Memoirs and reflections upon the reign and government of King Charles the Ist. and K. Charles the IId: ... Written by Sir Richard Bulstrode, ... Now first published from his original manuscript.

MEMOIRS AND REFLECTIONS UPON THE Reign and Government OF K. CHARLES the II^d.

Written by Sir RICHARD BULSTRODE, Agent and Resident at the Court of Spain, from King Charles II. and after his Death, Envoy from King James II. till the Coming in of the Prince of Orange.

LONDON: Printed in the Year MDCCXX.

MEMOIRS OF THE REIGN and GOVERNMENT OF K. CHARLES the II^d.

AFTER the deplorable Death of King Charles I. fitter to be writ∣ten in Tears of Blood than Ink, or rather to have a Veil drawn over it, that it may never be re∣membered, to the eternal Shame of the English Nation, his Son, King Charles II. was crowned King in Scotland; but it was up∣on such hard Terms, that it was a Question,

whether the Crown was worth accepting. How∣ever, as the King's Affairs then stood, it was judged best to accept of it, preferring the em∣pty Title of a King in his own Dominions, to the empty Title of a King in another Nation. And yet it was thought strange, that the King would put himself into the Hands of that Na∣tion, whose Army had treated his royal Father so perfidiously; the Selling and Delivering him to the Parliament of England, being the most barbarous Action that any People were ever guilty of; and their Honour can never be re∣paired for the Horridness of that most wicked Crime. However, the late King Charles could not be much blamed, in the sad Posture of his Affairs, for going to that Army, to which he was so kindly invited, having been ever a great Lover of that Nation, not only having been born there, but educated by them; and there∣fore thought he should find there his greatest Security, where he found the most Danger. But indeed such strange Circumstances contri∣buted to his Ruine, that we might think Hea∣ven and Earth had conspired against him, who was from the Beginning so much betrayed by his own Servants, that very few remained faith∣ful to him; and yet their Treachery proceeded rather from some particular Animosities amongst themselves, than from any treasonable Intent to do the King Harm: And notwithstanding he was reduced to so miserable a Fate, yet it is most certain he had as great a Share in the Hearts and Affections of his Subjects in gene∣ral,

and was as much beloved and esteemed by them, as any of his Predecessors: But it was our Wantonness under the Happiness we en∣joyed beyond any other Nation, and our own Sins, which brought that Judgment upon us. The strange Transactions in England, which began in the Year 1641, are not to be paral∣lelled for the wonderful Passages therein; we then saw England, in the highest Pitch of worldly Happiness, fall to the lowest Degree of Misfortune and Misery.

I know very well, how unsearchable the Se∣crets of Princes are, in what an Abyss they lye, and how much too deep to be sounded by our Discourses; but when I remember the Turns of those Times, I seem rather to dream, than to think the Relation true, of so many surpri∣zing Revolutions, which are scarce credible in this our Age. The best of Kings was then condemned by merciless Rebels, after being abandoned by his nearest Friends, and pursued by his fiercest Enemies, who furiously seized upon his sacred Person, and at last took away his Life, and triumphed in their own Wicked∣ness with successful Insolence for some Years, when, at last, by God's Providence, the right∣ful Heir to the Crown was brought home to his own People, without the Assistance of any foreign Prince, in as full Exercise of his Go∣vernment, as any of his Predecessors ever en∣joyed, and by many of the same Men, who had before been very active in the Miseries of the Kingdom, and Destruction of their own

Country; and yet the Sufferings of the royal Family were all recovered, by the concurring Hand of divine Providence. By which we may see, when Subjects make Victories over their Princes, they are Triumphs over them∣selves; and those Men which will force Laws which they are bound to preserve, will, in the End, find all their Victories full of Trou∣bles, bringing Ruine to their Authors.

But, leaving this Digression, let us see what is become of our King in Scotland, who car∣ried many eminent faithful Subjects with him thither, who were nothing at all esteemed by the Scots, who chose a particular Council, by whose Advice the King was to govern, who gave the Scots great Satisfaction in all things they desired of him: And, upon his being crowned in Scotland, Cromwell was declared General, and prepared for a War, and marched with his Army, which he had before modelled to his own Mind, commanded absolutely, dis∣countenancing and suppressing all who had been supported by General Fairfax. The Indepen∣dants had all the Credit about Cromwell, and the Pulpits were open to all that would shew their Gifts, and great Distraction and Confusion in Religion then governed. The Scots raised an Army against Cromwell, supplied with all things necessary, but Prudence, Courage, and Conduct. The King desired that he might command the Army, since he was to run the Fortune of it; but the Scots would scarce give him Leave to see it. Cromwell enters Scotland

as far as Dunbar, but was soon reduced to great Distress, for want of all Necessaries. The Scots really believed they had the English at their Mercy; and it is certain, if the Scots had only kept their Trenches, and sent Parties of Horse after the English, they would have marched off, and left their Cannon and heavy Baggage behind: But Cromwell seeing the Scotch Army decamp, and follow him, he then made a Stand with his Army, and the Scots soon found they were not upon so clear a Chase as they imagined, being so clearly defeated by Cromwell, that he was that Night, being the Third of September, Master both of Leith and Edinburgh. The Scots, like the Anabaptists in Germany, pretended at first nothing but Faith and true Fear of God, and declared against Riches and Honours as Vanity; and upon the great Opinion of their Humility and Devotion, they had procured much Esteem; and after they had ensnared many with their Hypocrisy, they would reform both Church and State: And having gotten Power, and enriched them∣selves with the Spoils of England, they thought then to justify themselves by our Saviour's Pro∣mise, that The Meek should inherit the Earth. When they first entered England, their Success crowned their Work, and they were thought a wise and resolute Nation; for, after an unbloody War, for above one Year, they returned laden with Spoils and great Riches, and were liberally rewarded, as well for going out, as coining in∣to England.

It seems the King, in Scotland, was so far from being in their late Battle at Dunbar, that he was not admitted into their Councils or Ar∣my: But to redeem their former Error, they resolved to raise a new Army, to be comman∣ded by the King in Person, hoping to pass ano∣ther Way bye Cromwell into England, intending to make the Seat of the War there, and made the highest Professions of Duty to his Majesty, that could be invented, and gave great Promi∣ses to the King, of what Demonstrations of Zeal and Duty they would suddenly shew him.

The King began his March, which was long and terrible, and several Engagements passed in the Way, with different Success, but most of them to the King's Disadvantage, who, in the End, arrived at Worcester with his shattered Army, and was there as clearly defeated by Cromwell, the Third of September, as the Scots were the Year before at Dunbar. The King's Escape, after the Loss of this Battle, was very miraculous, being preserved by a wonderful Providence from the Fury of his blood-thirsty Rebels. His Majesty first met in a Wood, not far from Boscobell, with Captain Careless, who perswaded the King to get up into an Oaken Tree: From thence he went into a Cottage, where he lay in a Barn, and was then condu∣cted to another House by Father Huddleston, who was sent to him by Careless, who after brought him to the Lord Wilmot, who con∣ducted the King to Mr. Lane's House; from whence the King rode before young Mrs. Lane,

to her Cousin Norton near Bristol, where the King was known to the Butler. From thence the Lord Wilmot took the King into Sussex, to Collonel Gunter's, and from thence brought the King into Normandy, who had ever after a great Esteem for his Lordship. There was in∣deed such a Concurrence of Charity, good Na∣ture and Generosity, in Persons of the meanest Extraction, and hardest Fortune, who knew the Delivery of the King would have been of great Advantage to them, that we may look upon the King's Escape as conducted by Hands of the Almighty, who covered him as with a Shield, when his rebellious People sought his Life, who was still concealed from their most diligent Search, wherein Father Huddleston was very instrumental: And tho' many knew where the King was, and those very poor, yet none were tempted by great Rewards, and more pow∣erful Fears, to betray the King, who after ma∣ny Changes of Station, and Misfortunes, after this miraculous Manner, was brought into France, and at last brought home to his own People: And tho' he was forced away by a Whirlwind of Rebellion, he was restored to his Three Kingdoms with the still Voice of Peace and Mercy; a happy Presage how his Majesty would govern, whose Reign, at least the Begin∣ning of it, shewed sufficiently his meek and ge∣nerous Temper. In the time of the King's Ba∣nishment, he spent two Years at Cologne, where he was well received by a Widow, at whose House he lodged. Before his going to Cologne,

his Family was in great Disorder; but at his being there, by Direction of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, his Family was put under the Care and Management of Sir Stephen Fox, who kept it in excellent Order. The King was then of a very merciful Nature, and at that time it was very agreeable to his Inclination, not to have the Penal Laws put in Execution; and tho' it was not in his Power to repeal them, yet it was never in his Will to execute them; and his Majesty was then very forward to do all he could for the Roman Catholicks in that kind: But when he came into England, he soon changed his Mind, and proved in the End very severe against the Roman Catholicks, who desi∣red to live quietly, but could not be allowed to do so.

Upon this King's most happy Restoration, there was seen from all Parts his loyal Subjects contending how to express their Gratitude to Heaven, for its glorious Favour, and the King's no less than miraculous Return, and for the manifold Blessings they were like to enjoy un∣der the benign Reign of so excellent a Prince, every Man striving who should first pay the humble Oblation of their Duties, which really proceeded from Hearts full of Reverence and Obedience to his sacred Person; being possessed with a deep Sense of the Honour and good For∣tune they had to be born his Subjects: And, indeed, who could forbear to be transported with Joy, that was going to receive his King? And who could contain the Overflowings of his

Heart, when he could say, I have my KING again?

'Tis true, that when the Nation had been so long mad, after so many Changes and Revolu∣tions, and our Progress from bad to worse, we might with Reason have expected, God should have sent us the worst of Tyrants, some Infi∣del or Usurper, to scourge us with Whips, as we well deserved: But he was so gracious as to send us our own King, the undoubted Heir to the Crown, to redeem our Nation from the In∣famy it had undergone, and to restore it to all it had lost, and to make the People as happy as they ought to be. In order to which, the King gave a general Pardon to all (excepting only such as should be excepted by Parliament) and that no Person whatsoever, for any Crime committed, either against his late royal Father, or against the present King's sacred Person, should ever be brought in Question, to the least Damage of Life, Liberty, or Estate, or even to the Prejudice of his Reputation, or any other Reproach or Term of Distinction: And the King did then also declare a Liberty to tender Consciences, and that none should be disquie∣ted, or called in Question for Difference of Opinion in Matters of Religion, which did not disturb the Peace or Settlement of the Kingdom. And further, to let his Subjects see how to practise the Art of Forgetfulness, which they should learn from him, his Majesty did then put some Men into eminent Employs, who had before disserved him; so that every Man might

capacitate himself, by his future Behaviour, for any Place. But this Conduct seemed to some like a trimming Indifferency, to disoblige his old Friends, in hopes of getting new ones, which hath usually been the Subversion of Go∣vernments; and no wise Counsellour would ad∣vise his Prince to grieve his old Friends, to make his old Enemies rejoice. However, as the Posture of the King's Affairs then stood, he was obliged to take such Measures; but whether, at last, the King found his End in them, is yet a great Question. For, as the Judgments of God, have, in all Ages, reached those at last, who have secretly taken away the Lives of Princes, or have been in open Rebel∣lion against their lawful Kings, so his Justice did at last, in England, become the Revenger of Blood, and pursued those that killed and took Possession, after they had boasted of their Wickedness for several Years, and brought them at last to condign Punishment, to let the World see and know, that Rebellion is criminal, even when it is prosperous; and tho' God may forbear for some time to punish, yet he always does it justly at last: For tho' God hath leaden Feet, and is slow in punishing, yet he hath Iron Hands, and strikes home in the End: And here, that some Compensation might be made for the Loss of the Royal Father, which was irreparable, God gave the Crown to his eldest Son. It is most certain, that King Charles II. at his first coming to the Throne, had most reconciling Thoughts, who gave large Evidence of them,

after so high a Distemper, and such a universal shaking the Foundations of Government, desi∣ring and commanding his Parliament to take Care to repair the Breaches, and to use such Circumspection and Industry, as might provide things necessary for strengthening those Repairs, and to prevent for the future whatever might disturb or weaken the common Interest; re∣commending to his Parliament a general Union, as the best, if not the only Way for their own Security, and the Happiness of the whole King∣dom. This King, indeed, at his Restoration, was glorious in the Eyes of all his Subjects: Those great Deliverances which the divine Goodness had afforded to his royal Person from many imminent Dangers, and the Support which it gave to his heroick princely Mind, under such various Tryals, made it appear, that he was precious in God's Sight, and as Gold out of the Fire: He was restored to his People and Patrimony with more Splendor and Dignity, who had made a right Use of his Afflictions, and taken such Observations of other Countries, that he really intended to make all his Subjects the better for what he had seen and suffered abroad.

It is true, that, in the Beginning of this King's Reign, the Doctrine of the Court was, Sow a little, that ye may reap much; and those who were then entrusted with the Nation's Purse, were themselves for diving into the Prince's Pocket; and that too generous Prince, at his first coming to the Crown, was soon over-perswaded

to give away the greatest Part of his Crown Lands. The Courtier begged, and the Citizen bought, and the King was soon di∣vested of all; and yet they who suffered for his late royal Father, were not the better for all his immoderate Bounties. These his great Li∣beralities were not given as the Recompence of ancient Merit, but were bestowed either as Re∣wards of Vice, or Price of Treachery; so that the worst Men made the best Advantage: And tho' the King did then what was very prejudi∣cial to the Crown; yet such was the flourishing Condition of the English at that time, that the People could bear a great deal of ill Manage∣ment: Besides, some were glad to see a young King that would soon be necessitated by his ex∣travagant Bounty to depend upon his People, who did then begin to apprehend, that the King did meditate an arbitrary Power. Now, whatever Ground the great Counsellours of those Times had, there was no Bar put in the Way of that destructive Bounty; but as ill∣gotten Goods seldom prosper, very little of what was obtained remained long in the Hands of the first Possessor, but all was soon dispersed into a Multitude of Hands, and the Silence of those who then had a Right to complain, seemed in some measure to have justified such Proceed∣ings: And tho' the King, being then young, airy and liberal, was much to blame for per∣mitting such a Spoil to be made of his Revenue; yet they (whose Duty it was to take Care of the Body Politick) suffered the Distemper to

proceed too far; and what the King did was then winked at, because the Courtiers (who were nearest the King's Person) got all, and and the great Trade and Wealth of the English might bear such Gifts, which were not then supplied by new and heavy Taxes, which the People after found excessive in a following Reign. However, this great Oversight of the King should teach wise Princes to distinguish betwixt those that serve them for their own Ends, and those that have only in their View the Interest and Honour of the King their Ma∣ster: But we always see Compliance and Flatte∣ry get the better of Honesty and plain Dealing, Princes usually loving those best that dispute not with them, and prefer them before such as advise them really what is best for their Service. This kind of Flattery is a Plant so preserved in most Courts, that it never fails of bringing most dangerous Fruit, and Princes very seldom discover it, till it be too late, and that they are ruined by it. I must confess, it would be a great Advantage to Princes, and to their Sub∣jects a great Happiness, to have plain Truths delivered to them with Decency and Privacy, from their most faithful Servants, whereby they might redress many Mistakes of their Judg∣ments or Will; which brings to my Mind what Tom Killigrew, a Groom of the Bed-Chamber to King Charles II. said, as he was under his Barber's Hands: A Book being in the Window, in which Killigrew was looking, it being a Book of his own Plays, of which the King taking

Notice, he asked him, What Account he would give at the Day of Judgment, of all the idle Words in that Book? Why truly, says Killigrew, I shall give a better Account of all the idle Words in this Book, than your Majesty shall do of all your idle Promises, and more idle Patents, which have undone many; but my idle Words in this Book have undone no Person. This was a bold and sharp Repartee; but the King being an in∣dulgent Master, and not of a Disposition to do harsh things, gave Killigrew a great Liberty of Fooling; for otherwise he must needs have ta∣ken Notice of that bitter Reflection, which the King did not: But if the Substance of that Sar∣casm had been told the King decently and pri∣vately, it might have had a good Operation; whereas what was spoken was then taken for a Jest only, and so the King passed it by. Now if we seriously reflect on the first Twelve Years of this King's Government, we shall not find in the like Space of Time, either at home or abroad, so great Plenty of all things for the Delight of Mankind, nor find so long a Time free from Injustice and Oppression, where the King and Lords did less oppress the Commons, and where there was so great a Condescension to tender Consciences: And if it be true, that as Multa funera sunt opprobria Medicorum, so Multa supplicia sunt opprobria Principum; it must be much for the Honour and Memory of this King, that in his first Twelve Years Go∣vernment, there was not one Nobleman put to Death, and so few of all others at the Assizes,

that the like was never known in the Memory of Man; and yet impartial Justice was executed every where. I heartily wish I could have said the same to this King's Death, for then un∣doubtedly he would have been CHARLES the Good, tho' not CHARLES the Great.

But alas! there now began to be a great Vi∣cissitude of good and bad Events, and a very unsettled and various Management of publick Affairs, and not with such a Steadiness of Con∣duct as the fresh Experience of our then late Misfortunes might have instructed those with Courage and Constancy that were entrusted with them: But those Ministers that then ser∣ved the King at the Helm of his Government, were much to blame to suffer such things, which were quickly reduced to a most unhappy Con∣dition, betwixt the King and his ill-natured obstinate Subjects then assembled in Parliament, that by his Majesty's condescending to some things, which seemed of little or no Conse∣quence when first yielded unto, yet they were afterwards made the Foundation of a great Battery against the King's Authority, Reputa∣tion, and Strength of his Government: But it was our own Ingratitude under so many great Advantages we then enjoyed beyond other Peo∣ple, which drew those Judgments from Heaven upon us. I confess, the Roman Catholicks who were peaceable and innocent, suffered at this time many grievous Persecutions, which were not only permitted by the King, but his Par∣liament was encouraged therein, tho' the King

was not ignorant of their Innocence: Yet, to Persons that knew those Times, and how con∣tinually the King was teazed by those ill-na∣tured Gentlemen of the House of Commons, it will be the less Wonder, that such things should happen in the Days of such a Prince, who had so yielding a Nature as the King. 'Tis true, the great Persecutions which the Christians suf∣fered under the good Reign of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus the Roman Emperor, were all impu∣ted to him, how justly I cannot say; but our King did not only connive, but would often rally at the Extravagance of the House of Commons: And yet this I may truly say, that tho' he gave unlawful Permission to persecute the Roman Catholicks, whom he knew to be innocent; yet he always stood firm to keep the Succession of his Crown in its due and lawful Descent, and would never yield to have it alte∣red, tho' he was pressed very violently to it, by great Artifices, which made him often prorogue Parliaments, and the King continued resolute in this Point, even to his Death.

In June 1672, Mr. Borell the Holland Mini∣ster, was with his Majesty, and desired the Ad∣mission of four Deputies from the States Gene∣ral, to know what the King desired, and said as many were appointed for France; but the King refused their Admission, and said, he would do nothing without the Participation of his Allies: However, he would be so generous as to do what he could that lay in his Power, and then named the Lord Hallifax his Envoy

Extraordinary to the King of France, and would send him to confer with that King upon their Proposals, and it was said he should go thro' Holland, and take Sir Gabriel Sylvius with him.

The Sixteenth of January following, the Duke of Buckingham had the same Censure from the House of Commons as the Duke of Lauder∣dale had, to be both banished from the King's Presence for ever: Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham desired to be heard in the House of Commons, which was granted to him, and his Business was to lay all the Blame upon the Earl of Arlington, who also answered in the House, and behaved himself so well, that he got immortal Reputation, to be a Man of Abi∣lity, Prudence, Conduct, and of great Tem∣per, and so escaped the Censure of the House.

About this time the Marquis de Fresno, Am∣bassador Extraordinary from Spain, presented to the King a very warm Memorial, menacing a War, unless the King would embrace a Peace with Holland, upon these Three Points. The First was, The Flag to Content, with Eight Hundred Thousand Pattacoons, and the mutual Restitution of Places and Prizes taken in Eu∣rope: To which his Majesty returned this fol∣lowing Answer.

That, if they would add a Promise to regu∣late the East India Trade, give Liberty of De∣parture to the English at Surinam, and not to Fish on the English Coast without Permission; as to his Majesty, he would be content: But

that the Place of Treaty must be Cologne, and Respect paid to the Mediation of Sweden, which could not be avoided, because it was accepted by all: But because his Majesty's Answer to the said Memorial may be fully seen, I shall here repeat it, which was sent to me by the Lord Arlington then Secretary of State.

His Majesty having seen and considered a Me∣morial delivered to him by his Excellency the Marquis de Fresno, Ambassador Extraordinary from the Catholick King, bearing Date the 20th of December Instant, commands this Answer to be made thereunto.

THAT he was not a little surprized to find the Contents of this Paper confirmed to him the Report of a Treaty made betwixt the King his Master and the States General of the United Provinces, the Assisting of whom in this War was a manifest Breach of the separate Article in the Treaty betwixt the two Kings, binding them reciprocally; not to assist each other's Enemies in any open War: And his Majesty's Wonder there∣upon hath been the greater, that the Treaty with the States General was never owned to him by the Ambassador himself, or by any other Spanish Minister; and that his Excellency was pleased to look upon it (when the Rumour there∣of came first abroad) as a malicious Invention of the Enemies of the King of Spain, diffused only to create a Misunderstanding betwixt his Majesty and that Crown: Whereas now it seemed

to be a real Thing, and does no less, according to the Tenor of the said Memorial, than threaten a War to his Majesty, if he will not submit him∣self to Conditions imposed upon him by his de∣clared Enemies: Notwithstanding which, his Majesty esteems himself in some Degree beholden to the Catholick Queen, for having imparted to him the Terms and Conditions upon which the States General of the United Provinces will be content to make a Peace; since, in so many Months that his Majesty's Plenipotentiaries have been at Cologne, their Deputies could never be brought to make a clear Declaration of any Offers they would stand to, but held them still under such Ambiguities, as they might at all times re∣cede from them as they should see Cause.

Now, altho' the Conditions offered in the said Memorial are very small, in respect of the great Expence of Blood and Treasure that War hath cost; yet, that the World may see how desirous his Majesty is to contribute to the general Peace of Christendom, he declares he will be contented with any reasonable Conditions for a Peace suitable to his Honour, and the Interest of his Subjects.

The Offers made in his Excellency's Name are,

• First, The Flag to be adjusted to his Majesty's Satisfaction.
• ... Secondly, A reciprocal Restitution of Places and Prizes that are, or may have been taken, during the late War.
• ...

• Thirdly, The Sum of Eight Hundred Thou∣sand Pattacoons.

Now, if the States General will extinguish their Pretences to the Restitution of Prizes, as a Thing impracticable, and never insisted upon in any Treaty of Peace, and to the above-named Offers add these additional ones, which cannot well be denied:

• First, An equal and reciprocal Regulation of Trade in the East Indies, as was promised par∣ticularly in the late Treaty of Bredah.
• ... Secondly, Leave to his Majesty's Subjects yet detained at Surinam, to depart thence, with their Estates and Effects, pursuant to the said Treaty, and their own reiterated Promises and Orders.
• Thirdly, That the States General shall, for the future, abstain from Fishing upon the Coasts and Shores of any of his Majesty's Dominions, without Leave and Passport first obtained:

His Majesty declares, that, as to himself, he will be content with these Conditions. But, because the Wording of the Articles thereupon is of equal Moment to the Things that shall be contained in them, and that this cannot be ef∣fected but by Persons equally intrusted and im∣powered on both Sides, his Majesty farther de∣clares, That he will direct his Plenipotentiaries at Cologne, to apply themselves, together with the Deputies of the States General, thereupon,

with the Mediators of the Crown of Sweden; who having been accepted and authorized on both Sides, and the City of Cologne having been insisted upon by the Dutch, to the Media∣tors, for the Place of Treaty; his Majesty con∣ceiveth, that neither the Place nor the Media∣tors can be declined, without a notorious Offence to the Parties concerned, and more particularly to the Honour of the Crown of Sweden. And his Majesty assureth himself, that this his Pro∣ceeding will appear so fair and equal to the Ca∣tholick Queen, as not to lessen in any Degree, in her royal Breast, the Esteem she professes to have for his Friendship and Alliance, which his Ma∣jesty hath ever used, to his utmost Endeavour, to cultivate and improve; particularly, in making himself the principal Interest of the two Peaces of Portugal and Aix la Chapelle, so valuable to the Crown of Spain, in the Minority of their King; and in continuing the Peace between France and Spain from any Violation or Distur∣bance by this present War, as he did in the Treaty made with the most Christian King, when he en∣tered into the Union and Confederation with him, against the States General of the United Provinces.

Given at the Court at Whitehall, the Fif∣teenth of December 1673.

Signed ARLINGTON.

Upon this Memorial, many Members of Parliament had the States Generals Reply to his Majesty's Answer to the Memorial, sent inclosed to them in Print, before the King had received the Original. Sir William Coventry had four Copies sent him in several Pacquets, which he forthwith carried to the Lord Keeper, and his Lordship to the King; by which may be seen what incongruous things the States Ge∣neral suffered, who endeavoured to dethrone his Majesty, by their Appeal to his People, without taking Notice of the King. The Ori∣ginal of this Reply of the States General was sent to his Excellency the Marquis de Fresno, who thought it too scandalous for him to offer, and sent it back to the States with great In∣dignation: But towards the End of January, his Excellency presented a Letter from the States General to the King, wherein they granted Five of the Six Points in a full Manner, but they refused any Acknowledgment for the Fishing. The Ninth of February following, the Peace betwixt England and Holland was Signed and Sealed by the Spanish Ambassador, as Plenipo∣tentiary for Holland, and by six Privy-Coun∣sellours on the English Side, viz. The Lord Keeper, the Lord High Treasurer, Duke of Monmouth, Duke of Ormond, with the two principal Secretaries of State. The Scope of the Peace was as follows.

The Treaty of Bredah remains firm, the Ma∣rine Treaty confirmed for Nine Months, and that Commissioners should presently meet to

regulate the East India Trade, in which Regu∣lation Spain to be left the Umpire, as it is the Guaranty of the whole Treaty; New-York to be restored; the English to come from Surinam; Eight Hundred Thousand Pattacoons to be paid in the Time specified; the Dutch Ships to strike in the British Seas, from Cape Fenestre to the Naze in Norway: An Article for hindering each from succouring the Enemies of the other; but no mention is made of the Fishing, that remaining in the same Condition it formerly was. France seemed much displeased at this Peace; but it was believed his Majesty of Eng∣land would interpose as Mediator, which was not what most Englishmen desired, who would gladly see France reduced to the Treaty Pyrrhe∣nean. The Peace betwixt England and Holland being thus settled, the Spanish Ambassador took Leave of his Majesty, and embarked on the Assistance Frigat, commanded by Sir Richard Munden, and Don Emanuel de Lyra was named Envoy in the Ambassador's Place; and I think it a Right owing to my Lord Arlington, to in∣sert here a true Translation of the Letter which the Spanish Ambassador wrote from St. Andrè in in Spain, bearing Date the 30th of August 1674, which was sent me by the Lord Arlington.

Most Excellent Sir,

GRatitude will not permit me to lose any Occasion of manifesting the same, which I now do by the Return of Sir Richard Munden; for the Honours done me by his Majesty of Great

Britain, have been so singular, and have raised me so much Esteem and Glory, that my Obliga∣tion is not to be expressed; so that I must beseech your Excellency to lay my Duty at his Majesty's Feet, and to acquaint him of my Arrival in Spain, which hath been with so prosperous and remarkable a Voyage, that on the fifth Day in the Morning we discovered the Coast of Biscay; and had I intended to go to the Groyn, we had been there that Day. In this Dispatch I must attribute much to the great Care and Dexterity of our Captain, and to his very courteous Usage of me, the better supporting all the Trouble which the Inconveniences of the Sea would give a sick Man: And for all this I pay to his Majesty (unto whose Grandeur it is due) infinite Thanks, and shall still publish to the World my Sense and Acknowledgments of All; and for the Friendship and Favour which I owe to your Excellency, I shall always correspond with the sincerest Truth and Passion I am able. God preserve your Ex∣cellency.

From St. Andrè, August 30. 1674.

But before I go farther, I will give an Ac∣count how I came to these honourable Employ∣ments on this Side the Sea.

Be pleased then to know, that, at the Lord Wentworth's Death, which happened a little before the Burning of London, I was, by the King's Command signified to me by the Lord Arlington, Principal Secretary of State, ap∣pointed to take Care of his Funeral, and the Manner of it was then prescribed me. His

Lordship was a Privy-Counsellour, Collonel of the First Regiment of Foot Guards, and was before Major General of all the Horse in Eng∣land, and General of the Horse in the West of England, and, at his Death, was Gentleman of his Majesty's Bed-chamber. When I had car∣ried his Body in State, as the King commanded, to Teddington in Bedfordshire, to be buried with his Ancestors, and that I returned to London, the Bills of the Charges of the Funeral were brought to me, which I gave the Lord Arling∣ton; but Money being then very rare, and the King no very good Paymaster, the Merchants expected their Money from me; and the Lord Wentworth having received some Money from me, which was due to some Companies of the Regiment, the Captains thereof complaining that their Companies were not paid, the Matter was left to be adjusted by the Duke of Albe∣marle, who was General. The Merchants be∣ing very importunate for their Money, I thought best to retire, and came to Bruges in Flanders, where many English Officers coming daily, I was soon discovered, and taken Prisoner, and at first was used very hardly by the Jayler, who had Orders to keep me in his own Apartments, to eat and drink with him, and that I should have Ten Shillings English daily allowed me, for Diet, Lodging, and all Necessaries, which should be paid before I was released; and Sir Mark d'Ogniati (who was of Bruges) and at that time Resident for the King of Spain at London, engaged to see all punctually paid.

When my Circumstances were better known, I was used very well; and it being then that the King of France began his Pretensions upon Flanders, in Right of the Dauphin, and many Spanish Officers being then in Bruges, I had every Day much Company, and knew all that passed in the Army, of which I gave an Ac∣count each Post to the Earl of Arlington, who being then Principal Secretary of State, shewed my Letters to the King, who being pleased with them, asked the Lord Arlington, who sent those Letters? who thereupon told his Majesty, that he had them from me, who was then a Prisoner in Bruges: Whereupon the King presently an∣swered, that he had seen no Letters that plea∣sed him so much, and that gave so clear Ac∣counts; and that if I could give such Accounts in Prison, I should give much better when out: And therefore the King bid his Lordship take Care, that I should be forthwith released, and sent over to him; tho' his Majesty knew I was at that time reconciled, and made a Roman Catholick, by Father John Cross, who was Pre∣sident at Douay, and at that time Confessor to the English Nuns in the Prince's Hoffe at Bru∣ges. Upon this Intimation from the King, Sir Mark d'Ogniati was desired by the Lord Arlington to write to Bruges, what the Account came to for my Imprisonment, and all Necessa∣ries, and that all should be suddenly paid; up∣on which the Jayler came to tell me the good News: But I told him I was very well where I was, and being out of Danger, that I had a

very good Allowance, and could no where live so well, and that I would not stir from Prison, unless, after paying all the Charges, I might have Money to put me in Equipage, and then I would willingly and faithfully serve the King: That from my Scituation in Prison I could see the Vanity and Hurry of the World, where mi∣serable Men were daily distracting themselves in wearisom contentious Wars, about the Great∣ness of an empty World; and I could look safely upon them, never intermeddling with the Actions of others, but spend my Thoughts in my own little Sphere, and lay down my Head in Peace, and sleep securely in the Bosom of Providence. Within few Days after I had given this Account, Money was sent to pay all the Charges of the Prison, with One Hundred Pounds Sterling to put me in good Equipage; the Return of Money being then very high, and much to my Advantage, I received what Was ordered, and was forthwith released from Prison.

So soon as I was at Liberty, I went to the Earl of Castlehaven, and knowing he had a great Influence upon Don Pedro de Ronquillos, who was Super-Intedant at Brussels, I desired he would speak to Don Pedro in my Behalf, that I might be Auditor to the Scotch Regiment of Foot; which Place was then vacant, and the Regiment was National, commanded by Collo∣nel Scot of Tekelah, Kinsman to the Duke of Monmouth. Hereupon his Lordship recommen∣ded me to Don Pedro, who was pleased to

examine me, and finding me fit for the Employ∣ment, gave me his Certificate to the Constable of Castile, who was then Governour of the Spa∣nish Netherlands, in Place of Marquis Castle Roderigo: But the Plague being then at Brussels, the Constable stayed at Malines, and, upon pretending much Indisposition of Health, de∣sired he might return into Spain. However, he sent the Marquis de Velasco to compliment our King upon his coming to the Government, who sent Sir Edward-Spraig to return his Compli∣ment, and the Queen sent Mr. Roper on her Part. So soon as the Plague ceased at Brussels, the Constable returned thither, where I found a Way to speak to him, and gave him Don Pedro's Certificate, with a Placet from my self, and had his Excellency's Promise of Dispatch, which he performed the next Day, to the great Admiration of all the Commis in the Secretary's Office, that I being a Stranger could get my Business so soon done, when many General Officers of the Army had been waiting some Months without Dispatch. Thus I presently got the Auditor's Place, and had the Consta∣ble's Patent for it; and when the Constable, upon his own importunate Desire, returned for Spain, I was then garrisoned in the Fauxburgs of Ghent, and we had Orders not to beat any Drums, or to make the least Noise whilst the Constable passed in his Barque.

Upon the Constable's going for Spain, the Count de Monterrey, who was Master de Camp of a Spanish Regiment, was made Governour

pro Interim, and was after confirmed Governour General of the Spanish Netherlands, where he continued six Years, and was the best Gover∣nour I ever saw in them. He paid the Soldiers Ten Months in the Year, kept the Country in very good Order, so that there was no Fear of Robbery; but it cost the Lives of many Men, and I have seen Fifteen or Sixteen hanging to∣gether upon the Canal, betwixt Brussels and Willibrook, for Robberies committed there.

