Memoirs and reflections upon the reign and government of King Charles the Ist. and K. Charles the IId: ... Written by Sir Richard Bulstrode, ... Now first published from his original manuscript.

MEMOIRS OF THE Reign and Government OF K. CHARLES the I^st.

IT is natural for all Men, when streightened with Fears, to run for Shelter to what their Fancy presents as an Instru∣ment of their Ease and Reme∣dy; but he that hath Time to deliberate, unless he places his Hopes upon something that is like to ease his Pain, by making his Afflictions less, or his Pa∣tience

more, deserves that Misery he groans under: But Afflictions which come by God's Appointment, represent the Sadness of Morta∣lity, and become Monuments of Mens Piety and Devotion. In the unnatural War, which the Subjects of King Charles I. began against their most lawful Sovereign, contrary to all Solemnies of Christianity, and of all that is called Good, I was then very young, and in a Labyrinth, not knowing well which Way to go; but at last I resolved to go to Whitehall, with some Gentlemen of the Inner-Temple, be∣ing then newly come thither from Cambridge, where I had been bred, in Pembroke-Hall. I was brought up to London by my Father, from Coventry, where we then dwelt: We were all brought into the King's Presence by the Lord Chamberlain, and had the Honour to kiss the King's Hands, who took our Coming very kind∣ly, and at the same time told us, he hoped he should have no need of our Service.

About this Time, the King, and the Laws, (who by God and Man respectively are appoin∣ted the sole Protectors of Innocence and Truth) had themselves, I thought, the greatest need of a Protector; and when I consider'd our King's Case, in the Beginning of his Troubles, me-thought it was much like to that of King David, who was vexed with a Civil War, both by his Son Absalom, and by his own People: But the Case of our King was worse than that of King David; for the Text says, his Enemies kept about him like Bees, and were extinct; there was

some Honey with them; but our King's Ene∣mies came about him like Hornets, where there was all Sting, and no Honey. And indeed the King's Case was rather like that of Isaac ready to be sacrificed; the Wood was prepared, the Fire kindled, the Knife was lift up, and the Hand was striking; and if the King's loyal Sub∣jects had not been something like Abraham too, having, out of Hope, believed in Hope, we had been as much without Comfort, as we were in outward Appearance without Remedy. Indeed I then saw such unparallel'd Revolutions in our English Monarchy, as I hope will never be imi∣tated, and will be scarce credited in After-Ages; whereupon I have thought it worth my Time to give some Account of those great and strange Transactions, wherein I was personally engag'd, which are still fresh in my Memory, having faithfully served King Charles I. from the Year 1640, which Civil War ended not till 1648, in the most deplorable Murder of the best of Kings, whose Cause at last God so owned, and so vindicated his Honour, that never Prince was more truly lamented, nor his Posterity, by divine Providence, more wonderfully re-esta∣blished, without the Assistance of any foreign Power, tho' his rebellious Subjects used all possible Diligence, (which either Wit or Malice could invent) to extirpate the Royal Family, both Root and Branch.

I presume, the Duty of my publick Employ∣ments abroad, under King Charles II. and King James II. will in some Measure plead my Excuse

for giving some Relations of the War of King Charles I. which have not yet been mention'd, and of those sudden Changes, and violent Re∣volutions happen'd in the last Age; and being now grown old to all worldly Pleasures, after many long and faithful Services to the Crown, and being wholly unacquainted with the Know∣ledge of Riches, or with the Cares of increasing them, or the Fears of losing them, and finding little Taste in common Conversation, I have spent my latter Years in writing some Memoirs, Poems, and other Discourses, to shew that I have not spent my last Days in Idleness and Vanity; and that since I can no longer live in an active Life, I may not die an unprofitable Servant. And yet I have but small Inclination to write, when the Number of Scribblers in this last Age hath given the World a Surfeit, by the mischievous Liberty of Writing, where∣by great Advantage hath been taken, to corrupt People with false Notions of Government, which hath destroyed Millions of Men, by engaging them in such a Rebellion, as no Age or Nation can equal, under Pretence of Reli∣gion and Law: And tho' at first it did not break out into Blood, but was carried on for some time with Paper Skirmishes, yet at last it grew too strong for both; and according to the usual Practice, when any Rebellion was hatch∣ing, they that designed it, immediately cry'd out, Hannibal ad Portas, and that what they did, was to preserve their Religion, Laws, Li∣berties and Properties, when none of them were

in Danger; and when they most flattered their Sovereign, and called God to witness the Purity of their Intentions, even then they were prepa∣ring their Weapons to murder him. And as it is seen in natural Bodies, that Fatness of Diet doth for the most Part lay the Foundation of Maladies, which cannot be expell'd by the most skillful Physician, without the Use of some ex∣traordinary Medicines; so, in our Body Poli∣tick, we were bless'd with long Peace, with Riches and Plenty the Product of it, and by the propitious Influence of our King, when we thus flourished, we went only to throw away those blessed Fruits of Peace, so that the whole Body Politick was quickly out of Order: And tho' perhaps there were some Errors and Irre∣gularities in the Government, yet they pro∣ceeded not from any Pravity of Disposition in the King, nor from any Principles of Arbitrary Government; it being confessed by the King's greatest Enemies, that he was indued with the best and purest Morals, of any Prince that ever held the English Scepter. But his People thought that some evil Counsellours did capti∣vate him at their Pleasure, and did thrust his Majesty into Actions prejudicial to himself and the common Good; upon which they were in∣vited by that rebellious Parliament to take Arms, under the plausible Shew of Reformation and Liberty, when many of them, in the Simplici∣ty of their Hearts, never had the least Intenti∣on of abridging the King of any of his just Pre∣rogative, but only to restrain some Excesses in

Government, which they really thought were the Excrescences of sovereign Power, and were rather Burthens than Ornaments of his royal Diadem. Indeed his very Example would have had a greater Influence upon his Subjects, than the strictest Laws. He was so great a Lover of Justice, and so great a Justiciar himself, that no Temptations could dispose him to a wrongful Action, unless it were so disguised to him, that he believed it to be just; and yet I cannot but confess, that a Prince's Fame, in this World, depends more upon his wise Administration, than upon his private Morality and good Life. The Goodness of his Government depends chiefly upon those that advise him, who are to yield unto their Prince all the Reputation ari∣sing from their good Counsels, and never to in∣tercept the Honour of them from the King: It being an infallible Maxim, That he is not the worst King, that is the worst Man, but he who hath the worst Counsellours and Instruments under him.

The Laws of England making them the on∣ly Persons obnoxious to be arraigned and puni∣shed, being in the King's Confidence, and in the Head of his Affairs, these should have been pitched upon to answer criminally for all those things which were then called Miscarriages; the Law having mark'd them out as Offenders, and as Offerings of Attonement for the King's Faults (were he guilty of any) but instead of this, the King (whom all the Laws of the Land, and the Constitution it self, hold not only un∣punishable,

but innocent) was elected as the Scape-Goat, to have the Offences of his Mini∣sters, and the subordinate Tools of the Govern∣ment, transmitted and laid upon him.

Thus Rebels are never without some Pretext to palliate their Actions; and rather than fail, will make their Vizard of Religion, which (if true) is a Setler, not a Stickler in Government: She confirms Men in Obedience, and does not en∣courage them in Rebellion. It is a great Mi∣stake indeed, to think Peace is well enough preserved, if the Sword be not drawn, and think it not War, because we do not take the Field; whereas, we may as well call it Health, when there is a dangerous Fermentation in the Blood, because the Patient hath not taken his Bed: For certainly, where there is not a firm Trust between the King and his People, from a due Obedience to his Laws and Government, and a steady Care not to remove the ancient Landmarks, not to disturb those Constitutions, which the Wisdom of our Ancestors hath set∣led, in order to preserve the whole Frame of the Government upon the old Foundations: When any of these fail, the Kingdom must needs fall into Confusion, as was miserably seen in the Time of this unhappy Prince.

But, to find the Beginning of these Evils, we must look back as far as Queen Elizabeth, where we shall discover the Presbyterians con∣triving what they have since put in Execution, to the eternal Scandal of the English Nation. Their Religion hath always been imperious,

turbulent, and bloody, and hath embroil'd all Places with Rebellion, where it once got Foot∣ing, from its first Rise at Geneva, to its Re∣move into France, from thence into Holland, so into Scotland, and from thence to its Arrival in England. They are impatient of any kind of Government; Theocracy it self would not please them, for they conclude against all Governments. From their first Institution, they shewed their Hatred against Monarchs, and they still glory to have had a principal Part in most of the Commotions of Christendom, since they took up the Work of Reformation; and by their frequent Insurrections in England, they gave the first Occasion of saying, Rex Angliae, Rex Diabolorum. The rest of Schismaticks are but their Spawn; Calvin first founded his Presbytery and Treason: For when they at Geneva had, in his Absence, expell'd their lawful Prince, he not only encourag'd, but confirm'd what they had done, at his Return. Presbytery never was received into any State, where it did not embroil; never any Man was possessed with it, whom it did not strangely transform with Moroseness; all their Writings are stuff'd with reproachful Language against the sacred Persons of Princes, with Dethroning Principles, and King-killing Doctrines, as may be seen in Calvin's Institutions, in that of Junius Brutus, in Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, written by Beza, and Knox's Appellation to the People, and Buchanan's Jus Regni apud Scotos, which he had the Impudence to dedicate to King James;

in which Book, and others of their Writings, they say, The People are the Original of all just Power, and that wicked Kings, for their Misgovernment, may be put to Death by their Subjects: An impious Principle! justly con∣demn'd, and fitted only for the Mouth of a Ravilliac. History tells us, that, in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles I. the Presbyterians were always grum∣bling and murmuring against the Times, their whole Practice being to deprive God of his Glory, the Prince of his Honour, and the Peo∣ple of their Senses, affirming the Condition of England was miserable. In the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth, the Pulse of the People began to beat high (by the Instigation of the Presby∣terians) towards an Aristocratical Government, under a Kingly Title, and the malicious Ene∣mies of the Church and State did then begin to appear; but that watchful Queen was soon alar∣med, and so asserted her Prerogative, that she kept all in their Duty: She declared, and pro∣tested publickly, that no Trouble should arrive to the Roman Catholicks, for any Difference in Religion (which did much abate the Opposition which might possibly have been made by them) hoping for fair Quarter under her Government. She knew well, that a King or Queen of Eng∣land, how sovereign soever, could not establish a new Religion in their Kingdom, without the Authority and Countenance of a Parliament; and therefore, to win the Bishops, and the rest of the Roman Catholicks in Parliament, at

least to Obedience, she was content to use Poli∣cy with them, and would qualify the Style of Supreme Head of the Church and State, to that of Supreme Governour, which, tho' it al∣ter'd not the Sense, yet it abused many into a Belief or Conceit, that the Queen pretended not so much Primacy Ecclesiastick as the King her Father had done, who was the first King of England that ever gave Cause to try the ad∣mirable Patience and Obedience of his Catho∣lick Subjects, who took not Arms against their Sovereign, and had no other Weapons but Praeces & Lachrymae, the Prayers and Tears of the Church for their Refuge.

Indeed Queen Elizabeth was so careful, that the Parliament could make no Impression upon her Sovereignty; and tho' the Cry of Persecu∣tion was pretty loud, and that the Enemies of Church and State were troublesome to her, yet, by her constant Resolution, she was not over∣borne by any Faction; and finding it easier to crop them in the Bud, than to pull them up by the Roots, she took the right Course with them, by putting the Schismaticks under the Statute of Recusancy, equal with the Roman Catholicks, whereby she quieted All; and often declared in Parliament, That both Houses had only Au∣thority to advise and consent to what they thought was for the common Good and Benefit of her Subjects: And wherever the Prince is not jealous of Underminers, and active to pre∣serve the establish'd Government, there will never want Spirits to attempt a Change, and

make Religion a Shelter for their Rebellion. It is certain, the English have always loved those Princes best, who grounded their Power in the Affections of their People, who ruled them by their old Laws, and used such moderate Power, as was consistent with their Government, rather than such as aim'd at any Change, which might tend to subvert their ancient Constitution; and seldom any Prince hath miscarried, who con∣stantly pursued the publick Good, and directed all his Counsels to his Country's Ease; but those Princes have been full of disastrous Troubles, who have obstinately adhered to a Few, against the Whole, and have conferred that Affection to particular Persons, which should be exten∣ded to the universal Body of the People.

The Truth is, the Excellency of Queen Eli∣zabeth's Government was, that, at her first Coming to the Crown, she found a Council of able Ministers (which in the last Age were not seen) which she continued, who managed the publick Affairs with such prudent Conduct, that their Counsels and Actions, as they were either Gown or Sword Men, gave great Satisfaction, and had great Influence upon the whole Nation. But her Successor, King James, was not so wary, who came to the Crown under many Difficulties; for, the Mixture of a Stranger Nation, formerly upon no good Terms with England, the Subjection of it to a Stranger Prince, whose Nature and Disposition being unknown, could not but prove of very ill Con∣sequence, who let that ill Humour in the Peo∣ple

imbibe so fast, that it soon bred in them a violent Contumacy against the Prerogative: And this King James minding his Pleasures more than his Business, his Favourites were more esteemed than his Statesmen; who there∣upon permitted his Favourite Scotchmen (coming out of a poor mountainous Country, into a rich Soil) to make a Harvest of the Crown Reve∣nue; and when handsom Mr. Villiers was brought into Favour (for Handsomness went a great Way in our Court) he came suddenly to have so prodigious an Ascent upon the King, that he entirely disposed of all his Favours, and did whatever he pleas'd.

In the Beginning of this King's Government, the King had no great Choice of excellent Men; and Mr. Villiers's Ascent was so quick, that it seem'd rather a Flight than a Growth; and he was such a Darling of Fortune, as if he had been born a Favourite, being Supreme the first Month he came to Court. However, he was very unfortunate in the Election of his Depen∣dants, few of his Servants being qualified enough to advise him, and were intent only of grow∣ing rich under him, and not upon their Ma∣ster's being as Good as Great. And if this great Favourite had been so happy as to have had but one faithful Friend, that Person might have done great Service to both his Masters, even to Father and Son. In King James the Father's Time, he took the Prince of Wales into Spain, contrary to the King's Opinion, who yet submitted to him; and upon a particular

Discontent of his own, broke the intended Marriage, and brought back the Prince, to the great Satisfaction both of King and People; which Action was so highly approved in the last Parliament of that King, that the Duke of Bucks was called, The Saviour of the People; and the Earl of Bristol then Ambassador at Madrid, was recalled, and Articles exhibited against him by the Duke, and by his Interest was kept out of the House of Lords. Now all that happen'd in Spain is here very well worth relating, which I have had from a very sure Hand, which hath been kept private from many.

The Earl of Bristol was employ'd Ambassador in Spain by King James, to treat of the Marri∣age with the then Infanta of Spain. The King of Spain being zealous for the Roman Catholick Religion, insisted to procure some Favours for the English Roman Catholicks, which related no farther, than to a Freedom of Religion for the Infanta, her Servants, and the Children of the Marriage, and her Ecclesiasticks and Reli∣gious, which could not be done, without the King's particular Licence and Dispensation; to which the King assented. But this Affair being longer delayed, the Spanish King urged farther, in Favour of the English Roman Catholicks in general (but the Manner and Way of doing it, was to be left to his Majesty's Wisdom:) Where∣upon King James and Prince Charles both signed; and King James, for farther Satisfaction, did, by the Lord Conway, his then Secretary of State, dated Aug. 7. 1623. declare and engage,

That his said Majesty would cause a present Suspension, under the Great Seal of England, of all those penal Laws whereunto his Roman Catholick Subjects were before subject, and under the same Great Seal would give a Dispen∣sation and Toleration to all his Roman Catho∣lick Subjects, as well Priests as temporal Per∣sons. The Marriage not taking Effect, and Animosities happening betwixt the Duke of Buckingham, and the Earl of Bristol, the Earl, before King James's Death having been impea∣ched in Parliament; yet he wrought so with the House of Commons, as to impeach the Duke, who then prevailed with his present Majesty, that the Impeachment of the Earl should be first try'd in the same Parliament, thereby to cause the Earl to forbear Prosecution of his Charge against the Duke, or to invalidate his Testimony. One of the Articles charged against the Earl of Bristol was, That he counselled and perswaded King James, to grant and allow the Papists free Toleration, and silencing all Laws made against them. But the Earl positively de∣nied this Article, and said, it was only decla∣red, That he would dispense with the Laws, which imported no more than a Permission to ex∣ercise their Religion in private Houses, and to suspend the Execution of the Laws against them for a time; all which the King had Power to do: But to grant a free Toleration, imports an Al∣lowance of publick Worship, and the silencing all Laws against them, might import a total Repeal, which the King did not claim a Right

to do himself. When the Impeachment was brought into the Lords House, the Earl of Bristol did put in his Answer to it, and posi∣tively denied, that he had counselled any thing in the Matter charged, and declared fully what was done, and what was signed by the late King James, and King Charles; as also the Decla∣ration made by the Lord Conway, by the King's Order; and added, That the Duke of Buckin∣gham being then the greatest Minister of State, and Favourite to King James, did advise all things in the Affair: That the Lord Conway certainly signed the Declaration. The Earl wanted neither Wit nor Courage to charge the Duke with Crimes as distasteful as he could find any; and he spared not the Lord Conway, who was the Duke's Friend, and must have been the best Witness to save the Duke, in case the Charge had been prosecuted. The Parliament then sit∣ting was as diligent to enquire into Misde∣meanours, as much displeased with the Duke, and as little fond of the Lord Conway, then Secretary of State, and were as much enclined to enquire into the too much advancing or stretching the King's Prerogative, to the Preju∣dice of the Subject, and against the Laws, as any Parliament which ever sat in England. Yet neither did the Parliament, or the Earl of Bri∣stol, charge any thing against the Duke, or the Lord Conway, for advising to dispense with Pe∣nal Laws, nor did the Parliament prosecute the Earl of Bristol upon the Impeachment against him, tho' he was thereby particularly charged

for advising the King to dispense with the Penal Laws. Now, if King James and King Charles I. did pass any Act of Parliament (as some affirm) to bar themselves or the Crown of this Right, the same could be only intended as to the ordi∣nary Exercise of that Right, but not to the ex∣traordinary, where the publick Good requires the same should be exercised. The King's Pro∣ceedings were to be thus intended, and not otherwise, which was proved by the King's continual Exercise of that Power, in the Suspen∣sion of Penal Laws, never questioned or com∣plained of, but still submitted unto, and admit∣ted as legal; as namely, those touching the Im∣portation of French Wines: And it was clear by his Majesty's Practice for many Years, that he thought it both reasonable and legal, to con∣tinue the Dispensations by which his Majesty suspended many Laws, without any Oppo∣sition.

