The history of English poetry: from the close of the eleventh to the commencement of the eighteenth century. To which are prefixed, two dissertations. ... By Thomas Warton, ... [pt.3]

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Title
The history of English poetry: from the close of the eleventh to the commencement of the eighteenth century. To which are prefixed, two dissertations. ... By Thomas Warton, ... [pt.3]
Author
Warton, Thomas, 1728-1790.
Publication
London :: printed for, and sold by J. Dodsley; J. Walter; T. Becket; J. Robson; G. Robinson, and J. Bew; and Messrs. Fletcher, at Oxford,
1774-81.
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"The history of English poetry: from the close of the eleventh to the commencement of the eighteenth century. To which are prefixed, two dissertations. ... By Thomas Warton, ... [pt.3]." In the digital collection Eighteenth Century Collections Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/004896806.0001.003. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 5, 2025.

Pages

Page 395

SECT. XL.

BUT, as scholars began to direct their attention to our ver∣nacular poetry, many more of the antient poets now ap∣peared in English verse. Before the year 1600, Homer, Mu∣saeus, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, and Martial, were translated. In∣deed most of these versions were published before the year 1580. For the sake of presenting a connected display of these early translators, I am obliged to trespass, in a slight degree, on that chronological order which it has been my prescribed and con∣stant method to observe. In the mean time we must remember, that their versions, while they contributed to familiarise the ideas of the antient poets to English readers, improved our lan∣guage and versification; and that in a general view, they ought to be considered as valuable and important accessions to the stock of our poetical literature. These were the classics of Shakespeare.

I shall begin with those that were tranlated first in the reign of Elisabeth. But I must premise, that this inquiry will neces∣sarily draw with it many other notices much to our purpose, and which could not otherwise have been so conveniently disposed and displayed.

Thomas Phaier, already mentioned as the writer of the story of OWEN GLENDOUR in the MIRROUR OF MAGISTRATES, a native of Pembrokeshire, educated at Oxford, a student of Lincoln's Inn, and an advocate to the council for the Marches of Wales, but afterwards doctorated in medicine at Oxford, translated the seven first books of the Eneid of Virgil, on his retirement to his patrimonial seat in the forest of Kilgarran

Page 396

in Pembrokeshire, in the years 1555, 1556, 1557. They were printed at London in 1558, for Ihon Kyngston, and dedi∣cated to queen Mary a 1.1. He afterwards finished the eighth book on the tenth of September, within forty days, in 1558. The ninth, in thirty days, in 1560. Dying at Kilgarran the same year, he lived only to begin the tenth b 1.2. All that was thus done by Phaier, one William Wightman published in 1562, with a dedication to sir Nicholas Bacon,

"The nyne first books of the Eneidos of Virgil conuerted into English verse by Thomas Phaer doctour of physick, &c c 1.3."
The imperfect work was at length completed, with Maphaeus's supplemental or thirteenth book, in 1583, by Thomas Twyne, a native of Canterbury, a physician of Lewes in Sussex, educated in both universities, an admirer of the mysterious philosophy of John Dee, and patro∣nised by lord Buckhurst the poet d 1.4. The ninth, tenth, eleventh,

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and twelfth books, were finished at London in 1573 e 1.5. The whole was printed at London in 1584, with a dedication, dated that year from Lewes, to Robert Sackville f 1.6, the eldest son of lord Buckhurst, who lived in the dissolved monastery of the Clu∣niacs at Lewes g 1.7. So well received was this work, that it was followed by three new editions in 1596 h 1.8, 1607, and 1620 i 1.9. Soon after the last-mentioned period, it became obsolete and was forgotten k 1.10.

Phaier undertook this translation for the defence, to use his own phrase, of the English language, which had been by too many deemed incapable of elegance and propriety, and for the

"honest recreation of you the nobilitie, gentlemen, and ladies, who studie in Latine."
He adds,
"By mee first this gate is set open. If now the young writers will uouchsafe to enter, they may finde in this language both large and abvndant camps [fields] of uarietie, wherein they may gather innumerable sortes of most beavtifull flowers, figures, and phrases, not only to supply the imperfection of mee, but also to garnish all kinds of their own verses with a more cleane and compen∣diovs order of meeter than heretofore hath bene accustomed l 1.11."
Phaier has omitted, misrepresented, and paraphrased many pas∣sages; but his performance in every respect is evidently superior to Twyne's continuation. The measure is the fourteen-footed

Page 398

Alexandrine of Sternhold and Hopkins. I will give a short specimen from the siege of Troy, in the second book. Venus addresses her son Eneas.

Thou to thy parents hest take heede, dread not, my minde obey: In yonder place, where stones from stones, and bildings huge to sway, Thou seest, and mixt with dust and smoke thicke stremes of reekings rise, Himselfe the god Neptùne that side doth furne in wondersm 1.12 wise; With forke threetinde the wall vproots, foundations allto shakes And quite from vnder soile the towne, with groundworks all vprakes. On yonder side with Furies most, dame Iuno fiercely stands, The gates she keeps, and from the ships the Greeks, her friendly bands, In armour girt she calles. Lo! there againe where Pallas sits, on fortes and castle-towres, With Gorgons eyes, in lightning cloudes inclosed grim she lowres. The father-god himselfe to Greeks their mights and courage steres, Himselfe against the Troyan blood both gods and armour reres. Betake thee to thy flight, my sonne, thy labours ende procure, I will thee neuer faile, but thee to resting place assure. She said, and through the darke night-shade herselfe she drew from sight: Appeare the grisly faces then, Troyes en'mies vgly dight.

The popular ear, from its familiarity, was tuned to this mea∣sure. It was now used in most works of length and gravity, but seems to have been consecrated to translation. Whatever absolute and original dignity it may boast, at present it is almost

Page 399

ridiculous, from an unavoidable association of ideas, and because it necessarily recalls the tone of the versification of the puritans. I suspect it might have acquired a degreee of importance and reverence, from the imaginary merit of its being the established poetic vehicle of scripture, and its adoption into the celebration of divine service.

