ber'd, having been printed off long before the author's death, I have ven|tured to set all the remaining ones in their due order, to avoid the confusion that would otherwise unavoidably happen in the Index; and hope the reader will be kind enough to do the same with his pen to these three following sheets. Those, who know what a tedious sickness Mr. Palmer did labour un|der during the last two years of his life, will pass by so inconsiderable an oversight, in consideration of what he has done when he enjoy'd a better state of health. As for the rest of this History, we hope to find the materials in so good an order, that there will be little to do but to print after his manu|script, excepting where the noble Lord above-mention'd, or some of his learn|ed correspondents, have communicated some new discoveries too curious to be passed by. And this furnishes me with an opportunity of adding a new au|thority to what has been before advanc'd, concerning the first invention of Printing by John Faust at Mentz, omitted by Mr. Palmer, and since com|municated to me by an ingenious friend of his. It is a paragraph extracted out of Fox's book of martyrs, printed in 1537, page 837, wherein that learned author gives an account of the first discovery of that art, in all the main particulars exactly agreeable to what has been advanc'd in the first part of this History, and is to this purpose; That about the year 1440, or, as others affirm, 1446 and 1450, one John Faust of Stratzburg, and since a citizen of Mentz, found out the way of Printing by engraving upon metals, and by degrees improv'd it to cutting of single words, and at length

single letters: that, after some essays, he communicated his discovery to John Guttenberg and Peter Scheoffer; and these three, being first sworn to in|violable secrecy, made some considerable improvements in it: that Gutten|berg did at length, with John Mentel, publish the art at Stratzburg, which was soon after brought to greater perfection by some eminent Printers in other places; and in particular by Ulrick Han, or Gallus, at Rome, &c. From this short account it is plain that our English author had his intelligence from much better hands than many of the writers that have been quoted on that subject; and it is no small pity that he, who has so exactly informed himself with what had been done at Mentz, had not given us also an account of the introduction and progress of the art here in England, we might then have found a much more satisfactory account of it, than the reader will find in the next book from all that Mr. Palmer could possibly procure from other authors and records. However, as to this testimony, I doubt not but he would have been glad to have given it an honourable place in his first book, had he been apprised of it; but it is not much to be won|der'd at, that a book of martyrs should be one of the last pieces of history wherein one would have look'd for it. What Dr. Fox says of their cutting or engraving upon metal, and not upon wood, as Mr. Palmer and others have since more truly affirmed, can be only look'd upon as a pardonable mistake in the former, who could not be expected to be a judge of things of this nature; whereas, what the latter advances may be surely rely'd on, not only because it was in his own province, and that he neither wanted opportunities, nor spared any pains to inform himself aright in all those curious particulars, but also because his modesty would not suffer him to rely upon his own judgment, till he had it confirm'd by other eminent masters in the art of Printing, letter-cutting, &c.

BOOK III. OF ENGLISH PRINTING AND PRINTERS.

CHAP. I. Of the Art's being first brought to England.

_ALL our English historians and chroniclers, who have touch'd on this subject before Richard Atkins, viz. Stowe, Baker, Howel, &c. have proceeded only upon conjecture or com|mon and fallacious reports; or perhaps the first of these forementioned authors led the rest into these mistakes, that printing was not invented till the year 1459, nor brought into England till anno

1471; that at the Abbey of Westminster the first presses were set up; that Dr Islip, Abbot of Westminster, first introduc'd the art into England; and that England had it at least 10 years before any other city of Eu|rope, except Mentz and Harlem. The falsity of several of these particu|lars, sufficiently appears from the first book of this history; and the others are manifestly disprov'd since I have seen a book in the Earl of Pembroke's library, printed at the university of Oxford, anno 1468. How|ever, their mistakes were unavoidable in those times; because they were ignorant of several material particulars, and of the first editions, which were absolutely necessary to determine the true periods of the invention and introduction of the art into England.

BUT in 1664, Richard Atkins, Esq publish'd an account of the foremention'd edition and an old manuscript chronicle, preserv'd at Lambeth in the archbishop's palace, in his Original and Growth of Printing, printed by order of the right honourable Mr. Morrice secretary of state. The design of this book, which is little more than an invective against the Company of Stationers, is to prove that printing is a branch of the royal Prerogative, and a flower of the English Crown. This chronicle however, of which a friend of his, whom he does not name, sent him a copy, is far from being of undoubted authority, since it is liable to these exceptions. 1. That neither Atkins nor his nameless friend pretend to have seen the original, much less to have compar'd the copy with it. 2. They give no account when and by whom this chronicle was written, and how it was bequeath'd to the Lambeth library. 3. No author, that I know of, besides Atkins, mentions this chronicle in Lambeth library, except those who quote it from him; tho' that author hop'd that his book would oc|casion the discovery and publication of it in time for publick satisfac|tion, p. 4. 4. It is not to be found there now; for the Earl of Pembroke assur'd me, that he employ'd a person for some time to search for it, but in vain. 5. It gives an account of some particulars, altogether in|consistent with the more authentic accounts, which we are now masters of, with respect to the circumstances of the first discovery of the art; so that we may suppose, that whoever the author was, he has taken some part of his account from common report, and from the Dutch, who have laid claim to this invention. I might add, that Atkins has so in|terspers'd

the chroniclers account with his own observations, that it is very difficult to distinguish them exactly. However, imperfect and precarious as it is, since it gives us the most probable and clear account of this important affair, I shall here set it down, as I find it in the au|thor abovemention'd; after which I shall endeavour, by reconciling some inconsistencies in it, explaining several particulars, and adding some necessary remarks upon the whole, to lead the reader, if not to a certain, at least to the most probable account of this matter.

The chronicle is as follows.

Thomas Bourcher archbishop of Canterbury, mov'd the then King [Hen|ry 6th.] to use all possible means for procuring a mold (for so'twas then call'd) to be brought into this kingdom; the king (a good man, and much given to works of this nature) readily hearken'd to the motion; and taking private ad|vice, how to effect this design, concluded it could not be brought about with|out great secrecy, and a considerable sum of money given to such person or per|sons, as would draw off some of the workmen from Harlem in Holland, where John Guthenberg had newly invented it, and was himself personally at work. 'Twas resolv'd that less than one thousand marks would not produce the de|sir'd effect; towards which sum, the archbishop presented the king with three hundred marks. The money being now prepar'd, the management of the de|sign was committed to Mr. Robert Turnour, who then was of the robes to the king, and a person most in favour with him, of any of his condition. Mr. Turnour took to his assistance Mr. Caxton, a citizen of good abilities, who trading much into Holland, might be a creditable pretence, as well for his going, as stay in the Low Countries. Mr. Turnour was in disguise (his beard and hair quite shaven off;) but Mr. Caxton appear'd known and publick. They having receiv'd the said sum of one thousand marks, went first to Amsterdam, then to Leyden, not daring to enter Harlem itself; for the town was very jealous, having imprison'd and apprehended divers persons, who came from other parts for the same purpose. They stay'd till they had spent the whole one thousand marks in gifts and expences; so as the king was fain to send five hundred marks more; Mr. Turnour having written to the king, that he had almost done his work; a bargain (as he said) being struck between him and two Hollanders, for bringing off one of the workmen, who should sufficiently discover and teach this new art: At last with much ado they got

off one of the under workmen, whose name was Frederick Corsells (or rather Corsellis), who late one night stole from his fellows in disguise into a vessel, pre|par'd before for that purpose, and so the wind (favouring the design) brought him safe to London.

'Twas not thought so prudent to set him on work at London, but by the archbishop's means, who had been vice-chancellor, and afterwards chancellor of the university of Oxon, Corsellis was carry'd with a strong guard to Oxon; which guard constantly watch'd to prevent Corsellis from any possi|ble escape, till he had made good his promise, in teaching how to print: so that at Oxford, printing was first set up in England; which was before there was any printing-press or printer in France, Spain, Italy or Germany, except the city of Mentz, which claims seniority as to printing even of Har|lem itself, calling herself Urbem Moguntinam Artis Typographicae inven|tricem primam; tho' 'tis known to be otherwise, that city gaining that art by the brother of one of the workmen of Harlem, who had learn'd it at home of his brother, and after set up for himself at Mentz.

This press at Oxon was at least ten years before there was any printing in Europe, (except at Harlem and Mentz), where also it was but new born. This press at Oxford was afterwards found inconvenient to be the sole printing place of England, as being too far from London, and the Sea: whereupon the king set up a press at St. Albans, and another in the Abby of Westminster, where they printed several books of divinity and Physick, for the King, for reasons best known to himself and council, permitted then no law-books to be printed, nor did any Printer exercise that art, but only such as were the king's sworn servants; the king himself having the price and emo|lument for printing books.

THUS far the chronicle, or our author's extract from it; for, as I ob|serv'd before, he distinguishes not his own from the chronicle, nor ac|quaints us whether it be literally copied from the chronicle, or an abstract of it; nor whether it mentions any other transactions besides that of bring|ing printing to England. I shall therefore follow him no further, at pre|sent, but examine the truth of the several particulars of this account: yet previous to this, I shall observe, that we have the like account of this affair in Antony Wood's History and Antiquities of the University of Ox|ford, printed in 1674, i. e. ten years after Atkins had publish'd his piece;

from which the foremention'd author seems to have taken his account wholly; in many particulars, of which he has been confuted by several writers, as shall be shewn immediately. To return to Atkins's book; which is unknown to foreigners, and seen but by few in England; the author of that chronicle is mistaken in several points; 1. in supposing Har|lem or Harlein, as he calls it, to be the place from whence Corsellis came: It is not probable, that the art was invented there, especially by Guttenbergh, and in the year 1459, since it appears, the psalter was prin|at Mentz by Faust two years before that, besides the several books printed on wooden blocks. Again, if the book mention'd by Atkins and Wood to have been printed at Oxford, anno 1468, be the first book print|ted there, 'tis plain, that city had not the art ten years before any other; because I have lately seen a book printed at Strasburg by John Gutten|berg, in 1458, as I have already hinted in the postcript of the foregoing number; besides Strasburg, it was at Venice, the monastery of Sublaco, Aus|burgh, Rome and France before 1468. If it be urg'd, that there might be other books printed before that at Oxford, or that it requir'd some time to get all the necessary materials of a printing-house; the same pleas will equally serve for those other places now mention'd. Lastly, if we admit Gut|tenbergh to have carried the art to Holland, which we shall shew here|after to be extremely probable, it will be still false, that Mentz receiv'd it from the brother of one of his workmen. These are the inconsisten|cies and contradictions to plain facts, now certainly known, which dero|gate from the authority of this chronicle and of those that follow it. We shall now endeavour to clear these inconsistencies, or at least to shew how the author of it was led into these palpable errors, and from thence to discover the real truth of the whole transaction.

WE have already hinted at the probability, that he rather followed the reports spread about from Holland, than made a strict enquiry into this subject. This will appear more plain from the following considera|tions. 1. We hinted in our 1st book, that during the infancy of the art, Faust and Schoeffer, and together with them Guttenbergh, carry'd on the business with all possible secrecy, till the former being oblig'd to discover it at Paris for his own safety, and the latter having broke the partnership, and gone to set up the art elsewhere; it was thought of no

further use to conceal this invention. 2. The reader may call to mind that we advanc'd a probable conjecture of Mr. Mattaire's, that Gutten|bergh being cast at law, and sentenc'd to reimburse his moiety, and pay the charges of the suit, went away to Strasburgh to evade the sentence, which is now confirm'd by the book printed there just now mentioned; where not thinking himself fafe from further prosecution, he might really come down to Harlem, and there instruct Coster, or some others in the art. This seems to be more than probable, not only from the chronicle's mentioning Guttenbergh, and not Coster, as inventor of the art, but like|wise from his dating the invention nine years later than it was discover'd; which must be ascrib'd to its not having been known at Harlem till the year 1459, tho' it had been practis'd at Mentz from the year 1450, or soon after, as has been sufficiently shewn before.

AGAIN, if we consider that Holland and the Low-Countries were the only places of Germany, into which we traded, whereas the city of Mentz, which lies very far in the continent, was then little known to us, we shall not wonder, that our first accounts of the original of printing, should be taken from the Dutch, agreeable to their violent claims to the invention of it, and their scandalous stories invented to deprive Faust of his disco|very; for the chronicle acquaints us, that the city receiv'd it from a fu|gitive servant of Guttenbergh, who had learn'd it from his brother then working with him, and went to set it up there. There remains one sin|gle difficulty still; why the chronicle attributes the invention to Gutten|bergh, when all their writers make no mention of him, but ascribe it wholly to their countryman Coster. To solve this, if we suppose this account given to the author by Frederick Corsellis, or even by Mr. Caxton or Tur|nour, which is very probable; we may justly presume, that they spoke as they were inform'd on the spot, agreeably to the account which Gut|tenbergh gave of himself and of his invention, which the Dutch dar'd not to contradict, till after his death or departure from Holland, when they assum'd the whole discovery to themselves, and represented Coster as the sole inventor, exclusive of every other pretension. I have dwelt longer on these circumstances, because they notoriously demon|strate, that those contradictions to plain facts, universally known and as|sented to by all but the Dutch writers, confirm the authority of the rest

of the chronicle; since they are exactly drawn from the legends of that nation, which were then generally believ'd over all the Low-Countries, and were the only accounts that our merchants, and particularly the two gentlemen employ'd by the king, could procure concerning the original of printing. And 'tis not improbable that what the chronicle mentions of the imprisonment of several persons at Harlem, on suspicion of a design to steal the art, might be done rather out of fear least any of those strangers should rob them of their honour by exposing the vantiy of their pretensi|ons; since themselves could not be ignorant of what was done at Mentz long before that time.

BEFORE I dismiss this chronicle,) which, as I observ'd, was unknown till Mr. Atkins publish'd it, I shall give an account, which I found in a manuscript now in my possession, which seems to be much older than the year 1664, when Mr. Atkins publish'd his account, and which, a few Circumstances excepted, entirely agrees with that of the chronicle. The part relating to the introducing of printing into England being very short, I believe will be acceptable to the reader, and is as follows.

The rise and progress of printing in England.

The art of printing was first brought into England in the time of Hen. vi. at the charges of the archbishop of Canterbury (Bourchier,) who employ'd one Turner master of the robes to the king, and one Mr. Caxton a mercer of Lon|don, but using the trade of a merchant, to go to Harlem to endeavour to bring over some of the workmen, that had then newly practis'd the art there, who pre|vail'd upon some of the under-workmen to come over with them into England, and to teach them their trade. As soon as they were landed, they were convey'd under a guard to the university of Oxford for fear they should run back again; and there they set up a press about the year 1467, as appears by several books that were printed there about that time. The names of those workmen were Rood an Almayn (or German) and Winken de Worde; and the charges of the journey cost the archbishop 1500 marks, as appears by several papers and memorials relating to this matter, that are still extant in the library at Lam|beth. Shortly after there was a press set up at the Abbey of St. Albans, which continued till the dissolution, &c.

THE remainder being foreign to this chapter, shall be communicated in some of the following, to which it more properly belongs. I need not observe that this manuscript ascribes all the honour of this transaction to

the archbishoshp; whereas the chronicle assures us that the king contri|buted the greatest sum towards it. The date mention'd in my manuscript is a year before the Oxford edition came out.

It may be here objected that the year 1467 cannot bring it within the reign of Henry VI. who had been depos'd six years before; but I answer that the manuscript does not assert that the Dutch printers came not into England till that year, but that their press was not set up till then; and tho' this happen'd in another reign, yet it will still be true that king Henry caus'd them to be brought over, whilst he was upon the throne, tho' the civil wars, and his being depos'd, put a stop to their proceedings for six or seven years. We shall have occasion to remark further upon this in the next chapter. As for its complementing the archbishop with having been at the whole expence of the journey; it may be ascrib'd to want of better information, or partiality to that prelate, who might still be in great esteem under king Edward; whilst the good king Henry was strip'd of the royal dignity and wholly neglected. With respect to the two printers men|tion'd there; the first is probably the same, Theodoric Rood, who printed afterwards by himself, and of whom we have but two editions printed at Oxford in 1480, and 1481, of which we shall give a further account in the next chapter. Whether he came along with Corsellis as an under-work|man, is difficult to determine,

I am of opinion that Winken de Worde came not to England till some years after; tho' he might easily be confounded by the author of the M. S. with the other, on account of his Dutch name, and of his having signaliz'd himself afterwards by the number and elegance of his editions, which he printed both under Caxton and by himself. Thus 'tis ••••ain that the few re|cords, which we have, agree in the following particulars; that archbishop Bourchier sollicited king Henry VI. to procure the establishment of the art of printing in this kingdom; that the king not only consented, but con|tributed largely to it; that Turner and Caxton were employ'd in this design; that it cost 1500 marks to execute it; that it was happily effected during the reign of Henry VI. i. e. before the year 1461, since in the be|ginning of that year he was depos'd by Edward IV. and lastly, that Ox|ford was fix'd upon by the king and Archbishop to set up the first press in, and make the first essays of this art; which city therefore shall be the subject of our next chapter.

CHAP. II. Printing at Oxford by Frederic Corsellis.

SOME English authors, and particularly Mr. Howel, are of opinion, that the first trials of this art were made in the Ambry belonging to Westminster-Abby, where Mr. Caxton afterwards carry'd on the business with good success for a considerable time; as shall be related in its place. But as they affirm this upon the supposition, that the Abbot of that place, [Islip], was the person, who procur'd the art to be brought to England; whereas the chronicle abovemention'd, which they knew nothing of, as|serts the contrary; in both these respects, I think it more reasonable to follow it, than those writers: nor indeed is it probable, that any but a crown'd head, or some persons employ'd by him, would venture upon such a dangerous project. Besides, this account of the chronicle is con|firm'd by the edition of 1468, mention'd in the preceding chapter, of which we shall speak more fully hereafter: for tho' this comes short in date of the last year of Henry VI, by seven or eight years, yet it is older by at least as many, than any impression of Caxton's at Westminster, as far as has been yet discover'd. Add to this, that according to their Suppo|sition, that Mr. Caxton learn'd the art from the workman brought over from Holland, we must necessarily suppose the latter to have made several essays, and printed a volume or two at least, before the former could be perfect enough in it to engage in that province. But I am far from think|ing, that Caxton either learn'd the art from him, or even came over to England with him; since 'tis much more probable, that he dispatch'd Mr. Turnour with Corsellis thither, and carried on his commerce as well as his studies beyond sea. I am inclin'd to this opinion, by a passage in the preface to the second book of his history of Troy, which he tells us he trans|lated from the French at the desire of the Dutchess of Burgundy, the King's sister; which translation, he says, he began at Bruges, anno 1468, conti|nued at Gaunt, and finish'd at Cologn, anno a thousand four honderd lxxi. Hence 'tis plain, that he was still travelling in Flanders and Germany

three years after the first edition printed by Corsellis at Oxford: nor does it appear, that Caxton came presently after to England, but stay'd to write a third book in the last mention'd place, Cologn, as he informs us in these words;

"The third book of the destruction of Troy—I have now good leyzer in Cologn—I have delibered in my self beyng—to take thislaboure in hand"

'Tis unreasonable to ima|gine, that a man of his years, (of which he complains in the same pre|face, saying, that age crept on him daily and feebled all the body,) should come along with the Dutch Printer, and learn the art from him, and then go travelling again, having one book to translate, and ano|ther to write, viz. his Fruits of Time. I am of opinion therefore, that he learn'd the art, at least got a good insight into it abroad, and per|haps at Cologn; tho' he might make himself master of the practical part of it after his return into England.

THUS far therefore 'tis plain, that Caxton had been on his travels some time, when Corsellis printed that first edition at Oxford; that the latter was the first Printer in England; and that Oxford was the place, where the first press was set up. The chronicle gives these reasons why that Printer was sent thither; 1. Because it was an inland town, out of which it would be less possible for him to escape, than from London or any place near the sea; 2. Archbishop Bourchier, who had been vice-chan|cellor, and was then chancellor of that university, may be suppos'd to have had a more than ordinary regard for it, and, in consequence of that, to have prevail'd upon the King to honour it with the first press. To these we may add the two following, viz. 1. That an university was the most proper place for such a work; because it would still be under the eye and direction of the learned men there, who could make choice of the best works to be printed, the best MSS. to print from, and the most skilful persons to correct them; 2. the city of London, and almost the whole kingdom being disturb'd and divided by the Earl of March's par|ty▪ and the court engag'd in opposing his measures, an university was a much safer and quieter place to lay the foundation of this art in, than any other in the kingdom. Corsellis therefore, and those to whom he was to discover the secret, having sworn fidelity to the king and his successors, and being admitted into the number of the king's servants and

houshold, began to exercise this art as soon as they had got all things ready for it. How long they were thus employ'd in their preparations, and what progress they made after I shall next enquire.

THE reader will have just cause to admire, that, if they began so soon as the latter end of Henry VI's reign, viz. before anna 1461, they should have publish'd no work yet discover'd till seven years after, viz. 1468; and that there are but three editions extant between that time and the year 1481, the edition of 1468 included; and, what is still more ad|mirable, that from that year to 1585, which is above 100 years, thee is not one volume to be found printed at Oxford, tho' the art flourish'd in several other parts of England, as will appear in the progress of this history. This last particular I can by no means account for; but the other, I mean their slow progress at first, is easily solv'd by what has been hinted before, viz. the troubles which were then breaking forth, and fell upon the king and court, as well as his deposition, which hap|pen'd immediately after their first settlement in that university, together with the opposition made continually by his Queen and friends against his victorious rival. Besides, if we consider that the Printers were sworn servants to the crown, and consequently incapable to act without the king's special order, or at least his licence, whilst Henry their Patron was out of power, and the reigning monarch otherwise employ'd, it will be very easy to account for these delays, and the small progress which they made in those troublesome times. We may likewise with great probability suppose, that most of their works were such as were adapted to those times of superstition, as prayer-books, manuals, legends, &c. which perish'd soon after the reformation.

IT must be own'd indeed, that the author of the chronicle, so often mention'd, tells us, that as soon as Corsellis had perform'd his promise, and instructed a sufficient number of others in the art, it was thought proper to disperse them, some to Westminster, others to St. Albans, &c. Yet it is still very surprizing, that so considerable a place as Oxford could not detain one of them by a sufficient encouragement. However, 'tis plain, that except Theodoric Rood, a German, and native of Cologn, who very probably came over with Mr. Caxton from thence, and of whom we have discover'd but two editions, there are no other footsteps of

printing in this university extant from that time to 1585, nor any tole|rable account among the writers of those times for such a wonderful scar|city. But this is not the only thing which the reader will be surpriz'd at, with relation to the slow progress which printing made at Oxford.

I have, in the former book, given an account of vast improvements made to that art in foreign countries, and to what a degree of perfection the Italians and French, in particular, had brought it, not only with respect to the exquisite beauty and variety of characters, richness and ele|gancy of composition, &c. but likewise by their introducing the learned and eastern languages, as Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, &c. into their print|ing-houses, even before the year 1520, and printing several curious po|lyglot works in all these tongues, besides the Latin. But tho' I have ex|tended this English history thirty years further than theirs, viz. to the year 1550, yet the reader must not expect to find any thing of this na|ture done in England during that time. Our first Printers, tho' excel|lent men in their way, contented themselves with printing in their own tongue; and if they ventur'd sometimes either upon Latin or French, their productions in those languages were few and inconsiderable: but with respect to Greek and Hebrew, either thro' want of due encouragement from the learned, or of courage in them, 'tis certain they never attempt|ed any thing of that kind till a long time after.

THE reader may remember with what difficulty the Parisian Print|ers were prevail'd upon to venture upon such works; what objections and obstacles they rais'd against so expensive and hazardous an underta|king: yet a learned Frenchman so far prevail'd with some of them, that he had the pleasure of seeing several of his own works printed in those languages; the reception of which soon encourag'd them to proceed in several noble undertakings. But the case was far different in England: for the learned Dr. Wakefield, having made an oration in 1584, to re|commend the study of the Hebrew and Arabic tongues, and shew the usefulness and necessity of them, was oblig'd to publish it maim'd and imperfect, wanting near a third part, because, as he tells us, the Print|ers of that time had no Hebrew types; tho' it was printed by Wynken de Worde, one of the most eminent Printers in Europe of that age. Printing in Greek made no great figure in England before the 16th cen|tury;

and the most learned work, which we have to boast of, was the po|lyglot bible of Dr. Walton, mention'd at the latter end of the last book, which was not printed till after the restoration by Mr. Thomas Roycroft, of whom I shall say more hereafter.

EXCEPT this, I don't find any footsteps of any works in the poly|glot kind, but what were small and inconsiderable. However, we, like the Dutch, have sufficiently since atton'd for the slow progress which our ancestors made in those noble branches of printing.

I shall now give an account of the editions before mention'd between the years 1468 and 1585.

1. Sancti Hieronymi expositio in Symbolum Apostolorum, 4to, (without the Printer's name.)

Oxon, 1468.

