Page [unnumbered]
Q. HORATII FLACCI Epistola ad PISONES, DE ARTE POETICA.
THE ART OF POETRY: AN EPISTLE TO THE PISOS.
TRANSLATED FROM HORACE.
WITH NOTES.
REVISED AND CORRECTED.
First Printed in the Year M.DCC.LXXXIII.
To the extent possible under law, the Text Creation Partnership has waived all copyright and related or neighboring rights to this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above, according to the terms of the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Dedication (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/). This waiver does not extend to any page images or other supplementary files associated with this work, which may be protected by copyright or other license restrictions. Please go to http://www.lib.umich.edu/tcp/ecco/ for more information.
TRANSLATED FROM HORACE.
WITH NOTES.
REVISED AND CORRECTED.
First Printed in the Year M.DCC.LXXXIII.
MY DEAR FRIENDS!
IN a conversation, some months ago, I happened to mention to you the idea I had long enter∣tained of that celebrated Epistle of Horace, com∣monly distinguished by the title of THE ART OF POETRY. I will not say that you acceded to my opinion; but I flatter myself that I, in some degree interested your curiosity, and engaged your attention: our discourse at least revived an intention I had once formed, of communicating my thoughts on the sub∣ject to the Publick; an intention I had only dropt for want of leisure and inclination to attempt a translation of the Epistle, which I thought necessary to accompany the original, and my remarks on it.
In the original, Horace assumes the air and style of an affectionate teacher, admonishing and instructing his young friends and pupils: but the following translation, together with the observations annexed, I address to You as my Masters, from whom I look for sound information, a well-grounded confirmation of my hypothesis, or a solution of my doubts, and a correction of my errors.
It is almost needless to observe, that the Epistle in question has very particularly exercised the critical sagacity of the literary world; yet it is remarkable that, amidst the great variety of comments and de∣cisions on the work, it has been almost universally considered, except by one acute and learned writer of this country, as a loose, vague, and desultory com∣position; a mass of shining materials; like pearls unstrung, valuable indeed, but not displayed to ad∣vantage.
Some have contended, with Scaliger at their head, that this pretended Art of Poetry is totally void of art; and that the very work, in which the beauty and excellence of Order (ORDINIS VIRTUS ET VENUS!) is strongly recommended, is in itself un∣connected, confused, and immethodical. The ad∣vocates
for the writer have in great measure confessed the charge, but pleaded, in excuse and vindication, the familiarity of an Epistle, and even the genius of Poetry, in which the formal divisions of a prosaick treatise on the art would have been insupportable. They have also denied that Horace ever intended such a treatise, or that he ever gave to this Epistle the title of the Art of Poetry; on which title the at∣tacks of Scaliger, and his followers, are chiefly grounded. The title, however, is confessedly as old as the age of Quintilian; and that the work it∣self has a perpetual reference to Poets and Poetry, is as evident, as that it is, from beginning to end, in its manner, style, address, and form, perfectly Epistolary.
The learned and ingenious Critick distinguished above, an early ornament to letters, and now a worthy dignitary of the church, leaving vain com∣ments, and idle disputes on the title of the work, sagaciously directed his researches to scrutinize the work itself; properly endeavouring to trace and in∣vestigate from the composition, the end and design of the writer, and remembering the axiom of the Poet, to whom his friend had been appointed the commentator.
In every work regard THE AUTHOR's END! For none can compass more than they intend.— POPE.
With this view of illustrating and explaining Horace's Art of Poetry, this shrewd and able writer, about thirty years ago, republished the original Epistle, giving the text chiefly after Dr. Bentley, subjoining an English Commentary and Notes, and prefixing an Introduction, from which I beg leave to transcribe most part of the three first paragraphs.
It is agreed on all hands, that the antients are our masters in the art of composition. Such of their writings, therefore, as deliver instructions for the exercise of this art, must be of the highest value. And, if any of them hath acquired a credit, in this respect, superior to the rest, it is, perhaps, the following work: which the learned have long since considered as a kind of summary of the rules of good writing; to be gotten by heart by every young student; and to whose decisive authority the greatest masters in taste and compo∣sition must finally submit.
But the more unquestioned the credit of this poem is, the more it will concern the publick, that it be justly and accurately understood. The writer of these sheets then believed it might be of
use, if he took some pains to clear the sense, con∣nect the method, and ascertain the scope and pur∣pose, of this admired Epistle. Others, he knew indeed, and some of the first fame for critical learning, had been before him in his attempt. Yet he did not find himself prevented by their labours; in which, besides innumerable lesser faults, he, more especially, observed two invete∣rate errors, of such a sort, as must needs perplex the genius, and distress the learning, of any com∣mentator. The one of these respects the SUBJECT; the other, the METHOD of the Art of Poetry. It will be necessary to say something upon each.
1. That the Art of Poetry, at large, is not the proper subject of this piece, is so apparent, that it hath not escaped the dullest and least attentive of its Criticks. For, however all the different kinds of poetry might appear to enter into it, yet every one saw, that some at least were very slightly considered: whence the frequent attempts, the artes et institutiones poeticae, of writers, both at home and abroad, to supply its deficiencies. But, though this truth was seen and confessed, it un∣luckily happened, that the sagacity of his nume∣rous Commentators went no further. They still
considered this famous Epistle as a collection, though not a system, of criticisms on poetry in ge∣neral; with this concession, however, that the stage had evidently the largest share in it* 1.1. Under the influence of this prejudice, several writers of name took upon them to comment and explain it: and with the success, which was to be ex∣pected from so fatal a mistake on setting out, as the not seeing,
'that the proper and sole pur∣pose of the Author, was, not to abridge the Greek Criticks, whom he probably never thought of; nor to amuse himself with composing a short criti∣cal system, for the general use of poets, which every line of it absolutely confutes; but, simply to criticize the ROMAN DRAMA.'For to this end, not the tenor of the work only, but as will appear, every single precept in it, ultimately re∣fers. The mischiefs of this original error have been long felt. It hath occasioned a constant perplexity in defining the general method, and in fixing the import of particular rules. Nay, its effects have reached still further. For conceiving, as they did, that the whole had been composed out of the Greek Criticks, the labour and ingenuity
of its interpreters have been misemployed in picking out authorities, which were not wanted, and in producing, or, more properly, by their studied refinements in creating, conformities, which were never designed. Whence it hath come to pass, that, instead of investigating the order of the Poet's own reflexions, and scru∣tinizing the peculiar state of the Roman Stage (the methods, which common sense, and common criticism would prescribe) the world hath been nauseated with insipid lectures on Aristotle and Phalereus; whose solid sense hath been so attenu∣ated and subtilized by the delicate operation of French criticism, as hath even gone some way to∣wards bringing the art itself into disrepute.
2. But the wrong explications of this poem have arisen, not from the misconception of the subject only, but from an inattention to the METHOD of it. The latter was, in part, the ge∣nuine consequence of the former. For, not sus∣pecting an unity of design in the subject, its in∣terpreters never looked for, or could never find, a consistency of disposition in the method. And this was indeed the very block upon which HEINSIUS, and, before him, JULIUS SCALIGER,
himself stumbled. These illustrious Criticks, with all the force of genius, which is required to dis∣embarrass an involved subject, and all the aids of learning, that can lend a ray to enlighten a dark one, have, notwithstanding, found themselves utterly unable to unfold the order of this Epistle; insomuch, that SCALIGER * 1.2 hath boldly pro∣nounced the conduct of it to be vicious; and HEIN∣SIUS had no other way to evade the charge, than by recurring to the forced and uncritical expedient of a licentious transposition. The truth is, they were both in one common error, that the Poet's purpose had been to write a criticism of the Art of Poetry at large, and not, as is here shewn, of the Roman Drama in particular.
The remainder of this Introduction, as well as the Commentary and Notes, afford ample proofs of the erudition and ingenuity of the Critick; yet I much doubt, whether he has been able to convince the learned world of the truth of his main proposition,
"that it was the proper and sole purpose of the Au∣thor, simply to criticise the ROMAN DRAMA."His Commentary is, it must be owned, extremely seduc∣ing; yet the attentive reader of Horace will perhaps
often fancy, that he perceives a violence and con∣straint offered to the composition, in order to ac∣commodate it to the system of the Commentator; who, to such a reader, may perhaps seem to mark transitions, and point out connections, as well as to maintain a method in the Commentary, which cannot clearly be deduced from the text, to which it refers.
This very ingenious Commentary opens as fol∣lows:
The subject of this piece being, as I suppose, one, viz. the state of the Roman Drama, and com∣mon sense requiring, even in the freest forms of composition, some kind of method, the intelligent reader will not be surprized to find the poet prose∣cuting his subject in a regular, well-ordered plan; which, for the more exact description of it, I distinguish into three parts:
I. The first of them [from l. 1 to 89] is prepa∣ratory to the main subject of the Epistle, con∣taining some general rules and reflections on poetry, but principally with an eye to the follow∣ing parts: by which means it serves as an useful introduction to the poet's design, and opens with that air of ease and elegance, essential to the epi∣stolary form.
II. The main body of the Epistle [from l. 89 to 295] is laid out in regulating the Roman stage; but chiefly in giving rules for Tragedy; not only as that was the sublimer species of the Drama, but, as it should seem, less cultivated and understood.
III. The last part [from l. 295 to the end] ex∣horts to correctness in writing; yet still with an eye, principally, to the dramatick species: and is taken up partly in removing the causes, that pre∣vented it; and partly in directing to the use of such means, as might serve to promote it. Such is the general plan of the Epistle.
In this general summary, with which the Critick introduces his particular Commentary, a very mate∣rial circumstance is acknowledged, which perhaps tends to render the system on which it proceeds, ex∣tremely doubtful, if not wholly untenable. The original Epistle consists of four hundred and seventy-six lines; and it appears, from the above numerical analysis, that not half of those lines, only two hun∣dred and six verses [from v. 89 to 295] are employed on the subject of the Roman Stage. The first of the three parts above delineated [from v. 1 to 89] cer∣tainly
contains general rules and restrictions on poetry, but surely with no particular reference to the Drama. As to the second part, the Critick, I think, might fairly have extended the Poet's consideration of the Drama to the 365th line, seventy lines further than he has carried it: but the last hundred and eleven lines of the Epistle so little allude to the Drama, that the only passage in which a mention of the Stage has been supposed to be implied, [ludusque repertus, &c.] is, by the learned and ingenious Critick himself, particularly distinguished with a very different inter∣pretation. Nor can this portion of the Epistle be considered, by the impartial and intelligent reader, as a mere exhortation
"to correctness in writing; taken up partly in removing the causes that pre∣vented it; and partly in directing to the use of such means, as might serve to promote it."Correctness is indeed here, as in many other parts of Horace's Satires and Epistles, occasionally inculcated; but surely the main scope of this animated conclusion is to deter those, who are not blest with genius, from attempting the walks of Poetry.
I much approve what this writer has urged on the unity of subject, and beauty of epistolary method observed in this Work; but cannot agree that
"the main
subject and intention was the regulation of the Roman Stage."How far I may differ concerning particu∣lar passages, will appear from the notes at the end of this translation. In controversial criticism differ∣ence of opinion cannot but be expressed, (veniam petimusque damusque vicissim,) but I hope I shall not be thought to have delivered my sentiments with petulance, or be accused of want of respect for a character, that I most sincerely reverence and ad∣mire.
I now proceed to set down in writing, the sub∣stance of what I suggested to you in conversation, concerning my own conceptions of the end and de∣sign of Horace in this Epistle. In this explanation I shall call upon Horace as my chief witness, and the Epistle itself, as my principal voucher. Should their testimonies prove adverse, my system must be aban∣doned, like many that have preceded it, as vain and chimerical: and if it should even, by their support, be acknowledged and received, it will, I think, like the egg of Columbus, appear so plain, easy, and obvious, that it will seem almost wonderful, that the Epistle has never been considered in the same light, till now. I do not wish to dazzle with the lustre of a new hypothesis, which requires, I think,
neither the strong opticks, nor powerful glasses, of a critical Herschel, to ascertain the truth of it; but is a system, that lies level to common apprehension, and a luminary, discoverable by the naked eye.
My notion is simply this. I conceive that one of the sons of Piso, undoubtedly the Elder, had either written, or meditated, a poetical work, most proba∣bly a Tragedy; and that he had, with the know∣ledge of the family, communicated his piece, or in∣tention, to Horace: but Horace, either disapproving of the work, or doubting of the poetical faculties of the Elder Piso, or both, wished to dissuade him from all thoughts of publication. With this view he formed the design of writing this Epistle, addressing it, with a courtliness and delicacy perfectly agree∣able to his acknowledged character, indifferently to the whole family, the father and his two sons. Epi∣stola ad Pisones, de Arte Poeticâ.
He begins with general reflections, generally ad∣dressed to his three friends. Credite, PISONES!—PATER, & JUVENES patre digni!—In these prelimi∣nary rules, equally necessary to be observed by Poets of every denomination, he dwells on the necessity of unity of design, the danger of being dazzled by the
splendor of partial beauties, the choice of subjects, the beauty of order, the elegance and propriety of diction, and the use of a thorough knowledge of the nature of the several different species of Poetry: summing up this introductory portion of his Epistle, in a manner perfectly agreeable to the conclusion of it.
Descriptas servare vices, operumque colores, Cur ego si nequeo ignoroque, poeta salutor? Cur nescire, pudens pravè, quam discere malo?
From this general view of poetry, on the canvas of Aristotle, but entirely after his own manner, the writer proceeds to give the rules and history of the Drama; adverting principally to Tragedy, with all its constituents and appendages of diction, fable, character, incidents, chorus, measure, musick, and decoration. In this part of the work, according to the interpretation of the best Criticks, and indeed (I think) according to the manifest tenor of the Epistle, he addresses himself entirely to the two young gentlemen, pointing out to them the difficulty, as well as ex∣cellence, of the Dramatick Art; insisting on the avowed superiority of the Graecian Writers, and ascribing the comparative failure of the Romans to negligence and avarice. The Poet, having
exhausted this part of his subject, suddenly drops a second, dismissing at once no less than two of the three Persons, to whom he originally addressed his Epistle, and turning short on the ELDER PISO, most earnestly conjures him to ponder on the danger of precipitate publications, and the ridicule to which the author of wretched poetry exposes himself. From the com∣mencement of this partial address, O MAJOR JUVE∣NUM, &c. [v. 366] to the end of the poem, almost a fourth part of the whole, the second person plural, Pisones!—Vos!—Vos, O Pompilius Sanguis! &c. is discarded, and the second person singular, Tu, Te, Tibi, &c. invariably takes its place. The argu∣ments too are equally relative and personal; not only shewing the necessity of study, combined with natural genius, to constitute a Poet; but dwelling on the peculiar danger and delusion of flattery, to a writer of rank and fortune; as well as the inestima∣ble value of an honest friend, to rescue him from de∣rision and contempt. The Poet, however, in reve∣rence to the Muse, qualifies his exaggerated description of an infatuated scribbler, with a most noble enco∣mium on the uses of Good Poetry, vindicating the dignity of the Art, and proudly asserting, that the most exalted characters would not be disgraced by the cultivation of it.
Ne forte pudori Sit tibi Musa, lyrae solers, & Cantor Apollo.
It is worthy observation, that in the satyrical picture of a frantick bard, with which Horace con∣cludes his Epistle, he not only runs counter to what might be expected as a Corollary of an Essay on the Art of Poetry, but contradicts his own usual practice and sentiments. In his Epistle to Augustus, instead of stigmatizing the love of verse as an abominable phrensy, he calls it (levis haec insania) a slight mad∣ness, and descants on its good effects—quantas VIR∣TUTES habeat, sic collige!
In another Epistle, speaking of himself, and his addiction to poetry, he says,
—ubi quid datur oti, Illudo chartis; hoc est, MEDIOCRIBUS ILLIS Ex vitiis unum, &c.
All which, and several other passages in his works, almost demonstrate that it was not, without a par∣ticular purpose in view, that he dwelt so forcibly on the description of a man resolved
—in spite Of nature and his stars to write.
To conclude, if I have not contemplated my system, till I am become blind to its imperfections, this view of the Epistle not only preserves to it all that unity of subject, and elegance of method, so much in∣sisted on by the excellent Critick, to whom I have so often referred; but by adding to his judicious general abstract the familiarities of personal address, so strongly marked by the writer, scarce a line ap∣pears idle or misplaced: while the order and dispo∣sition of the Epistle to the Pisos appears as evident and unembarrassed, as that of the Epistle to Au∣gustus; in which last, the actual state of the Roman Drama seems to have been more manifestly the object of Horace's attention, than in the Work now under consideration.
Before I leave you to the further examination of the original of Horace, and submit to you the Translation, with the Notes that accompany it, I cannot help observing, that the system, which I have here laid down, is not so entirely new, as it may perhaps at first appear to the reader, or as I myself originally supposed it. No Critick indeed has, to my know∣ledge, directly considered the whole Epistle in the same light that I have now taken it; but yet parti∣cular passages seem so strongly to enforce such an
interpretation, that the Editors, Translators, and Commentators, have been occasionally driven to ex∣planations of a similar tendency; of which the Notes annexed will exhibit several striking instances.
Of the following version I shall only say, that I have not, knowingly, adopted a single expression, tending to warp the judgement of the learned or un∣learned reader, in favour of my own hypothesis. I attempted this translation, chiefly because I could find no other equally close and literal. Even the Version of Roscommon, though in blank verse, is in some parts a paraphrase, and in others, but an ab∣stract. I have myself, indeed, endeavoured to sup∣port my right to that force and freedom of translation which Horace himself recommends; yet I have faithfully exhibited in our language several passages, which his professed translators have abandoned, as impossible to be given in English.