I take this opportunity of observing, that I have seen an old bal∣lad called GADS-HILL by Faire, that is probably our translator Phaier. In the Registers of the Stationers, among seven Ballettes licenced to William Bedell and Richard Lante, one is entitled

"The Robery at Gads hill,"
under the year 1558 n 1.13. I know not how far it might contribute to illustrate Shakespeare's HENRY THE FOURTH. The title is promising.

After the associated labours of Phaier and Twyne, it is hard to say what could induce Robert Stanyhurst, a native of Dublin, to translate the four first books of the Eneid into English hexa∣meters, which he printed at London, in 1583, and dedicated to his brother Peter Plunket, the learned baron of Dusanay in Ireland o 1.14. Stanyhurst at this time was living at Leyden, having left England for some time on account of the change 〈◊〉〈◊〉 religion. In the choice of his measure, he is more unfortunate than his predecessors, and in other respects succeeded worse. It may be remarked, that Meres, in his WITS TREASURIE, printed in 1598, among the learned translators, mentions only

"Phaier, for Virgil's Aeneads p 1.15."
And William Webbe, in his DISCOURSE

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OF ENGLISH POETS printed in 1586 q 1.16, entirely omits our author, and places Phaier at the Head of all the English translators r 1.17. Thomas Nashe, in his APOLOGY OF PIERCE PENNILESSE, printed in 1593, observes, that

"Stanyhurst the otherwise learned, trod a foul, lumbring, boisterous, wal∣lowing measure in his translation of Virgil.—He had neuer been praised by Gabriel Harveys 1.18 for his labour, if therein he had not been so famously absurdt 1.19."
Harvey, Spenser's friend, was one of the chief patrons, if not the inventor, of the Eng∣lish hexameter, here used by Stanyhurst. I will give a specimen in the first four lines of the second book.

With tentiue listning each wight was setled in harkning; Then father Aeneas chronicled from loftie bed hautie: You bid me, O princesse, to scarifie a festered old sore, How that the Troians were prest by the Grecian armie u 1.20.

With all this foolish pedantry, Stanyhurst was certainly a scholar. But in this translation he calls Chorebus, one of the Trojan chiefs, a bedlamite, he says that old Priam girded on his sword Morglay, the name of a sword in the Gothic romances, that Dido would have been glad to have been brought to bed even of a cockney, a Dandiprat hopthumb, and that Jupiter, in kissing his daughter, bust his pretty prating parrot. He was ad∣mitted at University college, in 1563, where he wrote a system

Page 401

of logic in his eighteenth year w 1.21. Having taken one degree, he became successively a student at Furnival's and Lincoln's Inn. He has left many theological, philosophical, and historical books. In one of his EPITAPHS called COMMVNE DEFUNCTORUM, he mentions Julietta, Shakespeare's Juliet, among the celebrated heroines x 1.22. The title, and some of the lines, deserve to be cited, as they shew the poetical squabbles about the English hexa∣meter.

An Epitaph against rhyme, entituled COMMVNE DE∣FUNCTORUM such as our vnlearned Rithmours accustomably make vpon the death of euerie Tom Tyler, as if it were a last for euerie one his foote, in which the quantities of syllables are not to be heeded."

A Sara for goodnesse, a great Bellona for budgenesse, For myldnesse Anna, for chastitye godlye Susanna. Hester in a good shift, a Iudith stoute at a dead lift: Also IULIETTA, with Dido rich Cleopatra: With sundrie namelesse, and women many more blamelesse, &c y 1.23.

His Latin DESCRIPTIO HIBERNIAE, translated into English, appears in the first volume of Hollinshed's Chronicles, printed in 1583. He is styled by Camden,

"Eruditissimus ille nobilis Richardus Stanihurstus z 1.24."
He is said to have been caressed for his literature and politeness by many foreign princes a 1.25. He died at Brussels in 1618 b 1.26.

Page 402

Abraham Fleming, brother to Samuel c 1.27, published a version of the BUCOLICS of Virgil, in 1575, with notes, and a dedica∣tion to Peter Osborne esquire. This is the title,

"The BUKO∣LIKES of P. Virgilius Maro, with alphabeticall Annotations, &c. Drawne into plaine and familiar Englishe verse by Abr. Fleming student, &c. London by John Charlewood, &c. 1575."
His plan was to give a plain and literal tran∣slation, verse for verse. These are the five first lines of the tenth Eclogue.

O Arethusa, graunt this labour be my last indeede! A few songes vnto Gallo, but let them Lycoris reede: Needes must I singe to Gallo mine, what man would songes deny? So when thou ronnest vnder Sicane seas, where froth doth fry, Let not that bytter Doris of the salte streame mingle make.

Fourteen years afterwards, in 1589, the same author pub∣lished a new version both of the BUCOLICS and GEORGICS of

Page 403

Virgil, with notes, which he dedicated to John Whitgift archbishop of Canterbury d 1.28. This is commonly said and sup∣posed to be in blank verse, but it is in the regular Alexandrine without rhyme. It is entitled,

"The BUKOLIKES of P. Vir∣gilius Maro, &c. otherwise called his pastoralls or Shepherds Meetings. Together with his GEORGICS, or Ruralls, &c. All newly translated into English verse by A. F. At London by T. O. for T. Woodcocke, &c. 1589."
I exhibit the five first verses of the fourth Eclogue.

O Muses of Sicilia ile, let's greater matters singe! Shrubs, groves, and bushes lowe, delight and please not every man: If we do singe of woodes, the woods be worthy of a con∣sul. Nowe is the last age come, whereof Sybilla's verse fore∣told; And now the Virgin come againe, and Saturnes kingdom come.

The fourth Georgic thus begins.

O my Mecenas, now will I dispatch forthwith to shew The heauenly gifts, or benefits, of airie honie sweet. Look on this piece of worke likewise, as thou hast on the rest.

