The Roman history: from the foundation of the city of Rome, to the destruction of the western Empire. By Dr. Goldsmith. In two volumes. [pt.1]

CHAP. VII. From the death of Tarquinius Priscus to the death of Servius Tullius, the sixth king of Rome.

[U. C. 176] THE report of the murder of Tarquin filled all his subjects with complaint and indig|nation, while the citizens ran from every quarter to the palace, to learn the truth of the account, or to take vengeance on the assassins. In this tumult, Tanaquil, widow of the late king, considering the danger she must incur, in case the conspirators should succeed to the crown; and desirous of having her son-in-law for his successor, with great art dissembled her sorrow and the king's death. She assured the people, from one of the windows of the palace, that he was not killed, but stunned by the blow; that he would shortly recover, and that in the mean time, he had deputed his power to Servius Tullius, his son-in-law. Servius, ac|cordingly as it had been agreed upon between them, issued from the palace, adorned with the ensigns of royalty, and preceded by his lictors, went to dispatch some affairs that related to

the public safety; still pretending, that he took all his instructions from the king. This scene of dissimulation continued for some days, till he had made his party good among the nobles, when the death of Tarquin being publickly ascertained, Servius came to the crown, solely at the senate's appointment, and without attempting to gain the suffrages of the people.

Servius was the son of a bondwoman, who had been taken at the sacking of a town be|longing to the Latins, and was born whilst his mother was yet a slave. While yet an infant in his cradle, a lambent flame is said to have played round his head, which Tanaquil con|verted into an omen of his future greatness. Imprest with this opinion, she gave him the best education of the times, and soon after raised him to the honour of being her son-in-law, and appointed him, when the king grew old, to the management of affairs both of a domestic and foreign nature. His conduct in this station gained him the good-will of the people, and what he valued still more, the esteem of the senate.

Upon being acknowledged as king, the chief object of his reign was to encrease the power of the senate, by depressing that of the people; an enterprize attended with extreme difficulty and danger. To compass his intention, he was to

work by stratagem, and by seeming to study their interest, bring about a measure that should effectually destroy their authority. The Roman citizens had hitherto been taxed singly, and each paid an equal share to the ne|cessities of the state; this method of contribut|ing to the public exigencies, he pretended to consider as extremely unjust, and proposed one of a more equitable kind, by which every ci|tizen should be only taxed according to his fortune. The populace, who were unable to see into his designs received his project with the loudest applause, and conferred upon him a full power of settling the taxes as he should think proper. To begin therefore, he ordered an exact enumeration to be made of the citizens of Rome, their children and servants, and also a just evaluation of their estates and substance. Their numbers were found to amount to above fourscore thousand men capable of bear|ing arms, a vast encrease since the time of Romulus. These he divided into six classes, in the first of which he comprized the body of the senate, the patricians, and all those whose fortunes were above eleven hundred thousand asses, or about three hundred and sixty-six pounds of our money, at that time no contemptible fortune in Rome. This class he divided into fourscore centuries or companies,

one half of which, being composed of the most aged and respectable persons, were to remain at home for the defence of the city; the other half, composed of the youthful and vigorous, were to follow the general, and to march into the field. Their arms were, a javelin, a spear, and a sword; their armour, a helmet, a cuirass, and cuishes of brass. In this class also was comprized the knights or horsemen, which consisted of eighteen centuries, with two more of the machinists, who followed the camp. The second class, which consisted but of twenty-two centuries or companies, was composed of those who were worth above seventy-five thou|sand asses, these were accoutered in the same manner with the first class, only instead of a shield, they carried a target. The third class consisted of twenty centuries, and was com|posed of such as were worth fifty thousand asses. The fourth class consisted of a similar number of centuries, and was composed of such as were worth twenty-five thousand asses. In the fifth class were thirty centuries, and the qualification was eleven thousand asses, these were chiefly employed as slingers and irregulars in the army. In the last class there was but one century, and it seemed considered as of no advantage to the state, except by breeding children, that might one day be useful. These paid no taxes, and

were dispensed with from going to war. In all these classes, as in the first, a part, consisting of the old men, were ordained to remain at home for the defence of the city, and the more youthful to fight abroad in their armies. Thus the whole number of the citizens were divided into an hundred and ninety-three centuries, each commanded by a centurion, distinguished by his valour and experience.