All I think necessary to be further said on the Epistle, will appear in the Notes.
I am, my dear friends, With the truest respect and regard, Your most sincere admirer, And very affectionate, humble servant, GEORGE COLMAN.
LONDON, March 8, 1783.
I HAVE reserved the Notes to this place, that the reader might be left to his genuine feelings, and the natural impression on reading the Epistle, whether adverse or favourable to the idea I ventured to premise, concerning its Subject and Design. In the address to my learned and worthy friends I said little more than was necessary to open my plan, and to offer an excuse for my undertaking. The Notes descend to particulars, tending to illustrate and confirm my hypothesis; and adding occasional explanations of the original, chiefly intended for the use of the English Reader. I have endeavoured, ac∣cording to the best of my ability, to follow the advice of ROSCOMMON in the lines, which I have ventured to prefix to these Notes. How far I may be entitled to the poetical blessing promised by the Poet, the Pub∣lick must determine: but were I, avoiding arrogance, to renounce all claim to it, such an appearance of Modesty would include a charge of Impèrtinence for having hazarded this publication.
Take pains the GENUINE MEANING to explore! There sweat, there strain, tug the laborious oar: Search ev'ry comment, that your care can find; Some here, some there, may hit the POET's MIND: Yet be not blindly guided by the Throng; The Multitude is always in the Wrong. When things appear unnatural or hard, Consult your AUTHOR, with HIMSELF compar'd! Who knows what Blessing Phoebus may bestow, And future Ages to your labour owe? Such Secrets are not easily found out, But once diseover'd, leave no room for doubt. TRUTH stamps conviction in your ravish'd breast, And Peace and Joy attend the GLORIOUS GUEST. Essay on Translated Verse.
THE work of Horace, now under consideration, has been so long known, and so generally received, by the name of The Art of Poetry, that I have, on account of that notoriety, submitted this translation to the Publick, under that title, rather than what I hold to be the true one, viz. Horace's EPISTLE TO THE PISOS. The Author of the English Commen∣tary has adopted the same title, though directly re∣pugnant to his own system; and, I suppose, for the very same reason.
The title, in general a matter of indifference, is, in the present instance, of much consequence. On the title Julius Scaliger founded his invidious, and injudicious, attack. De arte quaeres quid sentiam. Quid? equidem quod DE ARTE, SINE ARTE traditâ. To ehe Title all the editors, and commentators, have
particularly adverted; commonly preferring the Epistolary Denomination, but, in contradiction to that preference, almost universally inscribing the Epistle, the Art of Poetry. The conduct, however, of JASON DE NORES, a native of Cyprus, a learned and ingenious writer of the 16th century, is very remarkable. In the year 1553 he published at Ve∣nice this work of Horace, accompanied with a com∣mentary and notes, written in elegant Latin, in∣scribing it, after Quintilian, Q. Horatii Flacci LIBER DE ARTE POETICA* 1.3. The very next year, how∣ever, he printed at Paris a second edition, enriching his notes with many observations on Dante and Pe∣trarch, and changing the title, after mature consi∣deration, to Q. Horatii Flacci EPISTOLA AD PISONES, de Arte Poeticâ. His motives for this change he as∣signs in the following terms.
Quare adductum me primum sciant AD INSCRIPTIO∣NEM OPERIS IMMUTANDAM non levioribus de causis, & quod formam EPISTOLAE, non autem LIBRI, in quo praecepta tradantur, vel ex ipso principio prae se ferat, & quod in vetustis exemplaribus Epistolarum libros sub∣sequatur,
& quod etiam summi et praestantissimi homines ita sentiant, & quod minimè nobis obstet Quintiliani testimonium, ut nonnullis videtur. Nam si LIBRUM appellat Quintilianus, non est cur non possit inter EPIS∣TOLAS enumerari, cum et illae ab Horatio in libros di∣gestae fuerint. Quod vero DE ARTE POETICA idem Quintilianus adjungat, nihil commoveor, cùm et in EPISTOLIS praecepta de aliquâ re tradi possint, ab eodem∣que in omnibus penè, et in iis ad Scaevam & Lollium praecipuè jam factum videatur, in quibus breviter eos instituit, quâ ratione apud majores facile versarentur* 1.4.
Desprez, the Dauphin Editor, retains both titles, but says, inclining to the Epistolary, Attamen ARTEM POETICAM vix appellem cum Quintiliano et aliis: ma∣lim vero EPISTOLAM nuncupare cum nonnullis eruditis. Monsieur Dacier inscribes it, properly enough, agree∣able to the idea of Porphyry, Q. Horatii Flacci DE ARTE POETICA LIBER; seu, EPISTOLA AD PI∣SONES, PATREM, ET FILIOS.
Julius Scaliger certainly stands convicted of cri∣tical malice by his poor cavil at the SUPPOSED title;
and has betrayed his ignorance of the ease and beauty of Epistolary method, as well as the most gross mis∣apprehension, by his ridiculous analysis of the work, resolving it into thirty-six parts. He seems, how∣ever, to have not ill conceived the genius of the poem, in saying that it relished of SATIRE. This he has urged in many parts of his Poeticks, parti∣cularly in the Dedicatory Epistle to his son, not omitting, however, his constant charge of Art with∣out Art. Horatius ARTEM cum inscripsit, ADEO SINE ULLA DOCET ARTE, UT SATYRAE PROPIUS TOTUM OPUS ILLUD ESSE VIDEATUR. This comes almost home to the opinion of the Author of the elegant commentaries on the two Epistles of Horace to the Pisos and to Augustus, as expressed in the Dedica∣cation to the latter: With the recital of that opinion I shall conclude this long note.
"The genius of Rome was bold and elevated: but Criticism of any kind, was little cultivated, never professed as an art, by this people. The specimens we have of their ability in this way (of which the most elegant, beyond all dispute, are the two epistles to Augustus and the Pisos) are slight occasional at∣tempts; made in the negligence of common sense, and adapted to the peculiar exigencies of their own taste and learning; and not by any means the re∣gular
productions of art, professedly bending itself to this work, and ambitious to give the last finish∣ing to the critical system."
Translated from Horace.] In that very entertain∣ing and instructive publication, entitled An Essay on the Learning and Genius of Pope, the Critick recom∣mends, as the properest poetical measure to render in English the Satires and Epistles of Horace, that kind of familiar blank verse, used in a version of Terence, attempted some years since by the Author of this translation. I am proud of the compliment; yet I have varied from the mode prescribed: not be∣cause Roscommon has already given such a version; or because I think the satyrical hexameters of Horace less familiar than the irregular Iambicks of Terence. English Blank Verse, like the Iambick of Greece and Rome, is peculiarly adapted to theatrical action and dialogue, as well as to the Epick, and the more elevated Didactick Poetry: but after the models left by DRYDEN and POPE, and in the face of the living example of JOHNSON, who shall venture to reject rhyme in the province of Satire and Epistle?
9.—TRUST ME, MY PISOS!] Credite Pisones!
Monsieur Dacier, at a very early period, feels the influence of the personal address, that governs this Epistle. Remarking on this passage, he observes that Horace, anxious to inspire the Pisos with a just taste, says earnestly Trust me, my Pisos! Credite Pi∣sones! an expression that betrays fear and distrust, left the young Men should fall into the dangerous error of bad poets, and injudicious criticks, who not only thought the want of unity of subject a pardon∣able effect of Genius, but even the mark of a rich and luxuriant imagination. And although this Epistle, continues Monsieur Dacier, is addressed in∣differently to Piso the father, and his Sons, as ap∣pears by v. 24 of the original, yet it is to the sons in particular that these precepts are directed; a con∣sideration which reconciles the difference mentioned by Porphyry. Scribit ad Pisones, viros nobiles di∣sertosque, patrem et filios; vel, ut alii volunt, AD PISONES FRATRES.
Desprez, the Dauphin Editor, observes also, in the same strain, Porro scribit Horatius ad patrem et filios Pisones, PRAESERTIM VERO AD HOS.
The family of the Pisos, to whom Horace ad∣dresses this Epistle, were called Calpurnii, being
descended from Calpus, son of Numa Pompilius, whence he afterwards styles them of the Pompilian Blood. Pompilius Sanguis!
10.—THE VOLUME SUCH,] LIBRUM persimilem.Liber, observes Dacier, is a term applied to all li∣terary productions, of whatever description. This remark is undoubtedly just, confirms the sentiments of Jason de Nores, and takes off the force of all the arguments founded on Quintilian's having stiled this Epistle LIBER de arte poeticâ.
Vossius, speaking of the censure of Scaliger, "de arte, sine arte," subjoins sed fallitur, cum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 putat esse ab Horatio; qui inscripserat EPISTOLAM AD PISONES. Argumentum vero, ut in Epistolarum caeteris, ita in hâc etiam, ab aliis postea appositum fuit.
19.—OFT WORKS OF PROMISE LARGE, AND HIGH ATTEMPT.] Incaeptis gravibus plerumque, &c.Buckingham's Essay on Poetry, Roscommon's Essay on Translated Verse, as well as the Satires, and Art Poetique of Boileau, and Pope's Essay on Criticism, abound with imitations of Horace. This passage of our Author seems to have given birth to the follow∣ing lines of Buckingham.
'Tis not a flash of fancy, which sometimes, Dazzling our minds, sets off the slightest rhimes; Bright as a blaze, but in a moment done; True Wit is everlasting, like the Sun; Which though sometimes behind a cloud retir'd, Breaks out again, and is the more admir'd.
The following lines of Pope may perhaps appear to bear a nearer resemblance to this passage of Ho∣race.
Some to Conceit alone their taste confine, And glitt'ring thoughts struck out at ev'ry line; Pleas'd with a work where nothing's just or fit; One glaring chaos, and wild heap of wit. Essay on Criticism.
34.—SIMPLE BE ALL YOU EXECUTE, AND ONE!] Denique sit quidvis simplex duntaxat & unum!Supposing for a moment that the elder Piso had actually submitted some poetical effort to the judgement of Horace, it is natural to con∣clude that the work was, in our Poet's opinion, of the character described in the opening of this Epistle: studded with brilliant thoughts, and adorned with flowery passages; but void of plan, inco∣herent,
irregular, and on the whole lame and imperfect.
49.—Of th' Aemilian class.] Aemilium circa ludum—literally, near the Aemilian School; al∣luding to the Academy of Gladiators of Aemilius Lentulus, in whose neighbourhood lived many Ar∣tists and Shopkeepers.
Pope has given a beautiful illustration of this thought.
Survey THE WHOLE, nor seek slight faults to find Where nature moves, and rapture warms the mind; In wit, as Nature, what affects our hearts, Is not th' exactness of peculiar parts; 'Tis not a lip, or eye, we beauty call, But the joint force and full result of all. Thus when we view some well-proportion'd dome, (The world's just wonder, and ev'n thine, O Rome! No single parts unequally surprise, All comes united to th' admiring eyes; No monstrous height, or breadth, or length appear; THE WHOLE at once is bold and regular. Essay on Criticism.
56.—SELECT, ALL YE WHO WRITE, A SUBJECT FIT.] Sumite materiam, &c.
This passage is well imitated by Roscommon in his Essay on Translated Verse.
The first great work, (a talk perform'd by few) Is, that yourself may to yourself be true: No mask, no tricks, no favour, no reserve! Dissect your mind, examine ev'ry nerve.
Each poet with a different talent writes. One praises, one instructs, another bites. Horace did ne'er aspire to Epick Bays, Nor lofty Maro stoop to Lyrick Lays. Examine how your humour is inclin'd, And which the ruling passion of your mind.
Stooping to Lyrick Lays, though not inapplicable to some of the lighter odes of Horace, is not descrip∣tive of the general character of the Lyrick Muse. Musa dedit Fidibus Divos, &c.
Pope takes up the same thought in his Essay on Criticism.
Be sure yourself and your own reach to know, How far your genius, taste, and learning go;
Launch not beyond your depth, but be discreet, And mark that point where sense and dulness meet.
Like Kings we lose the conquests gain'd before, By vain ambition still to make them more: Each might his servile province well command, Would all but stoop to what they understand.
71.—A cunning phrase.] Callida junctura.
Jason de Nores and many other interpreters agree that Horace here recommends, after Aristotle, the artful elevation of style by the use of common words in an uncommon sense, producing at once an air of familiarity and magnificence. Some however con∣fine the expression, callida junctura, to signify com∣pound words. The Author of the English Commen∣tary adopts the first construction; but considers the precept in both senses, and illustrates each by many beautiful examples from the plays of Shakespeare. These examples he has accompanied with much ele∣gant and judicious observation, as the reader of
taste will be convinced by the following short ex∣tracts.
The writers of that time had so latinized the English language, that the pure English Idiom, which Shakespeare generally follows, has all the air of novelty, which other writers are used to affect by foreign phraseology.—In short, the articles here enumerated are but so many ways of departing from the usual and simpler forms of speech, without neglecting too much the grace of ease and perspicuity; in which well-tempered li∣cence one of the greatest charms of all poetry, but especially of Shakespeare's poetry, consists. Not that he was always and every where so happy. His expression sometimes, and by the very means, here exemplified, becomes hard, ob∣scure, and unnatural. This is the extreme on the other side. But in general, we may say, that He hath either followed the direction of Horace very ably, or hath hit upon his rule very happily.
76.—THE STRAIT-LAC'D CETHEGI.] CINC∣TUTIS Cethegis.Jason De Nores differs, and I think very justly, from those who interpret Cinctutis
to signify loose, bare, or naked—EXERTOS & NUDOS. The plain sense of the radical word cingo is directly opposite. The word cinctutis is here assumed to express a severity of manners by an allusion to an antique gravity of dress; and the Poet, adds De Nores, very happily forms a new word himself, as a vindication and example of the licence he recom∣mends. Cicero numbers M. Corn. Cethegus among the old Roman Orators; and Horace himself again refers to the Cethegi in his Epistle to Florus, and on the subject of the use of words.
Obscurata diu papulo bonus eruet, atque Proferet in lucem speciosa vocabula rerum; Quae priscis memorata CATONIBUS atque CETHEGIC, Nunc situs informis premit & deserta vetustas; Adsciscet nova quae genitor produxerit usus.
Mark where a bold expressive phrase appears, Bright thro' the rubbish of some hundred years; Command old words that long have slept, to wake, Words, that wise Bacon, or brave Raleigh spake; Or bid the new be English, ages hence, For Use will father what's begot by Sense. POPE.
This brilliant passage of Pope is quoted in this place by the author of the English Commentary,
who has also subjoined many excellent remarks on the revival of old words, worthy the particular atten∣tion of those who cultivate prose as well as poetry, and shewing at large, that
"the riches of a language are actually increased by retaining its old words: and besides, they have often a greater real weight and dignity, than those of a more fashionable cast, which succeed to them. This needs no proof to such as are versed in the earlier writings of any language."—"The growing prevalency of a very different humour, first catched, as it should seem, from our commerce with the French Models, and countenanced by the too scrupulous delicacy of SOME GOOD WRITERS AMONGST OURSELVES, had gone far towards unnerving the noblest modern language, and effeminating the public taste."—"The rejection of old wards, as barbarous, and of many modern ones, "as unpolite," had so exhausted the strength and stores of our language, that it was high time for some master-hand to interpose, and send us for supplies to our old poets; which there is the highest authority for saying, no one ever despised, but for a reason, not very consistent with his credit to avow; rudem esse omnino in nostris poetis, aut INERTISSIMAE NEQUITIAE est, aut FASTI∣DII
DELICATISSIMI.—Cic. de sin. l. i. c. 2."
AS BRANCHING WOODS, &c.] Ut silvae foliis, &c.Mr. Duncombe, in his translation of our Author, concurs with Monsieur Dacier in observing that
"Horace seems here to have had in view that fine similitude of Homer in the sixth book of the Iliad, comparing the generations of men to the annual succession of leaves."
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
Like leaves on trees the race of man is found, Now green in youth, now withering on the ground; Another race the following spring supplies, They fall successive, and successive rise: So generations in their turns decay; So flourish these, when those are past away. POPE.
The translator of Homer has himself compared words to leaves, but in another view, in his Essay on Criticism.
Words are like leaves; and where they most abound, Much fruit of sense beneath is rarely found.
In another part of the Essay he pursues the same train of thought with Horace, and rises, I think, above his Master.
Short is the date, alas, of modern rhymes, And 'tis but just to let them live betimes. No longer now that golden age appears, When Patriarch-wits surviv'd a thousand years: Now length of Fame (our second life) is lost, And bare threescore is all ev'n that can boast; Our sons their father's failing language see, And such as Chaucer is, shall Dryden be. So when the faithful pencil has design'd Some bright idea of the Master's mind, Where a new world leaps out at his command, And ready Nature waits upon his hand; When the ripe colours soften and unite, And sweetly melt into just shade and light; When mellowing years their full perfection give, And each bold figure just begins to live; The treach'rous colours the fair art betray, And all the bright creation fades away! Essay on Criticism.
95.—WHETHER THE SEA, &c.] Sive recep∣tus, &c.