THIS antient piece begins with the following title. Incipit Expositio Sancti Jeronimi in Symbolum Apostolorum ad Papam Laurentium. At the end are the following words: Explicit Expositio Sancti Jeronimi in Sym|bolo Apostolorum ad Papam Laurentium, Impressus Oxonie & finita Anno Domini MCCCCLXVIII. xvii. die Decembris. There is one in the Bod|leian library, given by the learned bishop Barlow, who wrote with his own hand, in the first page, that this exposition was not St. Jerom's, but Rufinus's: Rufini est haec Expositio, non Hieronymi: and in the last page he wrote as follows,

Stephen Bateman doctor of divinity, and chaplain to Hen. Cary Ld. Huns|den upon Bartholomaeus de proprietatibus rerum [the book was writ in Latin anno 1366, translated into English in 1397,] in the last he tells us, that Bartholomeus was first printed in English in 1471, and then he adds,—at which time printing began first in England, the 37th year of Hen. VI. but he is manifestly mistaken, for this foregoing book was printed in 1468 at Oxford, at least two years before. This remark of Dr. Bateman has another gross mistake, besides that observ'd by bishop Barlow; which is, that the year 1471 was far from being the 37th of Henry VI. who had been depos'd 10 years before. The 37th year of that King's reign was the year 1459; in which 'tis probable some foundations of printing had been laid in England, tho', for the aforemention'd reasons, we meet

with nothing done in that kind till eight or nine years after. We shall affirm nothing concerning this English edition of Barth. de Propriet. Rer. (tho' 'tis reasonable to suppose it printed at Oxford,) since we have no other account of it but this manuscript note of bishop Barlow.

2. Leonardus Aretinus in Aristot. Ethic. Comment. Oxon, 1479.

I THINK 'twill not be amiss to insert here what is wrote before these two books, which are in the Pembroke library, 'tis as follows.

'Here are the only two books to be seen by Corsellis, the first Printer at Oxford; tho' there are other copies of the first, of the second we know of only this. These are printed on the same shap'd letters as the Rationale and Catholicon by Faust (vulgarly doctor Faustus.) The civil wars in Edward IV's time might probably hinder the progress of the press; the third book, viz.'

3. Aegidius de Romd, alias Aegidius Columna Romanus Ar|chiep. Bituricens. Ord. Eremit. S. Aug. de Peccato Ori|ginali, 4to. Oxon, 1479,

'was printed about the time of the second, and, 'tis probable, this was printed by Corsellis, for the next Printer at Oxford was Rood, as appears by the following book.'

4. The destruction of Troy in Latin, by Guido de Colum|na, by T. R. Oxon, 1480.

THERE is also one more printed by Rood at Oxford, mention'd by Orlandi, viz.

5. Alexandri ab Hales Angli Sententiosa, atque studio digna expositio super tertium Librum de Anima. Impressum per me Theodoricum Rood [Road] de Colonia xi. Octob, in Alma Universitate. Oxon, 1481.

'Both Corsellis and Rood are mention'd by our historians, to have been brought over by Caxton. Caxton with Sir Richard Whetehilt were sent, after he brought in the art, by Edward IV. to settle a commerce" with the Duke of Burgundy, in 1464. Vide Rymer's Faedera.'

THUS much for Oxford in the infancy of the art.

CHAP. III. Westminster. MCCCCLXXIV.

WESTMINSTER being the most considerable place on several accounts, and particularly for its productions, and the great ap|plause with which Mr. Caxton carry'd on the business of printing there for above 21 years; we have for this reason given it the priority; yet hope I shall be excus'd for this digression concerning St. Albans, which has been far less eminent on this account, and as a history of the two books printed there, I shall here relate as I found it wrote before the Book of Miscellanies, printed at St. Albans, in the Pembroke library. 'Tis as follows.

'IT is agreed, that Corsellis was the first who printed in England, and that Oxford and St. Albans were the two first places; the types, as may be seen in my Lord's books, at Oxford were like those of Faust; the types of this at St. Albans are like the Dutch Spieghel. Junius argues for the first printing to be at Harlem from the Dutch Spieghel; but it appears from what is writ before the five books, call'd Paginae Conglutinatoe, that the Latin one of this Dutch was before it, the which he had not seen, neither does it conclude where it was printed; however, this book of St. Albans affords an argument, which Junius could not then know of, that the Dutch letter might be before 1460, and it favours what At|kins says of a press brought over from Harlem in the time of Henry VI. who dy'd in 1460. This is the same letter, and we read that Frederick Corsellis did at St. Albans instruct an old learned school-master to print, and Corsellis was of a considerable age when Theodoric de Rood of Colen succeeded him at Oxford, by whom we have two books printed; the first as old as 1480, already taken notice of. It has been a doubt, whether

they first printed at St. Albans or at Oxford, the oldest book of St. Al|bans with a date is here; but we cannot prove this book of Miscellanies to be older than the dissolution of the Abbies by K. Henry VIII. 'till when a press remain'd, and the first letter us'd as late as 1490, such a year appearing in this book. We know of but one more book at St. Albans, the which my Lord also has; it discovers that there was another press set up at St. Albans after this, with the letter of the Spieghel, be|cause that is printed with Caxton's types, and hath (as Caxton's books have) the two improvements of indenting paragraphs, and dividing words by hyphens at the ends of the lines; the Printers of this, with the letter of the Spieghel, continu'd to print as they began, without the two im|provements, even after the press of Caxton; tho' even here that press us'd his improvements. This other book is dated 1486 in words at length, at the end of the book of hunting, besides the arms of that mo|nastery, which are at the end of the whole book. Spelman in his Aspilo|gia, quotes the whole book, as wrote by Juliana Barnes, and is so referr'd to by Bale in his Scriptores, tho' she appears to be the author only of the piece of hunting; the treatise in that book of coat arms, is only a translation of Upton de re Militari. That printed by Caxton at Westmin|ster in 1496, was a second edition of this book.

OF this, with the types of the Spieghel, there is a second edition in 1529, printed by Winken de Worde; it consists of miscellanies, and has some|thing very remarkable, as the old tryal in K. Henry VI's time at Leices|ter, (not taken notice of in our great collection of state-tryals) of the cardinal of Winchester, impeach'd by the Duke of Gloucester before the House of Lords, in which appears the names of the mitred Abbots among the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the form of the clerks entring as they came in, and at different times took the oaths. The names of the thirty six churches in London and suburbs that were not parochial; also of the hundred and eighteen parish churches and their patrons. In this is the Nut brown maid, suppos'd by Chaucer, as Skelton confirms, by hav|ing had a copy given him by Lidgate, Monk of Bury. Mr. Prior has made a paraphrase on it, and has also printed it from the old English, but knew not that it was by Chaucer; besides, in his, each verse is divid|ed into two, as the first verse ends with among, and the second ends

with it is, &c.

Also in his, Woman and Man, is printed at the beginning of each Stanza [here they are suppos'd] as they speak. Also the last Stanza (which makes twelve lines by his division) is wanting.'

THUS far we have copied from my Lord's manuscript notes before his books of St. Albans. We now proceed to Westminster; and here 'tis re|quisite to observe, that Dr. Islip, abbot of Westminster, having very li|berally promoted this art, and encourag'd Mr. Caxton, to whom he as|sign'd that part of the Abby, suppos'd by some of our historians to be the Ambry or Eleemosinary. As a confirmation of this opinion, Mr. New|court in his Repertorium, tom. i. pag. 721, has it thus:

'St. Ann's, an old chappel, over against which the Lady Margaret, mother to king Henry VII, erected an alms-house for poor women, which is now turn|ed into lodgings for the singing-men of the college. The place, wherein this chapel and alms-house stood, was called the Eleemosinary or Al|monry, now corruptly the Ambry, [Aumbry] for that the alms of the Abby were the••e distributed to the poor; in which Islip, abbot of Westminster erected the first press for book-printing, that ever was in England, about the year of Christ 1471, and where William Caxton, citizen and mercer of London, who first brought it into England, practis'd it.'

This might occasion the report, that this abbot first brought printing to England at his own charges. This notion of his introducing the art into our nation, which has prevail'd among several of our writers, is not only contradicted by the author of the chronicle, but seems to be ground|less on this account, that if there had been any truth, in it, Mr. Caxton would have been oblig'd in gratitude to have taken notice of this singu|lar piece of merit of his friend and patron, in some of the prefaces to his works.

I HAVE follow'd the same method in this book, as I did in the for|mer, dating the places according to the oldest edition extant, that bears any certain date; tho' I am not ignorant that some of them may come short of being the first that were printed there. Mr. Bagford (whose papers are now in the possession of the right honourable the Earl of Ox|ford, at Wimpole in Cambridgeshire) tells us, in a proposal he publish'd for a History of Printing, that Caxton's first impression seems to be that of

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Game of Chess, in 1474; because it carries that date in the device, as the reader may see under his picture at the front of the second volume, tho' he owns there was another impression of it without that device, as well as several other of his works without any date at all. However, the oldest that has a certain date, ought in reason to fix our epocha, according to our method.

WILLIAM CAXTON. 1474.

MR. Caxton was born, as he writes himself, in the Weeld of Kent, where the broadest English is spoken; but as Fuller, in his Eng|lish Worthies asserts, he was born at Caxton in Hertfordshire, being per|haps lead into that error by his sirname, since it was the custom of that time for persons to denominate themselves from the place of their birth. I think it will be necessary to subjoin his own account of himself in this respect, from his preface to the Recule of the Historyes of Troye, translated by him out of the French of Raoul le Fevre, Priest.—

'When I re|member myself of my unperfitness in both languages.—In Fraunce was I never, and was born and lerned myne English in Kente in the Weeld, where English is spoken broad and rude.—I have continu|ed for the most part in the countries of Brabant, Flanders, Holland and Zeland.—The Dutchesse of BOURGOGNE sister of the king of Eng|land, when she had seen v or vi quairs, found default in myn English, which she commaunded me to ammand, and to continue and make an end of the residue,—whose commaund I durst not disobey.'

—Thus far Mr. Caxton: and I can't but observe, that the faults of his Eng|lish are owing more to his long continuance abroad, than to the place of his birth; which will easily appear from an accurate observation of his lan|guage and manner of spelling, which discover the foreigner more than a broad-spoken Kentish man. His education was owing to his mother, and extended no farther than to read and write, which, he says, procur'd him a good maintenance. Mr. Bale tells us indeed, that he understood the La|tin tongue; which is plain, from his translations out of that language.

But, as he does not mention it as a part of his youthful education, 'tis very probable that he did not apply himself to the study of it till a long time after. He was bred a mercer of the city of London, and became a Con|jurys thereof, * 2.89 as he stiles himself in his preface to Cato, that is, a sworn member of that company, which in those days consisted of very consi|derable merchants, trading more particularly into the Low-Countries, and some of the maritime parts of Germany. To these he was frequently sent, but never had the fortune to visit France; tho' he became so good a master of that language, as to translate several volumes into English, of which we shall give an account hereafter. His travels likewise so well accom|plish'd him in the High and Low-Dutch, that upon the account of this, and his knowledge of those countries and their trade, the king chose him as a fit person to undertake the bringing printing to England. This task, how difficult and hazardous soever, he acquitted himself with great integrity.

Mr. Caxton, besides his accomplishments as a merchant, acquired a great deal of politeness, partly by his travels for 30 years, and partly by his frequent residence at the court of the dutchess of Burgundy, sister to king Edward IV, who caress'd and patroniz'd him very much; for, in the preface abovemention'd, he tells us, that he was a servant to her grace, and received of her a yearly fee, and other many good and greate benefits. He was likewise a favourite to several of our kings, particularly Henry VI, Edward IV, Richard III, and Henry VII; and highly esteem'd by the prime of our nobility, and especially by the duke of Clarence, the king's uncle, to whom he dedicated some of his works; the countess of Derby, king Henry VII's mother; the earl of Rivers, Arundel, with many others. As he was a person indefatigable and ambitious of applause, as well as earnest in promoting the glory of his own country, he read incessantly the

histories of his own and other nations; which at proper times he digested into order. At his return to England, he became acquainted with a learn|ed schoolmaster of St. Albans, suppos'd by some writers upon good grounds to have been the printer of Juliana Barnes. This person, having laid the foundation of a compleat body of English history, kept a constant corre|spondence with Mr. Caxton, and was assisted by him in his translations; but, being prevented by death from finishing his work, Mr. Caxtom pro|cur'd his papers, examin'd, and reduc'd them to order, and compar'd them with the best authors he could get, as Livy, St. Austin, Gildas, Be|da, Isidorus, Cassiodorus, Geoffrey of Monmouth, William of Malmesbury, Martin Cansulanus, and others; from whom he also extracted many conside|rable passages, which he added to the history. This work he entitled Fru|ctus temporum, or the fruits of time, in seven books; to which he subjoin'd a chronology. The history begins with the giants, the first suppos'd inhabitants of this island, and concludes with the 23d year of Edward IV. viz. ann. 1483. What share our author had in this performance, and how great a part was done by the schoolmaster, is impossible to determine. This book was often reprinted and much valued at that time; yet, tho' it is the most considerable piece which Mr. Caxton publish'd, we have seve|ral others written and printed by himself, which are as follow:

• 2. An appendix to Trevisa's English translation of Randulph's polychroni|con, 1 book;
• 3. The image of the world, 1 book;
• 4. The description of Great Britain, 1 book;
• 5. The life of Edward the Confessor, 1 book;
• 6. The history of king Arthur, 21 books;

and some others, all in English. The appendix to Trevisa is continued, from the year 1397, in which the supplement of Trevisa to the polychro|nicon ends, to the year 1460, in which he wrote it. The learned Mr. Selden indeed ascribes the whole to Trevisa; but, besides that, Caxton takes the supplement and other additions and interpretations to himself; but 'tis plain, as Dr. Nicholson observes, that Trevisa, according to that sup|position, must have wrote near a hundred years after his death. Those which he translated out of Latin and French are as follows:

Out of Latin.

• 1. Vegetius de re militari, or of the art of war, 4 books;
• 2. Joannita of the game of chess, 4 books;
• 3. The history of the destruction of Troy, 3 books;
• 4. Bonaventure of the Life of Christ, 1 book;
• 5. The history of Lombardy, 1 book;
• 6. John Tinmouth's Sanctilogium Britanniae, epitomiz'd by Capgrave.

From French.

• 1. The siege and conquest of Jerusalem, by Geodfrey of Bologne, dedicated to King Edward IV.
• 2. The royal book, entitled in French le livre royal.

BESIDES these, there are several others in the list of his printed works subjoin'd to the account of his life. He printed likewise some books in French, as La legende doree, &c. and some in Latin, as Vita patruum and Boetius de consolatione philosophiae, &c. This catalogue of his works, as an author, I have taken from Pitts and Bale; the latter of whom gives him the character of vir non omnino stupidus nec ignavia tor|pens, neither a perfect dunce nor abandon'd to laziness: I shall more rea|dily assent to the judgment of a much later and more judicious writer, Dr. Nicholson who says of Bale (p. 177) that he gives the account of men and their labours at random; and of Caxton (p. 190) that the op|portunities he had, of being acquainted with the court-transactions of his own time, would encourage his reader to hope for greater matters from him; but that his fancy seems to have lead him into an undertaking (with respect to his Fructus temporum) above his strength. There is one thing very observable concerning this excellent Printer and author, that he translated, printed, corrected, illuminated and bound all his Books with|in his own office or printing-house. As he printed long before the method of adding the errata at the end of books was in use, so his extraor|dinary exactness oblig'd him to a great deal more trouble than can easily be imagin'd; for he tells us, in the preface to some of his books, that his chief care, after a work was printed off, was to revise it, and mend all the faults with his own hand with red ink; which being done to one copy, he caus'd some of his journey-men to do the same throughout the whole impression; which he afterwards compar'd with his first sheet, to see that

they had not omitted any of his corrections. 'Tis true, they did not print off so large a number of books as now; for 250 or 300 were thought a large impression; but even that number made it very tedious to cor|rect throughout: tho' this was practis'd by several eminent Printers of other nations, 'till they found out the way of printing the errata in some blank leaves of the book.

MR. Caxton having made himself a perfect master of the Art of Printing (not at Oxford under Fred. Corsellis, as some authors imagine, but during his travels beyond sea, as will appear hereafter) came and settled at Westminster, where abbot Islip (as some say) his friend and pa|tron, assign'd him one of the chapels belonging to the abby, as we have before quoted from Newcourt, as being retir'd and free from interruption; and from this or some other chapel, 'tis suppos'd that the name of cha|pel has been given to all printing-houses in England ever since. And not|withstanding it is by some reported, that it was set up in the cha|pel there, I can trace no footsteps of its having been practis'd in that place. My manuscript beforemention'd says,

'that a press was set up in West|minster abby by abbot Islip, in the little ambry, where William Cax|ton was master.'

Mr. Bagford assigns the house in the ambry which was formerly the king's head, as the place where Caxton carried on his printing, but had I been early enough in my enquiry before 'twas pull'd down, as Mr. Bagford was, I flatter my self I could have found some remains. I have great reason to think it had been a printing-house, by having been inform'd, that some persons found among the rubbish some remains of printing materials; but, thro' ignorance of the curio|sity of them, they are either lost or destroy'd. As I have given my rea|sons against the arts being practis'd in the chapel at Westminster, I rather think, that our technical terms in printing, such as a printing-house being call'd a chapel; and where printing is grey in one place, and too black in another, the grey is call'd a fryar, and the black a monk; I think, I say, that these terms took their original from the art's being practis'd in other religious houses besides that at Westminster: for 'tis evident, by the book hereafter mention'd, printed in the exempt monastery of Tavi|stock in Devonshire, by Dan Thomas Richard, monk of the said monaste|ry, that several of the religious orders exercis'd this art, perhaps in some

outer chapel, which, being dedicated to some saint, was only us'd once a year on the anniversary of that saint.

THE reader will find, that printing-houses were set up in several cities and towns in England, where they had any considerable religious house. Thus we see the abby of St. Albans had printing there very soon, as before notic'd. Nor was this the only religious house where printing was practis'd, and that very early; for time has discover'd to us several others, such as Tavistock, as aforesaid, Worcester, Canterbury, Ipswich; which were chosen for that purpose. We have already hinted, that the first Printers were sworn servants to the Crown; and in particular Mr. Caxton not only printed as such, but all his impressions were recom|mended either by the king, or princes of the blood, or by some emi|nent patron amongst the nobility, who bore the charges of the whole. The types with which he printed were peculiar to himself, and easily distinguish'd from any other, being a mixture of secretary and Gothic in shape, the size great primer. He had several eminent workmen under him; particularly Winken de Worde, a Dutchman, and Rich. Pynson, a citizen of London, who afterwards printed for themselves many valuable pieces, which shall be mention'd in their proper place. They likewise us'd a letter peculiar to themselves, which as I shall take notice, differ'd from their master's, and was more refin'd and moderniz'd. Mr. Caxton, be|sides his other valuable qualifications, was a person of exemplary piety and strictness of life. He continu'd printing from before the year 1474 to 1495, as is evident from the end of the Vita patrum and Hilton's scale, printed, or rather finish'd, in that year by Winken de Worde. Mr. auditor Jett deceas'd, assur'd me, that he was bury'd in St. Margaret's church, Westminster; and that he saw the remains of his tomb-stone, but I have not as yet been able to find it.

THE list of his works is as follows; in which I could not possibly reco|ver the right titles of each book; but such as I could meet with, I have set down exactly as printed by him. Those which have no certain date are put at the end.

• 1. The Game of chess. fol. translated out of the Latin of Joannita, and by him dedicated to the duke of Florence, brother to king Edward IV, who was murther'd in the tower, ann. 1477. There are two editions of Caxtons of this book; one which has a kind of cypher or device, bearing the date of 74, and the other without both. The former therefore I suppose to be first printed, which has the date, VVestminster, 1474.

  IT is now in the Pembroke library, nor do I know of one any where else.

• 2. A book of sayings of the philosopher Socrates, translated out of Latin into French, by Johan. de Tronville, provost of Paris, and out of the French into English, by Wydewyll, Earl of Ryvers—emprinted by me William Caxton at Westmestre. 1477.

  The work was by the Earl's desire overseen by Caxton. Caxton me fieri fecit. This book is in the library of my worthy friend and pro|moter of this work Mr. Granger.

• 3. Memorare novissima, which entreateth of the four last things, the first of death, the second of the last judgment, the third of the pains of hell, the fourth of the joys of heaven; translated out of the French by Antony, Earl of Rivers, Lorde Scales, and of the Isle of Weight, defensor and dictator of the causes apostolique for our holy father the pope, uncle and governour to my lord, prince of VVales: printed by VVillam Caxton, in the year of Edward IV. 4to. Ibid. 1478.
• 4. Ovid's metamorphosis. Ibid. 1479.
• 5. Thymage or mirrour of the world, translated from the French into English. ibid. fol. 1480.
• BEGAN the second of January, 1480, and finish'd it the 8th of March in the same year. Caxton me fieri fecit.

• 6. The history of England, together with the history of Ireland, taken out of the polychronicon. fol. ibid. 1480.

  THERE are two editions of this book, both by Caxton, and since then it has been frequently reprinted by others till the year 1530.

• 7. The life and history of king Arthur, &c. in 21 books, written and printed by Caxton. ibid. 1480.
• 8. The history of the last siege and conquest of Jerusalem, trans|lated from the French of Godfrey of Bologn. 1 2.90 ibid. 1481.
• 9. The history of Reynard the fox. 4to. ibid.1481.
• 10. Tully of old-age and of friendship, in English. fol. 1481.
• 11. The continuation of Ranulph's polychronicon, English'd by Tre|visa. fol. without the place's name. by W. Caxton. 1482.2 2.91
• 12. Bartholomeus de proprietatibus rerum Anglicé. fol. ibid.

  THIS was communicated to me whilst I was printing this list, so that I had not time to enquire after the English title of it.

• 13. Cathone's exhortations or precepts, with comments, fol. ibid. 3 2.92 december xxiii. 1483.
• 14. The history of the knights of the tower. ibid. 1483.
• ...

• 15. The pilgrimage of the soul, translated out of French into Eng|lish with somewhat of additions. fol. emprinted by me William Caxton at Westmestre. 1483.1 2.93
• 16. Cato English'd by Caxton. fol. 1483.
• 17. Confessio amantis, the confession of the lover made by Johan. Gower, born in Walys, in the time of king Richard the second. fol. emprinted by me William Caxton at Westmestre. 1483.2 2.94
• 18. The book of homilies in English. fol. ibid. 1483.
• 19. La legende dorée. ibid. 1^re année de Richard III. 1483.
• 20. Directions for keeping the feasts of the whole year. fol. ibid. June the last. 1483.
• 21. The lives of the saints. ibid. 1484.
• 22. The royal book, entitled in French, Le livre royal. 3 2.95 fol. trans|lated and printed by William Caxton, in the second year of king Richard III. without the place's name.
• 23. Walter Hilton's scale of perfection. ibid. 1484.
• 24. The history of the noble and valiant knyght Paris, and the fair Vienne, the daughter of the doulphin of Viennes. fol. ibid. 1485.4 2.96
• 25. The life of Charles the great. ibid. 1485.
• 26. Vita patrum. ibid. 1485.
• ...

• 27. Malvire's history of king Arthur. ibid. julii ult. in the year 1485.
• 28. The book of good manners. ibid. 1486.1 2.97
• 29. A treatise against pride. ibid. 1486.
• 30. Dives and Lazarus, a dialogue on the decalogue. fol. ibid. 1488.
• 31. The book of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (Christian) of Pysedracon, out of Vegetius de re militari, and out of the arbre of battaile, with many other things setten to the same, requisite to warre and battailes; which book was delivered to translate and print, to William Caxton by king Henry the seventh, in the fourth year of his reign. fol. ibid. 1489.2 2.98
• 32. The book of feats of arms. ibid. 1489.
• 33. Virgil's aeneid translated, or rather epitomiz'd, from the French in prose by William Caxton: printed by him. fol. ibid. 1490.
• 34. The history of Jason. ibid. 1492.
• 35. Confessio amantis, or the confession of the lover, of Johan. Gower, &c. ibid. This is the second edition, with the same colo|phon as the former. 1493.
• 36. Vita patrum. Second edition. ibid. 1495.
• 37. Recueil of the history of Troy, per Caxton. 1502.

THIS edition, with some others, were communicated to me by a learned antiquary, in those very words, but whether he was really the Printer of it, or only the author, and the book Printed by some other, is what I cannot determine, unless I could have seen the book.

Those that follow are without date.

1. Liber festialis.

THIS edition, though I have given it no higher rank, upon the account of its having no date, doth yet manifestly appear to me to have been the first book extant of Caxton's Printing. I have seen it at my Lord Pembroke's library, and compar'd it with those of the Game of Chess, his three books of the history of Troy, and his Polychronicon; all which have been severally look'd upon as his oldest edition by one an|nalist or other, and find in it these two unquestionable marks of anti|quity above the other three, viz 1. The types on which it is printed appear to be entirely new, though they be the very same which he used in all his other works; whereas, in the others they seem to be more used and worn. 2. This edition is the only one whose lines are not spaced out to the end; this being an improvement and elegancy introduced by him in imitation of foreign Printers; whereas all the first editions had the same defect with this.

As for the three books of the history of Troy, the second is that which I imagine to have been printed first. I have seen it very perfect in several libraries, but the first and third I never could meet with any where, but in the noble library above mention'd. And even here they are somewhat imperfect, the first book wanting a few leaves at the be|ginning, and the third at the end. However, they all bear alike the mark of antiquity, and are unquestionably done with Caxton's types. The oldest book I could ever meet with that bears a date is his second edition of the Game at Chess, in 1474, as may be seen by the catalogue above; and what inclines me to believe it to have been the first of that kind, is that the same date 74 is continued in his following works that are dated, to which he sometimes added the two initial letters of his name, as in the mark or rebus here subjoined.