Not long after Count Monterrey's coming to the Government of Flanders, the Congress was appointed at Cologne. The Plenipotentiaries for our King were Sir Leoline Jenkins, Judge of our Admiralty, and Sir Joseph Williamson, from both which I received Letters to go to the Hague, to buy some Horses and Coaches for them; and I was particularly recommended by them to Monsieur Marine, First Esquire to the Prince of Orange, to take his Opinion and Ad∣vice in the Choice of them. I was to buy two Setts of Eight Horses for each Coach, and the Coaches likewise, if I could get them good and cheap: After which I was desired to meet them at Antwerp, in their Way to the Congress, which I did according to their Directions. At their coming to Antwerp, they sent me to find the Duke of Monmouth and Sir William Lockart, who were then with the King of France, at a House belonging to the King of Spain, Three Miles from Brussels. I there found the aforenamed Persons with the King, who was then marching to besiege Maestricht.

The Duke of Monmouth was made a Lieutenant General in the King's Army, and Sir William Lockhart was our King's Ambassador with the French King. At my Return to the Plenipo∣tentiaries, I waited upon them to Cologne, and after came back to Brussels, where I was em∣ployed several times by their Excellencies, be∣twixt England and Cologne, upon great Occasi∣ons, and was ordered by them to hold a strict Correspondence with Mr. Neipho, who lived then at Antwerp, and was ordered to serve our Plenipotentiaries in all he could.

At this time I found the Count Monterrey was no Friend to our Plenipotentiaries, nor indeed to our Master, or his Interest, in any Case, and was particularly a great Friend to the Capers at Ostend, which Nest of Pyrates did much Hurt to our English Merchants, seizing all Eng∣lish Ships they could find trading with France, tho' their Trade was freely allowed by the Treaty of 1667, solemnly ratified by both Crowns: But the Count Monterrey would not allow that Treaty, because he said it was never published in Flanders, which was their own Fault, for the Ratification, not the Publication, makes all Treaties effectual: And yet our King bore all these Affronts with incredible Patience, expecting that the Count Monterrey would bet∣ter inform himself, both of the Matters of Fact, and of the Law; for certainly the Articles of that Treaty were so plain and clear in the Point, that the Case was adjudged, as soon as compared with the Terms of the Treaty; and the King

was still in Hopes, that the Count would be made sensible of the unsufferable Affront, as well as the Injustice of such Proceeding of the Privateers was to his Majesty, even to such a Degree, that his Majesty was thinking of another Way to right his Subjects, if sudden Reparation came not by fair Means.

Neither was the Count Monterrey only re∣fractory in this, but was highly displeased at my being employed by the Plenipotentiaries at Cologne, and told Father Patrick (who was then called Abbot of Thuly) that there was a little Englishman (whose Name he knew not) that was employed by the Ambassadors at Cologne, of which Father Patrick gave me Notice, and said, that, by the Description, he was almost confi∣dent that his Excellency meant me: And the next Day, as I was going to Dinner, at the Great Looking-Glass in the Berge Street, where I lodged, a Servant told me, there was a Gen∣tleman without that would speak with me. Whereupon I went out to him, and told him, I was just going to Dinner. He said, he was Adjutant to his Excellency, and that I must presently go with him. Upon which I desired his Leave to go into my Chamber, to put on another Peruke, and that a Coach should be made ready in the mean time, and so I would go with him. When I came to Court, I met Viscount Berlin (who was then Governour of Brussels) in the Anti-Chamber, who told me his Excellency was in the next Room, and would speak a Word with me; and thereupon

led me in to his Excellency, who asked me three or four Questions before I could answer him one of them: As, what I did at Brussels, why I went so often to Cologne and England? I told him, I was employed by the English Am∣bassadors at Cologne, to receive and send their Letters; and that I should wait upon his Ex∣cellency in few Days, to get an Escorte to carry some things from England to the Pleni∣potentiaries. To which his Excellency replied, That if what I said was true, Antwerp was a fitter Place for me than Brussels, and that he would not permit my longer Stay at Brussels. To which I answered, That there being no open War declared between England and Spain, and so long as I obeyed the Laws of the Coun∣try, it was lawful for me to stay: And besides, that I was indebted in my Lodging, and could not go till I had satisfied All. In fine, his Excellency told me, these were only Excuses which I made, and commanded Viscount Berlin, that the Adjutant should see me go out of Town that Night, and that Antwerp was a much fitter Place for me than Brussels; and so I left his Excellency, and went presently to Father Patrick, who lived near the Court, to inform him of what had happened, and desired him to send to Mr. Chaumont for my Letters, and open them in my Absence, and then send them to me at Mr. Neipho's at Antwerp.

The next Day the Letters came, and one from Sir Robert Southwell to me, giving an Ac∣count of the Peace signed that Day in Council,

he being then Clerk of the Council. He told me, the Writings were scarce dry upon the Council Table; but however, he thought ne∣cessary to give me a speedy Account of it, for the Information of others. Father Patrick carried this Letter in his Pocket late on Satur∣day Night, and said, he came to give his Ex∣cellency Joy of the Peace that was made in England. His Excellency answered, it was true that the Peace was made, and that he was very angry with the Marquis de Fresno, who told him, he had been all that Day in Council, and was so weary, that he could not give him an Ac∣count till the next Post, of all the Particulars. Whereupon Father Patrick said, he would shew him all the Particulars, which his Excellency was very desirous to see; and having perused them, he desired to know from whom he had them; and the Father told him, that Sir Robert Southwell had sent them to the Gentleman he had sent to Antwerp, who had given him Leave to open his Letters in his Absence, and to send them to him. His Excellency presently said, I know Sir Robert Southwell to be a very honest Man, and well inclined to us; and if the Gen∣tleman I sent to Antwerp keeps a Correspondence with him, I believe he may be honest also; and therefore I pray send for him back, and let him bring his little Horse with him, of whom I have heard great Miracles. On Monday I came back, and his Excellency sent for Mr. Chicati (who was Master of the Academy at Brussels) to ride the Horse round the Park, and to give him an

Account of the Horse, who gave such an Ac∣count of him, that his Excellency would by all Means buy the Horse of me. I told him, I could not sell him; but if his Excellency would please to accept of him, with his English Equipage, I would present him; but he refused to have him, unless he might buy him, and so I saved my Horse and my Honour also. But I must not forget to do Father Patrick this Right, that upon his Excellency's commanding me from Brussels, he forthwith wrote Word of it to the Lord Arlington, and what Danger I did run, by being employed without a Commission. But whilst I was at Cologne, I received this Letter following from our Ambassadors Plenipotentia∣ries, bearing Date in the Afternoon of the 12th of July 1673.

Good Mr. Bulstrode,

IT hath been our great Unhappiness, that Mr. Frances took his Leave of this Place this Morning, without receiving from Mr. Chud∣leigh (Secretary to our Embassy) those Dispat∣ches which he had prepared for his Conveyance; so that he will appear to my Lord Arlington with his Hands in a manner empty. You are therefore desired to follow him Day and Night with the Pacquet which Mr. Chudleigh will deliver you, as fast as you can possibly, till you overtake him. It is of very great Importance to the Publick, and to us in particular. You are not to stop, tho' you follow him to Whitehall; and you are to put the Pacquet into his own Hands, without taking

any Notice of this Accident: And if he should be arrived, and shewed himself, and delivered his Letters, before you overtake him, you are (having shewed him this Letter from us) to leave it to his Direction, to excuse this Accident as well as he can, and then you are to return hither, without taking any farther Notice of this Occa∣sion. We are, Good Mr. Bulstrode,

Your very Affectionate Friends to serve you,

• ...L. JENKINS.
• ...JOS. WILLIAMSON.

Upon this emergent Occasion I got to Antwerp before Mr. Frances, tho' he parted from Cologne in the Morning, and I did not leave it till late in the Evening, and having shewed him my Letter from the Ambassadors, and given him all his other Dispatches, I hastened into Flan∣ders, after I had taken a Turn into Holland, and visited all Places both by Land and Sea, and from thence I made a short Step into Eng∣land, to give the King an Account of what I had seen, which I put into Writing so fully to his Majesty's Satisfaction, that he caused my Relation to be entered into the Council-Book; and having done this, I went to find my Brother Henry, who was very private in London, after having had the Misfortune to kill a Sussex Gen∣tleman, his Neighbour, in a Duel (tho' with all the Fairness and Honour so unfortunate an Accident is capable to have said for it) and tho' wounded himself, yet he was so severely

prosecuted, that he must leave England. Upon which Occasion, after serious Consideration of his Condition, I moved my Lord Arlington pri∣vately, to get his Majesty's Leave, that my Brother might go over with me into Holland, and I would undertake to place him where he should give his Lordship constant Accounts of what passed in those Parts worthy his Know∣ledge, and that by his great Diligence and In∣dustry should merit his Majesty's Pardon, if not his Grace and Favour. But, in order to this, I did beg his Lordship, that a Letter might be written to the Master of the Pacquet-Boat at Harwich, not to let the Boat go off with the Letters till my Arrival, which should be with all Speed, and that none who came with me might be questioned, but that we might freely embark: Which being granted to me, I carried my Brother, where I placed him very well for his Majesty's Service, which he so punctually performed, that he did not only get the King's Pardon under the Great Seal, but did his Ma∣jesty such farther Service, that he was rewarded for it. From Holland I went into Flanders by the Way of Sluys, and dined with Monsieur La Leok, the Governour, who was Brother to Monsieur Odybe of Zealand. From Flanders I want to Brussels, where I was not many Days before I received a Patent from the King, to be his Agent at the Court at Brussels, with a civil Letter to the Governour, the Count de Monter∣rey, telling him, that for some particular Reasons he had not thought fit to send me those Powers

sooner, which were antedated some Months be∣fore. Upon this I was very kindly received by his Excellency, and from that time acknowledged for the King's Minister, the greatest Cause of which, next to my Diligence in the King's Ser∣vice, I must attribute to the Letter of Father Patrick to my Lord Arlington, upon my being commanded from Brussels by the Count de Mon∣terrey, and at that time acting without a Com∣mission. But I must not forget, that, at my Return to Brussels, I did disswade Father Patrick from going into England, which before he had resolved to do, knowing it would not only be very prejudicial to the King, but very disadvan∣tageous to the Lord Arlington, who at that time had many considerable Enemies, and that no∣thing was moved more strongly against him, than Father Patrick's lodging at his House in the Park, of which my Lord's Enemies made great Use: But his Lordship was so wise as to change the Pen for the White Staff, had the Golden Key delivered to him, and was declared Lord Chamberlain of his Majesty's Houshold, and Sir Joseph Williamson was forthwith decla∣red, and sworn Secretary of State in his Place, who sent the several Letters of Complaint, of the Violences committed upon our Merchants Ships, by the insolent Capers of Ostend, against whom we could never get any Justice done, du∣ring the Government of the Count de Monterrey, who would not own the Treaty of 1667, which was the Rule we were to go by, in all the Dis∣putes between the English Merchants and the

Capers, which Treaty was solemnly ratified by both Crowns. Whereupon I received the fol∣lowing Letter from Sir Joseph Williamson, da∣ted the 21st of September 1674, in these Words following.

Good Mr. Bulstrode,

IT is beyond Belief, to see with what intole∣rable Insolence the Capers of Ostend treat all the King's Subjects: The Treaty of Madrid in 1667 must be stood upon, it being express in the Point; and till the Count de Monterrey can have Time to consider and judge of it himself, 'tis but just he should issue out present Orders to the Admiralty, not to proceed in any of those Cases, till his farther Order; and that is the Point you must press immediately at Court, and get clear and full Proofs of all Wrongs, Injuries, and Threats done, or given out by them, against any Englishman, and demand Satisfaction of them, and at the same time certify them over hither, that if Justice be denied there, the King may please to consider what he will farther do; and continue to press hard for speedy Justice in the Case of all seized Ships and Goods, and to get the Treaty of 1667 owned as the stand∣ing Rule in all those Concerns; and be sure to insist, that it hath been allowed in all Cases amongst us here in our Admiralty, as Sir Leoline Jenkins, Judge of that Court, hath assured me.

And the 14th of December following, I re∣ceived this from him.

Good Mr. Bulstrode,

IT is said now, that our People themselves, either out of Ignorance or Malice, have given the Ostenders great Advantages in several Cases, by confessing their carrying double Bills of Lading, and casting Papers overboard, with such like indecent Practices, which in all Times, and in all Countries, are reputed just Cause of Condemnation, as was practised in England in the Dutch Wars. If this be so, they may thank themselves if such Cases be given against them. But, upon the whole Matter, the Proceedings of the Capers should be straitly watched, and upon what Grounds the Sentences are pretended to be given, that so the Matter may be received and judged on this Side. In the mean time, it is manifest, that the King omits nothing that he can possibly and lawfully do for his Subjects, who are very unjust and ungrateful to his Majesty, to lay any Part of the Blame upon the King or his Ministers, as I hear some of them do. It is necessary for you to have an exact List of all Ships at any time carried up by the Ostenders, and I pray try to get one, with Affidavits of the most notorious of these Capers, for we may find a Way to meet with them, when they least think of it. I have sent you an Exemplar of the Trea∣ty of 1667, by which it will appear, how noto∣riously their Proceedings are against the express Words of the Treaty. What the Secretary of his Excellency says, That the Way to prevent all Disputes, is to have a new Treaty made, is

true; but we insist to have the present Treaty executed: And if any Cases now arise, where∣in no Provision is yet made, it may not be impro∣per to propose the having a Rule made for such Cases; but as far as the present Treaty reaches, That is to be our standing Rule. And as for the Ship with Plate on board, I see no Reason That should differ the Case, it coming from Tangier; and let the Goods be what they would (not be∣ing counterband) the Ship being English ought to free them: For, by the Treaty, an English Ship is at Liberty to carry all Goods (even to the Enemies of Spain, so they be not counter∣band) and there is to be no Inquiry into her Lading, all being free, the Ship being English.

You are, for the future, to expect Mr. Secre∣tary Coventry's Orders in all Matters from the King, because you are now in his District, he having prevailed with his Majesty, that Brussels may be joined to his Province, being under the Spanish Government.

On the 22d of January 1674, I had this following Letter from Sir Joseph Williamson.

Good Mr. Bulstrode,

I Would lose no Time, upon the News of the Duc de Villa Hermosa's being the assured Successor to Count de Monterrey, to pay him my Compliments; and I beg, Sir, you will do me the Favour to deliver the inclosed, with the Of∣fers of my humble Service, as one that has ever had a very particular Value and Honour for the

Person and Merit of the Duke, and in Confor∣mity to the Joy our Master hath at the Choice; assuring you, that the King hath a very good Opinion of the Duke; and I hope the King of Spain his Master may have Cause to be glad, by the good Effects it may produce during his Go∣vernment.

Mr. Secretary Coventry wrote to me, That denying the Treaty of Flanders was of so great Concern, having been so long since ratified, that I should inform my self of the Count de Monterrey, before his Departure for Spain, whether he made any Scruple of owning it; of which I gave Mr. Secretary an Account, that his Excellency made Difficulty to acknow∣ledge it. Whereupon Mr. Secretary answered, That he never thought it would have been a Question with the Governour of Flanders, whether a Treaty of universal Extent, made, signed, and ratified at Madrid, should be com∣plied with in Flanders? For, if Ostend was in the King of Spain's Dominions, the Treaty reached it. Mr. Secretary, upon this, sent an Account to our Ambassador in Spain, not to in∣treat an Order, but to expostulate the Matter with that Crown, and the Secretary had for Answer, That they admired how his Excellen∣cy should make a Question of observing that Treaty, so nationally ratified as it was: That then they had sent Orders upon it, which be∣fore they could not have thought necessary. Count Monterrey did then, before his Departure,

send a Letter to our King, to send over Captain Berthold (who was then Prisoner in England) to be tryed in Flanders; but his Majesty would not make such a Precedent against himself, as not to vindicate his Flag's Right against any thing that should affront it, when he finds them in his own Dominions, and would give this Answer to Baron de Bergeyk, whenever he should demand it. In the mean time, that what he wrote, was only to inform me of the State of the Thing, that if it should be dis∣coursed by any of the Ministers, I might be furnished with Reasons to defend the Proceed∣ings of my Master, but not as ordered so to do, but as of my self: That the Count de Mon∣terrey was much misinformed in the Matter, the Captain's refusing to strike being witnessed by the whole Sloop's Crew, both Officers and Soldi∣ers: That this was done with reproachful Terms, commanding our Captain to strike in the Name of the King of Spain, (an Insolence never com∣mitted before, and against the Peace betwixt the two Crowns) and pyratically forced away the English Ship, being under the King's Flag, in our own Channel: That this being the Case, and the Offender taken on the King's Ground (the Isle of Wight) there could be no more Question of the King's Right to try this Man, than if he had come and robbed in the Thames: That I might likewise say, that Captain Berthold and his Comerades have been tryed by a Jury of Twelve Men, Half of which (according to our Law) were Aliens, and found Guilty, and

have received their Sentence, and have humbly petitioned the King, for a Release of their Im∣prisonment, to which the King hath consented, and hath given Order accordingly; and that the Matter of the Flag, upon the Insult offered to Mr. Porter, his Majesty's Envoy to the Duc de Villa Hermosa, which Insult was before Ostend, was laid by till the Arrival of Don Pedro de Ronquillos, who was daily expected, his Goods being already come.

About this time I had a Letter from Sir Joseph Williamson, wherein he told me, he was sorry to hear of nothing but Words in the Business of our Ships: That Provocations were rather daily renewed, than any Satisfaction given, and even Insults of a higher Nature: That Don Francisco Marco de Velasco, Envoy from the Duc de Villa Hermosa to compliment the King upon his coming to the Government of Flan∣ders, had taken his Leave, and Don Pedro de Ronquillos was daily expected as Envoy Ex∣traordinary from Spain, who had promised to begin his Business with that of the English Ships carried up by the Ostenders; which was become so clamorous a Cause, that, without some spee∣dy Reparation, no body knew what would fol∣low. That indeed the Insolence of those Ca∣pers was intolerable; and not only those, but the Majorcans in the Mediterranean, were grown insupportable, by the Number of Com∣plaints brought daily to the King, for which he had commanded his Ambassador at Madrid, to declare, that if speedy and effectual Repara∣tion

were not made, his Majesty could not lon∣ger withstand the thing, and that it would be impossible to deny Letters of Reprisal to so many crying Cases of his Subjects that called for them: That, it happening that the Yacht which carried Mr. Porter, his Majesty's Envoy to return the Compliment of the Duc de Villa Hermosa, coming before Ostend, met with a Spanish Man of War, which, according to Custom, he required to strike, and for that Purpose pierced his Rigging with some Shot; but the Man of War not only finally refused to strike, but at last gave the Yacht one Gun with a Bullet in it, which was resented as it ought to be, and put into a legal Way of ex∣amining first, and would after be proceeded in according to the ordinary Custom of the Law, as a Crime of a high Misdemeanor, and con∣stantly punished as such by the Laws of our Kingdom; but because Don Pedro de Ronquillos was soon expected at London, this Business would be deferred till his Arrival.

Being informed by a Person of Honour at Brussels, that the Count de Monterrey would return into Spain by the Way of France, be∣cause his Excellency thought his Presence would not be acceptable to our King, I did thereupon acquaint Mr. Secretary Coventry with it, who told me, That having acquainted the King with what I wrote, his Majesty was much surprized, not knowing the Cause for such a Jealousy: That it was true, the daily Complaints made by his Subjects, of the ill Treatments they received

from Ostend, and the small or no Satisfaction that he had received, notwithstanding the re∣iterated Letters of his Majesty, did much dis∣please him: But, as to the Person of his Ex∣cellency, the King had no particular Dissatisfa∣ction; but, on the contrary, if his Excellency pleased to see England in his Return, he needed no way doubt of receiving Respects suitable to his Quality, and high Employment he had in Flanders. However, the Count de Monterrey did not think fit to pass thro' England in his Return, but went thro' France.

In September following, the King wrote a Letter to the Duc de Villa Hermosa, which was sent to me from Windsor, to be delivered, which being faithfully translated from the French, runs thus in English.

My Cousin,

I Have a great Regret to write to you upon the Complaints of my Subjects, but that I am daily importuned concerning the Hindrance of their Commerce and Navigation coming from the Ports under Obedience of his Catholick Majesty. That which I shall at present tell you, is of a double Affront by two Privateers of Ostend (the one commanding a Frigat of Twelve Guns, with Two Hundred Men, the other of Six Guns, with One Hundred Men) offered to me as well as my Subjects. A small Ship carrying my Colours, and having in Convoy a Galliot Merchant belonging to London, meeting with the said two Priva∣teers, about the Height of my Island of Guernsey,

gave them usual Notice to strike, which they did not only refuse, but by an unheard of Insolence, commanded my Ship to strike to them, and to compleat their Outrage, took the said Merchant, and carried it to Ostend. You may well judge, that this Proceeding is not agreeable to Friends and Allies: And therefore having represented it to you, I believe you will give your Orders for the Punishment of these sort of People, as well in this, as in all others of the like Nature, as my Agent at Brussels shall from time to time in∣form you of, that I may have no Cause to com∣plain farther, but leave my self to your Justice in this Affair, and in all others to your Care, for Preservation of the Amity between me and the Catholick King, which shall be ever dear to me from,

My Cousin,

Your Affectionate Cousin, CHARLES R.

I received a Letter from Mr. Secretary Coventry, dated the 9th of November (Old Style) in these Words following.

Good Mr. Bulstrode,

TO morrow the Earls of Arlington and Ossory are to embark for the Hague. The Suddenness of the Journey gives great Jealou∣sy of a Treaty of Peace, of which there is no∣thing, that remaining wholly under the Conduct of Sir William Temple; and they have no Cha∣racter

but their own Titles, and are purely sent to the Prince of Orange. The Merchants who have Interest in the Ship St. George of London, have made their Complaints to the King and Council, and his Majesty is resolved to speak roundly about it to the Baron de Bergeyk, when he comes: But in the mean time it will surely be very proper for the Merchants concerned, that by your Intercession they should have true Copies of the Proofs and Reason of the Judgment, which cannot in Reason be denied them, which I will send to the Judge of our Admiralty; and if there be real Exceptions in Point of Law, Matter of Fact being stated on both Sides, our Business will go on much more formally, and the King make his Complaints upon a more so∣lid Ground, than the bare Allegation of the Merchants interessed, upon whose Complaint the Council would advise nothing positive, tho' they were very sensible of the Injustice. In the Inte∣rim I am commanded by his Majesty, that you should exhibite the State of the Case to the Mi∣nisters at Brussels, and demand in his Majesty's Name, that either the Fact be avowed or else disproved, by letting you see the authentick Do∣cument of the Court; and the King will, upon a true State of the Matter, consider how to redress such of his Subjects, as have truly been wronged contrary to the Treaty of 1667: And as for such who by their own Folly, in carrying double Cockets, and other forbidden Ways, have brought them∣selves into those Streights, they must be content wi•…•… such Misfortunes as they bring upon them∣selves

by their own ill Conduct. I have sent the Merchants concerned, with the State of their Case, to the Count de Bergeyk, and I desire to hear from you, how he does report it at Brussels, and what Success they are like to have.

I received a Letter dated at Whitehall, the 5th of February 1674, from Mr. Secretary Coventry, in these Words.

Good Mr. Bulstrode,

THO' we are in Peace with all the World, as with Spain, yet all the Ships of France, Holland, and all the rest of Europe, do not give us the tenth Part of that Trouble that the King of Spain's Dominions do. But I hope your new Governour will repair the Grievances our Mer∣chants have long been under; and I shall be very glad his good Inclinations, with those which Don Pedro de Ronquillos expresses towards our Merchants, might appear, and that we shall re∣ceive some Satisfaction therein; and that the good Assurances the Duc de Villa Hermosa giveth us, will appear by the Effects. You may assure the Duke, that my own Inclinations to keep all things quiet, are sufficiently known; but the Mockeries and Prevarications of the Spanish Ministers cannot be longer palliated, Reprisals are granted by the Treaty, after Justice sought any long Time; and whether that hath not been denied, and the Time reasonable for Satisfaction

escaped, let the World judge. I am very con∣cernedly

Your Humble Servant, H. COVENTRY.

At last, after many Letters from Mr. Secre∣tary Coventry, and reiterated Addresses of mine, we obtained this ensuing Order from his Ex∣cellency, which being faithfully translated out of Spanish, runs thus, being signed by the Duc de Villa Hermosa, and by his Secretary, Turietta.

LET the ancient Order be observed, which is to give Communication unto both Par∣ties, of the Proofs, and of all other Documents of the Process, which I do not only command should be executed in that which is under Con∣sultation, concerning the Ship St. George of London, but also in all other Processes which the Admiralty Council may have withdrawn, or henceforth shall withdraw to their Board: And I do likewise ordain, That this Resolution shall serve as a Rule for all Times: And I do also or∣dain, That, in all Suits which shall happen with the Subjects of his Majesty of Great Britain, the Treaty of the Year 1667 be observed; and that it be the Law by which he judged, not on∣ly the depending Processes, but those also which may offer hereafter. And I do likewise command the Council, before Sentence be pronounced, to consult me in all such Suits which are now de∣pending

between the Privateers of Ostend, and the Subjects of the King of Great Britain; in the Decision whereof, all the Votes, as well of the Counsellours as of the Associates, shall not be conformable; and that each one of those that shall have given their Votes, do respectively ex∣press the Reasons upon which they ground their Opinion, the Plurality of Votes notwithstanding. And whereas it is convenient for the Service of the King our Master, and for the good Admini∣stration of Justice, that all the Suits now depen∣ding be finished with all Speed, I do order the Council to apply themselves with particular Care, to the avoiding superfluous and frivolous Delays, and to meet every Day, that no Time be lost in Decision of Affairs of so high a Consequence.

Dated at Brussels, 1675.

Signed by the Duc de Villa Hermosa, Conde de Luna, &c.

By Order from his Excellency Signed underneath,

TURIETTA.

About this time the Earl of Shaftsbury wrote the following Letter to my Lord Carlisle, da∣ted the 29th of March 1675.

My Lord,

I Very much approve of what my Lord Mordaunt and you told me you were about, and should, if I had been in Town, readily have joined with you, and, upon the least Notice have come up; for it's certainly all our Duties, and particularly mine, who have borne such Offices under the

Crown, to improve any Opportunity of a good Correspondence and Understanding between the Royal Family and the People; and to leave it impossible for the King to apprehend, that we stand upon any other Terms that are not as good for him, as necessary for us: Neither can we fear to be accounted Undertakers at the next Meeting of Parliament; for I hope it shall never be thought unfit for any Number of Lords to give the King privately their Opinion, when asked, which in former Days, thro' all the Northern Kingdoms, nothing of great Moment was acted by their Kings, without the Advice of the most considerable and active Nobility, that were within Distance, tho' they were not of the ordinary Privy-Council; such Occasions being not always of that Nature as did require the Assembling the great Council, or Parliament. Besides, there are none so likely as us, nor Time so proper as now, to give the only Advice I know truly serviceable to the King, affectionate to the Duke, and secure to the Country (which is a new Parliament) which I do undertake at any time to convince your Lordship, is the clear Interest of all them. But, in the mean time, I must beg yours and my Lord Mordaunt's Pardon, that I come not up as I intended, for I hear from all Quarters, of Letters from Whitehall, that do give Notice, that I am coming up to Town, that a great Office with a strange Name is preparing for me, and such like. I am ashamed I was thought so easy a Fool by those who should know me better: But I assure your Lordship, there's no Place or Con∣dition

will invite me to Court, during this Par∣liament, nor until I see the King thinketh fre∣quent Parliaments as much his Interest, as they are the People's Right: For until then, I can neither serve the King as I could, nor think a great Place safe enough for a second Adventure. When our great Men have tried a little longer, they will be of my Mind; in the mean time, no kind of Usage shall put me out of that Duty and Respect I owe to the King and Duke: But I think it would not be amiss, for the Men that are in great Offices, who are at Ease, and where they would be, to be ordinarily civil to a Man in my Condition, since, they may be assured, that all their great Places put together shall not buy me from my Principles. My Lord, I beseech you to impart this to the Earl of Salisbury, my Lord of Falconbridge, and my Lord Hollis; and when you four command me up, I will obey. I am sorry my Lord Hallifax had no better Success in his Summer's Negotiation, and that his Uncle Sir William could make no nearer Approach to the Ministers of State, than the Kissing of the King's Hand: I fear it is fatal to his Lordship to go so far, and no farther. My Dear Lord,

I am most Affectionately and Sincerely Your Lordship's most Devoted Servant.

In September 1675, Mr. Secretary Coventry wrote me this ensuing Letter.

Good Mr. Bulstrode,

I Understand that Don Pedro de Ronquillos, and the Sieur Decio, are come in Commission to Ostend, and have made Bargains with some particular Merchants, by way of Composition (tho' nothing concluded with his Majesty as to Right) but these very Bargains and Contracts made with them by Don Pedro and Decio, who is a Burgher of Ostend, are neither respected nor regarded; and if these Affronts are done and maintained by Order from the King of Spain, we must look upon it as a Violation of the Treaty: But if it be done by Particulars that will not give Obedience to his Catholick Majesty, nor Sa∣tisfaction to us, I hope we shall not be blamed, if we right our selves by Reprisals, allowed by the Treaty against such, as both in Contempt of our King and their own, do impudently continue their Insolences. Sir, I pray you to assure his Excellency, that I have done my utmost to com∣pose these Differences, but the no Satisfaction received, and the many Insolences since done, maketh it impossible to suffer any much longer Delay. The Parliament now approaches, and when the oppressed Merchants shall there tell their Story, I know what Reproaches will be uttered against those Ministers that have not been quicker in giving Remedies to these Vio∣lences. I am sorry, Sir, I can give you no other Answer upon this Matter; but without speedy Reparation, Reprisals cannot be gainsayed; and

what will follow then, the Lord knows. I am, Sir, with great Sincerity,

Your most Humble Servant, H. COVENTRY.

About this time his Majesty gave me Leave to come into England, and sent the Mary Yacht to Ostend for me, and some time after the King was pleased to send me to Brussels, with this following Letter to his Excellency.

CHARLES par la Grace de Dieu, Roy de la Grand Brittaine, de la France, & d'Irlande, Defenseur de la Foy, &c. a Tres Illustre & Tres Excellent Seigneur, Charles d'Arragon, Duc de Villa Hermosa, Conde de Luna, Gouverneur General des Pags Bas, & de la Burgoyne, pour sui Majestè Catholique, nôtre Tres Cher Amis, Salut, &c. Tres Illustre, & Tres Excellent Signeur, & Tres Cher Amis, Nôtre feal & aimé Sûjet, Richard Bulstrode, que nous avions cy devant envoyé a Bruxelles, pour y resider en qualité de nôtre Agent, êtant depuis peu de retour icy, nous a fait tres ample∣ment connoïtre l'Affection que vôtre Excellence nous porte, & nous a aussi representé fort an large la Bien Veillance qu'elle a pour nos Sûjets: Or pour une merque de la satisfation que nous avons receue de la bonne Conduite que le dit Bulstrode a tenue dans l'Employ que nous luy avons confié, & de la quelle aussi vôtre Excel∣lence temoign être bien satisfaite, par sa Lettre

du 12me du Mois de Decembre dernier, l'ayant honoré de la dignité de Chevalier, nous luy avons ordonné de retourner incessament au dit Bruxelles pour y demeurer en qualité de nôtre Resident, luy ayant commandé en mesme temps de rendre a vôtre Excellence l'honneur & le respêt qui luy est due: Comme aussi d'observer avec soin & ap∣lication les mesmes egards pour ce qui concerne l'amitie etroite qui est entre nous & le Sere∣nissime Roy Catholique, que pour ce qui nous re∣gardera, & le Bien de nos Sûjets. Nous ne doutons nullement que vôtre Excellence ne fausse un bon & favorable accueil a nôtre dit Resident, & qu'elle ne donna pareillement Creance a tout ce qu'il luy dira de nôtre part. Sur ce nous prions Dieu, qu'il ait vôtre Excellence en sa sainte & digne garde.

Vôtre bon Amis, CHARLES R.

Escrite de Whitehall, le 26 de Januier 1675.

Signé plus bas, HENRY COVENTRY

In June 1675, the two Houses were in a great Heat with each other; whereupon, the Ninth of that Month, the Black Rod knocked at the Door of the House of Commons, and said, the King commanded them to wait upon him presently in the House of Lords. The King then told them, That he had called them

together, to secure their Religion and Proper∣ties, which he hoped they would have done successfully, seeing he had not offered any Bu∣siness of his own to hinder or obstruct it, and had let them sit longer than he intended at first: That he designed only to have adjourned them for a short Time; but finding some of his and their Enemies had been able to make Differen∣ces between them, which could not be accom∣modated by any thing less than a Prorogation, he very unwillingly prorogued them to the 13th of October, when he hoped to meet them again in a better Temper, without springing new Differences, or reviving the old. The Members then posted down into their several Countries, dissatisfied enough, but with whom, or with what, they could not tell. They all agreed, the King did no more than Necessity required him to do, and some believed he had not done so much as he ought to have done, or must quickly do; for, that a Prorogation was not likely to do the Business, but that the Par∣liament must be dissolved, for that no Good could be expected from them, and that it was lost Labour to try them longer. After this Prorogation, the Marquess of Winchester, and the Earl of Shaftsbury appeared at Court, which was done by Permission; for the King being asked, if he would not take it ill, if they came, his Majesty's Answer was, That he forbid no Body, without any farther Encouragement. It seems the Two before-mentioned went likewise to St. James's, and were at the Duke's Rising,

and were received very kindly by his Royal Highness, which gave new Occasion of Talk, and that the latter of them two would come soon into Play. The Parliament being again farther prorogued, and afterwards assembling, the Lords were very hot upon the Point of the Legality of that Parliament; and tho' those that opposed were so few, that it was not worth being put to the Question, yet it lasted a long Debate, and when the Debate was over, it was moved, that those who first stirred the Scruple should be punished; and then how many should be accounted liable? Whether the Duke of Buckingham, who first moved it, or others with him? And how many, and who? Upon which three others were named, viz. the Earls of Salisbury and Shaftsbury, and Lord Wharton: And a Debate arose, whether those Lords should withdraw as criminal, till their Punishment was agreed upon? The Question being put, Whether the offending Lords should withdraw? it was carried in the Affirmative. Then the House called for the Duke of Buckingham, who was gone; upon which it was ordered, that the Black Rod should take his Grace into Custody, and bring him to the House the next Day. Then the other Three were called, and requi∣red to ask Pardon of the King and the House, which they refused, and were thereupon sent Prisoners to the Tower. The Duke of Buck∣ingham appeared the next Day, and was sent Prisoner to the Tower, because he refused like∣wise to make the Acknowledgment.