This may be understood of any harbour; but it is generally interpreted to refer to the Portus Julius,
a haven formed by letting in the sea upon the Lu∣crine Lake, and forming a junction between that and the Lake Avernus; a work, commenced by Julius Caesar, and compleated by Augustus, or Agrippa under his auspices. Regis opus! Both these lakes (says Martin) were in Campania: the former was destroyed by an earthquake; but the latter is the present Lago d'Averno. Strabo, the Geographer, who, as well as our Poet, was living at the time, ascribes this work to Agrippa, and tells us that the Lucrine bay was separated from the Tyrrhene sea by a mound, said to have been first made by Hercules, and restored by Agrippa. Philargyrius says that a storm arose at the time of the execution of this great work, to which Virgil seems to refer in his mention of this Port, in the course of his Panegyrick on Italy in the second Georgick.
An memorem Portus LUCRINOQUE addita claustra, Atque indignatum magnis stridoribus aequor, Julia quà ponto longe sonat unda refuso, Tyrrhenusque fretis immittitur aestus AVERNIS?
Or shall I praise thy Ports, or mention make Of the vast mound, that binds the Lucrine Lake!
Or the disdainful sea, that, shut from thence, Roars round the structure, and invades the fence; There, where secure the Julian waters glide, Or where Avernus' jaws admit the Tyrrhene tide! DRYDEN.
98.—WHETHER THE MARSH, &c.] Sterilisve Palus.
THE PONTINE MARSH, first drained by the Con∣sul Cornelius Cethegus; then, by Augustus; and many, many years after by Theodorick.
102.—OR IF THE RIVER, &c.] Seu cursum, &c.The course of the Tyber, changed by Augustus, to prevent inundations.
110.—FOR DEEDS OF KINGS, &c.] Res gestae regumque, &c.
The ingenious author of the English Commen∣tary, to whom I have so often referred, and to whom I must continue to refer, has discovered particular taste, judgement, and address, in his explication of this part of the Epistle. It runs thus.
From reflections on poetry, at large, he pro∣ceeds now to particulars: the most obvious of
which being the different forms and measures of poetick composition, he considers, in this view, [from v. 75 to 86] the four great species of po∣etry, to which all others may be reduced, the Epick, Elegiack, Dramatick, and Lyrick. But the distinction of the measure, to be observed in the several species is so obvious, that there can scarcely be any mistake about them. The diffi∣culty is to know [from v. 86 to 89] how far each may partake of the spirit of the other, without destroying that natural and necessary difference, which ought to subsist betwixt them all. To ex∣plain this, which is a point of great nicety, he considers [from v. 89 to 99] the case of Drama∣tick Poetry; the two species of which are as di∣stinct from each other, as any two can be, and yet there are times, when the features of the one will be allowed to resemble those of the other.—But the Poet had a further view in chusing this instance. For he gets by this means into the main of his subject, which was Dramatick Poetry, and, by the most delicate transition imaginable, proceeds [from 89 to 323] to deliver a series of rules, interspersed with historical accounts, and enlivened by digressions, for the regulation of the ROMAN STAGE.
It is needless to insist, that my hypothesis will not allow me to concur entirely in the latter part of this extract; at least in that latitude, to which the system of the writer carries it: yet I perfectly agree with Mr. Duncombe, that the learned Critick, in his observation on this Epistle,
"has shewn in gene∣ral, the connection and dependence of one part with another, in a clearer light than any other Commentator."His shrewd and delicate commen∣tary is, indeed, a most elegant contrast to the bar∣barous analysis of Scaliger, drawn up without the least idea of poetical transition, and with the uncouth air of a mere dry logician, or dull grammarian. I think, however, the Order and Method, observed in this Epistle, is stricter than has yet been observed, and that the series of rules is delivered with great re∣gularity; NOT enlivened by digressions, but passing from one topick to another, by the most natural and easy transitions. The Author's discrimination of the different stiles of the several species of poetry, leads him, as has been already shewn, to consider THE DICTION of the Drama, and its accommoda∣tion to the circumstances and character of the Speaker. A recapitulation of these circumstances carries him to treat of the due management of characters already known, as well as of sustaining those that are entire∣ly
original; to the first of which the Poet gives the preference, recommending known CHARACTERS, as well as known SUBJECTS: And on the mention of this joint preference, the Author leaves further con∣sideration of the DICTION, and slides into discourse upon the FABLE, which he continues down to the 152d versa.
Atque ita mentitur, sic veris falsa remiscet, Primo ne medium, medio ne discrepet imum.Having dispatched the FABLE, the Poet proceeds, and with some Solemnity of Order, to the conside∣ration of the CHARACTERS; not in regard to suit∣able diction, for of that he has already spoken, but in respect to the manners; and, in this branch of his subject, he has as judiciously borrowed from the Rhe∣toricks of Aristotle, as in the rest of his Epistle from the Poeticks. He then directs, in its due place, the proper conduct of particular INCIDENTS of the fable; after which he treats of the CHORUS; from whence he naturally falls into the history of theatrical MU∣SICK; which is, as naturally, succeeded by an ac∣count of the Origin of the Drama itself, which the Poet commences, like his master Aristotle, even from the Dithyrambick Song, and carries it down
to the establishment of the New Greek Comedy; from whence he passes easily and gracefully, to the ROMAN STAGE, acknowledging the merits of the Writers, but pointing out their defects, and assign∣ing the causes. He then subjoins a few general ob∣servations, and concludes his long discourse on the DRAMA, having extended it to 275 lines. This discourse, together with the result of all his reflec∣tions on Poets and Poetry, he then applies in the most earnest and personal manner to the ELDER PISO; and with a long and most pathetick peroration, if I may adopt an oratorical term, concludes the Epistle.
116.—THE ELEGY's SMALL SONG.] EXI∣GUOS Elegos.
Commentators differ concerning the import of this expression—EXIGUOS Elegos; the Elegy's small song. De Nores, Schrevelius, and Desprez, think it refers to the humility of the elegiack stile and subjects, compared with epick or lyrick sublimity. Monsieur Dacier rather thinks that Horace refers here, as in the words Versibus impariter junctis, "Couplets unequal," to the use of the pentameter, or short verse, consisting of five feet, and joined to the hexameter, or long verse, of six. This inequality
of the couplet Monsieur Dacier justly prefers to the two long Alexandrines of his own country, which sets almost all the French poetry, Epick, Dramatick, Elegiack, or Satyrick, to the tune of Derry Down. In our language, the measures are more various, and more happily conceived. Our Elegy adopts not only unequal couplets, but alternate rhymes, which give a plaintive tone to the heroick measure, and are most happily used in Gray's beau∣tiful Elegy in a Country Church yard.
135.—THY FEAST, THYESTES!] Coena Thyestae.
The story of Thyestes being of the most tragick nature, a banquet on his own children! is com∣monly interpreted by the Criticks, as mentioned by Horace, in allusion to Tragedy in general. The Author of the English Commentary, however, is of a different opinion, supposing, from a passage of Cicero, that the Poet means to glance at the Thyestes of Ennius, and to pay an oblique compliment to Varius, who had written a tragedy on the same sub∣ject.
The same learned Critick also takes it for granted, that the Tragedy of Telephus, and probably of Pe∣leus, after mentioned, point at tragedies of Euripi∣des,
on these subjects, translated into Latin, and accommodated to the Roman Stage, without success, by Ennius, Accius, or Noevius.
One of the Critick's notes on this part of the Epistle, treating on the use of pure poetry in the Drama, abounds with curious disquisition and refined criti∣cism.
150.—They must have PASSION too.] DULCIA sunto.The Poet, with great address, includes THE SENTIMENTS under the consideration of DICTION.
—Effert animi motus INTERPRETE LINGUA.
Forces expression from the FAITHFUL TONGUE.Buckingham has treated the subject of Dialogue very happily in his Essay on Poetry, glancing, but not servilely, at this part of Horace.
Figures of Speech, which Poets think so fine, Art's needless varnish to make Nature shine, Are all but Paint upon a beauteous face, And in Descriptions only claim a place. But to make Rage declaim, and Grief discourse, From lovers in despair fine things to force, Must needs succeed; for who can chuse but pity A dying hero miserably witty?
188.—And Orestes mad!] TRISTIS Orestes.Tristis is not literally mad: but phrenzy is the gene∣ral poetick and dramatick attribute of Orestes, to which Horace is by all the Commentators supposed to refer. Tristis in its common acceptation would be too little discriminated from the FLEBILIS Ino.
203.—BE NOT YOUR OPENING FIERCE!] Nec sic incipies.Most of the Criticks observe, that all these documents, deduced from the Epick, are in∣tended, like the reduction of the Iliad into acts, as directions and admonitions to the Dramatick writer. Nam si in EPOPAEIA, quae gravitate omnia poematum genera praecellit, ait principium lene esse debere; quanto magis in TRAGOEDIA et COMOEDIA, idem videri de∣bet? says de Nores. Praeceptum de initio grandiori evitando, quod tam EPICUS quam TRAGICUS cavere debet; says the Dauphin Editor. Il faut se souvenir qu' Horace applique à la Tragedie les regles du Poeme Epique. Car si ces debuts eclatans sont ridicules dans la Poeme Epique, ils le sont encore plus dans la Trage∣die: says Dacier. The Author of the English Com∣mentary makes the like observation, and uses it to enforce his system of the Epistle's being intended as a Criticism on the Roman Drama.
204.—Like the rude BALLAD-MONGER's chaunt of old.] Ut Scriptor CYCLICUS olim.]Scriptor CY∣CLICUS
signifies an itinerant Rhymer travelling, like Shakespeare's Mad Tom, to wakes, and fairs, and market-towns. It is not precisely known who was the Cyclick Poet here meant. Some have as∣cribed the Character to Maevius, and Roscommon has adopted that idea.
Whoever vainly on his strength depends, Begins like VIRGIL, but like MAEVIUS ends: That Wretch, in spite of his forgotten rhimes, Condemn'd to live to all succeeding times, With pompous nonsense, and a bellowing sound, Sung lofty Ilium, tumbling to the ground. And, if my Muse can thro' past ages see, That noisy, nauseous, GAPING FOOL was he; Exploded, when, with universal scorn, The Mountains labour'd, and a Mouse was born. Essay on Translated Verse.
The pompous exordium of Statius is well known, and the fragments of Ennius present us a most tre∣mendous commencement of his Annals.
HORRIDA ROMOLEUM CERTAMINA PANGO DUEL∣LUM!this is indeed
to split our ears asunder With guns, drums, trumpets, blunderbuss, and thunder!
213.—Say, Muse, the Man, &c.]Homer's opening of the Odyssey. This rule is perhaps no where so chastely observed as in the Paradise Lost. Homer's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉! or, his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉! or, Virgil's Arma virumque cano! are all boisterous and vehement, in comparison with the calmness and modesty of Milton's meek approach,
Of Man's first disobedience, &c.
217.—Antiphates, the Cyclops, &c.] Antipha∣tem, Scyllamque, & cum Cyclope Charybdim.Sto∣ries, that occur in the Odyssey.
220.—With Diomed's return TO RUN YOU OUT OF BREATH.]I am surprised that my old friend and school-fellow, Mr. Maty, did not per∣ceive that the irregularity of this verse was inten∣tional. In other instances I have endeavoured to avail myself of his remarks.
220-21.—Diomed's return—the Double Egg.
The return of Diomede is not mentioned by Ho∣mer, but is said to be the subject of a tedious Poem by Antimachus; and to Stasimus is ascribed a Poem, called the Little Iliad, beginning with the nativity of Helen.
229.—Hear now!] TU, quid ego, &c.
This invocation, says Dacier justly, is not ad∣dressed to either of the Pisos, but to the Dramatick Writer generally.
231.—The Cloth GOES DOWN.]Aulaea manen∣tis. This is translated according to modern man∣ners; for with the Antients, the Cloth was raised at the Conclusion of the Play. Thus in Virgil's Georgicks;
Vel scena ut versis discedatfrontibus, atque Purpurea intexti TOLLANT AULAEA Britanni.
Where the proud theatres disclose the scene; Which interwoven Britons seem to raise, And shew the triumph which which shame displays. DRYDEN.
232.—Man's several ages, &c.] Aetatis cujus∣que, &c.Jason De Nores takes notice of the parti∣cular stress, that Horace lays on the due discrimina∣tion of the several Ages, by the solemnity with which he introduces the mention of them: The same Critick subjoins a note also, which I shall transcribe, as it serves to illustrate a popular pas∣sage in the As you Like It of Shakespeare.
All the world's a stage, And all the men and women merely players; They have their exits and their entrances, And one man in his time plays many parts: His acts being SEVEN AGES. At first the infant, Mewling and puking in the nurse's arms: And then, the whining school-boy with his satchel, And shining morning-face, creeping like snail Unwillingly to school. And then, the lover; Sighing like furnace, with a woeful ballad Made to his mistress' eye-brow. Then, a soldier; Full of strange oaths, and bearded like the pard, Jealous in honour, sudden and quick in quarrel; Seeking the bubble reputation Even in the cannon's mouth. And then, the justice In fair round belly, with good capon lin'd, With eyes severe, and beard of formal cut, Full of wise saws and modern instances, And so he plays his part. The sixth age shifts Into the lean and slipper'd pantaloon, With spectacles on nose, and pouch on side; His youthful hose well sav'd, a world too wide For his shrunk shank; and his big manly v•…•…e, Turning again toward childish treble, pipe•…•… And whistles in his sound. Last scene of all, That ends this strange eventful history, Is second childishness, and mere oblivion, Sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans every thing.
Animadverti A PLERISQUE hominis aetatem IN SEP∣TEM DIVISAM ESSE PARTES, INFANTIAM, PUERI∣TIAM, ADOLESCENTIAM, JUVENTUTEM, VIRILITA∣TEM, SENECTUTEM, & ut ab illis dicitur, DECREPI∣TATEM. In hâc verò parte nihil de INFANTIAE moribus Horatius, cum nihil ea aetas praeter vagitum habeat pro∣prium, ideòque infantis persona minimè in scenâ induci possit, quòd ipsas rerum voces redden neque dum seiat, neque valeat. Nihil de moribus item hujus aetatis, quam, si latinè licet, DECREPITATEM vocabimus, QUAE AETAS QUODAMMODO INFANTIAE RESPON∣DET: de JUVENTUTE autem & ADOLESCENTIA simul pertractat, quòd et studiis, et naturâ, & volun∣tate, parum, aut nihil inter se differant. Aristoteles etiam in libris ad Theodectem omisit & PUERITIAM, & meritò: cum minime apud pueros, vel de pueris sit ora∣tor habiturus orationem. Ille enim ad hoc ex aetate personarum differentiam adhibet, ut instituat oratorem quomodo moratâ uti debeat oratione, id est, eorum mo∣ribus, apud quos, & de quibus loquitur, accommo∣datâ.
It appears from hence, that it was common for the writers of that me, as well as Shakespeare's Jaques, to divide the life of man into SEVEN AGES, viz. In∣fancy, Childhood, Puberty, Youth, Manhood, Old
Age, and Decrepitude;
"which last, (says De Nores) in some sort answers to Infancy,"or, as Shakespere expresses it, IS SECOND CHILDISH∣NESS.
"Before Shakespeare's time, says Warburton, seven acts was no unusual division of a play, so that there is a greater beauty than appears at first sight in this image."Mr. Steevens, however, informs us that the plays of that early period were not di∣vided into acts at all. It is most probable therefore that Shakespeare only copied the moral philosophy (the Socraticae chartae) of his own day, adapting it, like Aristotle and Horace, to his own purpose; and. I think, with more felicity, than either of his il∣lustrious predecessors, by contriving to introduce, and discriminate every one of THE SEVEN AGES. This he has effected by assigning STATION and CHA∣RACTER to some of the stages, which to Aristotle and Horace appeared too similar to be distinguished from each other. Thus PUBERTY, YOUTH, MAN∣HOOD, and OLD AGE, become under Shakespeare's hand, the LOVER, the SOLDIER, the JUSTICE, and the lean and slipper'd PANTALOON; while the natu∣tural qualities of the INFANT, the BOY, and the
DOTARD, afford sufficient materials for poetical de∣scription.
264.—Thus YEARS ADVANCING many comforts bring, And FLYING bear off many on their wing.
Multa ferunt ANNI VENIENTES commoda secum, Multa RECEDENTES adimunt.
Aristotle considers the powers of the body in a state of advancement till the 35th year, and the fa∣culties of the mind progressively improving till the 49th; from which periods they severally decline. On which circumstance, applied to this passage of Horace, Jason De Nores elegantly remarks, Vita enim nostra videtur ad VIRILITATEM usque, quâ IN STATU posita est, QUENDAM QUASI PONTEM aetatis ASCENDERE, ab eâque inde DESCENDERE. Whether Addison ever met with the commentary of De Nores, it is perhaps impossible to discover. But this idea of the ASCENT and DECLIVITY of the BRIDGE of HUMAN LIFE, strongly reminds us of the delightful Vision of MIRZA.
Medea's PARRICIDE.] Medea Tracidet.Professed Criticks have objected to the word parricide, which
they consider as confined to signify the murder of a parent. The expression, however, is authorised and correct. Any horrible murder is branded, in the works of the best writers, by the name of Parricide. John's cruel dispatch of his nephew Arthur drew on him the edict of Philip, attainting him of felony and parricide. The assassination of Henry the Fourth of France, by Ravaillac, is stigmatised by Montes∣quieu, in his Lettres Persannes, as a detestable PAR∣RICIDE.
290.—An actor's part THE CHORUS should sustain.] Actoris partes CHORUS, &c.