N. B. W C stands sor William Caxton, and the Figure between, for 74, i. e. 1474; the reader will plainly perceive the 7, and the other is a figure of 4, as made at that time.

[figure] William Caxton's printer's mark

We have met with but five editions without date, though we have ven|tured to add several more upon the authority of Mr. Maunsel and other authors, who we think may be rely'd on.

2. The game of Chess. 1 2.99

3. The rule of the monks of St. Bennet. fol. ibid.

4. The life of our Lady. fol. 2 2.100

5. The life of St. Winifred. 4to. translated and printed by William Caxton.

6. St. Austin raising two dead persons. 4to.

7. An exposition on the Lord's Prayer, Belief, Commandments, seven sa|craments, seven virtues, seven deadly sins: item, the general sentence, or sentence of cursing, modus fulminandi sententiam: the beads on sonday. fol. Printed by William Caxton at Westminster. 3 2.101

8. The fruit of time. fol. collected, compil'd, and Printed by William Caxton. ibid.

9. The spousage of a virgin. 4to. ibid.

10. The siege of Rhodes. fol. ibid.

11. Boetius de consolatione philosophiae. ibid.

12. The mirrour of the blessed life of Jesus Christ, written in Latin by the worshipful Dr. Bonaventure; translated into English in 1410, and brought to the reverend father Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Caun|terbury, who commanding and allowing the same, was afterwards printed by William Caxton. ibid.

13. Chaucer's Canterbury-tales, collected into one volume by Mr. Caxton.

14. The book of arts and sciences by Mr. Caxton.

15. The Curiace of Master Alayn Charetier, translated by Caxton. Belong|ing to Maurice Johnson, Esq

16. Parvus chato—Cato's precepts in Latin and English verse.

17. De fide & cantû samule sue.

II. WINKEN DE WORDE. MCCCCXCV.

WINKEN de Worde, the Dutchman, is suppos'd to have come over with Mr. Caxton, and was his servant and journey-man. He succeeded him in his Printing-house, as appears from some of his first impressions done by him, as he tells us, in the house of Mr. Caxton. It's difficult to assign the exact time when he came to England; whether with Frederick Corsellis, as my manuscript affirms, or some years after, which is more probable. After Mr. Caxton's death, he carry'd on the business, and finish'd some volumes begun by his master, as the Canterbury-tales and Hilton's scale of perfection. This last Mr. Mattaire dates in the year 1494, and Mr. Bagford 1465, who gives it as the first impression done in Win|ken de Worde's name. I have chosen to follow Mr. Bagford, who was very exact, as far as he could procure materials; for I have not yet met with the book my self. Though the list of this Printer's works is very large, yet I am certain there are many more either lost or still latent in some libraries; for he was a person of vast industry, and re|ceiv'd all imaginable encouragement; so that he publish'd several vo|lumes in one year, though we meet with some considerable chasms in others, during which time we cannot suppose him idle. He left West|minster, and set up his Printing-house in Fleet-street, at the sign of the Sun, in the parish of St Bride. I cannot determine the year of his re|moval; though his first impression there was done, anno 1503. He printed several Latin, as well as English volumes, but no Greek, as I can find. He continued Printing with great applause till the year 1533,

if not beyond that time. At his death he left a sum of money for an annual obiit for his soul to the parish of St. Bride's, of which he was an inhabitant. He was a person of great accomplishments in learning, as well as strictness of morals; and though he was the immediate suc|cessor of Caxton, yet he improv'd the art to a very great perfection. At his first setting up for himself, his first care was to cut a new sett of puncheons, which he sunk into matrices, and cast several sorts of Print|ing-letter, which he afterwards us'd. As Caxton us'd but two sizes, Double Pica and Great Primmer, viz.

Begun and finished by me simple Man, W. C.

Begun and finished by me simple Man, W. C.

Winken de Worde gave a greater scope to his fancy, and form'd such a variety of sorts and sizes of letter, that for several years after him, none of his successors attempted to imitate him therein. If he was the ma|nual operator in cutting and casting in his own founding-house, 'tis an incredible improvement which he made to the art; but, if he had his letter from any other Printer abroad, though it robs him of this glory, yet his excellent method of disposition, composition, and press|work, shews him to have far excell'd his master, and even to rival any of of his contemporaries abroad. There is one circumstance that induces me to think that he was his own letter-founder; which is, that in some of his first Printed books, the very letter he made use of, is the same us'd by all the Printers in London to this day; and I believe were struck from his puncheons.

The first is the two lin'd Great Primmer black,

by me Winken de Worde

The next is the Great Primmer black,

This Work was finished by me, Winken de Worde.

He is the first English Printer, who introduc'd the Roman letter in Eng|land, which he us'd with his Gothic or black letter, to distinguish any thing remarkable, as we do the Italic with the Roman at this time. His letter is different from most other Printers, and is cast so true, and stands so well in line, as not to be excell'd by any ever since: in his Gothic and Roman letter he fell in with the custom of those times by using abbreviations, even in his small siz'd letters. One circumstance I would observe is, that he is the only Printer I can find in England that us'd very small body'd letters in the infancy of the art, and he was fond even to the very last of using his master Caxton's rebus, of which we have given a specimen at the bottom of page 340. Upon the whole, he was a very curious, laborious, and indefatigable Printer; and I doubt not but time will add to his character, by bringing to light some noble testimonies of so great a man, which for want of, I am obliged to say so little here. He is the first Printer I have yet disco|ver'd who began to print the year-books. 1 2.102

The List of his Works, as far as I have been able to collect them, are as follows.

• 1. Polychronicon. 1495.
• 2. Chaucer's Canterbury-tales collected by William Caxton, and printed by Wynken de Worde at Westmestre. fol. 1495.
• 3. The lives of the holy faders hermits, translated by Caxton, with cuts, 10. Hen. 7. Westmynstre. 1495.
• 4. Walter Hylton's scale of perfection, printed in William Caxton's house. 1495.
• 5. Meditations of St. Bernard, translated from Latin into English by a devout student of the university of Cambridge, and has been put to be imprynted by W. de W. 4to. Westmynster the ix. of March. 1496.
• ...

• 5. A compendyouse treatise, dialogue of Dives and Pauper, viz. the ryche and the poore, fructuously treatynge upon the tenne com|maundements, emprynted at Westmonstre, 111. Decembre. 1496.
• 6. Treatyses pertaynynge to hawkynge and huntynge, and a trea|tyse of cotarmours. ibid. 1496.
• 7. Nicholas Uptonus Sarisberienfis canonicus, & scriptor haraldicus: de re haraldica Anglicé. Westmynster. 1496.
• 8. Frute of tymes, compyled and emprynted by one sometyme Schole|mayster of Saynt Albons; and in 1497 emprinted at West|mestre. 1497.
• 9. Contemplation of sinners, for every day in the week, a singular meditation, compyled at the request of Richard Lord Bishop of Duresme, Lord Privie seal of England, by dit. ib. 4to. July 10. 1499.
• 10. Jo. Gubriand. sinonima. 4to. 1500.
• 11. The Hill of perfection intituled in Latin, Mons Perfectionis, writen by John Alcocke, Bishop of Ely, by ditto, ibid. 4to. 1501.
• 12. Vobabula Magistri Stanbrigi. 1501.
• 13. The Ordinary of Christen men. 4to. 1502.
• 14. Hore Beate Marie Virginis, cum fig. printed upon Vellum. 1502.
• 15. John Gerson's three books of the Imitation of Christ, translated into English, by Will. Atkinson, DD. at King Henry VII th's Mother's desire. 1502.
• 16. Aesopi fabulae, cum comm. 1503.
• 18. The boke of the Recules of the siege of Troy, emprynted in Lon|don in Fleetstreet, at the sign of the Sonne, with figures. 1503.
• 19. Garlandia vocabulorum interpretatio. 1505.
• 20. The Ordinarye of Christen men. 1506.
• ...

• 21. Ars moriendi, that is the craft to dye, for the health of man's soul, by ditto. 4to. 1506.
• 22. The castle of honour, a poem. 1506.
• 23. The Festival, or sermons on sondays and holidais, taken out of the Golden Legende, 4to. 1508.
• 24. The book of carving. 1508.
• 25. The golden legende, reprinted. 4to. 1508.
• 26. The parliament of devils. 1509.
• 27. The court of sapience, a poem. 1510.
• 28. Demands joyous. 1511.
• 29. Promptuarium parvul. clericor. 4to. 1512.
• 30. History of Hilyas, knight of the swans, with figures, on parch|ment. 4to. 1512.
• 31. Bucolica Virgilii. 1512.
• 32. The long Accydence. 1513.
• 33. The fruit of redemption. Approved by Richard, bishop of London. 1514.
• 34. Liber Theodeli, cum comm. 4to. 1515.
• 35 Expositio Sequentiarum secundum usum Sarum. 1515.
• 36. The Chronicle of the world, or the fruit of time, in 7 books. 1515.
• 37. Virgilii bucolica, cum comm. 2d. edition. 1516.
• 38. Seneca de 4 virtutibus cardinalibus. 1516.
• 39. Ortus vocabulorum alphabetico ordine ferè omnia quae in catho|licon, Breviloquio, cornucopia, gemma vocabulorum atque me|dullâ grammaticae ponuntur; cum vernaculae linguae Angli|canae expositione continens, impressus per Wincandum de Worde, ac in urbe in parochia Sanctae Brigidae (de Fletestrete) ad signum solis moram trahentem, 4to. 1516.
• ...

• 40. Fabulae Aesopi, cum comm. 4to. 1516.
• 41. Rob. Whittintoni Litchfield. gramm. lucub. 4to. 1517.
• 42. Parabole Alami, cum comm. 1517.
• 43. Sulpitius Verulamus de moribus puerorum. 1518.
• 44. Whittintonus de concin. gram. construct. 1518.
• 45.—de 8 partibus orat. 4to. 1519.
• 46. Familiaria colloquia Erasmi. 1519.
• 47. The Orcharde of Syon, with the revelations of Saynt Catherine of Sene, translated by Dane James, at the cost of master Ri|chard Sutton 1 2.103, Steward of the monastery of Sion. 1519.
• 48. The passion of our Lord, translated from the French, by An|drew Chertsey, Gent. 1519.
• 49. The dietary of ghostly health. 1520.
• 50. History of England. fol. 1520.
• 51. Vocabula Magistri Stanbrigi (2d Edition) 1521.
• 52. Whittintonus de nominum generibus. 1521.
• 53. Vulgaria Rob. Whittintoni Lichfeldiensis. 1521.
• 54. The mirrour of the Church of St. Edmond of Abyndon. 1521.
• 55. The flower of the commaundments of God, with many examples and authorities drawn out of the holy scriptures and ancient Doctors, translated out of French. fol. 1521.
• 56. Whittintonus de syllabarum quantitate. 1522.
• 57.—lucubrationes. 1523.
• 58.—Verborum praeterita & supina. 1524.
• ...

• 59.—Declinationes nominum. 1524.
• 60. Roberti Wakefeldi oratio de utilitate ling. Arabicae & Hebra|icae. 4to. 1 2.104 1524.
• 61. Vulgaria Rob. Whitintoni. (2d Edition) 1525.
• 62. The image of love. 1525.
• 63. Whitintonus de heteroclitis nominibus. 1526.
• 64. The lives of the three kings of Colein, 4to. 1526.
• 65. The mirrour of gold for a sinful soul, translated out of the French by the ryght excellent Princesse Margaret Mother to King Hen. 7. Countess of Richmond and Derbie. 4to. 1526.
• 66. The golden legende, wherein beene contayned all the high feasts of our Lord, and of our Ladie, the lives, passions, and many other miracles of many other saintes histories, finished the 27th of August. fol. 1527.
• 67. Whitintoni vulgaria, & de instit. gram. 4to. 1527.
• 68.—de syllabarum quantitate. 1528.
• 69.—lucubrationes. 2d. edit. 1529.
• 70.—syntaxis. 1529.
• 71.—de partibus orationum. 1529.
• 72. Constitutiones Othonis. 8vo. 1529.
• 73. The miracles of our Ladie. 4to. 1530.
• 74. Grad. Comparat. cum verb. anomal. 1530.
• 75. Parvulorum. inst. ex Stranbrig. collect. 1530.
• ...

• 76. The pilgrimage of perfection. fol. 1531.
• 77. The plowman's prayer and complaint. 1531.
• 78. Abby of the Holy Ghost. 4to. 1531.
• 79. Bonaventure's lessons. 4to. 1532.
• 80. Life of Edward the confessor. 4to. 1533.
• 81. Virgil's Bucolica, Lat. 4to. 1533.
• 82. Whitintoni syntaxis. 8vo. 1533.
• 83.—de Heteroclitis. 4to. 1533.
• 84. A work for housholders and governours of families, &c. 4to. 1533.
• 85. Life of Hildebrande. 1534.
• 86. The Rosary of our Saviour Jesus. 4to. 1536.

BOOKS Printed by W. de WORDE. without dates.

• 1. The life of Johan Picus, earl of Myrandula.
• 2. Bartholom. de proprietatibus, or the proprieties of things.
• 3. Donatus minor ad Anglican. scholar. usum.
• 4. The rose and mirrour of consolation and comfort. 4to.
• 5. Vulgaria Stanbrigi.
• 6. Whitinton. de 8 partib. orat. 4to.
• 7. Quaestiones magistri Alberti de modis significandi, by W. de Worde in Fleet-street.
• 8. Nichodemus's gospel, with other tracts, 4to.
• 9. Gradus comparationis, &c. 8vo.
• 10. The book named the Royal, English'd by Caxton.
• 11. Sermones declamati coram Univer. Cantab. per Steph. Baron.
• 12. A treatise call'd Parvula in Caxton's house.
• ...

• 13. Accidence. Westmustre. ibid. in Caxton's house, Remov'd into Fleet-street at the Sun.
• 14. A morning remembrance had at the month-mind of the noble Princess Margareth, Countess of Richmond and Derby, Mother to King Henry VII. To which is added a funeral sermon to King Henry VII. his body being present, preached May 10, 1509, by John Lord bishop of Rochester, and printed at the special request of the Countess of Rich|mond, the mother of the deceased.
• 15. A short treatise of contemplation taught by our Lord Jesus Christ, or taken out of Margery Kempe of Lynn.
• 16. The life of Joseph of Arimathy, taken out of a book found by Theodosius the Emperor in Jerusalem, in the pretory of Pilate.
• 17. The comfort against tribulations.
• 18. Richard Rolle, hermit, of Hampull's contemplation of the dread and love of God; with other divers titles.
• 19. The meditations of St. Bernard.
• 20. A little instruction out of St. Jerom, drawn by Tho. Botton.
• 21. Hornodeus, or the remorse of conscience, a poem.
• 22. The Abbaye of the Holy Ghost, with 29 ghostly ladies in it. [i. e. a good conscience] printed at Westminster.
• 23. The lamentation of our Lady.
• 24. A collection from Gerson and several authors, by Tho. Botton.
• 25. The Bewge of court, a poem.
• 26. Against pestilence, and of infirmities.
• 27. Stans puer ad mensam.
• 28. Bishop Grosshead's treatise of husbandry, or rather a translation of his out of the French.
• 29. The life of Robert the devil, afterwards called the servant of the Lord.
• ...

• 30. The history of Jacob and his twelve sons.
• 31. The proverbs of Lydgate, a poem upon the fall of princes.
• 32. King Edward, and Robin Hoode, and Little John.
• 33. The assembly of the gods.
• 34. The merry jest of the Fryer and the Boy.
• 35. How the plowman learn'd his Paternoster, a poem.
• 36. The Churl and the Bird, a poem.
• 37. The Horse, and Sheep, and the Goose, a poem.
• 38. The governal of health.
• 39. The eleven grammars by Winken de Worde.

THIS curious piece is in the Lord Pembroke's library, and has some observations written on a blank page at the beginning, which are to this effect;

'The eleven grammars printed by Winken de Worde, who was the 2d Printer in Westminster, he lived afterwards within the walls of London, at the sign of the Sun in Fleet-street. Richard Pinson, af|terwards his worthy successor, and he printed above 40 year-books which are in Lincoln's Inn Manuscript library; they being inscribed Libri Manuscripti. He was son-in-law to Caxton, who first printed at Westminster in the Almonry beyond Westminster-School. These eleven grammars were all printed above 100 years before Lily's gram|mar, and appear to be the foundation of his.'

WE shall have occasion to give a further account of these year-books, when we come to speak of R. Pinson, who continued printing them a con|siderable time after Winken de Worde's death. As for the eleven gram|mars they are in one volume in the form of a very small quarto and neatly printed, and it is judiciously observed that they were printed above a century before that famous one of Lylly, which has been thought (and is still, by those who never heard of this edition,) to be the first grammar that ever was printed in England.

FROM this large catalogue of Winken de Worde's works, it is plain that he must have been an indefatigable Printer; and that the chasms that frequently happen in some years must be owing to the books being either lost, or as yet undiscover'd; but more probably the former: and whoever considers that the greatest part of them were either school-books, classics, prayer-books, &c. (besides a vast number of popish ones, which might daily perish soon after the Reformation) and of how short duration the former are in the hands of school-boys and devotees such as that age abounded with, will rather wonder that so great a number of them have escaped the common fate of such performances. So that we may justly conclude, that the preservation of these books is more owing to the character and excellency of the Printer than of the authors, and to the neatness and correctness of the work, rather than the goodness or usefulness of the subject. After he was removed from Westminster to London, we do not hear of any other Printers at the for|mer; if there were any, they were such whose works and memory in all probability died with, or soon after them.

The City of LONDON, MCCCCLXXXI.

THO' Richard Pinson be the first known Printer that set up his Press in this famous city, and all former annalists have ranked it in their list from his first edition, 1493; yet father Orlandi has since discover'd to us a much more antient one which was printed in Lon|don, anno 1481, that is 12 years before the former; which makes me hope that time may still discover more, if not of older date, yet at least to fill up the chasm between this and the first of Pinson. For it is scarce to be supposed that Westminster should begin so soon to encou|rage the art, as we have seen in the last article, and that London should wholly neglect it. However, be that how it will, it is certain that if it was but slow in receiving it, it made ample amends for it afterwards, and that Pinson and De Worde, when he removed thither, gave a new life to it; so that in a little time there were several considerable Print|ing-houses set up in the most convenient parts of this large metropolis,

wherein it has flourished and improved ever since. Some of those emi|nent Printers received likewise great encouragement from the Crown, particularly by patents for printing of Bibles, and other works, of which I shall give an account under the names of the Printers to whom they were granted.

N. B. As Caxton printed all his works in the old letter, and W. de Worde in a mix'd character of Roman and Black, we have distinguish'd their works in the two former catalogues, from those that follow, by printing them in Italic: but, as the Roman types became by this time more common, we shall give the list of the following Printers works in that character.

THIS antient and curious edition above mention'd is as follows; Valdesius super Psalterium Londini. 1481.

I. RICHARD PINSON. Anno MCCCCXCIII.

RICHARD PINSON, alias PYNSON, is the first known Printer in the city of London, no edition having been hitherto dis|cover'd, except that anonymous one mention'd above, of older date than his dialogue of Dives and Pauper in 1493. Besides, as we have about 15 editions of his that are without date, we may more reasonably suppose that they were printed before than after this year, in which he began to put a date. He was brought up under Mr. Caxton, as well as Winken de Worde, and being become a thorough master of the art, went and set up a Press of his own at Temple-bar, as the inscription of his first edition shews. The friendship which he had contracted with De Worde, whilst these two wrought under Caxton, was so far from being disturb'd by any mutual emulation or rivalship, that it continued to their death; and it is thought that after their master's death, Pynson prevail'd upon him to leave Westminster, and to come and settle nearer to him, which he accordingly did. What makes this more than pro|bable is, that the last edition of Caxton is dated, as we have shewn, anno 1502, and the first that De Worde printed in London, as far as we have been able to discover, is dated 1503. These two were joined in

the Printing of the king's year-books, as long as De Worde lived, which were afterwards continued by Pinson; and this is a sufficient testimony of his having been an excellent Printer, were there nothing else to assure us of it: for it is not to be suppos'd that he would have associated him|self to any other. Pynson stiles himself Printer to the king in some of his editions, probably from a grant he had for the printing of those year-books above mention'd. For we neither find that he printed any bibles, or other books, for which patents were granted by the crown. I don't find that he used any rebus, but he either printed his name at length, or else only the two initial letters R. P. The list of his works is nothing so copious as those of his associate, tho' he conti|nued Printing at least 34 years, as appears from the dates of his first and last edition, which makes me conclude that a great part of them are lost. Those I have been able to recover are as follow;

• 1. Dialogue of Dives and Pauper upon the X Commande|ments, emprinted by Richard Pynson at Temple-bar of Lon|don, V. day of July. 1493.
• 2. Sulpitii Verulami opus grammaticum. 4to. 1494.
• 3. Boetius's Fall of Princes, &c. by John Lydgate, Monk of St. Edmund's Bury: 1494.
• 4. Gerson's Imitation of Xt. English'd by Atkinson. 4to. 1503.
• 5. Navis stultifera, or the ship of fools; done into English by Barclay. fol. 1509.
• 6. Liber intrationum. 1510.
• 7. An Exposition of the 7 penitential Psalms, compyled by the Ryghte Reverende Fader in God Johan. Fyffer D. D. &c. Bp. of Rochester, at the Exortation and Storyinge of the most Excellente Pryncesse Margaret, Countesse of Rychemont and Darby, and Moder to our Soveraigne Lord King Henry the Seventh, on whose Soule Jesu have Mercy. 1510.
• 8. John Beckham, Arch. Cant. de summa Trinitat. & Fide Cathol. 1510.
• ...

• 9 Colet; Dean of Paul's Sermon to the Convocation. Lat. 8vo. 1511.
• 10. The Hist. Siege & Destruction of Troy, English'd by J. Lid|gate, with Cuts. 1513.
• 11. Textus Alexandri, &c. 1516.
• 12. The Kalendre of the newe Legende of Englande, compyled by Master Walter Hylton, emprynted at London in Flete-strete, at the signe of the George, by Richard Pinson, Prynter unto the King's Noble Grace, in the Yere of our Lorde God 1516, and endy'd in the last Day of Fe|bruary. 1516.
• 13. Guil. Hormain. Vulgaria. 4to. 1519.
• 14. The Life of St. Verburge. Virg. 4to. 1521.
• 15. Assertio Septem Sacramentorum adversus Marin. Luther. edita ab invictissimo Angliae & Franciae Rege, & de Hy|berniâ Henrico hujus Nominis octavo. Apud inclytam ur|bem Londinum in aedibus Pinsonianis, an. M. D. XXI. quarto Idus Julii, Cum privilegio a rege indulto. Edi|tio prima. 1521.
• 16. Cutberd. Tonstalis Ars supputandi. 4to. 1522.
• 17. Froissard's first Volume. 4to. 1523.
• 18. Powel's Propugnaculum summi Sacerdotii contra Lutherum. 4to. 1523.
• 19. Tho. Linacr. de emendata Latini Sermonis structura. 4to. 1524.
• 20. Froissard's second Volume. 4to. 1525.
• 21. Whittintoni Vulgaria & de Institutione partium. 4to. 1525.
• 22. Olde Tenurs newly corrected. 1525.
• 23. Accidence. 1526.
• 24. Magna Charta. 8vo. 1527.
• 25. The Book of John Bochas on the Fall of Princes, English'd. 1527.
• ...

• 26. Literarum quibus, &c. or K. Henry VIII's Epistolary An|swers to Luther. 8vo. 1527.

Those that follow are without date.

• 1. Salust translated by Syr Alexander Barclay, Priest, at the Com|maundement of Thomas Duke of Norfolke.
• 2. Littleton's Teners newe corrected.
• 3. Natura Brevium.
• 4. Tonney's Rules of Grammar, &c.
• 5. How yong Scholers now adays emboldened in the Flyblown Blast of the moch vayne glorious pipplying Wind, whan they have de|lectably lycked a lytell of the lycorous Electurry of lusty Ler|nyng, in the moche studious Scole House of scrupulous Philolo|gy, countyng themselfs Clerkes excellently informed, & tran|scendingly sped in moche high conyng, & whan they have ones superciliously caught. By Skelton Poets Laureat. By R. Pynson.
• 6. Littleton's Tenures. French.
• 7. Barclay's Figure of Mother Church oppress'd by the Fr. King. 4to.
• 8. The Ch. of Evil Men, where Lucifer is head, &c. 8vo.
• 9. Henry VIII's Answer to M. Luther. 8vo.
• 10. Bonaventure's Life of J. Christ, translat. by Caxton, & reprinted. fol.
• 11. The Life of St. Alborow Virg. 4to.
• 12. A Sermon preach'd long ago at Paul's Cross, He that hath Ears to hear, &c. 4to.
• 13. The Mirrour of good Manners, &c. fol.
• 14. Speculum Vitae Christi, or Mirrour of the Life of Christ.
• 15. The Destruction of Hierusalem by Vespatian and Titus. Printed by Richd. Pinson the King's Printer.