Wednesday the 29th of February, the Peti∣tion of the Earl of Shaftsbury was read in the House, submitting to what the Lords should enjoin him, in begging Pardon of the King and their Lordships. Whereupon the Lord Chan∣cellor told the House, That the King had also received a Petition from the said Earl; but un∣derstanding, that he endeavoured to free him∣self from their Censure, by an Appeal to the King's Bench, during the Adjournment of Par∣liament, his Majesty thought not fit to declare his Pleasure, as to his Enlargement, till the House of Lords had taken the Case into their Consideration. Upon which, after a long De∣bate, it was ordered, That the Records of the King's Bench Court should be brought into the House, and the Earl's Business proceeded upon the next Day; when the Lords declared, That it was a Breach of Privilege for any of their House to appeal to an inferior Court, during the Sitting of Parliament: That however, this should not be any Bar to any Plea the Earl should make. However, it seems that, some Time after, the Earl of Shaftsbury moved again by his Council in the King's Bench, for ano∣ther Habeas Corpus; upon which his Lordship was brought thither, and the Business was agreed by Council on both Sides, and the Judges de∣clared, that his Lordship being committed by a superior Court, viz. the House of Lords, of which his Lordship was a Member, they could not enquire into the Legality or Illegality of his Commitment, nor could they give him any

Relief, and so remanded his Lordship back to the Tower. Upon this the Earl petitioned the House of Lords, to know whether he should be released or not? To which the Lords told him, considering he had added a new Offence to that for which he was committed, much more heinous than the first, in applying himself to the King's Bench with a new Habeas Corpus, which was a farther Contempt of the Authority of the House of Lords, they would not release him. To which his Lordship answered, That the Crime for which he was committed, was the only Matter in Question before them; and there∣fore, if they looked upon his Submission as Satisfaction enough for the Fault he had com∣mitted, he might be allowed by the House to make his Application to the King, for his Liber∣ty; but, after a long Debate, it was carried in the Negative, That he should not be allowed by the House to make his Application to the King, and that they were resolved not to release him, till they had examined all his Faults together. Then the Lords resolved to have the Earl once more before them, and having perused the Record of his second Habeas Corpus, they agreed, that his applying again to an inferior Court, in the time of an Adjournment, which is a virtual Session of Parliament, to be relieved against the Judgment of the House of Lords, was a Breach of their Privileges, and resolved, That he should answer the Crime at the Bar of their House, the next Day; but the other Crime, far which he was committed, seemed to be for∣given.

In the End, the Earl finding his Peti∣tion to the Lords rejected there, for want of having behaved himself with due Submission and Obedience to the King, did then again pe∣tition his Majesty; but either uncarefully, or too capriciously insinuated in his Petition, that he did it by Order of the House of Lords, which the King took ill, and refused the Petition upon it. After this, the Lords were again upon this Business, and after many refined Questions, the whole Matter hung upon some Words which were alledged his Lordship should have said at the King's Bench Bar, upon his bringing his last Habeas Corpus, and that the Words then spoken by his Lordship were derogatory to the House of Lords, and to their Power: Whereupon Wit∣nesses were called in and heard, who proved so little to the Earl's Disadvantage, that he was at length called for, to make his Submission to the House, which his Lordship did with all the Words and Ceremonies exacted of him, so much to the Satisfaction of the House, that they or∣dered an Address to be made to the King, to signify to his Majesty, that they (the House of Lords) were entirely satisfied, and that the whole Business of his Lordship's Enlargement, or farther Confinement, rested with his Maje∣sty: Upon which his Lordship was that Night remanded to the Tower. The next Morning, the White Staves of the Lords House, in the Name of the whole House, made an Address to his Majesty, in the Case of the Earl of Shafts∣bury; and the Lord Treasurer, the Morning

following, made Report to the House, that his Majesty was satisfied, and that he would gra∣ciously please to order, that the said Earl should be delivered from the Tower, which was done accordingly; and the next Day the Earl of Shaftsbury had his Liberty, and took his Place in the House of Lords.

About this time I received a Letter from the King to the Duc de Villa Hermosa, brought me from Windsor by Mr. Puckle, who was then employed by the Merchants. That it being long since the Merchants first applied them∣selves to his Majesty for Redress in Flanders, and the King having long expected, from the Interposition of himself in that Affair, and the several Memorials given in his Name to the Mi∣nisters of Spain, from time to time residing, as also by his Minister at Brussels, that his Sub∣jects would sooner have found the good Effects of their Instances; but especially being so seri∣ously promised, upon the coming of their De∣puties, with Sieur Decio their Fiscal, all Dif∣ferences would be speedily adjusted: Yet, to his great Dissatisfaction he found, that several Months had been taken up by them in Confe∣rences, and yet the Affair appeared so far from being ended, that it seemed to be industriously protracted: And his Subjects therefore freshly importuning him with reiterated Complaints of their Oppressions, and imploring that he would provide for their Satisfaction, by such Ways as were agreeable to his royal Dignity: His Maje∣sty therefore calling to Mind with what Pa∣tience

he had waited for Reparation of their Damages, and having used all amicable Ways depending upon him, was now constrained to let his Excellency know, That if Justice were not speedily administred to his Subjects, he should be obliged by the Protection he owes them, to give them Leave to take their Satisfaction, by such Ways as the Law of Nations, and his Treaty of 1667 with the King of Spain allowed. And therefore the King seriously desired his Ex∣cellency to give effectual Orders to those con∣cerned, that what had been wrongfully done or taken from his Majesty's Subjects, by the Privateers of Ostend, might be adjudged and re∣stored to them, or their Value; that thereby the Necessity of having Recourse to severer Remedies might be prevented, which his Majesty promised himself from his Love to Justice, and his great Desire to preserve a good Friendship and Corre∣spondence betwixt the two Crowns. 'Tis true indeed we had better Orders from the Duke, than we had formerly from the Count Monter∣rey; but the Difference was, that the Count de Monterrey would always have his Orders pun∣ctually obeyed, and the Orders of the Duc de Villa Hermosa were seldom complied with; so that his Majesty's Subjects were very little the better for all the good Orders of the Duc de Villa Hermosa.

Not long after this, I received a Letter from the King to the Duc de Villa Hermosa, which being faithfully translated, run thus.

Cousin,

THE Desire I have always had, and have, to do and perform all things on my Part, that may effectually conduce to the constant maintaining of a perfect Amity between me and my good Brother the Catholick King; and the Care which you have also used on your Part, to the same good Purpose, ever since you came to the Government of Flanders, made me believe, that my Subjects might have exercised their Commerce and Navigation, without any Hinde∣rance or Interruption from those of his Catholick Majesty; and the rather, because you once sent the Sieur Decio, Fiscal of Ostend, hither into England, to adjust such Matters as were then in Difference, and to prevent the like for the future: Notwithstanding which, I am informed, that a Difficulty is raised concerning the Liberty of Trade to my Subjects, from one Port to another, of such Countries as are in Enmity with Spain, but in Peace and Amity with England, tho' there be not the least Ground or Shadow of any such Exception between me and his Catholick Majesty, nor is the like practised or pretended by any other Nation in Amity with me. Yet the Admiralty of Ostend refuseth to allow my Subjects that Liberty, upon a Pretence that the said Fiscal, when he was lately here, had given undeniable Arguments in that Behalf: But I am well infor∣med, that, when the said Fiscal was here, and presented this Objection with some others against the Liberty of Trade, Sir Leoline Jenkins, Judge

of my Admiralty, and Sir Robert Southwell, Knights, being appointed to examine the Fiscal's Papers, did make Answer thereto in Writing, in the Month of July 1675, and in particular to that very Point, touching the Right of Freedom in Trade from one Port to another; and that never any Answer or Reply being made thereunto, it was believed that the said Fiscal, and all those concerned in that Question, had finally acquies∣ced therein. A Copy of the Answer made by the said two Knights to the Fiscal's Objection, I have caused to be transmitted to my Resident at Brussels, and commanded him to impart the same unto you, not doubting but the Arguments there∣in contained will appear to you so strongly groun∣ded upon Treaties and Reason, that I shall not need to press you for Justice in so clear a Case; but that that you will, of your own Accord and free Motion, adjust and finally determine this Point, according to the Rules set down in the aforesaid Treaty of 1667, between me and his Catholick Majesty, so as my Subjects may receive no farther Interruption in the lawful Exercise of their Freedom in Trade and Navigation, which is the only Intent of this my Letter to you, with the Assurance whereof I remain,

Cousin,

Your Good Friend, CHARLES R.

About this time Letters from the Hague told us, that the States General and their Confede∣rates had accepted of Nimmeguen for the Place

of Treaty, at the Mediation and Recommen∣dation of his Majesty of Great Britain, which was forthwith communicated to Monsieur de Ravigni, the French Ambassador, who told our King, that his most Christian Majesty would not send his Ambassadors, till the Emperor had agreed to some Accommodation upon the two preliminary Points, of Prince William of Fur∣stenberg, and the Money belonging to the French King seized at Cologne. Hereupon our King sent to his Ambassador at the Hague, to press the States in that Matter, who answered, That they did not think fit to meddle in that Matter, but left it entirely to the Emperor's Pleasure, whose Minister at the Hague declared in the Name of the Emperor, That his Imperial Ma∣jesty was willing to suspend the Process against the Prince, and would agree, that in the Assem∣bly at Nimmeguen, Consideration should be had of that Prince's Detention, and of seizing the Money at Cologne; but that the Prince being a natural born Subject of the Emperor, he could not admit to put him into a third Hand; upon which the King of Great Britain and the States were satisfied.

In the Year 1675, I had Notice given me by Mr. Secretary Coventry, That the King was re∣solved I should follow the Camp, and had or∣dained an Allowance of 400 L. Sterling for my Equipage: That I should be careful to write all that passed in the Army, and leave some Person at Brussels to write all from thence, as fully as I used to do: That the Continuance of my Di∣ligence

and Exactness was the Way to have my Pains valued, which would at last bring a good Recompence with it.

In August 1677, I was advised by Mr. Secre∣tary Coventry, that Mynheer van Benningham, the Dutch Envoy, had told him, that, in Dis∣course with Count de Basigni, a Lieutenant Ge∣neral of the Spanish Troops, I had told him at Brussels, that the Prince of Orange had raised his Siege of Charleroy without fighting, to make himself King of his own Country, with many other things very prejudicial to the Honour and Trust of the Prince; which being known to the King and Duke, they were much concerned at it: And that it would therefore become me pre∣sently to apply my self to Count Basigni, to get a Certificate from him, that I had said no such thing to him. The same Story was also told me by Mr. Laury Hyde, who was newly arrived from the English Court. Upon these In∣formations, I went forthwith to Count Basigni, and shewed him Mr. Secretary's Letter, which was wrote by Order from the King. Where∣upon Count de Basigni told me, I had always been esteemed a Frenchman, and that I had a great Inclination for that Nation: That he had endeavoured to do me that Right, as to assure the contrary, by saying, I was unsatisfied at the Prince of Orange's raising his Siege of Charleroy without fighting, which he had purposely done, to make himself King of Holland and the Low Countries. I then asked him, whether he had ever heard me say any such thing? He then

confessed he never heard me say so, but that what he had said was in my Justification, and that I was not the Man that others apprehended me to be: That I might make a good Excuse to the Secretary, by saying, Count de Basigni not being well, was gone to drink the Spaw Waters, and that at his Return I would get such a Cer∣tificate from him as was required: That in the mean time the Business would be forgotten, and I should hear no more of it. But I told him plainly, that since his Tongue had been too long, in speaking that, as from me, which I never said, whereby my Honour was in great Hazard, his Hand was not too short to give me Satisfaction by his Pen; which if he refused, he must do it with his Sword, and that my Coach was at his Door, and that I would carry him out of the Ramparts, and the Business would quickly be decided. To which he an∣swered, he would much more willingly give me Satisfaction with his Sword, than with his Pen, after he had heard Mass at the Domini∣cans. Upon which I left him, and went to the Dominicans; soon after which, the Count came thither, and when the Mass was ended, we went out together to my Coach, and putting him before me, as I was going in after him, Don Antonio de Lera, and Don Martin de les Ries, two Spanish Officers, stopp'd me, and said we should not go together, for that they knew there was a Quarrel betwixt us, and that they would secure and take Count de Basigni Priso∣ner from me, and would forthwith give Notice

of it to the Governour, Viscount Berling: Whereupon I went into my Coach, and sent immediately to Mr. Lent, who was Resident for the King of Denmark. He came presently to me, to whom I told all that happened: Where∣upon he offered me his Service, and said he would stand by me, and serve me in all I should desire of him. Soon after Viscount Berlin came to me, to let me know, that he would endeavour to compose the Difference amicably between Count Basigni and me, in the Absence of the Duc de Villa Hermosa, and that he had secured Count Basigni in his own House, but durst not meddle with me, because I was a publick Minister; but desired I would not stir abroad, and that he hoped to compose the Dif∣ference friendly between us. I sent forthwith to Mr. Hyde, to desire him to take my Coach to Bruin le Comte, to see the Prince of Orange, and to make my Excuse for not waiting upon his Highness, till I had freed my self from the Imputation that was cast upon me. I had not been long at Home, but Count de Tanuti, the Pope's Internuncio, accompanied with the Ab∣bot of Leyde, came to see me, and offered their Service for accommodating the Business between us. The Internuncio told me, and so did the Abbot of Leyde, that they could not advise Count de Basigni to give me such a Certificate as I desired, for that would be to give himself the Lye; but I told them, he must either do that, or fight with me, and that I had rather lose my Life than my Honour.

In the Afternoon of the same Day, Mr. Ly∣seca, the Spaniard, who was Superintendant in the Place of Don Pedro de Ronquillos, came to see me: Amongst other things, he told me, that perchance he might do me some Service, because, by virtue of his Office, he could examine upon Oath, any Person that was Prisoner upon such an Occasion; and that if I would let him know what Questions he should ask him, he would not fail to do it; and that he would take a Commis with him, who should put in Writing all that was said, of which he would give me a Copy attested under his Hand and Seal. Upon this I told him, that he would please to examine Count Basigni, how he came to be a Prisoner? and if there was a Quarrel betwixt us? and upon what Account? And that, whether he had heard me at any time, especially since the Siege of Charleroy, speak any thing against the Prince of Orange, that might reflect upon his Honour, or Trust reposed in him by the States General of the United Provinces? and that he, the Prince of Orange, did not fight then, be∣cause he would make himself King of that Coun∣try? To which Count Basigni answered upon Oath, That he never heard me speak any thing tending to the Dishonour of the Prince of Orange, or breaking of his Trust to the States General; because, if he had heard any such thing, he would have questioned me for it. When Mr. Lyseca gave me this Account the next Day, I told him, I should be very well satisfied, if he would give me three Certificates signed by

himself and his Commis, signifying what he had told me; the one should be for the King and the Duke, the second for the Prince of Orange, and the third to be left in the Stadt-House at Brussels, in perpetuam rei memoriam, which was done accordingly, and all our Differences were amicably composed. The King my Master, with his Royal Highness, were entirely satisfied with my Proceeding and Conduct in this Busi∣ness, as Mr. Secretary Coventry wrote me Word, and the Prince of Orange was fully satisfied, as Mr. Hyde informed me, and as I understood afterwards from the Prince himself. But this Affair stuck upon Count de Basigni, as an ill Mark upon him, who lived not many Years after it.

In March 1677, the House of Commons re∣solved, that those Persons who either advised, compelled, assisted, or encouraged the raising, levying, or sending his Majesty's Subjects into the military Service of the French King, since the King's Proclamation to the contrary, are, and shall be esteemed Enemies to the Safety of the Kingdom. Then they agreed to present an Address to his Majesty in these Words fol∣lowing.

May it please Your Majesty,

WE your Majesty's most loyal Subjects, the Commons assembled in Parliament, do with unspeakable Joy and Comfort, present our humble Thanks to Your Majesty, for Your most gracious Acceptance of your Address; and that

You have been pleased to express, in your prince∣ly Wisdom, Your Concurrence in Opinion to the Preservation of the Spanish Netherlands: We do with all earnest and repeated Desires implore Your Majesty, that You would be pleased to take Care to prevent those Dangers that may arise to these Kingdoms by the present Power of the French King, and the Progress he daily makes in the Netherlands, and many other Places; and therefore that Your Majesty would not defer the entring into such Alliances as may attain those Ends. And in Case it shall happen, in pursuance of such Alliances, that Your Majesty shall be en∣gaged in a War with the French King, we hold our selves obliged, and we do with all Humility and Chearfulness assure Your Majesty, that we Your Majesty's most loyal Subjects shall always be ready, upon Signification in Parliament, fully from time to time to assist Your Majesty with such Aids and Supplies, as, by the Divine Assi∣stance, may enable Your Majesty to prosecute the same with Success. All which we humbly offer to Your Majesty, as the unanimous Sense and Desire of the whole Nation.

To this the King returned no Answer, and therefore this farther Address was also made by both Houses of Parliament.

May it please Your Majesty,

WE Your most loyal Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parliament assembled,

find our selves obliged, in Duty and Faithfulness to Your Majesty, and in Discharge of the Trust reposed in us by those whom we represent, most humbly to offer to Your Majesty's serious Conside∣ration, that the Minds of Your Majesty's People are much disquieted with the manifest Dangers arising to Your Majesty's Kingdoms, by the Growth and Power of the French King, especi∣ally by the Acquisitions already, and the farther Progress likely to be made by him in the Spanish Netherlands; in the Preservation and Security whereof we humbly conceive the Interest of Your Majesty, and the Safety of Your People, are singly concerned: And therefore we most humbly beseech Your Majesty to take the same into Your Royal Consideration, and to strengthen Your self with such stricter Alliances as may secure Your Majesty, and preserve and secure the said Nether∣lands, and thereby quiet the Minds of Your Ma∣jesty's People.

The King's Answer to this Address was to this Effect. That his Majesty was of Opinion, that the Conservation of Flanders was of great Importance to England: That he would use all Means in his Power for the Preservation of Flanders, as could consist with the Safety of the Kingdom. And the 11th of April 1677, his Majesty sent this Message to the House of Commons.

HIS Majesty having considered your late Address, and finding some Alterations in Affairs abroad, thinks it necessary to put you in Mind, that the only Way to prevent the Dangers that may arise to these Kingdoms, must be by putting his Majesty timely in a Condition to make such fitting Preparations as may enable him to do what shall be most for the Security of them.

The 12th of April 1677, Resolved in the House of Commons,

THAT the Thanks of this House be given to his Majesty, for laying before them his Majesty's Sense of the Posture of Affairs abroad, and to let his Majesty know, that in order to his Majesty's Preparations in pursuance of their Ad∣dress, for the Safety of the Kingdom, they had provided a Security of 200000l. and that what∣soever of the same shall be expended accordingly, shall be by them reimbursed; and whensoever the Posture of his Majesty's Affairs shall require their Attendance in Parliament, they would be ready to aid and assist him, as the Nature of his Maje∣sty's Affairs should require.

The 16th of this Month, his Majesty sent for the House of Commons, and told them, that the Two Hundred Thousand Pounds they had given him Credit for, was not sufficient for making the necessary Preparations; and there∣fore demanded Six Hundred Thousand Pounds

more; but the House desired his Majesty, he would give them Leave to defer that Matter, till they came together again, for that their House was at present very empty; and the 22d of May 1677, his Majesty sent a Message to the House of Commons, to attend him presently in the Banqueting-House, where he made a Speech to them, and they being returned, went into a grand Committee of the whole House, to consider of his Majesty's Speech, and resolved, That an Humble Address be presented to the King, and a Committee was appointed to draw up an Address, with Reasons why they could not comply with his Majesty's Speech, till such Alliances as they desired were entered into; and farther shewing the Necessity of such spee∣dy Alliances; and that when such Alliances were made, to give his Majesty Assurances of speedy and chearful Supplies, for supporting and maintaining such Alliances. After this, the King sent again for the House of Commons to the Banqueting-House, and made this follow∣ing Speech to them.

Gentlemen,

I Have sent for you hither, to prevent the Mistakes which I find some are ready to make, as if I had called you together only to get Mo∣ney from you, for other Ends than you would have it employed. I do assure you, upon the Word of a King, that you shall never repent any Trust reposed in Me, for the Safety of My King∣doms, and desire you to believe, that I would

not break my Credit with you: But as I have already told you, that it will be impossible for me to speak or act those things which should an∣swer the Ends of your several Addresses, with∣out exposing my Kingdoms to much greater Dan∣gers; so I declare to you, that I will not ha∣zard my own Safety, nor yours, till I am in better Condition than I am able to put my self, both to defend my Subjects, and to offend my Enemies. And I do farther assure you, that I have not lost one Day, since your last Meeting, in doing all I can for our Defence: And I tell you plainly, it shall be your Fault, and not mine, if our Securities be not provided for.

May the 21st, the Address of the House of Commons was read and agreed to, and the Privy-Counsellours of the House were ordered to know his Majesty's Pleasure when the House should wait upon him with it. The 26th of May they attended the King in the Banqueting-House with their Address. The King told them, it was of great Weight, that he would take it into Consideration, and return them an Answer. The 28th of May he sent for the House of Com∣mons into the Banqueting-House at Whitehall, and gave them this following Answer. That he could by no means approve of their last Ad∣dress, for that it contained many things unfit for them to meddle with, and which intrenched upon the undoubted Right of the Crown, whose Prerogative it was to make Peace, and declare War: That his Majesty would never suffer to

be lessened so essential a Part of the Monarchy: But withal his Majesty declared, that as he had done all that lay in his Power, so he would continue to apply himself by all the Means he could, to let the World see his Care both for the Security and Satisfaction of his People, tho' it might not be with those Advantages to them, which by their Assistance he might have procured.

But I must not forget to tell, that in this Year 1677, the House of Commons agreed up∣on an Address to his Majesty, to return him their humble Thanks for expressing his great Care of the Protestant Religion, in marrying his Niece to a Protestant Prince, and did humbly beseech his Majesty to admit of no Treaty of Peace, but such a one as leaves the French King in no better State or Condition to offend his Neighbours, than he is left by the Treaty of the Pyrrbeneans.

In April 1678, the two Houses of Parliament met, and the King being in his Robes in the Lords House, sent for the House of Commons to confirm their new Speaker, Sir Robert Sawyer; after which the Lord Chief Justice North (the Lord Chancellor being indisposed) acquainted the two Houses, That his Majesty hoped he should have been able at their Meeting to have told something to their full Satisfaction, but that things were not yet in that Condition, by reason the Dutch Ambassador was not fully au∣thorized to treat an Alliance, which might com∣prehend all the Allies, and particularly to en∣gage,

that the States General should, in like manner as is done in England, prohibite all Trade with France; and therefore his Majesty had thought fit, that they should adjourn for some short time longer, when his Majesty hoped he should be able to tell them the Certainty of things, upon which they might take the Reso∣lutions that were fit: Upon which both Hou∣ses of Parliament adjourned themselves.

About this time I received a Letter from Sir Joseph Williamson, in these Words.

Dear Sir,

WE bear nothing yet of the great Business of our East India Company so long since promised, which is not yet ended, nor like to be; the Commissioners can come to no Agreement in their Differences, each Company being obsti∣nate in their Demands. All that is like to be done is this, to leave Matters in the same State they were before the Negotiation, and a Rule is made for the amicable Decision of all Complaints, which is this that follows. If Justice be not done, or Satisfaction given to the Parties by the King of Great Britain, or the States General, respectively, in Three Months, then within Three Months after, Four Commissioners shall be named on each Side, who shall be obliged to determine it in Three Months following their Assembly; and if they do not, they shall name an Arbitra∣tor, to decide within Six Months: And if he do not, and the Commissioners cannot agree upon such an Arbitrator, then the Cause to devolve

upon the King of Great Britain and the States, to decide; and this to be the Method. Upon each Complaint, the Commissioners in the first Case to meet at London, and in the second at the Hague, and so alternatively; and an Act is passed between the King and the States, That the 9th Article of the Treaty at London, which relates to this Matter of the East Indies, and the Treaty Marine, be executed, and no farther Proceedings to be had upon it: Upon which the Deputies of the East India Company are parted, as likewise the Commissioners for Surinam, the States of Zealand having some Weeks past sent their Orders directly to Surinam, for executing that Part of the Treaty, and bringing off the English from thence.

Soon after this, I received a Letter from the Earl of Sunderland, in these Words fol∣lowing.

SIR,

HIS Majesty having been pleased to make Choice of me for one of his principal Se∣cretaries of State, in Place of Sir Joseph Wil∣liamson, I hold my self obliged to give you this Notice, assuring you at the same time, that I shall be very glad of any Occasion that I may lay hold upon, during my Function, that may offer for your Service, as being, Sir,

Your most Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

This was in the Year 1678 that Sir Joseph Williamson resigned, and the Earl of Sunder∣land came in his Place.

The 22d of April 1678, all People were impatiently expecting what Resolution would be taken in Holland upon the Proposals of the French Ambassadors, which it seems the States were inclined to accept, at a Time when his Majesty was so vigorously preparing for the War, and was so near engaging in it, that it was believed, by the latter End of the next Month, his Royal Highness would be in Flan∣ders with the whole Army, if no extraordinary Accident hinder'd it.

But on the 6th of May 1678, after a long Debate, the Commons came to this Resolution: First, to disapprove of the offensive Treaty with Holland, as not consisting with the Safety of the Kingdom: Secondly, that his Majesty will please to enter into an Alliance with the Em∣peror, Spain, (and the States General, if they will come into it, if not, to proceed without them) and other the Confederates for lessening the Power of France. This Address was drawn and presented that Night, and the next Day, which was the 7th Instant, his Majesty retur∣ned this following Answer.

CHARLES REX.

HIS Majesty having been acquainted with the Votes of the House of Commons, was very much surprized both with the Matter and Form of them: But if his Majesty had had

Exception to neither, yet his Majesty having asked the Advice of his two Houses of Parlia∣ment, does not think fit to give an Answer to any thing of that Nature, till he hath a concur∣rent Advice from both Houses.

Given at the Court at Whitehall, the 6th of May 1678.

The 14th of May his Majesty sent a Message to the House of Commons, to let them know, that unless they did farther supply his Majesty, he should be forced to disband all his Forces, and to cease his Preparations for Sea; and in the Afternoon of that Day, the House of Com∣mons presented their Address, to which the King was pleased to answer the next Day, That their Address was so extravagant, that his Ma∣jesty did not think fit to give it the Answer it deserved, and the next Day the King prorogued the Parliament to the 23d of May 1678. The 31st of May the House of Commons ordered the Members of the Privy Council, to pray his Majesty, that if he will please to enter into a War against the French King, they would sup∣port him in it; if otherwise, they would pro∣ceed to provide for paying and disbanding the Army: To which his Majesty was pleased the next Day to answer, That the French King had consented to a Cessation to the 27th of July, which his Majesty believed would be followed by a general Peace; but that the King thought it necessary to keep up his Army till that time, and therefore called upon them forthwith to provide a Subsistence for them; Whereupon the

House resolved, that all the Forces raised since the 29th of September last, be forthwith paid and disbanded, except those Forces that were sent to the Plantations; and they resolved, That a Supply be granted to his Majesty, towards the paying and disbanding the Forces that have been raised since the said 29th of September.

In November 1678 several Persons were ap∣prehended for High Treason, and were exa∣mined before the Lords of the Privy Council, and committed to Newgate, in order to their Tryal; and all that were, or suspected to be Roman Catholicks, were seized upon, and the House of Commons passed this following Vote, That, upon the Evidence that had already ap∣peared to them, there is, and hath been, a damnable hellish Plot contrived and carried on by the Popish Recusants, for assassinating and murdering the King, and for subverting the Government, and destroying the Protestant Religion by Law established; and ordered, that this Vote be communicated to the Lords at a Conference, and that the Lords be then desired to join with the House of Commons, in providing Remedies for the Safety of his Ma∣jesty's sacred Person and Government, and Protestant Religion by Law established. His Majesty was then pleased to issue out his Pro∣clamation, requiring all Popish Recusants not to go five Miles from the Places of their Abode, and command all of them to quit the City of London, without Exception of any Person, but only foreign Ministers; and his Majesty

sent an Answer in Writing by one of his prin∣cipal Secretaries to the Address for tendering the Oaths to all Persons residing in Whitehall, St. James's, and Somerset-House, except the menial Servants of the Queen and Dutchess, who are excepted by Articles of Marriage.

Upon the 4th of August 1679, the King was taken at Windsor with an Indisposition something like an Ague, occasioned by a Cold, which made him very heavy, and took away his Stomach: The News thereof being brought to the Duke at Brussels, his Royal Highness sent for me at Ten at Night, and then he ac∣quainted me with his Intention of going early the next Morning for England, and commanded me to make his Excuse to the Duc de Villa Hermosa, for not taking Leave of his Excel∣lency, his going being so sudden, private, and unexpected. The 5th of September following I had Letters from England, that the Duke of York was safely arrived at Windsor, and was most kindly received by the King and all the Court: That many Persons flocked thither to see the Duke, and kiss his Hands; and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London were resolved to come in a Body, to pay their Respects to his Royal Highness.

About this time Mr. Secretary Coventry wrote me Word, That he had received an Express from Spain, which he had long expected: That he did believe that Court would not be so quick in declaring a Rupture, as some of their Mini∣sters in England had been, in both threatning

and advising it: That I might assure the Count de Fuentes, that our Master was never wanting in the courteous receiving any publick Mini∣ster, much less one of his Character, and sent from so great a King, whilst they performed their Respects to him; But when those that are sent to him make their Addresses elsewhere, and in a Fashion derogatory to his Government, he will let them and the World know, that Eng∣land is a Monarchy, and he the Monarch; and that no Addresses in his Kingdom must be made but to him, or by his Approbation: That his Majesty had had from several Hands a very good Character of the Count and his Temper, and hoped when he came, he would bring Or∣ders proportionable to such a Temper: That the King and Duke had declared their Consent to the Marriage of the Lady Mary with the Prince of Orange, which employed the Jollity of the Town that Night, which was all at prefent from, &c.

Sir George Wakeman was about this time tryed for High Treason: Oates, Bedlow, Dug∣dale, and Prance were Witnesses against him. Oates deposed, That Sir George Wakeman had, to his Knowledge, accepted of Fifteen Thou∣sand Pounds, to poyson the King, and had re∣ceived Five Thousand Pounds of it. Bedlow deposed, That meeting Sir George Wakeman at Harcourt's Chamber, he had acquainted him with his Design of poysoning the King: But Sir Philip Lloyd, Clerk of the Privy Council, deposed, That Oates before the Council being

asked, upon the first Discovery of the Plot, whether he could say any thing of his own Knowledge, of Sir George Wakeman, he answe∣red, God forbid, for he knew nothing of his own Knowledge, but he had heard Sir George Wakeman was to poyson the King. To this Oates answered, That at the Council he was much disturbed, and his Memory was by that disor∣dered. And Bedlow being asked by the Jury, whether he had seen Sir George Wakeman be∣fore he met him at Harcourt's Chamber, he answered, No: Whereupon the Jury reflected, that Sir George Wakeman must needs be very indiscreet to intrust him with so great a Secret; and so Sir George Wakeman, with three other Prisoners, Marshal, Corker, and a Lay-Brother, were all absolved after one Hour's Consultation. Dugdale and Prance being the other Witnesses, spake only as to the Plot in general; so that Sir George Wakeman was acquitted upon very good Reason, the Tryal having lasted from Eight in the Morning till Six at Night: But the common People would have all Papists hanged without more ado, and were much en∣raged against both Jury and Judges, and swore they were all turned Papists.

On the 10th of July 1679, the Privy Coun∣cil ordered a Proclamation should be drawn up for a new Parliament to meet the 7th of Octo∣ber; but the King ordered in Council at Ham∣pton Court, that the Parliament should not meet till the 17th of October, the King intending to go to Newmarket some time in that Month, and

would after return to attend the Business in Parliament without Intermission; but this Par∣liament was afterwards prorogued from the 17th of October to the 15th of April. In the mean time there came out every Day such Swarms of impudent licentious Libels upon all Sorts of Persons, and upon all Subjects, printed, as the like was never known, and will be still conti∣nued whilst the Habeas Corpus is still in Force, and that they are sure to be bailed.