See also Aristotle [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] The judg∣ment of two such critics, and the practice of wise antiquity, concurring to establish this precept con∣cerning the Chorus, it should thenceforth, one would think, have become a fundamental rule and maxim of the stage. And so indeed it appeared to some few writers. The most admired of the French tragick poets ventured to introduce it into two of his latter plays, and with such success, that, as one observes, It should, in all reason, have disabused his countrymen on this head: l'essai heureux de M. Racine, qui les [choeurs] a fait revivre dans ATHALIE et dans ESTHER, devroit, il semble, nous
avoir detrompez sur cet article. [P. Brumoi, vol. i. p. 105.] And, before him, our Milton, who, with his other great talents, possessed a supreme know∣ledge of antiquity, was so struck with its use and beauty, as to attempt to bring it into our language. His Sampson Agonistes was, as might be expected, a master-piece. But even his credit hath not been sufficient to restore the Chorus. Hear a late Pro∣fessor of the art declaring, De CHORO nihil disserui, quia non est essentialis dramati, atque à neotricis pe∣nitus, ET, ME JUDICE, MERITO REPUDIATUR. [Prael. Poet. vol. ii. p. 188.] Whence it hath come to pass that the Chorus hath been thus ne∣glected is not now the enquiry. But that this critick, and all such, are greatly out in their judg∣ments, when they presume to censure it in the ancients, must appear (if we look no further) from the double use, insisted on by the poet, For, 1. A Chorus interposing, and bearing a part in the progress of the action, gives the representation that probability [* 1.5], and striking resemblance of
real life, which every man of sense perceives, and feels the want of upon our stage; a want, which nothing but such an expedient as the Chorus can possibly relieve. And, 2. The importance of its other office [l. 196] to the utility of the repre∣sentation, is so great, that, in a moral view, no∣thing can compensate for this deficiency. For it is necessary to the truth and decorum of cha∣racters, that the manners, bad as well as good, be drawn in strong, vivid colours; and to that end that immoral sentiments, forcibly expressed and speciously maintained, be sometimes imputed to the speakers. Hence the sound philosophy of the Chorus will be constantly wanting, to rectify the wrong conclusions of the audience, and pre∣vent the ill impressions that might otherwise be made upon it. Nor let any one say, that the au∣dience is well able to do this for itself: Euripides did not find even an Athenian theatre so quick∣sighted. The story is well known, [Sen. Ep. 115.] that when this painter of the manners was obliged, by the rules of his art, and the character to be sustained, to put a run of bold sentiments in the mouth of one of his persons, the people instantly took fire, charging the poet with the imputed vil∣lainy, as though it had been his own. Now if
such an audience could so easily misinterpret an attention to the truth of character into the real doctrine of the poet, and this too, when a Chorus was at hand to correct and disabuse their judg∣ments, what must be the case, when the whole is left to the sagacity and penetration of the people? The wiser sort, it is true, have little need of this information. Yet the reflections of sober sense on the course and occurrences of the representa∣tion, clothed in the noblest dress of poetry, and enforced by the joint powers of harmony and action (which is the true character of the Chorus) might make it, even to such, a no unpleasant or unpro∣fitable entertainment. But these two are a small part of the uses of the Chorus; which in every light is seen so important to the truth, decorum, and dignity of the tragick scene, that the modern stage, which hath not thought proper to adopt it, is even, with the advantage of, sometimes, the justest moral painting and sublimest imagery, but a very faint shadow of the old; as must needs appear to those who have looked into the ancient models, or, divesting themselves of modern pre∣judices, are disposed to consult the dictates of plain sense. For the use of such, I once designed to have drawn into one view the several important
benefits arising to the drama from the observance of this rule, but have the pleasure to find myself prevented by a sensible dissertation of a good French writer, which the reader will find in the VIII tom. of the History of the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres.—Or, it may be sufficient to refer the English reader to the late tragedies of EL∣FRIDA and CARACTACUS; which do honour to modern poetry, and are a better apology, than any I could make, for the ancient Chorus.—
Notes on the Art of Poetry* 1.6.
Though it is not my intention to agitate, in this place, the long disputed question concerning the ex∣pediency, or inexpediency, of the CHORUS; yet I cannot dismiss the above note without some farther observation. In the first place then I cannot think that the judgment of two such Crikicks as Aristotle and Horace, can be decisively quoted, as concurring with the practice of wise antiquity, TO ESTABLISH THE CHORUS. Neither of these two Criticks have taken up the question, each of them giving directions for the proper conduct of the CHORUS, considered as an established and received part of Tragedy, and indeed
originally, as they both tell us, the whole of it, Aristotle, in his Poeticks, has hot said much on the subject; and from the little he has said, more arguments might perhaps be drawn, in favour of the omission, than for the introduction of the CHORUS. It is true that he says, in his 4th chapter, that
"Tragedy, after many changes, paused, having gained its natural form* 1.7:"This might, at first sight, seem to include his approbation of the CHORUS, as well as of all the other parts of Tragedy then in use: but he himself expressly tells us in the very same chapter, that he had no such meaning, saying, that
"to enquire whether Tragedy be perfect in its parts, either considered in itself, or with relation to the theatre, was foreign to his present pur∣pose† 1.8."In the passage from which Horace has, in the verses now before us, described the office, and laid down the duties of the CHORUS, the passage re∣ferred to by the learned Critick, the words of Ari∣stotle are not particularly favourable to the institution,
or much calculated to recommend the use of it. For Aristotle there informs us,
"that Sopho∣cles alone of all the Grecian writers, made the CHORUS conducive to the progress of the fable: not only even Euripides being culpable in this instance; but other writers, after the example of Agathon, introducing Odes as little to the pur∣pose, as if they had borrowed whole scenes from another play.* 1.9"
On the whole therefore; whatever may be the merits, or advantages of the CHORUS, I cannot think that the judgment of Aristotle or Horace can be adduced in recommendation of it. As to the PRO∣BABILITY given to the representation, by the CHORUS interposing and bearing a part in the action; the Pub∣lick, who have lately seen a troop of singers assembled on the stage, as a CHORUS, during the whole re∣presentations of ELFRIDA and CARACTACUS, are
competent to decide for themselves, how far such an expedient, gives a more striking resemblance of human life, than the common usage of our Drama. As to its importance in a moral view, to correct the evil impression of vicious sentiments, imputed to the speak∣ers; the story told, to enforce its use for this pur∣pose, conveys a proof of its inefficacy. To give due force to sentiments, as well as to direct their proper tendency, arises from the skill and address of the Poet, independent of the CHORUS.
Monsieur Dacier, as well as the author of the above note, censures the modern stage for having rejected the CHORUS, and having lost thereby at least half its probability, and its GREATEST ORNAMENT; so that our Tragedy is but a very faint shadow of the OLD. Learned Criticks, however, do not, perhaps, con∣sider, that if it be expedient to revive the CHORUS, all the other parts of the Antient Tragedy must be revived along with it. Aristotle mentions MUSICK as one of the six parts of Tragedy, and Horace no sooner introduces the CHORUS, but he proceeds to the PIPE and LYRE. If a CHORUS be really ne∣cessary, our Dramas, like those of the Antients, should be rendered wholly musical; the Dancers also will then claim their place, and the pretensions of
Vestris and Noverre must be admitted as classical. Such a spectacle, if not more natural than the mo∣dern, would at least be consistent; but to introduce a groupe of spectatorial actors, SPEAKING in one part of the Drama, and SINGING in another, is as strange and incoherent a medley, and full as unclassical, as the dialogue and airs of the BEGGAR's OPERA!
292.—Chaunting no Odes between the acts, that seem UNAPT, or FOREIGN to the GENERAL THEME.
Nec quid medios, &c.
On this passage the author of the English Com∣mentary thus remarks.
"How necessary this ad∣vice might be to the writers of the Augustan age cannot certainly appear; but, if the practice of Seneca may give room for suspicion, it should seem to have been much wanted; in whom I scarcely believe there is ONE SINGLE INSTANCE, of the CHORUS being employed in a manner, conso∣nant to its true end and character."
The learned Critick seems here to believe, and the plays under the name of Seneca in some measure
warrant the conclusion, that the CHORUS of the Roman Stage was not calculated to answer the ends of its institution. Aristotle has told us just the same thing, with an exception in favour of Sophocles, of the Grecian Drama. And are such surmises, or such information, likely to strengthen our prejudices on behalf of the CHORUS, or to inflame our desires for its revival?
294.—LET IT TO VIRTUE PROVE A GUIDE AND FRIEND.
Ille bonis faveatque, &c.
The Chorus, says the poet, is to take the side of the good and virtuous, i. e. is always to sustain a moral character. But this will need some expla∣nation and restriction. To conceive aright of its office, we must suppose the Chorus to be a number of persons, by some probable cause assembled to∣gether, as witnesses and spectators of the great ac∣tion of the drama. Such persons, as they cannot be wholly uninterested in what passes before them, will very naturally bear some share in the repre∣sentation. This will principally consist in de∣claring their sentiments, and indulging their re∣flections freely on the several events and distresses
as they shall arise. Thus we see the moral, attri∣buted to the Chorus, will be no other than the dictates of plain sense; such as must be obvious to every thinking observer of the action, who is under the influence of no peculiar partialities from affection or interest. Though even these may be supposed in cases, where the character, towards which they draw, is represented as virtuous.
A Chorus, thus constituted, must always, it is evident, take the part of virtue; because this is the natural and almost necessary determination of mankind, in all ages and nations, when acting freely and unconstrained.
Notes on the Art of Poetry.
297.—FAITHFUL AND SECRET.—Ille tegat commissa.
On this nice part of the duty of the CHORUS the author of the English Commentary thus remarks.
This important advice is not always easy to be followed. Much indeed will depend on the choice of the subject, and the artful constitution of the fable. Yet, with all his care, the ablest writer will sometimes find himself embarrassed by the CHORUS.
I would here be understood to speak chiefly of the moderns. For the antients, though it has not been attended to, had some peculiar advantages over us in this respect, resulting from the princi∣ples and practices of those times. For, as it hath been observed of the ancient Epic Muse, that she borrowed much of her state and dignity from the false theology of the pagan world, so, I think, it may be justly said of the ancient tragic, that she has derived great advantages of probability from its mistaken moral. If there be truth in this re∣flection, it will help to justify some of the ancient choirs, that have been most objected to by the moderns.
After two examples from Euripides; in one of which the trusty CHORUS conceals the premeditated suicide of Phaedra; and in the other abets Medea's intended murder of her children; both which are most ably vindicated by the Critick; the note concludes in these words.
In sum, though these acts of severe avenging justice might not be according to the express letter of the laws, or the more refined conclusions of the PORCH or ACADEMY; yet there is no doubt, that they were, in the general account, esteemed
fit and reasonable. And, it is to be observed, in order to pass a right judgment on the ancient Chorus, that, though in virtue of their office, they were obliged universally to sustain a moral character; yet this moral was rather political and popular, than strictly legal or philosophic. Which is also founded on good reason. The scope and end of the ancient theatre being to serve the in∣terests of virtue and society, on the principles and sentiments, already spread and admitted amongst the people, and not to correct old errors, and in∣struct them in philosophic truth.
One of the censurers of Euripides, whose opinion is controverted in the above note, is Monsieur Da∣cier; who condemns the CHORUS in this instance, as not only violating their moral office, but transgressing the laws of NATURE and of GOD, by a fidelity so VICIOUS and CRIMINAL, that these women, [the CHORUS!] ought to fly away in the Car of Medea, to escape the punishment due to them. The Annotator above, agrees with the Greek Scholiast, that the Co∣rinthian women (the CHORUS) being free, properly desert the interests of Creon, and keep Medea's se∣crets, for the sake of justice, according to their custom. Dacier, however, urges an instance of their infidelity
in the Ion of Euripides, where they betray the secret of Xuthus to Creusa, which the French Critick de∣fends on account of their attachment to their mis∣tress; and adds, that the rule of Horace, like other rules, is proved by the exception.
"Besides (con∣tinues the Critick in the true spirit of French gal∣lantry) should we so heavily accuse the Poet for not having made an assembly of women KEEP A SE∣CRET?"D'ailleurs, peut on faire un si grand crime à un poete, de n'avoir pas fait en sorte qu'une troupe de femmes garde un secret? He then concludes his note with blaming Euripides for the perfidy of Iphigenia at Tauris, who abandons these faithful guardians of her secret, by flying alone with Orestes, and leav∣ing them to the fury of Thoas, to which they must have been exposed, but for the intervention of Mi∣nerva.
On the whole, it appears that the moral importance of the CHORUS must be considered with some limita∣tions: or, at least, that the CHORUS is as liable to be misused and misapplied, as any part of modern Tragedy.
300.—The PIPE of old.—Tibi, non ut nunc, &c.
This, says the author of the English Com∣mentary, is one of those many passages in the epistle, about which the critics have said a great deal, without explaining any thing. In support of what I mean to offer, as the true interpreta∣tion, I observe,
That the poet's intention certainly was not to censure the false refinements of their stage-music; but, in a short digressive history (such as the di∣dactic form will sometimes require) to describe the rise and progress of the true. This I collect, 1. From the expression itself; which cannot, with∣out violence, be understood in any other way. For, as to the words licentia and praeceps, which have occasioned much of the difficulty, the first means a freer use, not a licentiousness, properly so called; and the other only expresses a vehemence and rapidity of language, naturally productive of a quicker elocution, such as must of course attend the more numerous harmony of the lyre:—not, as M. Dacier translates it, une eloquence temeraire et outrêe, an extravagant straining and affectation of style. 2. From the reason of the thing; which makes it incredible, that the music of the theatre should then be most complete, when the times were barbarous, and entertainments of this kind little
encouraged or understood. 3. From the character of that music itself; for the rudeness of which, Ho∣race, in effect, apologizes in defending it only on the score of the imperfect state of the stage, and the simplicity of its judges.
The above interpretation of this part of the Epistle is, in my opinion, extremely just, and exactly cor∣responds with the explication of De Nores, who cen∣sures Madius for an error similar to that of Dacier. Non rectè sentire videtur Madius, dum putat potius IN ROMANORUM LUXURIAM invectum Horatium, quam DE MELODIAE INCREMENTO tractasse.
THE MUSICK, having always been a necessary appendage to the CHORUS, I cannot (as has already been hinted in the note on l. 100 of this version) consider the Poet's notice of the Pipe and Lyre, as a digression, notwithstanding it includes a short his¦tory of the rude simplicity of the Musick in th•• earlier ages of Rome, and of its subsequent improve∣ments. The CHORUS too, being originally the whole as well as afterwards a legitimate part of Tragedy, the Poet naturally traces the Drama from its origin to its most perfect state in Greece; and afterwards compares its progress and improvements with the
Theatre of his own country. Such is, I think, the natural and easy method pursued by Horace; though it differs in some measure from the order and con∣nection pointed out by the author of the English Commentary.
316.—For what, alas! could the unpractis'd ear Of rusticks revelling o'er country cheer, A motley groupe; high, low; and froth, and scum, Distinguish but shrill squeak, and dronish hum?
—Indoctus quid enim saperet, liberque laborum, Rusticus urbano canfusus, turpis honesto?
These lines, rather breaking in upon the continuity of the history of theatrical musick, create some ob∣scurity, which has given birth to various interpreta∣tions. The author of the English Commentary, who always endeavours to dive to the very bottom of his subject, understands this couplet of Horace as a sneer on those grave philosophers, who considered these refinements of the musick as corruptions. He inter∣prets the passage at large, and explains the above two lines in these words.
"Nor let it be objected than this freer harmony was itself an abuse, a corruption,
of the severe and moral musick of antient times. Alas! we were not as yet so wise, to see the inconveniences of this improvement. And how should we, considering the nature and end of these theatrical entertainments, and the sort of men of which our theatres were made up?"
This interpretation is ingenious; but Jason De Nores gives, I think, a more easy and unforced ex∣planation of this difficult passage, by supposing it to refer (by way of parenthesis) to what had just been said of the original rude simplicity of the Roman theatrical musick, which, says the Poet, was at least as polished and refined as the taste of the au∣dience This De Nores urges in two several notes, both which I shall submit to the reader, leaving it to him to determine how far I am to be justified in having adapted my version to his interpretation.
The first of these notes contains at large his re∣proof of Madius for having, like Dacier, supposed the Poet to censure the improvements that he mani∣festly meant to commend.
Quare non rectè videtur sentire Madius, dum putat potius in Romanorum luxuriam invectum Horatium, quàm de melodiae incremento tractasse, cùm SEIPSUM
INTERPRETANS, quid sibi voluerit per haec, luce cla∣rius, ostendat,
Tibia non ut nunc orichalco vincta, tubaeque Aemula. Et, Sic priscae motumque, & luxuriam addidit arti Tibicen, traxitque vagus per pulpita vestem: Sic etiam fidibus voces crevere severis, Et tulit eloquium insolitum facundia praeceps.Ad quid enim tam longâ digresione extra rem proposi∣tam in Romanos inveheretur, cùm de iis nihil aliud dicat, quàm eos genio ac voluptatibus indulgere: cum potius VETERES ROMANOS INSIMULARE VIDEATUR IGNO∣RANTIAE QUOD IGNORAVERINT SONI ET MUSICES VENUSTATEM ET JUCUNDITATEM, ILLA PRIORI SCILICET INCONDITA ET RUDI ADMODUM CONTEN∣TI, dum ait;
Indoctus quid enim superet, liberque laborum, Rusticus urbano confusus, turpis honesto?
The other note is expressly applied by way of comment on this passage itself.