About this Time a War was declared with Spain, which was carried on by the violent Humour of the Duke, whose Power was so great, that he govern'd all without a Rival; which Preheminence he managed very unthrif∣tily, disposing of all Places to his own Relati∣ons, where there was no Advantage or Profit to be had. This Partiality shewed the Duke's Weakness, and was much unbecoming the Great∣ness of the King his Master, whose Honour should shine upon the whole Body of his People, as the Sun sheds his Influence, warming all Parts of the Earth. And where Kings shew them∣selves

partial to a Party, they are usually served by the worst of the People, and are often forced to protect the Bad against the Good, as we have often seen in our late Revolutions: Not that Subjects repine, that Princes should have Friends with whom they may communicate their Thoughts, and unbend their Cares, nor to see such better'd by their Favours, which is warranted by the Example of the best of Kings, who must sometimes recreate themselves, and not be always upon their Thrones, which would too much weary them. Greatness must be set aside sometimes, the better to be relished: But Subjects do behold with Indignation, Men to be exalted, who abuse their Prince's Favours, and by false Representations, traduce all others, that they may ingross the Prince to themselves, with∣out Regard to the King's Honour, when their par∣ticular Advantage or Safety is in Question. Such Ministers are generally hated, and the People commonly reach their Heads at last. Wise Prin∣ces should never protect such Ministers; for when Princes bring Projectors into the Administration of their Affairs, who are Inventers of new Taxes, they bring an Odium upon their Master; and the Ignorance of such Men brings more Necessities upon the Prince, than their Arts of raising Mo∣ney can supply. None but wanting Princes employ such Men, who sometimes can skin over a Sore, which after breaks out with greater Rancour: Whereas wise Statesmen would, by wholesom Counsel, obviate the Danger in its Growth, and restrain their King's extravagant

Bounty, before he hath nothing left to give: For the Bounty of a Prince often frights Men from meddling in their Affairs. I know, Li∣berality is counted the proper Virtue of a Prince, it being much better for him to be pro∣fuse, than avaritious, Prodigality having the Resemblance of something more noble, than Avarice, and really it is less odious; and they that gain by it, make it pass for a Virtue, but perhaps it is more prejudicial to Posterity, and no less dangerous than the other Extreme. For if a King give away his whole Kingdom, he cannot satisfy all that ask, no, nor all that think they deserve much from him. It is then more convenient to give with Reason, and ne∣ver to draw so near the Bottom, but that Princes may always have wherewith to gratify Persons of Merit; and above all, they should take espe∣cial Care, that their Liberality be exercised without Oppression of their People, to avoid Murmuring, which may produce Rebellion. Wise Kings should never give, till their Coffers are full; for the Measures of Bounty ought to be taken from the Plenty of the Giver, as well as the Merit of the Receiver: And Kings seldom hurt themselves by giving what is actually in their Keeping, for Reward of particular Merit, but giving things they never had (as King James I. actually did to his Favourites) of which they know not the Value, is the Ruin of Princes Treasure, and consequently of their Affairs. For the Necessities of wanting Princes make them repeat Taxes, which loses them the

Affection of their Subjects; and Thrift hath ever been esteemed a Point of good Wisdom in Kings, who should stand firm against all parti∣cular Suits, so that no Case, upon what Grace soever, may break the Rule; for if one strong Sheep breaks the Hedge, a Hundred little ones will follow: And therefore the first thing a King should learn to say, is No, and that so re∣solutely, as never to be asked twice, nor once importunately: For one extravagant Gift to one, raises the Market to every Man else; and the unlimited Bounty of a wanting Prince, makes him a Beggar, tho' he have a vast Reve∣nue: And that Prince, who will give more to Importunity than Merit, may as reasonably forbid his Subjects doing well, upon Penalty of being undone by it. Where Princes give, be∣cause they are importun'd, and where the less useful Part of the People have most Credit with their King, this shews, the Way to get every thing, is to be good for nothing; and tho' the servile Part of Mankind are apt to extol, not only generous Princes, but those that are pro∣fuse; yet if we consider the Story of the Roman Empire, we shall find their Decadence took its Rise principally from this profuse Temper, and that their Prodigality drove them to Want, and made them oppress, and become odious to their People, by their frequent Taxes. But we need not now make Laws against giving too much, Princes are not so free in this Age, and we want no Overseer of that kind, in our Court, at St. Germaine's, where we live upon Alms.

The good Emperor, Marcus Aurelius Antoni∣nus, in his Nature very bountiful, having given the People a larger Donative than usual, was yet so frugal of the publick Money, that, upon an Expedition against the Scythians, he would not draw any Sum from the Treasury, without first asking Leave of the Senate, affirming that he had nothing in particular, and not so much as the House he lived in. And being another Time pressed by his Army, for a Donative, after a signal Victory, he refused it, saying, The more I give the young Soldiers, the more I must oppress their Parents. And therefore the Romans well answer'd one of their Emperors demanding double Taxes: O Emperor, if thou wilt have double Taxes, we must have double Harvests. Kings are Fathers of their Country, but unless they keep their own Estates, they are such Fathers as the Sons maintain, which is against the Order of Nature, and the less a Father depends upon his Children, the more he is certainly respected.

The Love of Subjects is not obtained by Mo∣ney, but by wise Government, and good Con∣duct; and all People, even Soldiers, reverence their Prince more, who keeps something in his Power to give, than he who gives all away; Ex∣pectation and Hope carrying Men farther than the Sense of past or present Benefits, and good Princes desire to make their People easy. King Charles I. of England never refused to ease his People of any Grievance, and passed more Acts of Grace for the Benefit of his Subjects, than

any five Kings or Queens had done before him. He granted an Act of Triennial Parliament, and the perpetuating of them, was an Act unparal∣lel'd by any of his Predecessors: And good Sub∣jects should never think it just, that the King's Condition should be worse, by bettering theirs. But our good King counted himself undimini∣shed by his largest Concessions, thinking by them to gain the Love of his People, being perswaded he could not grant too much, nor distrust too little, to Men that being professed∣ly his Subjects, pretended singular Piety, and religious Strictness. But our King was much mistaken, for no Fountain of Royal Bounty was able to satisfy their Corban of Religion: And it is sure, had that good King yielded less, he had been opposed less; and had he denied more, he had been more obeyed. Princes should therefore take Care of running with the Stream; for, chusing a crooked Course, for fear of the Torrent, is not commonly very dangerous.

The Honour of a King consists chiefly in doing good to the universal Body of his People, which good Charles aim'd at, there being no∣thing so glorious for a Prince, as to let his Peo∣ple enjoy Ease and Plenty, and not to enrich a few Persons with the Spoils of a whole Coun∣try. Henry IV. of France said, he hoped so to order Matters, that every Man in his Kingdom might have a boil'd Capon for his Dinner. Cer∣tainly, no Apothegm, so much by the Ancients commended, could so well become the Mouth

of a great King, as this well-natur'd Saying; and it is probable, had he lived, he would have made good his Word, which would have been a more durable Triumph to his Fame, than all his great Victories; and his Example, who, by his Frugality, brought the Crown of France out of Debt, is to be preferred to that of Henry III. of France, who harassed his whole Kingdom, to build up four or five great Fami∣lies, whereby he left behind him so many con∣spicuous Monuments of his Folly and Weak∣ness. And our King James I. followed the Measures of Henry III. in his most extravagant Bounties, which caused the then Lord Treasu∣rer to put upon a long Table, where the King was to pass by that Morning, a large Sum of Money in Silver, which the King had given to one of his Favourites the Night before: The King being much surprized with the Sight, (having never seen so much Money before to∣gether) asked the Treasurer, who was behind him, what that Money was for? who said, it was for such a Person, naming him to whom the King had given it: To which the King presently replied (with his usual Oath) it was much more than any Man could deserve from him, and commanded the Treasurer to pay him only one Quarter of it. This made the King more careful of his future Bounties; tho' I may truly say, that this King (tho' to his own Pre∣judice) had more Compassion of other Mens Necessities, than of his own Coffers; for, in Li∣berality, he exceeded, by many Degrees, all the

Kings that ever went before him: And it had been much better for King Charles, his Succes∣sor, if his Liberality had not been so great; for by that means, he left his Successor much indebted, which prov'd infinitely prejudicial both to the King and Kingdom.

Now, whosoever hath read King James's Works, will find therein most rational and po∣litick Discourses of the Nature of Government, and the good Temper of the English Monarchy, where there is no unnatural Swelling of Power, nor Liberty; for these two are like Heat and Moisture, where they are well mix'd, every thing prospers, but where they are single, they are destructive; and our true lawful Govern∣ment in England is like our Climate, where there are sometimes unquiet loud Winds, which, tho' troublesome, yet they clear the Air, and much of Mens Healths is owing to them. Ab∣solute Power is a Plant that will not grow up∣on English Ground; those who have attempted to cultivate it in that Soil, have hastned their own Ruine. All Men must confess, that King James's Discourses in Parliaments were admira∣ble, but the practical Part was wanting; for his remiss and loose Government was a great Cause of our following Disorders: For, finding no Money could be raised, to supply his Necessi∣ties, and extravagant Bounties, but by Parlia∣ment, he therefore still caressed them, thinking that Way to prevent the ill Humour, which lay in the Stomach of the Nation, which then be∣gan to shew it self more publickly; and he

would often say, he was but One King, that, in his House of Commons, were near Five Hun∣dred; and whilst he liv'd in Scotland, his Presbyterian Subjects so much teazed, and so often imprisoned him, that he had as good al∣most been one of the Kings of Brentford, as King of Scotland. However, this King, con∣tented with those Dominions which he had by an undisputed Succession, coveted nothing more from his Neighbours, nor had other Thoughts or Wishes, besides those of the common Peace and Repose of Christendom, and had therefore a just Motto given to his Arms, Beati Pacifici. He had so much Cunning, that he still held well with his Parliaments, and desired to be beloved, rather than feared by them: For Pow∣er, without Love, hath a terrifying Aspect, and the Worship paid to it, is like that which the Indians give, out of Fear, to wild Beasts and Devils. And as he that fears God, only because he is Almighty, wishes there was no God; so he that fears the King, only because he can punish, wishes there was no King; and therefore a King cannot take too much Care to keep himself up: For if a King lets his People slip from him, he is no longer really their King, but the People may let a King fall, and still re∣main a People.

In this Conjuncture, after Twenty Two Years peaceably reigning in England, King James I. died, leaving his Son, then King Charles, his Successor, ingag'd in a War with Spain, by Ad∣vice of Parliament, without Supplies to sup∣port

it, and left his own Debts great, by his immoderate Bounty; to which a great Addition was made, upon King Charles's coming first to the Crown, and many Inconveniencies were then submitted to, for Supply, contrary to for∣mer Laws; and Miscarriages in Government escaped in the Beginning of this King's Reign, which happened thro' the ill Counsel of some Men, driving on their own private Ends, and the Peevishness of some others, envying the Publick should be managed without them, join'd with the insuperable Necessities of State, rather than from any Propensity in the King, who was free from any Injuriousness, or Op∣pression of his People.

The Duke of Buckingham was at this time received into an admired Intimacy and Dearness by the King, and a Marriage was soon conclu∣ded with the Princess Henrietta Maria of France, and the Duke was sent thither to con∣duct her to the King. A little after this a Par∣liament was called, the House of Commons, upon their first Assembly, pressed for Redress of Grievances, and against Recusants, and they gave the King two Subsidies, which did not answer his Wants and Expectations, nor at all satisfy; and the King finding the Parliament more stiff than he expected, he soon dissolved them; that sowre Humour against Kingly Pre∣rogative being then very predominant in the House of Commons; and the Duke, who, in the last Parliament of King James, was stiled, The Saviour of the People, in bringing Home

the then Prince of Wales, was now called, The Destroyer of the People, and more cry'd down, than he was before cry'd up, and was named, the Corrupter of the King, and principal Cause of all Disorder, who had betrayed the Subjects Liberties, and his ill Management was made the Pretext for not assisting the King in Parlia∣ment, as the State of the King's Affairs then required; who used all possible Means to satis∣fy a discontented People, but could not. The late Parliament, before their Dissolution, de∣clared, the King had sent Ships into France, to assist the French King against his Protestant Subjects at Rochel, which was by the Duke's Interest, without acquainting the Council of State, which much exasperated the People, who complain'd, that the Duke had not made the Match with Spain, out of a particular Spleen against the Conde d'Olivares, and had made it with France, upon much harder Terms.

The Duke being hereupon questioned in Par∣liament, made a plausible Answer: However, the House of Commons resolved against any farther Supply (except the two Subsidies they had given) without Redress of Grievances. After the Dissolution of this first Parliament, some provisional Acts of State were made, to supply the Defects in Law, and a Proclama∣tion was published against Catholicks, to give the People some Satisfaction, and a Fleet was sent out by the Duke against Cadiz, but retur∣ned with ill Success.