Abraham Fleming supervised, corrected, and enlarged the second edition of Hollinshed's chronicle in 1585 e 1.29. He tran∣slated Aelian's VARIOUS HISTORY into English in 1576, which he dedicated to Goodman dean of Westminster,

"Aelian's Registre

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of Hystories by Abraham Fleming f 1.30."
He published also Certaine select epistles of Cicero into English, in 1576 g 1.31. And, in the same year, he imparted to our countrymen a fuller idea of the elegance of the antient epistle, by his
"PANOPLIE OF EPISTLES from Tully, Isocrates, Pliny, and others, printed at London 1576 h 1.32."
He translated Synesius's Greek PANE∣GYRIC on BALDNESS, which had been brought into vogue by Erasmus's MORIAE ENCOMIUM i 1.33. Among some other pieces, he Englished many celebrated books written in Latin about the fifteenth century and at the restoration of learning, which was a frequent practice, after it became fashionable to compose in English, and our writers had begun to find the force and use of their own tongue k 1.34. Sir William Cordall, the queen's solicitor∣general, was his chief patron l 1.35.

William Webbe, who is styled a graduate, translated the GEORGICS into English verse, as he himself informs us in the DISCOURSE OF ENGLISH POETRIE, lately quoted, and printed in 1586 m 1.36. And in the same discourse, which was written in

Page 405

defence of the new fashion of English hexameters, he has given us his own version of two of Virgil's BUCOLIC, written in that unnatural and impracticable mode of versification n 1.37. I must not forget here, that the same Webbe ranks Abraham Fleming as a translator, after Barnabie Googe the translator of Palinge∣nius's ZODIAC, not without a compliment to the poetry and the learning of his brother Samuel, whose excellent Inventions, he adds, had not yet been made public.

Abraham Fraunce, in 1591, translated Virgil's ALEXIS into English hexameters, verse for verse, which he calls The lamenta∣tion of Corydon for the love of Alexis o 1.38. It must be owned, that the selection of this particular Eclogue from all the ten for an English version, is somewhat extraordinary. But in the reign of queen Elisabeth, I could point out whole sets of sonnets written with this sort of attachment, for which perhaps it will be but an inadequate apology, that they are free from direct impurity of expression and open immodesty of sentiment. Such at least is our observance of external propriety, and so strong the princi∣ples of a general decorum, that a writer of the present age who was to print love-verses in this style, would be severely re∣proached, and universally proscribed. I will instance only in the AFFECTIONATE SHEPHERD of Richard Barnefielde, printed in 1595. Here, through the course of twenty sonnets, not in∣elegant, and which were exceedingly popular, the poet bewails his unsuccessful love for a beautiful youth, by the name of Ga∣nimede, in a strain of the most tender passion, yet with profes∣sions of the chastest affection p 1.39. Many descriptions and incidents

Page 406

which have a like complexion, may be found in the futile novels of Lodge and Lilly.

Fraunce is also the writer of a book, with the affected an unmeaning title of the

"ARCADIAN RHETORIKE, or the pre∣ceptes of Rhetoricke made plaine by examples, Greeke, La∣tyne, Englisshe, Italyan, Frenche, and Spanishe."
It was printed in 1588, and is valuable for its English examples q 1.40.

In consequence of the versions of Virgil's Bucolics, a piece appeared in 1584, called

"A Comoedie of Titerus and Gala∣thea r 1.41."
I suppose this to be Lilly's play called GALLATHEA, played before the queen at Greenwich on New Year's day by the choristers of saint Pauls.

It will perhaps be sufficient barely to mention Spenser's CU∣LEX, which is a vague and arbitrary paraphrase, of a poem not properly belonging to Virgil. From the testimony of many early Latin writers it may be justly concluded, that Virgil wrote an elegant poem with this title. Nor is it improbable that in the CUEX at present attributed to Virgil, some very few of the ori∣ginal phrases, and even verses, may remain, under the accumu∣lated incrustation of critics, imitators, interpolators, and para∣phrasts, which corrupts what it conceals. But the texture, the character, and substance, of the genuine poem is almost entirely lost. The CEIRIS, or the fable of Nisus and Scylla, which fol∣lows, although never mentioned by any writer of antiquity, has much fairer pretensions to genuineness. At least the CEIRIS, al∣lowing for uncommon depravations of time and transcription, ap∣pears in its present state to be a poem of the Augustan age, and is perhaps the identical piece dedicated to the Messala whose patronage it solicits. It has that rotundity of versification, which seems to have been studied after the Roman poetry emerged from barbarism.

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It has a general simplicity, and often a native strength, of colouring; nor is it tinctured, except by the casual innova∣tion of grammarians, with those sophistications both of senti∣ment and expression, which afterwards of course took place among the Roman poets, and which would have betrayed a re∣cent forgery. It seems to be the work of a young poet: but its digressions and descriptions which are often too prolix, are not only the marks of a young poet, but of early poetry. It is interspersed with many lines, now in the Eclogues, Georgics, and Eneid. Here is an argument which seems to assign it to Virgil. A cotemporary poet would not have ventured to steal from poems so well known. It was natural, at least allowable, for Virgil to steal from a performance of his youth, on which he did not set any great value, and which he did not scruple to rob of a few ornaments, deserving a better place. This consideration excludes Cornelius Gallus, to whom Fontanini, with much acute criti∣cism, has ascribed the CEIRIS. Nor, for the reason given, would Virgil have stolen from Gallus. The writer has at least the art of Virgil, in either suppressing, or throwing into shade, the trite and uninteresting incidents of the common fabulous history of Scylla, which were incapable of decoration, or had been preoccupied by other poets. The dialogue between the young princess Scylla, who is deeply in love, and her nurse, has much of the pathos of Virgil. There are some traces which discover an imitation of Lucretius: but on the whole, the struc∣ture of the verses, and the predominant cast and manner of the composition, exactly resemble the ARGONAUTICA of Catullus, or the EPITHALAMIUM of PELEUS AND THETIS. I will instance in the following passage, in which every thing is distinctly and circumstantially touched, and in an affected pomp of numbers. He is alluding to the stole of Minerva, interwoven with the battle of the giants, and exhibited at Athens in the magnificent Panathenaic festival. The classical reader will perceive one or two interpolations: and lament, that this rich piece of embroidery

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has suffered a little from being unskilfully darned by another and a more modern artificer.