BESIDES these he printed a considerable number of Year, or Law-Books that pass'd under several Kings Reigns, as was hinted before; some with Winken de Worde, and others after his death; some with the dates of the Year and Month in which they were printed, and his name at the end, and some without either. However, it must be ob|served that a great part of the oldest of them have the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (Guilelmus Rastell) written at the head, by which we con|jecture that they only printed them for him. For Rastel was Printer to the King, and a very considerable person at that time, and in great credit at Court upon the account of his having marry'd Sir Thomas More's Sister. So that it is very likely he had the Privilege of printing all these Royal Books, and gave them a sanction by prefixing his name to them, whilst the others only acted under him. What seems to con|firm it, is that those earlier ones with Pynson's name mention only Ex Officinâ Pynsonianâ; whereas in those of later date he calls himself Printer to his Majesty, in which Office he probably succeeded Rastell, who died according to Dr. Nicholson, an. 1536. Thus at the end of the 2d Edition of that of the 2 of Edward IV. We find this Colophon, Explicit annus 2dus Ed. iiij. Townsend de novo impressus in Academia, &c. ac Impensis honesti viri Richardi Pynson Regii Impressoris. These Year-Books were of different Bulks, tho' all Folio's, some of them containing but 4 on 5, others 10, 20, 50, and even as far as 90 Sheets. They are as follows;

• Years of Edward III. 7th, 21, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43. 2d Edition, ditto 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50.
• —Henry VI. 2, 8, 9, 10, 12, 20, 21, &c.
• —Edward IV. 1, 2, 3, &c.
• —Edward V. 1.
• —Richard III. 2.
• —Henry VII. 9.
• —Henry VIII. 14.

WHETHER those that are wanting in the List are lost, or were printed by others, we cannot affirm, but more probably the latter; be|cause

we find some few printed by Graston, &c. But, as these are only of use to the Lawyers, this Specimen shall suffice. Those who want a more particular account of them, may have recourse to the Lincoln's-Inn-Library, where they are carefully preserv'd in a large wooden Chest.

II. WILLIAM FANQUE. MD IV.

William Fanque stiles himself the King's Printer in the only Edition I have been able to find of his, viz.

Psalterium ex mandato victoriosissimi Angliae Regis Henrici Septimi.

Per Guillelmum Fanque, Impressorem regium anno MD IIII. septimo Februarii.

III. JULIAN NOTARY. MD XV.

We have two Editions of the same work printed by him, viz.

• 1. The Chronicle of England, with the fruit of Tymes, newly imprinted by me Julian Notary, dwelling in St. Powlis Church|yard, besyde the West-dore by the Lordes Palyese. fol. in the yere M CCCCC & XV. 1515.
• 2. The same with Cuts, &c. reprinted an. 1537.

IV. HENRY PEPWELL. MD XXI.

• The Dietary of ghostly health divided into twenty four Con|siderations. 4to. London, by Henry Pepwel. 1521.

V. PETER TREVERIS. MD XXV.

Who lived in Southwark, ••••d subsc••••b••d the place of his abode as follows; Dwelling in the sign of the Wodow's in Southwark. We have but the three following Editions of his.

• 1. Jherom of Brunswick's Surgery. fol. 1525.
• 2. The Polichronicon corrected by Winken de Worde. fol. 1527.
• 3. The great Hearbal, with Cuts. fol. 1527.

VI. THOMAS BERTHELET. MD XXX.

T. BERTHELET was Printer and Bookseller to K. Henry VIII. had a Patent for printing the English Bible, and some other Books relating to the King's Divorce; the first of which has the following pompous Title.

• 1. Gravissimae atque exactissimae illustrissimarum totius Italiae & Galliae Academiarum Censu••ae, efficacissimis etiam quo|rundam Doctissimorum Virorum Argumentationibus ex|plicatae, de Veritate illius propositionis, videlicet; quod ducere Relictam Fratris mortui sine liberis ita sit de Jure Divino & Naturali prohibitum, ut nullus Pontifex super hujusmodi Matrimoniis contractis sive contrahendis dis|pensare possit. In Officina Thomae Berthleti Impressoris Regii. 4to. Lon|dini, mense Aprili, An. 1530.
• 2. The same in English, translated and published by the King's Command, & printed by T. Berthlet. 1531.
• 3. The same in Latin and English. 8vo. by ditto. 1531.
• 4. The New Additions, by ditto. 1531.
• 5. Salem and Bizance, a Dialogue against Sir Tho. Moore's A|pology. 8vo. 1533.
• 6. A Treatise writen by Johan. Valerian, a greatte Clerke of Italy, which is intitled in Latin, pro Sacerdotum Barbis, translated into Englyshe, with a Preface of the Transla|tour to the Reader. 8vo. Londin. in Aedibus Tho. Berthleti. 1533. This is a scarce and curious Piece. 1 2.105
• ...

• 7. De Contemptu Mundi, or Contempt of the World. 8vo. 1533.
• 8. Sir Thomas Knight's Translation of Cyprian's Sermon on Mor|tality. 8vo. 1534.
• 9. Additions to Salem & Bizance. 8vo. 1534.
• 10. Matthews's Sermon at St. Paul's 8vo. 1535.
• 11. Barthol. de Proprietatibus Rerum. Cum Privilegio a Rege indulto. Translated into English. fol. 1535.
• 12. Dives & Pauper, a Dialogue on the 10 Comm. reprinted. 8vo. 1536.
• 13. Comparison of a Virgin and a Marry'd Woman. 8vo. 1537.
• 14. Sturmius's Epistle to the Cardinals and Bishops of Rome. 8vo. 1538.
• 15. A Treatise, that by the King's Laws the Bishops of Rome have no Supremacy in England. 8vo. 1538.
• 16. The Most Sacred Byble, which is the holy Scripture, con|teyning the Old and New Testament, translated into Eng|lish, and newly recognised with great diligence after most faithful Exemplars by Richard Taverner. Dedicated to K. Henry VIII. with decent Humility. Prynted at London in Fleet street at the sygne of the Sonne, by John Byddel for Thomas Barthlet. 1539.
• At the End are these Words;
• To the honour and praise of God was this Byble prynted and fynished in the yere of our Lorde God. M D XXXIX.
• A very scarce Edition.
• 17. St. Cyprian's Exposition of the Lord's Prayer, &c. 8vo. 1539.
• 18. Henry Ld. Parker's Declaration of the 94th Psalm. 8vo. 1539.
• 19. Tonstal, Bishop of Duresm's Sermons. 8vo. 1539.
• 20 Of Guaccum Wood against the French Pox, Stone, and Gout, 8vo. 1539.
• ...

• 21. R. Taverner's Recognition of the Bible. fol. 1539.
• 22. Frontine's Stratagems of War, English'd. 8vo. 1539.
• 23. The necessary Erudition of a Christen Man, &c. 1543.
• 24. Cope's History of Hannibal and Scipio. 4to. 1544.
• 25. St. Tho. Eliot's Banquet of Sapience. 8vo. 1545.
• 26. Ant. Gisbie's Answer to Steph. Gardiner, Bp. of Winchester. 8vo. 1547.
• 27. Erasmus's Sermon on God's Mercy. 8vo. 1547.

The following are without date.

• 1. Dean Colet's Sermon to the Convocation. 8vo.
• 2. Tho. Starkey's Exhortation to the People to Unity, &c.
• 3. A Dialogue between a Knight and a Clarck about Power.
• 4. Erasmus's treatise on Pater Noster. English'd by a Young Win. 19 Years old. 4to.
• 5. Ricardi Sampsonis Regii Sacelli Decani Oratio contra Papam. 4to. in Pergam.

VII. WILLIAM RASTEL, Printer to the King, as was mention'd before, was an eminent Citizen of London, and a good Historian. We find an English Chronicle of his quoted by Athen. Oxoniens. John Petit, and other antient Historians, but now lost, in Dr. Nicholson's Opinion. He liv'd in St. Bride's Church-Yard, Fleet-street. M D XXX.

1. A Dialogue of Sir Tho. More touching the pestilent doctrine of Luther and Tyndal. Prented by Willyam Rastel. fol. Lond. 1530.

2. Registrum Omnium brevium tam Originalium quam judici|alium. Londini apud Guillelmum Rastel. Cum privilegio. 1531.

At the Beginning of the Book are these Words printed in Capitals;

Hunc librum Regiis litteris ne quis alius in hoc Regno impune im|primat infra septennium cautum est.

At the End of the Book thus;

Thus endyth thys Book callyd the Regyster of the Wrytyngs orygynal and judycyal. Prentyd at London by Wyllyam Rastell, and it is to sell in Fleet street, at the house of the sayde Wyllyam, or in Poulys Chyrch yarde, or els at Temple-bar, at the house of Robert Redman. Cum privilegio.

3. The second part of the Confutation of Tyndal's Answer by Sir Tho. More. Prentyd by W. Rastel. fol. 1533.

4. Fabyan's Chronycle newly prentyd. Cum privilegio. 1533.

5. A merry Play between the Pardoner and the Frere, the Cu|rate and Neighbour Patte. 4to. 1533.

6. The Apologye of Syr Thomas More Knyght. 1533.

Without date.

1. German Gardiner's Letter against John Fryth lately burnt. 8vo.

2. A New Commodye in Englysh, in manner of an interlude, ryght ele|gant and full of Craft and Rethoryke, wherein is shew'd and de|scrybed as well the Bewte and good properties of Women as their Vices.

VIII. ROBERT REDMAN, against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street. MD XXX III.

1. A playne and godly Exposition or Declaration of the Crede, (which in the Latin tongue is called Symbolum Apostolorum) and of the X Commandementes of Goddes Law. 1533.

Newly made and put forth by the famouse Clerke May|ster ERASMUS of Roterdame. At the Requeste of the moste honorable Lorde, Thomas Erle of Wyltshyre: Father to the most gratious and vertuous Quene Anne, Wyf to our most gratyous Lorde Kinge Henry the viii. Cum privilegio.

At the End thus;

Imprinted at London in Flete strete by me Robert Redman, dwellynge at the signe of the George, next to Saynt Dun|stone's Churche. Cum privilegio Regali.

2. Otho and Othobone's Provincial Constitutions. 8vo. 1534.

3. Mirrour of Xt's Passion, translated by John Fruterer. fol. 1534.

4. Sum of Xtianity out of the Scriptures. 8vo. 1536.

5. Erasmus in Latin and English. 4to. 1538.

6. Magna Carta in French, whereunto is added more Status than ever was imprynted in any one Boke before this tyme: with an Alminacke & a Calender to know the Mootes. Necessarye for all young Studiers of the Lawe.

At the End thus,

Here endeth Magna Charta, and divers other Statutes. Imprynted at London in Fleetstreet by me Robert Redman dwellynge at the sygne of the George next to Saynt Dun|stones Church. 1539. in 12mo. in the Front 1529. 1539.

7. John Standish against the Protestation of Robert Barnes at the time of his Death, by the Widow of Robert Redman. 1540.

Without date.

1. Confession exhibited by the Germans to the Emperor Charles V. with Milington's Apology for it. 8vo.

2. Of the Lives of Priests, Canons, Clerks, and Church-Ministers. 8vo.

3. Sermon on the Child Jesus. 8vo.

4. Lantorn of Light. 8vo.

5. A Book of Medicine of King Boetius. 4to.

6. Littletons Tenures.

7. The Paradox of Marcus Tullius Cicero, translated lately out of the Latin Tongue into English by Robert Whittinton Poet Laureat.

8. Tho. Moulton Doctoure of Dyvynyte, of the Order of ••rere-Prea|chours Myrrour or Glasse of Healthe, necessary for every persone to look in that will kepe theyr body frome Syckness of the Pesti|lence. 8vo.

The Author tells us that he wrote this Treatise whilst the plague raged.

9. Returna Brevium, vel si mavis, Rescripta Vice Comitum eum aliis scitû digniorib{us}. 8vo.

At the End, Rob. Redman me fecit.

10. Littleton's Tenures.

11. A Work for Housholders, by Rich. Whitford.

12. The Year-Books printed by him are as follows;

24 of Edward III. 25 Sheets ½

40— 26 Sheets ½

And above 30 more.

At the End are the Words following;

Imprimé a Londres par moy Robert Redman le X. jour de Marche l'an de grace M CCCCC XXXIII. Cum privilegio Regali.

IX. JOHN BYDDEL. MD XXXIV.

JOHN BIDDEL is the Printer mention'd above, p. 360. who printed the great English Bible for Benthelet; his Printing-house was at the sign of our Lady of Pise next to Fleet-bridge: his Rebus was a Heart pierc'd

with a double Cross, on each side of which within were the two initial letters of his name I. B. to which he sometimes added his name at length, JOHN BIDDEL.

[figure] John Biddel's printer's mark

1. Of the olde God and the new, of the olde Fayth and the newe, of the olde Doctryne and the newe, or the origi|nal Begyning of Idolatry; imprinted at London by John Byddle, at the Sign of our Lady of Pise, &c. M VC XXXIIIJ. the XX day of June. 1534.

2. Rob. Whittingtonus de nominum Gener. 4to. 1536.

3. A Bible in Engl. fol. Printed by him for Berthelet. 1539.

4. Of the olde and new God, olde and new Fayth, &c. 8vo. 1539.

5. Cupito's Prayers and Meditations on the Psalms, Eng. 8vo. 1539.

6. A Chronicle of Yeres from the beginning of the World, wherein ye shall find of al the Kinges of England, of the Mayrs & Shiriffs of the Citie of London, & briefly of many notable Actes done in & sith the reigne of Kyng Henry the fourth, newly augmented & corrected, Anno Domini, M VC XLII. by John Biddle. 1542.

Without date.

1. John Roberts Master of Schismatick Bps. of Rome. 8vo.

2. A Book of Feasts Royal and Cookery for Princes. 4to.

3. Accidentia ex Stanbrigiana Editione nuper recognita a Whittinglono Laureato.

4. A Seraphick Dirige of 7 Secrets granted to St. Francis. 8vo.

5. The Lives of Pope Hildebrand and Henry IV. Emperour of Ger|many. 8vo.

X. ROBERT WYRE. M D XXXV.

He lived at the sign of Saynt John the Evangelyste in Seynt Mar|tyn's Paryshe in the Filds besyde Charynge-Cross, in the By|shop of Norwytche's Rents, as he says himself, and used to sub|scribe some of his Works, especially the Year-Books, with his name in large Capitals thus, ROBERT WYRE.

We have but one Piece of his that bears a sure Date, which is as follows;

1. The Deffence of Peace, lately translated out of Latin into Englyshe: with the Kynges moste gracious priviledge. The Author, Marsilius of Padway. Imprynted and published, and set forth abrode in the Englishe tonge by Wylliam Marshal, who prays for our Soveragne Lorde Kynge Henry the Eight, of his most vertuous Lady Quene Anne, and of the Lady Pryn|cess Elyzabeth, Daughter and Heyre to them both. 1535.

N. B. This Book appears by its date to have been published about the time when King Henry 8. had resolv'd to break with the Court of Rome. At the End are these Words;

Prynted by me Robert Wyer for Wylliam Marshal, &c. with the King's priviledge for 6. years.

2. The Debates between the Heralds of England and Fraunce, compyled by Jn. Coke, Clarke of the Kynge's Recogny|sances, or vulgarly called Clarke of the Statutes of the Staple of Westmynster, and finished in the year of our Lorde M D L. At the End as follows; 1550.

Finished by me John Coke le dernier jour Doctobre den yaer ons here duissent venf hundred negen en viertick (that is thousand five hundred and fourty nine.) Finis Laudat opus. Imprinted by me R. Wyer, &c.

Without date

3. Ten Places of Scripture against the Traditions of Men. 8vo.

4. Wm. Hunnis Abridgement of Meditat. on certain Psalms in meter. 8vo.

5. Antithesis comparing the Word of God and Mens Inventions by Th. Beacon. 8vo.

6. Antidotarius or the way of making Salves, Ointments, &c. 8vo.

7. Macer's Herbal. 8vo.

8. Th. Linacre. M. D. Compend. regimen of Health used at Montpelier.

9. The Castle of Love, translated out of Spanyshe into Englyshe, by John Bowrchier Knyght, Lord Bernes, at the Instance of the Lady Elyzabeth Carew, which book treateth of Love betwene Leriano and Laureola Daughter to the Kinge of Masedonia.

10. The Breviary of Healthe.

11. The Signs in the Zodiac.

12. Erra Pater.

13. A Piece of Tycho Brahe upon the Heavens.

14. A Year-Book for the 9th of Henry IV. printed by Robert Wyre dwellynge at the sygne of St. John the Evangelyst, &c.

XI. THOMAS GIBSON. M D XXXVI.

A Treatise against the Pestilence, written by a Danish Bp. & Phisician. 4to. 1536.

XII. JAMES NICHOLSON, at Southwark. M D XXX.

1. Exposition on the 1. 2. & 3 Canonical Epistles of St. John. 8vo. 1537.

2. The New Testament both in Latin and Englyshe, eche cor|respondente to the other after the Vulgare Texte communely called St. Jerome's, faithfully translated by Johan. Hollybushe. By James Nicholson dwellyng in Southwarke. 1538.

3. Invectives against Cardinal Wolsey, by L. R. at Wesel. 1546.

N. B. Maunsel affirms it to have been printed by Nicholson; no doubt but he compar'd it with some other of his Works, and it is certain that nothing was more common in those ticklish times than to date any dangerous Book from some place abroad, or to in|scribe it printed—beyond Sea.

4. A Treatise of Measuring, without date.

The Title runs thus,

This Book sheweth the manner of Measurynge of all manner of Land, as well of Woodlande, as of Land in the Felde, and compt|ynge the true Nombre of Acres of the same, By Syr Richard Be|nese, Chanon of Marton Abbay besyde London.

Printed in Southwarke by James Nicholson.

XIII. THOMAS PETIT. MDXXXVIII.

1. Longland Bp. of Lincoln's Sermon before the King. 4to. 1538.

2. Treasure of poor men, a Book of good Medicine 8vo. 1540.

3. St. Bernard's fruitful Treatise of living well. Translated by Th. Paynel. 8vo.

4. Chaucer's Works dedicated to Henry VIII. no date.

XIV. JOHN WAYLAND. MDXXXVIII.

1. Nicholas Wise's Chrystian Consolation, 8vo. 1538.

2. James Chanceller's Path to Obedience.

3. The Tragedies of John Bochas, translated into En|g••••she by John Lydgate, Monke of Bury. without date.

XV. RICHARD GRAFTON. MDXXXIX.

RICHARD GRAFTON, Citizen of London, from an indifferent Au|thor and Historian, became a famous and eminent Printer. Among other of his works under the former character, we have his Abridge|ment of the Chronicle of England, in which he is a constant borrower from the bulkier work of Edward Hall Recorder of London, who wrote the History of the Wars between the Houses of York and Lancaster, wherein the Reader will find little worth notice, if we may believe Dr. Nicholson, than the fashions and changes of Dress in each King's Reign. As Grafton was not over judicious in the choice of this Author, so nei|ther was he in the compiling of his Abridgement; in so much that the learned Buchanan, in his History of Scotland, doth not scruple to call him a very headless and unskilful Writer, tho' he has had the honour of being quoted by Stow, and other Historians.

THE occasion of his turning Printer was his being pitch'd upon to procure an Edition of William Tyndal, alias Hickins Version of the New Testament, and afterwards of his Bible revised and corrected by Myles Coverdal, a learned Franciscan Fryar, well learned in the Hebrew, Greek and Latin tongues. Some impressions of the former had already been dispersed about England and elsewhere, but were bought up by Tonstal Bishop of London, and Sir Thomas More, and been burnt at St. Paul's Cross; and it was very dangerous to undertake the reprinting of such a work in London upon that account. This made Grafton and his asso|ciate Edward Whitchurch resolve to get it done at Hamburgh, whither they likewise sent Coverdal to correct the Press. This proved a very expensive work, and the impression of the Bible alone cost them 500l. a great sum in those days. When it was brought over into England, it met with great opposition from the Romish Priests, they having some time before obtain'd a Royal Proclamation, to prohibit and abolish that among other heretical books; and, had not Bonner Bishop of He|reford bought up the greatest part of the Copies in order to destroy them, the undertakers must have been infallibly ruin'd. This Edition is suppos'd to have been printed anno 1535.

HIS New Testament met with worse fate, of which we have an authentick testimony extant in the Library of the Honourable Earl of Pembroke, viz. two Editions of it printed at Antwerp in the same year, viz. anno 1434, one of which has a Preface prefix'd to it, to justify that Edition, from the other of the same year printed under his name, but strangely mutilated and misprinted. A more particular account of which is given in the Introduction to Wickliff's Bible lately publish'd.

FINDING that a version of the Bible was as much desir'd by the fa|vourers of the Reformation, as it was cry'd down by the enemies of it, they ventur'd to print a second edition of it under the patronage of Archbishop Cranmer and the Lord Cromwell. But Tyndal having been by that time burnt as a heretick in Flanders, and his name growing then somewhat ignominious, they thought fit to publish it under the name of Matthews's Bible, tho' Tyndal is affirm'd to have finish'd all but the Apocrypha as some, or as far as Nehemiah, as others affirm. Grafton having finish'd the printing of it presented it to his two great Patrons, by whom, at his request, it was likewise presented to the King to whom it was dedicated. It had these words in red letters printed at the bottom of the title-page set forth with the King's most gracious licence. But, as they were suspected to have been foisted in, Grafton obtain'd leave to have it further licensed under the privy seal. Soon after this it being observed how acceptable an English Bible was to the people, some persons form'd a design to print it in a smaller volume, in order to un|dersell Grafton's, which obliged him to apply to Cromwell, and to obtain a patent from the King, that none should print it for three years; and for the better sale of this, that noble man did likewise procure him an order that every Curate of a parish should be obliged to have one, and every Abby six of them; so that this second impression, wherever print|ed, was very soon bought up.

GRAFTON and his partners in the work observing that there was still a call for them, resolved to reprint it a third time, and in a larger vo|lume, but without these notes and prologues which they observ'd had given some offence. Paris was the place pitch'd upon to print it at, and Cromwell, who favour'd the enterprize, procured letters from King Henry to the French King, to permit a subject of his to print the English

Bible in the university of Paris, because of the goodness of the French paper and workmen. Bonner, then Ambassador from England to the Court, had likewise orders to assist the undertakers of that good work in all rea|sonable suits. Bonner obtain'd not only the desir'd licence, but likewise letters patents for printing this Bible, and for conveying it safe over to England. This edition, being thus encourag'd, went briskly on to the end; but Bonner, who never liked the work, and did only promote it to make his court to Cromwell, found means to obstruct it privately, notwithstanding the King's patents.

ACCORDINGLY, anno 1438, the Printers were taken up, and charged with heresy, by order of the Faculty, and Coverdale the corrector, Grafton the Head Printer, and other Englishmen, who contributed to the charges of the impression, were sent for; but they foreseeing the con|sequences, fled away as fast as they could, and left the whole impression which was just finish'd, and consisted of 2500 Copies, behind them. This was immediately seiz'd by the Lieutenant Criminal, and order'd to be burnt, except some few which he sold, through covetousness, for waste-paper, which were afterwards bought up again, being about four fats or chests full.

MY Lord Pembroke favour'd me with the sight of an English Bible printed in Gothic characters, an. 1537. without place or Printer's name, with these words at the end;

The end of the New Testament, and of the whole Byble.

¶ To the Honoure and Prayse of Gode was this Byble prynted and fyneshed in the yere of oure Lorde Gode. a M D XXXVII.

BUT whether this is one of them that were printed at Paris, or one of the former edition I cannot determine; but it is more probable to be the latter, because it has a Concordance of the most remarkable texts of Scripture against the errors of Popery: whereas, as I observ'd be|fore, they had suppress'd most things of that nature in the Paris one. But let this be of what edition it will, it is very probable that the Con|cordance proved the cause of the almost total destruction of it, in so much that I question whether there be any other copy of it left except this above mention'd. However, Grafton and his associates, by Crom|well's

encouragement, went soon after to Paris, and got the presses, letters and workmen, and brought them over to London, and so set up for Printers themselves, which they never intended before, and began to reprint the same Bible, which they finish'd in 1537; an account of which you'll find in the following list of Grafton's works.

WE find a patent in Rymer's faedera, vol. 17. p. 766. from King Hen|ry VIII. appointing him and his partner Whitchurch to print the Book of divine service; but, as I have not been able to meet with the Book, I have not inserted it in the list. The patent is dated Jan. 3. 1543. Graf|ton styled himself Typographus Regius. His mark or sign was an Apple|tree springing up out of a Tun, or Ton, as they spell'd it then, alluding to his name Graft-ton, with this motto suscipite insitum verbum, Jacob. 1. He had likewise a Cypher over the Tun, with the two initials of his name one in another thus.

[figure] Richard Grafton's printer's mark

His works are as follows.

1. The New Testament in English and Latin. 8vo. London, printed by Rich. Grafton and Ed. Whitchurch. 1439.

2. The Bible in English, that is to say, the contents of all the holy scripture, both of the Old and New Testament, truly translated out of the veryty of the Hebrew and Greke textes, by the dylygent studye of dyvers excellent learned men, expert in the foresayd tongues. Printed by Richard Graf|ton and Edward Whitchurch. Cum privilegio ad imprimen|dum solum. fol. At the end is as follows; 1539.

Fynished in Apryll, Anno M CCCC XXXIX.

The Title is adorn'd with a noble piece of History, supposed to be done by Holbein, of King Henry 8. Archbishop Cran|mer, and Vicar-general Cromwell, with their Coats of Arms.

3. The Primmer in Latin and English. 4to. Printed in the precinct of the dissolved house of Grey Fryars, by Richard Grafton, Printer to the Prince's Grace the VI. day of Sep|temb. M D XLIII. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. 1543.