The King having written to the University of Cambridge, to let them know how much he was displeased with the undutiful Carriage of the Duke of Monmouth, they did presently chuse a new Chancellor. On the 21st of April 1679, the King being in his Robes in the House of Lords, and the Commons attending with their Speaker, his Majesty made this following Speech to them.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I Thought it necessary to acquaint you what I have done this Day, which is, that I have established a new Privy-Council, the constant Number of which shall not exceed Thirty. I have made Choice of such Persons as are worthy and able to advise me: And I am resolved in all my weighty and important Affairs (next to the Advice of my great Council in Parliament, with which I shall very often consult) to be advised by this Council. I would not make so great a Change without acquainting both Houses of Par∣liament: And I desire you will all apply your selves

heartily (as I shall do) to those things that are necessary for the Safety of the Kingdom, and that no Time may be lost in it. The constant Number of the Council is to be Thirty, amongst which the Princes of the Blood, the President and Secre∣tary of Scotland, are not reckoned; because it may happen there may be none of the first nor se∣cond, and the Scotch Secretary will not be con∣stantly there.

His Majesty then told both Houses, that he would hold no more Cabinet Councils: A De∣claration from the King is expected upon this Change, which it is believed was hatched at a Meeting of the Privy Council the Night be∣fore, which was so private, that the Clerks of the Council attending were ordered to with∣draw, which is not usual; and this Change did not meet with that general Approbation of the House of Commons, as a Condescension of that Nature seemed to challenge, as we may perceive by deferring the Consideration of giving his Ma∣jesty Thanks for his Speech, which in good Manners they ought to have done immediately.

The Day before the King declared this great Change of his Council, the House of Commons came to this Resolution, That it was their Opi∣nion, that the Duke of York being a Papist, and the Hopes of his coming such to the Crown, had given the greatest Countenance and Encou∣ragement to the present Conspiracy of the Pa∣pists against his Majesty and the Protestant Re∣ligion; and this Resolution was sent up to the

Lords, for their Concurrence, by the Lord Russel. The House of Commons made likewise an Address to his Majesty in the Banqueting-House, That Pickering and the other Popish Priests con∣demned might be speedily executed. To which his Majesty answered, That he was very tender of Blood, but would send them an Answer to their Address very speedily. The Commons then voted, That a Bill should be brought in, for disabling the Duke of York to inherit the imperial Crown of England, and that they would stand by the King with their Lives and Fortunes; and that if the King (which God forbid) should be taken away by any sudden Accident, they would revenge him to the ut∣most upon all the Papists in England. The Tryal of the Lords in the Tower was deferred for some time, and a Committee of both Houses met to adjust the Preliminaries. The Lords have at last come to Resolution, that the Lords Spiritual have a right to stay in Court in all capital Causes, till such time as Judgment of Death comes to be pronounced, which they have declared and explained to be, till the House proceeds to the Votes of Guilty, or Not Guilty. The Commons were not at all con∣tented with this Declaration of the Lords, nor with their Lordships having appointed the Tryal of the Popish Lords in the Tower, be∣fore the Earl of Danby came to his Tryal.

The 9th of July 1679, the Council ordered a Proclamation should be drawn up for a new Parliament; but his Majesty finding that the

two Houses could not agree about the Tryal of the Lords, and that they grew to excessive Heats, was pleased to prorogue them till the 24th of August, and the next Day he sent for the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen to the Council, and gave them Orders to appease all groundless Jealousies which some Men endeavou∣red to raise in People's Minds; and the Justices of the Peace in Middlesex had the like Orders given them in Council, and to proceed to put the Laws in Execution against the Papists: And the Lord Chancellor acquainted the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, that the King commanded them to put the Laws exactly in Execution against Pa∣pists: And because some might pretend to be in Town as Witnesses for the Popish Lords in the Tower, and others might presume, upon the Pro∣roguing of the Parliament, to appear, which be∣fore they durst not do, his Majesty commanded to double their Diligence for finding out all Papists, and proceeding to a speedy Conviction of them, his Majesty being resolved, that they should be proceeded against with greater Seve∣rity than if the Parliament were sitting, the King being absolutely resolved to clear the City of Papists: And, a farther Mark of the King's Zeal in these Proceedings was, that he comman∣ded the several Priests who had been condemned should be executed forthwith according to the Sentence passed upon them. So much did his Majesty's Proceedings differ now from the Opi∣nion he had at Cologne, which was never to put the Penal Laws in Execution.

It seems the Lords and Commons could not come to any Agreement about the Try∣als of the Lords in the Tower. The Com∣mons resolved to have the Earl of Danby come first, and to exclude the Bishops from sitting ill the Court; so that the King was necessitated to a Prorogation, to abate their Heats; and there was an Expedient intended to be proposed in the Earl of Danby's Case, which was, That he should be perpetually banished and degraded, to see how that would take: But the Earl's Consent being asked to the Proposition, he po∣sitively refused it, and said he would stand or fall by his Pardon, and nothing else.

The Heats which appeared upon proroguing the Parliament in June 1679, were much aba∣ted, and People's Thoughts somewhat quieted by what the King had pleased to do; since first, by giving strict Orders to the Lord Mayor and Justices of the Peace of Westminster, to put the Laws in Execution against the Papists, and di∣recting Mr. Attorney General to bring those that were Prisoners for the Plot to a speedy Tryal; in commanding the Execution of the condemned Priests, and in ordering an Account to be made in every County, of those Persons that are fitting to be Justices of Peace, and in declaring the Duke of York should not return during the Prorogation.

There was a warm Report about this time, that the Earl of Shaftsbury was to leave the Council, and the Lord Roberts to be made Lord President in his Place. The Occasion of this

Report was, that the Lord Roberts was a great Assertor of the Rights of the Lords and the Bishops, when the Earl of Shaftsbury was of a contrary Opinion. It seems the House of Com∣mons continued very eager upon the Search of such Persons as had in the last Parliament re∣ceived any Money, which was put upon the Account of secret Service; and having gotten a List of many Names, they examined Sir Ste∣phen Fox, the Pay-Master General, if he had not payed Money to such as they named. He confessed, that he had payed several Sums, and named the Persons to whom he had payed Mo∣ney for secret Service; but the Commons being not content with his verbal Confession, they would see his Books of Accompts, and sent a Committee of the House to Whitehall, to fetch the Books; but the Lord Chamberlain told the Committee, that, by virtue of his Office, he could not suffer any Search to be made in the King's House, without his Majesty's Leave; and so the Committee went away without them, but Mr. Bertie was kept in Custody for not de∣livering his Books of the Treasury.

In August 1679, Sir Lionel Jenkins landed at Greenwich, and went directly to Windsor to kiss the King's Hands, and was very well re∣ceived of his Majesty. The Duke's Arrival at Windsor from Brussels incognito, was a great Surprize to them. His Royal Highness was most kindly received by the King; but it was not determined whether he should continue in Eng∣land, or return to Brussels. Great Numbers

of People of all Qualities did daily come to Court to kiss the Duke's Hands, which makes the World believe his Presence is very accepta∣ble. About this time the Duke of Monmouth laid down his Commission of being General, and was by his Majesty's Command to leave England in few Days; and the Duke of York is likewise to return to Brussels. He is at pre∣sent lodged in Whitehall, and will go with his Majesty to New-market, to which Place he is resolved to go, tho' his Physicians advise the contrary. It is said the Duke of Monmouth is often in Discourse with the King, not having a Mind to leave England, and is passing his Par∣don under the Great Seal, before he goes, the King being resolved upon his going. When the King and Queen go to New-market, the Duke of York returns towards Brussels, and the Duke of Monmouth goes for Holland, intending to reside at Utrecht, Prince Rupert having lent him his House at Rhenen. The Dutchess does not accompany the Duke, the King having disswaded her from it.

I was about this time informed from Whitehall, that the 17th of October drawing on, when the Parliament was to meet, I should have News from thence, but they could not promise me it should be good at the same time; and from the same Hand I was told, that the Lord Chief Justice being in his Circuit, and giving his Charge to the Grand Jury, amongst other things, recommended unto them the strict executing the Laws against Papists: Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham

(who was in the Court upon the Bench) stood up and said, It was well indeed if that were done; but that the Lord Chief Justice, when he gave that Charge, did not mean it should be obser∣ved, because he was a Favourer of the Papists, and that he (the Duke) knew he had private Or∣ders to assist and favour the Papist all he could: Which last is a Reflection upon the King pu∣nishable by the Law, which declares it Trea∣son to say the King is a Papist. It is added to me in my Letter, from a very good Hand, that the Duke did hereupon abscond, and that the Chief Justice, before he gave out his Warrant, complained to the King, and had the King's Directions in it, and I have been since told, that the Duke of Buckingham was gone pri∣vately into Holland, and was there seen by them that well knew his Grace.

The Parliament was prorogued this Day for Fourteen Days longer, his Majesty having de∣clared to the Council, that he was desirous to spend some more Days at New-market, finding that Air very agreeable to him; and that after his Return he had several Matters to prepare for the Parliament, which he thought would not be unpleasing to them, which would not be ready against the Time it was at first inten∣ded they should be. The Yacht that carried his Royal Highness to Brussels did bring back the Lady Anne and the Lady Isabella to London, with the Dutchess of York.

On the 10th of October Mr. Secretary Coven∣try communicated a Letter to those in his Of∣fice,

which he had then received from New∣market by the King's Command, that the Duke of York, before his Return to Brussels, had de∣sired he might live in the Dominions of his Majesty, rather than in those of any other Prince; and having asked the King's Leave to go to Scotland, the King had granted it, and ac∣cordingly had ordered two Frigates to be ready in the Downes to transport his Royal Highness, and the Duke of Lauderdale was dispatched to Scotland, to make Preparations for his Royal Highness's Reception, which was hindered for some time by the unlucky Accident which happened at Sea. However, the 12th of Octo∣ber, both their Royal Highnesses arrived at Court, and were very well received by all that End of the Town, but I know not whether I can say so much for the other: Their Stay will be short, being designed for Scotland, where, by his Majesty's Leave, they intend to reside.

The 17th of October 1679, the Parliament met, and were prorogued to the 28th of Janu∣ary; and at the same time, one of the princi∣pal Secretaries of State, by his Letter to the Earl of Shaftsbury, let his Lordship know, by the King's Command, that his Majesty intended to make no more Use of his Lordship at the Council Table; and not only excused his Lord∣ship for attending as President of the Council, but discharged him from his farther Attendance there; and the 24th of the same Month his Majesty ordered the Earl of Radnor to take the Place of Lord President of the Council

Table, in the Place of the Earl of Shaftsbury, which the Earl of Radnor did accordingly. Mr. Oates's Complaint against Sir Philip Lloyd, one of the Clerks of the Council, was heard, and it being proved that Sir Philip had, in a Coffee-house, spoken some Words, as if he did not believe the Plot, and besides, spoke in∣discreetly at the Tryal of Sir George Wakeman; the King, as a Mark of his Displeasure, suspen∣ded him the Execution of his Place. Then the Matter against Sir Thomas Williams the Chymist was heard; and it appearing that, of his own Head, he had gone with pretended Messages between the Duke and Mr. Oates, which he then denied, as well as some Words which were proved he had said to Mr. Oates, viz. That he knew enough to ruine the Duke and all his Party, he was, by Order of the Council, committed to the Gate-House. It seems Mr. Oates was at Oxford, and would have had the same Degree of Doctor as he pre∣tended to have had at Salamanca, but they re∣fused him.

We are told, their Royal Hignesses, in their Passage for Scotland, stayed some Days at York to rest themselves before they went into Scot∣land, and that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen did not shew that Respect to them which they expected; of which the King being informed, and that their Behaviour differed much from what it did before, at the Duke's former Passage there, his Majesty was thereupon much displea∣sed, the which he signified to the Lord Mayor

and Aldermen of that City, letting them know, that his Majesty expects, whenever the Duke passes that Way again, that they treat him in the same Manner as they did formerly, and that they shew him that Respect which becomes all good Subjects to shew to the King's Brother. The Scots seem greatly pleased at the Duke's Coming, and that they shall have a Court kept amongst them.

November the 3d, 1679, I am told, they are again at London launched into the Business of the Plot, one Dangerfield having been several Days before the Council in Examination; but People are not very hasty to give Credit to his Relation, who hath been once, if not oftener, in the Pillory, and is now in Newgate. A Proclamation is in the Press, and will sud∣denly issue out, for giving Notice, that who∣ever knows any thing of the Plot, and does not discover it before the End of next February, he is to expect the Penalty of the Law for Misprision of Treason, and is not to have any Benefit of Pardon. About this time there was another new Discoverer of the Plot upon the King's Life come in: He was a Servant to Sir Thomas Gascoign, a Yorkshire Gentleman of a great Estate, and great Age. However, he is sent for to Whitehall by a Messenger. These several Discoverers, will, I hope, let us see the Bottom, or at least the End once of this Matter. I am informed from a good Hand at Whitehall, of a warm Report spread abroad, that the Earl of Essex, First Commissioner of the Treasury,

and his Brother Sir Henry Capel, First Com∣missioner of the Admiralty, are both withdraw∣ing themselves from the Court and Council, tho' there be no Reason yet known for it, the King not having shewed any Disfavour to either of them. The Humour is much changed, when such Men quit their Places without any visible Reasons; and therefore we may well think the King will be as willing to accept, as they are to resign.

I had Letters from Whitehall of the 20th of November, which said, the Duke of Monmouth came to Town unlook'd for; that so soon as his Coming was known, the People made Bon∣fires, shot off Guns, and rung their Bells. He offered to see the King, but his Majesty not only refused him, because he returned without his Orders, but forbad him the Court, and or∣dered him to return within Twenty Four Hours, when Preparations were making of new Bon∣fires, which were suppressed; and yet the Duke continued still in Town, the 8th of December, but stript of all Employments, and no great Talk of him.

An Address hath been made to the King by Eight Lords, for the Meeting of the Parlia∣ment at the Time appointed, and the same has been done by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the King in Council, where, after the Lord Chancellor had done, the King spoke himself, and told the Lord Mayor and Aldermen with great Earnestness, That he could not endure any longer those factious Doings, and expected the City of London should be an Example to

the whole Kingdom, &c. A Proclamation was then ordered to be printed and published, to forewarn all People from signing such Petitions, shewing the Danger they will run themselves into by so doing.

The 15th of October 1679, the Justices of Middlesex and Westminster were called before the Privy Council, and were strictly charged to put the Laws in Execution against the Papists, and that they should meet and consult of such Expedients as they should think most effectual, and return the same to the Board; and a Com∣mittee of the Council were appointed Com∣missioners to receive and consider of such Pro∣positions, and to propose such other Expedients as should occur to them. Hereupon the Justi∣ces of Peace of Middlesex and Westminster did make their Report to the Council, of the seve∣ral Expedients which they had agreed to amongst themselves, for the better executing the Laws against Papists, which the Privy Council ap∣proved of. It seems, notwithstanding the Pro∣clamation, some seditious People would fain bring on the Petitions, as well about the Court, as in Essex; and tho' they are not considerable enough to bring the Matter to any Head, yet it may give Encouragement to others, if it be not punished: And upon Information of this, the Privy Council have sent for Three or Four of the principal Persons ingaged herein, and the great Expectation is, to see how they will proceed against them: And it is suspected, that the City of London, with some of the Coun∣ties

adjoining, have not quite laid aside their Design of Petitioning his Majesty for a Parlia∣ment, notwithstanding there is small Appea∣rance it will be to any Effect. In the mean time, the Privy Council have taken several Re∣solutions concerning the vigorous Prosecution of the Papists, which will be executed without any Connivance or Partiality, and the particu∣lar Method that will be taken, is set down in a Proclamation that is now in the Press for that Purpose. We are told from Scotland, that the Duke has taken his Place in the Privy Council of Scotland, and as First Prince of the Blood, was dispensed with as to taking the Oaths, which is likewise the Practice in England: For, at the forming the present Privy Council, all the Lords were sworn, except Prince Rupert, who being a Prince of the Blood, he was not sworn.

In June 1680, I received this ensuing Let∣ter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Am infinitely obliged to you for your constant Correspondence. Last Night, a Defensive Alliance between his Majesty and the King of Spain was signed: It is the same in Effect with that made in 1673, between Spain and Holland, and that in 1678 between his Majesty and Hol∣land. It is his Majesty's Instruction to all his Ministers abroad, not to make any Flourish or Noise on our Part of this League, but only to own and avow (upon all Occasions that shall be given by the Enquiries of other Men) that there

is such a League newly made; that it is such a one that can give no Offence or Umbrage to any Neighbour Prince, it being purely defensive, and inducing no Obligation, but that the two Kings defend each other in their present Peace and Possessions, against any that shall aggress or in∣vade them. I am, Sir,

Your most Humble Servant, L. JENKINS.

Some time after this, the Earl of Danby peti∣tioned the King and House of Lords, that he might be tryed; but nothing being done in it, his Lordship petitioned farther, that he might be bailed, and his Case was argued by Mr. Polexton, Wallop, and Holt, and likewise by my Lord him∣self. The Substance of what was said is reducible to Four Heads. First, The King's Prerogative. Secondly, The Liberty of the Subject. Thirdly, The Privilege of Parliament: And Fourthly, The Jurisdiction of the Court of King's Bench.

First, It was urged, That, by bailing of my Lord, the King's Prerogative would be main∣tained, which would otherwise suffer by his longer Confinement: For that he produced the King's Pardon, as a great Motive to incline the Court to bail him. Besides that, Mr. Attorney had declared the King's particular Inclination to consent to it; and the King having Power to pardon a Person impeached (which Mr. Polex∣ton said no Man of the Robe ought to question) tho' the Impeachment be not at his Suit, it was hoped the Court would take so much Notice of

these Intimations of his Majesty's Justice, as to let my Lord out upon Bail, whereby they would assert the King's true Power and just Prerogative; it being hard, that there shall not be a Power of Bailing where there is a Power of Pardoning.

Secondly, The Liberty of the Subject will be preserved by it; for if there be no Remedy for any Person impeached, but that he must lye by it, till he be enlarged by the same Power that committed him, it would follow, that, during the Recesses of Parliament, a Failure of Justice would arise, which will be a heavy Blow to that natural Freedom to which the Sub∣jects of England by Birth-right are intituled; and such a Punishment as is not only a Con∣demnation, but may prove even an Execution before Tryal: For probably, my Lord being oppressed with the Inconvenience of the Place, and with his own Infirmities, may die in the Jayl before his Enlargement by his Peers, and the Stain of his Impeachment dwell upon his Memory, and his Posterity for ever: For the Prevention of which lamentable Case, and for Preservation of that due Liberty which the King's Subjects ought to have, it was conceived that my Lord ought to be bailed.

Thirdly, The Privileges of Parliament would not hereby be infringed; for, to bail a Man being committed by a superior Court, is not to assume a Jurisdiction of his Cause, or any way to claim a Cognizance of it (which it was granted the Court of King's Bench, in Cases of

Impeachment, ought not to do) but it was on∣ly an enlarging of his Prison, or (as Mr. Wal∣lop said, a lengthening of his Chain, instead of his remaining in arcta custodia, for so is every Man let out upon good Bail presumed to be; and the Law looks upon his Forthcoming to be as secure as if he were under close Confinement: So that such a Proceeding as this is not to in∣trench, or to encroach upon the Privileges of Parliament, but only to avoid a great Evil, a Failure of Justice.

Fourthly, By bailing my Lord of Danby, the Court would assert their own Jurisdiction, it being conceived that the Court of King's Bench have always intermeddled with Circum∣stances and mediate Acts relating to things done in Parliament, thereafter, as the Necessity of the Case required (tho' not with the very things themselves) and to that Purpose several Prece∣dents were cited; as one of Okey, and two other Traitors, who were attainted in Parliament, and before Execution awarded, there happened a Pro∣rogation. Whereupon the Record of their Con∣viction was removed into the King's Bench, and the Prisoners brought to the Bar, and having nothing to say why Execution should not be awarded against them, were accordingly exe∣cuted. This was the Sum of what was said by all those that argued. The Court was divided, whether they should give their Opinion pre∣sently, or take Time; but they resolved to con∣sider till the next Term, and my Lord was again remanded to Prison.

Upon this Occasion, I have thought fit to give a Copy of the Lord Chief Justice Pember∣ton's Charge, upon summing up the Evidence upon the Tryal of Fitzharris in London.

THE Prisoner at the Bar, Gentlemen of of the Jury, is charged with Treason, for Libelling the Government, and setting others to do it. Whether Fitzharris be the Author of this Libel, or not, is the Question. The Evi∣dence against him is very great. Mr. Everard declares to you the whole Design and Discourse with him; he tells you the Manner, and gives you the very Grounds on which the Libel was to be written. It was, to raise Sedition, to make an Insurrection, and to stir up People to rebel. Mr. Eve∣rard was so cautious, that he walked not alone in this Case, but with much Prudence declared it to others, that they might be Witnesses with him, and Mr. Smith agrees with him in all things: How he heard Fitzharris give the Directions for ma∣king this Libel, heard the Design of it, and the Reward promised for the doing it, which was the first Night. The next Night Sir William Waller was present, and says, Fitzharris gave the same Instructions, and owned them; and what is not to be answered, they are all under his own Hand; which Directions are Treason enough, and is as strong an Evidence against him as perhaps ever was; and I think a plainer Evidence cannot be given, than that Fitzharris is the Author of this Libel. The Witnesses he brings for himself are Mr. Oates and Mr. Cor∣nish:

The First says, That, Mr. Everard told him, this was a Design, and that it should be put in∣to the Pockets of some Lords and Members of Parliament, and that they should be apprehen∣ded and questioned for the Libel: But Mr. Eve∣rard upon his Oath testifies he never said any such thing. Then Mr. Cornish says, That ha∣ving some Discourse with his Majesty concerning Mr. Fitzharris, the King said, he was an ill Man, and had some Money from him for some Service he promised to do him; but it can never be thought, that the King would give Money to stir up his Sub∣jects against him, or to hazard all that is near and dear to him: And if you believe Fitzharris's own Hand-writing, or any Evidence that can be given, 'tis a plain Case that he is Guilty: And for saying, he would charge you with his Blood, because he is impeached by the Commons, that's nothing at all to the Matter, nor are you to have any Consideration, whether we have Power to try him, or not; that is a Question already de∣termined: There lyes no more before you, who are the Jury, but only to consider, whether Guilty, or Not Guilty. And as to the Vote of the Commons, that can no more alter the Laws of the Land, than a Letter to us from the King, of which we are not to take Notice, being upon our Oaths to do Justice, and see if he be Guilty, or not. If he be Guilty, you can no more spare him, than condemn an innocent Man. The Vote of the House of Commons can neither excuse us nor you: We are to try Matters of Law, and you the Matter of Fact. But you, Mr. Johnson,

who are the Foreman of the Jury, to give you all manner of Satisfaction, this Doubt was mo∣ved to my Brother Jones, when he gave the Charge to the Grand Jury; upon which all the Judges of England met, and they all agreed we might try him: And this was done, to re∣move all manner of Scruple that might arise.

Some few Days after this, Sheriff Bethel having received a Warrant for the Execution of Mr. Oliver Plunket and Mr. Fitzharris, the First was put upon a Sledge at Newgate, and delivered to the Sheriff, who carried him with a strong Guard to the Place of Execution, and where he spoke as follows.

TO the final Satisfaction of all Persons who have the Charity to believe the Words of a dying Man, I declare before God, and as I hope for Salvation, that what I have said, and what is contained in a Paper signed with my own Hand, is the plain and naked Truth, with∣out any Equivocation, mental Reservation, or any secret Evasion whatsoever, taking the Words in their usual Sense and Meaning, as Protestants do, when they discourse with all Candor and Sincerity.

Having made this Protestation, and prayed, he was tyed up, and afterwards quartered, and his Bowels burnt. Captain Richardson, Keeper of Newgate, being asked by the Lieutenant of the Tower, how his Prisoner had behaved him∣self?

he replied, Very well: For when I came to him this Morning, he was newly awake, having slept all Night without any Disturbance; and when I told him, he was to prepare for his Ex∣ecution, he received the Message with all Quiet∣ness of Mind, and went to the Sledge as uncon∣cerned, as if he had been going to a Wedding.

The same Day, after this Execution, the Sheriff went to the Tower, and at the Barriers on Tower-Hill Mr. Fitzharris was delivered to him, whom he carried with a strong Guard thro' the City to the Place of Execution; and being asked by the Sheriff, of what Religion he died? he replied, A Protestant; and being urged to make a Confession, he said,

Good People,

I Am come hither to die an ignominious Death, the Manner of which troubles me more than Death it self: The Crimes for which I am accu∣sed and condemned I am guiltless of; and what Sir William Waller and Mr. Smith swore against me is false. All that I have to say more is con∣tained in this Paper:

Which he gave to Mr. Hawkins the Minister, who, after the Execution, gave the Sheriff a Copy of it, the Original being sent to the King at Windsor.

The Duke of Monmouth having lately passed up and down the Kingdom in a Manner that gave much Offence to his Majesty; and having been at West-Chester, where the Mayor being a

Fanatick, and his Wife Neice to the late Brad∣shaw, the Great Traitor, his Grace was very well received by them; but at Litchfield, Coventry, and other Places, neither the Magi∣strates nor Gentry took much Notice of him. However, by the King's Command, a Sergeant at Arms was sent down to Stafford to bring him up; and being brought to one of the Secreta∣ries of State, after Examination of him, he committed him by a second Warrant to the Custody of the Sergeant at Arms (which War∣rant charged his Grace to have passed thro' se∣veral Parts of the Kingdom, with great Num∣bers of People, in a riotous Manner, to the Disturbance of the Publick Peace, and to the Terror of the King's good Subjects) who was to keep him in Custody, till he should give Security to appear at the King's Bench, the First Day of the next Term, to answer to such Information as should be brought against him on the King's Behalf; and that in the mean time he should be of good Behaviour. And the First Day of the Term the Duke of Monmouth was upon his Habeas Corpus brought before Judge Raymond, where he gave the desired Se∣curity; the Earl of Clare, the Lord Russel, Lord Grey, Mr. Gower and Mr. Offeley, being his Bail. The Duke was bound in Ten Thou∣sand Pounds, and the Bail each in Two Thou∣sand Pounds. The Behaviour of the Duke gives the King every Day more Offence, and particu∣larly his having accosted the Earl of Hallifax with very unbecoming Language, upon Ac∣count

of something supposed his Lordship had said in Council concerning the Duke of Mon∣mouth. The King was pleased in Council to declare, That he looked upon it as an Insolence offered to himself, for any one to question a Privy Counsellour for any thing said in Coun∣cil; and did strictly forbid all Persons having any Relation to his Service, to have for the future any Communication with the Duke of Monmouth, who hath been so angry with his Wife for seeing the Dutchess, by whom she was very kindly received, that the Duke of Monmouth will not see his Dutchess.

An Action of Scandalum Magnatum, in Be∣half of the Duke, was brought against Mr. Pil∣kington, for Words spoken by him when his Royal Highness dined last in London with the Artillery Company. The Words spoken were these: He hath burnt the City, and is now come to cut our Throats: Innuendo the Duke of York. The Jury were all Gentlemen of Quality of Hertfordshire (which County Mr. Pilkington had chosen) and they gave his Royal Highness One Hundred Thousand Pounds Damage; which will doubtless teach factious Persons, who have lived of late with so much Licence in their Discourses, to govern their Tongues better.

Letters from Scotland tell us, that Affairs go there according to Wish: That the Parlia∣ment there have written a Letter of Thanks to the King, for sending the Duke of York, which we hope will break the Measures of those

who flattered themselves with a Support from that Kingdom, which has not been in many Ages more united than it is at present, under the prudent Conduct of his Royal Highness. Our Letters from thence tell us, that the Lords of the Articles had prepared three publick Bills; the First, for recognizing the Rights of the Crown and the Succession; the Second, for continuing a Tax for Five Years longer, for Maintainance of the standing Forces: The Third, a Bill for establishing the Protestant Religion, which passed very chearfully in the Articles, and Duke Hamilton concurred in them all. The Letters add, That the Duke is high∣ly esteemed and beloved of all Sorts of People, and that there is a constant and great Court of Lords and Ladies. Major Oglethorp brings this Account, which is very pleasing to all the People in this Court.

The Apprentices in London presented their Petition to his Majesty, with Twelve Thousand Hands, to give his Majesty Thanks for his late Declaration. It met with a gracious Ac∣ceptance, and those that carried it were intro∣duced by the Lord Chamberlain, and had the Honour to kiss his Majesty's Hand. The King gave them a Brace of Bucks out of Hyde Park, and they made a great Feast in London. The Duke of Albemarle, and many of the Nobility did them the Honour to be present at their Feast, which they intend to keep annually; and the Duke of Grafton and the Earl of Feversham have done them the Honour to be their Stew∣ards

for the next Year. The Apprentices of Bristol, in Imitation of those of London, have subscribed an Address, to give the King their most humble Thanks for his gracious Declara∣tion. The Nobility and Gentry of Norfolk have done the like; and the Addresses from all Parts on the same Account come in very fast; and one has been presented from the Lieute∣nancy of London, and from Southwark, and 'tis wished they may have the good Effect they were intended for.

The Lord Mayor of London, with the Court of Aldermen, attended the King at Hampton-Court with a Petition from the Common Coun∣cil, desiring his Majesty to assemble a Parlia∣ment. The Lord Chancellor, by the King's Command, gave them a very severe Reprimand, telling them, that the King wondered how they durst bring such a Paper to him in Name of the City, when it was against the Sense of the best Part of the City: That the King knew there were restless Spirits amongst them, and would set a Mark upon them; and that if they went on in those Courses, he would make them sensible of his Displeasure. The 7th of July 1681, the Lord Mayor came again to Hampton-Court, with a Petition of the Common Coun∣cil, and the Lord Chancellor gave them an An∣swer much like the last. This Morning the Earl of Shaftsbury was taken by a Warrant from Sir Lionel Jenkins, and his Trunks and Papers seized, and both he and they were car∣ried before the Council, where he was exami∣ned

so privately, that all the Clerks of the Council were turned out. It is said, he was taken upon the Information of Mr. Haynes, Mr. Macknamarra, and Ivy, who, 'tis said, corroborate the Testimony Fitzharris gave to Mr. Hawkins, amongst whose Papers is found one of Instructions or Directions to Fitzharris, with several Heads of what he should plead, and what he should swear to. The Hand is very well known, and will be made publick. The King was present at this extraordinary Council held at Whitehall, where the Earl of Shaftsbury was brought in Custody of a Ser∣geant at Arms, and was told there was a Charge of High Treason against him, which would be proved by several Witnesses; whereupon he was committed to the Tower, and that Evening the Duke of Monmouth, with several Lords, went to visit him, which occasioned a greater Restraint upon him; and he and my Lord Howard are both close Prisoners, and only their Wives are permitted to come to them.

The Proceedings this Session at the Old Baily were very remarkable, most of the Judges be∣ing there, and many Persons of the first Qua∣lity; as, the Duke of Monmouth, and several others. Mr. Wallop and Mr. Williams pleaded hard for the Habeas Corpus for the Earl of Shaftsbury and the Lord Howard: But the Tower being a Prison out of the City, and their Meeting being only a Session of Oyer and Ter∣miner, the Habeas Corpus could not lye in that Court. A Bill of Indictment was then presen∣ted

to the Grand Jury of the City of London, against Colledge, the Protestant Joyner, as he was always called. The Witnesses against him were Mr. Smith, Mr. Dugdale, Mr. Haynes, the two Macknamara's, and Sir William Jen∣nings. They all positively swore, that Colledge told them, there was a Design to seize the King at Oxford, and bring him to London, and there keep him, till he had complied with them, or else to bring him to the Block, as they did his Father; and that in this Design the House of Lords and Commons were concerned, and that there was an Army ready at London to assist them. It is certainly true, that never Men swore more firmly than they did in Court, be∣fore the Jury, who demanded of the Court a Copy of their Oaths, and that the Witnesses might go with them, to be examined apart; which Request was granted to the Jury, and after two or three Hours Consideration, the Jury returned, and found the Bill Ignoramus. Upon which the Lord Chief Justice demanded, whether they would give no Reason for this Verdict; and whether they believed those Six Witnesses perjured? To which they replied, That they had given their Verdict according to their Consciences, and that they would stand by it. To which the Lord Chief Justice North said, There was never such a Verdict brought in the World. The Grand Jury, before they were discharged, delivered a Petition to the Court, desiring the Removal of the Priests and Jesuits farther from the Lords in the Tower, they

holding Correspondence with them. Upon bringing in this Bill Ignoramus, Colledge will be sent to be tryed in Oxford, where the Judges arrived the 15th of July. Their Commission was opened, and the Grand Jury was sworn, of which Sir Thomas Spencer was Foreman; the rest were all Gentlemen of Loyalty, and Pro∣testants, and of good Estates; and upon hearing the Evidence against Colledge, they found the Indictment Billa vera, nemine contradicente. One of the Evidence against him swore, That if the King did not agree with his Parliament, there was a Design to seize upon him, and Thirty Thousand Men were ready in the City of London to back the Design; and that if the King refused to pass the Bill of Exclusion, they would serve him as they did his Father. This Colledge was brought to his Tryal at Oxford, before the Lord Chief Justice North and Justice Jones. The Tryal lasted from Two in the Afternoon, till Two in the Morning, so much Time was taken up in examining the Wit∣nesses. The Evidence against the Prisoner was the same which was at the Old-Baily; those for the Prisoner were chiefly Mr. Oates, Mow bray, and Waldron, who said, that Dug∣dale and Smith told them, they knew nothing against Colledge; but they denied it upon their Oaths, and the Jury brought him in Guilty; and some Hours after the Prisoner received his Sentence, the Court meeting again for that Purpose. Some Days after, Colledge was executed, and his Head was set

upon Temple-Bar, to be a Warning to others to avoid his Fate.