Sed magno intexens, si fas est dicere, peplo, Qualis Erectheis olim portatur Athenis, Debita cum castae olvuntur vota Minervae, Tardaque confecto redeunt quinquennia lustro, Cum levis alterno Zephyrus concrebuit Euro, Et prono gravidum provexit pondere cursum. Felix ille dies, felix et dicitur annus: Felices qui talem annum videre, diemque! Ergo Palladiae texuntur in ordine pugnae: Magna Gigantaeis ornantur pepla tropaeis, Horrida sanguineo pinguntur praelia cocco. Additur aurata dejectus cuspide Typho, Qui prius Ossaeis consternens aethera saxis, Emathio celsum duplicabat vertice Olympum. Tale deae velum solemni in tempore portant s 1.42.

The same stately march of hexameters is observable in Tibul∣lus's tedious panegyric on Messala: a poem, which, if it should not be believed to be of Tibullus's hand, may at least, from this reasoning be adjudged to his age. We are sure that Ca∣tullus could not have been the author of the CEIRIS, as Mes∣sala, to whom it is inscribed, was born but a very few years be∣fore the death of Catullus. One of the chief circumstances of the story is a purple lock of hair, which grew on the head of Nisus king of Megara, and on the preservation of which the safety of that city, now besieged by Minos, king of Crete, en∣tirely depended. Scylla, Nisus's daughter, falls in love with Minos, whom she sees from the walls of Megara: she finds means to cut off this sacred ringlet, the city is taken, and she is married to Minos. I am of opinion that Tibullus, in the fol∣lowing passage, alludes to the CEIRIS, then newly published,

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and which he points out by this leading and fundamental fiction of Nisus's purple lock.

Pieridas, pueri, doctos et amate poetas; Aurea nec superent munera Pieridas! CARMINE PURPUREA est Nisi coma: carmina ni sint, Ex humero Pelopis non nituisset ebur t 1.43.

Tibullus here, in recommending the study of the poets to the Roman youth, illustrates the power of poetry; and, for this purpose, with much address he selects a familiar instance from a piece recently written, perhaps by one of his friends.

Spenser seems to have shewn a particular regard to these two little poems, supposed to be the work of Virgil's younger years. Of the CULEX he has left a paraphrase, under the title of VIR∣GIL'S GNAT, dedicated to lord Leicester, who died in 1588. It was printed without a title page at the end of the

"TEARES OF THE MUSES, by Ed. Sp. London, imprinted for Wil∣liam Ponsonbie dwelling in Paules church-yard at the sign of the bishops head, 1591 u 1.44."
From the CEIRIS he has copied a long passage, which forms the first part of the legend of Brito∣mart in the third book of the FAIRY QUEEN.

Although the story of MEDEA existed in Guido de Columna, and perhaps other modern writers in Latin, yet we seem to have had a version of Valerius Flaccus in 1565. For in that year, I know not if in verse or prose, was entered to Purfoote,

"The story of Jason, how he gotte the golden flece, and howe he did begyle Media [Medea], oute of Laten into Englisshe by Nycholas Whyte w 1.45."
Of the translator Whyte, I know no∣thing more.

Of Ovid's METAMORPHOSIS, the four first books were tran∣slated by Arthur Golding in 1565 x 1.46.

"The fyrst fower bookes of the Metamorphosis owte of Latin into English meter by

Page 410

Arthur Golding, gentleman, &c. Imprinted at London by Wil∣lyam Seres 1565 y 1.47."
But soon afterwards he printed the whole, or,
"The xv. Bookes of P. Ouidius Naso entytuled METAMOR∣PHOSIS, translated out of Latin into English meetre, by Ar∣thur Golding Gentleman. A worke uery pleasant and delec∣table. Lond. 1575."
William Seres was the printer, as be∣fore z 1.48. This work became a favorite, and was reprinted in 1587, 1603, and 1612 a 1.49. The dedication, an epistle in verse, is to Robert earl of Leicester, and dated at Berwick, April 20, 1567. In the metrical Preface to the Reader, which immediately fol∣lows, he apologises for having named so many fictitious and heathen gods. This apology seems to be intended for the weaker puritans b 1.50. His style is poetical and spirited, and his versifi∣cation clear: his manner ornamental and diffuse, yet with a sufficient observance of the original. On the whole, I think him a better poet and a better translator than Phaier. This will appear from a few of the first lines of the second book, which his readers took for a description of an enchanted castle.

The princely pallace of the Sun, stood gorgeous to behold, On stately pillars builded high, of yellow burnisht gold; Beset with sparkling carbuncles, that like to fire did shine, The roofe was framed curiously, of yuorie pure and fine. The two-doore-leves of siluer clere, a radiant light did cast: But yet the cunning workemanship of thinges therein far past The stuffe whereof the doores were made: for there a perfect plat Had Vulcane drawne of all the world, both of the sourges that

Page 411

Embrace the earth with winding waves, and of the stedfast ground, And of the heauen itself also, that both encloseth round. And first and foremost of the sea, the gods thereof did stand, Loude-sounding Tryton, with his shrill and writhen trumpe in hand, Unstable Protew, changing aye his figure and his hue, From shape to shape a thousand sights, as list him to renue.— In purple robe, and royall throne of emerauds freshe and greene, Did Phoebus sit, and on each hand stood wayting well beseene, Dayes, Months, Yeeres, Ages, Seasons, Times, and eke the equall Houres; There stood the SPRINGTIME, with a crowne of fresh and fra∣grant floures: There wayted SUMMER naked starke, all saue a wheaten hat: And AUTUMNE smerde with treading grapes late at the pressing∣vat: And lastly, quaking for the colde, stood WINTER all forlorne, With rugged head as white as doue, and garments al to torne; Forladenc 1.51 with the isycles, that dangled vp and downe, Upon his gray and hoarie beard, and snowie frozen crowne. The Sunne thus sitting in the midst, did cast his piercing eye, &c.

But I cannot resist the pleasure of transcribing a few more lines, from the transformation of Athamas and Ino, in the fourth book. Tisiphone addresses Juno d 1.52.

The hatefull hag Tisiphone, with hoarie ruffled heare e 1.53, Remouing from her face the snakes, that loosely dangled theare, Said thus, &c.