INDOCTUS QUIDENIM SAPERET?] Reddit ra∣tionem QUASI PER DIGRESSIONEM, occurrens tacitae objectioni, QUARE ANTEA APUD ROMANOS MUSICA MELODIA PARVA AUT NULLA PENE FUERAT:
QUIA; inquit, INDOCTI IGNARIQUE RERUM OMNIUM VETERES ILLI NONDUM POTERANT JUDICARE DE MELODIA, utpote apud eos re novâ, atque inusitatâ, ne∣que illius jucundîtatem degustare, QUIBUS VERBIS IM∣PERITIAM EORUM, RUSTICITATEMQUE DEMON∣STRAT.
Upon the whole De Nores appears to me to have given the true sense of the passage. I am no friend to licentious transpositions, or arbitrary variations, of an author's text; yet I confess, I was strongly tempted, in order to elucidate this perplexed passage, to have carried these two lines of Horace four lines back, and to have inserted them immediately after the 207th verse.
Et frugi, castus, verecundusque coibat.
The English reader, who wishes to try the expe∣riment, is desired to read the four lines, that compose my version, immediately after the 309th line,
With modest mirth indulg'd their sober taste.
320.—THE PIPER, grown luxuriant in his art.
322.—Now too, its powers increas'd, THE LYRE SEVERE.
Sic priscae—arti. TIBICEN, &c. SIC FIDIBUS, &c.
This is the application of what hath been said, in general, concerning the refinement of theatri∣cal music to the case of tragedy. Some commen∣tators say, and to comedy. But in this they mis∣take, as will appear presently. M. Dacier hath I know not what conceit about a comparison be∣twixt the Roman and Greek stage. His reason is, that the lyre was used in the Greek Chorus, as appears, he says, from Sophocles himself playing upon this in∣strument himself in one of his tragedies. And was it not used too in the Roman Chorus, as appears from Nero's playing upon it in several tragedies? But the learned critic did not apprehend this matter. Indeed from the caution, with which his guides, the dealers in antiquities, always touch this point, it should seem, that they too had no very clear conceptions of it. The case I take to have been this: The tibia, as being most proper to accompany the declamation of the acts, can∣tanti succinere, was constantly employed, as well in the Roman tragedy as comedy. This appears from many authorities. I mention only two from
Cicero. Quam multa [Acad. l. ii. 7.] quae nos fu∣giunt in cantu, exaudiunt in eo genere exercitati: Qui primo inflatu Tibicinis, Antiopam esse aiunt aut An∣dromacham, cum nos ne suspicemur quidem. The other is still more express. In his piece entitled Orator, speaking of the negligence of the Roman writers, in respect of numbers, he observes, that there were even many passages in their tragedies, which, unless the TIBIA played to them, could not be dlstinguished from mere prose: quae, nisi cum Ti∣bicen accesserit, orationi sint solutoe simillima. One of these passages is expressly quoted from Thyestes, a tragedy of Ennius; and, as appears from the measure, taken out of one of the acts. It is clear then, that the tibia was certainly used in the de∣clamation of tragedy. But now the song of the tragic chorus, being of the nature of the ode, of course required fides, the lyre, the peculiar and appropriated instrument of the lyric muse. And this is clearly collected, if not from express tes∣timonies; yet from some occasional hints dropt by the antients. For, 1. the lyre, we are told, [Cic. De Leg. ii. 9 & 15.] and is agreed on all hands, was an instrument of the Roman theatre; but it was not employed in comedy. This we certainly know from the short account of the
music prefixed to Terence's plays. 2. Further, the tibicen, as we saw, accompanied the declama∣tion of the acts in tragedy. It remains then, that the proper place of the lyre was, where one should naturally look for it, in the songs of the Chorus; but we need not go further than this very passage for a proof. It is unquestionable, that the poet is here speaking of the Chorus only; the following lines not admitting any other possible interpreta∣tion. By fidibus then is necessarily understood the instrument peculiarly used in it. Not that it need be said that the tibia was never used in the Chorus. The contrary seems expressed in a passage of Se∣neca, [Ep. lxxxiv.] and in Julius Pollux [l. iv. 15: § 107.] It is sufficient, if the lyre was used sole∣ly, or principally, in it at this time. In this view, the whole digression is more pertinent, and con∣nects better. The poet had before been speaking of tragedy. All his directions from l. 100, respect this species of the drama only. The application of what he had said concerning music, is then most naturally made, 1. to the tibia, the music of the acts; and, 2. to fides, that of the choir: thus confining himself, as the tenor of this part re∣quired, to tragedy only. Hence is seen the mis∣take, not only of M. Dacier, whose comment is
in every view insupportable; but, as was hinted, of Heinsius, Lambin, and others, who, with more probability, explained this of the Roman comedy and tragedy. For, though tibia might be allowed to stand for comedy, as opposed to tragoedia, [as in fact, we find it in l. ii. Ep. 1.98,] that being the only instrument employed in it; yet, in speak∣ing expresly of the music of the stage, fides could not determinately enough, and in contradistinction to tibia, denote that of tragedy, it being an instru∣ment used solely, or principally, in the Chorus; of which, the context shews, he alone speaks. It is further to be observed, that, in the applica∣tion here made, besides the music, the poet takes in the other improvements of the Tragic Chorus, these happening, as from the nature of the thing they would do, at the same time.
Notes on the Art of Poetry.
321.—WITH DANCE AND FLOWING VEST EM∣BELLISHES HIS PART.
Traxitque vagus per pulpita vestem.
This expresses not only the improvement arising from the ornament of proper dresses, but from the grace of motion; not only the actor, whose
peculiar office it was, but the minstrel himself, as appears from hence, conforming his gesture in some sort to the music.
Of the use and propriety of these gestures, or dances, it will not be easy for us, who see no such things attempted on the modern stage, to form any very clear or exact notions. What we cannot doubt of is, 1. That the several theatrical dances of the antients were strictly conformable to the genius of the different species of composition, to which they were applied. 2. That, therefore, the tragic dance, which more especially accompanied the Chorus, must have been expressive of the high∣est gravity and decorum, tending to inspire ideas of what is becoming, graceful, and majestic; in which view we cannot but perceive the important assist∣ance it must needs lend to virtue, and how greatly it must contribute to set all her graces and attrac∣tions in the fairest light. 3. This idea of the an∣cient tragic dance, is not solely formed upon our knowledge of the conformity before-mentioned; but is further collected from the name usually given to it, which was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, This word cannot well be translated into our language; but expresses all that grace and concinnity of motion, which the dignity of the choral song required. 4. Lastly, it
must give us a very high notion of the moral effect of this dance, when we find the severe Plato ad∣mitting it into his commonwealth.
Notes on the Art of Poetry.
328.—HE WHO THE PRIZE, A FILTHY GOAT, TO GAIN, AT FIRST CONTENDED IN THE TRAGICK STRAIN.
Carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum.
If I am not greatly deceived, all the Editors, and Commentators on this Epistle, have failed to observe, that the historical part of it, relative to the Graecian Drama, commences at this verse; all of them sup∣posing it to begin, 55 lines further in the Epistle, on the mention of Thespis; whom Horace as clear∣ly, as correctly, describes to be the first improver, not inventor of Tragedy, whose ORIGINAL he marks here. Much confusion has, I think, arisen from this oversight, as I shall endeavour to explain in the fol∣lowing notes; only observing in this place, that the Poet, having spoken particularly of all the parts of Tragedy, now enters with the strictest order, and greatest propriety, into its general history, which, by his strictures on the CHORUS, he most elegantly,
as well as forcibly, connects with his subject, taking occasion to speak incidentally of other branches of the Drama, particularly THE SATYRS, and the OLD COMEDY.
329.—Soon too—tho' rude, the graver mood un∣broke, STRIPT THE ROUGH SATYRS, and essay'd a joke.
Mox etiam AGRESTES SATYROS, &c.
It is not the intention of these notes to retail the accounts of others, I must therefore refer the reader, for whatever concerns the history of the satiric, as I have hitherto done of the tragic and comic drama, to the numerous dissertators on the ancient stage; and, above all, in the case before us, to the learned Casaubon; from whom all that hath been said to any purpose, by modern writers, hath been taken. Only it will be proper to ob∣serve one or two particulars, which have been greatly misunderstood, and without which it will be impossible, in any tolerable manner, to explain what follows.
I. The design of the poet, in these lines, is not to fix the origin of the satyric piece, in ascribing
the invention of it to Thespis. This hath been concluded, without the least warrant from his own words, which barely tell us,
"that the represen∣tation of tragedy was in elder Greece followed by the satires;"and indeed the nature of the thing, as well as the testimony of all antiquity, shews it to be impossible. For the satire here spoken of is, in all respects, a regular drama, and therefore could not be of earlier date than the times of Aes∣chylus, when the constitution of the drama was first formed. It is true indeed, there was a kind of entertainment of much greater antiquity, which by the antients is sometimes called satyric, out of which (as Aristotle assures us) tragedy itself arose, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 But then this was nothing but a Chorus of satyrs [Athenaeus, l. xiv.] celebrating the festivals of Bacchus, with rude songs and un∣couth dances; and had little resemblance to that which was afterwards called satiric; which, ex∣cept that it retained the Chorus of satyrs, and turned upon some subject relative to Bacchus, was of a quite different structure, and, in every respect, as regular a composition as tragedy it∣self.
II. There is no doubt but the poem, here dis∣tinguished by the name of SATYRI, was in actual use on the Roman stage. This appears from the turn of the poet's whole criticism upon it. Par∣ticularly, his address to the Pisos, l. 235 and his observation of the offence which a loose dialogue in this drama would give to a Roman auditory, l. 248, make it evident that he had, in fact, the practice of his own stage in view.
III. For the absolute merit of these satires, the reader will judge of it himself by comparing the Cyclops, the only piece of this kind remaining to us from antiquity, with the rules here delivered by Horace. Only it may be observed, in addition to what the reader will find elsewhere [n. l. 223.] apologized in its favour, that the double character of the satires admirably fitted it, as well for a sen∣sible entertainment to the wise, as for the sport and diversion of the vulgar. For, while the grotesque appearance and jesting vein of these fantastic per∣sonages amused the one, the other saw much fur∣ther; and considered them, at the same time, as replete with science, and informed by a spirit of the most abstruse wisdom. Hence important lessons of civil prudence, interesting allusions to public
affairs, or a high, refined moral, might, with the highest probability, be insinuated, under the slight cover of a rustic simplicity. And from this in∣structive cast, which from its nature must be very obscure, if not impenetrable, to us at this day, was, I doubt not, derived the principal pleasure which the antients found in this species of the drama. If the modern reader would conceive any thing of the nature and degree of this pleasure, he may in part guess at it, from reflecting on the entertainment he himself receives from the cha∣racters of the clowns in Shakespeare; who, as the poet himself hath characterized them, use their folly, like a stalking horse, and, under the presentation of that, shoot their wit. [As you like it.]—
Notes on the Art of Poetry.
This learned note, I think, sets out with a mis∣apprehension of the meaning of Horace, by involv∣ing his instructions on THE SATYRICK DRAMA, with his account of its Origin. Nor does he, in the most distant manner, insinuate, tho' Dacier has asserted the same thing, that the SATYRS owed their first in∣troduction to Thespis; but relates, that the very Poets, who contended in the Goat-Song, to which TRAGEDY owes its name, finding it too solemn and severe
an entertainment for their rude holiday audience, interspersed the grave strains of tragedy with comick and satyrical Interludes, producing thereby a kind of medley, something congenial to what has appeared on our own stage, under the name of TRAGI-COMEDY. Nor, if I am able to read and comprehend the con∣text, do the words of Horace tell us,
"that the re∣presentation of Tragedy was, in elder Greece, followed by the SATYRS."The Satyrs composed a part of the Tragedy in its infancy, as well as in the days of Horace, if his own words may be quoted as authority. On any other construction, his direc∣tions, concerning the conduct of the God or Hero of the piece, are scarcely reconcilable to common sense; and it is almost impossible to mark their being incorporated with the Tragedy, in more expressive terms or images, than by his sollicitude to prevent their broad mirth from contaminating its dignity or purity.
Effutire leves indigna TRAGAEDIA versus. Ut festis matrona moveri jussa diebus, INTERERIT SATYRIS paulum pudibunda PRO∣TERVIS.
The CYCLOPS of Euripides, the only SATYRICK DRAMA extant, written at a much later period, than
that of which Horace speaks in this place, cannot, I think, convey to us a very exact idea of the Tragick Pastorals, whose origin he here describes. The CY∣CLOPS, scarce exceeding 700 lines, might be played, according to the idea of some criticks, after another performance: but that cannot, without the greatest violence to the text, be supposed of the satyrick piece here mentioned by Horace. The idea of farces, or after-pieces, tho' an inferior branch of the Drama, is, in fact, among the refinements of an improved age. The writers of an early period throw their dra∣matick materials, serious and ludicrous, into one mass; which the critical chymistry of succeeding times separates and refines. The modern stage, like the antient, owed its birth to the ceremonies of Religion. From Mysteries and Moralities, it pro∣ceeded to more regular Dramas, diversifying their serious scenes, like the SATYRICK POETS, with lu∣dicrous representations. This desire of variety was one cause of the irregularity, as well as extraordi∣nary length of their pieces; of which, I believe, they never gave above one at the same time of repre∣sentation. Farce is, in point of age, as well as rank, but a younger brother of the Theatre.
Other Criticks have taken the text of Horace in the same sense, that I have here considered it.
AGRESTES SATYROS.] Silvestres Faunos nudos in∣troduxit: ita enim SATYROS vocant.—Quod vero SA∣TYROS in fabulos inductos dixi, NON PERACTA ID FABULA FACTUM FUISSE intelligendum, SED IN MEDIO FABULAE, quasi CHOROS. Nannius.
—SATYROS puto iterum Romae inductos; atque ideo de his loqui Horatium, cujusmodi illis sermonem tribuere debeamus, & QUEMADMODUM PRIMUM, ET QUA DE CAUSA INDUCTI SUNT, ostendentem. Quare cùm de SATYRORUM CHORIS, publicè in spectaculo inductis, teste etiam Dionysio Halicarnasseo, minimè dubium sit, etiam postea INTER MEDIOS ACTUS TRAGAEDIARUM, adhibitos credibile est.—DE NORES.
AGRESTES SATYROS.] Hos autem LOCO CHORI introductos intelligit, non, ut quidam volunt, in ipsâ tra∣goediâ, cum praesertim dicat factum, ut gratâ novitate detinerentur spectatores: quod inter unum & alterum actum sit, CHORI LOCO. In tragoediâ enim ipsâ, cum flebilis, severa, ac gravis sit, non requiritur hujusmodi locorum, ludorumque levitas, quae tamen inter medios actus tolerari potest, & hoc est quod ait, INCOLUMI
GRAVITATE. Ea enim quae fiunt, quaeve dicuntur inter medios actus, extra tragoediam esse intelliguntur, neque imminuunt tragoediae gravitatem.—DE NORES.
The distinction made by De Nores of the SATYRS not making a part of the Tragedy, but barely ap∣pearing between the acts, can only signify, that the Tragick and Comick Scenes were kept apart from each other. This is plain from his saying that they held the place of THE CHORUS; not sustaining their continued part in the tragick dialogue, but filling their chief office of singing between the acts. The antient Tragedy was one continued representation, divided into acts by the Chaunt of the CHORUS; and, otherwise, according to modern ideas, forming but one act, without any interruption of the per∣formance.
These antient SATYRICK SONGS, with which the antient Tragedians endeavoured to enliven the Di∣thyrambicks, gave rise to two different species of poetry. Their rude jests and petulant raillery en∣gendered the Satire; and their sylvan character pro∣duced the Pastoral.
329-30—THO' RUDE, THE GRAVER MOOD UNBROKE— Stript the rough Satyrs, and ESSAY'D A JOKE.
—Agrestes Satyros nudavit, & asper, INCOLUMI GRAVITATE, jocum tentavit.
It hath been shewn, that the poet could not intend, in these lines, to fix the origin of the sa∣tiric drama. But, though this be certain, and the dispute concerning that point be thereby deter∣mined, yet it is to be noted, that he purposely describes the satire in its ruder and less polished form; glancing even at some barbarities, which deform the Bacchic Chorus; which was properly the satiric piece, before Aeschylus had, by his regular constitution of the drama, introduced it under a very different form on the stage. The reason of this conduct is given in n. on l. 203. Hence the propriety of the word nudavit, which Lambin rightly interprets, nudos intro∣duxit satyros, the poet hereby expressing the mon∣strous indecorum of this entertainment in its first unimproved state. Alluding also to this ancient character of the satire, he calls him asper, i. e. rude and petulant; and even adds, that his jests were intemperate, and without the least mixture of gravity. For thus, upon the authority of a very ingenious and learned critic, I explain incolumi
gravitate, i. e. rejecting every thing serious; bidding farewell, as we may say, to all gravity. Thus [L. iii. O. 5.]
Incolumi Jove et urbe Româ:i. e. bidding farewell to Jupiter [Capitolinus] and Rome; agreeably to what is said just before,Anciliorum et nominis et togae OBLITUS, aeternaeque Vestae.or, as SALVUS is used more remarkably in Martial [l. v. 10.]Ennius est lectus SALVO tibi, Roma, Marone: Et sua riserunt secula Moeonidem.Farewell, all gravity, is as remote from the original sense of the words fare well, as incolumi gravitate from that of incolumis, or salvo Marone from that of salvus.—Notes on the Art of Poetry.
The beginning of this note does not, I think, perfectly accord with what has been urged by the same Critick in the note immediately preceding. He there observed, that the
"SATYR here spoken of, is, in all respects, a regular Drama, and therefore could not be of earlier date, than the times of Aes∣chylus."