4. Plutarch's Precepts for the preservation of health. 8vo. 1543.

5. The Chronicle of John Hardyng, &c. with a Supplement in prose. Londini ex officina Ric. Graftoni, mense Januario. 1543.

6. The Answer of Charles fift, Emperour, ever more August, unto the Letters Convocatory of Paule the thyrde bishop of Rome, concerning a general Councel to be celebrated at Trident. 1543. Ex officina Rich. Graftoni 8vo. 1543.

With a remarkable Preface to the Reader.

7. The Primer in English and Latin. 4to. Printed in the pre|cincte of the dissolved house of Grey Fryars, by Richard Grafton, Printer to the Prince's Grace the VI day of Sept. M D XLV. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. 1545.

8. An Abridgement of Polidore Virgil of the Divisers, &c. of Artes, by T. Langley. 1546.

9. Philip Gerard's Invective against stopping the free passage of the English Bible. 8vo. 1547.

10. Certain Homilies or Sermons appoynted by the King's Ma|jesty to be redde by all Persons, Vicars, or Curates, every Sondaye in their Churches where they have Cure. 4to. 1543.

11. Articles to be enquired into in the Visitation to be had within the Diocese of Canterbury, in the second yere of the Reign of our most dred Sovereigne Lord Edward VI. by the Grace of God King of England, Fraunce and Ireland, Deffender of the Faith, and in the Yearth of the Church of England, and also of Ireland the supreme Hedde. 4to. 1548.

12. Expedition into Scotland of the most worthy fortunate Prince Edward Duke of Somerset, Uncle to our most noble Sove|reign Lord Edward VI. &c. by way of Diarie, by W. Paten. 1548.

13. Alcoran of the Barefoot-Fryars. 8vo. 1550.

14. John Marbeck's Concordance of the Bible. fol. 1550.

15. Hall's Chronicle. fol. 1550.

Besides a number of Year-Books.

XVI. EDWARD WHITCHURCH. MDXXXIX.

HE was also one of the King's Printers, and a famous one. We have mention'd him already in the last article, as having printed,

1. Coverdale's New Testament Lat. & Engl.

2. The English Bible. fol. with Rich. Grafton.

The rest of his Works are as follows;

3. Earl of Purlilia's Precepts of War. English'd by Philip Be|tham. 8vo. 1544.

4. A Treatise of Moral Philosophy, containing the Sayings of the Wise, gathered and Englyshed by Wylliam Baldwyn. London, Imprinted by Edward Whitchurch, the 10 day of January. 8vo. 1547.

5. Christ. Langton's Treatise of Naturals and Non-naturals, &c. 8vo. 1547.

6. Melancton upon weighing & considering the Interim. Eng|lish'd by John Rogers. 8vo. 1548.

7. Paraphrase on St. Paul's Epistles and Revelations, by seve|ral hands. fol. 1549.

8. The Booke of the Common Prayer and administration of the Sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies of the Church; after the use of the Church of England. Londini in Officina Edouardi Whitchurch, cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. Anno Do. 1549, Mense Junii. 1549.

The King's Majestie by the advise of his most dear Uncle the Lord Pro|tector, & other his highness's Counsel, strictly charg••th & commaundeth, that no manner of Person do sell this present booke bounde, above the pr••ce of ii Shyl|lynges & ii pence the piece. And the same bounde in paste or in boordes, not above the price of three Shyl|lynges & VIII pence the piece.

God save the King.

Imprinted at London in Fleet-street, at the signe of the Sunne over against the Conduyte by Edward Whitchurch, the XXVI daye of June, the year of our Lord 1549.

9. Epistle of Consolation and Advertisement to the Duke of Somerset before his troubles, and translated by him in his Imprisonment. 8vo. 1550.

10. Edmund Allen's Catechism. 8vo. 1550.

11. Form of Common Prayer used at Geneva, with Calvin's Catechism. 8vo. 1550.

12. Paraphrase on the Gospels and Acts. English'd by N. Udal. fol. 1550.

XVII. WILLIAM MIDDLETON. MDXXXIXI.

Richard Whitford, a Brother of Sion, his Treatise on Pati|ence, and the Lets and Impediments to Perfection. 4to. Imprinted at London by me Wylliam Middleton. 1541.

XVIII. JOHN MAYLER. M D XXXIXII.

1. A Sermon, that no Man can be hurt but by himself. 8vo. 1542.

2. Necessary Doctrine & Erudition for a Christen Man. By the King. 8vo. 1543.

XIX. JOHN DAY. M D XXXIXVI.

HE was a curious and diligent Printer; how soon he began to print is not easy to guess, because I find several of his editions without date. He continued printing till the year 1575; however, I shall carry the list of his works no farther than 1550.

1. R. Crowley's Confutation of Nich. Saxton, Bishop of Sarum. 8vo. London 1546.

2. A godly Meditation upon xx select and chosen Psalms of the Prophet David, &c. 4to. By Sir Ant. Cope. Dedicated to Quene Catherine. 1547.

3. Heavenly Acts of Parliament made by Father, Son and Holy Ghost, how Men ought to live. 8vo. 1547.

4. John Bancroft's translation of the Basil Preacher's Answer. By J. Day and W. Seres. 1548.

5. Confutation of Miles Hoggard's Ballads in defence of Tran|substantiation. 8vo. by J. Day and W. Seres. 1548.

6. A simple and religous Consultation about making a present Reformation till God send a better by a general Council, &c. 1548.

7. Fr. Lambert's Judgment against the Freedom of Man's Will. 8vo. 1548.

8. Rob. Hutton's Sum of Divinitie. 1548.

9. A Warning against the Anabaptists. 8vo. by J. Day and W. Seres. 1549.

10. St. Austin's 12 Steps to Abuses, by J. Day and W. Seres. 1550.

11. An Apology of Johan. Bale agaynste a rank Papist, answer|ing both him and his Doctors, that neyther their Wowes, nor yet their Priesthood, are of the Gospel but of Anti|christ. 8vo. 1550.

12. Homilies on the 6th of St. John. 8vo. 1550.

13. Confession of the Christian Faith, with respect to God, the King, &c. 4to. 1550.

14. Exposition of Daniel's Prophecies out of Melangton, &c. 1550.

Without date.

1. Expostulation against a phrentic Papist of Hamshire. 8vo.

2. Basil the Great to Gregory Nazianzen about a Monastic Life.

3. 25 Sermons on Predestination. English'd by a Gentlewoman. 8vo.

4. Communication between a poor Man and his Wife, &c. 8vo.

5. Brief Exhortation in the time of Visitation.

6. Auncient Testimonies about the Faith of the Church of England about the Sacrament. 8vo.

7. A verie familiare and fruitefull Exposition of the Apostles Crede, made in Dialogues, wherein thou maiste learne all Things necessarie to be beleved, Compyled by Peter Viret a Frenchman, and trans|lated into Englishe. 8vo.

8. Thomas Norton's Warning against the dangerous practices of Pa|pists, and specially the Parteners of the late Rebellion. Lond. by John Day, no date, but supposed to be printed about the year 1549. 4to.

XX. JOHN HERTFORD. M D XXXIXVI. at St. Alban's.

HE printed at first at St. Alban's, and we have two editions of his printed there, one without date, and the other done in 1538, of which

we need not give any further account here. What I have been able to recover of his Works, after he removed to London, is as follows;

1. Richard Smith, D. D. Defence of the Sacrament of the Mass. 8vo. London. 1546.

2. Stephen Gardner Bysshoppe of Wynchester's Declaration of such true Articles as George Joye has gone about to confute as false. 4to. 1546.

Without date.

1. St. Jerom's Exposition. Printed at London in Aldersgate-street, by John Hertforde for Robert Toy.

2. The Epistles and Gospels, in 4to. by John Hertforde in Aldersgate-street.

The following was printed by his Widdow.

The Censure and judgement of the famous Clark Erasmus of Rote|rodam; whyther Dyvoursemente betwene Man and Wyfe stondeth with the law of God, with dyvers Causes wherefore it is permitted; with the mynde of the olde Doctours, &c. London, Prynted by the Wydowe of John Hertforde for Robert Stoughton, without date. 8vo.

XXI. ROBERT TOY. MD XXXIXVI.

1. Stephen Gardner Bishop of Winchester's Declaration of such true Articles as George Joy hath gone about to confute as false. 4to. 1546.

2. Detection of the Devil's Sophistry, &c. 8vo. 1546.

3. Of the Resurrection of the Dead, and last Judgment, by John Clarke. 4to. 1547.

Without date.

4. The Workes of Geffray Chaucer newly printed, with dyvers workes whiche were never in Print before.

Imprinted at London by Robert Toy. fol.

N. B. There was afterwards a much fuller Edition of Chaucer's Works publish'd by John Stowe, and printed by John Kyngston for John Wight, in 1561. fol.

XXII. NICHOLAS HILL. MDXLVI.

John Clark's Declaration of certain Articles and capital Er|rors, &c. 8vo. 1546.

XXIII. WILLIAM SERES. MDXLVI.

WILLIAM SERES was a very eminent Printer, curious and cor|rect; but he was much excell'd by his Successor and Assignee Henry Denham, who kept the sign of the Star in Pater-Noster-Row, and be|came an extraordinary Master of his Art, not only for his wonderful Correctness, but for the beauty of his Types, whether Greek, Roman, Italic, or Gothic, of which he had a great variety of sizes as neat and beautiful as any now in use. I have seen a Dictionary of his printed in 1580, under the title of An Alviarie (Beehive) or a quadruple Dic|tionarie in Greek, Latin, French, and English; which I think a master|piece of art for beauty and correctness, as well as great rarity for its order, method, and disposition, it being the only one of that kind I ever met with.

As for William Seres he lived without Aldersgate, and went partner in some works with John Day, and in some with Ant. Scholoker; as the list of his works doth shew, which is as follows.

1. Robert Crowley's Confutation of Shaxton's Recantation. Print|ed by W. Seres & J. Day. 1546.

2. Bancroft's Translation of the Basil Divines on the Lord's Supper. By ditto 1548.

3. Confutation of Miles Hoggard's Ballad in defence of Tran|substantiation. By ditto. 1548.

4. Peter Viret's Collection of Scriptures which explain the Lord's Prayer. 8vo. By Seres & A. Scholoker. 1548.

5. A Warning against the Anabaptists 8vo. with Day. 1549.

6. St. Austin's 12 Steps to Abuses, &c. 8vo. ditto. 1550.

Without date.

7. The Tryal, Examination, & Death of Sir John Oldcastle. 8vo. with A. Scholoker.

8. Private Prayers for every Day of the Week, first printed in King Edward's days. 8vo.

9. The right Institution of Baptism, by Herman Archbp. of Cologne. By Anthony Scholoker & Wyllyam Seres, dwelling wythout Aldersgate.

XXIV. REYNOLD WOLF. MDXLVII.

HE was chosen Printer to the King (Edward IV.) for the Hebrew, Greek and Latin tongues. His Patent, which is extant in Rymer's Fae|dera, 15 Vol. p. 150, is dated from Westminster April 19, 1547. But I have not been able to meet with any thing done by him in any of those learned languages. His other works are as follows.

1. Dr. Smith's Declaration upon his Retraction at St. Paul's Cross. 8vo. 1547.

2. A Deffence for Marriage of Priests by Scripture and aun|cient Writers, before the Bishop of Rome by his wicked de|crees ordeined the contrary; made by John Pouel, Doctour of Divinite. Imprinted at London, by Reynold Wolf. Cum serenissimi Regis privilegio. 8vo. 1549.

3. Ant. Corvinus's Postils on the Gospels of Sundays & Holy|days. 4to. 1550.

4. Coverdale's New Testament conferr'd with that of W. Tin|dal. 8vo. 1550.

5. Defence of the Catholick Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood, &c. 4to. 1550.

6. Injunctions of Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London to his Dio|cese. 4to. 1550.

1. Advertisements partly for the order of publick prayer, and partly for regulating the Ministers apparel. 4to.

2. An Answer to Doctour Smith's Calumnyes in his confutation of the said book. 8vo.

XXV. WILLIAM POWEL. MDXLVII.

At the sygne of the George, next to St. Dunstan's Church, in Fleet-street.

1. A Treatise of Justification by Faith, translated by Nich. Lesse. 8vo. 1547.

2. The Fall of the late Arrian. 8vo. 1549.

3. The Voice of the People against such Parsons, as fly away from their Cures. 8vo. 1549.

4. St. Augustin to Pollentius against adulterous Marriages. 8vo. 1550.

5. Anto. Ascham's Treatise of Astronomy, and of Medicines un|der each planet. 8vo. 1550.

6. Proverbs or Adagies gathered out of the Chiliades of E|rasmus, by Richard Taverner, as well Latyn proverbs as Englyshe. London, Imprinted by Willyam Powel XX day of April. anno M D L. 1550.

7. The A B C set forth by the King's Majesty (Hen. viij) & his Cler|gy, & commanded to be taught out all his Realm, and all other utterly set apart, as the Teachers thereof tender his Grace's favour. 8vo. London, by Willyam Powell. without date.

XXVI. HUMPHREY POWEL. MDXLVIII.

1. The Harvest is at hand. By John Champneis. 8vo. 1548.

2. The Sin & abominable Blasphemy of the Mass. 8vo. 1548.

3. John Proctor's Fall of the late Arrian. 8vo. 1549.

4. The ordinary fashion of good living. 8vo. no date.

XXVII. GUALTER LINNE. M D LXVIII.

1. Richard Bonner's Treatise of worshipping Christ in the Sa|crament. 8vo. 1548.

2. Archbp. Cranmer's Catechism. 8vo. 1548.

3. Urban. Regis Epistle to his friend about the causes of Church Controversy. 8vo. 1548.

4. Bern. Ochinus's Dialogue of the unjust Supremacy of the Pope. 4to. 1549.

5. Peter Martyr's Epistle to the Duke of Somerset. 8vo. 1550.

6. John Ponet's Sermon before the King. 8vo. 1550.

XXVIII. WILLIAM HILL. M D XLVIII.

1. Heron. Bodin's Collection out of St. Austin de Essent. Divi|nitatis. 8vo. 1548.

2. The Endightement of Mother Mass, by way of Dialogue. 8vo. 1548.

3. The Soul's solace against Sickness & Death. 8vo. 1548.

4. Sum of the H. Scripture about Xtian Faith, Baptism, & gospel-life. 8vo. 1548.

XXIX. THOMAS RAYNOLD. M D XLVIII

1. Declaration of God's power in the Sacrament against the Mass. 8vo. 1548.

2. Lesson of the Incarnation of J. Christ. 8vo. 1549.

3. The Bible translated by Tho. Mathews, anno 1537, & new imprinted by Tho. Raynold & Will. Hyll. 1549.

4. John Mardey's Instructions to the Rich and Covetous. 8vo.

Addenda to the Article of GRAFTON.

We are since inform'd that the Edition of the New Testament against which Tyndal justifyes himself in the Preface mentioned pag. 370. was a third Edition privately printed under his name in the same year and place by Joyce, and designedly corrupted, in order to make him pass for a He|retick, as he shows in that Preface, which was the occasion of his publish|ing this second Edition in the same year.

XXX. ANTHONY SCHOLOKER. M D XLVIII.

1. Sermon on the Keys & Absolution. English'd at Ipswich. 8vo. 1548.

2. Zuinglius's Instructions of Youth. ibid. 8vo. 1548.

3. Scholoker's Translation of Peter Viret's Collection of Scrip|ture-places explaining the Lord's Prayer. 8vo. with W. Series. 1548.

4. John Olde of the old Faith of Great Britain. 8vo.

5. Pyor's Plowman's Exhortation unto the Lordes, Knightes & Bur|goysses of the Parlyment-house. Lond. temp. Ed. VI.

XXXI. ROBERT STOUGHTON. M D XLVIII.

1. Two Epistles of Henry Bullinger, and two of Calvin about assisting at the Mass. 8vo. 1548.

2. Urban. Regius's Comparison between old and new Learn|ing. 8vo. 1548.

3. The Censure and Judgement of the famous Clark Erasmus of Ro|terdam; whyther Dyvoursement betwene Man and Wyfe stondeth with the law of God, with dyvers Causes wherefore it is permitted; with the mynde of the olde Doctoures, &c.

4. Peter Martyr's Judgment of the Lord's Supper. 4to.

XXXII. ROBERT CROWLEY. M D XLIX. an Author and Printer.

1. Voice of the Trumpet, containing 12 Lessons for 12 se|veral estates in meter. 1549.

2. A New Year's Gift, wherein is taught the knowledge of God, of our self, and the fear of God, worthy to be geven and thankefully receyved by all Christen men. 1549.

3. Psalter of David. 1549.

4. Voice of the Trumpet, &c. 1550.

5. Battery of the Pope's Boteveux, or the high Altar. 8vo. 1550.

6. The Way to Wealth, teaching a most present remedy for sedition. Wrytten and imprinted by R. Crowley. Lond. 1550.

7. Lady Eliz. Fane's Psalms and goodly Meditations, with 102 Proverbs. 1550.

8. Prologue for the understanding of the Bible. It is by Crow|ley intitled the Pathway to Knowledge. 8vo. 1550.

9. An Information and Petition against the Oppression of the pore Commons of this Realme, &c. to the Parliament. no date.

XXXIII. WILLIAM TILLY. M D XLIX.

Coverdale's Testament. By Wylliam. Tilly, dwellynge in St. Anne & Agnes Parishe at Aldrishgate.

1549.

XXXIV. RICHARD KELE. M D XLVX.

1. Translation of a Dutch Prognostication out of the Script. and Proph. 8vo. London, Rycharde Kele. 1549.

2. Image of Both Pastors, by Zuinglius. 8vo. By Richard Kele & W. Seres. 1550.

3. Exposition on the Epistle of St. Jude. 8vo.

4. Mirrour or glass of Helth, 8vo. nedeful for every person to loke in that wyll kepe their Body from the Sykenesse of the Pestylence, and it showeth how the planets do raygne.

XXXV. ANDREW HESTER. M D L.

The English Bible corrected and revised by Miles Coverdale. 4to. 1550.

XXXVI. JOHN CAWOOD. M D L.

John Cawode or Cawood.—I can find but one of his works extant, tho' he was appointed by the King to print the Patents. His Pa|tent is in Rymer's Faedera, and the Book is,

A spiritual and most precious perle, &c. Dedicated to Edward Duke of Somerset. A most fruitfull Treatise of behaviour in the danger of Death. Somerset-Place, 6 May, 1550.

XXXVII. RICHARD JUGGE. M D L.

1. Tertullian's 2d. Book to his Wife about the choice of a Husband and Wife. 8vo. 1550.

2. The New Testament of King Edward VI.

3. Whether it be mortal sin to transgress the Civil Laws, with the judgement of Melangton and other Divines thereupon. 8vo.

XXXVIII. RICHARD CHARLTON. M D L.

A Treatise of all the Arguments of the Old and New Testa|ment. 8vo. 1550.

XXXIX. STEPHEN MIERMAN. M D L.

The Market or Fair of Usurers, a new Pasquil or Dialogue against Usury, &c. 8vo. Lond. by Steph. Mierman. 1550.

XL. JOHN TISDALE.

Sermons on Jonas. 8vo. 1550.

Abridgment of Polydore Virgil.

BESIDES these we meet with a Patent in Rymer's Faedera, Vol. XIV. pag. 745, granted to Stephen Merlar for the sole printing the English Bible. It is dated at Westminster, March 12. an. 1542. but I never could meet with this Bible, nor any other of his works. I found moreover about half a score more who printed for, or under some of the more eminent masters above mentioned, some of whose works have dates, and others not, beside a very considerable number of other anonymous editions, not worth swelling this list with.

The City of YORK. M D XVI.

I have seen in the late Mr. Rawlinson's library the following edition printed at York, viz.

Whyttintonus de Concinnat. Grammat. & Construct. 4to. Eboraci 1516.

THIS is the only one I have seen or heard of printed there so early, and did not the Types convince me of its being an ancient piece, I should have thought that the date had been misprinted, i. e. 1516 for 1616.

At CAMBRIDGE. M D XXI.

THIS University seems to have given but small encouragement to the Art of Printing, either by the earliness of its reception, or the conti|nuance of it there. Mr. Maittaire tells us that he has not been able to meet with any thing printed there of earlier date than 1521, and all that either he, the late Mr. Bagford, or any of my correspondents from thence have been able to procure, is only four editions, all printed in the same year, by John Siberch, and one in 1522 without Printer's name, though probably done by him. This Siberch used to put the King's|arms to the title of his books, and to style himself in some of them, Primus utrius{que} linguae in Anglia impressor, meaning Greek and Latin.

These Editions are as follows;

1. Libellus de conscribendis Epistolis Autore D. Erasmo opus olim ab eodem caeptum, sed primâ manu, mox expoliri caeptum sed intermissum, Nunc primum prodit in lucem. 1521.

Apud praeclaram Cantabrigiensem Academiam.

Cum gratiâ & privilegio.

At the End, Impressum Cantabrigiae per Joannem Siberch, Anno M D XXI. mense Octobri.

It is dedicated by J. Siberch, Cantabrigiensis Typographus to J. Fisher, Bishop of Rochester.

2. Henry Bullock's Oration against Cardinal Wolsey, by dicto. ib. 1521.

3.

Lepidissimum. Luciani opusculum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Henrico Bulloco interprete Oratio ejusdem cum annotationibus marginalibus Ex praeclara Academiâ Cantabrigiensi An. M D XXI.

At the End, Impressum est hoc opusculum Cantabrigiae per Joannem Siberch, &c.

4. Galeni de temperamentis & de inequali intemperie libri tres. Thoma Linacro Anglo interprete. 4to. per Jo. Siberch, apud praeclaram Cantabrigiam. 1521.

5. Papyrii Gemini Eleatis Hermathena, seu de Eloquentiae victoria. 4to. ex praeclara Cantabrigiâ. 1522.

Tavistock in Devonshire. M D XXV.

The Boke of Confort called in laten Boetius de consolatione philoso|phie. Translated into Englesse tonge.

At the End thus, Here endeth the boke of Confort called in latyn Boecius de consola|tione phil. Emprented in the exempt Monastery of Tavestok in Denshyre

by me Thomas Rychard Monk of the said Monastery. To the instant desyre of the ryght worshypful Esquyer Mayster Robert Langdon, Anno D' MDXXV.

Deo gratias Robertus

[figure] Robert Langdon's printer's mark

Langdon.

This is supposed to have been Esq Langdon's Mark.

JOHN OSWIN at Ipswich and Worcester. MDXLVIII.

1. Mind or Opinion what a Xtian ought to do that duells with the Papists. 8vo. By John Oswin at Ipswich. 1548.

2. Christopher Hegendorphine's houshold Sermons. English'd at Ipswich. 8vo. 1548.

3. Of the true Authority of the Church. ibid. 16^o. 1548.

4. John Ecolampadius's Epistle against respect to persons. 16^o. ibid. 1548.

5. Invective against Drunkenness. ibid. no date.

6. Hegendorphine's houshold Sermons. 8vo. at Worcester. 1549.

7. The Book of Common Prayer, &c. fol. ibid. 1549.

8. Spiritual Matrimony between Xt and his Church. 16^o. ibid. 1549.

9. Consolatory for all Xtians. 8vo. ibid. 1549.

10. Dialogue between the seditious Anabaptist and the true Xtian about Obedience to Magistrates, &c. 8vo. ibid. 1550.

11. Short Pathway to understand the Scriptures. English'd by John Vernon. 8vo. ibid. 1550.

12. St. Ambrose of Oppression. Translated by John Oswin; intitled Poor Naboth oppressed by rich Ahab. no place's name.

JOHN MYCHEL.

THOUGH this Printer put no dates to these few Editions of his I have been able to meet with, yet they seem both by the language, types, &c. to be older by much than 1550.

1. Two Dialogues of Erasmus in English. Translated by Ed. Beke. 8vo. Emprynted by me John Mychel, dwellynge in St. Paules Parysh in Canterbury. 8vo.

2. Randal Hurleston's Dialogue against the Papists. 8vo. at Canterbury.

3. Lan. Ridley of Canterbury's Exposition of the Epistle to the Phi|lippians. 8vo.

N. B. I designed to have enlarged this Catalogue with the compleat list of all the curious editions of the most ancient Printers, such as printed only from Manuscripts as I have seen in my Lord Pembroke's library, &c. but am glad to find that Mr. Maittaire has been before|hand with me in favouring the world with it in his Annales Typographici.

IN the conclusion of the second book of this History, pag. 257. I ventur'd to affirm after Orlandi and other Annalists, that the invention of ingraving began much about the same time with that of Printing; but I have been since convinced, that the former began much earlier, from a curious collection which my Lord Pembroke was pleased to show me, in which the whole progress of that invention is set down in writing under each print. Having therefore obtain'd his Lordship's leave to copy it from his own book, and to give it a place in this work, I think I cannot better conclude this History than by obliging the curi|ous with this valuable collection.