He proceeds,

The furious fiend Tisiphone, doth cloth her out of hand, In garment streaming gory blood, and taketh in her hand

Page 412

A burning cressete 1.54 steept in blood, and girdeth her about With wreathed snakes, and so goes forth, and at her going out, Feare, terror, griefe, and pensiuenesse, for company she tooke, And also madnesse with his flaight and gastly-staring looke. Within the house of Athamas no sooner foote she set, But that the postes began to quake, and doores looke blacke as iet. The sunne withdrewe him: Athamas and eke his wife were cast With ougly sightes in such a feare, that out of doores agast They would have fled. There stood the fiend, and stopt their passage out; And splayingf 1.55 foorth her filthy armes beknit with snakes about, Did tosse and waue her hatefull head. The swarme of scaled snakes Did make an yrksome noyce to heare, as she her tresses shakes. About her shoulders some did craule, some trayling downe her brest, Did hisse, and spit out poison greene, and spirt with tongues infest. Then from amid her haire two snakes, with venymd hand she drew, Of which she one at Athamas, and one at Ino threw. The snakes did craule about their brests, inspiring in their heart Most grieuous motions of the minde: the body had no smart Of any wound: it was the minde that felt the cruell stinges. A poyson made in syrup-wise, she also with her brings, The filthy ome of Cerberus, the casting of the snake Echidna, bred among the fennes, about the Stygian lake. Desire of gadding forth abroad, Forgetfullness of minde, Delight in mischiee, Woodnesse g 1.56, Tears, and Purpose whole inclinde To cruell murther: all the which, she did together grinde. And mingling them with new-shed blood, she boyled them in brasse, And stird them with a hemlock stalke. Now while that Athamas

Page 413

And Ino stood, and quakt for feare, this poyson ranke and fell She turned into both their brests, and made their hearts to swell. Then whisking often round about her head, her balefull brand, She made it soone, by gathering winde, to kindle in her hand. Thus, as it were in tryumph-wie, accomplishing her hest, To duskie Pluto's emptie realme, she gets her home to rest, And putteth off the snarled snakes that girded-in her brest.

We have here almost as horrid a mixture as the ingredients in Macbeth's cauldron. In these lines there is much enthusiasm, and the character of original composition. The abruptnesses of the text are judiciously retained, and perhaps improved. The translator seems to have felt Ovid's imagery, and this perhaps is an imagery in which Ovid excells.

Golding's version of the METAMORPHOSIS kept its ground, till Sandys's English Ovid appeared in 1632. I know not who was the author of what is called a ballet, perhaps a translation from the Metamorphosis, licenced to John Charlewood, in 1569,

"The vnfortunate ende of Iphis sonne vnto Teucer kynge of Troye h 1.57."
Nor must I omit The tragicall and lamentable
"Historie of two faythfull mates Ceyx kynge of Thrachine, and Alcione his wife, drawen into English meeter by William Hubbard, 1569 i 1.58."
In stanzas.

Golding was of a gentleman's family, a native of London, and lived with secretary Cecil at his house in the Strand k 1.59. Among his patrons, as we may collect from his dedications, were also sir Walter Mildmay, William lord Cobham, Henry earl of Huntington, lord Leicester, sir Christopher Hatton, lord Oxford, and Robert earl of Essex. He was connected with sir Philip

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Sydney: for he finished an English translation of Philip Mornay's treatise in French on the Truth of Christianity, which had been begun by Sydney, and was published in 1587 l 1.60. He enlarged our knowledge of the treasures of antiquity by publishing English translations, of Justin's History in 1564 m 1.61, of Cesar's Commentaries in 1565 n 1.62, of Seneca's BENEFITS in 1577 o 1.63, and of the GEO∣GRAPHY of Pomponius Mela, and the POLYHISTORY of Soli∣nus, in 1587, and 1590 p 1.64. He has left versions of many mo∣dern Latin writers, which then had their use, and suited the condition and opinions of the times; and which are now for∣gotten, by the introduction of better books, and the general change of the system of knowledge. I think his only original work is an account of an Earthquake in 1580. Of his original poetry I recollect nothing more, than an encomiastic copy of verses prefixed to Baret's ALVEARE published in 1580. It may be regretted, that he gave so much of his time to translation. In GEORGE GASCOIGNE'S PRINCELY PLEASURES OF KENIL∣WORTH-CASTLE, an entertainment in the year 1575, he seems to have been a writer of some of the verses,

"The deuise of the Ladie of the Lake also was master Hunnes—The verses, as I think, were penned, some by master Hunnes, some by master Ferrers, and some by master Goldingham q 1.65."
The want of exactness through haste or carelessness, in writing or pronouncing names, even by cotemporaries, is a common fault, especially in our old writers; and I suspect Golding is intended in the last name r 1.66. He is ranked among the celebrated transla∣tors by Webbe and Meres.

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The learned Ascham wishes that some of these translators had used blank verse instead of rhyme. But by blank verse, he seems to mean the English hexameter or some other Latin measure. He says,

"Indeed, Chauser, Thomas Norton of Bristow, my Lord of Surry, M. Wiat, Thomas Phaier, and other gentle∣men, in translating Ouide, Palingenius, and Seneca, haue gone as farre to their great praise as the coppy they followed could cary them. But if such good wittes, and forward di∣ligence, had been directed to followe the best examples, and not haue beene caryed by tyme and custome to content them∣selves with that barbarous and rude Ryming, amongest theyr other woorthye prayses which they haue iustly deserued, this had not been the least, to be counted among men of learning and skill, more like vnto the Grecians than the Gothians in handling of theyr verse s 1.67."
The sentiments of another cotem∣porary critic on this subject were somewhat different.
"In queene Maries time florished abou any other doctour Phaier, one that was learned, and excellently well translated into English verse heroicall, certaine bookes of Virgil's Aeneidos. Since him followed maister Arthur Golding, who with no less commendation turned into English meetre the Metamorphosis of Ouide, and that other doctour who made the supplement to those bookes of Virgil's Aeneidos, which maister Phaier left vndoone."
Again, he commends
"Phaier and Golding, for a learned and well connected verse, specially in translation cleare, and uery faithfully answering their authours intent t 1.68."