In February following, a second Parliament was called, and the King was soon after crowned. The Lord Keeper then made a Speech to the Parliament, declaring the King's Love to them, striving whether he should be a greater King, or a better Man; and that they were called to make good Laws, and execute Justice. The House of Commons presently fell upon Grie∣vances, the Miscarriage of the Cadiz Voyage, the Misemployment of the King's Revenue, and reflected much upon the Duke, and several bold Speeches were made against him, and great Animosities still continued betwixt the Duke and the Earl of Bristol. The King demands of the Parliament a present Supply, and desired they would rather redress, than inquire into Grievances. The House of Commons exhibi∣ted Articles against the Duke, desiring he might have no more Access to the King, and agreed upon a Remonstrance against the Duke, and pray'd the King not to dissolve them. The Duke being much transported with this Usage, prevailed with the King to dissolve them, and fell into such Anger against some principal Members, that they were imprisoned or disgra∣ced soon after Dissolution. From this time the People were generally apprehensive of an arbi∣trary Government, and were much unsatisfied with the excessive Greatness of the Duke, who had a greater Ascendant upon his new Master, the present King, than upon his Predecessor; which was much wondred at, that the same Person should be the prime Favourite both to

Father and Son, which bred a great Distemper of Humours in the Court, which soon descen∣ded into the Country, and the Displeasure to the Favourite soon seized their Duty to their Prince. Kings raise some Men so high, as to over-top All, and keep them under; but it is dangerous to bestow too much upon one Man, for there is no Man fitting to be a King, but he that is a King; and when Kings are immo∣derate in bestowing their Power, it many times brings much Woe to the People, much Danger to the Person in Power, and not seldom, much Sorrow to the King himself: And a wise Prince will not oblige his Courtiers, who are Birds of Prey, to disoblige his Subjects, who are Beasts of Burthen. It was indeed look'd upon as a rare Felicity, and seldom known, that the Duke should be in greater Favour with the Son, than he was with the Father: For, the new King, from the Death of the old King, even to the Death of the Duke himself, discover'd the most entire Confidence, and even Friendship, to the Duke, that ever King shewed to any Subject; all Preferments were given by him; all his Friends and Kindred to that Degree in Honour, Riches, or Offices, as the Duke thought fit; all his Enemies discountenanced, as he appointed: But it was strange, that he should so suddenly fall, from the greatest Heighth of popular Esti∣mation, to the lowest Depth of Calumny and Reproach, by perswading the King to dissolve Parliaments, which proved most pernicious to the Duke himself; for, in the first Parliament

of this King, tho' most of the same Persons were chosen, who so passionately adhered to him be∣fore, the Affection they had then for him, even of the same Men, was turned into Animosity against him, and that in so high a Nature, that all the Actions of his Life were ript up, Votes and Remonstrances passed against him, as an Enemy to the Publick, and his ill managing of the King's Grace and Favour to him, made the Ground of their Refusal to give the King that Supply which he expected, and was highly ne∣cessary for the King, in that Conjuncture. Here all the People's Discontents were laid up∣on the Duke, in respect of the mighty Share he had in his Majesty's Favour and Affection, and that he managed his Power, to the Eclipse of all other great Men, and moulded the Court to the Advantage principally of his own Family, thinking thereby to strengthen himself (instead of endeavouring to mollify the Misunderstan∣dings betwixt the King and his People, which was his true Interest:) But the Duke's Want of Experience, having never seen or felt the Re∣verse of Fortune, made him too great an En∣terprizer, to succeed in what he so unadvisedly undertook, and so precipitately, and for his own Satisfaction; and, upon his single Discon∣tent, first ran the late King into a War with Spain, which proved both fruitless and bur∣thensome to him. And thus the Throne was endanger'd by him, whose Obligation and true Interest it was to uphold it; and King Charles did not only succeed to his Royal Father's

Crown, but Troubles, who was left involved in most strange Intrigues and Difficulties, the Counsels of his Ministers being not then con∣ducted according to those Rules and Measures of Policy, which the Circumstances and Necessities of the King's Affairs required; which, if they had been well managed, had easily prevented the cruel Rebellion which afterwards followed.

Thus we see Princes cannot be secure, when leading Men in their own Courts fall into Fa∣ction; and when there is most need of Concord and Unity, Mens Minds are then most disuni∣ted, and, contrary to ancient Prudence, when England wanted the best, the worst Men were set at the Head of Business; and our then most unhappy King, was, by Diversity of Counsels, drawn oftentimes from his own Judgment, (which was better than theirs) and was forced many times to court those he hated, and to frown upon those, whose Abilities and faithful Services to the Crown he secretly approved; which is usually the Fate of such Princes who are drawn into Streights, either by their Pre∣decessors, or their own Negligence; and at this time the greatest Part of the King's Counsel where wholly taken up in the Improvement of their own Fortunes, or Gratification of their Pleasures which they earnestly affected, and had so much to do for themselves, that they wholly neglected the King's Affairs, and those which were most able, were frighted from meddling in them; and when those Ministers, whose Steadiness of Judgment, and Directness

of Application to their Master's and the King∣dom's Honour and Advantage, estrange them∣selves from Court, it abates Mens Confidence in the successful Course of Affairs.

The King being put to these Streights, Ton∣nage and Pondage were levied by Order from the Board, and likewise Loan Money and Be∣nevolence taken; and the Duke finding the King somewhat unsatisfied with the French King, and that the Queen's Servants were sending Home, his Grace soon changed the Scene, and caused the King to declare War against France, and went in Person to the Isle of Rhee, to assist the Rochellers against their King; but he was there defeated, and this Repulse was more un∣fortunate than that of Cadiz. But, in March following, another Parliament was call'd, and the King spake to them, to expedite Business, shewed them the common Danger, moved for a Supply, and told them plainly, if they did not do their Duty, he should be obliged to use other Mea∣sures, which would not be so pleasing to them: But however, the House of Commons fell upon Grievances, before Supply, and after many Debates, and some Conferences, the Petition of Right was setled by Act of Parliament, and several other Acts passed, and then the Parlia∣ment was prorogued till October.

In this Interval the Duke resolved upon a second Attempt against France, and was prepa∣ring for it at Portsmouth, but was prevented by his sudden Murder, which gave the King much Sorrow and Trouble: And as the Duke, during

Life, was unfortunate in publick Affairs, so his sudden Death produced a Change in all Counsels; it being first generally agreed, that the King should make a Peace with both Crowns, since the War could not be carried on without Supplies, and the Parliament was far∣ther prorogued, till January, which was ill taken. And Kings of England will never do well, to fence with the Inclinations of their Parliaments, or Discontents of their People; they must shew they have no other Interests, but those of their Subjects in general; for Par∣tiality in a Prince produces Heart-Burnings, to see some few lifted up high, wallowing in Wealth and Pleasures, while the People groan under heavy Taxes. A Government is never well establish'd but in the Hearts of the Sub∣jects, nor so hard to be shaken, as when the Generality of the People, as well as the Nobi∣lity, are intirely satisfied; which they will ne∣ver be, till they see Men chosen into Offices, by being fit for them, and continued for dischar∣ging well, and rewarded for extraordinary Me∣rit, and punished for remarkable Faults. In such Cases, the King discharges the Severity of all Punishments upon the Parliament, and com∣mits no Force upon the Gentleness of his own Nature, when his Subjects see, that no Ten∣derness of their Prince, nor Corruption of his Ministers, can preserve them from paying what they owe to any Forfeits of their Duty; nor indeed can any Prince do Justice to those that serve him well, without punishing those that

serve him ill, since that is to make their Con∣ditions equal, whose Deserts are different. And therefore Kings should not only consent to, but encourage any Inquiries a Parliament shall make into the Miscarriages of Ministers, and join willingly with them therein: But whether, at that Time that the Parliament would have questioned the Duke of Buckingham, they did then proceed from a steady Intention of a general Good, or from some particular Animosities against the Duke, or from some accidental Distempers, from which the greatest and best Assemblies are not always free, is still a great Question; especially when such Assem∣blies have continued long together: For then they will spy out, and look after Miscarriages and Grievances, rather than supply their law∣ful King and Sovereign. 'Tis certainly true, when Kings of England meet often with their Parliaments, and agree with them, they may command what they please: But if a King's Revenue be such, as to enable him to live without his Parliament, he will be more free; for the Meeting and long Sitting of Parliaments is dangerous; for usually, when publick Busi∣ness is ended (nay, many times before they have ended it) they fall upon Grievances, and enter into Factions, to the great Prejudice of both King and Kingdom (as hath been often seen) and therefore Posning's Law was a good Pro∣vision against long Sitting of Parliaments. However, when Parliaments resolve to go upon Grievances, Kings should never interpose, to

secure their Favourites from answering Crimes which are alledged against them in Parliament, as was intended against the Duke, before the Parliament was prorogued; for it lays an Im∣putation upon the Prince, as being privy to their Actions, and fixes also a Scandal upon the Person accused, that he is generally thought guilty of all things laid to his Charge. And this Course, which was taken in the Beginning of King Charles's Government, of Proroguing and Dissolving Parliaments, rendred the Duke of Buckingham's Power more formidable, be∣cause it was thought unlimited; and tho' he was esteemed but as an Idol set up by King James, and was therefore more contemptible to the People; yet, at the same time, they thought the present King stood in Awe of him, and was afraid to pull down that Favourite, who was grown so formidable by his Power, and the Number of his Followers and Adhe∣rents; but such top-heavy Buildings, which have no solid Foundation in them, of Merit, are soon blown down; and let bad Men have never so much seeming Greatness and Power, they are seldom dangerous to wise Princes, who will never hinder them from being brought to Punishment, by a timely Sacrifice; and no Man ever yet saw a Tumult to defend them. And if this great Favourite, the Duke, had not been so soon murdered, he had certainly been made a Victim to the Publick, by the Parliament. And when this Parliament met in January, they were very troublesome, fell upon Grievan∣ces,

and made some Assaults against the Prero∣gative, and were preparing some Accusations against the Lord Treasurer Weston: And tho' the King sent the Black Rod for the Commons, to come to the House of Lords, they locked the Door of their House, and not only refused Entrance to the Black Rod, but forced the Speaker to his Chair, till they had adjourned the House to a Day, thinking thereby not to be dissolved before the Day of their Adjourn∣ment. However, the King went in Person to the House of Lords, without calling the Com∣mons, and dissolved the Parliament, affirming, that some Vipers in the House of Commons, were the Cause of his dissolving them, and at the same time very much courted and commen∣ded the Lords; and, after this Dissolution, some of those Members who had carried them∣selves very insolently, were committed to seve∣ral Prisons, and the King, to satisfy his People, published a Proclamation, shewing the Causes of dissolving those three Parliaments.

In the Year 1630, Prince Charles was born, at whose Birth great Rejoicing was thro' the whole Kingdom; and in 1633, the King went to Scotland, and was there Crowned with great Solemnity. At his Return, in 1634, Ship-Money was raised with great Care and Equality, by Letters written from the Privy-Council to every High-Sheriff; and tho' this Pill was gilded, it would not be swallowed, but great Discontents were express'd at an Imposition never before practised, and against Law: But yet this was

done by the Advice and solemn Agreement of all the Judges, (except two, Hatton and Crook) who argued against it. However, they subscri∣bed for the King's doing it; neither did the Judges do so much in this, as was done in the Parliament of 31 H. VIII. when it was agreed, that the Legislative Power should be in the King and his Council, in Intervals of Parliament; and that the King's Proclamation should be of equal Force with an Act of Parliament: And this was thought fit by the Parliament, as being a dangerous thing, that the King should be at Disadvantage, for Want of Power, in Case of sudden Exigencies. And therefore there was Reason, that the King should steer with a shor∣ter Rudder, that his Care might meet with every Turn of Providence, which might otherwise suddenly overturn the good Government of the Nation: And it was then also declared in Par∣liament, that if the Motions at home should wait upon the Debates in Parliament, things must needs come short in Execution, and the Affairs of the Nation extremely suffer. And tho' this was but a temporary Law, during the then present Condition of Affairs; yet, in the 34 and 35 of the same King, another Law was made to confirm what was done before, with a Power granted to the King and Council, to change and alter, as they should think fit. And certainly the same Reason held as strong, du∣ring the troublesome and impetuous Reign of King Charles, tho' he thought not convenient to demand any such Power. The Opinion of

the Judges was subscribed in these Words fol∣lowing.

We are of Opinion, that when the Good and Safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned, and the whole Kingdom in Danger, your Maje∣sty may by Writ, under the Great Seal of Eng∣land, command all your Subjects of this King∣dom, at their Charge, to provide and furnish such Number of Ships, with Men, Victuals, and Ammunition, and for such Time as your Majesty shall think fit, for the Defence and Safeguard of the Kingdom, from such Peril and Danger; and that, by the Law, your Majesty may compel the doing hereof; and, in Case of Refusal, or Refractoriness, we are also of Opinion, that your Majesty is the sole Judge, both of the Danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided.

The King did nothing herein, but what he was advised to do by his Judges, who were al∣ways esteemed the King's learned Council in the Law; and if any thing was amiss in this Particular, the Advisers were to answer for it, which they did, and some of them were suffici∣ently punished for it: But whether they were punished deservedly, or not, is yet a Question. Soon after the King's Return from Scotland, Bishop Laud succeeded Archbishop Abbot in the See of Canterbury, who being very powerful with the King, advised the Setling the Church Government in Scotland, as it was in England, that there might be an Uniformity of Church Discipline in both Kingdoms; and the King

sent down his Orders accordingly, with a new Service Book of Common-Prayer, with Com∣mand to be read in all the Churches: But ma∣licious and designing Men, who desire Innova∣tions in State, do most commonly begin their first Attempt upon the Church, as was seen in Scotland, by their Commotions upon this Occa∣sion, when they were, at that time, by God's Mercy to us, and the King's Care over us, in perfect Peace with all the Nations upon Earth. The King, by the Marquess of Hamilton, his Commissioner, did all he could to quiet those Troubles; yet nothing would do, for the Scots made a Covenant together, and declared never to renounce it, but prepared for War; and from thence sprung the true Fountain of all our en∣suing Miseries in England. This kind of Presby∣terian Government, which was then established in Scotland, had found good Reception in some of the Gallican and Belgian Churches, and which Beza used his utmost Endeavours to plant in England: But wary Queen Elizabeth stood fix'd, and could not be brought to any Unsettlement of the ancient Discipline of Epis∣copacy: But in Scotland this new Form prospe∣red, by the Artifices of Buchanan and Knox, and during King James's Minority, they threw down Bishops, and setled Presbytery, and used their King as they pleased.

About this Time, the short Parliament of 1640 drew near; the King being then at York, was preparing to return to London. It was then considered, whether the Earl of Strafford

should stay with the Army, or go with the King to London. The Earl shewed many substantial Reasons for his not going, and knowing how much the Scots were incensed against him, and how great an Interest they would have in the Parliament: That, by his Absence, he would not be so much in their Mind; and that if any thing should be objected against him, he might the better avoid, and retire from any Danger, and be better able to do the King Service else∣where, when the King's Occasions should require it (as he much feared they would;) but no Ar∣guments could prevail, but the King continued earnest for his going with him, and assured him in the Word of a King, if he should be questioned, he would so defend him, that a Hair of his Head should not be touched; and so the Earl resolved to submit to the King's Commands, tho' he foresaw his own Destruction in it.

In April 1640, the Parliament met, when Glanville was chosen Speaker. A Message was soon sent by the King to the House of Commons, for Supplies, shewing the intolerable Indignities and Injuries of the Scots, who had not only common Ties of Nature, Sovereignty, and Bounty upon that Nation, with his late royal Father, but had twice gratified the active Spi∣rit among them so far, that he had preferred the Desires of that Party before his own Inte∣rest or Honour; and his royal Bounty to them had emboldened them to ask and act beyond all Bounds of Modesty and Gratitude, which made the King more scandalized at their coming into

England, contrary to his Will, and with the Forfeiture of so many Obligations of Duty to him. It is true, that when they first entered England, Success crowned their Work, being thought a wise and resolute Nation, who, after an unbloody War, for above one Year, returned laden with Spoils, and great Riches, and were most liberally rewarded, as well for going out, as coming into England: But God's Justice was in the End discovered through all their Preten∣tions of Religion, in which they wrapt up their wicked Designs, who built their Piety upon the Ruines of Loyalty, and made Bankrupt of their Allegiance, to set up a quicker Trade for Re∣ligion. Upon this Account, the King (as he had good Reason) was very angry with them, and declared, if the House of Commons would assist him suitable to the Exigency of his Affairs, he would not only quit his Claim to Ship-Mo∣ney, but would give them full Satisfaction in all their just Demands; which Message was much approved by both Houses, and many Con∣ferences were held, whether the Supply, or the Subjects Grievances should precede. The Lords voted for the first, but the Commons for the latter; however, the Difference was soon unhappily decided by a voluntary Mistake in old Sir Henry Vane, then Secretary of State, who was ordered by the King and Council, to demand six Subsidies, and he demanded twelve; which was so highly unreasonable, that many were much displeased, but all were inclined to have given six, which was no usual Gift.

Sir Henry Vane escaped not without great Censure, for demanding Double to his Com∣mission; but it was really believed, this Mi∣stake was purposely done, to raise the House to Animosities, which took Effect; for the House would not consent to what he demanded, but insisted upon their Grievances, which made the King so desperate, that he forthwith dissol∣ved the Parliament. The Counsel given to dissolve them was generally disliked, because the Differences between the King and this Par∣liament might have been cemented by the Lords, and the Scots Troubles, by this Parliament, appeased, which grew wider by this Breach; and the Odium of this was laid upon Archbi∣shop Laud, who was thought to be more busy in temporal Matters, than he ought; and be∣ing too full of Fire (tho' a just, good Man) his too much Zeal for the Church made him per∣swade the King to the Sitting of the Convoca∣tion (which ought not to have been done) af∣ter Dissolution of the Parliament. The King then caused a Guard to be set about Westmin∣ster, while the Convocation sat, who setled the Discipline of the Church, and would not alter the Government by Bishops, and they granted a Benevolence to the King, of Four Shillings in the Pound, for six Years, towards his Expe∣dition against the Scots, wherein the Archbi∣shop was very active. The Scots were at this time come into a warmer Climate than their own, and Petitioned the King for Redress of their Grievances, in several Articles. All good

Men inveighed sufficiently against them, whilst others approved of their Proceedings. There was at this time a strange Spirit of Division in the Opinions of Men, of these Affairs; too many not only favouring, but joining with the Scotch Covenanters, who presented their De∣mands, How their Army should be maintained, till the Treaty was ended, and Peace secured; and so they had a great Allowance: But the King's best Subjects said, the King should rather have put All to the Issue of a Battle, than to give such Terms to most rebellious Subjects. But the King saw plainly, that divers Officers of his own Army, and even the private Soldi∣ers, had no Mind to fight against the Scots, which made the King conclude the Treaty with them. The Earl of Montrose, who had great Alliances in Scotland, came then into England, to serve the King, but by the Marquess of Hamilton's Cunning, (who betrayed the King in all the Scotch Affairs) Montrose was slighted and neglected, whereupon he went back to the Covenanters; but being soon weary of them, he wrote to the King, professing his great Loy∣alty and Service to his Majesty; which Letter was taken out of the King's Pocket at Night, by the Marquess of Hamilton, and sent to the Covenanters.