Notes

• * 1.1

  De tribus voluminibus PLUTARCHI in quibus parallela viginti quatuor continentur, titulos sumpsit, ut mones; pretium minus LXXX aureis esse non potest, &c. Papiens. p 114. vet. edit.
• † 1.2

  Significasti mihi nuper ex Florentia extare TITI LIVII opera vaenalia, libros pulcherri|mos; libro pretium esse CXX aureos. Quare majestatem tuam oro, ut LIVIUM, quem re|gem librorum appellare consuevimus, emi no|mine meo, ac venire ad nos facias; interim ego pecuniam procurabo, quam pro libri pre|tio tradam, Sed illud a prudentia tua sciae de|sidero, uter ego an Pegnius melius fecerit; is, ut villam Florentiae emeret, LIVIUM vendidit, quem sua manu pulcherrime scripserat; ego, ut LIVIUM emam, fundum proscripsi. Haec ut familiariter a te peterem, suasit humanitas & modestia tua. Vale & triumpha. Epistel. lib. 5.
• * 1.3

  In nonum annum premi non potuit emendatio, ne futura quidem exacta post nonagesimum.
• * 1.4

  Ut fert suspicio.
• * 1.5

  Quem Flos urbium, HARLEMUM Patritia familia edidit. LAURENTIO COSTERO, Qui incredibili & prope inhumana Ingenii felicitate, Moguntinis nequidquam negantibus & Gallis frustra obstrepentibus, ARTEM TYPOGRAPHICAM Primus invenit, MONUMENTUM hoc L. M. P. Q. Typis Posuimus.
• † 1.6

  Serrarii libelli, Streperi tacete Galli; Taceat sonourus autor. Solus Ovantem Batavus Emeditatus artem. Haec vox aetheriis insonet axibus, Haec vox per populos, per mare transeat; HARLEMUS Typicam prodidit artifex.
• * 1.7

  Vana quid archetypos & praela Moguntia jactas? Harlemi archetypos praelaque nata scias. Extulit hic, monstrante deo, Laurentius artem: Dissimulare virum hunc, dissimulare deum est.
• * 1.8

  Abstulerat Latio multos Germania libros; Nunc multo plures reddidit ingenio. Et quod vix toto quisquam perscriber et anno, Munere Germanica conficit una dies.

  Laur Valla.
• 1 1.9

  Tempore infantiae meae apud Moguntiam, &c. Trith. Epist. Fam. Epist. 48.
• 2 1.10

  His quoque temporibus ars imprimendi & characterizandi libros, de novo reperta est in ci|vitate Moguntina per quendam civem, qui Jo|hannes Guttenberg dicebatur: qui cum omnem substantiam propter nimiam difficultatem in|ventionis novae in eam perficiendam exposuisset, consilio & auxilio bonorum virorum Johannis Fust & aliorum adjutus, rem inceptam perfecit. Primus autem hujus artis dilator fuit, post ip|sum inventorem, Petrus Opilio de Gernsheim, qui multa volumina suo tempore impressit. Morabatur autem praefatus J. Guttenberg Mo|guntiae in domo Zumjunghen, quae domus us|que in praesentem diem illius novae artis nomi|ne noscitur insignita. Chronic. Spanheim. ad ann. 1450.
• 1 1.11

  His temporibus in civitate Moguntina Ger|maniae prope Rhenum, & non in Italia, ut qui|dam falso scripserant, inventa & excogitata est ars illa mirabilis, & prius inaudita imprimendi & characterizandi libros. per Johannum Gutten|berg civem Moguntinum, qui cum omnem pene substantiam suam pro inventione hujus artis exposuisset, & nimia difficultate laborans, jam in isto, jam in illo deficeret, jamque prope esset ut desperatus negotium intermitteret, con|silio tandem & impensis Johannis Fust aeque ci|vis Moguntini, rem perfecit incoeptam. Im|primis igitur characteribus literarum in tabulis lignois per ordinem scriptis, formisque compo|sitis, vocabularium, Catholicon nuncupatum, impresserunt; sed cum iisdem formis nibil aliud potuerunt imprimere, eo quod characteres non fuerunt amovibiles de tabulis, sed insculpti, sic|ut diximus. Post haec inventis successerunt subtiliora, inveneruntque modum fundendi for|mas omnium Latini Alphabeti literarum, quae ipsi matrices nominabant; ex quibus rursum aeneos sive stanneos characteres fundebant ad omnem pressuram sufficientes, quos prius ma|nibus sculpehant: & revera, si uti ante triginta ferme annos ex ore Petrus Opilioni•• de Gernsheim civis Moguntini, qui gener erat primi artis in|ventoris, audivi, magnam a primo inventionis suae haec Ars impressoria habuit difficultatem; impressuri namque Bibliam, priusquam tertiam complessent in opere quaternionem, plusquam 2000 florenorum exposuerunt. Petrus autem memoratus Opilio tunc famulus, postea gener, sicut diximus, Inventoris primi Johannis Fust, homo ingeniosus & prudens, faciliorem modum fundendi Characteres, & artem, ut nunc est, complevit. Et hi tres imprimendi modum a|liquandiu tenuerunt occultum, quousque per fa|mulos since quorum ministerio artem ipsam ex|ercere non poterant, divulgatus fuit in Argenti|nenses primo, & paulatim in omnes nationes.—Et haec de impressoria mira subtilitate dicta sufficiant, cujus inventores primi cives Moguntini fuerunt—Habitabant autem primi tres artis impressoriae inventores, Johan|nes videlicet Guttenber, Johannes Fust & Petrus Optlic, gener ejus Moguntiae in domo Zum|junghen dicta, quae deinceps usque in praesens Impressoria nuncupatur. Chronic. Hirsaugiense ad ann. 1450.
• 1 1.12

  Eodem tempore Moguntiae commore|batur Johannes Guttenbergius, honestis pa|rentibus natus, qui proxime Fausti aedibus ha|bitabat. Hic cum animadvertisset insignem hancartem Typographicam, non solum omni|um ore passim celebrari, sed etiam admodum lucrosam esse, familiaritatem cum Fausto con|traxit; & quia opulentus erat, pecuniam ei ad sumptus necessarios obtulit; quod Fausto mini|me ingratum fuit, quandoquidem comperiebat sumptus, quos in artem faciebat, quotidie cres|cere, & tunc opus chartae pergamenae impri|mendum sub manibus habebat: quapropter cum Guttenbergio convenit & pactus est, ut quic|quid in illud opus impenderetur, communi utri|usque lucro vel damno cederet. Quoniam ve|ro Faustus plus insumpserat, quam Guttenbergius necessitatem postulasse arbitrabatur: hic dimi|diam suam partem exsolvere detrectavit; qua exre cum lis orta esset, alter alterum Moguntinae in jus vocavit, ubi, partibus auditis, pronunci|atum fuit; si Johannes Faustus interposito jura|mento affirmare posset, omnem pecuniam, quam mutuam sumpsisset in commune opus e|rogatam, non autem in proprios usus conver|sam fuisse, Guttenbergium ad solvendum obliga|tum esse Cui sententiae Faustus paruit, sicut ex archetypo instrumenti, quod etiamnum su|perest, anno 1455 sexto novembris a Johanne Ulrico Helmosperger notario de ea re confectum fuit, liquido demonstrari potest. Unde eviden|ter apparet Guttenbergium nequaquam artis ty|pographicae inventorem & primum authorem esse, sed aliquot annis postquam ea inventa fu|isset, a Johanne Fausto in consortium adscitum, pecuniam ei suppeditasse—Cum igitur Guttenbergius ad sumptus resundendos damna|tus fuisset, & ex eo simultates inter illum & Faustum magis exarsissent, ille autem interea ar|tem vidisset & didicisset, siquidem inter tot operas, quae ad illam excudendam requiruntur, fieri non potuit, ut ea diutius occultaretur, quod etiam Deus proculdubio noluit, Moguntia Argentinam se contulit, quo aliquot ex operis secum attraxit. Post illud dissidium alii quo|que, qui apud Faustum artem illam didicerant, eum deseruerunt, & Francesurtum atque in alia loca se receperunt; cum praesertim anno 1462 Moguntia capta, & pristina sua libertate privata fuisset, quo factum est, ut haec praeclara ars omnibus innotesceret, & publici juris fieret. App••ndic. ad Commentar. Paneirol. ad titul. 12. qui est de Typographia.
• 1 1.13

  The city of Mentz formerly a very weal|thy city of the Empire, was taken thro' a strategem, by the Archbishop Adolph, in the night preceding St. S. Simon and Jude in the year 1462, and plunder'd and depriv'd of its freedom.
• 2 1.14

  Vid Malinkrot. p. 77.
• 3 1.15

  Vid. Malinkrot. c. ••
• 1 1.16

  Caeterum in exercenda hac nova arte, o|peris quibusdam usus est Faustus, in quibus fuit Petrus Schoeffer Gernsheimensis, qui cum heri sui institutum percepisset, magno illius artis studio incensus est & quia ingenio valebat, ani mum ad illam amplificandam adjecit, ac singula|ri Dei instinctu, rationem inivit, qua Characte|res Matrici, ut vocant, inciderentur & ex ea funderentur. Alphabeto hoc modo inciso, characteres inde fusos, Fausto hero suo ostendit, quibus ille usque adeo exhilaratus est, ut ei pro|tinus filiam suam unicam desponderet, ac paulo post in uxorem daret: quam vis autem in hoc genere Characterum aliqua difficultas suborta es|set, propterea quod materia mollior esset quam ut pressurae resistere posset, tamen mox ejusmo|di mixtura inventa fuit quae vim praeli aliquan|diu sustinere potuit. Appen, ad tit. de Typogr. p. 312.
• 1 1.17

  Histor. Univer. Gen 49.
• 2 1.18

  Amor. lib. 3. Eleg. 13.
• * 1.19

  Ibid. Eleg. 1.
• 1 1.20

  Cosmograph. lib. 2.
• 2 1.21

  Ab anno 1440 usque ad ann. 1450 nobilis ars imprimendi Moguntiae reperta est; ca Mo|guntia Coloniam, deinde Argentinam, & Basile|am, tandem Venetias delata est. Primus ejus author & inventor Johannes Gutte bergius, qui Zunjungen dicebatur, isque cives alios duos Mo|guntinos adjutores habuit: Johannem Faustum & Johannem Medimbachium, qui artem hanc in secreto tenuerunt, famulis de ea non propa|landa jurejurando constrictis, Munster. Cosmo|graph. lib. 5. c 159. apud Malinkrot c. 2. p. 14.
• 1 1.22

  Hoc anno 1450. magnum ac vere divi|num beneficium Johannes Faustus Germanus, civis Moguntinus, generi humano contulit, no|vum scribendi genus haud dubie coelitus revela|tum (quod chalcographiam, excusoriam, im|pressoriamque vocare solent) invenit & biennio complevit. Consuluit pater indulgentissimus honestis literis, autoribus praeclaris, de quibus actum fuisset; ita torpore languescimus, adeo delicatuli sumus, fugitantesque laborum; tantum literarum uno mense ab uno homine imprimi|tur, quantum uno anno a pluribus scriberetur; quod Campanus Aprutinus pontifex uno versu clegantissime scribit.

  Imprimit illa die &c. ut supra.

  Hinc indies magis ingenia vigent, studia lite|rarum florescunt, copia librorum parvo aere e|genis suppetit, omnes ad capessendas praeclaras artes tantum librorum commoditate alliciun|tur. Hoc coelestissimum munus a Fausto & Petro Schoeffer de Gernsheim genero suo, cui u|nicam filiam Christsnam desponderat, inter se|creta, adactis omnibus sociis ad fidem jurisju|randi religione habitam. Decimo post anno Fausti minister Johannes Guttenbergius Argento|ratensis in Germania vulgavit. Municeps hu|jus Ulricus Han, hoc est Gallus, & Xystus Resi|us Romae, Italiaeque intulere; ubi hoc artificio, mea memoria, Aldus ille Manutius, vir ad in|staurandas literas natus, claruit.—Annal. Boicor. lib. 7. de Typographia.
• * 1.23

  1 Quare tantae rei author non est sua laude fraudandus, praesertim ut posteritas sciat, cui divinum acceptum beneficium referre debeat. Itaque Johannes Guttenbergius natione Teutoni|cus, equestri vir dignitate, ut ab ejus civibus ac|cepimus, primus omnium in oppido Germaniae, quam Moguntiam vocant, hanc imprimenda|rum literarum artem excogitavit, primumque in ea exercere coepit; non minore industria re|perto ab eodem, prout ferunt, authore, novo atramenti genere, quo nunc literarum impres|sores utuntur. Decimo sexto deinde anno, qui suit salutis humanae M CCCC L VIII. quidam nomine Conradus, homo itidem Germanus, pri|mum in Italiam attulit, &c. lib. 2. cap. 7.
• * 1.24

  •• Jacob. Philip. Bergomens. lib. 15. supplem. Chronic. ad ann. 1458. Ars imprimendi libros his temporibus in Germania primum enata est, quam alii repertam esse asseverant a Cuthimber|gio Argentino: alii a quodum alio, nomine Faus|to; alii a Nicolao Genson praedicant; pro qua in|numerabiles authores ipsi congregarunt divitias, &c.
• 1 1.25

  Quantum literarum studiosi Germanis de beant nullo satis dicendi genere exprimi potest: namque a Johanne Guttenberg. Zum-junghen, equite Moguntiae, Rheni, solerti ingenio libro|rum imprimendorum ratio anno 1440 inventa, hoc tempore in omnes fere orbis partes propa|gatur, qua omnis antiquitas parvo aere com|parata posterioribus infinitis voluminibus legi|tur. Chronic. ad ann. 1457.
• 2 1.26

  Lib. 14. histor.
• * 1.27

  3 Ruterus's his words, as I find them tran|slated by Gaspard Eusius in Malinkrot, p. 19. are these.

  "De Authore artis impressoriae hie non digladiabor: summum id Dei beneficium grato animo nos sedulo decet agnoscere; ab uno enim homine uno die tantum literarum imprimitur quantum vix toto anno scribi pos|set; singulis enim diebus in quolibet prelo in Germanorum typographiis ter mille sexcentae chartae, nonnunquam etiam quater mille, in|terdum ultra, &c."
• 1 1.28

  Thevet's Lives and Pictures of Illustrious Persons, ch. 97.
• 1 1.29

  Hodie vetustissima quaedam in eum (impri|mendi sc) usum ab authoribus comparata, quae vidi, instrumenta extant Moguntiae. Bergellan. in praesat. Encom. su•• Typograph.
• 2 1.30

  —adjiciantur primi denique artis hu|jus modioli, quos antiqua hic (Moguntiae enim scribebat) domus in Cesariae horti platea custo|dit, quosque mihi insuper Albinus typographus, monstrabat. Nichol. Serrarius de Rebus Mogun|tin. l. 1. c. 37.
• 1 1.31

  Reperi interea unum impressum in mem|brana, in cujus fine de origine artis typogra|phicae hoc legitur testimonium.

  "Praesens psalmorum codex, venustate capitalium de|coratus, rubricationibusque sufficienter di|stinctus, ac inventione artificiosa imprimen|di ac characterisandi, absque calami exaratio|ne sic effigiatus, ad eusebiam Dei industrie est consummatus per Johannem Fust eivem Mo|guntinum & Petrum Schoeffer de Gernsheim, anno Domini Millessimo CCCCLVII in vi|gilia assumptionis."

  Lib. 2. Bibliothec. Via|dobon. pag. 939.
• 1 1.32

  Altissimi praesidio, cujus nutu infantium linguae fiunt disertae, quique nimio saepe parvu|lis revelat, quod sapientes celat; hic liber egre|gius Catholicon, Dominicae incarnationis anno MCCCCLX, alma in urbe Moguntina, nationis inclytae Germanica (quam Dei clementia tam alto ingenii lumine, donoque gratuito, caeteris nationibus praeferre illustrareque dignatus est) non calami, styli, aut pennae suffragio, sed mi|ra patronarum formarumque concordia, pro|portione & modulo impressus atque confectus est

  Hinc tibi, sancte Pater, Nato, cum Flamine sacro

  Laus & honor, Domino trino tribustur & uno; Ecclesiae laude libro hoc Catholice plaude; Qui laudare piam semper non linque Marium.

  Deo gratias.
• 1 1.33

  Praesens hoc opus finitum ac completum & ad eusebiam Dei industrie in civitate Mogun|tina per Johannem Fust civem, & Petrum Scho|effer de Gernsheim clericum diocesis ejusdem▪ est consummatum anno incarnationis dominicae 1462, in vigilia assumptionis gloriosae virginis Maria.
• 1 1.34

  Praesens Marci Tullii clarissimum opus Jo|hannes Fust Moguntinus civis, non atramento plumali, canna, neque aerea, sed arte quadam perpulchra manu Petri de Gernsheim, pueri mei, feliciter effeci, finitum an. MCCCCLXV die IV Februarii.
• 1 1.35

  Vide de la Caille's history of Printing, Pa|ris 1689 pag. 13

  Jam decet ut nostris concordent ultima pri|mis. Sit Decus illi, qui dedit hoc opus initiare; Et qui finire dedit ipsum, sit decus illi. Est decus ecclesiae pugilis tot scripta tenere: Si quibus intendas est decus ecclesiae.

  Igitur Sophronii Eusebii Ieronymi, orthodoxae ecclesiae Christi propugnatoris clarissimi, liber Hieronymiantes, aut si mavis, quod & ipse ve|lim, liber epistolaris explicit, ut dignitas no|minis Ieronymenus egregio viro Job. Andreae permaneat, qui hoc ipsum, zelo devotionis erga virum sanctum affectus, tempore prisco vulga|vit in orbem. Est autem opus praesens arte impressoria feliciter consummatum per Pe|trum Schoeffer de Gernsheim in civitate Mogun|tina, cujus nobilitati vir beatus Ieronymus scri|bens ad Ageruntiam de monogamia, testimoni|um perhibet sempiternum, multis millibus in|colarum ejusdem in ecclesia p••o fide Catholica sanguine proprio laureatis.

  Huic Laudatori reddit Moguntin vicem, Tot sua scripta parans usibus ecclesia.

  Anno Domini MCCCCLXX, septima mensis Septembris, quae est vigilia Nativitatis Mariae.

  Da gloriam Deo.
• 1 1.36

  Impressum & completum est praesens Chro|nicorum opus Anno Domini MDXV, in vigilia Margaretae virginis in nobili famosaque urbe Moguntina, hujus artis impressoriae inventrice prima, per Joannem Schoeffer nepotem quondam honesti viri Johan. Fust civis Moguntini, in emo|ratae artis primarii auctoris; qui tandem im|primendi artem proprio ingenio excogitare spe|cularique coepit ann. Dom. nativitatis MCCCCL indictione xiii regnante illustrissimo Romano imperatore Frederico Ill, praesidente sanctae Mo|guntinae sedi Reverendissimo in Christo patre Domino Theodorico Pincerna de Erbach principe Electore; anno autem MCCCCLII perfecit, de|duxitque eam (Divina favente gratia) in opus imprimendi (opera tamen ac multis necessariis adinventionibus Petri Schoeffer de Gernsheim mi|nistri suique filii adoptivi) cui etiam filiam suam Christinam Fusti•• pro digna laborum multarum. que adinventionum remuneratione nuptui de|dit. Retinuerunt autem hi duo jam praenun|ciati, Johan. Fust & Petrus Schoeffer, hanc artem in secreto (omnibus ministris ac familiaribus eorum, neillam quoquo modo manifestarent, ju|rejurando adstrictis,) quae tandem anno Domi|ni MCCCCLXII per eosdem familiares in di|versas terrarum provincias divulgata, haud pa|rum sumpsit incrementum, Cum Gratia & Privilegio Caesariae Majestatis, jussu & impensis honesti Joannis Haselperg ex Asia Majore Con|stant. diocesis. Breviar. Truhemian. Part. 1.
• 1 1.37

  Chronic. Coloniens. Quamvis autem, ut praemittitur, Moguntiae ars haec inventa fuerit, eo modo quo nunc temporis communiter usur|patur; prima tamen ejus praefiguratio, seu simu|lacrum ex Donatis Hollandiae reperta & desump|ta fuit, qui ibi ante id tempus excusi fuerunt; e quo illis principium artis depromptum est: at posterior haec inventio priore, quoad artificium & subtilitatem, longe praestantior fuit.

  N. B. Theauthor wrote this chronicle in High Dutch, but I could never procure the original, and have been oblig'd to make use of Malin|kret's translation of it.
• 1 1.38

  Joannes Faust civis Moguntinus, avus ma|ternus Joannis Schoeffer, primus excogitavit im|primendi artem typis aereis, quos deinde plum|beos invenit; multaque ad poliendam artem ad|didit ejus filius Schoeffer: impressus est autem hic Donatus & Consessionalia primo omnium an|no 1450, admonitus certe fuit ex Donato Hollan|diae prius impresso in tabula incisa. Theatr. Holland. p. 138.
• 1 1.39

  Sed non difficile est hanc tam gravem ac tam nobilem controversiam, & quae clarissima nostri aevi ingenia exercuit, componere, nem|pe, si vel id, quod res est, concedainus, typos quidem ligneos a Laurentio Harlemensi primum fuisse inventos, typo vero stanneos, aereos, & plumbeos ad horum exemplar efformatos esse a Joanne Fausto cive Moguntino. Boxhorn Theat. Holland.
• 1 1.40

  Etenim hoc anno Moguntiae a Joanne Fausto ars imprimendi exerceri coepta est, fuerat is avus Joan is Shoefferi chalcographi nostrae aetatis, vir dignus ut celebretur.—

  Quid? quod sub mundi vesperam, instante supremo jam die, inter caliginosas impiorum atque discordiarum feralium procellas rarae pi|etatis, summaeque doctrinae non pauci instar mi|cantium syderum emicasse cernuntur; ut cre|deres orbem a graviore morbo convaluisse, at|que amissas eloquentiae artiumque vires sensim recollegisse; opitulante disciplinis arte illa, qua plumbeis literarum characteribus ingeniose fu|sis, atque scribendi ratione optime compositis, atramentoque madefactis convenienter ac prae|lo compressis, diversarum linguarum libri nu|meroso quasi partu in quamplurima exemplaria in lucem producuntur: Typographiae arti nomen dedere, ac per Joannem Faustum anno 1440 excogitatam in lucem produxisse certissime constat. Mirum tanti artificii repertorem, & divinarum humanarumque disciplinarum gene|rosum administrum a Germanicarum rerum scriptore indigno plane ornari elogio: fuit cer|te vir ille immortalis memoriae dignissimus, & acutissimis ingeniis annumerandus. Opmer. op. posth, p. 703. edit. Colon.
• 1 1.41

  These were in all probability the first SIG|NATURES, the 4th and 5th here have them not, nor the books with Faust's name. And tho' the Terence printed at Milan 1470 has them, yet Spira and Jonson printed afterwards without; nor have they us'd them in France in 1468, yet in the same year they were us'd at Oxford.
• 1 1.42

  Alibi enim ars, alibi ornamenta artis in|venta; illa inter Hollandos, haec inter Germaniae Moguntinos.—Harlemum Tipographiae ve|lut matrem, Mogunt am autem nutricem fuisse & alumnam; ibi superatum quicquid in novae rei exordiis impeditum, hic additam majorem arti speciem & facilitatem. Boxhorn de Art. Ty|pogr invent. p 38, 39.
• 2 1.43

  Quae ligno incisa sunt, huc non refero, v. g. libellum fabularum & similitudinum, qua|lis est D. Hartlhorni libellus Germanicas, itemque Speculum Mortentium, Speculum Salutis, & id genus alia, Saubert. Histor. Biblioth. Norim|berg. p. 116.
• 1 1.44

  De loco & opifice incertiora adhuc sunt omnia. Si pro M••guntia pronuncietur, non multum haerendum erit de opificibus, tribus scilicet antea celebratis; aut tempore quod an|no 1457, (quo primum, juxta receptam hacte|nus a plerisque opinionem, integrae Typogra|phiae opus per Johannem Fust & Petrum Schoef|fer elaboratum prodiit fuerit forte vetustius; opus enim minus perfectum oportet perfectiori praeivisse, sin autem cui Argentina plus placeat, aut (quam cur duarum malim, postea aperiam) Harlemum; Guttenbergus, quem quidam Ar|gentinam migrasse, potior vero (de qua dein|ceps disseram, authoritas Harlemi consedisse af|firmat, haec primae suae artis molitus est rudi|menta; non qui em ante annum 1455, quo ac|cidisse fertur inter ipsum Faustumque dissidium (quae ipsi fuit migrandi causa) neque forsan multo post 1457 quo perfectior innotuerat im|primendi ratio. Annal. Typ••graph. p. 17.
• 2 1.45

  Ibid a pag 26, ad 30.

  Quae ex Lambethano MS. descripsit, de eo rum veritati cur dubitemus non video: ex iis itaque pauca mecum colliget lector alibi forsan non ediscenda.