I learn from Coxeter's notes, that the FASTI were translated into English verse before the year 1570. If so, the many little pieces now current on the subject of LUCRETIA, although her legend is in Chaucer, might immediately originate from this source. In 1568, occurs, a Ballett called

"the grevious com∣playnt of Lucrece u 1.69."
And afterwards, in the year 1569, is

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licenced to James Robertes,

"A ballet of the death of Lu∣cryssia w 1.70."
There is also a ballad of the legend of Lucrece, printed in 1576. These publications might give rise to Shake∣speare's RAPE OF LUCRECE, which appeared in 1594. At this period of our poetry, we find the same subject occupying the at∣tention of the public for many years, and successively presented in new and various forms by different poets. Lucretia was the grand example of conjugal fidelity throughout the Gothic ages x 1.71.

The fable of Salmacis and Hermaphroditus, in the fourth book of the METAMORPHOSIS, was translated by Thomas Peend, or De la Peend, in 1565 y 1.72. I have seen it only among Antony Wood's books in the Ashmolean Museum. An Epistle is prefixed, addressed to Nicolas Saint Leger esquire, from the writer's studie in Chancery-lane opposite Serjeant's-inn. At the end of which, is an explanation of certain poetical words occurring in the poem. In the preface he tells us, that he had translated great part of the METAMORPHOSIS; but that he abandoned his de∣sign, on hearing that another, undoubtedly Golding, was en∣gaged in the same undertaking. Peend has a recommendatory

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poem prefixed to Studley's version of Seneca's AGAMEMNON, in 1566. In 1562, was licenced

"the boke of Perymus and Thesbye,"
copied perhaps in the MIDSUMMER NIGHTS DREAM. I suppose a translation from Ovid's fable of Pyramus and Thisbe z 1.73.

The fable of Narcissus had been translated, and printed sepa∣rately in 1560, by a nameless author,

"The fable of Ovid treting of Narcissus translated out of Latin into English mytre, with a moral thereunto, very plesante to rede, Lond. 1560 a 1.74."
The translator's name was luckily suppressed. But at the close of the work are his initials,
"Finis. T. H."
Annexed to the fable is a moralisation of twice the length

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in the octave stanza. Almost every narrative was antiently supposed or made to be allegorical, and to contain a moral meaning. I have enlarged on this subject in the DISSERTA∣TION ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. In the reign of Elisa∣beth, a popular ballad had no sooner been circulated, than it was converted into a practical instruction, and followed by its MORALISATION. The old registers of the Stationers afford numerous instances of this custom, which was encouraged by the encrease of puritanism b 1.75. Hence in Randolph's MUSE'S

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LOOKING-GLASS, where two puitans are made spectators of a play, a player, to reconcile them in some degree to a theatre, promises to moralise the plot: and one of them answers,

—That MORALIZING I do approve: it may be for instruction c 1.76.

Ovid's IBIS was translated, and illustrated with annotations, by Thomas Underdowne, born, and I suppose educated, at Ox∣ford. It was printed at London in 1569 d 1.77, with a dedication to Thomas Sackville, lord Buckhurst, the author of GORDOBUC, and entitled,

"Ouid his inuective against Ibis Translated into meeter, whereunto is added by the translator a short draught of all the stories and tales contayned therein uery pleasant to read. Imprinted at London by T. East and H. Middleton, Anno Domini 1569."
The notes are large and historical. There was a second edition by Binneman in 1577 e 1.78. This is the first stanza.

Whole fiftie yeares be gone and past Since I alyue haue been Yet of my Muse ere now there hath No armed verse be seene.

The same author opened a new field of romance, and which seems partly to have suggested sir Philip Sydney's ARCADIA, in translating into English prose the ten books of Heliodorus's Ethiopic history, in 1577 f 1.79. This work, the beginning of

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which was afterwards versified by Abraham Fraunce in 1591, is dedicated to Edward earl of Oxford. The knights and dames of chivalry, sir Tristram and Bel Isoulde, now began to give place to new lovers and intrigues: and our author published the Excellent historie of Theseus and Ariadne, most probably suggested by Ovid, which was printed at London in 1566 g 1.80.

The ELEGIES of Ovid, which convey the obscenities of the brothel in elegant language, but are seldom tinctured with the sentiments of a serious and melancholy love, were translated by Christopher Marlowe belowmentioned, and printed at Middle∣burgh without date. This book was ordered to be burnt at Stationers hall, in 1599, by command of the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of London h 1.81.

Ovid's REMEDY OF LOVE had an anonymous translator in 1599 i 1.82. But this version was printed the next year under the title of

"Ovidius Naso his REMEDIE OF LOVE, translated and entituled to the youth of England, by F. L. London 1600 k 1.83."

The HEROICAL EPISTLES of Ovid, with Sabinus's Answers, were set out and translated by Thomas Turberville, a celebrated writer of poems in the reign of queen Elisabeth, and of whom more will be said in his proper place l 1.84. This version was printed in 1567, and followed by two editions m 1.85. It is dedicated to Thomas Howard viscount Byndon n 1.86. Six of the Epistles are

Page 421

rendered in blank verse. The rest in four-lined stanzas. The printer is John Charlewood, who appears to have been printer to the family of Howard, and probably was retained as a do∣mestic for that liberal purpose in Arundel-house, the seat of ele∣gance and literature till Cromwell's usurpation o 1.87. Turberville was a polite scholar, and some of the passages are not unhappily turned. From Penelope to Ulysses.

To thee that lingrest all too long Thy wife, Vlysses, sends: 'Gaine write not, but by quicke returne For absence make amendes.— O that the surging seas had drencht That hatefull letcher tho', When he to Lacedaemon came Inbarkt, and wrought our woe!

I add here, that Mantuan, who had acquired the rank of a classic, was also versified by Turberville in 1594 p 1.88.