About this Time, a Resolution was taken by the King and Council, to call another Parlia∣ment, the great Necessity of the King's Affairs then obliging him to it. The Court Party la∣boured much to bring in their Friends, but

those that were most esteemed at Court, had least Respect and Interest in the Country; and it was not a little strange to see, what a Spirit of Opposition was in the Hearts of most Men, to the Court's Proceeding: So that very few of the King's Party were chosen Members of Par∣liament. And indeed the highest Danger in England comes from the Power of the People to elect their Representatives; for they will be such as are of their own Complexion, and which will stand by them in all their Designs against the Government, for clipping the Wings of Monarchy, and restraining the King's lawful Prerogative; which was the true Reason why the King broke so many Parliaments; but at last being wearied, and overborne, he was necessita∣ted to give Way to their Meeting in 1641, which, by several Encroachments upon the Royal Prerogative, their long Sitting, and Suc∣cess in their Rebellion, brought their lawful Sovereign at last to the Block, as will be seen in the Sequel of these Memoirs.

This Long Parliament was convened to meet November 3. 1641. a most ominous Day! for the Parliament met that Day, in 20 H. VIII. which began with the Fall of Cardinal Wolsey; and therefore Archbishop Laud was desired to get their Meeting adjourned for some Days: But the good Man took no Notice of those things. At their first Meeting, the King told them, he was resolved to put himself freely upon the Love and Affection of his Subjects, and left it intirely to them, where to begin,

promising them Redress of Grievances, and de∣sired that all Suspicion of each other should be laid aside. The House of Commons, after establishing Committees, fell upon Grievances, and many sharp Speeches were made upon that Subject. The King passed the Bill for the Tri∣ennial Parliament, and thereby declared his great Confidence in them, and the extraordina∣ry Favour he did his Subjects, by passing that Bill. The House of Commons fell presently upon the Earl of Strafford, whom they accu∣sed of High Treason, and desired he might be secured, which was done accordingly, and great Preparations made for his Trial in Westminster-Hall, before the Lords; and one of the sharpest Managers of the Evidence against his Lordship, says, That No Man ever acted a Part on such a Theatre with more Wisdom, Elo∣quence, and Constancy, and with greater Reason, Judgment and Temper, and with a better Grace, than that great Lord and excellent Person did, so that he moved the Hearts of all his Auditors (some few excepted) to great Pity and Remorse. His Lordship told them, it was hard that Pu∣nishment should precede Promulgation of a Law; to be punished by a Law subsequent to the Fact, was never heard of till that time; that there should no Mark be set, by which the Offence might be known, no Admonish∣ment given to avoid it, was a Case extreme hard. The King heard all the Tryal, and after went to the House of Lords, and sent for the Commons, and did passionately desire the Par∣liament

not to proceed severely against the Earl of Strafford, assuring them in the Word of a Christian, that he could not in Conscience con∣demn him, and added, that neither Fear, nor any other Respect, should make him go against his Conscience. However, the Bill of Attain∣der passed both Houses, and a Bill not to pro∣rogue, adjourn, or dissolve the Parliament, without Consent of both Houses. Thus, when Men seek to limit and confine the King to their Reason, they must needs have a secret Aim to share with him, or usurp upon him in his Pow∣er and Dominion: For good Men in Parliament will propose nothing to their King, nor expect any thing from their King, but what he will be as ready to give them, as they are to receive from him.

The King was much perplexed at the sending to him these two Bills, and sent for some of his Bishops, and others of his intimate Counsel∣lours, to have their Advice what Measures to take, who advised him to pass the Bills: And the Earl of Strafford being informed of the King's great Perplexity, wrote to the King, de∣siring him to pass the Bill against him, saying, his Consent would acquit the King before Al∣mighty God. Whereupon the King passed the Bill, and sent Mr. Secretary Carleton, to ac∣quaint the Earl with it, who not believing, without some Astonishment, that the King would have passed the Bill, he rose from his Chair, and lifting up his Eyes to Heaven, clapp'd his Hand upon his Breast, and said with some

Passion, Put not your Trust in Princes, nor in the Sons of Men, for there is no Truth in them; which he had some Reason to say, because the King had engaged him to come to London, con∣trary to his own Sentiment, and had faithfully assured him, in the Word of a King, that in Case he should be attack'd in Parliament, he would so defend him, that a Hair of his Head should not be touched. And now by this un∣expected Message, he had Notice given him of his Death, to which he really believed the King would never have consented; which made him break out in that Expression, with some more than ordinary Movement, believing his Letter to the King would have made him more firm in his Resolution. Great Reflections were made upon the King's passing these two Bills, the one against his most faithful Servant, and the other against himself: The first took away the Life of that great Statesman, the other his own Life, both Bills being signed at the same Time, and with the same Pen. The King had great Remorse for what he had done, and the next Day sent a Letter to the Lords written with his own Hand, by the Prince of Wales, to inter∣cede for the Earl's Life; but nothing would prevail, tho' it was confidently affirmed by some, that the Earl's Life was promised the King, to encourage him to pass the Bill: But now the Lords would not consent to his Maje∣sty's Desire. And thus fell this noble Earl, who, for natural Parts and Abilities, for Im∣provement of Knowledge, by Experience in

greatest Affairs; for Wisdom, Fidelity, Obe∣dience, and Gallantry, left no Equal behind him. A little after this, to satisfy the King in somewhat, the House of Commons granted an Act for Tonnage and Pondage, which the King took before as due by his Prerogative, but now as a Gift from his People.

The Parliament then adjourned till Winter, it being thought fit the King should go into Scot∣land, the People there beginning to shew their Discontents more publickly, where the King being in Person might better redress their Grie∣vances, as they call'd them. The King then granted every thing they desired, without ask∣ing any Questions, till they declared they had no more to ask, the King having entirely fulfil∣led their Desires, and (as the Phrase then went) He parted, a contented King, from a contented People. For, from the Time of the King's co∣ming among them, he had fully complied with all they desired, both for the publick Govern∣ment, and their private Advancements. The Kingdom of Scotland, within it self, enjoyed perfect Peace and Tranquillity, and the King was confident, the Affections of the Scots could not be corrupted, believing they were sensible of their former Breach of Duty, and willing to repair it by any Service; and that their Gene∣ral, Lesly, had made great Acknowledgments and Professions of Duty to his Majesty, and would be always ready and willing to serve him. About the End of November this Year, the King returned well satisfied from Scotland, and was,

upon his Arrival, most sumptuously entertained by the City of London.

The King then went to the Parliament, and made a Speech to both Houses, wherein he told them, he made as much Haste to them, as his Affairs in Scotland permitted; and that he had left that Nation in a most peaceable and con∣tented Condition: And yet he was no sooner gone from them, but they subscribed their Co∣venant, raised an Army against their lawful King, made Lesly their General, to join with their dear Brethren in England, who were then hatching a Rebellion against their King, who then told them in Parliament, That tho' he did not find England so well setled as he expected, (being full of Jealousies, and Alarms of De∣signs and Plots) yet he doubted not of his Sub∣jects good Affections, by his Reception at his Return: And added, That he was so far from repenting what he had done for them, that he was willing and ready to pass any thing more, that might justly be desired, for their Liberties, Properties, and Maintenance of their Religion; and desired them not to be discontented at their own Happiness, nor to be without Sense of their natural Allegiance: And that having got∣ten the Opinion of being good Patriots for their Country, they should not be inveigled into Steps of Disloyalty, nor to use such Measures as would disturb the Throne. The King also re∣commended to them the Business of Ireland, where, it seems a Rebellion broke out, during his Absence in Scotland; and the King offered

to go thither in Person, to prosecute those Re∣bels, but the Parliament would not agree to it. Now, he that governs three Kingdoms, com∣posed of three several Nations, whose Religi∣on, Manners, and Language are different, and whose Passions and Interests are contrary to each other, must keep a constant severe Hand over them: For, to think of governing them, as King Charles I. did, by a gentle and obliging Temper, was as impossible, as to think of put∣ting six wild Horses to a Coach, and to drive them without Whip or Reins. And whoever hath read the pious Meditations of King Charles, hath there found by his own Words, that he condescended against his own Judgment and Conscience, to settle Presbytery in Scot∣land; and it appeared soon after, how unhap∣py this King was, in his too kind and tender Condescensions to the Scots, which occasioned all those Troubles he had in the North of Eng∣land. The Presbyterians called God to witness, that nothing was so dear to them, as the Honour and Safety of the King, and at the same time they conspired against both. They seemed won∣derfully sollicitous for his Life and Safety, when they were complotting how to entrap him: They told us, their dear Liberties and Proper∣ties hung upon the Thread of the King's Life, and yet, at that Instant, they were resolved to cut that Thread off. But the good Christians of old did not use this Method; they prayed for their Princes and Governours, when most bar∣barously and unjustly provoked to the contrary;

so that no Christian died as a Rebel or Traytor, in all the early Persecutions of Christianity, for several Centuries. The Presbyterians made it their Business, by their libellous Pamphlets, and other wicked Arts, not only to make the King's Government odious, his faithful Subjects suspected, but also to excite a Hatred to his Royal Person; and made use of the Name of Popery, to carry on all their wicked Designs, being the common Engine they have always play'd against the Government. For it hath been observed, that the Prerogative never so suffered, no great Statesman was ever disgra∣ced, nor the Liberties of the People ever wounded, but a dreadful Outcry of Popery hath still preceded; and if any durst shew his Fidelity to Monarchy, by opposing their Anti∣monarchical Projects, he was presently blasted with the Name of a Court, or a Church Papist: And when they could not undermine the Go∣vernment by Fraud, they would overthrow it by main Force, and always had those in great Estimation, who made the biggest Noise for Religion, and made no Scruple of involving three Kingdoms in Misery and Confusion. They strained at Conformity, but swallowed down Rebellion; they stumbled at the Rails before the Altar, but leap'd over Dethroning their King, whom they murdered first in his Reputation, by calling him Tyrant, (whose Fault was only his Clemency) and then they murdered him in his Person.

I remember well what Josephus says in his Antiquities, Lib. 17. Cap. 3. That the Pharisees were a bold Sect, that would swear Allegiance to Caesar, but were inveterate Enemies to Kings, and would not stick to make Attempts upon their Lives: And the Difference betwixt those Pharisees and ours is, that they were Jewish Fanaticks, and ours are Christian Jews, which appears by their Principles, who say, the King holds not his Power Jure Divino, but is the People's Trustee, and to them accountable: A Doctrine which leads to the Destruction of all Kings. What our Blessed Saviour told his Dis∣ciples, that the Times were coming, when they that killed them should think they did God good Service, was seen about this Time, when Chur∣ches were pulled down for God's Glory, when Religion was called Popery, and Monarchy Tyranny; when Atheists would reform Religion, Bankrupts secure Property, and Army Officers guard Liberty: When the Property of Nobi∣lity and Gentry was held to be destructive of Liberty, and it was a dangerous thing for Men to have any Sense of their Duty and Allegiance. But alas! those that foment such Animosities and Divisions, do more Mischief to their Coun∣try, than foreign Enemies. No Fears of Arbi∣trary Government can justify, no Zeal for Re∣ligion can sanctify, such Proceedings. To live and die with their King, is the highest Professi∣on a Subject can make, and he serves his Coun∣try best, who well serves his King. And truly I am perswaded, that many Men entred into

our English Rebellion, who little thought of any such thing, at their first setting out, but were easily drawn in, by entering into the So∣ciety of evil Men, and were not guilty of such black Intentions, and were led away with the common Error and false Presumptions, that no∣thing was at the Bottom, but to settle the true Interest of the Nation, and so fight for the King and Parliament together, which they thought was their Duty; but being once engaged, they went rashly farther than they at first intended: But a true Christian Zeal will not suffer us to transgress the strict Bounds of our Duty, both to God and the King, whatever flattering Pro∣spect of Advantage it may give. Omne in prae∣cipiti vitium stetit: When Men once espouse an ill Party, like those running down a Hill, they cannot stop when they will; and I really believe, that some Proselytes were made, who at first abhorred the Thoughts of Treason and Rebellion, but were merely seduced by the Insi∣nuation and Address of some busy Factors for Sedition and Rebellion: And therefore wise Men should take Care of listning to any Suspi∣cion of their Prince, and not to hear with Pleasure any scandalous Reflections of him; for he that can with Content hear his King vilified, will soon think him not fit to be a King. And tho' we do not think at first to be turning Re∣bels, yet whatsoever is at first but a Tending to∣wards it, proves so at last, there being more Danger, that the Beginnings of Vice should corrupt us, than any Hope that a sound Dispo∣sition

should correct the Influence of such a Vice.

At this Time a great Diffidence began betwixt the Court and the Country Party in Parliament, and the Disadvantage lay altogether on the King's Side, who had then such Counsellours as did not do their Duty; and so the Head and Members of our Monarchy entred into Distrust of each other, which filled the Kingdom with Confusions, Miseries, and infinite Desolations. The King had then no Counsellours about him, or at least did not trust them that had the least Consideration for his Honour, or Friendship for them that sat at the Helm of Affairs; and the King had no Counsellours but those that made false Steps: There was no honest Man that durst speak his Conscience to the King, for fear of his Ruine, and those that the King thought most true to him, betrayed him every Hour; and his very Whispers in his Bed-cham∣ber were presently conveyed to them against whom those Whispers were: So that the King had very few to whom he could breathe his Plaints, that were not suborned against him, or averse to his Opinions: And that King can ne∣ver be a great Monarch, who hath not just and wise Counsellours, by whom he must inform his Reason, and guide his Actions, and use the Service and Industry of the best and wisest Men.