  1. Johannes Guttenbergus, quem, exorta in|ter ipsum & Faustum contentione, Argentinam migrasse scribit Henricus Salmuth, Harl••mum inde aliquando profectus est, ibique primus ar|tem Typographicam a se inventam ••n onstravit, & ipse anno 1459 exercuit: quod si admitta|tur, contra Laurentium Costerum, cui inventionis palma a Belgis tribuitur, manifeste faciet, &c. ib. p. 31.
• 3 1.46

  Non hercle Harlemicae silvae spatiis, non Ba|tavicus deambulationibus, non Hollandico otio tam laboriosae artisanxium & difficilem partum debemus; sed Mogu••tinus potius sudoribus Rhe|nanae industriae & difficilibus nixibus, Germa••i••ae assiduitatis indefessae operationi, continuae multo|rum annorum instantiae llum acceptum fe••••e te|nemur. Typograph. cap. 8. pag. 69.
• 1 1.47

  Anno millesimo quadringentesimo quadra|gesimo als zum drittenmahl, &c quae Latine sic sonant: cum e tribu Vietorum tertius in consulem esset electus Dominus Nicholous Schant|liti, & praetura urbana fungeretur Walterus Spiegel, &c. eximia illa & mire utilis Typogra|phia Strasburgs inventa est, ab incomparabili vi|ro Johanne Ment l••o habitante in foro Fronhoff, in aedibus vero Viengarten, hoc est lustri, vulgo nuncupatis: quod divinissimum opus non cela|vit unum ex famulis suis, sibi dexteritate inge|nii atque acumine notum, Johannem Geasfleich vocatum, & illum Mogunty••e s••m, ut abs illo in ea re juvaretur: Sed male feriatus is servus, ubi quadamtenus industriae istius fuisset consci|us, nequissime cum hero se gessit. ••am cum Johanne Gu••embergio, populare suo, pinguis census homine, ac vitae sorte aurifice, se soci|ans; qui jam de arte quidpiam subodorabatur (ut mer••••oria cujus opera fabrica••dis ad id in|strume••tis usus antea fuiss••t Mentilius) secreta quae a patrono fuerat expiscatus, detexit. Ac sic utrique cum nova & illustria per ipsam no|mina comparandi spes fo••et; nec tamen im|pune id Argentorati, ubi esset inventor possent consequi, illac egredi apud se constituerunt, ac Moguntiam profecti suut. Mentel p. 6, 7.
• 1 1.48

  Insigne Schottorum familiae ab Frederico Romanorum III imperatore Jeanni Mentelin pri|mo Typographiae inventori, ac suis concessum anno 1466. p. 104.
• 1 1.49

  Vide quaeso Mentelii in opinione falsa ob|stinati, ipsiusque hominum ornatissimorum hal|lucinationem manifestam; annus enim illius li|bri exprimitur non numeralibus litteris, sed disertis verbis. Millesime quadringentesimo quinquage••imo nono. Annal. Typograph. p. 11. anno••. col 1.
• 1 1.50

  Interea Joannes Mentel id opisicii genus incoeptans, multa volumina castigate & polite imprimendo factus est brevi opulentissimus. Wimphel loco ••••tat••.
• 1 1.51

  Ut ita consentaneum sit assevevare, ab ArGen|torato velut a ca pite hoc artificium primo flux|isse atquedimanasse. Hinc ad cam suosque mag|nam partem Tipographos primores illos quo|rum meminit Wimphelingus Erhards Windsberg cujusdam epigramma, quod habetur in calce Epistolarum Cratetis, ubi ubi-vis gentium (nam locus non ponitur, quanquam putem Strasbur|g•••• at certe novellis, & artis infantiam plane re|dolentibus literarum characteribus impressa|rum, &c. p. 15.
• 1 1.52

  Erhardi Windsbergh epigramma ad Ger|manos librarios egregios, Michaelem, Martinum & Uldaricum.

  Genuine Edition.

  Plura licet summae dederis, Alemannia, laudi,

  MENTEL.

  Plura licet summae dederis, tu Argentina, laudi, At reor hoc majus te genuisse nihil; Quod prope divinam summa ex industria fingis Scribendi hanc artem, multiplicans studia. Felices igitur, Michael Maremeque semper Vivite, & Ulrice, ho•• queis opus imprimitur; Erhardum vestro & non dedignemini amore, Cui fido semper pectore clausi eritis.
• 1 1.53

  Post haec inventis successerunt subtiliora, inveneruntque modum fundendi formas om|nium Latini alphabeti literarum, &c.
• 2 1.54

  hIC fago cXsC VI. ptas La VreatI CVs|plde for Mas.

  Scriver. Apolog. pro patr. contra Neudeum.
• 1 1.55

  Circa annum 1420 prima nobilissimae ar|tis Typographicae fundamenta a Laurentio Co|stero Harlemi poni coepta. Quod in annum hu|jus saeculi vigesimum, non tricesimum, aut quadragesimum, ut fit vulgo, hanc artem pe|riclitatam velim, suadet Rabbi Josephus, qui in chronico suo exemplar omnium vetustissimum Venetiis excusum refert anno Judaico 5188, Christi anno MCCCCXXVIII. Josephum is|tum diu quaesitum videre non licuit: Chronicon haud dubie illud est quod Mensa instructa inscri|bitur; liber est ex Arba Turim excerptus per Rabbi Joseph Carro, & in formam thesium & conclusionum redactus; adjectae sunt novellae glossae & observationes de jure, ritibus & con|suet••dine horum temporum per Mosem Iserles: tertium impressus Cracoviae anno Christi 1594, indicante in Bibliotheca Rabbinica rerum & scrip|torum orientalium peritissimo Johanne Buxtor|fio. Locum hunc certe velim accuratius aspi|ciant, qui habent.
• 1 1.56

  A primo inventionis suae, &c. impressari namque b••••••••am. Trithem. loco su••ra citato.
• 1 1.57

  Ars primum inventa in Germaniae urbe Mo|guntina ad Rhenum circa annum 1440; & ab eo donec scriberetur 14••0, inventioni ejus corum|que quae ad illam pertinent, opera impensa fuit; eoque anno, qui Jubilaeus fuit, coeptum fuit pri|mim libros imprimere; primusque qui excu|deretur liber Liblta fuere Latina, impressaque ea sunt scriptura grandiori, quali hodie Mssilia imprimi solent.—initium & progressum me|morati artisicii ex honorabilis magistri Ulric Zel Hanoviensis narrantis ore cognovi, qui etiam nunc hoc anno 14••9 Coloniae Typographum agit. V. d. Malinkrot de arte Typog. p. 37.
• 1 1.58

  Biblia Latina, quorum translatio Divo Hi|eronymo vulgo tribuitur, circa 1450 & sequen|tem Moguntiae in membrana impressa, quorum Faustus exemplar nummis uncialibus seu thale|ris septingentis quinquaginta Parisus venum de|derat, ut supra ex Abbate Spanhemensi narravi|mus, inter primordia merito numerari Corneli|us Beughen memorat (Iocunab. Tyopgraph. Am|sterd. ann. 1688 edui) similiter Henricus Sal|muth alium Bibliorum codicem ibidem lucem vidisse denarrat, cui haec in fine verba erant ap|posita: Praesens rati••••••lis Divinorum codex con|summatus est per Johannem Faust civem Mo|gunt. & Petrum Gernsheim. &c. ann. 1459, &c. Sed errare hac parte Salmuthum, quod rationale illud sacrum scripturam esse putet, cum tantum breve aliquod Guillelmi Duranti scriptum sit, quod se quoque possidere Bern. a Malinkrot refert. Ne ue tamen prorsus nega|verim Biblis Latina hoc ipso anno vulgata ty|pis denuo fuisse, quandoquidem Job. Saubertus fatetur se in bibliotheca Norica octo exempla ria vidisse, ac subscriptionis Fustmianae notis ca|ruisse haud dubie ob causam paulo ante a nobis adductam. P Pater de German. Mirac. Lipsiae ann. 1710. pag. 75.
• 1 1.59

  Presens hoc opus finitum ac completum & ad eusebiam Dei industria in civitate Mogun|tinà per Johannem Fust civem & retrum Sho|efer de Gernsheim clericum Dioecesis ejusdem est consummatum anno incarnationis Dominicae MCCCCLX. I in vigilil Assumptionis gloriosae virginis Mariae.
• 1 1.60

  Walchius decas fabularum generis humani printed at Strasburgh 1609 in 4to. pag. 181
• 2 1.61

  Mr. Le Gallois in his treatise of the finest libraries pag. 16••. tells us that there was no|thing printed before this bible of 1462, which Faust brought to Paris. [quoiqui, en soit il est certain qu' on ne voit rien a'imprimé avant c••tte Bible que Faust apporta luy meme a Paris] Fa|ther de St. Raomuld affirms likewise in his The|saur Chronolog. pag. 324. that we have nothing printed before the year 1462: and the great Naude, who in his addition to the history of Lewis XI. says that he had seen about 15000 old books in 20 or 30 of the most celebrated li|braries in and about the city of Paris, and hath writ a treatise ex professo upon this subject, in the afore-mention'd book, chap 7. pag. 268. expresses himself thus; "but we have no book printed before 1462; and pag. ••89 he says that we must needs suppose them (the first printers) to have made an infinite number of proofs and maculatures, before they could justify, and get all their implements fitted together; after which they began at length to compose, not Tully's Offices, &c. but the great bible in fol••o, which was finish'd anno 146••, Vide Chevil|lier pag. 17.
• 1 1.62

  Immo anno Domini 1465 ut fert aliud ex|emplar in Bodleiana [bibliotheca.]
• 2 1.63

  Moguntia in 4to ann. 1465, quae postmo|dum sunt recusa ibidem, an. 1467 in 4to, & Romae 1468, &c. Incunab. Typograph. 46.
• 3 1.64

  Nov. Biblioth. MSS. lib. septim. pag. 353.
• 4 1.65

  Praesens M. Tulli clarissimum opus Joan. Fust Moguntinus civis, non atramento, pluma|li canna neque aerea, sed arte quadam perpul|chra, manu Petri de Gernsheim, pueri mei feli|citer effeci. Finitum an. MCCCCLXVI, quar|ta die mensis sebruarii. Chevil. p. 18.
• 1 1.66

  Cum primum Typographiae exemplum Mo|guntiae editum sit anno 1466—ut constat ex Ciceronis Officiis, quae primum omnium libro|rum typis aeneis impressa sunt: Exemplar Of|ficiorum istorum habeo in membrana impresso|rum. P. Ramus Schol. Mathem. lib. 2.
• 2 1.67

  Leonardus de Utino, ordin. praedic.—Ejus sermonum de Sanctis liber sub ipsa Typogra|phicae artis incunabula anno 1446 impressus, abs|que tamen loci mentione, habetur in bibliotheca templi Mariani nostri Hall. Confer. Dn. paren|tis Halygraph. Appendice T. t. t. 1. B. Sermo|nes ejusdem Quadragesimales & Dominicales ann. 1479 prodierunt. Abac. patrolog. p. 291.
• 1 1.68

  Jam dabo tibi, lector, quod in votis ha|buit Cheviliierus; unde editio tantae vetustatis specie venerabilis testimonio novo certior fiat & notior. Vir quidam literarum peritus—dum Aquisgrani peregrinabatur ibi in Regulari|um coenobio vidit librum supra memoratum, in fol. ex quo descripsit haec, quae in libri ipsius fine adjiciuntur.

  Expliciunt sermōes aurei de Sanctis per totum annum, quos compilavit mgr. Leonardus de Utino sacre Theologie doctor, ordinis fratrum predicator. ad instanciam & complacentiam magnifice civitatis Utine••sis ac nobilium vi|rorum ejusdem MCCCCXLVI in vigilia beatissimi patris nostri Dominici ofessoris, ad laudem & gl'am. Dei omnipotentis & totius curie triumphantis.

  Libri ipsius character impolitus & rudis; abbre|viaturisque frequentibus adeo refertus, ut ejus lectio nequaquam sit, quam illorum Moguntiae annis 1459 & 1460 excusorum facilior. An|nal. Typogr. p. 25.
• 1 1.69

  Completus Parisiis anno Domini millesimo CCCC vicesimo tertio, amen. Chevil. p. 11.
• 1 1.70

  Erat enim ars illa primo abscondita & pau|culis manifestata; litteras enim in sacculis clau|sis secum in Officinae ferebant, ac dum abeunt, auferebant; donec temporis successu ars aucta atque plurimum illustrata fuit. Do illustribus German. part. 2. pag. 397.
• 1 1.71

  Scaligeriana, Hag. edit. in 8vo. p. 173.
• 2 1.72

  Anniversarium honorabilium virorum Pe|tri Schoeffer & Conr••di He••lf, ac Joan. Fust, ci|vium de Moguntia, impressorum, necnon uxo|rum, filiorum, parentum, amicorum & bene|factorum; qui Petrus & Conradus dederunt no|bis Epistolas beati Hieronymi impressas in Per|gameno, excepta tamen summa duodecim scu|torum auri quam praefati impressores recepe|runt per manus Domini Joannis Abbatis hujus ecclesiae, •• kalend. Novemb. ann. 1471. De la Caille, pag. 14.
• 1 1.73

  Hoc opus praeclarum Secunda secundae al|ma in Urbe Moguntina inclitae nationis Germa|nicae, quam Dei clementia alti ingenii lumine donoque gratuito caeteris terrarum nationibus praeferre illustrareque dignatus est, artificiola quadam adinventione imprimendi seu charac|terizandi absque ulla calami exaratione sic effi|giatum, & ad eusebiam Dei industria est con|summatum per Petrum Schoiffer de Gernsheim. Anno Domini M CCCC LX VII. Die sexto mensis Martii.
• 1 1.74

  Praesens Institutionum praeclarum opus al|ma in urbe Moguntina inclitae nationis Germa|nica; quam Dei clementia tam alti ingenii lu|mine donoque gratuito caeteris orbis nationibus praeferre illustrareque dignatus est; non atra|mento omni, non plumali canna neque aerea, sed artificiosa quadam ad inventione imprimen|di seu characterizandi sic effigiatum, & ad eu|sebiam Dei industrie est consummatum per Pe|trum Schoyffer de Gernsheim, anno Dominicae Incarnationis MCCCCLXVIII. 24 die Men|sis Maii.
• 2 1.75

  Epistolare beati Ieronymi cum introducto|rio per virum famatum in hac Arte Petrum Schoiffer, &c. At the end of the introdution are these two verses address'd to the Saint;

  Nunc memoris memor esto tui, Ieronyme, sancte, Ne pereat, Christo veniam pro crimine dante.

  At the end of the book are the six verses quo|ted before at pag. 33, which begin thus;

  Jam decet ut nostris concordent, &c.
• 3 1.76

  In nobili urbe Moguntina Rheni—per Petrum Schoeffer de Gernsheim artis impressoriae magistrum, viii Cal. Jul.
• 1 1.77

  Igitur Aurelii Augustini, civitatis ortho|doxae sideris prae••••gidi, de civitate Dei opus praeclarissimum, binis sacrae paginae professori|bus eximiis id commentantibus, rubri••is tabu|laque discretum, celsa in urbe Moguntin•• parti|um Alemanniae, non calami per phrasim, cha|racterum autem apicibus artificiose elementa|tum, ad laudem T••initatis individuae, civitatis Dei praesidio, operose est consummatum per Pe|trum Schoiffer de Gernsheim die V mensis Sep|tember MCCCCLXXIII.
• 2 1.78

  In nobili urbe Moguntini Petrus Scheysser de Gernsheim suis consignando scutis consumma|vit, die xiv p••st. MCCCCLXXV.
• 3 1.79

  Sanctiss. in Christo P. ac Dom. D. Sixto Pap. IV. invictissimo Dom. D. Frederico Ro|man. Imperat. semper August generoso Dom. Diethero de Bemburg electo & confirmato Mo|guntino in nobili urbe Moguntia Rheni impresso|riae artis inventrice elimatriceque prima, prae|sens Institutionum opus praeclarum Pet. Schoef|fer de Gernshiem suis consignan••o scutis, omni|potente favente Deo, consummavit. 10 kal. Jun. MCCCCLXXVI.
• 1 1.80

  Gravi labore, maximisque impensis, Ro|manam post impressionem, opus iterum e|mendatum antiquarum novarumque decisionum suis cum additionibus Dominorum de Rota, in civitate Moguntia artis impressoriae inventrice & elimatrice prima, Petrus Schoiffer de Gernsheim suis consignando scutis a te magistra feliciter finivit, prid. Non Jan. MCCCCLXXVII.
• 2 1.81

  R in Christo Pat. D D. Diethero Archi|praesule Moguntino, in nobili civitate Moguntia domicilio Minervae firmissimo, Petrus Schoeffer de Gernsheim arte magistra suis consignando scu|tis feliciter finivit, ad VII Idus Januarius. MCCCCLXXVIII.
• 1 1.82

  Anno igitur eodem 1468, opus Augustini de Civitate Dei eruditissimum; Epistolas Hiero|nymi disertissimas, cum luminibus orationis tum viribus argumentorum instructas vulgaverunt.—Anno superiore Tullianas dederant Epis|tolas, hoc dant Hieronymianas, &c. Annal. Typo|graph. p. 44.
• 1 1.83

  Egli e ancora certissimo che il primo Libro, il quale usci dalle stampe di Roma, e sempre stato creduto dagli autori il Sant. Agostino de c••vitate Deo. il quale se bene non addita il luogo, ove stampato, ne il nome degl' Impressori, tutta volta e di carettere tondo Romano, stampato nel anno terzo di papa Paolo II, e nel millesimo. 1467, come si legge in detto libro. Orleand. origin. della Stamp. pag. 67.
• 1 1.84

  Concerning these two editions the letter on which they were printed, gave names to two sizes of Printing-letter; viz. from Cicero's Epistles, that siz'd Letter has been call'd Cicero ever since in Italy, France, and Germany, and answers to our Pica; Holland alone calls it Medi|••an: the other is from St. Austin's book, which is call'd Augustin in several parts of Europe, but with us English; but this I shall treat of more largely in the second volume.
• * 1.85

  Aspicis illustres, lector, quicunque libellos, Si cupis artificum nomina nosse, lege. Alpera ridebis cognomina Teutona forsan: Mitiger ars Musis inscia verba virum. Conradus Sweynheim, Arnoldus, Pannartzque magistri. Romae impresserunt talia multa simul, Petrus cum fratre Francisco Maximus, ambo Huic operiaptatam contribuere domum.
• 1 1.86

  —Juvit mirifice vir summae eruditionis ac sapientiae Theodorus meus Gaza, atque ita qui|dem, ut absque illo nec, pene dixerim, mundus hoc munus fuerit impleturus. Epist. Dedic. ad Pap Paul. II. prefix'd to Pliny.
• 2 1.87

  Joannes Andreas praesul Aleriensis, qui in ipsorum libraria taberna 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 esse non dedignatus est; ut nec Campanus in Uldaric. Mentel. de vera Typograph. origin. p. 11.
• 3 1.88

  Rome fut une des premieres ou la presse roula par le moyen d'un Uldaricus Gallus, qui dona sujet a l'eveque Jo. Campanus, lequel se rendit correcteur de son imprimere de compo|ser cette epigramme a sa louange, que raporte Faernus. Addit. ad Hist. Lud. XI, p. 297.
• 4 1.89

  Irenaeus Lugdunensis episcopus; item Ju|stinus ex philosopho martyr; item cum divo Hieronymo Eusebius Caesariensis seram posteritatem adjurarunt, ut eorum descripturi opera conser|rent diligenter exemplaria, solerti studio emen|darent: idem ego tum in caeteris libris, tum maxime in Plinto ut fiat, vehementer obsecro, obtestor, atque adjuro, ne ad priora menda & tenebras inextricabiles tanti sudoris opus rela|batur.
• 1 2.1

  JO. AND. ad XYST. IV.

  —Ut digneris misericorditer occurrere, ser|vuli tuae sanctitatis Conradus Swyenheim & Ar|noldus Panna•••••• impressores nostri ac utilissi|mae hujus fictoriae artis primi in Ital•••• opifices implorant.—Vox impressorum sub tanto chartarum fasce laborantium, &, nisi tualibera|litas opituletur, deficientium ista est.—Nos de Germanis primi, tanti commodi artem in Ro|manam curiam tuam multo sudore & impen|sa decessoris tui tempestate deveximus. Nos opifices librarios caeteros, ut idem auderent, no|stro exemplo incitavimus—Indicem si per|legeris impressorum a nobis operum, miraberis—vel chartas huic librorum copiae potu|isse vel lineamenta sufficere—Impressi sunt nostro studio libri, qui in subjectis suo ordine tibi recensebuntur.

  1. Donatus pro puerulis, ut inde principium dicendi sumamus, unde imprimendi initium sumpsimus,	without date.	CCC.
  2. Lactantii Firm. Institutionum divinarum lib. vii.Anno	1468	DCC XXV.
  3. M. Tull. Cicer. Epistolae familiares	1467	DL.
  4. M. T. Cicer. Epistolae ad Atticum	1470	CC LXXV.
  5. Roderic episcop Zamorensis Speculum vitae humanae	1468	CCC.
  6. D. August. de civitate Dei	1468	DCCC XXV.
  7. D. Hieronymi epistolae, vol. II	1468	M C.
  8. M. T. Cicero de oratore cum caeteris,	without date	D L.
  9. M. T. Cicer. pars libelli de philosophia	1471	D L.
  10. L. Apuleius Platonicus cum Alcinoo	1469	CC LXXV.
  11. Auli Gellii noctium Atticarum lib.	1469	CC LXXV.
  12. C. Caesaris Commentaria	1469	CC LXXV.
  13. Divi Platonis defensio,	without date	CCC.
  14. P. Virgil. Maron opera omnia,	without date	D L.
  15. T. Livius Patavinus cum Epitome decadum,	without date	CC LXXV.
  16. Strabonis Geographia,	without date	CC LXXV.
  17. M. Annaeus Lucanus	1466	CC LXXV.
  18. C. Plinii Veronens. Natur. histor	1470	CC C.
  19. C. Suetonius Tranquillus de xii Caesar.	1470	CC LXXV.
  20. Div. Leonis Pap. sermones	1470	CCLXXV.
  21. M. Fab Quintilian. Institution. Oratoriar.	1470	CC LXXV.
  22. D. Thom. Aquin. Continuum catenae aureae,	without date	D L.
  23. D. Cypriani Epistolae	1471	CC LXXV.
  24. Biblia cum Opusculo Aristeae	1471	D L.
  25. Silius Italicus cum Calphurnio & Hesiodo	1471	CC LXXV.
  26. M. T. Orationes cum invectivis in Verrem, &c.	1471	CC LXXV.
  27. P. Ovid. Nason. opera omnia, 2 vol.	1471	D L
  28. Nichol. de Lyra. Glossa in tot. Bibl. 5 vol.1471	1472	M C.
• * 2.2

  Horum omnium voluminum summa—effi|cit codices duodecies mille ••uadringentos septu|aginta quinque; acervum quidem ingentem, & nobis impressoribus tuis qua parte restat, in|tolerabilem—ingens sumptus ad victum ne|cessarius, cessantib••s emptoribus ferri amplius a nobis nequit; & ementes non esse nullum est gravius testimonium, quam quod domus nostra satis magna plena est quinternionum, inanis re|rum necessariarum—parati sumus pro clementiae tuae arbitrio de nostra merce i. e. de impressis quinternionibus nostris tibi tot tradere, quot volue••is, & quibus volueris.—Tua incredi|bilis mansuetudo subveniat nobis de aliquo offi|cio, unde possimus nos & nostros alere. Im|pensa est facta in solius Nicolai de Lyra a nobis voluminibus tanta, ut amplius nihil nobis su|persit ad vivendum. Si venderemus opera nostra, non solum a pietate tua nihil peteremus, sed ultro in praesentium temporum articulo, in quo te plurimum egere non nescimus, ipsi no|stra offerremus; faciemusque quo••iens tuo ad|jumento fortuna nobiscum usa esse videbitur fronte sereniore Interea, Pater Sancte, adju|vent nos miserationes tuae, quia pauperes facti sumus nimis—xx Mart••••••s CCCCLXXII, Pontificatus tui Clementissimi anno primo.
• 1 2.3

  Anser Ta••p••i custos Jovis unde quo ••n••is Constreperes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 decidit▪ 〈…〉〈…〉. Uldricus Gallus: ne quem poscantur in usum. ••••ocui•• pennis nil opus esse tuis.
• 1 2.4

  Cum Uldricus quidam Gall•••••••• qui formas in urbein literarias nuper intulisset, illum inter|quiescere assiduis emen ationibus non permitte|ret, remque literariam ex magnis dissicultatibus inopiaque ad ingentem ubertatem gloriosissimo illo & divino opificio evocaret, &c. Fern. in Vita Campani.
• 1 2.5

  Primus in Adriaca formis impressit aenis Urbe libros Spira genitus de stirpe Johannes. In reliquis sit quanta, vides, spes, lector, habenda, Quam labor hic primus calami superaverit artem. MCCCCLXVIIII.
• 1 2.6

  Hos Windelinus clara virtute magister Transcripsit; celeri formula pressa pede. Mait••aire Annal. Typogr p. 94, sub not. (b)
• 2 2.7

  Vita Orlandi pag. 19.
• 3 2.8

  Qui docuit Venetos exscribi posse Johannes Mense fere trino centena volumina Plini, Et totidem magni Ciceronis Spira libellos; Coeperat Aureli, subita sed morte peremp|tus Non potuit coeptum Venetis finite volu|men. Vindelinus adest ejusdem frater, & arte Non minor: Adriacaque morabitur urbe.
• 1 2.9

  Sed omnium maxime opibus & eleganti literarum forma multum caeteros antecelluerunt Nicholates Jenson & Johannes Coloniensis: Sabel|lic. Enead. 10. l 6.
• 2 2.10

  Accedebant justae preces magistri Nicolai Jenson Gallici, alterius, ut vere dicam, Daedali, qui librariae artis mirabilis inventor, non ut scribantur calamo libri, sed vesuti gemma im|primantur, ac prope sigillo, primus omnium ingeniose monstravit: ut huic viro, qui de re literaria tam bene meruit, nemo sit qui non favere debeat. Idcirco non difficulter impe|travit, ut non solum hoc opus, verum etiam utramque Ciceronis artem corrigerem.
• 1 2.11

  Venetiis impressoribus expositus fuit per Joh. de Cologn. Agrippin. ac Joh. Manthen de Gher|retsteim, MCCCCLXXIV, qui una fideliter vi|ventes, eosdem impressores ad hoc duxerunt.
• 1 2.12

  Omnem enim vitam decrevimus ad ho|minum utilitatem consumere—nam etsi qui|etam ac tranquillam agere vitam possumus, ne|gotiosam tamen eligimus & plenam laboribus. Ald. p••afat. ••d Lascar. Creten.
• 2 2.13

  This curious example of the abbreviations, us'd in those times, is extracted from Okam's logick, folio verso, leaf 121, as follows;

  Sĩ hic ε̃ fα̃l s̃ m q̃d ••d simplr̃ α̃ e p̃ducibile a deo g̃ α̃ ε̃ & s lr̃ hic a ñ ε̃ g̃ a α̃ ε̃ p̃ducibile a deo &c. which words printed at full length, will run thus; Sicut hic est fallacia secundum quid ad simpliciter, A est producibile a deo. Ergo A est, & sim liter hic. A non est, ergo non est producibile a deo. Vide Chevil p. 110.