Coxeter says, that he had seen one of Ovid's Epistles transla∣ted by Robert earl of Essex. This I have never seen; and, if it could be recovered, I trust it would only be valued as a curio∣sity. A few of his sonnets are in the Ashmolean Museum, which have no marks of poetic genius. He is a vigorous and elegant writer of prose. But if Essex was no poet, few noblemen of his age were more courted by poets. From Spenser to the lowest rhymer he was the subject of numerous sonnets, or popular bal∣lads. I will not except Sydney. I could produce evidence to prove, that he scarce ever went out of England, or even left London, on the most frivolous enterprise, without a pastoral in his praise, or a panegyric in metre, which were sold and sung in

Page 422

the streets. Having interested himself in the fashionable poetry of the times, he was placed high in the ideal Arcadia now just established: and among other instances which might be brought, on his return from Portugal in 1589, he was complimented with a poem, called

"An Egloge gratulatorie entituled to the right honorable and renowned shepherd of Albions Arcadie Robert earl of Essex and for his returne lately into England q 1.89."
This is a light in which lord Essex is seldom viewed. I know not if the queen's fatal partiality, or his own inherent attractions, his love of literature, his heroism, integrity, and generosity, qualities which abundantly overbalance his presumption, his vanity, and impetuosity, had the greater share in dictating these praises. If adulation were any where justifiable, it must be when paid to the man who endeavoured to save Spenser from starving in the streets of Dublin, and who buried him in West∣minster-abbey with becoming solemnity. Spenser was persecuted by Burleigh, because he was patronised by Essex.

Thomas Churchyard, who will occur again, rendered the three first of the TRISTIA, which he dedicated to sir Christo∣pher Hatton, and printed at London in 1580 r 1.90.

Among Coxeter's papers is mentioned the ballet of Helen's epistle to Paris, from Ovid, in 1570, by B. G. I suspect this B. G. to be the author of a poem called

"A booke intituled a new tra∣gicall historye of too lovers,"
as it is entered in the register of the Stationers, where it is licenced to Alexander Lacy, under the year 1563 s 1.91. Ames recites this piece as written by Ber. Gar.

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perhaps Bernard Gardiner f 1.92. Unless Gar, which I do not think, be the full name. The title of BALLET was often applied to poems of considerable length. Thus in the register of the Sta∣tioners, Sackville's LEGEND OF BUCKINGHAM, a part of the MIRROUR OF MAGISTRATES, is recited, under the year 1557, among a great number of ballads, some of which seem to be properly so styled, and entitled,

"The murninge of Edward duke of Buckynham."
Unless we suppose this to be a po∣pular epitome of Sackville's poem, then just published u 1.93. A ro∣mance, or History, versified, so as to form a book or pamphlet, was sometimes called a ballad. As
"A ballett entituled an history of Alexander Campaspe and Apelles, and of the fayth∣full fryndeshippe betweene theym,
printed for Colwell, in 1565 w 1.94. This was from the grand romance of Alexander x 1.95. Some∣times a Ballad is a work in prose. I cannot say whether,
"A ballet intitled the incorraggen all kynde of men to the reedy∣fyinge and buyldynge Poules steeple againe,"
printed in 1564 y 1.96, was a pathetic ditty, or a pious homily, or both. A play or interlude was sometimes called a ballet, as,
"A Ballet intituled AN ENTERLUDE, The cruel detter by Wayer,"
printed for Colwell, in 1565 z 1.97. Religious subjects were frequently called by this vague and indiscriminating name. In 1561, was pub∣lished
"A new ballet of iiij commandements a 1.98."
That is, four of the Ten Commandments in metre. Again, among many others of the same kind, as puritanism gained ground,
"A

Page 424

ballet intituled the xvijth chapter of the iiijth [second] boke of Kynges b 1.99."
And I remember to have seen, of the same period, a Ballet of the first chapter of Genesis. And John Hall, above∣mentioned, wrote or compiled in 1564,
"The COURTE OF VERTUE, contaynynge many holy or spretuall songes, sonettes, psalmes, balletts, and shorte sentences, as well of holy scrip∣tures, as others c 1.100."

It is extraordinary, that Horace's ODES should not have been translated within the period of which we are speaking d 1.101. In the year 1566, Thomas Drant published, what he called,

"A MEDICINABLE MORALL, that is, the two bookes of Horace his satyres Englished, according to the prescription of saint Hierome, &c e 1.102. London, for Thomas Marshe, 1566 f 1.103."
It is dedicated to
"my Lady Bacon and my Lady Cecill fauourers of learning and vertue."
The following year appeared,
"Horace his Arte of Poetrie, Pistles, and Satyrs Englished, and to the earle of Ormounte by Thomas Drant addressed g 1.104. Imprinted at London in Fletestrete nere to S. Dunstones churche, by Thomas Marshe, 1567 h 1.105."
This version is very paraphrastic,

Page 425

and sometimes parodical. In the address to the reader prefixed, our translator says of his Horace,

"I haue translated him sum∣tymes at randun. And nowe at this last time welnye worde for worde, and lyne for lyne. And it is maruaile that I, be∣ing in all myne othr speaches so playne and perceauable, should here desyer or not shun to be harde, so farre forth as I can kepe the lerninge and sayinges of the author."
What follows is too curious not to be transcribed, as it is a picture of the popular learning, and a ridicule of the idle narratives, of the reign of queen Elisabeth.
"But I feare me a number do so thincke of thys booke, as I was aunswered by a prynter not long agone: Though sayth he, sir, your boke be wyse and ful of learnyng, yet peradventure it wyl not be saleable: Sig∣nifying indeede, that flim flames, and gue gawes, be they neuer so sleight and slender, are sooner rapte vp thenne are those which be lettered and clarkly makings. And no doubt the cause that bookes of learnynge seme so hard is, because such and so greate a scull of amarouse [amorous] pamphlets haue so preoccupyed the eyes and eares of men, that a multy∣tude beleue ther is none other style or phrase ells worthe gra∣mercy i 1.106. No bookes so ryfe or so frindly red, as be these

Page 426

bokes.—But if the settyng out of the wanton tricks of a payre of louers, as for example let theym be cauled sir Chaunticleare and dame Partilote, to tell howe their firste combination of loue began, howe their eyes floted, and howe they anchered, their beames mingled one with the others bewtye. Then, of their perplexed thowghts, their throwes, their fancies, their dryrie driftes, now interrupted now vnper∣fyted, their loue days, their sugred words, and their sugred ioyes. Afterward, howe enuyous fortune, through this chop or that chaunce, turned their bless to bale, seuerynge two such bewtiful faces and dewtiful hearts. Last, at partynge, to ad-to an oration or twane, interchangeably had betwixt the two wobegone persons, the one thicke powderd with manly passionat pangs, the other watered with womanish teares.