It was about this Time that the Parliament avowed publickly that the Power was entirely in them, and that the King being sever'd from

them, had no Royal Power in him; and the House of Commons did then petition the King touching their Privileges, declaring the King ought to take no Notice of any Debate in either House of Parliament, but by Information from them, nor be displeased with any Debate, be∣fore it was presented to him; the Members of Parliament being the sole Judges of their own Errors, in Matters depending before them. Many Members thought the Petition was too rough, but the general Fate of things then drove that Way, to increase the Jealousy be∣twixt the King and his People; and the Parlia∣ment declared, they would not proceed in any Affairs, till they had a satisfactory Answer to their Petition. The King, before any Answer given, withdraws to Hampton Court, which in∣creases the Discontents in Parliament, who sent a Committee to him at Hampton Court, to tell the King plainly, that the whole Frame of Go∣vernment was out of Order, and a Remon∣strance was prepared by the Parliament, very roughly penn'd, both for Matter and Expressi∣ons in it, wherein were mentioned all the Mi∣stakes, Misfortunes, Illegalities, and Defaults of Government, with an Enumeration of all Grievances, and not one single Error in Go∣vernment omitted, nor any passionate Exercise of Power, from the Death of King James, till that time; and that they had no Hopes of set∣ling the Distractions of the Kingdom, by rea∣son of the evil Counsellours, and malignant Party that were about the King. And when this

Remonstrance was read in the House, some mo∣derate Members did then protest against it, and were sent to the Tower for it, but they were soon after released. Soon after this, the King came again to Whitehall, and being informed, that some Members of Parliament had private Meetings and Correspondence with the Scots, and countenanced the late Tumults, which came from the City to Whitehall, and which caused the King's Removal to Hampton Court: The King, upon this Information, gave a War∣rant to seal up their Trunks, Studies, and Pa∣pers; upon which the Commons having Notice, passed several Votes against it, and justified their Members. Whereupon the King exhibi∣ted Articles against the five Members (which were named) for endeavouring to subvert the fundamental Laws and Government, and to deprive the King of his Regal Power. The King taking Notice, that the House of Com∣mons would defend their Members, went sud∣denly the next Morning, with his Guard of Pensioners, entered the House of Commons, stept into the Speaker's Chair, and look'd round the House for the Members, who having had Notice of the King's Coming, were gone; the King said, he was sorry for the Occasion of his Coming thither, having sent the Day before a Sergeant at Arms to apprehend some that were accused of High Treason, whereunto he expe∣cted Obedience (and not a Message, as they had sent him) and he said, no King was ever more careful of their Privileges; but, that

in Cases of High-Treason, no Person had a Privilege; and therefore commanded the Spea∣ker to send them to him; who replied, that he had neither Eyes to see, nor Tongue to speak in that Place, but as the House should direct him: And so the King returned to Whitehall. This Action of the King's was look'd upon as a great Breach of their Privileges, and was judged extreamly prejudicial to the King, and much to his Enemies Advantage, and was thought ve∣ry strange by those who had any Knowledge in publick Affairs, that the King was advised to so an intemperate an Action, and many Excuses were made for it, and said it was done by Wo∣mens Counsel, that the King should not suffer himself to be so baffled, which provoked him to it. Many of the King's Friends resented his going to the House, as a Motion rising rather from Passion than Reason, being not guided with such Discretion as the Touchiness of those Times required. Upon this the House of Commons frame a Declaration, That the King's Coming to the House in a warlike Manner, to the Terror of the Parliament, was a high Breach of their Privileges, and inconsistent with their Liberty, and that they could not sit safely without a Guard, for which they had been Suitors to the King, but could not obtain it. Upon this great Tumults were in the City, and at Westminster; and as the King went through the City, great Tumults flocked about his Coach, beseeching him to agree with his Parliament. The King being in Danger of these Tumults, was coun∣selled

to remove again to Hampton Court, which he did, and took with him the Queen, Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York; which was much wondred at by prudent Men, that the King should leave the Place of his Residence, which brought great Disadvantage upon himself and his Affairs. But the Fear of those with him, and his own Fears for them, occasioned by the Tumults, with the Hopes, that, by his Absence, the Heat of the Parliament might in some Measure abate, were alledged, to ex∣cuse his Majesty's Retiring. But, on the other Side, no Reason can be given for Rebellion, but Pretences; for where Monarchy is setled, as in England, the Respect due to it could not be violated, without being guilty of a kind of Sacrilege; it being not only a Resemblance of that Power which God hath given the King, but a Participation of that Power which none can resist, without the Breach of God's Com∣mand. But People, at this time, were willing to be led blindfold by their own Representa∣tives, rather than be guided by their Prince; and a few subtle Heads in a House of Commons are dangerous, when they oppose the Royal Autho∣rity, and are backed by the Multitude. Some Men softly instill the Venom of their Princi∣ples, and bring about their Ends, by insinua∣ting themselves into publick Affairs, and their Complaints sometimes seem plausible, that they may gain Proselytes to their Faction, who may not mean so ill as their Leaders do. For, with what plausible Pretences were many Thousands

first engaged in the War against King Charles! What more plausible, than to engage in a War for the Defence of King and Parliament! It is the Constitution of our Government, and we were happy, if we had well understood it, where our Laws are propounded by our selves in Parliament, and ratified by our Kings, which is our proper Freedom, as Englishmen, and from the due Execution of those Laws arises our Safety: But cunning and ambitious Men in the House of Commons, who framed the Platform of all our Miseries, fixed the odious Name of Malignants upon all those that adhered to the King, and the known Laws, and who would not run to the same Excess of Madness and Re∣bellion with them. And I well remember the time, when Parliament Soldiers plundered the Houses, and took away the Horses of honest Countrymen, who liv'd peaceably at Home, only because they were call'd Malignants, and that Name did warrant the Plunder. The Ef∣fects of these Complaints brought that Civil War upon us in 1641; and the Decoy to en∣gage Men then was, to fight for King and Par∣liament, but the War ended in the Ruine of both, when Subjects bathed their Swords in the Blood of their King; a Murder committed by the Mockery of Justice, never to be forgot∣ten, and yet never to be mentioned, without Horror and Detestation! 'Tis true, that Offen∣ces are given and taken in all Governments; Kings sit uneasy on their Thrones, where their People are tumultuous, and Religion is disgra∣ced;

and God hath exercised our English Na∣tion with a various Face of Afflictions in the last Age: Our Fears and Jealousies did even anticipate our Miseries, and we oftentimes brought real Miseries upon our selves, by hast∣ning to prevent the fancied ones. But when cunning Men design against the Government they live under, 'tis plain they would be Go∣vernours themselves, and they murmur at Mer∣cies, as Israel did at Manna, and their Hearts open and shut according to their own Rules, when they strain at Gnats, and swallow Ca∣mels, like the Neopolitan Shepherd, who going to his Confessor at Easter, nothing so much troubled his Conscience, as that he had tasted a little Cream the Lent before; but he had often robbed and murdered Passengers in the Mountains, which troubled not his Conscience, because his Father and Grandfather had fol∣lowed that Trade before.

The Truth is, the Power of King Charles (after his strange Condescension, to let the Par∣liament sit as long as they pleased) was little more than imaginary. The Crown of England gives no proper Strength to them that wear it, if personal Force be not proportioned to their Station; which, if it reached as far as Prero∣gative, it would be a mighty Advantage, for then a Monarch might be sure; but as this unhappy King's Case stood, his Empire consi∣sted chiefly in his Submission to other Mens Wills, which was, in a Manner, but reigning by Courtesy: And therefore the Affections of

the People is generally the strongest, but not the best Title, as we have often seen and felt in England, in the last and this Age. Where∣fore, all Degrees of Inferiority should be ten∣derly used; for, if they be trampled upon, they will certainly grow sowre and stubborn, believing they have a Right to be always well used: And the least Grievances suggest muti∣nous Thoughts in them, and they presently run up their Pedigree to Adam, saying, In the Beginning it was not so. And thus the House of Commons served King Charles, being full of dutiful Affections and Expressions, and abounded with large Promises of what Demon∣strations of Duty they would shortly make him, in acknowledging his Royal Favour and Prote∣ction to be a great Blessing to them, and Pre∣servation of their Liberties and Privileges; when any of which were infringed, they were found humbly to appeal to his Justice for Redress, the Rights and Privileges of Parliament not be∣ing only their Birth-right and Inheritance, but of the whole Kingdom; one of which Privileges undoubtedly was, that the whole Right of the Revenue, upon the Book of Rates, was the People's, and proceeded only from his Subjects Gifts; and then they inflicted severe Penalties upon those that should presume, for the future, to collect them, or to raise any Money, but as the Parliament should grant and appoint: By which Means the King was exposed to all the Dangers that might happen, either at Home or Abroad, and also deprived of the Possibility of

supporting the Government it self, and was thereby reduced to a more helpless Condition, than the meanest of his Subjects, by their un∣worthy Votes, and unwarrantable Proceedings. Thus the House of Commons served the King, and did then farther declare, that tho' the Power of the Militia was wholly in the King, yet the Power of the Money was solely in them; and that without the Power of the Mo∣ney, to pay the Soldiers, the Power of the Militia could be of little Force: So that unless the King and the House of Commons agreed, the Sword must be left in the Scabbard. They then also declared, That the King's Coming to the House, and the Speech he made there, was a great Breach; and therefore desired he would name the Persons that advised and induced him to that Action, that they might be punished, this being the only Way to procure a firm Con∣fidence and Amity betwixt the King and his People.

In Answer to this, the King conjured them by all the Obligations of Love, Duty, and Obedience, to remove all their Doubts and Fears, and that doing so, he did not doubt but God would render him a Great and Glorious Prince, and them a free and happy People. But to all these Offers he had most unsuitable Returns; so that then the King perceived plain∣ly, that the House of Commons were by De∣grees stealing so much Power into their own Hands, that they did not care what remained in his: For they had got the Art of imposing

upon the People's Understandings, against their own Reason, and perswaded them they were in Danger of Invasion, when the King was not only in Peace with all Christendom, but even those Princes that were in War desired his Assi∣stance: And his Majesty was so moved with those odious Imputations (which had most per∣nicious Effects upon the Minds of his People) that he was forced to comply with many things contrary to his Judgment, to obviate greater Inconveniencies, which were likely to rise against him, by those false and scandalous Sug∣gestions: And therefore he often answered their seditious and undutiful Expressions, with too much Gentleness and Condescension, thinking that Way to undeceive them, and thereby to restore them to their Understandings, before they could be awakened to their Duty due to their Sovereign, the King believing he was to stoop to all Arts and Means for that Purpose. But herein he was ill advised, and took false Measures; for tho' the Proceedings of the House of Commons, and the Tumults raised by them, were the highest Affront to his Majesty, yet the House of Peers was then in a tractable Temper, and with a little Patience might have been brought to blast all the Extravagancies of the House of Commons. But other Resoluti∣ons were then taken, which proved fatal to the King and Kingdom. It is true, the Votes, and Affronts of the House of Commons were great, and the Tumults also, but the House of Lords was then well disposed, and if managed by the

King with a little Patience, the Higher House had blasted all the Extravagancies of the Low∣er House, which, at that Time, were the At∣tempts of Persons in Despair, and the Strug∣lings of Men at the last Gasp: And if the King would have been only a Spectator of the Di∣vision between the two Houses, and so have encouraged the Lords, who were firm to the King, the Commons would have been brought within their due Limits; but the King thought, by his Gentleness and easy Carriage, to recover his Subjects to their Sobriety, before they would be apprehensive of their Duty, and by that Way undid all. The Truth is, the King's Passing the Bill against the Bishops, was a great Weakening of his Party, not only by losing so many Voices in the Lords House, but it much influenced those, (whose Minds were then in Suspense) to see Foundations shaken. Besides, they that knew well the King's Disposition, did believe nothing could have prevailed with him to pass so Antimonarchical an Act, and there∣fore could never after be sure the King would deny any thing that was importunately asked: And so either some withdrew themselves from those Consultations, that they might decline the Danger of Envy, by contradicting them, or else suffered themselves patiently to be car∣ried on by the Stream, and to agree to any thing that was lustily attempted. But truly, I think nothing ought to discourage publick Spirits from contributing all they can to the Firmness of such Counsels, as they esteem most just and safe

for the publick Good, and not to withdraw themselves upon any Pretence. Certainly the King was here overperswaded to agree with the Parliament in this Act against Bishops, that so for the future he might be able to deny them nothing; and this Condescension of his Maje∣sty was very surprizing to the whole Kingdom, and much blamed by all, but only those who had a Hand in perswading the King to it.

It was then indeed a sad Prospect, to see the melancholy Condition the King was in, sunk, in a few Days, from the Heighth of all Great∣ness, which made his Enemies before to fear him, to such a Degree of Lowness, that his own Servants durst hardly come near him. He then perceived (when it was too late) that his Granting more than ever Prince had done, had encouraged the People to ask more than ever Subjects had demanded; and yet the King de∣clared, if he knew the particular Grounds of his Subjects Fears, he would most gladly apply suitable Remedies, and desired they would not, out of Apprehension of possible Dangers, throw his Majesty and themselves into real and present Inconveniencies; and that they would pursue such Methods as might restore Felicity both to King and People. The King farther assured the House of Commons, That he would satisfy all their just Demands, by retracting any thing he had done, which seemed but to intrench upon their Privileges, and hoped they would have the same Regard to his Honour and Reputation, with that of his Subjects: But whatsoever the

King said or promised, signified little with the Parliament: For then both Houses declared, they were the supreme Judicature of the King∣dom; and when they had declared what the Law of the Land was, to have it disputed or contradicted, (tho' by the King's Command) was a Breach of Privilege, and not to be obey∣ed; which was to declare, in plain Terms, that a Vote of the two Houses was obligatory to all without; (tho' against his Majesty's Con∣sent) which Resolve did absolutely annull the Laws of the Land, and Liberty of the Subject, and let all sober Men see, that the fatal Period of both was near an End, and that a Founda∣tion was then laid for Anarchy, which soon followed.

But I must not forget to say, that a little be∣fore the War was declared, the Queen went with the Princess Mary her Daughter, to the Prince of Orange her Husband, and was ac∣companied by the King to Dover, from whence the King returned to Greenwich, and sent for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, to go with him towards York, where he was well received. The Parliament sent after him the nineteen Propositions, which were treated on, and refused by the King. But I will not omit one Passage at Greenwich, before the King left it, which was somewhat strange and ominous; which was thus. The King commanded his Statue to be carried from Greenwich Garden into the Magazine: In the Carriage of it, the Face being upwards, a Swallow, or some other

Bird, flying over it, dunged in the Face of the King's Statue, which was wiped off immediate∣ly by those that carried it; but notwithstanding all Endeavours, it could not be gotten off, but turned into Blood. This Statue was made at Rome, by the famous Statuary Signor Bernino; and when the King's Picture was brought to him, by which he was to make the Statue, with po∣sitive Directions to conceal whose Picture it was, Signor Bernino, after having look'd some∣time very stedfastly upon it, said, he had never seen any Picture, whose Face shewed so much Greatness, and withal such Marks of Sadness and Misfortune, which proved too true in all its Circumstances; for never any King kept greater State or Order in his Court, and was more majestick in keeping up his Dignity, till at last he was made a sad Spectacle both to Men and Angels, before his own Palace.

But, leaving this Digression, it is Time to tell you, that both Houses declared, the King∣ly Prerogative, which was before lodged in the Crown, tho' with some Limitations, was now no more there, but in the two Houses of Par∣liament: Whereas, by the Constitution of the English Government, the King is singly Sove∣reign, and no Power on Earth co-ordinate with him: And as Almighty God is the absolute So∣vereign of all Princes, so imperial Princes (as the Kings of England are esteemed) are abso∣lute, next, and immediately under God, to whom alone they are accountable. And there∣fore those that set the Laws above the Maker

of them, or subordinate Magistrates above the Fountain of the first Power, usurp upon the original Founder, and take upon them to re∣move the unchangeable Foundations of Power it self: For there is no longer any Govern∣ment, where the Inferior incroaches upon the Superior, and confounds the Relations of Kings and Subjects, in that Anarchical Whimsey of imagining that Kings are to govern by Contract, and Subjects to obey accordingly: Whereas no Man can shew, that there ever was an Origi∣nal Contract between former Kings and the People of England, besides that which was implied in the Constitution; and the very Sup∣position of one is repugnant to all our Laws, and expressly opposite to the Words and Sense of many of our Statutes; there being nothing more irreconcileable and contradictory, than a Contract by which our Kings are made judici∣ally accountable to their People, or censurable for Miscarriages in their Government, when several Acts of Parliament do not only declare our Kings to be unaccountable, but make it High Treason to take up Arms against them, upon any Pretence whatsoever. And, to ima∣gine it either lawful or practicable, to question and depose Kings, without a Liberty of taking up Arms against them, is a Contradiction that none will pretend to reconcile, who are not Lunatick, or deeply Hypochondriacal: And as for that Contract in our first Constitution, it only declares the Ends for which our Princes were to Rule, viz. The Safety, Peace, and

Prosperity of their People, to teach and instruct them, that they were to govern by Laws; but it no way promises, that they should be accoun∣table to their People, or arraigned by their Subjects, leaving them for that only responsible to God, and in no manner punishable, but by the Stings of their own Consciences: For who can say to the King, what doest thou?

About this Time the War was openly decla∣red against the King, after his being refused Entrance into Hull; whereupon he went to York. The Earl of Essex was named General for the Parliament: the Earl of Bedford Ge∣neral of the Horse: The Lord Kimbolton, Sta∣pleton, Balfour, and Ramsey, General Officers for the Parliament. Whereupon the King na∣med the Earl of Lindsey Lord Chamberlain of England, to be his Lieutenant General, Prince Rupert, Cousin to the King, General of the Horse, Sir Jacob Astley Major General of the Foot, and Lord Wilmot Commissary General of the Horse.