Mr. Sidney in Holland finding that his Maje∣sty was much surprized at his having taken a Commission in Holland, without his Leave, to be General of all the English Forces there, which hath been vacant since the Death of the Earl of Ossory, hath been perswaded by his Friends to resign that Employment to the Earl of Arran, Son to Duke Hamilton, who is now very well at the Court in Scotland, and has the King's Leave to accept of the Scotch Regiment in Holland, whereof Kilpatrick was Collonel, which the Prince of Orange has offered him.

About this time the Prince of Orange came for England, and was very well received by the King and Court, and had been several times in private with the King. Various Discourses are raised about his Coming, and his Return will be very sudden. He hath been something unlucky at Play, having lost in one Night, Three Thou∣sand Pounds at Basset. His Highness, whilst in London, lodges at Arlington-House, where he hath been magnificently entertained at the King's Charge, and hath been likewise treated very splendidly by the Duke of Albemarle. His Highness was also invited to dine with the Lord Mayor of London, and accepted the Invitation, and great Preparations were made for his Re∣ception; and as he was preparing to dine in London, he received an Express from his Ma∣jesty to come presently to Windsor, which he did, and the Secretary of State carried his Ex∣cuse.

After this the Lord Mayor sent the two Sheriffs to invite his Highness to dine with him, who promised the next Day to dine with his Lordship: But the King sent for him again that Day; whereupon his Highness sent his own Secretary to excuse it, and left the Lord Mayor under a very great Disappointment: And not many Hours before he left Windsor, a Cabinet Council was there held concerning Flanders, wherein the Prince of Orange was present; but the Reason of his Coming is still kept very secret, which none can tell. About this time the Lord Mayor carried up an Address of the Common Hall to the King at Hampton-Court, and gave it to the King in Council. Sir John Shorter, Sir Robert Clayton, Mr. Be∣thel, and Mr. Cornish attended upon his Lord∣ship, who having presented the Address to his Majesty, he was pleased to return this Answer by the Lord Chancellor.

My Lord,

YOU have presented the King with a Paper, which hath been publickly printed long since; and the King doth not believe it is now presented so much for the Satisfaction of his Majesty, as to serve for some other End. The King knows that the major Part of the City are well inclined to his Service, and that it is not in the Power of a few ill Men amongst them to corrupt the rest. The King therefore doth not believe this to be so unanimous a Vote of the City as is pretended; and he commands me

to tell you, that if he did believe it were so (as he does not) that you have meddled with a thing that is none of your Business; and so dis∣missed them.

The Carriage of Mr. Oates has been such, especially at the Tryal of Colledge, where he was a Witness against the King, in things where∣in he was notoriously disproved, that his Maje∣sty hath thought fit to take from him the Pensions he gave him, as also the Lodging he had at Whitehall, which was intimated to him with a Command to leave the Court. The King hath likewise commanded the Lodgings the Earl of Mecklesfield and the Lord Manchester had at Court to be taken from them; and at the same time the young Lord Mordaunt (who hath for some time assossciated with the discontented Lords) hath made his Peace, and waited upon the King.

About this time I received a Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins, written with his own Hand, in these Words following, dated the 19th of August 1681.

SIR,

YOurs come so regularly, that I cannot suffi∣ciently acknowledge your great Care and punctual Correspondence. I send you now two Acts of Parliament from Scotland, that will not be unwelcome to you: A Third is coming out (being agreed by the Lords of the Articles) whereby the Subsidies to the Militia are conti∣nued

for Five Years longer. This Term is to commence when the present Act expires, which will be in 1683. 'Twill be no Matter of De∣light to you, that Colledge had Sentence of Death pronounced against him at Oxford, for High Treason; but it will please you to hear the Addresses still go on, and that an Address will be presented to his Majesty on Sunday, from Northamptonshire, with Ten Thousand Hands. I am, &c. Yours,

L. JENKINS.

I had another Letter from the same Hand, the 23d of September 1681.

SIR,

I Have the Favour of yours to acknowledge, I did never understand that the Places which the French have now seized into their own Hands, were Dependencies of China, and there∣fore I would fain know upon what Account the French have possessed themselves of several other Places, that are not so much as pretended to be Dependencies of China. I take Leave to inclose a List of the publick Acts passed in Scotland, before the Prorogation, which was on the 17th Instant to the 1st of March. His Royal High∣ness hath not only come up to the Full of his Instructions, but hath done more for that Crown, than hath been done for a very long Time before. I am with much Esteem,

Your most Humble Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The Sessions at Hickes's Hall for the County beginning, and Sir George Jeffries being Chair∣man, he objected against the Persons that were returned to serve on the Grand Jury, as being Dissenters from the Church of England, and required the Under-Sheriff to make a new Pan∣nel of substantial good Men; which he refu∣sing, the Court ordered the Sheriffs themselves should attend the next Day: But, instead of them, the Recorder of London appeared, and told the Court, that the Sheriffs having ac∣quainted the Court of Aldermen with the Or∣der, they were of Opinion, that the Privilege of the City did exempt the Sheriffs from any Attendance at Hickes's Hall; and that it was sufficient if the Under-Sheriff did their Busi∣ness: But the Court not allowing the Excuse, for their Contempt, fined the two Sheriffs One Hundred Pounds, and then adjourned, and re∣solved to acquaint the Judges with the Matter. Mr. Wilson, a Secretary to the Earl of Shafts∣bury, was seized and committed Prisoner to the Gate-House, for High Treason, in conspiring the Deposing of the King. The same Day se∣veral of the East India Company waited on the King, and presented him with Ten Thousand Guineas. The Heer Van Beuninghen had then a long Audience of the King, and was after∣wards in Conference with the Ministers, about the Affairs of Flanders. The same Day the Recorder of London, with the two Sheriffs, came to Whitehall, to invite the King to Dinner

on the Lord Mayor's Day. The King said, he would on all Occasions express his Kindness to the City, and that he would dine with the Lord Mayor, tho' he received the Invitation by very unwelcome Messengers, meaning the two She∣riffs. I was assured from a very good Hand at Whitehall, that a Petition was presented to the King, in the Name of the Earl of Shaftsbury, wherein he prayed his Liberty, and offered to transport himself and Family to Carolina; but his Petition was not received, or at least not answered. I am told, that Sir Peter Wyche is called home from Hambourg, and that Mr. Skel∣ton is to reside there in his Place as the King's Minister to all the Princes in that Quarter. The 18th of November 1681, I received this ensuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

WE are here in great Pain about Luxen∣burgh: I take therefore Leave of my own Head, to desire you to inform your self (the most exactly that you can) of the Condition of that City: What Charges soever you shall be at, I shall most willingly reimburse. I desire you to send an Express, for we have no good Account of any thing but what we have from you. I am, Sir, with much Esteem,

Your most Humble Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

In the Beginning of this Year, the Duc de Villa Hermosa finished his Government of Flan∣ders,

and was recalled, and the Prince de Par∣ma was sent in his Place, who governed all by Count d'Arquinto his First Minister, who re∣ceived all Addresses, and answered them; but had not been long in the Government, before the Marquis de Grana was sent from Spain thro' England, to be Governour of Arms in Flan∣ders, and to have the Disposition of the Finan∣ces and Money; to which if the Prince de Parma did not agree, he was then to leave the Government to the Marquis de Grana; but this Matter was kept very private, and the Marquis took a private House near the Court. The Prince de Parma looking upon this as a very extraordinary Proceeding, was resolved to leave the Government, and using each Evening to take the Air in his Coach, he went away pri∣vately to Liege, from whence he sent back his Coaches and Retinue to Count d'Arquinto, with Order to pay his Debts. And thus the Prince de Parma quitted the Government; and upon his retiring, the Marquis de Grana took upon him the absolute Government, and immediate∣ly had the King's Palace prepared for him. But before the Prince de Parma parted, I had Letters of Credence to him, with a Letter from the King; and besides my particular Letters, I had a Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins by the King's Command, dated the 29th of July 1681.

SIR,

I Am commanded by his Majesty, to signify to you, that it is his Pleasure you should em∣ploy your best Endeavours to get my Lord of Castlehaven satisfied of his Arrears in that Coun∣try, his Majesty being graciously pleased to give him what Assistance is usual in that kind. This the King commanded me yesterday, and withal that, I should take my Instructions from my Lord of Castlehaven himself. His Lordship called upon me this Morning, and told me, the King having referred him to me, his Desire to you was, that his Arrears might be paid himself as Serjeant General of Battle, and his two Sons as Collonels: And that till his Lordship do receive his Arrears, both for himself and his two Sons (with which Arrears he intends to pay his Debts) his Protection may be renewed and prolonged to him. This I have in Command from his Maje∣sty, whereunto I take Leave to add the Assu∣rance of my being with Esteem, Sir,

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

Upon this Letter, I presented a Memorial to the Prince de Parma, pursuant punctually to those Directions which I received from Sir Lio∣nel Jenkins; to which I received this ensuing Answer, which is faithfully translated out of Spanish into English.

ALthough I could refer my self to what I have represented to his Majesty of Great Britain, and to what I have told your Seigniory in divers Discourses, touching the Interest of the Lord Castlehaven; yet, nevertheless, to satisfy the Instances your Seigniory hath made on the Part of the King your Master, for the Payment of the Arrears due to his Lordship, as Serjeant Ge∣neral de Battaile, and Maistre de Camp, I hope your Seigniory will let your Court know, that it was not the King of Spain, but the Duc de Villa Hermosa that did give the English Regiment to the two Sons of my Lord successively, reducing it to two Companies, which never had in the whole Fourscore Men: And yet the great Esteem I bear to the Arms of the King of Great Britain, would not permit me to suffer them to be governed by those whose Age made them uncapable. Adding to this, the Care I took to give Satisfaction to his Lordship, which I found impossible for his Incon∣stancy and little Settledness, and the Longing he had to quit the Service without Leave, the which I winked at, in respect of the Character he bore of being a Subject to so great a King; and also, that much was to be connived at in the Court by such as knew his natural Temper. According to what I have been informed in gross by the Notices I have had from the several Offices, there is little due to his Lordship; yet, notwith∣standing, I have ordered the Account to be made in particular, and so soon as we have Money, his Lordship shall be paid what is due to him.

For the rest, I remit my self to the King my Master what he shall resolve upon touching the Person of his Lordship, to whom I have given an Account of all that hath passed. Given at the Palace, the 19th of August 1681.

Alexander Farnese.

Au Seigneur Bulstrode, Re∣sident du Roy de la Grande Brittaine.

The 14th of October 1681, I received the ensuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Have yours regularly, and thank you for them with all my Heart. What you have written to me in Count d'Arquinto's Name, hath been humbly laid before the King, with your separate Letter upon that Subject, and the Hints you have given in your general Letters: The whole Matter is at present before his Ma∣jesty; and when any Resolution comes to my Knowledge, I shall be glad to impart it to you with the soonest. My Lord of Castlehaven fills the King's Ears, and every body's else, with his Complaints: He desires you would have a Care of his Goods, that they be not sold, for he will send Money to redeem them speedily, as he tells his Majesty. I am, Sir, &c.

L. JENKINS.

The 11th of November following, I had this following Letter from the same Hand.

SIR,

I Have the Favour of your Letters: That which contained the Message of the Prince de Parma by the Count d'Arquinto, being Mat∣ter of Haste and Importance, I would most gladly have taken his Majesty's Pleasure upon it; but I must beg your Respite till after Sunday, when, at the Committee of Foreign Affairs, it will be proper to treat of it. In the Interim, I send you the Answer of his Majesty to the States Ge∣nerals Minister's Memorial; you may see by it the Concern his Majesty hath for the Spanish Ne∣therlands. Yours, &c.

L. JENKINS.

The King hath taken a Resolution to put the Laws in Execution against Dissenters; and for that Purpose he sent for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and the Justices of Peace of Middle∣sex. My Lord Chancellor told them in the King's Name, that he had long connived at the Non-Execution of the Laws against Dissen∣ters, but that he found his Kindness had been shewed to a sort of People that returned all his Goodness with all the Disservices and Dissaffe∣ction to himself and the Government, that they were capable of: That therefore his Majesty was resolved they should know what the Law could do, and that they should suddenly see the Effects of his Majesty's Commands. The 26th

of December 1681, I had another Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins in these Words.

SIR,

I Have the Favour of several of yours, and you oblige us exceedingly in giving us so punctual Accounts of what occurs on your Side. We are most in Pain about the Places the French are now blocking up; and the more punctual the Account is that you give us of the Sate and Go∣vernment of that Country, the better will his Majesty be enabled to take the proper Measures for the general Good. Sure I am, that his Ma∣jesty does take infinite Pains, in order to cease the present Violences, and to prevent those that may happen: And you may assure your self (tho' you should not be able to perswade others) that there will appear Evidences of his Majesty's Con∣cern, and that they are very sincere and assidu∣ous for the Good of the Spanish Netherlands. Dear Sir, I am with much Esteem,

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The Duke of Lauderdale being dead, his Body will be carried into Scotland, and his Garter will be given to the Duke of Northum∣berland, who is at present by the King's Com∣mand in Flanders, in his Travels, Letters be∣ing sent to the King's Resident, to wait upon the Duke thro' those Territories, and he will return by Holland.

The Duke being invited to dine in London at the Artillery Feast, some of the Factious have had a Project, that the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Shaftsbury, and some others should dine together that Day, at some Hall in London; but it was not liked upon the declining of their Affairs.

The 17th of July 1682, the Common Hall of London meeting for the Choice of a Sheriff, the Sheriffs declared to the People, that Papillion and Dubois had each Two Thousand Voices, and were chosen; but the Lord Mayor hearing of it, went with the usual Solemnity, and decla∣red Mr. Box the other Sheriff; and Mr. North and Box will hold, tho' great Endeavours will be used to disswade them; and it is believed the Proceedings of the present Sheriffs will be severely punished. Upon the Prince de Parma's quitting the Spanish Government of Flanders, and the Marquis de Grana's taking it upon him, it's believed that Mr. Thomas Howard will make the King's Compliment to him.

About this time the Earl of Shaftsbury being brought to Hickes's Hall, to be tryed for High Treason. The Grand Jury found the Bill Igno∣ramus, whereupon he was acquitted, taken out of the Hands of Justice, and Medals dispersed for his Deliverance, Treason being frontless and secure. Such a bare-faced Affront to Au∣thority can scarce be parallelled, as was seen at this time, when the King was soon over-per∣swaded to take away the Lives of many honest innocent Men, purely upon the false Assevera∣tions

of Persons to whom he was almost forced to give Pensions, being a Pack of profligated Villains, who were kept in Pay to accuse any Man that opposed their wicked Designs, with∣out any Process of Law, hearing their Defence, or any Proof proferred against them. And after the Earl of Shaftsbury was thus quitted, he retired privately into Holland, where he died in the Beginning of 1683, of the Gout in his Stomach.

In June 1683, the Lord Mayor, with most of the Aldermen, Sheriffs, and Recorder, with a great Number of the principal Citizens of London, presented the King in Council with a Petition which had been before agreed in their Common Council, wherein they did in all hum∣ble Manner deprecate his Majesty's Displeasure against them, for their late Miscarriages in the Government of the City, promising all Obe∣dience for the future, and humbly begging his Majesty's Directions for their better Conduct. The Petition was presented by the Lord May∣or kneeling, with the Aldermen and all the Citizens likewise, till the King was pleased to bid them rise. Then the Lord Mayor and the rest being withdrawn for some time, they were called in again. Then the Lord Keeper deli∣vered to them his Majesty's Pleasure, represen∣ting the great Cause of Mislike that his Majesty had to their former Proceedings, telling them the particular Regulations that he thought ne∣cessary to require from them; concluding, that Judgment according to Form should be entered

against them on Saturday then following (which might prove very prejudicial to some of their Privileges and Customs, which were Matters of great Profit to them, with which his Maje∣sty did not intend to meddle) unless they did, by the Time prescribed, voluntarily put into his Majesty's Hands, by such Conveyance as his Attorney, Sollicitor, and Counsel learned shall think fit, the Approving of the Officers that have the principal Part in their Govern∣ment; such as are the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, and Recorder, &c. so as none of them enter upon the Execution of their respective Offices, notwithstanding their being elected in usual Manner thereunto, till his Majesty shall also have approved of them under his Signet and Sign Manual: And many Particulars more were told them by my Lord Keeper. It was observed by every body present, that the Sub∣mission was very cordial, and that it was a great Satisfaction to the Citizens, that his Majesty took this Course to preserve their Peace, and to assert the just Rights of the Crown.

The next Day after there was a Common Hall in London, where it was resolved to com∣ply with his Majesty's Demands, and they have saved Mr. Attorney the Trouble of entering Judgment: Whereupon I had this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Have the Favour of yours to acknowledge, and in Return I send you the Lord Major's and City's Submission. Many of our Friends voted for a Seizure, upon a Scruple of Consci∣ence, desiring rather the King should take those Liberties into his Hands by a Seizure, than come into a Possession of them by a Surrender, since that might blanch something upon the Oaths they took as Freemen. However, the Thing was carried by a Fair Poll for a Surrender. Every Man is well pleased, except those that are im∣placable, and some there are amongst us still, as it appears by what is now broken out; for every body's Mouth is full of a most horrid and hellish Plot against the Life of the King and his Royal Highness, wherein many People of the first Qua∣lity are concerned. I cannot yet give you any certain Account of the Particulars; but the De∣sign was laid in short to shoot the King and Duke at their coming the last Season from Newmarket, but was prevented by the King's sudden coming from thence, by reason of the Fire which hap∣pened there. Several Persons are in Custody upon this Account; some are fled (as Good enough, the late Under Sheriff, and one Mr. West) and by the Confession of one of the Accomplices, and by the Examination of another, there was a desperate Design against the King's Life (whom God preserve) and an Insurrection was designed to follow it. We have the Names of divers that are concerned, but find the Birds are flown. I

shall be able to tell you more by the next, when you may expect farther Particulars: But this I may now tell you, that his Majesty (who does upon all Occasions too much slight these things) does believe there is great Appearance of Reality in that which is now come to Light. This hath been so busy a Day with me, that I have only Time to close this, and to tell you that I am, Sir, with much Esteem,

Your most Faithful Humble Servant, L. JENKINS.

By another good Hand from Whitehall, of the 25th of June 1683, I am told, that Mr. West the Lawyer, and Collonel Ramsey, had sur∣rendered themselves, and have been examined, and confessed the whole Design of killing the King and Duke, at their late coming from New∣market, of which by God's Providence they were disappointed. It is certain, a more diaboli∣cal Design could never be contrived, and the Ex∣aminations already taken do plainly bring it to Light. Yesterday the Council met, and a Pro∣clamation was ordered to be forthwith issued out, to tell all the World, that the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Grey, Sir Thomas Armstrong, and one Ferguson, are of the Number of the Conspira∣tors, and 500 L. is offered to such as shall bring in any of them. If the Duke of Monmouth be guilty of this Crime, sure it is in him more than High Treason, to which the greatest Pu∣nishments of human Laws are assigned. Col∣lonel Algernoon Sidney is sent to the Tower for

conspiring the Death of the King. The Lord Russel and Mr. Trenchard are likewise sent to the Tower, and Major Wildman is taken into Custody, in whose Lodgings two small Field-Pieces were found, altho' he declared at his being taken, he had no Arms in his House; and hereupon Orders were sent out to disarm all dissaffected Persons, and a Committee of Lords were sent to the Tower, to examine Collonel Sidney.

My Lord Grey was carrying to the Tower, who made his Escape just at the Tower Gate, out of the Coach from the Sergeant at Arms, who was all alone with him and his Servant. He went directly to the Water Side, and passed over into Southwark. The Sergeant was asleep, or what is as bad, consenting to it. He refu∣sed to have a Guard of Soldiers, and will be prosecuted with all Severity. Major Holmes, an Oliverian Officer, and one Mr. Baillie, a Scotchman, are sent to the Gate-house for Trea∣son; and Hone the Joyner is also seized, who hath been examined: And tho' he would not accuse others, he hath confessed enough to hang himself. The Conspiracy is confirmed by all, but especially by Mr. Blaney, who was privy to most of their Intrigues. His Majesty hath given Leave to the Lady Russel to see her Husband in the Tower. The Escape of the Duke of Monmouth, with some others of the Conspirators, is confirmed by Letters from Portsmouth, being embarqued on a Dogger Boat, with one Lock a rigid Presbyterian, who

was Master of her. Mead, an Independant Minister, with Six more, is brought from Essex. Mead is said to have administred a Sacrament of Secrecy to the Conspirators, and one Bourn, who is said to be one of those that were to give the fatal Blow.

The Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, and several of the Common Council, did in an humble Address to the King and his Royal Highness, congratulate their Delivery from the late Conspiracy: The same did Mr. North from Southwark, Mr. Porter from the Middle Temple, Sir John Churchill, and Mr. James Butler from Lincolns Inn. It is said, that Sir Thomas Jones, one of the Judges of the King's Bench, will be made Lord Chief Justice in the Place of Sir Edmund Sanders.

About this time I received this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Have not yet given any Answer to the Spa∣nish Memorial which I sent you by the last Post; but my Lord Sunderland hath to the Im∣perial, Holland, and Swedish ones: It is to this Effect, That the French Ambassador hath, by Order from the King his Master, declared to his Majesty, that he cannot consent to the Me∣diation proposed by the Allies. This is the Substance of the Answer; I hope by the next to send you the precise Words. Sir Henry Ingolds∣by and Mr. Rouse are taken into Custody for treasonable Matters; and Mr. Aaron Smith is

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sent to the Tower for High Treason. The Lord Russel, Mr. West, and Hone the Joyner, have received Notice to prepare for their Tryal, and the Lady Russel presented a Petition to the King, humbly praying that her Husband might have such Council allowed him, as he shall judge ne∣cessary for his Defence at his intended Tryal.

I am, Sir, Your, &c. L. JENKINS.

The 9th of July 1683, I received this ensu∣ing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

OUR Toil here that hath hindered my wri∣ting to you, is so far from ceasing, that it increases daily. So universal, by God's Blessing, is the Discovery, and consequently, the Defeat of the Conspiracy. The Earl of Essex is sent for this Afternoon to the Council, and so is Mr. Henry Booth of Cheshire, and others. You will judge of the Reasonableness, or rather the Necessity of this Way of Proceeding, by the Account you will hear of the Tryal of some of the Conspirators, that will come on this Week The Duke meets the King constantly at the Ca∣binet Council, as formerly. I am, Sir, ever,

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant L. JENKINS

The Grand Jury of London have found Bill of Indictment against these Persons following Thomas Walcot, Richard Goodenough, Richard

Rumbold, Nathaniel Wade, Richard Nelthorp, Robert Ferguson, William Thomson, James Bur∣ton, John Rouse, Edward Norton, James Hol∣loway, Joseph Tilly, Francis Goodenough, Wil∣liam Hone, William Blague, Lord Russel, Lord Grey, Duke of Monmouth, Sir Thomas Arm∣strong; and accordingly Walcot, Rouse, Hone, and Blague, were arraigned immediately; and Walcot Being brought to his Tryal, after a long Hearing, was found Guilty of High Treason by the Jury. He confess'd he was not to have killed the King, but had engaged himself to oppose the Guards. This Morning, being the 13th of July, the Lord Russel and Hone the Joyner, were brought to their Tryal, and found Guilty of High Treason. At the same time the King being visiting a Fortification that was making in the Tower, the Earl of Essex withdrawing into his Closet, cut his own Throat with his Razor, of which he died im∣mediately.

The 14th of July the Privy Council met, and the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen attending, were sent for into the Council, and the Lord Chancellor told them, That the King had taken Notice of the irregular Proceeding of the Common Hall about the Election of She∣riffs, and the great Disorders occasioned there∣by; and that, for the Prevention of farther Mischief, his Majesty did command the Lord Mayor to begin the whole Proceeding de novo, and that his Lordship should take great Care to maintain the ancient Customs of the City.

Whereupon the Common Hall meeting, the Order of Council was read, and my Lord Mayor told them, That, in Obedience to it, they were to begin their whole Proceedings de novo, and accordingly Mr. North was put up to be confirm'd, and the Lord Mayor declared him one of the Sheriffs. Then they were to go to the Poll, which Sheriff Chute declared they did with a salvo Jure to their former Choice, and the Sheriffs had made a Column in their Poll Bill, to Poll negatively against Mr. North's Confirmation, with which the Lord Mayor was so unsatisfied, that he ad∣journed the Poll till the next Day, intending then his own Officers to take the Poll.

The 20th of July, Walcot, Hone, and Rouse were executed at Tyburn, the first of them most remarkably penitent, and hath made a Decla∣ration under his Hand of many more Particu∣lars of his own and others Guilt in this hor∣rid Conspiracy, than hath been yet imputed to them. To morrow, the Lord Russel will lose his Head in Lincolns-Inn-Fields, of which I had this following Account from a very good Hand at Whitehall. On Saturday the Lord Russel was brought to the Place of his Execu∣tion in his own Coach, accompanied with Dr. Tillotson and Dr. Burnet. He behaved himself with great Courage. The Execution being ended, a Speech was published by his La∣dy's Direction, wherein were several Reflecti∣ons defaming the Justice of the Nation; and Dr. Burnet being suspected to have had a Hand

in it, he was examined before the Council about it; and one Johnson, the late Lord Russel's Chaplain, was examined, as well about the said Speech, as for some Passages in the Life of Julian the Apostate, whereof he was the Author. A Declaration containing an Account of the Rise and Progress of the present Conspiracy, hath been read and approved in Council, and in pursuance of it, the 9th of September is appointed a Day of solemn Thanksgiving in all Churches, for so great a Deliverance. At the same time I am, told from Whitehall, that Prince George of Denmark was arrived; that he was a Person of a good Mein, and had dined with the King, Queen, and Duke, who gave the Prince the upper Hand. The Court will soon return to Windsor, where the Marriage between the Prince and Lady Anne will be consummated. His Presents (which are very noble) are pre∣sented to her, and their Families will be settled after the Manner of the Duke's and Dutchess's, but not so numerous. A Chapter will be held at Windsor for chusing Prince George into the most noble Order of the Garter; but the Prince hath desired it may be deferred, till he hath written to the King of Denmark, for his Leave to forbear wearing the Order of the Elephant, for that it would not be seemly to wear that and the Order of the Garter at the same time.

The King's Declaration concerning the Plot gives great Satisfaction, wherein the particular Steps and Methods of it were set down; and

Mr. Carlton, who is named in the King's De∣claration, is brought up from Oxfordshire, where he was seized; and being very intimate with the late Earl of Shaftsbury, he hath been ex∣amined by the Council, and is still in the Mes∣senger's Hands, and is putting in Writing what he knows of the Conspiracy, which is expected to be very considerable, because of his known Intimacy with the late Earl. The present Earl, and the Lord Ashley his Son (who is a very hopeful young Gentleman) have kissed the King's Hand at Windsor. The King hath de∣sired his Royal Highness to forbear Hunting this Season, it not being safe for him at this time, when such villainous Designs are disco∣vered against his Life. One Major Creed, and Major Gladman, two Oliverian Officers, are both seized upon Account of this Conspiracy. Mr. Speake of Somersetshire is also seized, and continues in the Custody of one of the King's Messengers; and Mr. Hawkins of the Temple, a great Confidant of the late Earl of Shaftsbury, hath been taken and examined before the Lords of the Council, and hath since had his Liberty upon Bail. The Marquis de Tilladet, and the Marquis de la Fare, were sent by the French King and the Duke of Orleans, to congratulate with his Majesty and his Royal Highness, upon the Discovery of this Conspiracy. The King sends the Earl of Dumbarton and the Duke, and Mr. Nichols of the Bedchamber, to con∣dole with the French King upon the Death of his Queen, which hath put our Court into

Mourning for Three Months. The First of October 1683, I received this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I presented yours of the 5th current to his Majesty, who read every Word of it him∣self; and then I presented him with your pri∣vate Letter to me, touching Mr. Cittar's Infor∣mation against you concerning your Religion. The King commanded me to tell you from him, that such Complaints as those should do you no Prejudice in his Majesty's Thoughts: That he very well approves of the Service you do him, and that he will always have a gracious Pro∣tection for you. I am, Sir,

Your most Humble Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The 26th of November following, I received this Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins, all written with his own Hand.

SIR,

YOur last private Letter, as well as your publick one, were read before his Majesty yesterday in Council. Your Answers to the Go∣vernour were well approved of, especially that Article wherein you observed to him, That it is out of the Sphere of any foreign Ministers, to take upon them to alledge, or make use of any Argument grounded upon the Sentiment or De∣sires of the Subjects and Vassals of the Prince

that a foreign Minister so alledging resides with: For Example, would the King of Spain have taken it well, that Sir Henry Goodrick should have urged, why he offered his Majesty's Arbi∣trage, the Sentiments or Desires of the Spanish Nation, either in their Provinces, or else in other Territories of the Catholick King? Can Don Pedro de Ronquillos make it out, that the City of London does desire, that his Majesty should embark in a War? Does he know the Sentiments of the Council of Scotland and Ire∣land? Hath he put all the Sentiments of those great Bodies into a Balance? Does he know which amongst them will preponderate? There was a Time (and 'tis within your Memory and mine) when not only foreign Ministers with Character, but their very Clerks and Valets de Chambre did meddle with our Affairs of State, and might (as they thought) with our publick Councils. This was an Indignity upon the King, I hope it will be so no more. Sure I am of one thing, they did not do our Business, which they pretended highly to do; if they have done their own, much good may it do them. You have already all the Account I can give you of the Duke of Monmouth, saving that yesterday Evening, after Council, he came to my Office, and I discharged the Sergeant at Arms that had him in Custody: Then I waited upon him, as I had been ordered, to the Duke: The Duke car∣ried him immediately to the King. After his Examination, the King carried him to the Queen. Then the Duke brought him back again to his

own Side, to the Dutchess, and he was all this Morning at Court. I am, Sir,

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

It seems, the Lord Privy Seal, the Duke of Ormond, and several other Lords of the Privy Council, knowing for certain, that the Duke of Monmouth was at Court, and had been well received and pardoned by the King, went to visit the Duke of Monmouth at the Cock-pit; and some People had the Confidence to contra∣dict what was published concerning the Duke of Monmouth, tho' nothing was printed con∣cerning him, but by Order from the King, and Council, and entered verbatim in the Council Book, that it might be kept in particular. However, what was printed concerning the Duke of Monmouth, was the Subject of much Discourse, and the Whiggs and factious People had the Impudence to say it was false, and that the Duke of Monmouth did not make any Con∣fession of the Conspiracy; and the Thing went so far, that Reports were spread abroad, of Discourses the Duke of Monmouth had himself held to that Purpose, and that the printed Re∣lation was injurious to him; so that there was a Necessity that some publick Notice should be taken of it, and that the Duke of Monmouth should vindicate the King's Honour as well as his own, by owning publickly the Confession he had made to the King, in Presence of his Royal Highness, with which his Majesty was so well

pleased, as not only to grant him his Pardon, which was to pass forthwith under the Great Seal, but likewise gave him a considerable Sum of Money for the Frankness of his Confession. But upon the Duke of Monmouth's denying what was published concerning him, and ha∣ving declared the same in divers publick Places, and the Persons being sent for and examined, they declared, That they heard the Duke of Monmouth himself deny that he had made any such Confession of the Conspiracy; and the Factious thereupon beginning to shew them∣selves with great Confidence, it was thought absolutely necessary, that publick Notice should be taken of it. Whereupon the King required the Duke of Monmouth to make a publick De∣claration either before the Council, or else to confess publickly what he had declared and owned to his Majesty, when he was first brought to the King by his Royal Highness: But the Duke of Monmouth then having his Pardon un∣der the Great Seal, and the Money which the King gave him, did absolutely refuse to con∣form to what his Majesty so justly required of him, and which the Duke of Monmouth should not have made the least Scruple of doing. The King was so highly offended at the Duke's re∣fusing to perform so necessary a Part of his Du∣ty, that he forthwith ordered Mr. Vice-Cham∣berlain Saville, to signify to him his Majesty's Pleasure, That he should not any more come into the King's Presence, and that he should presently leave the Court; which the Duke

of Monmouth did, and took a little House in Holbourn, to the Astonishment of all Men that had any Duty for the King or Government. Upon this the Whiggs and factious People made it the great Subject of all their Discourses: Whereupon the King was pleased to declare publickly, That the Duke of Monmouth did confess to him, in Presence of the Duke, all the Plot, and did repeat to him all the conside∣rable Particulars sworn by the Witnesses, and did assure the King, that what the Lord Howard of Escrick had sworn against Algernoon Sidney, was true; and that he was one of the most dangerous Men to the Government in his Ma∣jesty's Dominions: And yet, at the same time, several Persons of Credit deposed, That they had heard the Duke of Monmouth disown what was published about him, and refused to make a publick Declaration of what he had confessed and owned to the King.

Soon after this, the King was pleased to ac∣quaint the Lords of his Council, That having received the Duke of Monmouth into his Mer∣cy, and having since heard several Reports from the Duke's own Servants and others, that the Duke had made no Confession to his Majesty of the Conspiracy, nor owned any Share he had in it: The King did therefore think fit, for the Vindication of the Truth of what the Duke of Monmouth had declared to him and the Duke of York, to require the same from him in wri∣ting a Letter under his own Hand, which the said Duke of Monmouth refused to do in the Terms

it was commanded him: His Majesty was so much offended therewith, that he had forbid him his Presence, and commanded him to depart the Court: And for the farther Information of the Council, his Majesty had directed the Letter that the Duke had been required to sign, to be entered in the Council Book, declaring he did not intend it should be a Secret. The Letter was as follows.