Here, however, he allows, though in subdued phrase, that
"though this be certain, and the dispute
concerning that point thereby determined, yet it is to be noted, that he purposely describes the Satyr. IN ITS RUDE AND LESS POLISHED FORM; glancing even at some barbarities, which deform THE BACCHIC CHORUS; WHICH WAS PROPERLY THE SATYRICK PIECE, before Aeschylus had, by his regular con∣stitution of the Drama, introduced it, under a very different form, on the stage."In a subsequent note, the same learned Critick also says, that
"the connecting particle, verum, [verum ita risores, &c.] expresses the opposition intended between the ori∣ginal Satyr and that which the Poet approves."In both these passages the ingenious Commentator seems, from the mere influence of the context, to approach to the interpretation that I have hazarded of this passage, avowedly one of the most obscure parts of the Epistle.
The explanation of the words INCOLUMI GRA∣VITATE, in the latter part of the above note, though favourable to the system of the English Commentary, is not only contrary to the construction of all other interpreters, and, I believe, unwarranted by any ac∣ceptation of the word INCOLUMIS, but, in my opi∣nion, less elegant and forcible than the common in∣terpretation.
The line of the Ode referred to,
INCOLUMI Jove, et urbe Româ?was never received in the sense, which the learned Critick assigns to it.
The Dauphin Editor interprets it,
STANTE urbe, & Capitolino Jove Romanos protegente.
Schrevelius, to the same effect, explains it,
SALVO Capitolio, quae Jovis erat sedes.
These interpretations, as they are certainly the most obvious, seem also to be most consonant to the plain sense of the Poet.
331.—For holiday spectators, flush'd and wild, With new conceits and mummeries were be∣guil'd.
Quippe erat ILLECEBRIS, &c.
Monsieur Dacier, though he allows that
"all that is here said by Horace proves incontestibly, that the Satyrick Piece had possession of the Roman stage;"tout ce qu' Horace dit icy prouve INCONTESTABLE∣MENT qu'il y avoit des Satyres; yet thinks that Ho∣race lavished all these instructions on them, chiefly for the sake of the ATELLANE FABLES. The author of the English Commentary is of the same opinion,
and labours the point very assiduously. I cannot, however, discover, in any part of Horace's discourse on the SATYRS, one expression glancing towards the ATELLANES, though their OSCAN peculiarities might easily have been marked, so as not to be mistaken.
337.—That GOD or HERO of the lofty scene, May not, &c.
Ne quicumque DEUS, &c.
The Commentators have given various explana∣tions of this precept. De Nores interprets it to sig∣nify that the same actor, who represented a God or Hero in the TRAGICK part of the Drama, must not be employed to represent a Faun or Sylvan in the SA∣TYRICK.
Dacier has a strange conceit concerning the joint performance of a Tragedy and Atellane at one time, the same God or Hero being represented as the prin∣cipal subject and character of both; on which occa∣sion, (says he) the Poet recommends to the author not to debase the God, or Hero of the TRAGEDY, by sinking his language and manners too low in the ATELLANE; whose style, as well as measure, should be peculiar to itself, equally distant from Tragedy and Farce.
The author of the English Commentary tells us, that
"Gods and Heroes were introduced as well into the Satyrick as Tragick Drama, and often the very same Gods and Heroes, which had borne a part in THE PRECEDING TRAGEDY; a practice, which Horace, I suppose, intended, by this hint, to re∣commend as most regular."
The two short notes of Schrevelius, in my opinion, more clearly explain the sense of Horace, and are in these words.
Poema serium, jocis SATYRICIS ita COMMISCERE—ne scilicet is, qui paulo ante DEI instar aut HEROIS in scenam fuit introductus, postea lacernosus prodeat.
On the whole, supposing the SATYRICK Piece to be Tragi-Comick, as Dacier himself seems half in∣clined to believe, the precept of Horace only re∣commends to the author so to support his principal personage, that his behaviour in the SATYRICK scenes shall not debase the character he has sustained in the TRAGICK. No specimen remaining of the Roman SATYRICK Piece, I may be permitted to il∣lustrate the rule of Horace by a brilliant example from the serio-comick HISTORIES of the Sovereign of our Drama. The example to which I point, is the
character of the PRINCE of WALES, in the two Parts of Henry the Fourth. Such a natural and beautiful decorum is maintained in the display of that cha∣racter, that the Prince is as discoverable in the loose scenes with Falstaff and his associates, as in the Presence Chamber, or the Closet. After the natural, though MIXT DRAMAS, of Shakespear, and Beau∣mont and Fletcher, had prevailed on our stage, it is surprising that our progress to pure Tragedy and Co∣medy, should have been interrupted, or disturbed, by the regular monster of TRAGI-COMEDY, nursed by Southerne and Dryden.
348.—NE'ER WOULD I, PISOS, IN THE SYLVAN SCENE, USE ABJECT TERMS ALONE, AND PHRASES MEAN!
Nonego INORNATA & DOMINANTIA, &c.
The author of the English Commentary proposes a conjectural emendation of Horace's text—HONO∣RATA instead of INORNATA—and accompanied with a new and elevated sense assigned to the word DOMI∣NANTIA. This last word is interpreted in the same manner by De Nores. Most other Commentators explain it to signify common words, observing its ana∣logy to the Greek term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The same expression
prevails in our tongue—a REIGNING word, a REIGN∣ING fashion, &c. The general cast of the SATYR seems to render a caution against a lofty stile not very necessary; yet it must be acknowledged that such a caution is given by the Poet, exclusive of the above proposed variation.
Ne quicumque DEUS— Migret in obscuras HUMILI SERMONE tabernas, Aut dum vitat humum, NUBES & INANIA CAPTET.
352.—Davus may jest, &c.—Davusne loqua∣tur, &c.
It should seem from hence, that the common cha∣racters of Comedy, as well as the Gods and Heroes of Tragedy, had place in the SATYRICK DRAMA, cultivated in the days of Horace. Of the manner in which the antient writers sustained the part of Silenus, we may judge from the CYCLOPS of Eu∣ripides, and the PASTORALS of Virgil.
Vossius attempts to shew from some lines of this part of the Epistle, [Ne quicumque Deus, &c.] that the SATYRS were subjoined to the Tragick scenes, not incorporated with them: and yet at the same mo∣ment he tells us, and with apparent approbation, that DIOMEDES quotes our Poet to prove that they
were BLENDED WITH EACH OTHER: simul ut spectator, INTER RES TRAGICAS, SERIASQUE, SATYRORUM QUOQUE JOCIS, & LUSIBUS, delectaretur.
I cannot more satisfactorily conclude all that I have to urge, on the subject of the SATYRICK DRAMA, as here described by Horace, than by one more short extract from the notes of the ingenious author of the English Commentary, to the substance of which extract I give the most full assent.
The Greek Drama, we know, had its origin from the loose, licentious raillery of the rout of Bacchus, indulging to themselves the freest sallies of taunt and invective, as would best suit to law∣less natures, inspirited by festal mirth, and made extravagant by wine. Hence arose, and with a character answering to this original, the Satiric Drama; the spirit of which was afterwards, in good measure, revived and continued in the Old Comedy, and itself preserved, though with con∣siderable alteration in the form, through all the several periods of the Greek stage; even when Tra∣gedy, which arose out of it, was brought to its last perfection.
370.—To a short syllable, a long subjoin'd, Forms an IAMBICK FOOT.
Syllaba longa, brevi subjecta, vocatur Iambus.
Horace having, after the example of his master Aristotle, slightly mentioned the first rise of Tragedy in the form of a CHORAL SONG, subjoining an ac∣count of the SATYRICK CHORUS, that was soon (MOX etiam) combined with it, proceeds to speak particularly of the Iambick verse, which he has be∣fore mentioned generally, as the measure best ac∣commodated to the Drama. In this instance, how∣ever, the Poet has trespassed against the order and method observed by his philosophical guide; and by that trespass broken the thread of his history of the Drama, which has added to the difficulty and ob∣scurity of this part of his Epistle. Aristotle does not speak of the MEASURE, till he has brought Tra∣gedy, through all its progressive stages, from the Dithyrambicks, down to its establishment by Aes∣chylus and Sophocles. If the reader would judge of the poetical beauty, as well as logical precision, of such an arrangement, let him transfer this section of the Epistle [beginning, in the original at v. 251. and ending at 274,] to the end of the 284th line; by which transposition, or I am much mistaken, he will
not only disembarrass this historical part of it, rela∣tive to the Graecian stage, but will pass by a much easier, and more elegant, transition, to the Poet's application of the narrative to the Roman Drama.
The English reader, inclined to make the expe∣riment, must take the lines of the translation from v. 268. to v. 403, both inclusive, and insert them∣after v. 420.
In shameful silence lost the pow'r to wound.
It is further to be observed that this detail on the IAMBICK is not, with strict propriety, annext to a critical history of the SATYR, in which, as Aristotle insinuates, was used the CAPERING Tetrameter, and, as the Grammarians observe, Trisyllabicks.
397.—PISOS! BE GRAECIAN MODELS, &c.
Pope has imitated and illustrated this passage.
Be Homer's works your study and delight, Read them by day, and meditate by night; Thence from your judgment, thence your maxims bring, And trace the Muses upwards to their spring. Still with itself compar'd, his text peruse! And let your comment be the Mantuan Muse! Essay on Criticism.
406.—A KIND OF TRAGICK ODE, UNKNOWN BEFORE, THESPIS, 'TIS SAID, INVENTED FIRST.
IGNOTUM Tragicae GENUS INVENISSE Ca∣moenae Dicitur, &c.
It is surprising that Dacier, who, in a controversial note, in refutation of Heinsius, has so properly re∣marked Horace's adherence to Aristotle, should not have observed that his history of the Drama opens and proceeds nearly in the same order. Aristotle in∣deed does not name Thespis, but we cannot but in∣clude his improvements among the changes, to which the Critick refers, before Tragedy acquired a per∣manent form under Aeschylus. Thespis seems not only to have embodied the CHORUS, but to have pro∣vided a theatrical apparatus for an itinerant exhibition; to have furnished disguises for his performers, and to have broken the continuity of the CHORUS by an Interlocutor; to whom Aeschylus adding another per∣sonage, thereby first created DRAMATICK DIA∣LOGUE; while at the same time by a further diminu∣tion of the CHORUS, by improving the dresses of the actors, and drawing them from their travelling waggon to a fixt stage, he created a regular theatre.
It appears then that neither Horace, nor Aristotle, ascribe the origin of Tragedy to THESPIS. The Poet first mentions the rude beginning of Tragedy, (carmen tragicum) the GOAT-SONG; he then speaks of the Satyrick Chorus, soon after interwoven with it; and then proceeds to the improvements of these Bacchic Festivities, by Thespis, and Aeschylus; though their perfection and final establishment is as∣cribed by Aristotle to Sophocles.
DACIER very properly renders this passage, On dit que Thespis fut le premier qui inventa UNE ESPECI DE TRAGEDIE AUPARAVANT INCONNUE AUX GRECS.
"Thespis is said to be the first inventor of a species of Tragedy, before unknown to the Greeks."
Boileau seems to have considered this part of the Epistle in the same light, that I have endeavoured to place it.
La Tragedie informe & grossiere au naissant N'etoit qu'un simple Choeur, ou chacun en dansant, Et du Dieu des Raisins entonnant les louanges, S'efforçoit d'attirer de fertiles vendanges. La le vin et la joie eveillant les esprits, Du plus babile chantre un étoit BOUC le prix. THESPIS fut le premier, qui barbouillé de lie, Promena par les bourgs cette heureuse folie;
Et d'acteurs mal ornés chargeant un tombereau, Amusa les passans d'un spectacle nouveau. AESCHYLE dans le Choeur jetta les personages; D'un masque plus honnéte habilla les visages: Sur les ais d'un Theatre en public exhausse, Fit paroitre l'acteur d'un brodequin chausse. L'ART POETIQUE, Chant Troisieme.
419.—the SLAND'ROUS CHORUS drown'd, In shameful silence, lost the pow'r to wound.
CHORUSQUE TURPITER OBTICUIT, sublato jure nocendi.
Evidently because, though the jus nocendi was taken away, yet that was no good reason why the Chorus should entirely cease. M. Dacier mistakes the matter. Le choeur se tût ignominuesement, parce∣que la loi reprima sa licence, et que ce fut, à propre∣ment parler, la loi qui le bannit; ce qu' Horace re∣garde comme une espece de flétrissure. Properly speak∣ing, the law only abolished the abuse of the Chorus. The ignominy lay in dropping the entire use of it, on account of this restraint. Horace was of opi∣nion, that the Chorus ought to have been retained, though the state had abridged it of the licence, it
so much delighted in, of an illimited, and intem∣perate satire, Sublatus Chorus fuit, says Scaliger, cujus illae videntur esse praecipuae partes, ut potissimum quos liberet, laederent.
Notes on the Art of Poetry.
If Dacier be mistaken in this instance, his mistake is common to all the Commentators; not one of whom, the learned and ingenious author of the above note excepted, has been able to extract from these words any marks of Horace's predilection in favour of a CHORUS, or censure of "its culpable omission" in Comedy. De Nores expresses the general sense of the Criticks on this passage.
TURPITER.] Quia lex, declaratâ Veteris Comoediae scriptorum improbitate, eos a maledicendi licentiâ deter∣ruit.—Sicuti enim antea summâ cum laude Vetus Co∣moedia accepta est, ita postea SUMMA EST CUM TUR∣PITUDINE VETANTIBUS ETIAM LEGIBUS REPU∣DIATA, quia probis hominibus, quia sapientibus, quia integris maledixerit. Quare Comoediae postea conscriptae ad hujusce Veteris differentiam SUBLATO CHORO, NOVAE appellatae sunt.
What Horace himself says on a similar occasion, of the suppression of the Fescennine verses, in the
Epistle to Augustus, is perhaps the best comment on this passage.
—quin etiam lex Poenaque lata, malo quae nollet carmine quenquam Describi: VERTERE MODUM FORMIDINE FUSTIS, AD BENE DICENDUM DELECTANDUMQUE RE∣DACTI.
423.—Daring their Graecian masters to forsake, And for their themes Domestick Glories take,
Net nimium meruere decus, vestigia Graeca Ausi desererè, & celebrare domestica facta.
The author of the English Commentary has a note on this passage, replete with fine taste, and sound criticism.
This judgment of the poet, recommending do∣mestick subjects, as fittest for the stage, may be inforced from many obvious reasons. As, 1. that it renders the drama infinitely more affecting: and this on many accounts, 1. As a subject, taken from our own annals, must of course carry with it an air of greater probability, at least to the ge∣nerality of the people, than one borrowed from
those of any other nation. 2. As we all find a personal interest in the subject. 3. As it of course affords the best and easiest opportunities of catch∣ing our minds, by frequent references to our man∣ners, prejudices, and customs. And of how great importance this is, may be learned from hence, that, even in the exhibition of foreign charac∣ters, dramatic writers have found themselves obliged to sacrifice truth and probability to the humour of the people, and to dress up their per∣sonages, contrary to their own better judgment, in some degree according to the mode and man∣ners of their respective countries* 1.10. And, 4. as the writer himself, from an intimate acquaintance with the character and genius of his own nation,
will be more likely to draw the manners with life and spirit.
II. Next, which should ever be one great point in view, it renders the drama more generally use∣ful in its moral destination. For, it being con∣versant about domestic acts, the great instruction of the fable more sensibly affects us; and the cha∣racters exhibited, from the part we take in their good or ill qualities, will more probably influence our conduct.
III. Lastly, this judgment will deserve the greater regard, as the conduct recommended was, in fact, the practice of our great models, the Greek writers; in whose plays, it is observable, there is scarcely a single scene, which lies out of the confines of Greece.
But, notwithstanding these reasons, the practice hath, in all times, been but little followed. The Romans, after some few attempts in this way (from whence the poet took the occasion of de∣livering it as a dramatic precept), soon relapsed into their old use; as appears from Seneca's, and the titles of other plays, written in, or after the Augustan age. Succeeding times continued the
same attachment to Grecian, with the addition of an equal fondness for Roman, subjects. The rea∣son in both instances hath been ever the same: that strong and early prejudice, approaching some∣what to adoration, in favour of the illustrious names of those two great states. The account of this matter is very easy; for their writings, as they furnish the business of our younger, and the amusement of our riper, years; and more especially make the study of all those, who devote themselves to poetry and the stage, insensibly infix in us an excessive veneration for all affairs in which they were concerned; insomuch, that no other subjects or events seem considerable enough, or rise, in any proportion, to our ideas of the dignity of the tragick scene, but such as time and long admiration have consecrated in the annals of their story. Our Shakespeare was, I think, the first that broke through this bondage of classical super∣stition. And he owed this felicity, as he did some others, to his want of what is called the advantage of a learned education. Thus uninfluenced by the weight of early prepossession, he struck at once into the road of nature and common sense: and with∣out designing, without knowing it, hath left us in his historical plays, with all their anomalies,
an exacter resemblance of the Athenian stage, than is any where to be found in its most professed ad∣mirers and copyists.
I will only add, that, for the more successful execution of this rule of celebrating domestic acts, much will depend on the aera, from whence the subject is taken. Times too remote have almost the same inconveniences, and none of the advan∣tages, which attend the ages of Greece and Rome. And for those of later date, they are too much fa∣miliarized to us, and have not as yet acquired that venerable cast and air, which tragedy demands, and age only can give. There is no fixing this point with precision. In the general, that aera is the fittest for the poet's purpose, which, though fresh enough in our minds to warm and interest us in the event of the action, is yet at so great a distance from the present times, as to have lost all those mean and disparaging circumstances, which unavoidably adhere to recent deeds, and, in some measure, sink the noblest modern trans∣actions to the level of ordinary life.