Page 427

Then to shryne them vp to god Cupid, and make martirres of them both, and therwyth an ende of the matter."
After∣wards, reverting to the peculiar difficulty of his own attempt, he adds,
"Neyther any man which can iudge, can iudge it one and the like laboure to translate Horace, and to make and translate a loue booke, a shril tragedye, or a smoth and plat∣leuyled poesye. Thys can I trulye say of myne owne expe∣ryence, that I can soner translate twelve verses out of the Greeke Homer than sixe out Horace."
Horace's satirical writings, and even his Odes, are undoubtedly more difficult to translate than the narrations of epic poetry, which depend more on things than words: no is it to be expected, that his satires and epistles should be happily rendered into English at this in∣fancy of style and taste, when his delicate turns could not be expressed, his humour and his urbanity justly relished, and his good sense and observations on life understood. Drant seems to have succeeded best in the exquisite Epistle to Tibullus, which I will therefore give entire.

To Albius Tibullus, a deuisor k 1.107.
Tybullus, frend and gentle iudge Of all that I do clatter l 1.108, What dost thou all this while abroade, How might I learne the matter? Dost thou inuente such worthy workes As Cassius' poemes passe? Or doste thou closelie creeping lurck Amid the wholsom grasse? Addicted to philosopie, Contemning not a whitte That'sm 1.109 seemlie for an honest man, And for a man of witte n 1.110.

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Not thou a bodie without breast! The goddes made thee t' excell In shape, the gods haue lent thee goodes, And arte to vse them well. What better thing vnto her childe Can wish the mother kinde? Than wisedome, and, in fyled frame p 1.111, To vtter owte his minde: To haue fayre fauoure, fame enoughe, And perfect staye, and health; Things trim at will, and not to feele The emptie ebb of wealth. Twixt hope to haue, and care to kepe, Twixt feare and wrathe, awaye Consumes the time: eche daye that cummes, Thinke it the latter daye. The hower that cummes unlooked for Shall cum more welcum aye. Thou shalt Me fynde fat and well fed, As pubbleq 1.112 as may be; And, when thou wilt, a merie mate, To laughe and chat with thee r 1.113.

Drant undertook this version in the character of a grave divine, and as a teacher of morality. He was educated at saint John's college in Cambridge; where he was graduated in theology, in the year 1569 s 1.114. The same year he was appointed prebendary of Chichester and of saint Pauls. The following year he was in∣staled archdeacon of Lewes in the cathedral of Chichester. These preferments he probably procured by the interest of Grin∣dall archbishop of York, of whom he was a domestic chaplain t 1.115.

Page 429

He was a tolerable Latin poet. He translated the ECCLE∣SIASTES into Latin hexameters, which he dedicated to sir Thomas Henneage, a common and a liberal patron of these times, and printed at London in 1572 u 1.116. At the beginning and end of this work, are six smaller pieces in Latin verse. Among these are the first sixteen lines of a paraphrase on the book of JOB. He has two miscellanies of Latin poetry extant, the one entitled SYLVA, dedicated to queen Elisabeth, and the other POEMATA VARIA ET EXTERNA. The last was printed at Paris, from which circumstance we may conclude that he tra∣velled w 1.117. In the SYLVA, he mentions his new version of David's psalms, I suppose in English versex 1.118. In the same collection, he says he had begun to translate the Iliad, but had gone no further than the fourth book y 1.119. He mentions also his version of the Greek EPIGRAMS of Gregory Nazianzen z 1.120. But we are at a loss to discover, whether the latter were English or Latin versions. The indefatigably inquisitive bishop Tanner has collectd

Page 430

our translator's Sermons, six in number, which are more to be valued for their type than their doctrine, and at present are of little more use, than to fill the catalogue of the typogra∣phical antiquary a 1.121. Two of them were preached at saint Mary's hospital b 1.122. Drant's latest publication is dated in 1572.

Historical ballads occur about this period with the initials T. D. These may easily be mistaken for Thomas Drant, but they stand for Thomas Deloney, a famous ballad writer of these times, mentioned by Kemp, one of the original actors in Shake∣speare's plays, in his NINE DAIES WONDER. Kemp's mira∣culous morris-dance, performed in nine days from London to Norwich, had been misrepresented in the popular ballads, and he thus remonstrates against some of their authors.

"I haue made a priuie search what priuate jig-monger of your jolly number had been the author of these abhominable ballets written of me. I was told it was the great ballade maker T. D. or Thomas Deloney, chronicler of the memorable Lives of the SIX YEOMEN OF THE WEST, JACK OF NEWBERY c 1.123, THE GENTLE CRAFT d 1.124, and such like honest men, omitted

Page 431

by Stowe, Hollinshed, Grafton, Hall, Froysart, and the rest of those welldeseruing writers e 1.125."

I am informed from some manuscript authorities, that in the year 1571, Drant printed an English translation from Tully, which he called, The chosen eloquent oration of Marcus Tullius Cicero for the poet Archias, selected from his orations, and now first published in English f 1.126. I have never seen this version, but I am of opinion that the translator might have made a more happy choice. For in this favorite piece of superficial declamation, the specious orator, when he is led to a formal defence of the value and dignity of poetry, instead of illustrating his subject by insisting on the higher utilities of poetry, its political nature, and its importance to society, enlarges only on the immortality which the art confers, on the poetic faculty being communi∣cated by divine inspiration, on the public honours paid to Homer and Ennius, on the esteem with which poets were regarded by Alexander and Themistocles, on the wonderful phenomenon of an extemporaneous ffusion of a great number of verses, and even recurs to the trite and obvious topics of a school-boy in saying, that poems are a pleasant relief after fatigue of the mind, and that hard rocks and savage beasts have been moved by the power of song. A modern philosopher would have considered such a subject with more penetration, comprehension, and force of reflection. His excuse must be, that he was uttering a popular harangue.

Notes

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