I Have heard some Reports of me, as if I should have lessened the late Plot, and have gone about to discredit the Evidence against those that have died by Justice. Your Majesty and the Duke know how ingenuously I have owned the late Conspiracy; and tho' I was not conscious of any Design against your Majesty's Life, yet I lament the having a great Hand in the other Part of the Conspiracy, which was the Confederacy. Sir, I have taken the Liberty to put this in Wri∣ting, for my own Vindication, and I beseech you to look forward, and endeavour to forget the Fault you have forgiven me, and I will take Care, never to commit any more against you, nor to come within the Danger of being again misled from my Duty, but shall make it the Business of my whole Life to deserve the Pardon your Ma∣jesty hath given to

Your most Dutiful Son, &c.

The King having made this Declaration con∣cerning the Duke of Monmouth to the Council, caused it to be entered in the Council Book,

that Copies might be taken of it, which gave a general and great Satisfaction; whereas many before began to be staggered with the Reports that were with so much Confidence, or rather Impudence, spread abroad; and the great Won∣der was, why the Duke of Monmouth should refuse to give the King and the World the Sa∣tisfaction of signing the above-written Paper. The Duke of Monmouth declared upon going from his House in Holbourn, that he would re∣tire privately to his House in Moore Park, but none know (at least publickly) where he now is; and I have been told from a good Hand at Whitehall, that he had written a submissive Let∣ter to the King, but not being in the Terms his Majesty expected, he would take no Notice of it.

Mr. Algernoon Sidney will executed the next Week, the Warrant being signed for his Execution, and the Lord Chief Justice hath committed two Persons to Newgate, for using some scandalous Expressions concerning Mr. Sid∣ney's Tryal and Jury, it being fit that some should be made Examples, to teach others to govern their Tongues. On the 7th of Decem∣ber, Mr. Sidney was beheaded. He came on Foot from the Tower to the Scaffold upon Tower Hill: He there saluted the People, and gave the Sheriffs a Paper, which he desired might be communicated to the World; and kneeling down, he prayed to himself for some Minutes, and then rising undressed himself. The She∣riffs asked him, if he had nothing to say? who

answered, he had nothing to say or to do, but to die: And being undressed, and putting on his Cap, he laid himself down, and bid the Executioner do his Duty, who struck off his Head at one Blow. The Sheriffs carried the Paper to the King, which was an Invective against the Government, his Judges, Jury, and Witnesses, and concludes with this Expression, That he doubts not but God Almighty will con∣tinue to own the Cause for which he died. He shewed a great Courage and Unconcernedness for Death; but it is to be wished he had shewed a more Christian Temper. He had no Minister with him, having a Religion of his own, and his Paper may be justly called, a very venemous Libel: He seems to justify the last Rebellion, and prayed God still to support the Old Cause, for which he appeared so eminently heretofore. It is certain, that he carried his detestable Princi∣ples against Monarchy and the established Go∣vernment with him to his Grave, and gloried in his treasonable Actions and Practices, rather than repented of them. The Paper he gave the Sheriffs will not be printed; it begins thus: Men, Brethren, and Fathers, Friends, Country∣men, and Strangers; and having justified his own Book, and exclaimed against the Proceed∣ings at his Tryal, it ends thus: By these means am I brought hither; the Lord forgive their Practices, and avert the Evils which threaten the Nation from them! Lord sanctify these my Sufferings unto me! and tho' I fall a Sacrifice to Idols, suffer not Idolatry to be established in

the Land. Bless thy People, and save them: Defend thy own Cause; defend them that defend it: Stir up such as are faint, direct such as are willing, confirm such as waver, give Wisdom and Integrity to All: Order all things so as they may redound to thy Glory; and grant I may die glorifying thee for all thy Mercies, and for that thou hast at last permitted me to be singled out as a Witness of thy Truth, and even by the Con∣fession of my Opposers, for The Old Cause, for which thou hast so often and so wonderfully declared thy self.

The Lord Mayor of York is summoned to answer before the Council several High Misde∣meanours charged against him; and having appeared before the Council, he was obliged to give Bail to answer the Information that shall be exhibited against him by Mr. Attorney Ge∣neral. In December 1683, I received this en∣suing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins, writ∣ten with his own Hand.

SIR,

I Cannot think but you will easily call to Mind, how the King hath proceeded with the Duke of Monmouth, having already seen all the Re∣lations that were written and printed concerning him. I have only one thing to observe to you in the whole Transaction of that Business, which is this, that the King's Resolution in that Affair hath been owing to no Man's Counsel, but to his Majesty's own Firmness; and tho' his Tenderness was great for the Duke of Monmouth, yet he

suffered it not to prevail against that which he owed to his lawful Successor, and to his dutiful Subjects. I am Sir,

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

I received this following Letter from a very good Hand at Whitehall, bearing Date the 29th of December.

SIR,

THE Depredations of the French in Flan∣ders does generally affect us here, being no great Lovers of the French, and do not speak very favourably of their Proceedings. The poor People of Flanders are much pitied, who suffer for the Imprudence of those at the Helm. We wish the Spaniards may be perswaded to put an End to the Miseries of their Subjects, by esta∣blishing a good and lasting Peace. Our Mer∣chants (who have great Effects in Spain) are much alarmed, but we hope there is no Need. I can tell you no News, but that the Lord Lansborough, formerly Sir George Lane, and the Earl of Plymouth, Governour of Hull, are lately dead, and that there is no Appearance of a Parliament, as some have imagined; for if his Majesty intended one, the Time is near to give Orders for it.

Upon the Prince of Denmark's first Arrival in England, a Chapter was appointed for the chusing him a Knight of the Garter; but the

Prince prayed it might be deferred, till he ac∣quainted the King of Denmark, his Brother, therewith, and had his Leave to lay aside the Order of the Elephant, which was judged very reasonable: And the Prince having accordingly made his Compliments to the King of Denmark upon this Occasion, and received Leave from him, a Chapter is appointed to be held forth∣with, for the electing him into the most noble Order of the Garter. The Lord Dartmouth hath found more Difficulty in demolishing the Mole at Tangier, than was imagined; but it is now so near done, that his Lordship is expected very suddenly in England.

In November 1683, I received this follow∣ing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

HErewith you will receive (I think, by Mr. Puckle's Hand) the King our Master's gracious Letter to the Marquis de Grana, with a Copy of it for your self. It is his Majesty's Pleasure, that you deliver it to the Marquis, and accompany it with a Memorial of your own, complaining of the ill Usage his Majesty's Sub∣jects do receive at Ostend; and to hint to his Excellency the ill Consequences of such Insults, if suffered to go unpunished, which would natu∣rally end in Revenge, and Disturbance of the Com∣merce and present good Friendship between both Crowns. The Letter is in Behalf of our East India Company, concerning a Ship (intending, or sup∣posed to intend to be an Interloper within the

Limits of their Charter.) Here is also an∣nexed, a Copy of that Company's Petition to his Majesty, with the State of the Case, gathered out of the Extract of several Letters from an Officer of the English Admiralty now in Flan∣ders, and, I doubt, in Custody at Ostend. These Papers, with the Information Mr. Puckle will give you, may absolve me from adding any thing more, but that you are desired to do what you can in Vindication of his Majesty's Honour, and in Support of our East India Company's just Rights; and that you endeavour to get good and sufficient Caution, according to the last Clause in his Majesty's said Letter, that the said Ship shall not undertake, nor pursue her Voyage to the Indies. I am, Sir, &c.

L. JENKINS.

The Copy of the King's Letter to the Mar∣quis de Grana, concerning the East India Com∣pany here follows, which the said Resident presented.

Mon Cousin,

LA Compagnie des Marchands Anglois, traffiquant aux Indes Orientales, m'ont tres humblement representé, que le nommé Richard Sherwood Commandant de navire Richard & Jean, a equippé son dit navire pour un Voyage aux dites Indes, avec dessein d'y traffiquer avec les Infidels contre les loix de ce Pais cy, & contre plusieurs des mes Edits, publiez en fa∣veur de la dit Compagnie & d'autres: Sur quoy

ma Cour de l'Amirauté avoit ordonné qu'on mist en Arrest le dit navire, ce qui auroit esté deüe∣ment executé. Si ce n'eut esté que le dit Maistre en ayant eu advis, s'est derobé de mon Port de Douvre, & s'est retiré en celuy d'Ostende, jusques ou un Officier de madit Cour de l'Ami∣rauté l'ayant pursuiry, y, a fait arrester le dit navire, par la justice ordinaire du lieu. Sur quoy le dit Maistre y a fait arrester & mettre en prison le dit Officier de ma Cour de l'Ami∣rauté nommé George Wade, pour s'estre-acquitté de son devoir, & de sa commission, le dit Maistre ayant aussi pour mieux couvrir sa fraude, change son nom, & celuy du dit navire, se faisant ap∣peller luy mesme Wood, & son navire le Speed∣well. Les particularitez de son procede, & de ses excés, vous seront representez par mon Resi∣dent aprez vous, lequel Je vous prie d'écouter favourablement, & de faire en sorte que le dit Maistre donne caution de s'en retourner dans quelq'un de de mes Ports, afin de se soûmettre à ce que la justice ordonnera de faire en cette oc∣casion, ou bien pour le moins que le dit Maistre & ses affretteurs, avant le depart du dit Maistre avec son navire de vos Ports, soient obligez de donner caution suffiisante en ce Pais la à mon Resident, ou à d'autres qui en auront Procura∣tion de mon dit Resident, de n'enterprendre ny poursuivre le dit Voyage destiné pour les dites Indes. Je fineray cette cy en vous asseurant que Je suis, Mon Cousin,

Vôtre Affectionné Cousin, CHARLES R.

Au Whitehall, le 16 de Nov. 1683.

At the same time I presented a Memorial to the Marquis de Grana, in these Words.

LE soûsigné Chevalier Bulstrode, Resident pour sa Majesté de la Grande Brittaigne, representé tres humblement à Vôtre Excellence par Ordre du Roy son Maistre, que le nommé Richard Sherwood, Sujet de sa Majesté, com∣mandant le navire Richard & Jean, a equippé son dit navire pour un Voyage aux Indes Orien∣tales, avec dessein d'y traffiquer avec les Infi∣deles, contre les loix d'Angleterre, & contre plusieurs Placarts de sa Majesté: Sur quoy, la supreme Cour d'Amirauté d'Angleterre avoit envoyé un Officier pour mettre en Arreste le dit navire. Mais le dit Maistre ayant eu advis, s'est derobè du Port de Douvre, & s'est retiré en celuy d'Ostende, jusques ou le dit Officier ayant poursuiry y a fait arrester le dit navire. Sur quoy, le dit Maistre y a fait arrester & mettre en prison pour s'estre acquitté de son de∣voir & de sa commission. Le dit Maistre ayant aussi, pour mieux couvrir sa fraude, changé son nom & celuy du dit navire: A cette raison le dit Resident supplié tres humblement Vôtre Excellence, d'ordonner que le dit Officier sera relaché, & que le dit Maistre ne soit perinis de partir hors le Port d'Ostende, avec son dit navire, sans donner bonne Caution au dit Resident de s'en re∣tourner en Angleterre, afin de se soûmettre a ce que la justice luy ardonnera, ou bien pour le moins que le dit Maistre donner Caution suffi∣sante

au dit Resident de n'enterprendre ny pur∣suivre son Voyage destiné pour les dites Indes, selon le Desir du Roy son Maistre par sa Lettre à Vôtre Excellence.

R. BULSTRODE.

Fait a Bruxelles, le 7 de Decem. 1682.

Some small Time before this Memorial was delivered, I received this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

THE Letter you sent me by Mr. Puckle, and those since by the Ordinary, have been carefully read before his Majesty in Council. I now send you a Copy of the last Memorial the Spanish Ambassador gave his Majesty. I could not send it sooner, because it had not been com∣municated to the Lords. I was directed by the King to give Answer to it by Word of Mouth, to Don Pedro, but strictly commanded not to give it in Writing, or to dictate it, that he might take a Copy, which I did punctually observe; which gave him great Distaste. I send you the Words as near as I can, but with this strict Injunction from the King, that you do not communicate them to any Person; for then that which we refused them will come to them another Way. The An∣swer is communicated to you, for your own Go∣vernment, when the Ministers there shall dis∣course to you at the rate of Don Pedro's Memo∣rial, without letting them know that you know

the Words wherein I answered him. That which you propose concerning an Allowance for Expresses, is hardly practicable, the constant ancient Way being to put it upon your Extraordinaries: But in regard they are in so great Arrears to you, I will take upon me to pay any Express you shall send, knowing you will only send them when it is needful. I am ever

Your most Faithful Humble Servant, L. JENKINS.

In the Beginning of the Year following, the Court of King's Bench gave Judgment in the great Case of the East India Company, and were unanimously of Opinion, that Judgment ought to be given for the Plaintiffs, which are the East India Company. Their Arguments were all resolved into these two Questions: First, Whether the Grant of a sole Trade to the Company, without Prohibition to all the rest of the King's Subjects not to trade to those Parts, be a good Grant? Secondly, Suppose the Grant be good, whether this Action be maintainable? And the whole Court held in the Affirmative to both: And, that in the First Point, as well the prohibitory as the enabling Part, were consistent both with the Laws of the Land, and the Law of Nations: Which the Lord Chief Justice made out with much painful Learning, by citing many Authorities and Precedents out of the Parliament Rolls and foreign Books, whereby he proved that Jus Gentium must be the Judge of foreign Trade,

by which it was at first established, as it is re∣gulated in all other Nations. As to the Obje∣ction, that this excluding Grant was a Mono∣poly, he distinguished upon the Word, proving out of several Books of the Civil Law, that Monopolies are of two Sorts, either Lawful, as when the Prince grants to any College a sole Trade exclusive of all other Persons: Or Un∣lawful, according to the vulgar Acceptation of the Word; and that this Grant is of the for∣mer Sort, and not such a Monopoly as the Law condemns. The Court held, That the Statute of Edw. III. pleaded by the Defendant, had Relation only to the Trade of the Staple, and could not be intended to controul this, which was not then in Being. Yet, supposing the Sta∣tute were powerful, and gave Licence to all Persons to trade every where; yet the King having, by the common Law, a Power of re∣straining his Subjects from trading, and there being no express Words in the Statute, to take away this Power, the Statute, as to that, is void, according to the Rule set down by my Lord Cook, that, without express Words, no Prerogative shall be taken away. The Court said further, That tho' the King had covenan∣ted with the Company, to grant no Licences to any other Persons of a concurrent Trade; yet the King hath not hereby concluded him∣self, but that he may, at his Pleasure, license any of his Subjects to trade to the Places men∣tioned in the Charter.

This being a Matter of Curiosity, I give you this particular Account for your Satisfaction.

The 28th of December I had this following Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

I Have received your double Letter, one of the Occurrences of the Field, and the other of a Discourse you had with the Governour. They were both read to his Majesty, first in pri∣vate, then at a Committee of the Council. I have nothing in Command to answer upon them. I may only tell you, that your Discourses and Replies, in your Conversation with the Gover∣nour, were very well approved of. You will, I supose have heard, on this, some Complaints of Mr. Chudleigh: You may believe it morally im∣possible he should have had such Discourses to the Deputies of Amsterdam, as are endeavou∣red to be fastened upon him. It is the Spanish Ambassador, Don Pedro, that alone complains of him, and we do not hear one Syllable of this from Mr. Cittars, nor from Monsieur le Compte de Thaun, who would have been as loud as the Spanish Ambassador, in their Complaints, had they known of any unwarrantable Discourse of Mr. Chudleigh's in the Conferences he may have had with any Deputies or private Persons what∣soever. You know, that the King our Master hath of a long time (I am sure for above a Year) declared, Qu'il ne se laisseroit pas en∣tretenir par quelle fuit dans une Guerre estran∣gere: Thus much Mr. Chudleigh might say upon

any pertinent Occasion, but more, I dare say, never fell from him. I shall not fail to comply with Mr. Puckle's Demand, nor in any thing else, wherein I may, to approve my self

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

I had another Letter from a good Hand at Whitehall, of the 16th of January, 1683-4, which says, that Mr. Cornish, who was an Al∣derman of London before their Privileges were seized into the King's Hands, was examined before the Lords of the Cabinet Council, he being named in the Letter taken in Ellis's Pocket, amongst those to whom the Libel was to be distributed, and Slingsby Bethell, his wor∣thy Collegue, when Sheriffs, was, amongst others, fined One Thousand Merks for the Riot by them committed in Guild-Hall, on Midsum∣mer Day, 1682, and has ever since been a Pri∣soner, but has at last thought fit to pay his Fine, and is now at Liberty again. We have an Account from Scotland, that Baillie, a Gen∣tleman of a good Estate, being sent thither to be tryed, was found Guilty of High Treason, and executed: That the Earl of Ferras had been brought to his Tryal, for being in the late Conspiracy, and was found Guilty like∣wise; but having confessed as well before, as at his Tryal, the whole Matter charged upon him, and cast himself upon the King's Mercy,

his Execution was stopped, till the King's Plea∣sure was known therein.

The 25th of February 1684, I received this ensuing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins.

SIR,

HIS Majesty hath received from Mr. Van Cittars, a Memorial of so great a Length, that I cannot hope to send it you, till the next Post. It is accompanied with five several Maps of several Parts of the Spanish Netherlands. It prays his Majesty's Offices, in order to dispose the most Christian King to give up Brisac, Fri∣burg, and the Fort of Keil (near Strasburgh) to the Empire, if he will keep Strasburgh to himself. Then, for the Spanish Netherlands, the Allies do offer (tho' without the Consent of Spain) to divide the Country by an imaginary Line, to the End the French may possess all on the one Side of it, and the Spaniards all on the other; and it is to be noted, that not only most of the Dependencies in Flanders, that are con∣troverted, are in the Spanish Side of the Line, but also all that the French do possess in Luxen∣burgh, even to the Walls of Chiny and Verton, which the Spaniards have long since relinquished. His Majesty is not come to any Resolution upon this Memorial, having not yet received the Let∣ters of his own Minister at the Hague: But thus far we see, that this is the Effect of the Conferences now held at the Hague, and this is intended to be the Answer to Mr. d'Araux's Offers of a Truce. When those things ripen,

you shall have a farther Account of them from, Sir,

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The 18th of March following, I received this ensuing from the same Hand.

SIR,

I Thank you heartily for yours, which came but this Day; but I would not have you be discou∣raged by this Accident of writing by the Way of Calais, for we had not our Letters from Paris then: Nay, give me Leave to invite you to make use of this Conveyance, in an active, trou∣blesome Time, as this Spring and Summer are like to be; and therefore you may send the Ori∣ginal one Way, and the Duplicate another. Sure I am, that you will omit no Conveniency, and so leave it to your self, and am ever, &c.

L. JENKINS.

On Saturday last Mr. Van Cittars gave a Me∣morial to his Majesty, seconding his last Memo∣rial. My Lord Sunderland, by his Majesty's Command, gave him an Answer only by Word of Mouth, and to the same Effect with that Answer which his Lordship had given before in Writing to Mr. Van Cittars's Memorial formerly delive∣red upon the same Subject.

Upon the 31st of March, I received this en∣suing Letter from Mr. Secretary Jenkins, dated at Whitehall.

SIR,

IN your last, which was read yesterday before the King and Council, you are pleased to de∣sire to know the King's Pleasure, whether you should go into the Campaign with that Governour. His Majesty resolved, that it was not necessary, because the Scene of the War in that Country being like to be of a very narrow Compass, and not far from the Place where you have always resided, which being the Capital of that Coun∣try, will still have the best Share in the Intelli∣gence. One thing that concerns my self I shall take Leave to impart to you with a very sincere Joy: It is, That his Majesty hath, upon my most humble, and even importunate Suit, given me Leave, in regard of my ill Health, to resign my Post of Secretary, and hath bestowed it up∣on Mr. Godolphin, in whose Correspondence, as far as it will take in your Deportment, you will, I am sure, be very happy. My great Concern is, that this being a pure Effect of my most hum∣ble Supplication, and even intolerable Importu∣nity with his Majesty and the Duke, it may not be imputed to any Surprize upon me at Court, much less to my disliking of the present Measures there. This I say, because I know the Fanaticks will put the most malicious Constructions they can invent upon an Incident at Court: But, up∣on my honest Word, Sir, it is my utter Disabi∣lity to serve, and that alone, which hath pre∣vailed upon his Majesty's infinite Clemency and Goodness, to consent to my Dismission, with such

Marks of his Grace and Royal Bounty, as to me are unexpressible. This I thought it my Duty to impart to you, to prevent Misinformation, and to let you know, at the same time, that I shall be glad, in what private Capacity soever I am, to approve my self in Truth and Effect, Sir,

Your most Humble and most Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

I had the 4th of April following, this Let∣ter from the same Hand, at Whitehall.

SIR,

I Have just Time to tell you, that I had the Honour, on Tuesday Night, to produce your last Letter before his Majesty and the Commit∣tee. You may be well assured, that I did not neglect humbly to inform my self of his Majesty's Pleasure in Mr. Hulft's Business. His Majesty was pleased to tell me, That he had a good Cha∣racter of Mr. Hulft a good while since; and that whenever he comes into England, whether with a publick Character, or in a private Capacity, his Majesty will very graciously bid him welcome.

I am, Sir, &c. L. JENKINS.

After this, in April, I received this ensuing Letter from the same Hand, dated at Windsor, the 14th of April 1684.

SIR,

THis is the last Trouble I shall give you, as his Majesty's Secretary, but shall desire the Continuance of your Kindness as a Friend, for so I shall always be to you. The State of Mr. Boyan's Case herewith sent you, and the Copy of his Majesty's Letter to the Marquis de Grana thereupon, may dispense with me for gi∣ving you any farther Instructions in this Matter. You will deliver his Majesty's Letter to the Mar∣quis, and accompany it with such Memorials and Applications as you shall judge requisite, and may be most effectual, that Mr. Boyan may obtain his Right. I know your Diligence and Zeal, and therefore shall use no more Words, but again to assure you, that I am, Sir,

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The Copy of the King's Letter to the Marquis.

Mon Cousin,

LE Sieur Richard Boyan, Marchand de Londres, m'ayant representé qu'il a un Procez a anvers contre un nommé Guilliam Vandevorst, Marchand de cette Ville la, pour quelques Affaires mercantilles, mais que par les chicans dont le dit Vandevorst, & quelques siens Parens ont usé comme ayans Interest sur les lieux, & mon dit sujet etant estrangere, j' ay bien voulu ordonner à mon Resident a Bruxelles

de vous presenter des Memoires convenables tou∣chant la dit Affaire, ne doutant pas que Vous ne donnez tels Ordres la dessus, que bonne & brieüe justice soit fait à mon dit sujet. Je suis, Mon Cousin,

Vôtre Affectionné Cousin, CHARLES R.

After Sir Leoline Jenkins had quitted his Station of being Principal Secretary of State, I had the following Letter from him, dated at Hammersmith, the 12th of May 1684, which was the last Letter I had from him.

SIR,

I Have often pitied you very heartily, under the intolerable Pains you take, in writing so many Letters with your own Hand. I must now, in Conscience, not only pray you, but in a manner require you, to ease your self of writing any longer to me, and I shall reckon my Obliga∣tion no less than if you did this. His Majesty allows me the Honour of Access, as before, to the Committee of Foreign Affairs; so that as often as I go thither, I shall be sure to meet with your Intelligence; and when my Health does not give me Leave to do so, my Friends are pleased to communicate unto me so much as serves my Turn. But if at anytime your own Occasions invite you to write to me, I pray do it very freely; for in those Matters you may command me still, as, Sir,

Your most Humble and Faithful Servant, L. JENKINS.

The 20th of May 1684, I had this following Letter from a very good Hand.

SIR,

I Am sure that the Spanish Ambassador hath been spoken to, concerning the Treatment which they gave the Duke of Monmouth at Brussels, and has been given to understand the great Resentment the King hath of their Pro∣ceedings. Hereupon the Spanish Ambassador has taken an Occasion to speak to the King, assuring him, that the Civilities which were shewed him at Brussels, were purely in respect to his Majesty, as being his Son; of which I am told the King took hold, and hath caused a Letter to be written to the Ambassador, to let that Court know the little Satisfaction his Ma∣jesty hath in their treating the Duke of Mon∣mouth as they have done; and yet the Spanish Ambassador continues his Instances, tho' he knows they cannot succeed to his Satisfaction. For he that asketh a Thing that cannot be granted, without the great Prejudice of him that is to grant it, cannot certainly think to obtain what he desires, and has not so much Cause to be dis∣satisfied, when refused, as he hath, of whom he desires a Thing to his Prejudice. I suppose it will be no News to tell you, that the French King hath given Assurances, that after the Ta∣king of Luxenburgh, he will not attempt any thing farther in Flanders. The Count d'Araux hath declared thus much at the Hague, upon

which it is not doubted but the States will re∣solve to sit still, and let the Spaniards manage the War, as they will, if they will not comply with the French Proposals. We have no News from my Lord Dartmouth at Tangier, expecting that he is coming home, and will be speedily in England. The Duke of Monmouth is highly caressed at the Hague, which would make me wonder what the Prince of Orange aims at by such a Proceeding. The King was pleased to de∣clare in the last Council at Hampton-Court, that he thought fit that his Royal Highness should be present at the Meeting of the Council, and ac∣cordingly the Duke took his Place at the Board, as First Prince of the Blood.

I am told from a good Hand, that the King hath forbid all Correspondence with the Prince of Orange, and hath declared to the Nobility, and others attending him, that they should hold no Commerce with the Prince, who hath given the old Hoffe, where the Princess his Grandmother lived, at the Hague, to the Duke of Monmouth. We expect daily a publick Ac∣count of the Discovery lately made in Scotland, it being as plain as the Day, that the Conspi∣racy was so laid between the Rebels here and in Scotland, as to make an Insurrection in both Kingdoms at the same time; upon which many Gentlemen, whom they call Lairds, are com∣mitted to Prison; it appearing that the Design of the Conspiracy was to have surprized Berwick, and thereby have opened their Way to New-castle.

By the Deposition of one Carstairs, who was taken in England, and sent to Scotland, and by several others, the Correspondence is made so plain between the Conspirators here and in Scotland, that there is no farther Doubt made of it, it being sufficiently made appear. But at the same time it is worthy Remark, that all their Credit in Scotland could not raise Thirty Thousand Pounds to carry on their Plot. I am told from a good Hand, that Danvers who is now in the Gazette, was the Author of that damna∣ble Libel about the Earl of Essex, being a Parcel of Lies and Forgeries maliciously put together, to perswade the Whiggs and the Ignorant, that the then Earl of Essex was murdered by Order from the Government, when it was apparent that he cut his own Throat. Circular Letters have been written by the King's Commands, to all the Lords Lieutenants of the Counties of this Kingdom, to this Effect: That the King being informed Reports were spread abroad in the Country, that his Majesty intended to call a Parliament, and that many Gentlemen have thereupon begun to make Interests to be cho∣sen, his Majesty had thought fit to let them know, that he has not at present any Intention to call a Parliament; and when he shall find it ne∣cessary for his Service and the publick Good, to call one, he will cause timely Notice to be given thereof; and in the mean time, commands them to take Care to suppress all such false Reports, and to punish the Authors of them. And his Majesty being informed, that Endeavours have

been used to promote a tumultuary Petition for the Sitting of Parliament, his Majesty com∣mands them to crush such seditious Practices, tending to the great Disturbance of the Go∣vernment and the publick Peace, and to enquire for the Authors and Promoters of them.

There are in London about Sixty Companies, of which Fourty and more have already sur∣rendered their Charters to his Majesty, who hath been pleased to grant them new ones, with such Alterations and Limitations as the King thinks necessary for his Service; and those Companies which do yet stand out, will be proceeded against in another Way.

I am told from a very good Hand at White∣hall, by Letter of the 13th of June 1684, That the Duke's Counsel let Mr. Oates in the King's Bench Prison know, that there was a Declaration filed against him on the Part of the Duke, for false and scandalous Words, and that if he pleaded not, Judgment should be entered against him by Default. He replied, according to his insolent Manner, That, as he had never loved the Duke, so he did not fear him, and that he would answer the Declara∣tion when he thought fit; and that, for the entering Judgment by Default, he could not, for he would stay in Prison, till there was a Parliament, and then he should come out, and others would be in his Place. Upon this, the Duke's Counsel moved at the King's Bench Bar, That if Oates suffered Judgment to be entered by Default, in this Action of the Duke, the

Court would then grant a Writ of Enquiry of Damages to be executed at the Bar. The Aim of the Duke's Counsel in desiring this, is, that the Matter they charge Oates with may be laid open to the World, by having the Witnesses examined in open Court.

The Yacht that brought over Sir Thomas Armstrong being arrived at Greenwich, he was brought on Shore by Captain Richardson, the Keeper of Newgate, who put Shackles upon him, and brought him to Whitehall, where he hath been examined by a Committee of Lords, but would confess nothing. It seems Mr. Chud∣leigh having Notice, that Seven or Eight Eng∣lishmen were come to Rotterdam, he sent his Secretary, who discovered them at Delft, and followed them to Leyden; and having lodged them there, he applied himself to the Scout, in Pursuance of an Order Mr. Chudleigh had obtained some time before of the States; and having the Scout's Assistance, he went to the House where they were, and seized Armstrong without any Opposition. The others with him were not meddled with, for that they were not mentioned in the Order of the States. Armstrong was carried to Mr. Chudleigh's House at the Hague, and from thence on board the Yacht at Rotterdam. Since his coming to London, he hath been brought to the King's Bench, where Execution was prayed against him: But he pleaded a Statute of Edward VI. which says, if a Person outlawed yield himself within a Year and Day, he shall be admitted to a Tryal:

But he was answered, he did not yield him∣self, but was brought in by Force, and so could not claim the Benefit of that Statute. He re∣plied, the King had allowed Holloway (who was likewise outlawed) the Liberty to reverse the Outlawry, and to stand a Tryal, and hoped he should not be denied it. He was answered by the Judges, that was the King's particular Grace and Mercy, of which they were not the Dispensers; and that there remained nothing for them to do, but to order his Execution, which they did accordingly. He did not seem inclined to make any Confession, nor to have the Sense that a Man ought to have that had Guilt upon him. After this, a Motion was made on his Behalf, in the Court of Chancery, for a Writ of Error to reverse the Outlawry: But my Lord Keeper answered, he could not grant it without Mr. Attorney's Consent, who said he had no Directions to consent to it. One would think Sir Thomas ought not to expect any Mercy or Favour from the King, to whom he hath been so ungrateful. But I must not for∣get to tell you, that when he was taken, he dropt some Papers into a House of Office, but they were found, and amongst them were Let∣ters from the Duke of Monmouth to the Sieur Dien, the Brandenburgh Minister at the Hague, and another to one of the States, recommend∣ing Sir Thomas Armstrong to them in the most pressing Manner imaginable. He was executed at Tyburn, drawn thither from Newgate upon a Sledge. He saluted several People as he

went. He had Dr. Tennison to pray with him, and died with much Courage and Resolution. His Head will be put up over the Gate-house at Westminster, and his Quarters will be dis∣posed of in like manner. One of his Quarters will be sent to Stafford, for which Place he was a Burgess in Parliament. By his Paper which he gave the Sheriff, he justifies his In∣nocency, and complains that he had not a Tryal.

After Sir Thomas's Execution, the Paper he gave the Sheriffs was first brought to the King, and his Majesty gave it again to the Sheriffs, with Liberty to publish it. In it he disowns to know of any Plot against the King's Person and Government, and asserts his Innocency to those Matters. He justified himself of what was reported of him, of betraying the King in Cromwell's Time. He declared, he died a Mem∣ber of the Church of England, but confessed he had not lived according to her Rules and Doctrines. He said, he died justly for the ma∣ny Sins he had committed in his Life-time, and desired those he had injured to forgive him, as he forgave every Body.

About this time was Oates's, Tryal with the Duke, where no less than Ten Witnesses swore, That Oates had said, his Royal Highness was a Traitor, a Rascal, a Devil, the Son of a Whore, with other Words not fit to be named, were it not to shew the audacious Insolence of Oates, who may possibly e'er long be called to an Account for many other things. Mr. Wil∣liams,

late Speaker of the House of Commons, had a Declaration filed against him, for having caused several Papers, called Votes and Ad∣dresses of the House of Commons, to be prin∣ted and published, wherein were many scan∣dalous Reflections upon his Majesty and his Government; of which the said Mr. Williams having Notice, he did not appear in Westmin∣ster-hall the last Day of the Term, which he never missed before.

I was told from a good Hand at Whitehall, by Letters of the 30th of June 1684, That the Lord Treasurer of Scotland, with several other Lords of that Kingdom, were come to the English Court, to complain against the Chancellor of Scotland: That the King and Duke had heard their Complaints, which they found so well grounded, that the Great Seal was taken from the Chancellor, whose Name is Sir George Gordon, and the Earl of Perth was constituted Lord Chancellor of Scotland, and the Place he had of Justice General was given to the Earl of Linlithgow, Collonel of the Guards, and the said Regiment of Guards was given to Collonel Douglas, Brother to the Lord Treasurer, the Marquess of Queensborough, who has at present a Scotch Regiment in Service of the States General; and Matters being thus settled, the Lords are returning home again very well satisfied.

I am told by a good Hand from Whitehall, That Sir Gabriel Sylvius being returning for Holland, is charged with a Message from the

King to the Prince of Orange: That the King considering the ill Circumstances that Prince had put himself into, the King had writ late∣ly to the Prince, to assure him of his Kindness, and that he would do all he could to support him. To which the Person that writes tells me, that the Prince of Orange returned a very cold and indifferent Answer; and which is much wondered at, that the Prince should shew such Kindness to the Duke of Monmouth and the Lord Brandon, which neither the King nor Duke can take well from the Prince. I am told from the same Hand, That the King had taken Notice to the Envoy of Brandenburgh, of the great Respect and Kindness which is shewed to the Duke of Monmouth at Berlin; and his Majesty was pleased to say, he did not think the Elector would have given that Coun∣tenance to one that was in his Disfavour. But the Minister, to excuse the Elector, said his Electoral Highness, in the Respect he had shewed to the Duke of Monmouth, did it as to his Majesty's Son, and not to him as Duke of Monmouth; who is so highly caressed at the Hague, that it is thought the Prince will make him General of all the English Forces, and of all other his Majesty's Subjects that are in the States Service; with which his Majesty is so highly dissatisfied, that, perhaps, at Mr. Chud∣leigh's Return to the Hague, his Majesty's Re∣sentment may appear more publick.