Notes on the Art of Poetry.
The author of the Essay on the Writings and Ge∣nius of Pope elegantly enforces a like opinion, and observes that Milton left a list of thirty-three sub∣jects for Tragedy, all taken from the English An∣nals.
425.—Whether THE GOWN prescrib'd a style more mean, Or THE INWOVEN PURPLE rais'd the scene.
Vel qui PRAETEXTAS, vel qui docuere TOGATAS.
THE GOWN (Toga) being the common Roman habit, signifies Comedy; and THE INWOVEN PURPLE (praetexta) being appropriated to the higher orders, refers to Tragedy. Togatae was also used as a general term to denote all plays, in which the habits, man∣ners, and arguments were ROMAN; those, of which the customs and subjects were GRAECIAN, like the Comedies of Terence, were called Palliatae.
431.—But YOU, bright hopes of the Pompilian Blood, Never the verse approve, &c.
Vos, O Pompilius Sanguis, &c.
The English Commentary exhibits a very just and correct analysis of this portion of the Epistle, but
neither here, nor in any other part of it, observes the earnestness with which the Poet, on every new topick, addresses his discourse to the Pisos; a practice, that has not passed unnoticed by other Commenta∣tors. On this passage De Nores writes thus.
Vos O Pompilius Sanguis!] Per apostrophen SER∣MONEM CONVERTIT AD PISONES, EOS ADMONENS, UT SIBI CAVEANT ab hujusmodi Romanorum poetarum errore. Videtur autem EOS AD ATTENTIONEM EX∣CITARE dum ait, Vos O! et quae sequuntur.
436.—Because DEMOCRITUS, &c.
Excludit sanos Helicone poëtas Democritus.
De Nores has a comment on this passage; but the ambiguity of the Latin relative renders it uncertain, how far the Critick applies particularly to the Pisos, except by the Apostrophe taken notice of in the last note. His words are these. Nisi horum DEMOCRI∣TICORUM opinionem Horatius hoc in loco refutasset, frustra de poeticâ facultate IN HAC AD PISONES EPIS∣TOLA praecepta literis tradidisset, cùm arte ipsâ repudi∣atâ, AB HIS tantummodo insaniae & furori daretur locus.
445.—Which no vile CUTBERD's razor'd hands profane.
Tonsori LYCINO.
Lycinus was not only, as appears from Horace, an eminent Barber; but said, by some, to have been created a Senator by Augustus, on account of his enmity to Pompey.
468.—ON NATURE's PATTERN TOO I'LL BID HIM LOOK, AND COPY MANNERS FROM HER LIVING BOOK.
Respicere exemplar vitae, morumque jubebo DOCTUM IMITATOREM, & veras hinc du∣cere voces.
This precept seeming, at first sight, liable to be interpreted as recommending personal imitations, De Nores, Dacier, and the Author of the English Com∣mentary, all concur to inculcate the principles of Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero, shewing that the truth of representation (verae voces) must be derived from an imitation of general nature, not from copying indi∣viduals. Mankind, however, being a mere collection of individuals, it is impossible for the Poet, not to found his observations on particular objects; and his chief
skill seems to consist in the happy address, with which he is able to generalize his ideas, and to sink the likeness of the individual in the resemblance of uni∣versal nature. A great Poet, and a great Painter, have each illustrated this doctrine most happily; and with their observations I shall conclude this note.
Chacun peint avec art dans ce nouveau miroir, S'y vit avec plaisir, ou crut ne s'y point voir. L'Avare des premiers rit du tableau fidele D'un Avare, souvent tracé sur son modéle; Et mille fois un Fat, finement exprimé, Méconnut le portrait, sur lui-même formé. BOILEAU, L'Art Poet. ch. iii.
Nothing in the art requires more attention and judgment, or more of that power of discrimina∣tion, which may not improperly be called Genius, than the steering between general ideas and indi∣viduality; for though the body of the whole must certainly be composed by the first, in order to communicate a character of grandeur to the whole, yet a dash of the latter is sometimes necessary to give an interest. An individual model, copied with scrupulous exactness, makes a mean style like the Dutch; and the neglect of an actual model, and the method of proceeding solely from idea, has
a tendency to make the Painter degenerate into a mannerist.
It is necessary to keep the mind in repair, to replace and refreshen those impressions of nature, which are continually wearing away.
A circumstance mentioned in the life of Guido, is well worth the attention of Artists: He was asked from whence he borrowed his idea of beauty, which is acknowledged superior to that of every other Painter; he said he would shew all the models he used, and ordered a common Porter to sit before him, from whom he drew a beautiful countenance; this was intended by Guido as an exaggeration of his conduct; but his intention was to shew that he thought it necessary to have some model of nature before you, however you deviate from it, and correct it from the idea which you have formed in your mind of perfect beauty.
In Painting it is far better to have a model even to depart from, than to have nothing fixed and certain to determine the idea: There is something then to proceed on, something to be corrected; so that even supposing that no part is taken, the model has still been not without use.
Such habits of intercourse with nature, will at least create that variety which will prevent any one's prognosticating what manner of work is to be produced, on knowing the subject, which is the most disagreeable character an Artist can have.
Sir Joshua Reynolds's Notes on Fresnoy.
482.—ALBIN's HOPEFUL.] Filius ALBINI.
Albinus was said to be a rich Usurer. All that is necessary to explain this passage to the English reader, is to observe, that the Roman Pound consisted of TWELVE Ounces.
489.—Worthy the CEDAR and the CYPRESS.
The antients, for the better preservation of their manuscripts, rubbed them with the juice of Cedar, and kept them in cases of Cypress.
498.—SHALL LAMIA IN OUR SIGHT HER SONS DEVOUR, AND GIVE THEM BACK ALIVE THE SELF-SAME HOUR?
Neu pransae Lamiae vivum puerum extrahat alvo.
Alluding most probably to some Drama of the time, exhibiting so monstrous and horrible an in∣cident.
506.—THE SOSII.]Roman booksellers.
525.—CHAERILUS.]A wretched poet, who ce∣lebrated the actions, and was distinguished by the patronage, of Alexander.
529.—IF HOMER SEEM TO NOD, OR CHANCE TO DREAM.]
It may not be disagreeable to the reader to see what two poets of our own country have said on this subject.
—foul descriptions are offensive still, Either for being like, or being ill. For who, without a qualm, hath ever look'd On holy garbage, tho' by Homer cook'd? Whose railing heroes, and whose wounded Gods, Make some suspect he snores, as well as nods. But I offend—Virgil begins to frown, And Horace looks with indignation down: My blushing Muse with conscious fear retires, And whom they like, implicitly admires. ROSCOMMON's Essay on Translated Verse.
A prudent chief not always must display Her pow'rs in equal ranks, and fair array: But with th' occasion and the place comply, Conceal his force, nay seem sometimes to fly. Those oft are stratagems, which errors seem, Nor is it Homer nods, but we that dream. POPE's Essay on Criticism.
532.—POEMS AND PICTURES ARE ADJUDG'D ALIKE.
Ut pictura poësis.
Here ends, in my opinion, the didactick part of this Epistle; and it is remarkable that it concludes, as it begun, with a reference to the Analogy be∣tween Poetry and Painting. The arts are indeed congenial, and the same general principles govern both. Artists might collect many useful hints from this Epistle. The Lectures of the President of the Royal Academy are not merely accommodated to the study of Painters; but Poets may refine their taste, and derive the most valuable instruction, from the perusal of those judicious and elegant dis∣courses.
537.—O THOU, MY PISO's ELDER HOPE AND PRIDE!
O MAJOR JUVENUM!
We are now arrived at that portion of the Epistle, which I must confess I am surprised, that any Com∣mentator ever past, without observing the peculiar language and conduct of the Poet. There is a kind of awful affection in his manner, wonderfully cal∣culated to move our feelings and excite our atten∣tion. The DIDACTICK and the EPISTOLARY stile were never more happily blended. The Poet assumes the air of a father advising his son, rather than of a teacher instructing his pupils. Many Criticks have thrown out a cursory observation or two, as it were extorted from them by the pointed expressions of the Poet: but none of them, that I have consulted, have attempted to assign any reason, why Horace, having closed his particular precepts, addresses all the re∣mainder of his Epistle, on the nature and expediency of Poetical pursuits, to the ELDER PISO only. I have endeavoured to give the most natural reason for this conduct; a reason which, if I am not deceived, renders the whole of the Epistle interesting, as well as clear and consistent; a reason which I am the more inclined to think substantial, as it confirms in great measure the system of the Author of the English
Commentary, only shewing the reflections on the Drama in THIS EPISTLE, as well as in THE EPISTLE TO AUGUSTUS, to be incidental, rather than the prin∣cipal subject, and main design, of the Poet.
Jason De Nores, in this instance, as in most others, has paid more attention to his Author, than the rest of the Commentators. His note is as follows.
O MAJOR JUVENUM!] Per apostrophen AD MA∣JOREM NATU ex Pisonibus convertis orationem. Reddit rationem quare summum, ac perfectissimum poema esse debeat. Utitur autem proaemio quasi quodam ad BENE∣VOLENTIAM & ATTENTIONEM comparandam. Sumit autem BENEVOLENTIAM à patris & filii laudibus: ATTENTIONEM, dum ait, "Hoc tibi dictum tolle me∣mor!" Quasi dicat, per asseverationem, FIRMUM ••mninò et VERUM.
545.—Boasts not MESSALA's PLEADINGS, nor is deem'd AULUS IN JURISPRUDENCE.
The Poet, with great delicacy, throws in a com∣pliment to these distinguished characters of his time, for their several eminence in their profession. Mes∣sala is more than once mentioned as the friend and patron of Horace.
564.—Forty thousand sesterces a year.
The pecuniary qualification for the Equestrian Order. Census equestrem summam nummorum.
567.—Nothing, IN SPITE OF GENIUS, YOU'LL commence.
TU nihil, invitâ dices faciesve Minervâ.
Horace, says Dacier, here addresses the ELDER PISO, as a man of mature years and understanding; and he begins with panegyrick, rather than advice, in order to soften the precepts he is about to lay down to him.
The explication of De Nores is much to the same effect, as well as that of many other Commen∣tators.
569.—But if hereafter you should write.
Si quid tamen olim scripseris.
This, says Dacier, was some time afterwards actually the case, if we may believe the old Scho∣liast, who writes that this PISO composed Tragedies.
570.—METIUS.]A great Critick; and said to be appointed by Augustus as a Judge, to appre∣ciate the merit of literary performances. His name
and office are, on other occasions, mentioned and recognized by Horace.
572.—Weigh the work well; AND KEEP IT BACK NINE YEARS!
NONUMQUE PREMATUR IN ANNUM!
This precept, which, like many others in the Epistle, is rather retailed, than invented, by Horace, has been thought by some Criticks rather extrava∣gant; but it acquires in this place, as addressed to the ELDER PISO, a concealed archness, very agree∣able to the Poet's style and manner. Pope has ap∣plied the precept with much humour, but with more open raillery than suited the writer's purpose in this Epistle.
I drop at last, but in unwilling ears, This wholesome counsel—KEEP YOUR PIECE NINE YEARS!
VIDA, in his Poeticks, after the strongest cen∣sure of carelessness and precipitation, concludes with a caution against too excessive an attention to cor∣rectness, too frequent revisals, and too long delay of publication. The passage is as elegant as judi∣cious.
Verùm esto hîc etiam modus: huic imponere eurae Nescivere aliqui finem, medicasque secandis Morbis abstinuisse manus, & parcere tandem Immites, donec macie confectus et aeger Aruit exhausto velut omni sanguine foetus, Nativumque decus posuit, dum plurima ubique Deformat sectos artus inhonesta cicatrix. Tuque ideo vitae usque memor brevioris, ubi annos Post aliquot (neque enim NUMERUM, neque TEMPORA pono CERTA tibi) addideris decoris satis, atque nitoris, Rumpe moras, opus ingentem dimitte per orbem, Perque manus, perque ora virûm permitte vagari. POETIC. lib. 3.
594.—AND ON THE SACRED TABLET GRAVE THE LAW.
LEGES INCIDERE LIGNO.
Laws were originally written in verse, and graved on wood. The Roman laws were engraved on cop∣per.
DACIER.
597.—TYRTAEUS.]An ancient Poet, who is said to have been given to the Spartans as a General by the Oracle, and to have animated the Troops by his Verses to such a degree, as to be the means of their triumph over the Messenians, after two defeats:
to which Roscommon alludes in his Essay on Translated Verse.
When by impulse from Heav'n, TYRTAEUS sung, In drooping soldiers a new courage sprung; Reviving Sparta now the fight maintain'd, And what two Gen'rals lost, a Poet gain'd.
Some fragments of his works are still extant. They are written in the Elegiac measure; yet the sense is not, as in other Poets, always bound in by the Couplet; but often breaks out into the succeed∣ing verse; a practice, that certainly gives variety and animation to the measure; and which has been successfully imitated in the rhyme of our own lan∣guage by Dryden, and other good writers.
606.—Deem then with rev'rence, &c.
Ne forte pudori. Sit tibi MUSA, Lyrae solers, & Cantor Apollo.
The author of the English Commentary agrees, that this noble encomium on Poetry is addressed to the Pisos. All other Commentators apply it, as surely the text warrants, to the ELDER PISO. In a long controversial note on this passage, the learned Critick abovementioned also explains the text thus.
"In fact, this whole passage [from et vitae, &c. to cantor Apollo] obliquely glances at the two sorts of poetry, peculiarly cultivated by himself, and is an indirect apology for his own choice of them. For 1. vitae monstrata via est, is the character of his Sermones. And 2. all the rest of his Odes,"—"I must add, the very terms of the Apology so expressly define and characterize Lyrick Poetry, that it is something strange, it should have escaped vulgar notice."There is much ingenuity in this interpretation, and it is supported with much learning and ability; yet I cannot think that Ho∣race meant to conclude this fine encomium, on the dignity and excellence of the Art of Poetry, by a partial reference to the two particular species of it, that had been the objects of his own attention. The MUSE, and APOLLO, were the avowed patrons and inspirers of Poetry in general, whether Epick, Dramatick, Civil, Moral, or Religious; all of which are enumerated by Horace in the course of his panegyrick, and referred to in the conclusion of it, that PISO might not for a moment think himself degraded by his attention to poetry.
In hoc epilogo reddit breviter rationem, quare utili∣tates à poetis mortalium vitae allatas recensuerit: ne
scilicet Pisones, ex nobilissimâ Calpurniorum familiâ ortos, Musarum & Artis Poeticae quam profitebantur, aliqnandò poeniteret.
DE NORES.
Haec, inquit, eò recensui, ut quàm olim res arduas poetica tractaverit, cognoscas, & ne Musas contemnas, atque in Poetarum referri numerum, erubescas.
NANNIUS.
Ne forte pudori.] Haec dixi, O Piso, ne te pudeat Poetam esse.
SCHREVELIUS.
610.—WHETHER GOOD VERSE OF NATURE IS THE FRUIT, OR RAIS'D BY ART, HAS LONG BEEN IS DISPUTE.
In writing precepts for poetry to young persons, this question could not be forgotten. Horace there∣fore, to prevent the Pisos from falling into a fatal error, by too much confidence in their Genius, as∣serts most decidedly, that Nature and Art must both conspire to form a Poet. DACIER.
The Duke of Buckingham has taken up this subject very happily.
Number and Rhyme, and that harmonious sound, Which never does the ear with harshness wound, Are necessary, yet but vulgar arts; For all in vain these superficial parts Contribute to the structure of the whole, Without a GENIUS too; for that's the Soul! A spirit, which inspires the work throughout, As that of Nature moves the world about.As all is dullness, where the Fancy's bad, So without Judgement, Fancy is but mad: And Judgement has a boundless influence, Not only in the choice of words, or sense, But on the world, on manners, and on men; Fancy is but the feather of the pen: Reason is that substantial useful part, Which gains the head, while t'other wins the heart.Essay on Poetry.
626.—As the sly hawker, &c.]Various Com∣mentators concur in marking the personal application of this passage.
Faithful friends are necessary, to apprise a Poet of his errors: but such friends are rare, and difficult
to be distinguished by rich and powerful Poets, like THE PISOS.
DACIER.
PISONEM admonet, ut minime hoc genus divitum poetarum imitetur, neminemque vel jam pransum, out donatum, ad suorum carminum emendationem admittat. NEQUE ENIM POTERIT ILLE NON VEHEMENTER LAUDARE, ETIAMSI VITUPERANDA VIDEANTUR.
DE NORES.
In what sense Roscommon, the Translator of this Epistle, understood this passage, the following lines from another of his works will testify.
I pity from my soul unhappy men, Compell'd by want to prostitute their pen: Who must, like lawyers, either starve or plead, And follow, right or wrong, where guineas lead: But you, POMPILIAN, wealthy, pamper'd Heirs, Who to your country owe your swords and cares, Let no vain hope your easy mind seduce! For rich ill poets are without excuse. 'Tis very dang'rous, tamp'ring with a Muse; The profit's small, and you have much to lose: For tho' true wit adorns your birth, or place, Degenerate lines degrade th' attainted race. Essay on Translated Verse.
630.—But if he keeps a table, &c.—Si vero est, unctum, &c.