The citizens being in this manner ranked, they were next to be taxed, but not as formerly, equally and one by one, but by centuries, each century being obliged to supply an equal share to the exigencies of govern|ment. By these means, as the people were ex|tremely numerous in the centuries of the infe|rior classes, their quota of the tax was propor|tionably small. It cannot be doubted but this partial exemption from taxes was greatly pleas|ing to the populace, but they little considered that they were to purchase it at the expence of their former power. For it was but reasonable, that as the senators and the rich furnished most to the necessities of the state, they should also have a proportionable influence in managing its concerns. Accordingly, as they paid their taxes by centuries, he instituted, that they should give their votes in all public transac|tions, by centuries also. In former delibera|tions

each citizen gave his suffrage singly, and the numbers of the poor always carried it against the power of the rich; but by the re|gulations of Servius, the senate consisting of a greater number of centuries than all the other classes put together, now entirely out-weighed them in every contention. The plebeians in this manner were left but the shadow of au|thority, with which however, for some ages, they seemed sufficiently contented, until the encreasing luxury of the times taught one side the abuse of power, and the other, a pride that disdained subordination.

In order to ascertain the encrease or decay of his subjects and their fortunes, he instituted another regulation which he called a lustrum. By this all the citizens were to assemble in the Campus Martius, in complete armour, and in their respective classes, once in five years, and there to give an exact account of their families and fortune. He permitted slaves also to be set free by their masters, and caused such as were thus manumitted, to be distributed among the lower classes of the city.

The king having enjoyed a long reign, thus spent in settling the domestic policy of the state, and also not unattentive to foreign con|cerns, for he overthrew the Etrurians in many battles, and triumphed over them three several times, conceived reasonable hopes of concluding

it with tranquility and ease. Servius had even thoughts of laying down his power, and having formed the kingdom into a republick▪ to retire into obscurity; but so generous a design was frustrated ere it could be put in execution.

In the beginning of his reign, to secure his throne by every precaution, he had married his two daughters to the two grand-sons of Tarquin; and, as he knew that the women were of opposite dispositions, as well as their intended husbands, he resolved to cross their tempers, by giving each to him of a contrary turn of temper; her that was meek and gentle, to him that was bold and furious; her that was ungovernable and proud, to him that was re|markable for a contrary character: by this he supposed, that each would correct the failings of the other, and that the mixture would be productive only of concord. The event how|ever proved otherwise. Lucius, his haughty son-in-law, soon grew displeased with the meek|ness of his consort, and placed his whole affec|tions upon Tullia, his brother's wife, who an|swered his passion with sympathetic ardour. As their wishes were ungovernable, they soon re|solved to break through every restraint that offered to prevent their union; both under|took to murder their consorts, which they ef|fected, and were accordingly soon after mar|ried together. A first crime ever produces a

second; from the destruction of their consorts, they proceeded to conspiring that of the king. They began by raising factions against him, al|ledging his illegal title to the crown, and Lucius by claiming it as his own, as heir to Tarquin. But Tullius, by his prudence and great moderation, defeated this design in the outset, coming off with great honour both with the senate and people, which brought Lucius to a feigned repentance on his side, and produced a real reconciliation on that of the king. Tullia however, still continuing to add flame to her husband's ambition, which was al|ready all on fire, he continued his intrigues among the senate, attaching the old to him, by putting them in mind of their obligations to his family▪ the young, by gifts for the pre|sent, and promises of much greater things upon his coming to the crown. At length, when he found them ripe for seconding his views, he entered the senate house, adorned with all the ensigns of royalty, and placing himself upon the throne, began to harangue them upon the obscurity of the king's birth, and the injustice of his title. While he was yet speaking, Ser|vius entered, attended by a few followers, and seeing his throne thus rudely invaded, offered to push the usurper from his seat; but Tarquin being in the vigour of youth, threw the old man down the steps which led to the throne,

and some of his adherents being instructed for that purpose, followed the king, as he was feebly attempting to get to the palace, and dis|patched him, throwing his body all mangled and bleeding, as a public spectacle into the street. In the mean time, Tullia burning with impatience for the event, was informed of what her husband had done, and resolving to be among the first who should salute him as monarch, ordered her chariot to drive to the senate-house, where her savage joy seemed to disgust every beholder. Upon her return▪ when her charioteer approached the place where the old king, her father's body lay ex|posed and bloody, the man all amazed at the inhuman spectacle, and not willing to trample upon it with his horses feet, offered to turn an|other way, but this only served to encrease the fierceness of her anger, she threw the footstool at his head, and ordered him to drive over it without deviation.

This was the end of Servius Tullius, a prince of eminent justice and moderation, after an useful and prosperous reign of forty-four years. Tho' the dominions of Rome had been but little encreased by him, yet they acquired a stability under his government, which far ex|ceeded the transient splendor of an extensive, but hasty conquest.