I am told, there hath lately happened a very unlucky Accident at Norwich, betwixt

Mr. Bedingfield and Mr. Barney; the first a Man of a very good Estate, and the other an ancient Baronet; and some Words having passed between them at a Gentleman's House, Barney came behind Bedingfield, and stabbed him in the Back, of which he died presently. The Sessions being then there, he was tryed, con∣victed, and condemned, and was executed at the Market Cross, the Fact being so foul, that all Sollicitations for his Life were ineffectual. I am told from Whitehall, that the King had named Mr. Brisbane, late Secretary of the Ad∣miralty, to go in Quality of his Majesty's En∣voy Extraordinary to the King of Portugal, in the Room of Mr. Fanshaw, who was recalled; but Mr. Brisbane falling sick at Windsor, is since dead.

By Letters of the 25th of August, 1684, I am told, that the King had thought fit to re∣move the Earl of Radnor from the President∣ship of the Council, his Majesty's Pleasure be∣ing therein signified to his Lordship by a Let∣ter from the Secretary of State, with an Assurance of the King's entire Satisfaction in his Services, and that his Majesty, as a Mark of it, would continue to him his Pension which he had as Lord President. The Lord Radnor's Answer was full of Duty and Sub∣mission to the King; who was so well pleased with it, that he ordered the Lords of the Trea∣sury to take particular Care of the Payment of the said Pension: And his Majesty caused the Earl of Rochester to be sworn Lord Presi∣dent

of the Council; and also acquainted the Lords, that his Intention was, that Mr. Godol∣phin should be made an English Baron, by the Name of Baron Godolphin of Godolphin, and succeed the Lord Rochester in the Place of First Commissioner of the Treasury: That the Earl of Middleton, late one of the Secretaries of State of Scotland, should succeed Mr. Godolphin in that of Secretary of State of England, who was sworn accordingly; and that the King had given the Earl of Rochester Sixteen Thousand Pounds, to be raised out of the Lord Grey's Estate: Which Changes were made by the King to the Satisfaction of all Parties concerned.

I was told from a good Hand at Whitehall, that the Duke of Grafton was gone incognito into Holland, and would from thence go to Brussels, to meet with his Brother the Duke of Northumberland, and then return together, after having seen the Governour of Flanders, and spoken with the Resident at Brussels, which they both did, but could not perform what they intended. The same Person told me, that the Discovery made in Scotland, by the decy∣phering of Argyle's Letters, which were owned by his Secretary, are of great Importance; which make the late horrid Conspiracy so evi∣dent, that none can doubt of it. It seems this Secretary was Prisoner in Scotland, and was charged with a Letter from Argyle, which was found about him when he was taken, and a Person at Edinburgh did decypher it. The Se∣cretary at first denied it; but after having se∣veral

times endured the Torture called the Boot, he had at last owned the Letter to be truly de∣cyphered, and confessed several Particulars, which make the Conspiracy as plain as Noon-Day. Upon this Discovery, the Laird of Monroe and several others are apprehended in Scotland; and Monroe being threatened with the Torture, hath confessed all, and hath con∣firmed what was evidenced by others, designing to make an Insurrection in Scotland at the same time it was to be in England. Monroe is bring∣ing up to London, having made a very large Confession. He hath attempted, with the Hor∣ror of his Guilt, to destroy himself, and there∣fore is looked after more closely. After this Monroe's Arrival, Argyle's Letters, and the Confession of his Secretary and others, will be made publick, to convince World of the hellish Designs of the Conspirators against the King and Government: Tho' one would think there should be none that needs be convinced, after the plain Proofs that have already been given of them. It appears, that the Design of the Conspirators was to have surprized Berwick, and thereby to have opened their Way to New∣castle, where the Plot hath been also discove∣red: For the Lord Chief Justice Jeffries being upon the Bench. Information was given him, that several considerable Persons of that Town had signed an Association for reforming the Abuses of the Government in Church and State: That the Original of this Association was burnt, upon Discovery of the Plot against

the King and Duke: But a Copy was produced to the Lord Chief Justice, and one that signed the Original, swore it to be a true Copy: Up∣on which Sixteen or Seventeen principal Per∣sons of that Place were apprehended and com∣mitted to Prison for High Treason, before the Assizes were there ended; and since the Lord Chief Justice Jeffries's Return, he hath given an Account thereof to the King: As also, that many Corporations in his Circuit had submit∣ted their Charters to such Alterations as his Majesty hath thought necessary for securing the Government in good and loyal Hands. The City of York as well as London, is now governed by Commission, their Charter being seized into the King's Hands, who out of his natural Goodness will grant them new Char∣ters. A Quo Warranto being sent down against the Charter of the City of Exeter, they imme∣diately resolved to lay their Charter at the King's Feet, and to make such a Resignation thereof as his Majesty shall think fit: By which may be seen the general Duty of his Majesty's Sub∣jects to his Royal Authority. A great Change in few Months! which next to the good Provi∣dence of God, is to be attributed to his Maje∣sty's great Prudence and Conduct.

The Lord Chief Justice Jeffries being re∣turned from his Circuit, is gone to Winchester, to lay at his Majesty's Feet several Charters that were surrendered to him in his Circuit, where most Corporations have submitted to his Majesty's good Pleasure therein. Their Ma∣jesties

are returned from Winchester, and their Royal Highnesses, with the Prince and Princess of Denmark the Day before; the King and Duke, since the Discovery of the Conspiracy, never travelling the same Day together.

This Week Mr. Rosewell, a Nonconformist Preacher, was committed to Newgate, having uttered treasonable Words, as he was holding forth in a Conventicle. He will not be tryed at the Old Baily, but at the King's Bench Bar, the next Term. The Words he is charged with are very seditious and treasonable, and as well against the late King as the present Government, and are proved by so many Witnesses, that he is like to pass his Time very ill.

I must not forget to tell, that upon Mr. Se∣cretary Jenkins's laying down, with the King's Leave, his being Principal Secretary of State, I was then put into the Province of the Earl of Sunderland, who wrote me this following Letter, dated the 25th of August, 1684, at Windsor.

SIR,

HIS Majesty was yesterday pleased to de∣clare in Council, That he had given the Earl of Radnor, Lord President of the Council, Leave to retire, in Consideration of his great Age: That he was so well satisfied with his Ser∣vices, that he intended to continue his Pension to him as Lord President; and that he was resol∣ved to make the Earl of Rochester Lord Presi∣dent of the Council, and to put Mr. Secretary

Godolphin at the Head of the Treasury, as first Commissioner, and to make the Earl of Middle∣ton, who was Secretary of State in Scotland, to be Secretary of State in England, who was sworn accordingly. His Majesty did also declare, That he did not make these Alterations out of any Dissatisfaction, he being perfectly well plea∣sed with the good Services they had done him in their respective Stations: And his Majesty does direct me to tell you, that he deos not here∣by intend to make the least Change in the Me∣thod of his Affairs, or the Measures he hath taken, which have hitherto had all the Success th••t he could propose. I have yours constantly; the last are of the 25th and 19th Instant.

I am, Sir, Your Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

About this time the Spanish Ambassador in England, Don Pedro de Ronquillos, took an Occasion to speak with the King my Master in the Duke of Monmouth's Behalf, by Order from the Marquis de Grana, then Governour of the Spanish Netherlands, which produced a Letter from the King to the Marquis, which was sent to me to deliver; wherein his Majesty let the Marquis know, how much he was dis∣satisfied with the Duke of Monmouth's Com∣portment, which I represented to his Excellen∣cy in the best Terms I could: But the Marquis de Grana told me, he knew from whence the King's Displeasure came, and that it was the Duke of York who was the great Enemy of the Duke

of Monmouth, whom the King loved as he did his Eyes, and endeavoured to perswade me to shew the Duke of Monmouth great Civilities. I told his Excellency, that I was absolutely to obey my Master, who had commanded me not to own him, and at the same time had spoken to Don Pedro to represent to the King of Spain his Master, in what ill Circumstances the Duke of Monmouth stood with the King his Father.

It was a strange Ingratitude in the Duke of Monmouth, who was in quiet Possession of all Places of Trust, Profit, or Honour, which could make him either happy or serviceable for the Government, or grateful to the People, to be engaged in a Conspiracy which was against Religion, Morality, and the common Sense of Humanity, and the highest Ingratitude to the King his Father, and even to Heaven it self. Certainly this counterfeit Absalom took a Glo∣ry to exceed in Wickedness, that no Man should be so infamous as himself; who with the Gracefulness of his Person, with his Po∣pularity and other sinister and base Artifices, had strangely insinuated himself amongst the worst of Men, the common People; and be∣fore the Conspiracy broke out, he made some Voyages into the Country, and addressed him∣self to the Populace, like another Absalom, which went to his Royal Father's Heart. His rebellious Son Absalom! who was no sooner gone from his Father's Presence, but he endea∣voured to steal away the Hearts of his People, and alienate the Affections of his Subjects from

their Obedience. His ambitious Son! whom no Preferments could content: His ungrateful Son! with his artificial Submission at his Fa∣ther's Feet; but was no sooner gone from his Presence, but denied all he had confessed: And yet his royal and indulgent Father was willing to forget 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forgive all his Faults, if he would but confess and acknowledge what he had done. But, Benefacere, & malum audire•• regium est. It is too often the ill Fortune of Kings to be ill spoken of, when they do best for their Sub∣jects Good. For after our blood-thirsty English Rebels had murdered their late King, and brought the Nation to great Confusion, which continued for some Years, when God was mi∣raculously pleased to restore them to their an∣cient Government, by sending them their own King: Yet were the People so ungrateful, that in place of praising God for so great a Benefit, like the ancient Jews, they complained and murmured at that very Time when God was leading them into the Land of Promise, into Peace and Plenty; they wished themselves back in Egypt, whining after their Leeks and Oni∣ons, and desiring their former Slavery: Even so at this time, Conventicles, by their leering Whines, and their melting Complaints, insinu∣ated the sad Times that were coming, even the Coffee-houses croaked with the Noise of it, and there came out every Day some compleat Arti∣fice in Print, such as the Popish Counsellour Julian. Now, when People's Heads are once actuated with such Hurricanes of Jealousies and

Fears, and that their Religion, Properties and Liberties are pulling down, what can stop their Rage from attempting or believing any thing that is most unreasonable and contradi∣ctory to the Sense of their own Good? The People at this time were soon overperswaded to entertain Fears of the Loss of that Liber∣ty, of which no Nation under Heaven was more secure; and yet Men were so befooled, to undertake that which would certainly bring them to Tyranny and Slavery. And from hence this King Charles II. felt the Rage of that rebellious Faction in the House of Com∣mons, which endeavoured to make his Majesty cheap abroad, and contemptible at Home, by arraigning the Justice of his Government, and exciting a Hatred of the King's Person, and did infest the Nation with Swarms of pestilent Libels, which like Locusts overspread the Land, poisoned the Minds of the People, and drowned all the little Remains of Duty, Alle∣giance, Civility, and common Honesty, offering to remove from the King the very Guards of his royal Person, by precluding the Advantage he might take of his own Revenues, by their unwarrantable and unreasonable Votes, which exposed his Majesty to all Dangers that might happen, by endeavouring to deprive him of the Possibility of supporting the Government, by running down the King and all his loyal Sub∣jects to the late woful, or worser Evils and Events, to which the rebellious Senate of 1641 had brought the Nation.

Now when such a Number of discontented People are assembled, pretending their Religion is in Danger, this does influence them to the highest Resolution of acting, be the Attempts never so hazardous; and we may very well re∣member, that Religion, Liberty and Property, were lost and gone, when Monarchy by the Long Parliament was taken away, and could never be revived, till Monarchy was most hap∣pily restored; and if this Conspiracy had suc∣ceeded, we had been worse than ever. About this time we heard every Day new Stories of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Govern∣ment, with many scurrilous Reflections upon the King; and if any Man durst shew his Fi∣delity to the Monarchy, by opposing their An∣timonarchical Principles, he was presently blasted with the Name of a Court or a Church Papist. How unwarrantable were the Procee∣dings and seditious Votes of the House of Com∣mons, and their pragmatical intermeddling with the Succession; a Thing top sacred to be tou∣ched by their unhallowed Hands! it being the Belief of all good, as well as learned Men, that no Power under Heaven can hinder the Descent of the Crown upon the next Heir of the Blood, which is his unalterable Right by Religion, Law, History and Reason: Yet the House of Commons resolved against it, and would not be undeceived by undeniable Arguments: Nay, they voted, they would make his Majesty a Glorious King, with a better Revenue than any of his Predecessors, by taking away all his

kingly Power, so that he should not be able to support his Friends, or suppress his Enemies. Nay, they voted, That whosoever should lend the King any Money upon the several Branches of his Revenue, should answer it in Parliament; whereby they not only took away all Hopes of necessary Supplies, but tied the Hands of the King's faithful Subjects, and would have redu∣ced him to a more helpless Condition than the meanest of his Subjects: And they assumed a Power to themselves of suspending Acts of Par∣liament, by resolving, that the Prosecution of Dissenters upon the Penal Laws, was grievous to the Subject, and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom; and nothing would serve these ill-natured Gentlemen, but a total Exclusion of his Royal Highness's succeeding to the Crown, to which the King had often and positively told them, he could neither in Honour, Conscience, or Justice consent; and yet, instead of advan∣cing his Majesty's Honour and Greatness, they persisted resolute in what they demanded. When the King saw they went so fast, he thought it high Time to prorogue them, which he did several times, in hopes of their agreeing at last; but they were still so unhappy as not to agree, which rendered the Friendship of England unsafe to trust to, and which made our warlike wary Neighbours take other Resoluti∣ons, whereby we gratified our Enemies, and discouraged our Friends by our unseasonable Disputes. And indeed the Calling of Parlia∣ments does sometimes great Hurt, when more

Men are called together, than can be united in Affections and Interests, and they rather break into Factions, than join in publick Interest; from whence have risen those dangerous Facti∣ons which ruined the Peace and Happiness of our Nation.

Sovereign Princes, as ours in England, have ever been God's Vicegerents upon Earth, deri∣ving their Power and Authority from him alone who hath delegated Part of his own Power to Kings, and stampt his own Character upon them; and therefore we are never to speak rudely to them, nor design any Evil against them: And the primitive Fathers often acknow∣ledged the Heathen Emperors to be constituted by God, and to hold their Empire from him only, and to have God only above them: And therefore, in the early Ages of the Church, the Doctrine of Questioning the supreme Ma∣gistrate was unknown, and there was no such thing as Rebellion in the first Centuries of the Church; and whatsoever the Forms of Govern∣ment were, which differ according to the Cu∣stoms of their Country, yet the Power and Au∣thority it self is derived from God, and never received of the People in Trust; nor is the sovereign Power answerable to the People for the Administration of it. But when Men pre∣sume to think, that the King is the People's Creature, deriving his Power and Trust from them, they will implead the King's Authority, as a conditional and precarious Thing, and upon the least Distrust, will meditate a Revocation

of their Trust; so that whatsoever is done, the King must answer for it: So apt are resty Men to clamour against their own Happiness, and to promote the Steps of their own Ruine. Solo∣mon, who was a great and a wise King, had some Hundreds of strange Wives, contrary to the Law of Moses, and by reason of them, he fell to Idolatry; yet neither Priest nor People took up Arms against him, but left it to God, who is the proper Judge of Kings, who, in the Time appointed by his divine Providence, raised up Jeroboam to chastise him in his Son.

I know, Calvin says, That the Magistrates, or any Part of the Realm, may resist the King, being an Idolater, as Jehu revolted from Joram, when he forsook God. Nay, he says farther, the Government of the Kingdom is not given to the King alone; and that there is a Stipulation in all hereditary Kingdoms: As in France, when the King is crowned, the Bishops of Bauvais and Lyons ask the People, if they desire and command this Man to be King. But surely Calvin forgot that he was born at Noyon in Picardy, and that this is no Argument that they chose him to be King, much less that they make him such: For this is an Acceptation only, and not an Electi∣on; a Declaration of their willing Subjection, and nothing else; the Kingdom was confessed before to be hereditary, and the Succession was determined by Law. The Kings of England and France count the Time of their Reign from their Entrance to the Crown. And was not Henry VII. several Years before he was crowned?

The Peers are Pares inter se, but not Compa∣nions to the King. In England all the Power and Authority depends upon the King, and the State is nothing but the Authority of the King, who is the Fountain whence springs all Au∣thority and Nobility. He summons the great Council the Parliament, and dissolves them when he pleases: And he that would restrain Sovereignty within any narrower Bounds, or communicate it to others, makes no Difference between the Crown of a King, and the Bonnet of a Duke of Venice. I know, Buchanan says, Princes may be deposed by the People, if they be Enemies to God and his Truth; and that their Subjects are freed from their Oaths and their Obedience, and that the People are above the King, and of greater Authority than he. The Case of the idolatrous Iraelites was plain, the People acted nothing but by the Command of Moses, who was supreme Magistrate, neither did he command any thing to be done, but from the Mouth of God, according to the express Law, Deuteronomy 13.

This is not to put the Sword into the Peo∣ple's Hands, and to permit them to execute their fiery Zeal upon whom they please, under Pre∣tence of rooting out Superstition, especially such as no Man judges so but themselves. Per∣secution in Matters of Religion is not the best Way to advance Religion, which is the Judg∣ment of wise and learned Men, even of Pro∣testants, and better than any can be shewed for the contrary. Osiander says, That God doth

not allow, that Hereticks should be punished with Death, and forbids Magistrates to execute any such Authority: And Calvin was of the same Opinion, till he was settled in Power at Geneva. For before, he was much for Liber∣ty of Conscience; and of the same Judgment was Melancton and many other learned Prote∣stants, as, Cassander, Grotius, and many other of the middle Temper. The Cantons of Switzer∣land agree well in temperate things; and does not the famous Kingdom of Poland tolerate Di∣versity of Religions? and the great Emperor of Muscovy does the same. What Reason can be given by indifferent Men, why the Policy of England should be so singular, and so differing from that of all other Christian Kingdoms and Nations about her? Why should the English Government be more severe in this Point, than that of our Neighbours? It may seem some∣thing to reflect upon the Honour of our Na∣tion, to mention the Turk in this Case; yet certainly it cannot be denied, but that Christi∣ans live quietly in the Turk's Dominions, and upon Conditions so easy, that the Catholicks in England would be well contented with the like, who by the Grace of God have, and would de∣mean themselves as loyally in all Points, as not to attempt any thing offensive to the State, or prejudicial to the publick Peace. There is nothing in the Catholick Religion inconsistent with Loyalty; and Catholicks are in Truth better Subjects than Protestants have shewed themselves to be, generally speaking, conside∣ring

their Principles. Can any Man deny, but that there was a most horrid Rebellion carried on by Protestants in England? And the Catholicks hope, that having always wished well to his Majesty's Title, and prayed for his happy Succession to his Kingdoms, that their so long tried Fidelity will at last procure them some Liberty and Refreshment. I know, Calvin says, they are out of their Wits who desire to live under Sovereign Monarchies; and says, Order and Policy must needs decay, where one Man holds such an Extent of Government: And Kings, says he, oftentimes forget they are Men, and they are styled Dei gratiâ, for no other Purpose, but to shew that they acknow∣ledge no Superior upon Earth, and that they usually make Choice of such Counsellours as can best fit their Humours, and accommodate themselves to their Appetites: So that he ma∣keth Kings nothing the better for having Coun∣sellours, whom he stains with an intolerable Scandal. And Buchanan says, St. Paul com∣mands Obedience to Princes, in the Infancy of the Church; and if he had lived at this Time, he would have said otherwise. But as it is said, Nullum unquam magnum ingenium sine aliqua mixtura insaniae; so Buchanan was a high-soaring Wit, and had some Tincture of Phrenzy: For had he been perfectly sound, he would never have let slip such a Hysteron Pro∣teron as this from his Pen. And Knox, in his History of Scotland, not only justifies what Buchanan says, but would be content, that

there were publick Rewards appointed for such as murder Tyrants, as there are for such as kill Wolves; which is a most pernicious Doctrine, fit for nothing but to encourage a Ravilliac, or a Poltrat. Calvin, who writes in the Quality of a Divine, in his Institutions, makes a Nebuchadnezar of all Kings, that he might not come short of his Predecessor Martin Luther.

I confess, Princes once dispossessed seldom recover their Hold again. There is none will deny, but that it is necessary the Government of all Princes should be regulated by Laws, and that Persons in Authority do observe those Rules that are prescribed to them by those to whom that Power belongs. I pretend not to enhance the Authority of Princes so far, as to exempt them from the Rule of Law, or to make them arbitrary in their Government: But when it is said, Vos estis Dii, they are justly established in the supreme Authority; and when I have said, Ye are Gods, surely it was inten∣ded rather to teach the World a Lesson of Obe∣dience, than Rebellion; and Kings by those Words are justly established by divine Provi∣dence in the same Authority, and exempted from any popular Cognizance. It's proper on∣ly for God to say, Transferam Regna de Gente in Gentem: The Translating of Kingdoms is the extraordinary Dispensation of divine Pro∣vidence, for Reasons known to God's secret Wisdom: And tho' this be done by the Hands of Men, yet are not the common People licen∣sed thereby to run upon any irregular Designs

of their own Head, and to take Revenge of their Governours. St. Paul commands every Soul to pay Obedience and Honour to Nero, who was God's Lieutenant upon Earth, and had the Image of God upon him, that is, God's Authority, and was therefore to be used with due Honour and Reverence. When Julian, of a Christian Emperor, became Apostate, and persecuted the Christians with great Cruelty; tho' the People sharply reproved, and inveighed against his Proceedings, yet none of them took up Arms against him, to depose him of Domi∣nion or Life; and if they thought it not expe∣dient to do so against a Tyrant, who only acted by his exorbitant Passions, how much less would they have thought it lawful to be done against such Princes as govern legally, and do nothing against Religion. We must know, that Kings are to be considered in a double Ca∣pacity, of Nature, and of Policy: The Body Politick never dies, and so is never defective of Authority. The Acts of the Body Politick are not abated by the Natural Body's Access; the Body Politick is not disabled to govern by the Nonnage of the Natural. So in the 4th of Queen Elizabeth, the Leases of the Dutchy of Lancaster made by King Edward VI. were resolved by all the Judges to be good, tho' made in the King's Minority: For tho' the King's Body Natural cannot judge, yet that disables not, that the Acts of his Minority, ordered by his Council or Regent, should be of no Vali∣dity. The Parliament certainly would not take

it well, if a Catholick should affirm, that the Change of Religion made by King Edward VI. was not warrantable, being done in his Mino∣rity, when he had not Age to discern what he did, being in the Hands of the Protector and Northumberland.

But, suppose the King breaks his Coronation Oath, may not many things happen after his Oath taken, to excuse him from Perjury? By Law, every Oath, how absolute soever, hath always this necessary Condition annexed tacit∣ly, viz. Rebus sic stantibus, that things remain as they were, when the Oath was taken: But if such Alterations, which make either the Oath or Promise impossible, or unlawful to be per∣formed, a Man doth not then commit Perjury, that breaks his Oath or Promise. What, if that which the King at his Inauguration pro∣mised for the Good of his People, cannot be observed, without great Damage to them? If the Condition of Affairs be so changed, Reso∣lutions upon them must also change. Dr. Bil∣son, a great Divine, and a great Prelate of the Church of England, and chosen on Purpose by the great Statesmen of his Time, to write Cum Privilegio, puts the Question, Whether a King shall be deposed for breaking his Coro∣nation Oath? And he answers in the Negative, and gives this Reason: The People may not break with their Prince so often as he breaks with God: For, says he, Subjects cannot depose their Prin∣ces, to whom they must be subject for Conscience sake; which Doctrine is quite contrary to what

is now taught. And farther, Dr. Bilson says, That Subjects are forbidden to take Arms against their Princes; the Reason hereof he says is invincible: For to him that may Kill and War against a Prince, Killing him is of Consequence inevitable. The Apostle, saith he, obeyed Ty∣rants that commanded all things against Reli∣gion; and in those things they did submit them∣selves with Meekness to endure the Magi∣strate's Pleasure, and not to obey his Will. And he concludes, That if the Laws of the Land appoint the Nobles, as next the King, to assist him in doing right, and to withold him from do∣ing wrong, then they are licensed by Man's Law to interpose themselves, but in no Case to deprive the Prince where the Scepter is inherited.

It is most manifest, that this Spirit of Refor∣mation hath ever been, and is most dangerous to those Princes and States where it gets Foot∣ing. This was it which begat so many Conspi∣racies against Queen Mary: So that more Prin∣ces have been deposed and persecuted by Pro∣testants their Subjects, upon the Difference of Religion, than have been by the Practices of any Catholick Subjects in any time before Queen Mary's Days, for Six Hundred Years. But we will send them to Doctor Bilson, a great Divine of their own Church, who holds it an Article of Faith, that Princes were not to be deposed; which was good Doctrine in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, tho' it was not thought so in the Reign of Queen Mary, who reigned not much above Five Years, and yet had more Insur∣rections

raised against her in that small Time, than Queen Elizabeth had from the Catholicks in Forty Five Years; and yet Queen Mary was very merciful, and shewed much Compassion to such as deserved not well of her: To the Dutchess of Somerset; to Sir John Clarke, who had been a principal Corrupter of King Edward her Brother's Infancy; to the Lord Chief Ju∣stice Montague, who both counselled and sub∣scribed to her Disinheriting; and to many others who were attainted, that neither affected her Religion nor Title, and were then Priso∣ners in the Tower; and yet she released them all: And for all this, the Zealots of her Time would not suffer her to enjoy any Quiet, but murmured against the Government of Women, and did conspire and plot her Deprivation, out of a Desire to advance her Successor, under whom they expected a golden Age. And Knox then said, the Nobility, Magistrates, and Judges, and the whole People of England, were bound in Conscience not only to oppose the Proceedings of that Jezabel, Mary, but even to have killed her, and all her Priests with her.

After the Death of this Queen, her Sister Elizabeth came to the Crown, and the whole Christian World stood amazed at such a sudden Alteration; and the rather, because Religion had been so lately and so solemnly restored by Parliament. Also, the Queen that now was had always professed her self a Catholick, du∣ring the Reign of her Sister, and did constantly

hear Mass, and went often to Confession; and in open Parliament, after her Intention for a Change in Religion, began to be discovered, she used Policy, at least; for she assured the Roman Catholicks, that no Trouble should arise to them for any Difference in Religion, which did much abate the Opposition that otherwise might probably have been made by the Catho∣lick Party, and put the Clergy themselves in Hopes of some fair Quarter under her Govern∣ment. She knew well, that a Prince alone, how sovereign soever, could not establish a new Religion in this Kingdom, without a Parlia∣ment to give Authority and Countenance to it; and therefore, to win the Bishops, and the rest of the Catholicks in Parliament, to Silence, at least, she was content to use Policy with them, and promise them fair; and she also thought good to qualify the Style somewhat, from Su∣preme Head changing it into Supreme Gover∣nour; which altered not the Sense, yet it abu∣sed some into a Belief, that the Queen preten∣ded not much in Matters Ecclesiastical, as the King her Father had done, who was Flagelium Dei, the Scourge of God to the Church of England, and the first King in our Nation that ever tried the admirable Patience, Obedience, and Loyalty of his Catholick Subjects.

Nicephorus Phocas, the Emperor, was the nearest Parallel to this King that we meet with in all the Ecclesiastical History; for he resu∣med all Donations that had been made unto Monasteries and Churches in his Time; but

such Afflictions followed him ever after, that Basilius his Successor (who was none of the best Emperors) was yet careful to abrogate those Laws of Phocas among his first Acts, as the Root of all the Calamities of those Times. Nor did any better Success attend King Harrie's Impieties. His exorbitant Lusts, which were the Original of all the Mischiefs which the Nation suffered, became at last his Torments. No King was ever more necessitated in Point of Treasure, in very few Years after that immense Treasure left him by his royal Father. Never did King lay more heavy Taxes upon his Sub∣jects, and never any King did use more ignoble and unprincely Ways to raise Money; and to shew God's great Displeasure against him, he was frustrated of that which was pretended to be his chiefest Design, viz. Succession and Issue: All his noble Stems and Branches were taken away, one after the other, without Issue, and his Crown translated to another Name and Na∣tion, God suffering him as a blind Man, to err and wander in all his Courses; and all the great Treasure which he had raked together upon the Ruine of the Church, was all spent in Excess and Vanity, and not to any Honour of the Kingdom, nor Ease of his Subjects, or Maintenance of the Borders, or Relief of the Poor (all which were at first mainly pretended) but at last all was employed in Tiltings, Masks, and Mummeries, and in pleasing and inviting his Mistresses, and to satisfy the greedy Appe∣tites of those Sollicitors of his Lust. And when

the King had thus wearied his Subjects with a long and inglorious Reign, and that he found his Soul as much oppressed with the Guilt of his Sins, as his Body was become unweildy thro' his excessive Intemperance; he died (as some say) desirous to repent, and be reconciled to the Church; but what Effect his Desires had, is only known to God: And yet the Catho∣licks took all patiently, raised no Tumults or Insurrections, but were Examples of the true Israelites, and did imitate, in some Measure, their divine Master's Meekness, and resolved rather to undergo God's just Punishment in the King's great Injustice, than to shew themselves like so many Lutherans or Calvinists, and had only the true Christian Arms, of Prayers and Tears, by Submission to God's Will.

Kings indeed ought to consider, that God hath placed them over his People, as Examples, to give Countenance to their Laws, by their own strict Observation of them; and that as their Subjects are to be protected by their Prin∣ces, so they are to be assisted and supported by each other, the Function of Kings being an Order by it self; and the Rebellion of Sub∣jects ought to be looked upon by all other Kings as an Assault upon their own Sovereignty, and in some Degree a Design against Monarchy it self, and consequently to be suppressed in what Kingdom soever it is, with the like Concern∣ment as if it were in their own Bowels: And all foreign Ministers, who ought to have been highly concerned for the Murder of K. Charles I.

by his merciless Rebels, and to have vindica∣ted that royal Blood, did scarce murmur at it, but made haste to send over their Emissaries to get a Share in the Spoils of a murdered Prince: And yet not one of those Monarchs and Prin∣ces, which bought all the costly Pictures, and rich Hangings and Furniture, ever restored any of their unlawful Purchases to the King after his most happy Restoration. 'Tis true, the then King of Spain expressed a very tender Sense of our King's Sufferings, and said, it concerned all Kings to join together, for Pu∣nishment of such an impious Rebellion, and cruel Parricide, whilst his own Abmbassador, Don Alonzo de Cardinas, then in England, not only countenanced and joined with the Parlia∣ment, but bought the greatest and best Part of all the rare Pictures and rich Moveables, which he sold in Spain at great Rates: And whilst he was in Flanders, he gave Count Fuensaldagna a false Relation of the English Affairs, assuring him that the English Monarchy would never again be restored; and when it happened, he was laughed at by all. However, it is certain, that whilst that great Impostor Cromwell lived, his Power at Home was nothing considerable to what it was Abroad: For France, Spain, Hol∣land, and all the neighbouring Princes feared him to that Degree, that there was nothing he could have demanded of them that they would have denied him.

No Man can deny, but that many well-mean∣ing Men were seduced by the disguised Designs

of that mysterious Age, and by those Villains who always had in their Aim to destroy Mo∣narchy, and unhinge the whole Frame of Go∣vernment; and the sober Party were cozened by the Artifices of that loathsome Hypocrite, Cromwell: Till at last they were inspired with a Resolution to redeem themselves, their Reli∣gion and Liberties, which were treacherously taken from them by Deceit and Fraud; and to free themselves from the miserable Yoke they lay under, when they plainly saw, that Reli∣gion, Reformation, and Liberty, were only deceitful Baits to draw in the deluded Multi∣tude: But still their most hopeful Designs not being carried on with that Prudence and Pre∣caution which was necessary, they were always discovered, and did rather settle and confirm, than weaken the Rebellion; till that over-ru∣ling Hand of Providence, which guides and determines the Affairs of the whole World, was most visibly seen in his Majesty's most happy Restoration.

It is no new thing for the worst of Men to make use of the sacred Name of Religion, to palliate their abominable Undertakings. The Ruine of pious Kings and Princes, the Over∣turning all Order in the World, the tragical Transactions of the last Age, the Convulsions of State, the Commotions of the People, the many Changes and Overturnings of Governours and Governments, were the sad Effects of the pretended Reformation; and all these Mischiefs were usher'd in with the Lamb-like, harmless

Voice of Religion. They came indeed in Sheeps Cloathing, who inwardly were ravening Wolves. Some Mens Religion inclines them to Faction, and there is none to dangerous Faction as that which is nourished by the Corruption of false Religion. The Jewish Zealots and the English Enthusiasts are a plain Example of it; and therefore when Men make great Pretences, and begin to talk factiously, a fair Opportunity is very like to make them Rebels: And those who have seen what the Event of those Actions were in the Years of 1640 and 1641, when they saw the same things acted over again, and even by some of the same Men, they might easily and certainly expect the same Events: And if Men had seriously observed this, the same Men would never have played over the same Game twice in the same Age; which obliged the then Lord Chancellor to take Notice of it in his Speech to both Houses of Parliament, That he hoped they would not see three Kingdoms quite de∣stroyed twice in one Age, by the same Methods; telling them, when Men were in their Wits, they would not fall into the same Pit, in which they had seen others fall before them, when even Beasts will not do it, let the Bait be what it will. But, alas! many of those who were the principal Makers of the first, were so far from falling into it, that they were the chiefest Diggers of the second Pit, in which so many had fallen: And we were then come to that Pass, that it was an unpardonable Crime for any Man to look as if he thought the Cry of Popery! was false,

and made a Property only (as it then really was) to serve some Mens Ends and Designs.