"Here (says Dacier) the Poet pays, en passant, a very natural and delicate compliment to the Pisos."The drift of the Poet is evident, but I cannot dis∣cover the compliment.
636.—Is there a man, to whom you've given ought, Or mean to give?
TU, seu donaris, &c.
Here the Poet advises THE ELDER PISO never to read his verses to a man, to whom he has made a promise, or a present: a venal friend cannot be a good Critick; he will not speak his mind freely to his patron; but, like a corrupt judge, betray truth and justice for the sake of interest.
DACIER.
650.—Kings have been said to ply repeated bowls, &c.
Reges dicuntur, &c.
Regum exemplo PISONES ADMONET, ut neminem ad∣mittant ad suorum carminum emendationem, nisi prius optimè cognitum, atque perspectum.
DE NORES.
657.—QUINTILIUS.]
The Poet Quintilius Va∣rus, the relation and intimate friend of Virgil and Horace; of whom the latter lamented his death in a pathetick and beautiful Ode, still extant in his works. Quintilius appears to have been some time dead, at the time of our Poet's writing this Epistle. DACIER.
QUINTILIUS.] Descriptis adulatorum moribus & consuetudine, affert optimi & sapientissimi judicis ex∣emplum: Quintilii scilicet, qui tantae erat authoritatis apud Romanos, ut EI VIRGILII OPERA AUGUSTUS TRADIDERIT EMENDANDA.
DE NORES.
666.—THE MAN, IN WHOM GOOD SENSE AND HONOUR JOIN.
It particularly suited Horace to paint the severe and rigid judge of composition. Pope's plan ad∣mitted softer colours in his draught of a true Critick.
But where's the man, who counsel can bestow, Still pleas'd to teach, and yet not proud to know? Unbiass'd, or by favour, or by spite; Not dully prepossess'd, nor blindly right; Tho'learn'd, well-bred; and tho' well-bred, sincere; Modestly bold, and humanly severe:
Who to a friend his faults can freely show, And gladly praise the merit of a foe? Blest with a taste exact, yet unconfin'd; A knowledge both of books and human kind; Gen'rous converse; a soul exempt from pride; And love to praise, with reason on his side? Essay on Criticism.
686.—WHILE WITH HIS HEAD ERECT HE THREATS THE SKIES.
"Horace, (says Dacier) diverts himself with de∣scribing the folly of a Poet, whom his flatterers have driven mad."To whom the caution against flatterers was addressed, has before been observed by Dacier. This description therefore, growing immediately out of that caution, must be considered as addressed to THE ELDER PISO.
701.—Leap'd COLDLY into Aetna's burning mount.
Ardentem FRIGIDUS Aetnam insiluit.
This is but a cold conceit, not much in the usual manner of Horace.
712.—Whether, the victim of incestuous love, THE blasted MONUMENT he striv'd to move.
An TRISTE BIDENTAL moverit incestus.
The BIDENTAL was a place that had been struck with lightning, and afterwards expiated by the erection of an altar and the sacrifice of sheep; hostiis BIDENTIBUS; from which it took its name. The removal or disturbance of this sacred monu∣ment was deemed sacrilege; and the attempt, a sup∣posed judgment from heaven, as a punishment for some heavy crime.
720.—HANGS ON HIM, NE'ER TO QUIT, WITH CEASELESS SPEECH. TILL GORG'D, AND FULL OF BLOOD, A VERY LEECH.
The English Commentary introduces the explica∣tion of the last hundred and eleven lines of this Epistle, the lines which, I think, determine the scope and intention of the whole, in the following manner.
"Having made all the reasonable allowances which a writer could expect, he (Horace) goes on to enforce the general instruction of this part, viz. A DILIGENCE IN WRITING, by shewing [from l. 366 to 379] that a mediocrity, however tolerable, or even commendable, it might be in other arts, would never be allowed in this."—
"This reflexion leads him with great advantage [from l. 379 to 391] to the general conclusion in view, viz. that as none but excellent poetry will be allowed, it should be a warning to writers, HOW THEY ENGAGE IN IT WITHOUT ABILITIES; OR PUBLISH WITHOUT SEVERE AND FREQUENT CORRECTION."
If the learned Critick here means that
"the ge∣neral instruction of this part, viz. A DILIGENCE IN WRITING, is chiefly inculcated, for the sake of the general conclusion in view, a warning to writers, HOW THEY ENGAGE IN POETRY WITH∣OUT ABILITIES, OR PUBLISH WITHOUT SEVERE AND FREQUENT CORRECTION;"if, I say, a dis∣suasive from unadvised attempts, and precipitate pub∣lication, is conceived to be the main purpose and design of the Poet, we perfectly agree concerning this last, and important portion of the Epistle: with this addition, however, on my part, that such a dis∣suasive is not merely general, but immediately and personally directed and applied to the ELDER PISO; and that too in the strongest terms that words can afford, and with a kind of affectionate earnestness, particularly expressive of the Poet's desire to awaken and arrest his young friend's attention.
I have endeavoured, after the example of the learned and ingenious author of the English Commentary, though on somewhat different principles, to prove
"an unity of design in this Epistle,"as well as to illustrate
"the pertinent connection of its several parts."Many perhaps, like myself, will hesitate to embrace the system of that acute Critick; and as many, or more, may reject my hypothesis. But I am thoroughly persuaded that no person, who has considered this work of Horace with due attention, and carefully examined the drift and intention of the writer, but will at least be convinced of the folly or blindness, or haste and carelessness of those Criticks, however distinguished, who have pro∣nounced it to be a crude, unconnected, immethodi∣cal, and inartificial composition. No modern, I believe, ever more intently studied, or more clearly understood the works of Horace, than BOILEAU. His Art of Poetry is deservedly admired. But I am surprised that it has never been observed that the Plan of that work is formed on the model of this Epistle, though some of the parts are more in detail, and others varied, according to the age and country of the writer. The first Canto, like the first Section of the Epistle to the Pisos, is taken up in general pre∣cepts. The second enlarges on the Lyrick, and
Elegiack, and smaller species of Poetry, but cur∣sorily mentioned, or referred to, by Horace; but introduced by him into that part of the Epistle, that runs exactly parallel with the second Canto of Boi∣leau's Art of Poetry. The third Canto treats, en∣tirely on the ground of Horace, of Epick and Dra∣matick Poetry; though the French writer has, with great address, accommodated to his purpose what Horace has said but collaterally, and as it were in∣cidentally, of the Epick. The last Canto is formed on the final section, the last hundred and eleven lines, of the Epistle to the Pisos: the author however, judiciously omitting in a professed Art of Poetry, the description of the Frantick Bard, and concluding his work, like the Epistle to Augustus, with a com∣pliment to the Sovereign.
This imitation I have not pointed out, in order to depreciate the excellent work of Boileau; but to shew that, in the judgment of so great a writer, the method of Horace was not so ill conceived, as Scaliger pretends, even for the outline of an Art of Poetry: Boileau himself, at the very conclusion of his last Canto, seems to avow and glory in the charge of having founded his work on that of HORACE.
Pour moi, qui jusq'ici nourri dans la Satire, N'ose encor manier la Trompette & la Lyre; Vous me verrez pourtant, dans ce champ glorieux, Vous animez du moins de la voix & des yeux; Vous offrir ces leçons, que ma Muse au Parnasse, Rapporta, jeune encor, DU COMMERCE D'HORACE, BOILEAU.
After endeavouring to vouch so strong a testimony, in favour of Horace's unity and order, from France, it is but candid to acknowledge that two of the most popular Poets, of our own country, were of a con∣trary opinion. Dryden, in his dedication of his translation of the Aeneid to Lord Mulgrave, author of the Essay on Poetry, writes thus.
"In this ad∣dress to your Lordship, I design not a treatise of Heroick Poetry, but write in a loose Epistolary way, somewhat tending to that subject, after the ex∣ample of Horace, in his first Epistle of the 2d Book to Augustus Caesar, and of that TO THE PISOS; which we call his ART OF POETRY. In both of which he observes NO METHOD that I can trace, whatever Scaliger the Father, or Heinsius may have seen, or rather THINK they had seen. I have taken up, laid down, and resumed as often as I pleased the same subject: and this loose pro∣ceeding I shall use through all this Prefatory
Dedication. Yet all this while I have been sailing with some side wind or other toward the point I pro∣posed in the beginning."The latter part of the comparison, if the comparison is meant to hold throughout, as well as the words,
"somewhat tend∣ing to that subject,"seem to qualify the rest; as if Dryden only meant to distinguish the loose EPIS∣TOLARY way from the formality of a Treatise. How∣ever this may be, had he seen the Chart, framed by the author of the English Commentary, or that now delineated, perhaps he might have allowed, that Horace not only made towards his point with some side-wind or other, but proceeded by an easy navi∣gation and tolerably plain sailing.
Many passages of this Dedication, as well as other pieces of Dryden's prose, have been versified by Pope. His opinion also, on the Epistle to the Pisos, is said to have agreed with that of Dryden; though the Introduction to his Imitation of the Epistle to Augustus forbids us to suppose he entertained the like sentiments of that work with his great prede∣cessor. His general idea of Horace stands recorded in a most admirable didactick poem; in the course of which he seems to have kept a steady eye on this work of our author.
Horace still charms with graceful negligence, And WITHOUT METHOD talks us into sense; Will, like a friend, familiarly convey The truest notions in the easiest way; He, who supreme in judgment, as in wit, Might boldly censure, as he boldly writ, Yet judg'd with coolness, tho' he sung with fire; His precepts teach but what his works inspire. Our Criticks take a contrary extreme, They judge with fury, but they write with flegm: NOR SUFFERS HORACE MORE IN WRONG TRAN∣SLATIONS By Wits, THAN CRITICKS IN AS WRONG QUOTA∣TIONS. Essay on Criticism.
☞ I have now compleated my observations on this popular Work of Horace, of which I at first attempted the version and illustration, as a matter of amusement; but which, I confess, I have felt, in the progress, to be an arduous undertaking, and a laborious task. Such parts of the Epistle, as cor∣responded with the general ideas of Modern Poetry, and the Modern Drama, I flattered myself with the hopes of rendering tolerable to the English Reader;
but when I arrived at those passages, wholly relative to the Antient Stage, I began to feel my friends dropping off, and leaving me a very thin audience. My part too grew less agreeable, as it grew more difficult. I was almost confounded in the serio∣comick scenes of the Satyrick Piece: In the musical department I was ready, with Le Fevre, to execrate the Flute, and all the Commentators on it; and when I found myself reduced to scan the merits and demerits of Spondees and Trimeters, I almost fancied myself under the dominion of some plagosus Orbilius, and translating the prosodia of the Latin Grammar. Borrowers and Imitators cull the sweets, and suck the classick flowers, rejecting at pleasure all that ap∣pear sour, bitter, or unpalatable. Each of them travels at his ease in the high turnpike-road of poetry, quoting the authority of Horace himself to keep clear of difficulties;
—et quae Desperat tractata nitescere posse, relinquit.
A translator must stick close to his Author, follow him up hill and down dale, over hedge and ditch, tearing his way after his leader thro' the thorns and brambles of literature, sometimes lost, and often benighted.
A master I have, and I am his man, Galloping dreary dun!
The reader, I fear, will fancy I rejoice too much at having broke loose from my bondage, and that I grow wanton with the idea of having regained my liberty. I shall therefore engage an advocate to re∣commend me to his candour and indulgence; and as I introduced these notes with some lines from a noble Poet of our own country, I shall conclude them with an extract from a French Critick: Or, if I may speak the language of my trade, as I opened these annotations with a Prologue from ROSCOMMON, I shall drop the curtain with an Epilogue from DA∣CIER. Another curtain now demands my attention. I am called from the contemplation of Antient Ge∣nius, to sacrifice, with due respect, to Modern Taste: I am summoned from a review of the mag∣nificent spectacles of Greece and Rome, to the re∣hearsal of a Farce at the Little Theatre in the Hay-market.
Voila tout ce que j'ai cru necessaire pour l'in∣telligence de la Poetique d'Horace! si Jule Sca∣liger l'avoit bien entendue, il lui auroit rendu plus de justice, & en auroit parlé plus modestement.
Mais il ne s'estoit pas donnê la temps de le bien comprendre. Ce Livre estoit trop petit pour estre gouté d'un homme comme lui, qui faisoit grand cas des gros volumes, & qui d'ailleurs aimoit bien mieux donner des regles que d'en recevoir. Sa Poetique est assurément un ouvrage d'une erudition infinie; on y trouve par tout des choses fort re∣cherchées, & elle est toute pleine de saillies qui marquent beaucoup d'esprit: mais j'oserai dire qu'il n'y a point de justesse dans la pluspart de ses jugemens, & que sa critique n'est pas heureuse. Il devoit un peu plus etudier ces grands maitres, pour se corriger de ce defaut, qui rendra toujours le plus grand savoir inutile, ou au moins rude & sec. Comme un homme delicat etanchera mille fois mieux sa soif, & boira avec plus de goût & de plaisir dans un ruisseau dont les eaux seront clairs & pures, que dans un fleuve plein de bourbe & de limon: tout de même, un esprit fin qui ne cherche que la justesse & une certaine fleur de critique, trouvera bien mieux son compte dans ce petite traité d'Horace, qu'il ne le trouverait dans vingt volumes aussi enormes que la Poetique de Scaliger. On peut dire veritablement que celuy qui boit dans cette source pure, pleno se proluit auro; & tant pis pour celuy qui ne sait pas le
connoistre. Pour moi j'en ai un tres grand cas, Je ne say fi j'auray esté assez heureux pour la bien éclaircir, & pour en dissiper si bien toutes les dif∣ficultés, qu'il n'y en reste aucune. Les plus grandes de ces difficultés, viennent des passages qu'Horace a imité des Grecs, ou des allusions qu'il y a faites. Je puis dire au moins que je n'en ay laissé passer aucune sans l'attaquer; & je pour∣rois me vanter,
—nec tela nec ullas Vitavisse vices Danaum.En general je puis dire que malgré la foule des Commentateurs & des Traducteurs, Horace estoit tres-malentendu, & que ses plus beaux endroits estoient défigurés par les mauvais sens qu'on leur avoit donnés jusques icy, & il ne faut pas s'en étonner. La pluspart des gens ne reconnoissent pas tant l'autoritè de la raison que celle du grand nombre, pour laquelle ils ont un profond respect. Pour moy qui say qu'en matiere de critique on ne doit pas comptez les voix, mais les peser; j'avoüe que j'ay secoüé ce joug, & que sans m'assujetir au sentiment de personne, j'ay tâché de suivre Ho∣race, & de démêler ce qu'il a dit d'avec ce qu'on luy a fait dire. J'ay mesme toûjours remarqué
& j'en pourrois donner des exemples bien sensibles) que quand des esprits accoûtumés aux cordes, comme dit Montagne, & qui n'osent tenter de franches allures, enterprennent de traduire & de commenter ces excellens Ouvrages, où il y a plus de finesse & plus de mystere qu'il n'en paroist, tout leur travail ne fait que les gâter, & que la seule vertu qu'ayent leur copies, c'est de nous dégoûter presque des originaux. Comme j'ay pris la liberté de juger du travail de ceux qui m'ont précedé, & que je n'ay pas fait difficulté de les condamner tres∣souvent, je declare que je ne trouveray nullement mauvais qu'on juge du mien, & qu'on releve mes fautes: il est dissicile qu'il n'y en ait, & mesme beaucoup; si quelqu'un veut donc se donner la peine de me reprendre, & de me faire voir que j'ay mal pris le sens, je me corrigeray avec plaisir: car JE NE CHERCHE QUE LA VERITV'E, QUI N'A JA∣MAIS BLESS'E PERSONNE: AU LIEU QU'ON SE TROUVE TOUJOURS MAL DE PERSISTER DANS SON IGNORANCE ET DANS SON ERREUR.
DACIER.
Praef. in LIB. POET. et l. vi. p. 338.
I think it right to mention that I have never seen the first edition, pub∣lished at Venice. With a copy of the second edition, printed at Paris, I was favoured by Dr. Warton of Winchester.
Since writing and first publishing the above, I have seen the first Edi∣tion of DE NORES, and find the title of the Epistle to be the same as in his second; so that he here refers to his departure from the usage of others, not to any variation from himself.
Quel avantage ne peut il [le poete] pas tirer d'une troupe d'acteurs, qui remplissent sa scene, qui rendent plus sensible la continuité de l'action, et qui la font paroitre VRAISEMBLABLE quisqu'il n'est pas naturel qu'elle sa passe sans temoins. On ne sent que trop le vuide de notre Theatre sans choeurs &c. Les Theatre des Grecs, vol. i. p. 105.
This, and all the extracts, which are quoted, Notes on the Art of Poetry, are taken from the Author of the English Commentary.
"L'etude égale des poëtes de différens tems à plaire à leurs spec∣tateurs, a encore influé dans la maniere de peindre les caracteres. Ceux qui paroissent sur la scene Angloise, Espagnols, Françoise, sont plus Anglois, Espagnols, ou François que Grecs ou Romains, en un mot que ce qu'ils doivent être. Il ne faut qu'en peu de discernement pour s'appercevoir que nos Césarts et nos Achiles, en gardanr même un partie de leur charactere primitif, prennent droit de naturalité dans le païs où ils sont transplantez, semblables à ces portraits, qui sortent de la main d'un peintre Flamand, Italien, ou François, et qui portent l'empreinte du païs. On veut plaire à sa nation, et rien ne plait tant que le résemblance de manieres et de enie." P. Brumoy, [vol. i. p. 200.]