Thus the War was began, and the King, by a very unhappy Accident, was obliged to de∣clare before he was in any Condition for Action. The Occasion, This: Collonel Goring, Gover∣nour of Portsmouth, declared for the King, before the King was ready to march to his Suc∣cour. Upon some private Suspicion the Par∣liament had of Goring, he was sent for, and examined, and upon his Confession of some things relating to the Army, the Lords Wilmot, Ashburnham and Pollard, all three Members,

were expelled the House of Commons, and sent to several Prisons; but Peircy and Jermyn, who were also Members accused, escaped. This Confession of Goring gave him a great Reputa∣tion with the Parliament, who sent him back to his Government with Money to pay the Sol∣diers, and to take Care of his Government. By his great Dexterity, he perswaded the King, that he was not only sorry for the Fault he had com∣mitted, but that he would soon redeem it by some signal Service to the King; and he managed him∣self with such Address, that he received Three Thousand Pounds from the Queen, to fortify the Garrison, when it should be necessary for him to declare for the King; and at the same time he received a great Supply from the Parliament, for Payment of the Garrison, that it might be kept for their Service. Some time after, upon some new Information, he was sent for again, and appeared in the House, and justified himself with so much Innocence and Unaffected∣ness, that the House of Commons, after an Apology for the Trouble they had given him, commanded him to return to his Government, and to take great Care for the Safety of the Place, which was of much Importance to them, and consented to all he proposed in behalf of the Garrison. In the mean time, he assured his Majesty, (by those that were employed be∣tween them) that in a short time he should be in a Condition to declare for the King, when the King should require it; but by the Sequel, we shall find he was obliged to do it, much

sooner than he was prepared for it, tho' no sooner than he had Reason to expect it. It seems, when the Lord Kimbolton received his Commission to be Lieutenant General of the Horse for the Parliament, Goring was appointed to be his Major-General: But Goring wrote to his Lordship, desiring he might be excused for his Attendance upon the Army, till it was rea∣dy to march, that he might be present in his Garrison, till some Fortifications were perfected, that were necessary for that important Place: Upon which the Lord Kimbolton prevailed with the Earl of Essex, that Goring should not be sent for, till they were ready to enter upon Action; and, at last, upon several Instances from the Lord Kimbolton to General Goring, to come away, after several Excuses, he told him, he was advised by Counsel, that it was dange∣rous to leave the Place without the King's Leave, having received the Command of that Place from him. Hereby the King received a consi∣derable Reputation, that so important a Place as Portsmouth, with so considerable an Officer as Collonel Goring, had declared for him: But his declaring, before the King was ready, or the Garrison in Condition to sustain a Siege, was the Cause of the King's Resolution of setting up his Standard; and the Loss of Portsmouth, which soon happened, gave a great Disorder to the King's Affairs: For the Parliament sent forthwith to besiege it, and Goring was obliged to surrender it, upon very good Articles for himself, going into France with the Money he

had received on both Sides, without making good his Promise to either. But this his Car∣riage was much resented by all the King's Friends, and more particularly by those who were expelled the House. If his Conscience and Integrity had equalled his Wit and Courage, he had been one of the most eminent Men of the Age he lived in: But he could not resist Temptations, and was a Man without Scruple, and loved no Man so well, but he would cozen him, and afterwards laugh at him, as he did at the Lord Kimbolton; and of all his Qualifica∣tions (which were many) Dissimulation was his Master-piece, in which he so much excelled, with his great Dexterity, seeming Modesty and Unaffectedness, that in this Concern, of Ports∣mouth, he cozened the House of Commons twice, where were many Persons not easily to be deceived; neither were they ashamed to be cozened twice by him, who was so perfect a Master in that Art of Deceiving.

Upon this Incident, the King published a Declaration, wherein all the insolent and re∣bellious Actions of both Houses were recited, forbidding all his Subjects from paying any Obedience to them, and requiring all that could bear Arms, to be present to serve him at Nottingham, the 24th of August following, on which Day he intended to set up his Royal Stan∣dard, where all his good Subjects were obliged to attend. Many thought his Majesty had better have set it up at York: But the Inclina∣tion the King had to be near London, and his

Hopes of great Effects from Portsmouth, (which proved vain) made him prefer Notingham; and the Earl of Cumberland was left Commander in Chief of Yorkshire, assisted with Sir Thomas Glemham. Most Persons in Yorkshire were very faithful to the King, except the Lord Fairfax and his Son, who were to be made Prisoners; the Seizing of them had probably prevented the Mischief which soon after broke out in those Parts; but the King (being always ill ill advised) could not admit they should be made Prisoners. The King came to Nottingham some Days before his Standard was set up, and hearing some Regiments, by Order from the Earl of Essex, were marching to Coventry, the King hastened thither with some Troops of Horse well armed, and got thither the Day before the Parliament's Forces. However, the Gates were shut against him, and some of his Servants kill'd from the Walls. The King had no Remedy for this Affront, but lodged that Night at Stonely Abbey, at Sir Thomas Lee's. The next Day the King's Body of Horse, being near the Enemy at Southam, who were not above Twelve Hundred Foot, with one Troop of Horse, in a free Campagne, yet they retired without being charged. Commissary Wilmot then commanded the King's Horse, and several Reflections were made upon his not charging them. About this time I was with the Earl of Northampton at Warwick, having left Coventry some Months before, where I resided with my Father, being then very young, and went with two Horses,

and one of his Men, to the Earl of Northam∣pton, who was Lord Lieutenant of Warwick∣shire, with whom I was when he first put the Commission of Array in Execution at Coleshill, eight Miles from Coventry towards Bermingham. From thence we went to Warwick, in Hopes to have surprized that Castle; but Sir Edward Peito was gotten into it before, and had Orders to keep it for the Lord Brook, whose Castle it was, and his Lordship was then employed by the Par∣liament, to settle the Militia in Warwickshire. The Castle was strong, and well scituated, the River Avon running by it. Our Endeavours for taking it, were to little Purpose, for we had only two small Pieces of Cannon, which were brought from Compton House, belonging to the Earl of Northampton, and those were drawn up to the Top of the Church Steeple, and were discharged at the Castle, to which they could do no Hurt, but only frighted them within the Castle, who shot into the Street, and killed several of our Men. The King (as I said before) being repul∣sed from Coventry, hastened back towards Not∣tingham, and the Earl of Essex drawing near us with his Army, being then at Southam, my Lord of Northampton, with his Troop of Gentlemen, which were numerous, marched towards Wor∣cester, where we met Prince Rupert with some Troops of Horse, with whom we joined, and drew up in the Fields, not far from Powych Bridge, upon the Severn, where we stood very quietly for some time, being informed that the Earl of Essex was marching after us. We had

not been long in this Posture, before some Troops of Horse, commanded by Collonel Nathaniel Fiennes, who lay on the other Side Powych Bridge, expecting to meet the Vanguard of Essex's Army, passed the Bridge, and having passed the Defiles, he drew up his Troops not far from ours, which the Prince gave him Time to do; but then the Prince charged and routed them, and sent them back over the Bridge, in great Confusion and Disorder. In this Action we took several Prisoners, amongst whom was one Collonel Sandys, who was mortally woun∣ded, and died some Hours after. Major Dou∣glass, and several others, were killed upon the Place. This was the first Action I was ever in, and being upon an unruly Horse, he ran away with me amongst the Enemy, while we pursued them to the Bridge, in which Hurly I lost my Hat; but my Horse's Courage being somewhat abated, I stopp'd him before we came to the Bridge, and so returned with our own Troops. We retired that Evening into the City of Wor∣cester, where being refreshed, we marched that Night towards Ludlow, where we stayed some time; and from thence we went to Shrewsbury, where we stay'd till the King came thither with his Army, which much increased in those Quarters, by several Regiments newly raised in those Parts for the King. The next Day after our leaving Worcester, the Earl of Essex came thither with his Army, and made that City his Head Quarters for some time. The King stay'd at Shrewsbury till his Army was well recruited,

and then Resolutions were taken to march to∣wards London, in Hopes to get thither before the Earl of Essex, who was then, with the Par∣liament Army, about Worcester and Warwick.

While the King stay'd about Shrewsbury, his Army was modelled into several Regiments of Horse, Foot, and Dragoons, which, in all, made a considerable Body: The Horse were put into several Brigades, the Foot into Tertia's (as they were then called) and we had Three or Four Regiments of Dragoons: Our chief Want was Arms; for most of the Regiments, which were raised in Wales, were very ill armed. However, they were brave and resolute to serve their King, with such Arms as they had, or could get in their March, and our Army increa∣sed daily, by many coming to us from all Parts, as we marched. From Shrewsbury we marched thro' Part of Staffordshire and Warwickshire: I was then with the Earl of Northampton, in his own Troop, which consisted of One Hun∣dred Gentlemen of Quality. The Lord Com∣pton, eldest Son to the Earl, was the Right∣hand Man; Sir Charles Compton, his second Son, was Cornet; and Mr. Arden, a Gentleman of one of the most ancient Families in War∣wickshire, was Lieutenant to the Earl. We were then put into the Prince of Wales's Re∣giment of Horse, which consisted of six gallant Troops, besides the Servants: The Prince of Wales's own Troop commanded by Sir Thomas Byron, who was Collonel of the Regiment, with Sir Thomas Daniel Lieutenant, and Mr. Mettham

of Yorkshire, Cornet: The Duke of York's Troop, commanded by the Lord Aubigny, Brother to the Duke of Richmond: The Earl of Newcastle's Troop, commanded by his Bro∣ther Collonel Cavendish: The Earl of Lindsey's Troop, commanded by his Son the Lord Willoughby of Eresby: The Earls of Northam∣pton and Westmoreland commanded each their own Troop; and all the Servants of the whole Regiment were put into one Troop, comman∣ded by Captain Davison, an old experienced Low-Country Soldier, who was recommended for that Employ, by the old Earl of Nor∣thampton.

We marched thro' a great Part of Warwick∣shire, and came under Wormington Hills, on Saturday in the Evening, the Twenty Second Day of October, 1642. The King lodged that Night, at Sir William Chancie's, at Ratott Bridge, and Prince Rupert at the Lord Spen∣cer's, at Wormleighton. The Prince of Wales's Regiment, in which we were, was quartered in two or three Villages under Wormington Hills, When it was dark, we saw several Fires not far from us, and sending out a Party to see, we were soon informed, that the Earl of Essex was there with his whole Army, and quartered at Keinton, a Market-Town. Whereupon our whole Regiment drew into the Fields, and had Provi∣sions brought us from the Villages, and we forthwith gave Notice to the King and Prince Rupert, and soon after we received Orders to be upon our Guard all Night, and to be the

next Morning by Eight, at the Rendezvous upon Wormington Hills. The King, with the Prince of Wales, and Duke of York, came soon after, and Prince Rupert, who called a general Council of War, where it was debated, whether to march towards London, or to march back, and fight the Enemy, whom we saw from the Hill, embattelling their Army in the Bottom near Keinton. To march from them was thought dishonourable, as if we feared them, and they would be sure to follow, and give us continual Trouble in our March, when we should not, perhaps, find so good Occasion to fight them; and so it was resolved, that we should go down the Hill and attack them. Whereupon great Preparations were made, and Precautions taken, for descending the Hill, which was very steep and long, and had been impracticable, if the Enemy had drawn nearer to the Bottom of it; but we saw by the Ranging their Army, that they intended to stay there for us, having a good Market Town by them, and not far from Warwick. In the first Place, it was resolved, that Collonel Washington, with his Regiment of Dragoons, should descend the Hill, and possess some Inclosures and Briars on the right Hand of our Army, and a forlorn Hope of Six Hun∣dred Horse were ordered likewise to descend be∣fore the Army, and the Carriage Horses of the Cannon were put behind the Carriages, excepting a Horse or two before, and the Foot were orde∣red to descend as well as they could. The King was that Day in a black Velvet Coat lin'd

with Ermin, and a Steel Cap covered with Vel∣vet. He rode to every Brigade of Horse, and to all the Tertia's of Foot, to encourage them to their Duty, being accompanied by the great Officers of the Army: His Majesty spoke to them with great Courage and Chearfulness, which caused Huzza's thro' the whole Army. I take the Liberty here to remember one Pas∣sage which was remarkable. It seems, that very Morning, before the Army descended the Hill, the Duke of Lenox (being returned from his Travels) waited then upon the King, by whom his Grace was very well received and caressed. He brought with him one Mr. Scroop, who had accompanied him. After this Gentle∣man had kissed the King's Hand, as also that of the Prince of Wales and Duke of York, the Duke of Lenox told the King, that the Gen∣tleman's Father was Sir Gervase Scroop, who had a good Estate, had raised a Foot Regiment in Lincolnshire, to serve his Majesty, and was then in the Army, but very angry with his Son, and would not see him, or be reconciled to him, because he went with the Duke of Lenox, without his Father's Consent, and had spent much more Money than he allowed him. The Duke of Lenox therefore prayed the King to make them Friends. Whereupon the King sent for the Father, and told him, it was his Plea∣sure he should be reconciled to his Son, who being then present, demanded upon his Knees his Father's Blessing; whereupon the Father gave it him, and said thus to his Son: I am

now going down the Hill to serve the King, and if I be killed, I have left you, my Son, enough to spend: And the Son presently answered; And if I be killed, I shall leave you enough to pay for me. And so the Father and Son went down the Hill together; and it so happened, that the Son saved his Father's Life, who ha∣ving received many Wounds, was stript, and left for dead, and was brought off the next Morning by his Son, in one of the King's Coaches, who lived some Years after, always very kind to his Son, and left him a very good Estate. I have presumed to add this Particular, because I have had great Obligations to that Family; and upon King Charles II.'s Restora∣tion, he was made Knight of the Bath, by the Name of Sir Adrian Scroop: And I was then one of the Gentlemen that brought him to the King, when his Majesty put the Red Ribband about him. But, leaving this Digression, let us turn again to the King's Army, which, about Ten in the Morning, began to descend the Hill, the Foot getting down several Ways which the Horse could not do, by reason of the Hill's Steepness. When the whole Army was down, and drawn into Order, the King desired the Earl of Lindsey, who was his Lieutenant General, that he would permit General Ruthen, an old Scotch Officer, and who had long served under Gustavus Adolphus, the late King of Sweden, and had been a Lieutenant General in his Ar∣my, to draw up his Majesty's Army that Day, and to command it, being an old experienced

General; to which the Earl of Lindsey (being wholly made of Obedience) willingly complied, and said he would serve the King that Day, as Collonel of the King's Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, which he did, accompanied by his Son, the Lord Willoughby of Eresby. The Enemy had all the Morning to draw up their Army, in a great plain Field, which they did to their best Advantage, by putting several Bodies of Foot with Retrenchments and Can∣non before them, and all their Foot were lined with Horse behind them, with Intervals betwixt each Body, for their Horse to enter, if need required; and upon their right Wing were some Briars covered with Dragoons, and a little be∣hind, on their left Wing, was the Town of Keinton, which supplied them with Provisions, and where their Baggage and Carriages were.

Our whole Army was drawn up in a Body, the Horse Three deep in each Wing, and the Foot in the Center Six deep. The Prince of Wales's Regiment was on the right Wing, which was commanded by Prince Rupert, and Collo∣nel Washington was with his Dragoons upon our Right. In the Center was the Infantry, com∣manded in chief by General Ruthen, and un∣der him, by Sir Jacob Astley. The Earl of Lindsey marched on Foot, in the Head of the Regiment of the Royal Foot Guards, with his Son, the Lord Willoughby, and Sir Edmond Verney carried the Royal Standard. The left Wing of our Horse was commanded by Com∣missary General Wilmot, with Collonel Fielding

and some other principal Officers; and Collonel George Lisle, with Lieutenant Collonel Ennis, were in the left Wing, with a Regiment of Dra∣goons, to defend the Briars on that Side, and we had a Body of Reserve, of Six Hundred Horse, commanded by the Earl of Carnarvon. When our Army was drawn up at the Foot of the Hill, and ready to march, all the Generals went to the King (who intended to march with the Army) and desi∣red he would retire to a rising Ground, some Di∣stance from thence, on the Right, with the Prince of Wales and Duke of York (having his Guard of Pensioners on Horseback with him) from whence he might see the Issue of the Battle, and be out of Danger; and that otherwise the Army would not advance towards the Enemy: To which the King (very unwillingly) was at last perswaded.