  These abbreviations were grown in time so numerous and universal, that books were ob|lig'd to be publish'd to teach the method of reading and understanding them.
• 1 2.14

  Quoniam dilectus filius noster Aldus Manu|cius Romanus ad communem doctorum utilita|tem, novisexcogitatis characterum formis, assi|duam operam libris emendandis imprimendisque impendit, magnosque in ea re labores sumptus que facit, vereturque ne insurgente invidia aemu|lationeque excitata, aliqui, sumpto de ejus cha|racteribus exemplo, ad eandem formam libros imprimant, deque alterius invento novum sibi lucrum quaerant; ideo nobis fecit humiliter sup|plicari, &c.
• 1 2.15

  Cum tu—Graecorum & Latinorum au|ctorum volumina summa cura & diligentia ca|stigata, a paucis annis, ad communem omnium litteratorum utilitatem, characteribus, quos vul|gus Cursives seu a•• cellarios appellas, imprimi tam diligenter & pulchre curaveris, ut calamo conscripta esse videantur, &c.
• 2 2.16

  Ne per spatium quindecim annorum iis characteribus, quos ipse invenit vel edidit pri|mus, imprimere—neve characteres, quos Cursivos seu Cancellarios appellant, imitari prae|sumant, &c.
• 3 2.17

  Audivi ab iis qui cum eo versati sunt—duo ad summum folia singula quaque hebdomada imprimi solere; cum hodie totidem fere in sin|gulo quoque praelo quotidie cudantur. Ang. Roc. de bibliotheca Vaticana, pag. 412.
• 1 2.18

  Quandoquidem mille & amplius boni alicu|jus auctoris volumina singulo quoque mense emittimus.
• 2 2.19

  Aldus bibliothecam molitur, cujus non alia septa sunt quam ipsius orbis. Erasm. Chtl. 2. Cent. 1. Prov. 1.
• 3 2.20

  Sic doleo, ut, si possem, mutarem singula errata nummo aureo.
• 4 2.21

  Dicere queo, quicquid meo labore formis excuditur, ipsis exemplaribus longe correctius ac magis perfectum exire ex aedibus nostris.
• 5 2.22

  Nam Michael Bentius contulit quaedam loca a me citata ex Graeco Homero ab Aldo excuso, item ex Cicerone Aldino. cum Aldina sint depra|vatissima. Vita Erasmi, Lugdun. Batav. in 16^o, pag. 173.
• 6 2.23

  Hoc unum erat incommodi, quod Aldus hoc opus excudit secundum exemplar multis lo|cis depravatum. Tom. 1. oper. Erasm.
• 1 2.24

  Officina Veneta dedit nobis Festum Pompei|um egregie depravatum; non insimulo Aldum; solet ille tales operas alicui Paedagogo commit|tere. Pag. 148, supradict. edit. Lugdun. Batav.
• 2 2.25

  Sed ego non credulus illis; nullum enim adhuc dedi librum, in quo mihi ipsi satisfecerim.
• 2 2.26

  Sed ego non credulus illis; nullum enim adhuc dedi librum, in quo mihi ipsi satisfecerim.
• 1 2.27

  Quisquis es, rogat te Aldus etiam atque eti|am, ut siquid est quod a se velis, pe•• paucis agas, deinde actutum abeas, nisi tanquam Hercules veneris suppositu••us humeros; semper enim erit quod & tu agas, & quotquot huc a••tulerint pe|des.
• 2 2.28

  Qui graphicis primus tradidit illa typis.
• 3 2.29

  Exemplaria Graeca ante patrem tuum aut nulla, ni ••allor, aut pauca, nec ea industria typis pu••licata sunt.
• 4 2.30

  Eodem anno, quo vexari bello coepit Italia, difficillimam hanc ego imprimendorum libro|rum provinciam accepi.
• 1 2.31

  Nostris vero temporibus multos licet vi|dere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hoc est, senes in senectute Graece discere. Nam adolescentulorum ac juvenum Graecis incumbentium jam tantas fere est nume|rus, quantus eorum qui Latinis. Propterea Graeci libri vehementer ab omnibus inquiruntur, quorum quia mira paucitas est, &c.
• 2 2.32

  Nam non in Italia solum, sed etiam in Germa a, Calna, Pannonia. Britannia, Hispa|nia. & ubique fere, ubi Romana lingua legitur, non modo ab adolescentibus, juvenibusque, sed a senibus quoque summa aviditate studetur literis Graecis.
• 1 2.33

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 festina lent••.
• 2 2.34

  Sum ipse mihi optimus testis me semper habere comites, ut oportere aiunt, delphinum & anchoram; nam & dedimus multa cunctan|do, & damus assidue.
• 1 2.35

  Extremum est ut admoneamus, Florenti|••••s quosdam impressores, cum viderint diligen|tiam nostram in castigando & imp••imendo non posse assequi, ad artes confugisse solitas, hoc est grammaticis institutionibus Alds in sua officina formatis, notam delphini anchorae involuti no|stram apposuisse; sed ita egerunt, ut quivis me|diocriter versatus in libris impressionis nostrae animadvertat illos imprudenter fecisse. Nam rost••um delphini in partem sinistram vergit, cum tamen nostrum in dexteram totum demit|tatur.
• 1 2.36

  Ut sol lumen, sic doctrinam fundis in orbem, Musarum nutrix regia, Parisius. Hinc prope divinam tu, quam Germania novit, Artem scribendi, suscipe promerita. Primos ecce libros, quos haec iudustria finxit Francorum in terris, aedibus atque tuis. Michael, Uldaricus, Martinusque magistri Hos impresserunt, ac facient alios.
• 1 2.37

  Pour proyoquer ta grand misericorde A tout pecheur faire Grace & Pardon Antoine Verard humblement te recorde Tout ce qu'il a, il fient de toy pardon.
• 1 2.38

  Honneur an Roy, & a la Court, Salut a l▪ite, Dont nôtre bien procede & sourt Dieu gard de Paris la cite.
• 1 2.39

  Antoni patria Parmensis gente Zarote, Primus Missales imprimit atte Libros. Nemo repertorem nimium se jact••t; in Arte, Addere plus tantum quam pepe••••sse valet▪
• 1 2.40

  Edente Martino paulo Nidobeato Nova|riensi DIVA BO. MA cum dulci nato JO. GZ Ducibus feliciss. Liguriae valida pace reg|nantibus, operi egregio manum supremam LUD. & ALB. FR. Pedemontani amico Jove impo|suerunt. Mediolani urbe illustri. Anno Gra|tiae M. CCCC. LXXVIII. V. ID. F. MP. N. N. CUM. GU. T. FA. CU.
• 1 2.41

  Imprimisque altas propius fert inclyta turres. Argentina Domus doctorum clara vi••orum
• 1 2.42

  Obiit dominus Johannes Mentel sabatho post conceptionem virginis Moriae, an o MCCCC LXX IIX; et factus est ••i pulsus cum campana magna Dominica sequenti. Pa|raen &c. pag 9••.
• 1 2.43

  Bononia docet Mater studiorum, Petrus ubique Pater, Legumque Mater.
• 1 2.44

  Balthessar Azzoguidi civis Bononiensis ho|nestissimo loco natus, primus in sua Civitate artis impressoriae Inventor, ad Utilitatem Hu|mani generis impressit, A. M CCCC LXXI.
• 1 2.45

  In principio post praefationem ad lectorem; Florentiae VII idus Novembres MCCCCLXXI.

  Bernardus Cenninus auri••ex omnium judi|cio praestantissimus, & Dominicus ejus F. egre|giae indolis adolescens, expressis ante calibe cha|racteribus, ac deinde fusis literis volumen hoc primum impresserunt. Petrus Cenninus Ber|nardi ejusdem filius quantâ potuit curâ & dili|gentiâ emendavit, ut cernis.

  Florentinis ingen••is nil ardui est. Finis.

  Bernardus Cenninus aurifex omnium judicio praestantissimus, & Dominicus ejus F. optimaein|dolis adolescens impresserunt. Petrus ejusd. Bernardi F. emendavit; cum antiquissimis au|tem multis exemplaribus contulit, imprimisque illi curae fuit, ne quid alienum Servio ascribere|tur; neu quid recideretur, aut deesset, quod Ho|norati esse pervetusta exemplaria demonstra|rent. Quoniam vero plerosque juvat manu|propriâ suoque more Graeca interponere, ••a|que in antiquis codicibus perpauca sunt, & accentus quidem difficillimi imprimendo notari possunt, relinquendum ad id spatia duxit. Sed cum apud homines perfectum nihil sit, ••atis videri cuique debebit, si hi libri (quod vehemen|ter optamus) prae aliis emendati reperientur.

  Absolutum opus nonis Octobris M CCCC LXXII Florentiae. Orl. p. 130, 131.
• 1 2.46

  Impressi Andreas hoc opus cui Francia nomen Trdaidit, at civis Ferrariencis ego, &c.
• 1 2.47

  Hic Codex egregius Comestorii vitiorum sacre Theologie Professoris eximii Francisci de Retza Ordinis predicatorum finit feliciter. Nu|remberge anno 〈☐〉〈☐〉 LXXo. Patronarum forma|rumque Concordia & proportione impressus.
• 1 2.48

  Litteratos omnes & colis & foves, pervi|gilemque curam ad bonos codices vere terse & sine mendis imprimendos adhibes.
• 1 2.49

  Joannes ex Verona oriundus Nicolai ••yrurgiae Medici filius, Artis impressoriae Ma|gister hunc de Re Militari librum Literis & fi|guratis signis in sua Patria primus impressit. M CCCC LXXIII.
• 1 2.50

  Anno domini millesimo quadringentesimo octuagesimo sexto, octavo nonas Martii, non atramentali penna cannave, sed quadam ingeni|osa arte imprimendi, cunctipotenti aspirante deo, in egregia urbe Basilionsi Nicolaus K••sl••r se|licuter consummavit.
• 1 2.51

  I stud ego non favoris, sed veritatis gratia ausim dicere, quod non legerim libros hac arte effictos, quos tuis emendatiores exactiorique stilo consummatos probaverim. Vide Chevil. p. 128.
• 1 2.52

  D Erasm. praefat. ad S. Hieron. opera.—Quod idem fecimus in Hebraicis, ve|rum hac sane in parte, quod minus nostro mar|te poteramus, aliorum suppetiis praestititimus, praecipue fratrum Amerbachiorum, Brunonis, BasiliII, & Bonifacii quos optimus pater Joan|nes Amerbachius velut instaurandis bonis autho|ribus genitos, trium linguarum peritia curavit instruendos. Atque hi sane paternum animum & expectationem vicerunt etiam, nihil antiquius ducentes Hieronymi gloria, & hac gratia nec im|pendio parcentes nec valetudini. Matta••re An|nal. Typogr. vol. 1. pag. 142, 143.
• 1 2.53

  —Indefatigabili virum diligentia, & solertissima vitiorum expungendorum peritia—cujus viri si omnes similes essemus—lon|ge plures apud literatos haberemur. Jodoc. Bad, epist. ad Anton. Coburger, ann. 1499.
• 1 2.54

  OEcolampadius in his epistle at the end of Erasmus's edition of the New Testament in Greek with a new Latin version, printed by Froben, ann. 1516, and dedicated to Pope Leo X—admirabile spectaculum mihi erat, imo spe|ctandum miraculum, dictantem recognoscen|temque quantum tria praela exciperent, videre, ac nihilo secius interim Graeca Latinaque exem|plaria, eaque varia & vetustissima, consulen|tem, Graecos Latinosque interpretes conferen|tem priscos ac recentiores primae simul ac in|fimae classis scriptores per pendentem—nimi rum Erasmicum imitati exemplum, qui & ipse hic, caeteris rebus omissis bonam temporis par|tem in hoc collocavit negotium.
• 1 2.55

  Plerique insidiantur Homini, propemo. dum conju••ati ut illum perdant Ubi quid novi operis prodit, quod putent fore vendibile, mox unus atque alter suffuratus ex ipsius officina ex|emplar, excudit ac venditar minimo; interim Froben••us immensam pecuniam impendit in ca|stigatores, frequenter & in exemplaria, huic iniquitati facile succurretur, si fiat imperatori|um edictum, ne quis lil rum primum a Frob|nio e••cusum, aut cui sit aiiquid ab auctore ad|ditum, excudat intra biennium. Tempus lon|gum non est officina Frobentana vel ob hoc fa|vore digna est quod nihil ex ea prodit ineptum aut seditiosum.
• 2 2.56

  —Parvo emit, quisquis librum emen|datum etiam magno emit; magno emit, quis|quis cod••cem mendosum etiam minimo emit. ibid.
• 1 2.57

  Ut inter familiares subinde dicere solitus fit, se non optare longius vitae spatium, quam quod absolvendo sufficeret Augustino. Erasm. epist. ad Ammonium. Tom. 3. oper. p. 759.
• 1 2.58

  Ut ipse titulus margine in primo docet, Orosio nomen mihi est. Librariorum qui••quid error is fuit, E••emit A•••••••••• mihi: Meque imprimendum tradidit non alteri, Hermanae quam soli tu••i; Hermanus, nomen hujus artis & decus, Tuaeque laus Coloniae Quod s••situm orbis, sicque ad nostra tem|pora Ab orbis ipsa origine; Quisque tumultus, bellaque & caedes velit, Cladesque nosse: me legat.
• 1 2.59

  —Imperiali in urbe Lubecana, arte impressoria, speciali gratia divina, animatum ob salutem fidelium inventa, epitoma istud in partes vi. juxta mundi aetates divisum, prius alibi non repertum, quod placuit Rudimen|tum Novitiorum intitulari, dei adjutorio, qui supernas res ac subterraneas feliciter, suaviter, tranquilleque dispensat, per magistrum Lucam Brandis de Schafz feliciter est excusum atque finitum; ut pauperes solvere libros non valen|tes, unum tantum haberent hoc enchiridium loco multorum semper ad manum librorum.
• 1 2.60

  Sublimi literarum effigie, &c.
• 2 2.61

  Charactere jucundissimo M. Joan: Her|bort Alemani, cujus vis et ingenium facile su|pereminet omnes.
• 3 2.62

  Opus pulchro literarum charactere poli|tissimum, &c.
• 4 2.63

  Certante minio purpurae rubedine, Superante cervas nigredine sepiâ—politioribus characterum typis, &c.
• 1 2.64

  Lynceis u••u••tur oculis & Herculeo labore, ••i quando ethni••orum aliquis aut nugax poeta, ••u•• verbosus orator est imprimendus; sacris quos|vis typos quamvis trito•• & consusaneos adhibent. Praesat. ad Gregor.
• 1 2.65

  Omnigenere disciplinarum eruditissimo Ascensio, impressoriae artis primati.
• 2 2.66

  Vir in secularibus literis eruditissimus, & divinarum scripturarum non ignarus, philoso|phus, rhetor, & poeta clarissimus, ingenio excellens & disertus eloqui••.
• 1 2.67

  Jam portum optatum per inhospita saxa secuti Prendimus, ex alto prospiciente deo. Siqua tamen lacerae portent inculta carinae, Humanè ignosces, Marce diserte, Vale.
• 2 2.68

  Curavimus—ut quam minimum ejus scripta quasi degenerent ab origine, imitantes sanè non tacendi, imo semper laudandi, ho|minis Aldi M. R. diligentiam.
• 1 2.69

  Ex officinâ nostrâ literariâ in Academiâ parisiensi, &c.

  Accuratione Ascensii in nobilissimo Parisio|rum Gymnasio.

  Ex Aedibus nostris in Parisiorum Academiâ, &c.
• * 2.70

  ¹ At the End of the Pentateuch are these Words;

  Et absolutum est opus ministerii, viginti quatuor sapiens ad docendum legem in Israel excellens & illustris Josua Selomo (••ideat semen, producat dies vitae. amen.) filius il|lustris sapientissimi Israel Nathan, feriâ tertiâ xi mensis Jiar ann 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 juxta minorem sup|putationem; manu minimi in familia sua, fi|delis chalcographi, Abraham F. illustris Rabbi Hhajim felicis memoriae, ex viris piis terrae Pisauri Bononiae, Impressum opus Soncini.

  Chevillier p. 80. mentions another Hebrew bible printed in fol. at Bologna in the same year 1488. It is in the Library of C. Barbe|rini at Paris; the Catalogue of which gives us an account of it in the following Words, pag. 147. Biblia Hebraica Bononiae ab im|pressoribus Soncinensibus apud Abrahamum Jar+zium Pisaurensem. 1488. But it is a question whether it be not the same with this of Soncino.
• * 2.71

  2 Rambam is an abbreviation of Rabbi Mose-Ben Maimon; as Abenezra is of Abraham-Ben-Exra, &c.
• 1 2.72

  Impressit miro Ingenio, Petrus Paulus Porrus, genuae in Aedibus Nicolai Justiniani Pauli praesidente Reipub. genuensi pro Sere|nissimo Franc. Rege praestanti viro Octaviano Fulgoso, anno christianae salutis millesimo quin|gentesimo sextodecimo mense VIIIIbri. Petrus Paulus Porrus Mediolanensi, Taurini degens.
• 1 2.73

  —quod scribendi genus ut Moguntiae in Germania inventum, ita apud Italos excultum, & in Gallia demum persectum est. Chronic. Riddaggbusens. Tom. 3. p. 380.
• 1 2.74

  Primus Parrhasia Graiae nova gloria linguae Ambacus Argivum concinet urbe melos: Quo duce morales Sophiae amplexabere leges; Hoc igitur stabili pectore fige memor.
• * 2.74.1

  Tissard was a native of Amboise, in Latin Ambaca: for which reason the poet calls him here Ambacus.
• 2 2.75

  Cum incussorum sibi hoc munus, hanc pro|vinciam assumere vellet nemo nullus non id la|boris subtersugeret—characteres praeterea Grae cos nobis hactenus defuisse vidi; ad eorum quo|que aliquot scalpendos, & postmodum liquefaci|endos, & denique ad cos impressioni aptandas tradendosque, ut aiebant, sumptibus—opus esse: ad haec ea non intelligere, ne legere qui|dem, ejusque insolentes sateri.
• * 2.76

  Locis aliquot incuria nostra aberratum est.
• 1 2.77

  Typographus Mercenarius. Arte mea varias excudo Typographus artes; Ars tamen haec tenues artifici addit opes, Rite characteres ad justam redigo normam, Constet ut ex aequis pagina versiculis. Incisas nigra fuligine tingo figuras; Callosa prelum volvo trahoque manu. Eece iterum hesternus ruihi adest labor actus in orbem; Quas struxi formas destruo, & inde struo. Diruo & aedifico; vigilatus transigo noctes; Sollicitam cruciat cura, premitque labor. Verum quid prosunt curae durique labores, Cum misero pateat semita nulla lucri? Noster alit sudor numatos & locupletes, Qui nostra•• redimunt, quique locant operas. Noster alit sudor te, Bipliopola, tuique Consimiles, quibus est vile laboris opus.
• * 2.78

  Existimasse Typographiam, seu sacrum quoddam inventum, inter Regalia principum haberi. Vide Chevil. p. 274.
• * 2.79

  Si esset mihi Liber Romancii de Rosa, qui esset unicus, & valeret mille pecuniarum libras, comburerem potius quam venderem.
• * 2.80

  Io non so qual fusse piu o brutto le spet|tacolo de i desegni di Giulo ali' occhio, o••le parole dell' Aretino a gl'erechi Vite ad Pittori, part 3 p 302.
• * 2.81

  Vix ex stulto demens, idemque ex de 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉? Libros Romae primas imprime. Corruptorum recognitio.
• * 2.82

  Querimonia Artis Typographicae de il|literatis quibusdam Typographis propter quos in contemptum venit.
• † 2.83

  Proh pudor! haud rarus numero repe|ritur in illo, nominis ignorans prima ele|menta sui.
• * 2.84

  —opus hoc locis non pauciori|bus quam quadringentis millibus emacula|tius atque olim, nunc demum in lucem pro|dire.
• * 2.85

  Maluimus potius pudore, nostro fatendo plecti, quam tacendo respublica literarai suo damno nostra peccata sint.
• * 2.86

  Errores chalcographis, non authori ad|scribito. Fatemur ingenuè culpam nostram.
• † 2.87

  Locis aliquot incuria nostra aberrotum est.
• ‡ 2.88

  Febrem longam sibi chalcographus dele|git' tametsi febris correpta sit minus pericu|losa.
• * 2.89

  I have indeed, thro' the favour of Mr. Crump, at Mercer's hall, search'd their book of freemen, but could not find his name there. There was one Richard Caxton made free a|bout that time, whether it was a relation of his, or a mistake in transcribing his chri|stian name, I cannot be sure of; but howe|ver, as he calls himself a Mercer of London, we have no reason to doubt it.
• 1 2.90

  With many histories therein compriz'd translated, and reduc'd out of French into Eng|lish by me simple person William Caxton, which book I present unto the most christian king Edward IV.—which book I began in march 7, and finish'd the 7th of juin, 1481. and the 21st year of king Edward IV. and in this month set in form and emprinted the 20th of november the year aforesaid in the abby of Westminster by the said William Caxton.
• 2 2.91

  First translated out of Latin by John Trevisa, chaplain to the lord Berkley, and then continued by me simple person William Caxton, &c. printed july 2.
• 3 2.92

  At the end are these words: Cathon translated out of French into English by Wil|liam Caxton, in the abby of Westmynstre, 1483, first yere of our king Richard the thyrd, 23d of decembre.
• 1 2.93

  Finish'd the sixth day of juyn, the first yere of king Edward the fifth.
• 2 2.94

  Finish'd the second of september, the first yere of Richard the 3d, in the yere a thousand CCCCXXXXIII. In this date 'tis plain, by the king's reign, that the X's must be taken for twenties and not for tens.
• 3 2.95

  A special book to know all vices and the branches of them, and also all virtues. This book sheweth and enseigneth it so subtilly, so shortly, so perceivingly, and so perfectly, that for so short comprehension of the noble clear|gie, and of the right great substance that is therein compris'd, it may be call'd above other books, the royal book, or book for a king.
• 4 2.96

  Translated out of French into English by William Caxton of Westminster, finish'd the last of august, 1485, and emprinted the 19th of december the same year.
• 1 2.97

  Compos'd by frere Jacques le Graunt, religious of the order of St. Augustin.
• 2 2.98

  Which Translation was began the 23d of january, and finished the 7th of july the same year, and emprinted the 14th of july next following.
• 1 2.99

  Part of Caxton's Preface to the Game of Chess, in the hands of Maurice Johnson, Esq is as follows;

  'And when I so had acheved the said Translacion I dyde do sette in em|prynte a certein nomore of theym whiche anone were depeshed and solde, and where|fore by cause thys sayd book is sul of holsom Wysedom and requysyte unto every astate and degree, I have purposed to emprynte it, shewing therein the figures of such per|sones as longen to the Playe.'
• 2 2.100

  Written in verse by John Lidgate, monk of Bury.
• 3 2.101

  This book begins thus; The maister of sentences in the second book and first distinct. saith, that the soveraigne cause why God made all creatures in heaven, earth, or water, was his own goodness.
• 1 2.102

  He and his Successor Richard Pinson Lincoln's-Inn Manuscript-library, being in|printed above 40 year-books, which are in scrib'd Libri manuscripti.
• 1 2.103

  Founder of the Charter-house.
• 1 2.104

  The Author excuses himself to the king [Hen. VIII.] to whom he dedicates this speech, that he is forced to omit one third part of it for want of Hebrew types, which he says his Printer had none of; and it is very probable that there were none as yet in England, since nothing of that nature had been attempted, that ever I could hear of; no doubt the Author made enquiry whether any such types were in England, before he resolv'd to let it go maim'd of its best and most curious part. I have seen this book, and find the Arabic and Hebrew types cut on wood.
• 1 2.105

  At the End of the Book is the Picture of Lucrece, with these Words in Capitals, LUCRETIA ROMANA. THOMAS BERTHELETUS.

  Then follow these Words; Endloss Grace, Blysse, Thankyng and Praysing unto our Lord God Omnipotent, by whose Ayde and Helpe this Translation was ended at Ber|keley, the vi daye of Feverer, the yere of our Lorde, M CCC LXXXXVII. the yere of Kyng Richard the Second after the Conquest XXII. the yere of My Lordes Age Syre Tho|mas Berkeley, that made me make this Trans|lation XL VII.