It was a great Fault in King Charles I. at least, a great Weakness in him, to divest him∣self of the Power of dissolving the Long Par∣liament, which was a just Prerogative belong∣ing to him: And tho' the Parliament then said, that should not encourage them to do any thing which otherwise was not fit for them to do; yet they soon invaded the publick Liberty, and they who said they had no Mind to be Slaves, were yet willing to be Tyrants themselves, and would admit no Rules to govern by but their own Will; not considering the Misery of Athens was at the highest when it was governed by Thirty Tyrants. And therefore the wisest Course of Princes is frequently to summon Parliaments, and seasonably to dissolve them after their applying Cures to those Diseases they had discovered, whereby they would be of great Esteem to the Crown, as well as Veneration with the People, and not let them sit any longer, lest they should fall into Factions, and pretend to find Grievances where there are none. And if King Charles II. had lived some Years longer, he had certainly brought them to that Pass, and preserved England from the Distractions that have since followed; which his Majesty foresaw, and which caused him to make those frequent Intervals of Parliaments. And yet his Majesty declared unto them, That none of his Predecessors ever had a greater Esteem for Parliaments, the King believing

them to be the vital Part of the Constitution of the Kingdom, and so necessary for the Govern∣ment of it, that neither Prince nor People could be happy without them; and looked up∣on their Counsels as the best he could receive, and was as tender of their Privileges, and as careful to preserve and protect them, as of his own royal Authority; knowing that all good Subjects would be jealous of any thing that might infringe or impair his royal Authori∣ty, his own Interest being entirely bound up with that of his Subjects. But they should consider, that Parliament Men sit as Subjects, not as Superiors, and that they are called to be the King's Counsellours, not Dictators, their Summons being only to recommend their Advice, not to command. They should be wise, dispassionate, good Patriots, to raise up those Banks and Fences which were cast down by Rebellion, in Hopes that the same Prosperi∣ty should spring up again from those Roots which it did heretofore, and hath always grown, tho' it was very hard to redeem our Nation from the Infamy it had undergone, and to restore it to all it had lost, and to make the King and People as happy as they ought to be; and there was nothing that the Parliament could propose for the Happiness of the King∣dom, in which the King did not contend with them to compass, the King not being only wil∣ling, but desirous to gratify his People, by se∣curing their Religion, Liberties and Properties, by as many good Laws as the Parliament

would propose. He was absolutely determined to do all that in him lay to glad the Hearts of his People, and gave them many Opportunities of providing for their Good; and it could not be imputed to his Majesty, that the Success did not answer his Expectation.

The particular Causes of the King's Dissa∣tisfaction were such, that what he recommen∣ded to the House of Commons to avoid, they purposely fell into; and tho' the King solemn∣ly promised to comply with any thing that would have been proposed for Security of the Protestant Religion as by Law established, that might consist with preserving the Succession of the Crown in its due and legal Course of De∣scent: Yet to all his Majesty's Offers he met with most unsuitable and most unwarrantable Returns. The King would most willingly have consented to any Expedient by which the Pro∣testant Religion established might have been preserved, and the Monarchy not destroyed: But no Expedient would serve those ill-natured Gentlemen of the House of Commons, but the total Exclusion of the Duke of York, which his Majesty had so often declared, was a Point which in Honour, Justice and Conscience, he could not consent to. When this Bill of Ex∣clusion was first set on Foot, it was well said, by a noble Person then in the House of Com∣mons, That the King might outlive the Duke of York, and then all they were doing would be unnecessary; and why should they, to pre∣vent that which might not be, attempt to do

that which they could never justify, either to the King or Country. When the King found they went contrary to the direct Rules of Law, that he was deceived by them, and that the Follies and Imprudencies of the prevailing Par∣ty in the House of Commons (some of which had given Birth and Growth to the Miseries of the last Age) and were now pouring in Vinegar instead of Oil, into the Wounds of the Nation, and departed from that Fidelity which they owed the King, and that Zeal which they should have shewed to his Service, and that nothing would serve them of the same Leaven with those of 1641, but the total Exclusion of his Royal Highness succeeding to the Crown, and had prepared an Act for it, the King came in Per∣son to the House of Lords, and sent for the Commons to attend him, in the Year 1680. The King then spake roundly to them, and told them how unsatisfied he was with their extra∣vagant Proceedings, and desired to know spee∣dily, how he should be assisted by them, and what they desired from him, assuring them in the Word of a King, that he would concur to any thing for the Security of the Protestant Religion, as it was established by Law, but still upon the same Terms he had formerly proposed to them, and that he would never do it other∣wise.

But before the House of Commons went to the Lords, where the King in his Robes ex∣pected them, they passed those ensuing Votes: That the only Way for suppressing of Popery,

was, that a Bill should be brought in to banish immediately all the considerable Papists in Eng∣land, out of the King's Dominions: That so long as the Papists had any Hopes of the Duke of York's succeeding to the Crown, the King's Person, the Protestant Religion, the Lives, Liberties and Properties of all his Ma∣jesty's Protestant Subjects, were in apparent Danger to be destroyed. They farther voted, That a Bill should be brought in for an Asso∣ciation of all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, for the Safety of his Majesty's Person, for De∣fence of the Protestant Religion against all Ty∣ranny and Oppression whatsoever; and for pre∣venting the Duke of York, or any Papist, for succeeding to the Crown. They did likewise declare, That it was the Opinion, that the Duke of Monmouth had been removed from his Offices and Commands, by the Influence of the Duke of York; and that an Address should be made to the King, to restore the Duke of Mon∣mouth to his Offices and Commands; and resol∣ved likewise (just before the King being in his Robes had sent for them to the Lords House to prorogue them) that whosoever advised the King to that Prorogation, which they said was done on Purpose against Passing the Bill for Exclusion of the Duke of York, was a Betrayer of the King, the Protestant Religion, the King∣dom of England, a Promoter of the French Interest, and a Pensioner of France. They also voted at the same time, That it was the Opinion of the House, that the City of London

was burnt by the Papists in 1666, thereby de∣signing to introduce Popery and Arbitrary Power. Upon these extravagant, insolent, and disloyal Votes, the King forthwith dissolved the Parliament.

Now the strangest thing was, that those who most pretended in the House of Commons for Reformation, had a bare-fac'd Contempt and Distaste of all Religion whatsoever, and not so much as the Shadow of Vertue: Men of the most licentious Lives, of the most seared Con∣sciences, of the most profligate Reputation, that had bid Defiance to all Religion, and most di∣ligently cultivated Atheism and Profaneness. It is indeed enough to move the most patient Man upon Earth, to consider what Foreheads of Steel and Adamant those impious Wretches had, who were thus confident to gull and im∣pose upon the People of England, by seem∣ing Zeal for Religion and Reformation: But such as rebel under Pretence of Religion, are most dangerous to the Government; they will pretend to defend the King's Person against Ca∣tholicks, that themselves only might have the Honour of subverting the Government; so hard a thing it is to cure one that is bewitched with the Principles of Rebellion, that after many Years he shall return to his Trade as boldly as if his former Pranks had never been heard of. Fear of Popery, Arbitrary Government, and evil Counsellours, in my Memory, since the Year 1641, made our English Nation run mad, cost an infinite Treasure, with the Lives of

some Thousand English; and, in Conclusion, instead of Religion, setting up Enthusiasm; instead of Liberty, the Nation was enslaved to a military Power; instead of Property, Plunder, Sacrilege, and Sequestration; and they were just playing the same Game over again in this King's Time, if by little less than a Miracle, they had not been prevented: And whosoever throws off his Allegiance to his Sovereign, he renounces all Duty and Conscience towards God.

The King calls a Parliament by his own Writ and Authority (without which they cannot meet) to give him faithful Counsel about his most weighty Affairs; but he does not resign up his Interest and Freedom: He never sub∣jects himself to their absolute Determination: He always weighs their Counsels, as coming from a Body entrusted by him; and when he dissents from them, he tells them the Reasons which prevailed with his Conscience and Un∣derstanding, with that Candor that a Prince should do towards his Subjects. A King should look upon his Parliament as his great Council, to whose Advice he should always have Regard: But a King should likewise look upon himself, as neither deprived of his Understanding, nor divested of any Right he had, if there was no Parliament sitting. The King's Power is un∣doubtedly very useful for his People's Liber∣ty, and Parliaments ought not to set Bounds to their Princes; and wise Princes will never de∣sire nor affect more Greatness or Prerogative,

than what is really for the Good of their Subjects.

The Truth is, since the happy Restoration of our King, his People were given up to too much Joy and Forgetfulness of our past Mise∣ries; and there was not such a Return to God for his wonderful Blessings, as was due to the great Giver of them; and when we saw some Portion of that innocent royal Blood which was spilt, recompensed upon some of their Heads, who were the wicked Contrivers of that Parricide: When the Miseries of our Na∣tion, and the Sufferings of the Royal Family were all recovered by the unerring Hand of divine Providence, without the Intervention of any foreign Prince, many of the same Men joining in the Settlement of our distracted Na∣tion, who had before been active in the De∣struction of their Country, to shew how sensi∣ble they were of their former Errors and great Miscarriages; it then manifestly appearing to them, and all others (who were not wilfully blind) that the Bill of Exclusion was carried on with that Violence, to facilitate the Dethro∣ning of the King and his Successor, who had ventured his Blood as frankly both by Sea and Land, in the Good of the Country, as the meanest Subject in it; and had manifested his unalterable Loyalty and Affection to his Ma∣jesty and his Subjects, by reducing Scotland to Obedience, whose Conduct in that Affair was both wise and prosperous.

Now, when the Nation had scarce wiped their Eyes dry for the Blood of the incompa∣rable Father, they were ready to be drowned again in Tears for the Murder of the succeed∣ing Son, if their Cruelty had been effected. The Rage of those Rebels in the Long Parlia∣ment had only the Blood of one King for its Gratification; but here the Rebels intended to have glutted their Thirst of Blood, by mur∣thering Two at one Blow, the King with his Royal Brother: And to give their Inhumanity the highest Ascent, they were preparing to murder a Prince whose august Majesty had not only enobled the Nation, and once more resto∣red it from its lost Reputation abroad, but made his own Kingdom (as he then had Reason to think) an Ark of Safety at home, when almost all other Christian Nations were deluged in Blood and Confusion.

Who would have imagined a Design should be laid to murder that King, the Blood of whose Royal Father still cried for Vengeance? Who would imagine, that he who was restored almost by a Miracle, when the People of Eng∣land ran chearfully into Obedience, and met his Majesty with Duty and Love, and received him with triumphant Hosanna's, with many Protestations of Sorrow for their former Mis∣carriages, and with many Vows of Loyalty and Obedience? Who would have thought, after so many Promises of making him a Glorious King! After such Acts of Indemnity granted to such Monsters of Rebels! After such Profusions

of royal Bounty to such undeserving Villains! After so many Professions of the Care they would have for the Preservation of his sacred Life! After so many specious Addresses of his most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, as they cal∣led themselves? Who, I say, would imagine, that after all this, any Man could be found to conspire to murder his sacred Majesty? As if all his Condescensions and Favours had been Injuries to make Reprisals upon his Life; and then resolved to revenge his Death upon others, when they were doing it themselves. In the Bill of Exclusion, the Duke of York was to be set aside for the King's Preservation; but in this Plot the King was to be murdered for the Duke's sake; and both King and Duke being taken in the same Dilemma (after the Presbyterian Lo∣gick) were to be sacrificed: And had their Conspiracy taken Effect, they would so far have extenuated the Matter, that Cutting of Throats would only be called a Scotch Way of Trimming, and the Destruction of the King and Duke, to be no more but a perfecting the Work of entire Reformation: And if this Con∣spiracy had succeeded, it would have put an End to our national Constitution, and a Period to the very Fundamentals of all human Society.

I know no Deliverances come nearer to those of King David, than those wonderful Delive∣rances of this King: First from his Escape at Worcester, and from so many Sheba's and Achi∣tophels, which God from time to time wrought for him; which perhaps no Age, no State, no

History can shew the like: But this Conspiracy was the more terrible, in that Achitophel was in the Head of it, who had corrupted and debauched the counterfeit Absalom. Achitophel! that false and treacherous Villain; that dextrous Man at Wickedness; that cunning crafty Politician, who had been President of the King's Council, who was esteemed as an Oracle! That hardened Trai∣tor, who stole away, that he might die in his Bed, when it was Pity that such an inveterate and advising Rebel should have died any other Way, than by the Hand of Justice, which he had certainly done without an Ignoramus Jury, when the highest Treason was formed by such working Heads, and conducted by such poli∣tick Counsels; for it was not only countenan∣ced and abetted by the Faeces of the People, but was really incouraged by some of the No∣bility, who had affronted his Majesty, by Pe∣titioning, Protesting, and Caballing, which gave the seditious Faction a full Assurance, that they were powerful enough to overturn the Mo∣narcy, their Design being to be executed by such desperate Villains, that nothing less could be ex∣pected, than the Kingdom's inevitable Ruine, had not the King been miraculously preserved.

But how shameful a thing was it, that Per∣sons of Birth and Quality should condescend to be Tools, and to creep in the Dust, to humour a base, unworthy, disloyal Faction, taken out of the Dregs of the People? That they should endeavour to extinguish that Light from whence they derived their own Lustre, and to shine

only by the Favour of an inconstant heady Mul∣titude, and the King's Death (however it hap∣pened) was to be put upon the Roman Catho∣licks; and those Rebels had a Person ready to take upon him the Government, whose Pre∣sumption in the next Reign, owning his false Title to the Crown, brought him to end his Life upon a Scaffold, instead of a Throne, which he aimed at; and if he had gained his Point, he had entailed War and Blood to our unborn Posterity; against which no Caution could certainly be too great, nor against that Distemper from which we were so miraculously recovered, when there was no Cause to fear the Loss of Religion, Liberty, and Property; neither did they believe themselves, who pre∣tended to be afraid of them. The Moderation of a Prince was never more shewed than by this King, who then suffered so much licenti∣ous Talk to pass unpunished; and there ap∣peared fewer Grievances in his Time than had ever been before, and England seemed never more happy than at this Time: And it was a strange Ingratitude of those who seemed ill at Ease un∣der so temperate a Government, who were yet so numerous in the House of Commons, that they out-voted the best Men in it; which made the King often prorogue them, which proved fatal to his Successor, tho' this King did all that was possible, to keep his People in Peace whilst he lived, and to leave them so when he died; which puts me in Mind of a prophetical Saying of this King to me, some Years before his Death.

About two Years before the Death of King Charles II. he gave me Leave to come into England, and sent the Katherine Yacht to Ostend for me. Some Days after my Arrival at White∣hall, he commanded me to walk with him to Hyde Park; and as I walked with him (the rest of the Company keeping at a good Distance) he told me, that I had served him very well at Brussels, and that his Brother had given him a very good Account of my Carriage towards him there. His Majesty then told me, that I had served him as Agent and Resident for many Years; and tho' he constantly used to change his Ministers, at least their Station, every three Years; that yet I had served him so much to his Satisfaction, that he was resolved never to remove me from Brussels whilst he lived, espe∣cially during the Wars in Flanders, because I had always given him a very particular Account of them, and that I knew that Country very well, and the Interest of all the great Men in it; and that I was there very well approved of, and that my Diligence and Activity in his Ser∣vice had been very considerable in those trou∣blesome Times: And, after having asked me many Questions about the Nobility of those Countries, he said, that during his Exile abroad, he had seen many Countries, of which none pleased him so much as that of the Fle∣mings, which were the most honest and true∣hearted Race of People that he had met with; and then added, but I am weary of travelling, I am resolved to go abroad no more: But when

I am dead and gone, I know not what my Bro∣ther will do: I am much afraid, that when he comes to the Crown, he will be obliged to travel again: And yet I will take Care to leave my Kingdoms to him in Peace, wishing he may long keep them so. But this hath all of my Fears, little of my Hopes, and less of my Reason; and I am much afraid, that when my Brother comes to the Crown, he will be obliged again to leave his native Soil. This Discourse of the King's I have often remembered with much Grief and Sorrow, which hath been — true in all its Circumstances: And certainly had this King loved Business as well as he understood it, he had been the greatest Prince of his Time.

Some time after my Return to Brussels, in the Year 1684, I received this following Let∣ter from the Earl of Sunderland, who was then Principal Secretary of State, in whose Province I was, dated April 14, 1684.

SIR,

I Am commanded by his Majesty to let you know, that in Case the Duke of Monmouth should come into Flanders, he would not have you take any Notice of him; and his Majesty would have you acquaint his Subjects in those Parts with the Directions I send you, to the End they may likewise conform themselves to his Majesty's Pleasure in their Behaviour.

I am, Sir, Your most Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

About this time, several English and Scotch Officers came daily to see me from the Prince of Orange's Camp then at Dighnin near Brus∣sels; and some of them being very inquisitive to know what News I had from England, the Time being then very critical, I shewed them my Lord Sunderland's Letter to me, which, it seems, had such Influence upon some of them, that the next Day, when the Duke of Mon∣mouth went from Brussels to the Prince of Orange's Camp, which he did very frequently, and the Prince of Orange had given a general Order, that whenever the Duke of Monmouth entered the Camp, the whole Army should stand to their Arms. But that Day, when the Duke entered the Camp, some English and Scotch Of∣ficers did neither stand to their Arms, as the Duke passed by them, nor their Companies; of which Neglect the Duke of Monmouth took particular Notice, and complained to his High∣ness of their Neglect. Whereupon the Prince forthwith sent for those Officers, and sharply reprehended them for not obeying his Orders; who thereupon told the Prince, that the English Resident had given them Orders not to do it. Whereat the Prince was very angry; which being told me by some of the Officers, I went the next Day, with Intention to dine with the Prince, and had my Lord Sunderland's Letter in my Pocket. But when I came to the Prince's Quarters, being informed that the Duke of Monmouth was there, I thought not fit to stay,

but dined with one of the English Collonels in the Camp; and after Dinner I waited on the Prince, and was conducted into his Closet, where the Prince came presently, and after usual Salutation, his Highness asked me, how I came to give Orders to the Officers of his Army not to stand to their Arms when the Duke of Monmouth entered his Camp? I told the Prince, that I never gave them any Orders: That I had, at their earnest Request, shewed them a Letter I had newly received from my Lord Sunderland; and that if his Highness pleased, I would shew it him. Whereupon he desired to see it; and after reading it privately to himself, he presently told me, if I had done no more than shewed them the Letter, I had done no more than my Duty, and that it was the Fault of his Officers in not obeying his Commands: That for the King of England, he might do what he pleased, in sending for his Officers and Soldiers, none of which he would keep against their Wills; but whilst they served him, he pretended they should do their Duty, and obey his Commands: And so I took my Leave of the Prince, without going into the other Room, where the Duke of Monmouth Mr. Bentinck, and several General Officers were.

The Sixth of February following, which was in the Year 1684, I received this ensuing Letter from the Earl of Sunderland.

SIR,

UPON Monday last his late Majesty was taken very ill by an Apoplectick Fit. The next Day he was much better, and continued so on Wednesday: But after growing much worse yesterday, his Distemper at length overcame him, so that it pleased God to call him to him∣self this Day about Noon; whereupon the Lords of the Council immediately assembled, and Or∣der was given, that his Majesty should be pro∣claimed, which was done accordingly. God grant him a long and prosperous Reign. I am, Sir,

Your Affectionate Friend and Servant, SUNDERLAND.

After this, the 9th of February following, I had this Letter from his Lordship.

SIR,

I Sent you an Account on Friday, of the late King's Death, and of the Proclaiming his present Majesty James II. who commands me to tell you, that he would have you continue your Function as his Minister, and to pursue such Or∣ders and Instructions as have been hitherto given or sent you. I am, Sir,

Your most Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

The 6th of April following I had from White∣hall this ensuing Letter from the Earl of Sun∣derland.

SIR,

I Have, according to your Desire, moved his Majesty for Leave for you to make a Step over hither, which he is pleased to allow of, but would not have your Stay here to be long. As to the Time of your coming, his Majesty leaves it to you, and will send a Yacht to conduct you, not doubting but that you will make use of this Permission so, as that your Absence from your Sta∣tion may be no Prejudice to his Service. I am, Sir,

Your Affectionate Friend and Servant, SUNDERLAND.

I had another Letter from his Lordship, dated at the Court at Windsor, August 24, 1685.

SIR,

HIS Majesty not having fully resolved yet what Style to give the present Governour of Flanders, and thinking your Presence there to be very necessary, commands me to signify to you, that he would have you forthwith go to Brussels, and be there incognito, till such time as your Cre∣dentials are sent you. You may excuse your not having your Credentials, by saying you were dispatched in Haste, and expect them every Day: And if in the mean time, the Governour of Flanders shall be willing to admit you as En∣voy, his Majesty allows you to shew the Title of your private Instructions under his Majesty's own Hand, which expresses the Character you have.

I am, Sir, Your most Humble Servant, SUNDERLAND.

Whilst I was in England, the Marquis de Grana, who was Governour General of the Spanish Netherlands, being not well in his Health, retired to Marimont in Hennault, and after some Days Sickness, he died there by a great Stoppage of Urine; and Don Antonio d'Agusto, who was then Maitre de Camp Ge∣neral of the Army, was forthwith declared Governour pro interim, wherein he behaved himself so well, that by the Interest of the King my Master, and of the Prince of Orange, he was confirmed absolute Governour with all its Privileges, and continued Governour for Six Years, and was then outed of his Govern∣ment by the Interest of the Prince of Orange, who was then more against him, than his High∣ness was before for him; for finding he was made Marquis de Gastanaga, and that he had a great and private Veneration for King James II. my Master, the Prince of Orange thereupon used his utmost Endeavour to out him of the Government of Flanders; and one of the Ar∣ticles which the Prince of Orange sent to Ma∣drid against the Marquis de Gastanaga, was, That he had held several private Conferences with me, after the Prince of Orange had sent me Letters of Revocation from my Function of Envoy: But the King my Master did not dis∣cover this till it was too late to remedy it; the Prince of Orange being very averse to all that had any Veneration for my Master James II. or that were Friends to his Majesty: And that the Marquis de Gastanaga was his Majesty's

real, tho' secret Friend, may be seen by the Letters which he wrote to me, whilst I was in England, in the Duke of Monmouth's Rebel∣lion; and after the Prince of Orange had dis∣charged me from my Employment, he made Mr. Ekart, a Switzer, his Resident at the Court of Brussels; who dying soon after, the Prince of Orange made Mr. Wolseley his Envoy in the Court of Brussels, where he continued for some Years; but he was found to be a very lazy and unactive Man, and gave no Satisfaction to the Elector of Bavaria, who succeeded the Marquis de Gastanaga, and continued Governour during the Life of the Prince of Orange, since whose Death there hath been a great Change of Affairs by the Battle of Ramillies, and most of Flanders is now reduced under the Government of the Archduke Charles.

Whilst I was with King James my Royal Master, I received many Letters from Don An∣tonio Agusto, who was then Governour pro in∣terim of the Spanish Netherlands, by which it will appear how much he was in the Interest of the King my Master; the first of which was of the 6th of July 1685.

Monsieur,

VOtre Lettre de 2me que j'ay receue aujour∣d'huy m'apporte deux differents sujets de joye: l'un pour la part que vous avez bien vou∣lu prendre à mon Elevation au Governement ge∣neral de ces Pays, dont je vous suis fort obligé. L'autre, & plus principal, pour les bonnes nou¦velles

que vous me donnez, de l'heureux succez des Troupes de Roy sur les Rebelles, dont j'espere d'apprendre bientot l'entiere defaite. Je souhaite avec tant de passion le bien & le repos de sa Majesté, & je le juge d'une telle importance pour vous, qu'il n'y a personne du monde qui prend plus du part, ni que l'interesse plus que moy a ses advantages. Ces sont des sentimens que je conserveray toute ma vie pour sa personne royale, & vous ne pouvez me faire un plus grand plaisir, que de me continuer de si agreables nou∣velles que celles que vous venez de me donner. Vous pouvant asseurer, que je suis, Monsieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, D. Antonio Agusto.

The 10th of July following I received this ensuing Letter from his Excellency.

Monsieur,

JE receus hier soir vôtre Lettre du 6me. Je vous suis bien obligé des nouvelles que vous me donnez de par de la, qui me sont agreables a mesure, que j'apprens la deffaite des Rebelles, dont j'espera de voir bientot l'entiere ruïne, & que sa Majesté joüira d'une parfaite paix & tranquillité dans son regne, qui est ce que je luy souhaite de tout mon coeur, pour son bien propre, & pour celuy de toute la Chrestienté. Conti∣nueuz moy je vous prie des advis, & croyez que je suis, Monsieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, D. Antonio Agusto.

The 24th of the same Month of July, I received this ensuing Letter from his Excel∣lency.

Monsieur,

QUOY que j'avois êté bien aise de voir par la vôtre du 16me le bon Estat ou les Troupes du Roy se trouvoient, j'ay eu une joye bien plus particuliere d'apprendre presque au mesme temps par un advis de Neiuport, que les Rebelles avoient êté entierement deffaits, ce qui nous a êté confirmé hier par la voyé de Hollande. Je vous asseure, Monsieur, que je ne pus recevoir de ma vie, des nouvélles plus agreables, dont vous pouvez hardiment temoigner ma joye par de la, & qu'il n'y a personne du monde qui prend plus de part que moy, a cet heureux succez. Je vous eu felicite de tout mon coeur, & j'attens avec impatience l'arriveé du Courier pour en sçavoir les particularitez, & que l'on aura finy entierement cette Rebellion qui ne pouvoit qu'a∣larmer ceux qui s' interressent comme moy aux advantages, bien & repos de sa Majesté Britan∣nique. Je vous prie, Monsieur, de me conti∣nuer de vos nouvelles, & de croire que je suis, Monsieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, D. Antonio d'Agusto.

The 10th of August 1685, I received this fol∣lowing Letter from his Excellency at Brussels.

Monsieur,

JE vois par vôtre Lettre du 6me la confirma∣tion de la prise des Rebelles, & de la de∣couverte de leur trahison, & je ne puis assez remercier le bon Dieu de cet heureux succez, & du repos qu'il luy a plû de restablir dans ce royaume: puisque je considere la chose non seulement tres-importante pour sa Majesté Bri∣tannique, mais aussi d'une tres-grande conse∣quence pour toute la Chrêtienté, & particuliere∣ment pour tout ce qui regarde le Roy mon Maistre, dont les interests son si unis, & si in∣separables de ceux de ce royaume. Pour moy, en mon particulier, j'ay tant d'obligations à sa Majesté Britannique, pour les honneurs qu' elle m'a tousjours fait, & pour les bon senti∣ments qu'elle veut bien avoir pour moy, que je dois prendre plus de part que personne du monde, dans tous ses bonheurs & prosperitez qui s'aug∣menteront jusques a l'infiny, si elles correspon∣dent à mes bons souhaits, & aux veux qu'a cette fin, je feray toute ma vie, comme je feray connoistre pendant que je serviray dans les Gou∣vernement de ces Pais, & par tout ailleurs ou je me trouveray. Faites moy le plaisir cependant, Monsieur, de me continuer de vos nouvelles, & de croire, que je suis, Monsieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, D. Antonio Agusto.

The 24th of this Month of August, we had an Account from Spain, that Don Antonio Agusto was made Marquis de Gastanaga, and decla∣red Governour General of the Spanish Nether∣lands; and I received this ensuing Letter from his Excellency, whilst I was at the Court at Windsor.

Monsieur,

JE ne puis recevoir un avis plus agreable que celuy que vous me donnez, de vôtre prochain retour icy, avec la qualité d'Envoyé du Roy de la Grande Bretagne. Je m'asseure, que vous ne douterez point de la verité de ce que je viens de dire, quand vous voudrez faire reflection sur la satisfaction que je dois avoir, & ay en effect, de la generosité & sincerité que j'ay remarquée en tout vôtre Procedé. Vous avez raison de dira, Monsieur, qu'il ne se peut que l'intention du Roy vôtre Maistre ne soit que d'être sincere, dans une parfaite bonne intelligence avec le Roy mon Maire, puisque il nous envoye un personne qui scait bien vos interests, & qui me doit être chere par tant de considerations, revetüe d'un charactere qui marque l'estime que sa Majesté a pour nous, & l'amitie qu'il a pour ces Provinces de mon Gouvernement; & je tacheray d'en me∣riter la confirmation, en faisant tout ce que sa Majesté pourra desirer de moy, en faveur de ses sujets, & leur rendre la plus promte justice, & par cet moyen, je tacheray de luy donner des marques du profond respect que j'ay pour la per∣sonne

de sa Majesté, & les preuves des senti∣mens que j'ay de vôtre merite: Et comme vous avez eu la bonté de prendre beaucoup d'interest à tout ce qui ne touche, & en particulier en∣vers le Roy vôtre Maistre, de mon coste aussi je prendray tousjours à coeur vos interêts, avec toute l'affection & sincerité, avec laquelle je suis, Monsieur,

Vôtre Tres-affectionné Serviteur, Le Marquis de Gastanaga.

Postscriptum written with his own Hand.

Sachant, Monsieur, que je trouveray tous∣jours la mesme disposition en vous, il ne se peut que je ne me rejouïsse, quand je considere, que j'auray à negotier avec un Ministre si capable, & si bien intentionné, que vous. A cette raison, je souhaite ardemment de vous voir revenir icy bientot.

Le Roy mon Maistre a demande cette Lettre, laqnelle j'ay donnée à sa Majesté.

Here follows the Copy of the Letter I wrote to his Excellency from Windsor, the 18th of August 1685, who was first declared Gover∣nour pro interim, upon the Death of the Mar∣quis de Grana, and afterwards was declared Governour General of the Low Countries for

the King of Spain, and continued Six Years in that Government.

Monsieur,

J'Ay bien recû l'honneur de celle que vôtre Excellence avoit la peine de m'ecrire, & quoy que je retorneray bientot à Bruxelles, avec le Charactere d'Envoyé du Roy mon Maistre, cependant je dois estre regarde icy de vôtre Excellence non autrement qu'un homme pri∣vé, & un de plus ordinaires sujets de sa Ma∣jesté, qui n'est plus Ministre public, ni admis dans ses affaires: par consequent mes Lettres ne peuvent contenir que les complimens d'un homme oisif, mais en attendant j'espere que vôtre Excellence ne manquez pas dans Wind∣sor d'une personne entierement devouée à son ser∣vice, & empressée à recevoir ses ordres tandis qu'elle fera son sejour icy. Et je scay bien, que Monsieur Don Pedro Ronquillos est trop bien a elle Cour, & d'ailleurs trop eclaire, & trop ex∣act pour m'avoir pas informé vôtre Excellence de tout ce qu'il doit scavoir par raport à nôtre Cour. Sur tout il n' aura pas je m'asseure manqué de luy parler de l'amitie & de l'estime de sa Ma∣jesté pour la personne de vôtre Excellence. Il vous aura aussi entretenu des heureuses disposi∣tions que sa Majestê conte de trouver dans l'As∣semblée du Parlement, pour l'augmentation de ses Finances, & pour la seureté de ses interests, tant au dedans qu'au dehors de ses Estats. J'e∣spere que vôtre Excellence ne me scaura pas mauvais gré d'avoir donné à sa Majesté sa

Lettre, dans laquelle elle a donné les marques si evidentes de la part qu'elle prend en tout ce qui regarde la grandeur de sa Majesté, laquelle ayant pris depuis long temps beaucoup de part dans tout ce qui touche la personne & les inte∣rests de vôtre Excellence. Et à present j'esperé bien qu'e étant pourveüe d'une charge aussi im∣portante qu'est celle de Gouverneur General des Pays-Bas, je n'ay pû manquer en luy donnant; & Para bien, & temoigner la joye que j'en ay resentie pour plusieurs raisons: Car puisque dans le Poste où je suis, il me sera tousjours necessaire de negotier avec vôtre Excellence, je serai fort aise d'avoir une liaison d'affaires avec celuy, avec qui j'ai deja des liaisons d'amitié: Je me felicite d'avoir à faire a un sage dispen∣sateur, qui m'a deja donné tant des marques de sa noble & judicieuse maniere d'agir. Avec quelle joye n'ai je point veu vôtre penchant par∣ticulier, à effectuer la bon correspondence entre les deux couronnes de nos Maitres: & je me fais un plaisir de penser, que par la bonne con∣duite de vôtre Excellence, on fera tel bon reglement, touchant nos Marchands Anglois a Ostende, qu'on mettra fin à leurs plaintes & miseres. Je crois que vôtre Excellence s'est deja proposé a la faire, vous asseurant, qu'une telle conduite sera fort satisfactoire au Roy mon Maistre, & à tous les Marchands. Cette con∣duite sauvera le soin au Roy mon Maistre de son∣ger à un nouveau Gouverneur, & luy fera prendre la partie de prolonger vôtre Gouvernement. Mes veux ne manquerontjamais à vôtre Excellence, &

〈…〉〈…〉 veux toutes les fois 〈…〉〈…〉 vôtre Excellence: car 〈…〉〈…〉 soit avec plus d'estime & 〈…〉〈…〉 je suis, Monsieur, de vôtre Ex∣cellence,

Le Tres-humble & Tres-obeissant Serviteur, R. BULSTRODE.