Just before we began our March, Prince Rupert passed from one Wing to the other, gi∣ving positive Orders to the Horse, to march as close as was possible, keeping their Ranks with Sword in Hand, to receive the Enemy's Shot, without firing either Carbin or Pistol, till we broke in amongst the Enemy, and then to make use of our Fire-Arms as need should require; which Order was punctually observed. The Enemy stayed to receive us, in the same Po∣sture as was formerly declared; and when we came within Cannon Shot of the Enemy, they discharged at us three Pieces of Cannon from their left Wing, commanded by Sir James Ram∣sey; which Cannon mounted over our Troops, without doing any Hurt, except that their se∣cond

Shot killed a Quarter-Master in the Rear of the Duke of York's Troop. We soon after engaged each other, and our Dragoons on our Right beat the Enemy from the Briars, and Prince Rupert led on our right Wing so furi∣ously, that, after a small Resistance, we forced their left Wing, and were Masters of their Can∣non; and the Prince being extreamly eager of this Advantage (which he better knew how to take, than to keep) was not content with their Cannon, and keeping their Ground, but eager∣ly pursued the Enemy, who fled on the other Side of Keinton towards Warwick: And we of the Prince of Wales's Regiment, (who were all scattered) pursued also, till we met with two Foot Regiments of Hambden and Hollis, and with a Regiment of Horse coming from Warwick to their Army, which made us hasten as fast back as we had pursued. In this Pursuit I was wounded in the Head by a Person who turned upon me, and struck me with his Pole-axe, and was seconding his Blow, when Sir Thomas Byron being near, he shot him dead with his Pistol, by which Means I came back. In fine, by meeting these three Regiments, we were obli∣ged to return back to our Army, and then found our great Error, in leaving our Foot naked, who were rudely handled by the Enemy's Horse and Foot together, in our Absence, who fell principally upon the King's Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, who lost Eleven of Thirteen Colours, the King's Standard-Brearer, Sir Ed∣mond Verney, killed, and the Royal Standard

taken, which was presently retaken by Cap∣tain John Smith, who was Knighted for it that Night by the King, under the Standard Royal, and made a Baronet with the usual Ceremonies; and had afterwards a large Medal of Gold gi∣ven him, with the King's Picture on the one Side, and the Banner on the other, which he always wore to his dying Day, in a large green watered Ribband, cross his Shoul∣ders. He was afterwards killed at the Battle of Alresford in Hampshire, in the Year 1644, which was called Cheriton Fight, with the Lord Bernard Stewart, Brother to the Duke of Rich∣mond, and several others. Sir Robert Walsh, an Irishman, who also pretended that he was very instrumental in regaining the Standard, did also in the same Manner wear a green Rib∣band with a Medal; but whether it was given him by Order, or how he came by it, I do not know, tho' I have often seen him wear it. In this Battle of Edgehill (as it was always called) during our Pursuit of the Enemy, the Earl of Lindsey was mortally wounded, and taken Pri∣soner, with his Son the Lord Willoughby, who killed the Man that wounded his Father, who died in the Earl of Essex's Coach, as he was carrying to Warwick. Now, when we returned from following the Enemy, the Night came soon upon us, whereas, in all Probability, we had gained the Victory, and made an End of the War, if we had only kept our Ground, after we had beaten the Enemy, and not left our Foot naked to their Horse and Foot: And,

to add to our Misfortune, a careless Soldier, in fetching Powder (where a Magazin was) clapt his Hand carelessly into a Barrel of Powder, with his Match lighted betwixt his Fingers, whereby much Powder was blown up, and many kill'd. The Night then soon parted both Armies, and both Sides pretended to the Victory; but since we retired up the Hill, from whence we came down, and left the Champ de Battaile to the Enemy, I think we had no great Reason to brag of a Victory: For, the King, with a great Part of the Army, marched that Night up to Wormington Hills, it being a hard Frost, and very cold. But that which made us think we had the Victory, was, that whereas the Earl of Essex was commanded to hinder our getting to London before him, by this Battle we were nearest London, and might have been there much before the Earl of Essex, if we had taken right Measures: So that it may be said of this Battle, Victus uterque fuit, Victor uterque fuit. There is always great Difference in Relation of Battles, which is usually according to the Interest of the Rela∣tors; when it is certain, that, in a Battle, the next Man can hardly make a true Relation of the Actions of him that is next him; for, in such a Hurry and Smoke as in a set Field, a Man takes Notice of nothing but what relates to his own Safety: So that no Man give a clear Account of particular Passages.

On Monday Morning, being next after the Battle, several Parties were sent down to view

the Dead, the greatest Part of the Enemy having retired in the Night to the Town of Keinton, which was near them; and Mr. Adrian Scroop having seen his Father fall (being much woun∣ded) desired the Duke of Lenox to speak to the King, that one of his Coaches might go with him, to bring up his Father's Body; which being granted, he found his Father stript, with several very dangerous Wounds, and that he was alive: Whereupon he lapt him up in his Cloak, and brought him in the Coach, where he was presently dressed by the King's Chirur∣geons, and by their Care and Skill was cured, and lived many Years after, tho' he had seven∣teen Wounds, and had died upon the Place, but that the Coldness of the Weather stopp'd the Bleeding of his Wounds, which saved also se∣veral other Mens Lives that were wounded. We rested all Monday upon the Hill, to put our Army in Order; and seeing the Enemy (as we thought) were preparing to retire, Prince Rupert was resolved, that Monday Night, to go down the Hill, at a Place called Sun-Rising, a Mile on our left Hand, and to fall upon the Enemy in their Retreat; and on Tuesday Morning ve∣ry early, the Prince, with a strong Detatch∣ment of Horse and Dragoons, fell into Keinton, where he found all Houses full of wounded and sick Men, with divers Officers, and several Waggons loaded with Muskets and Pikes, and all Sorts of Ammunition, preparing to follow the Army, which was marched towards War∣wick. These Arms were extreamly wanting in

our Army, and were a very good Supply for some Hundreds of Welchmen were so brave, that they had no Arms but Pitchforks, and such like Tools, and many only with good Cudgels; yet they went down the Hill as eagerly to fight, as the best armed Men among them. And in∣deed most of the Gentry in North Wales most willingly ingaged for the King, and raised what Men they possibly could for his Service, while the King stayed in Shropshire; and the Gentry of that Country did in a most particular Man∣ner shew their Zeal for his Majesty's Service, there being scarce a Family of any Consideration, in any of those Counties, that was not ingaged for the King; as the Salisburies, the Mostyns, the Trevors, the Thelwells, and several others whose Families I have forgotten: But this I certainly knew, that none served the King with greater Loyalty and Affection, than all the Gentry of North Wales, wherein the Family of Bulkeley must not be forgotten, who were always very eminent for the King's Service.

After this Battle of Edgehill, it was resolved the King should hasten to London, and that if he could get thither before the Earl of Essex, with his Army, the King would be certainly well received, and, in all Probability, make an End of the War, of which the Parliament was in such Fear, that several Expresses were sent to the Earl of Essex, to make all possible Haste with his Army to London, and prevent the King's Coming before him: But our King trifled away his Time in taking Banbury and

Broughton House, which belonged to the Lord Say, Places of very little Consideration! and so marched very slowly towards London, where the Earl of Essex with his Army arrived before him, tho' the King's Army was much nearer London, after the Battle of Edgehill, if right Use had been made of it. By Judgment of most, the Victory in this Battle was the King's, because he gain'd his Point, a clear Passage for his Way to London; of which the Parliament was so sensible, that not only reiterated Orders were sent to hasten the Earl of Essex's March, but all the Shops, both in London and Westmin∣ster, were shut up the next Day after the Battle, that the People might be in a better Readiness to defend themselves and the Parliament.

But alas! the King retarded his March, of which the Earl of Essex taking hold, got be∣tween the King and London; and in this our March towards London, the Parliament sent a Petition to the King, in a much humbler Strain than their former Messages to the King used to be; which Petition the King liked well, and re∣solved to reside at his Castle of Windsor, there to receive the Parliament's Propositions: But News being then brought to the King, that Essex was advanced towards him, and had possessed the Passes of Windsor, Kingston, and Acton, and that if Essex should also take Brentford, the King would be wholly surrounded, and depri∣ved either of moving or subsisting: Whereupon a Council of War was called, and Resolutions taken, that the King's Army should advance to

Brentford, where, at the first, we found con∣siderable Opposition. The Prince of Wales's Regiment of Horse, where I was, being drawn up behind a great Hedge, where the Enemy had planted some Cannon, which we saw not, till they played so fast upon us, that we lost some Men, and were obliged to draw off and retire for our better Security; and upon our Foot's coming up, we beat the Regiments of Hambden and Hollis out of the Town, took several Prisoners and Arms, and sunk two great Barks in the River of Thames, with many Sol∣diers: And as two other Regiments came up to their Succour, they were also beaten, and we took some Colours and Cannon, and were in∣tire Masters of Brentford, until the Night; but then finding the Earl of Essex, with his Army, was drawn out upon Turnham Green, with the Trained Bands of the City, and that the Ene∣my's Army was double to the King's, and that most of our Ammunition was spent; it was therefore thought fit by the Council, that the King should retreat. Whereupon the King re∣tired that Night to the Lord Cottington's House, near Hounslow, and we marched the next Day by Colebrook, towards Reading and Oxford, the first of which Places was garrisoned, and Oxford was the King's Head Quarters, where he made his Residence. I can give this Relation with Certainty, being present in all that March, and in the Actions at Brentford, till the King's Return to Oxford, and then the Earl of Nor∣thampton was commanded to Banbury, which

was given him for Winter Quarters, with Or∣ders to raise a Regiment of Horse.

This Advance of the King's Army towards London, when a Treaty of Peace was proposed both by the Parliament and the City of London, in a milder Strain than they had ever done be∣fore, was by many thought imprudent to make the Breach wider, and divers Reflections were made upon it: However, the King sent Word to the Houses, that he intended to settle his Court at such a Distance from them, as might take away all Misapprehensions. Hereupon the City petition the King, professing their Grief for his Distrust of them, and declare their Loy∣alty to him. And the Parliament finding the general Inclinations of the People for Peace, resolved to send some Propositions to the King, which not being accepted, the Treaty was soon broken off. But then another Treaty was pro∣posed in March following, and new Commissi∣oners named, which were only the Earl of Northumberland, with four of the House of Commons, who had free Access to the King, who used them with great Civility and Favour, and treated personally with them, because their Instructions were very strict, and tied them up to treat with none but the King himself, where they often attended, and had Access at all Times when they desired it, and were allowed a very free Debate with his Majesty. In this Trea∣ty the King shewed his great Parts and Abilities, Strength of Reason, and Quickness of Appre∣hension, with much Patience hearing what was

objected against him, wherein he allowed the Commissioners all Freedom, and when he dif∣fered from them in Opinion, he would tell them, by your Favour, my Lord Northumber∣land (who was the chief of the Commissioners) I am not of your Opinion, or, I think other∣wise, and would himself sum up their Argu∣ments, and give a clear Judgment upon them. The King's great Unhappiness was, that he had a better Opinion of others Judgment, than of his own (tho' weaker than his own) and of this these Commissioners at that time had a sad Experience, to their great Trouble.

It seems, in this Treaty, they so pressed his Majesty with their best Reasons and Arguments, to grant what they desired, that the King was so fully satisfied with their Reasons, that he abso∣lutely agreed to what they proposed, and promi∣sed to give them their Answer the next Morning, according to their Desires; but because it was then late, and past Midnight, he deferred to give his Answer in Writing till the next Morning, and commanded them to wait upon him accor∣dingly. The Commissioners hereupon went to their Lodging full of Joy, in Hopes to receive the Answer agreed upon; but, instead of what they expected, and was promised by the King, he gave them a Paper quite contrary to what was concluded between them the Night before. The Commissioners did most humbly expostu∣late with his Majesty, and pressed him upon his Royal Word, and the ill Consequences they feared would follow upon this new Paper: To

which the King told them, he had altered his Mind, and that the Paper he gave them was his Answer which he was resolved to make upon their last Debate, and they could obtain no other Answer from him, which gave them much Sadness and Trouble. After this sad Rencoun∣ter, (which the Commissioners did not expect) they enquired of some of the King's particular Counsellours, how the King came to change his Mind, who said, that after the King had left his Council, and was undressing, some of those Gentlemen about him, whose Interest was for Continuance of the War, and hearing what Answer the King had promised, never left pressing the King, till they had perswaded and prevailed with him, to change his former Reso∣lution, and to order his Answer to be drawn as then delivered; which being intimated to the Commissioners, they used their utmost En∣deavours to disswade the King from sending this Answer, fearing it would break the Treaty; but they could not prevail, the Answer was sent, and upon the Parliament's receiving it, they fortwith recalled their Commissioners, and the Treaty ended unsuccessfully, having lasted from the Beginning of March till the Middle of April. This Relation I had from one of the Commissioners, my Cousin German, who, I am sure, wished well to the King, and desired no∣thing more than a good Peace between the King and his People: And this Gentleman was after accused in the House of Commons, by a Lord who was at the Time of the Treaty with the

King in Oxford, but soon after deserted the King, and went to the Parliament, and accused that Commissioner to have had several private Conferences with the King, unknown to the rest of the Commissioners; and if that Person had not been powerfully supported, and high∣ly defended by Mr. Denzell Hollis, who was also a Commissioner, that other Person had been ruined by that Lord's false Accusation, who quite lost his Reputation by it. Thus we see a good King was unhappily misled by those about him, which caused him often to refuse those things to which he should chearfully have consented, and freely have condescended to many things which he should have denied to the last. It is certain, a Prince should esteem nothing more precious than his Word, nothing more sacred than his Promise; which made Francis I. of France say, That if Faith was to∣tally banished out of the World, it should be found in his Word. Indeed a Prince should be careful of promising any thing that may be of Damage to him, and where the Thing pro∣mised cannot without good Reason bind to the Performance; and whether what the King pro∣mised to those Commissioners were of that sort, I will not undertake to determine.

When the King had settled his Court at Oxford, recruited his Army, and fortified his Garrisons in all Parts, he gave Banbury, and that Part of the Country, to the Earl of Nor∣thampton, who was commanded to raise a Re∣giment of Horse, which was given to the Lord

Compton, his eldest Son, and Sir Charles, his second Son, was made Lieutenant Collonel of it: To Sir William Compton, his third Son, was given the Castle of Banbury: One Troop in his Regiment of Horse was given to Captain James Chamberlain, Brother to Sir Thomas, who was then High Sheriff of Oxfordshire: To Captain James Chamberlain were given the two Villages of Upper and Lower Heigford, opposite to North and Steeple Aston, in Oxfordshire, for his Quarters, while he raised the said Company. Mr. Herbert Jeffries, of Herefordshire, was his Lieutenant, and I was his Cornet. This Com∣pany was soon raised, and the first Time the Captain went out with it, he was killed near Northampton, by one Captain Lawson. About the same time Mr. Herbert Jeffries was sent for by his Uncle Sir Herbert Price, upon Mr. Jef∣fries's Father being drowned in passing the Ri∣ver Wye: Whereupon Mr. Jeffries came no more back, and the Troop of Horse fell to my Lot, where I continued not long; for the Lord Wentworth, who was Major-General of the Horse by the Death of Sir Thomas Byron, was also made Collonel of the Prince of Wales's Regiment; and being very inquisitive to find out a young active Man to be his Adjutant, I was recommended to his Lordship, by Mr. Hat∣ton Farmer (Son to Sir William Farmer of Eu∣ston in Northamptonshire) who was at that time Cornet to the Prince of Wales. The great Dif∣ficulty was, whether I should quit my Troop, to be his Lordship's Adjutant? To which I was

advised by many, assuring me by that Employ∣ment I should know more of the War in one Year, than being a Captain all my Lifetime; and so I quitted my Company, with the good Will of the Earl of Northampton, after I had been at the Battle of Middleton Cheney, near Banbury, where we beat the Parliament Troops. Upon the quitting my Troop, Mr. George Chamberlain, another Brother of Sir Thomas, was made Captain of it; and I had not been long with my Lord Wentworth, before my Lord Wilmot, being Lieutenant General of the Horse, desired me to be his Adjutant, which his Lord∣ship could not refuse, the Lord Wilmot being his superior General Officer; and in that Sta∣tion I remained with my Lord Wilmot, to his great Satisfaction, till his Disgrace in Cornwall, as shall be said hereafter.

During this Year 1643, I was Adjutant to my Lord Wilmot, when he defeated Waller at Roundway-Down, near the Devizes, took his Cannon, Ammunition, and Baggage, with some Foot Colours and Standards, and Wallet himself escaped to Bristol. By this Loss of Waller's, the King was Master of all the West, Bristol and Exeter being soon after delivered; and if the King had then marched to London, he had, in all Probability, made an End of the War. But he was ill (if not maliciously) perswaded, to besiege Gloucester, which was the only Place left to the Parliament in these Parts. The King had Intentions of Storming it, but fear∣ing to lose the best Part of his Infantry in that

Action, and being assured it could not be re∣lieved, made the King lose much Time, and the Opportunity of taking it: For the Earl of Essex soon raised an Army in London, for its Relief; to prevent which, Prince Rupert and the Lord Wilmot were sent with all the Horse, to stop his Passage, or at least to retard his March through Oxfordshire: And tho' the Prince had then a brave Army, and was most commonly in a Race Campagne, and that we still marched before Essex, to eat up the Provisions, and to attend his Motions, yet we took no Advantage of him, nor was his Design of raising the Siege of Gloucester prevented, tho' it was then in the last Extremity. When Essex came upon the Brow of the Hills, not far distant from Glou∣cester, he discharged some Cannon, to give them Notice of his Coming, and the King hereupon raised the Siege, without any Loss or Impeach∣ment from the Town. Thus, when the King's Affairs were in a prosperous Condition, he trifled away Time to no Purpose in that unfor∣tunate Siege. When Essex had put the City of Gloucester in Order, and left them Cannon and Ammunition, he marched unexpectedly to Tewksbury, which he surprized, and sent from thence great Stores of all Sorts of Provision, which the King sent thither from his Camp; and Essex likewise took in Tewksbury two Re∣giments of Horse, with divers Officers, com∣manded by Sir Nicholas Crisp; from whence he marched towards London, by the way of Hun∣gerford and Newbury, where was the first New∣bury

Fight; but since I was not present in that Battle, I will not pretend to give a Relation of it: Only this I may say truly, that we staked there Pearls against Pebbles, and lost some Men there of great Consideration, tho' the Enemy lost more Soldiers, and were obliged to quit their Station; and in this Year 43, the King was so successful, that the Parliament began to despair, and the prevailing Party in the House of Commons were ready to truss up Bag and Baggage: But Essex's Success at Gloucester chan∣ged the Scene of publick Affairs, and the King returned to Oxford. It was about this time that the Earls of Bedford and Holland deserted the Parliament, and came to Oxford, to submit themselves to the King: But they not being received nor countenanced as they expected, they both returned again to the Parliament: When the King ought most certainly to have received them well, and to have used them kindly, for Encouragement to others. But our unfortunate Prince was still advised to take false Measures, in Affairs that most nearly concer∣ned him. Upon their first Coming, there was a Debate in Council, by the King's Order, how they should be received? Some thought his Ma∣jesty should receive them very graciously, and with kind Expressions of his Acceptance of their Return to his Service, and that the Behaviour of all others towards them, should be such as might make them think themselves very wel∣come, without taking Notice of any thing for∣merly done amiss by them: But others, of a

contrary Judgment, would not have them ad∣mitted into the King's Presence. Betwixt these Extremes, others were of Opinion, they should neither be neglected nor courted, but admitted to kiss the King and Queen's Hands. But the Reason of old Fabius ought to have been consi∣dered, which he gave in the Case of Cossius Altinius, who, after the Battle of Cannae, de∣serted the Romans, and fled to Hannibal; and when the Condition of the Romans mended, he came again to them. Hereupon many thought he should be esteemed as a common Enemy, and sent back to Hannibal, as a perfidious Person; but Fabius reprehended their Severity as unrea∣sonable, who judged in the Heat of War, as in the Time of Peace, and told them, their chief Care ought to be, that none of their Friends should forsake them, and next, that they who had forsaken them, might return to their Obedience and Protection, and be well used: Which Method should have been taken with these two Earls, which had prevented their Return, and encouraged others to follow them.

But it was the unhappy Temper of those who were often called to Council in this King's Time, that Resolutions taken upon full Debate, were seldom prosecuted with equal Resolution, but often changed upon new and short Debates; and many Counsellours were irresolute and un∣constant, and full of Objections, which much hindred good Resolutions. And the great Mis∣fortune was, that the King most commonly

considered more the Person that spoke, as he was in his Grace or Prejudice, than the Coun∣sel it self; and always suspected, or at least trusted less to his own Judgment than he ought to have done, which rarely deceived him so much as that of other Men: And if in the Case aforementioned, he had followed his own Judgment, he had received and used those Lords very kindly. But at this time the King's Affairs were in a flourishing Condition, and it was the unlucky Temper of the King's Party, to be the most desperately cast down upon the least ill Success, and, upon any good, to be the most elated; and therefore were of Opinion against receiving those Lords with any Civility, believing they returned to the King, because the Parliament's Affairs were at that time but in a tottering Condition.

The King having successfully settled military Affairs the last Year, and the Parliament fear∣ing a farther Encrease of them, called to their Assistance their Brethren the Scots, in Pursu∣ance of their wicked League and Covenant; which second Voyage of theirs into England, brought that Deluge of Mischiefs which after∣wards followed; for, in the Beginning of the Year 44, the King's Affairs begun to change Face, for Essex and Waller were soon recruited at London, and by the Help of other associa∣ted Counties, they raised two powerful Armies, marched into Oxfordshire, hovering about the King's Head Quarters, who not liking such Neighbours, had a Mind to draw them from

thence, and therefore left Oxford. Upon this the Enemy was ordered to follow the King, leaving his evil Counsellours unmolested in Oxford, contrary to what they had always till then pretended, that their Design was only to remove the evil Counsellours; but now it plainly appeared, that their Design was against the King's sacred Person, since both Armies followed him, which being too great to conti∣nue long together, they separated, and Essex was perswaded by the Lord Roberts, and others, to reduce the Western Counties to the Obedi∣ence of the Parliament, and that Waller, with his Army, should attend the King's Motions, who was marching, as the Enemy thought, to∣wards Wales: But the King gave Waller the Go-by, and having gotten before him, was marching to Daventry in great Diligence, ha∣ving left a strong Guard of Dragoons at Cro∣predy Bridge (a Pass over the Charwell between both Armies) Waller being on the other Side the River, waiting the King; and perceiving the Guard was drawn off from Cropredy Bridge, and that the Van of the King's Army was much before their Rear, the Van having marched faster than was necessary; so that the Rear of the King's were but then come to their Ren∣dezvous, and were not advanced so far as the Bridge, which the King's Guard had quitted. Waller taking this Advantage, passed over a great Part of his Army at this Bridge, under the Command of Collonel Weems, who was General of the Artillery, with several Cannon

of Weems's Invention, being more easy of Car∣riage; and this great Detachment of Waller's Army was drawn up just in the Way where the Rear of the King's Army was to pass, which was commanded by the old Earl of Cleveland, who was of Necessity obliged to fight the Ene∣my,. before he could get to the Van of the King's Army; the whole Army of Waller being drawn up on the other Side the River, to pass the Bridge, in Case Weems succeeded, of which Waller doubted not, having passed over many more Troops than the Earl of Cleveland had in the Rear. However, the Earl behaved him∣self so well in that Engagement, that, after a very sharp Dispute, the Enemy was beaten, and forced over Cropredy Bridge, to join their Army. Many were killed upon the Place, and many Prisoners taken, with all their Cannon and Ammunition, and, amongst the Prisoners, Weems, a Scot, and the King's sworn Servant, being made Master-Gunner of England, a con∣siderable Employment; and besides, he had a good Sum of Money given him, for the Inven∣tion of making those Leather Cannon. After the Battle, he was was brought before the King, and had the Impudence to tell his Majesty, in his Scotch Tone, That, in good Faith, his Heart was always towards his Majesty. This Victory was not obtained without some Loss on our Side, for Sir William Boteler, and Sir Wil-William Clark, both Collonels of Horse, were killed, and much regretted, being brave Men. We had there a Regiment of Dragoons com∣manded

by Collonel Hooper, who signalized himself upon this Occasion so well, that tho' he was of a mean Education, and small Extra∣ction, yet such particular Notice was taken of him by the Earl of Cleveland, who gave so good an Account of his Service that Day, that the King gave him the Honour of Knighthood, by the Name of Sir Thomas Hooper, to encou∣rage others to follow his Example. This De∣feat made Waller hasten to London for Recruits, and the King taking Advantage of his Retreat, turned again with his Army, and marched with great Diligence after the Earl of Essex, who was gone into the West.

While the King was upon his March, he had an Account, that York was besieged by the Scots, who were joined with Fairfax and Man∣chester; upon which Information, the King sent Orders to Prince Rupert, to join with the Mar∣quess of Newcastle's Army, to raise that Siege, which the Prince did; but not content with that, he would needs follow the Enemy, with whom he fought upon Marston-Moor, four Miles from York, and had defeated the Enemy, disordered their main Battle, possess'd their Cannon, and forced their three Generals out of the Field; but being too furious in pursuing his Advantage, and his Soldiers too busy in Pillaging, Cromwell, who then commanded the Horse under Manchester, having rallied toge∣ther some Troops, charged the Prince, and pressed him so hard, that he changed the whole Fortune of the Day, and forced the Prince to a

disorderly Flight, and gained an entire Victory, and took Prisoners Major General George Porter, Sir Charles Lucas, Collonel Tybiard, and seve∣ral others. This Defeat was infinitely preju∣dicial to the King's Affairs in the North, the Loss of York soon following it, and many Re∣flections were made upon the Prince's Fighting, which he should not have done, his Business only having been to raise the Siege of York. Hereupon the Marquess of Newcastle, with several other eminent Officers in the North, being highly dissatisfied with the Prince, quit∣ted England, and went to Hamburgh, whereby the whole North was soon after lost. The King having received an Account of this De∣feat in his March, hastened the more after Essex, and being come into a Race Campagne in Cornwal, three or four Miles only from the Ene∣my, and General Goring being newly come from the North, after the Defeat of Marston-Moor, and was then with the King in the Head of his Army, the Van of which was that Day commanded by the Lord Wentworth, Major General, and the Lord Wilmot, Lieutenant General, brought up the Rear of the Army with his own Brigade; and being ready to go to Prayers, Mr. Elliot, of the King's Bed-cham∣ber, came to his Lordship, and told him, the King would speak with him: To which the Lord Wilmot replied, You see I am just going to Prayers, I will serve God first, and then I shall serve the King the better after, and will presently wait upon the King after Prayers:

Which being ended, as his Lordship was mar∣ching up to the King, Sir Edward Sydenham, Knight-Marshal, came riding down the Hill, with several Gentlemen, and told the Lord Wilmot, that the King commanded him to be his Prisoner. His Lordship being somewhat surprized with this Message, turned his Horse, and I asked him, what Service he would com∣mand me? To which his Lordship presently replied, I can command you nothing, being a Prisoner; but I pray you acquaint the Lord Wentworth with my present Condition; which I did, who was much surprized with it, and so were all the other General Officers to whom I told it; and they all concluded it was the Ef∣fect of General Goring's coming to the King. The Lord Wentworth forthwith alighted, with several other principal Officers, to consider what Measures to take, in so sudden and unex∣pected a Change, and were all much unsatisfied, believing General Goring to be the Cause, of whom they had no good Opinion, since his Examination in Parliament, at the Beginning of the War, when he was Governour of Ports∣mouth, which he soon delivered, and made good Conditions for his going into France, after he had received Money on both Sides, and resto∣red to neither. Upon this Consideration, the General Officers of Horse were so far from be∣ing satisfied with the Change, that they pre∣sently drew up an Address to the King, which was penned by Mr. Adrian Scroop, the Substance of which was, as I well remember, as followeth.

That they, the Lord Wentworth, and other Ge∣neral Officers of the Army, having had the Honourlong to serve his Majesty under the Command of the Lord Wilmot, were so well and intimately acquainted with all his Concerns relating to the Army, that they were confident he could be guilty of no Crime but what they must know; and that finding his Lordship suddenly disgraced, and fallen into his Majesty's Displeasure, they there∣fore most humbly begged his Majesty would gra∣ciously please to let them know what Fault the Lord Wilmot had committed, that they might free themselves from it, or most humbly implore the King's Pardon for it. This Address was presented to the King by the Lord Wentworth, accompanied with several General Officers, and others of the Army. I was then present, when the King, having first read the Address to him∣self, gave this verbal Answer, which I heard the King say. That if the Lord Wilmot had continued to command his Army of Horse, his Crown could not have long stood upon his Head; and he assured the Lord Wentworth, and those Officers with him, that when the Business was over with the Earl of Essex (with whom he was now engaged) we should all know what Fault the Lord Wilmot had committed: That, in the Interim his Majesty was well satisfied of their Loyalty, who had presented that Address, and commanded them to go to their several Brigades and Regiments, and to obey General Goring, whom he had made General of all his Cavalry.

Hereupon General Goring went to the Head of the Horse, to command a Thousand to be drawn out; but not finding the Lord Went∣worth, nor the Adjutant General, he returned to the King, and complained, he could find no General Officer, or Adjutant, to draw out a Party: Whereupon the King asked for me (who every Night brought his Majesty the List of the Quarters) and sent Tomkins, an Equerry, to find me, and bring me to his Majesty, which he soon did; and the King commanded me to go with General Goring, and obey his Orders: And accordingly I forthwith drew out a De∣tachment of One Thousand Horse, under the Conduct of Collonel Richard Nevil, of Billing∣beer in Berkshire. The General was pleased with my Diligence, in so soon drawing out the Detachment, and commanded me to come with him, and told me, he made me that Day his Adjutant; and that I being the first Man that the King had recommended to him, he would take particular Care of me, and assured me, that whenever Collonel Scrimsour, an old Scotch∣man, that was Adjutant-General, died, he would make me Adjutant-General; which hap∣pened soon after, and then I was made Adju∣tant-General of all the Horse that were, or should be raised in the Kingdom of England, Dominion of Wales, and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed, for so my Commission ran. But, leaving this Digression, I must not omit to tell, that General Goring being advanced to the Top of the Hill, about two Miles before our Army,

had there a perfect View of the Enemy, who were then about Lestwythiel. He stopp'd then, and sent me back in great Haste to the King, to tell him in what Posture the Enemy was, desiring the King to advance with his Army without Delay, and that he would make good the Post where he was, which would be very advantageous for his Majesty's Army. In the mean time that I went from General Goring to the King, he commanded Collonel Nevil to send a Party towards Buconnock, the Lord Mohun's House, where perhaps a further Dis∣covery might be made of the Enemy. Where∣upon Collonel Nevil sent out a Party under the Command of Monsieur Gascoigne, a Florentine, who meeting some Country-Men, he asked them, if they knew any thing of the Enemy? Who told him, if he made Haste to the Lord Mohun's House, he would find there some of the Parlia∣ment Officers at Dinner, not believing the King's Army was so near them. Whereupon the Party hastened thither, and surprized se∣veral Officers, whom they brought Prisoners; for which Service, and some others after, he was Knighted, and known by the Name of Sir Bernard Gascoigne, and was made Major to General Goring's Regiment of Horse, and served not only to the End of the War in very good Esteem, but was also at the Rising in Essex, and condemned to be shot to Death at Colche∣ster, with Sir Charles Lucas, and Sir George Lisle; but being a Foreigner, he was reprieved, and saved. And now I will tell the Reasons

why I appointed Collonel Nevil to command this Detachment of a Thousand Horse, tho' it was not his Turn to go. Whilst the Address from the Lord Wentworth and the General Officers was making to the King, his Lordship commanded me to go to such Collonels of Horse in the Army, to desire their Agreeing and Sign∣ing to the Address: And when I told Collonel Nevil of it, he said, he was as great a Servant to the Lord Wilmot, and had as good an Opi∣nion of him as any Person in the Army, well knowing that his Lordship had long and faith∣fully served the King; but yet, whoever the King should set over him, he would obey: And added, that he thought not fit, at that Time especially, to dispute the King's Commands, when they were going to attack the Enemy; and that therefore he would have no Hand in the Address, and desired the Lord Wentworth to excuse him: And it was upon this Considera∣tion that I chose Collonel Nevil to command that Detachment, tho' I knew it was not his Turn to go; in which he acted to the Gene∣ral's great Satisfaction, who had ever after a great Esteem and Value for him.

At my Return to the King with the Message of General Goring, the King forthwith marched with his Army towards him, who not only made good the Post where he was, but, upon the Earl of Brentford's drawing and advancing farther, (who then commanded the Army in chief under the King) and reviewing the Sci∣tuation of Essex's Army, which then began to

retire towards Foy, the King's Army did there∣upon advance nearer the Enemy, and the King's General Head Quarters were settled at Bucon∣nock, the Lord Mohun's House, and Sir Richard Greenvil was ordered, with some Regiments of Foot, to fix them at the Lord Roberts's House, a strong Quarters opposite to the King's, on the other Side the Valley; at the Head of which Valley a strong Guard of Horse was ordered to be constantly kept, to keep in the Enemy; our whole Army being encamped on both Sides the Valley, which prevented the Enemy from making any Excursion that Way. But, because the rest of Cornwal behind the Enemy was open, it was thought necessary to send a strong Detachment thither, to stop their Passage on that Side. Whereupon General Goring was sent with the greatest Part of the Horse to St. Blase Bridge, which was the only Passage by which the Ene∣my could enlarge their Quarters on that Side. Sir Thomas Basset, a Cornish Man, was likewise sent thither with his Tertia of Foot, and I was with his Excellency. The Enemy, by this Disposition of our Army, finding they were encompassed on all Sides, and that it was im∣possible to break through with their whole Ar∣my, without apparent Ruine, resolved to chuse the least Evil, and that their Horse, being about Two Thousand, should attempt in the Night to break thro' the Valley between both Armies, which succeeding, they might march with great Diligence, and pass the River at Saltash, before our Army could overtake them,

and so get to Plymouth, and that Essex should take Shipping at Foy, and meet his Horse at Plymouth; and that Major General Skippon, who commanded the Infantry, should stay with them, to defend them as long as he could, and at last make Articles for them, being caught in a Net. This Resolution being taken, it was put in Execution the next Night; and Gene∣ral Goring being at St. Blase, a Soldier from the King's Quarters, for Orders brought a Letter without any Seal, written in great Haste by the King himself, in these Words: Goring, the Enemy have, this Night past, broke thro' our Quarters with their Horse, after some Resistance made by our Horse Guard commanded by Cleve∣land, who was not able to hinder their Passage, being near five times his Number. They were like to have surprized Sir Edward Waldgrave's Brigade in their Passage; but he having some Notice of their March, prevented them. They are gone in great. Haste, without Bag or Bag∣gage, towards Saltash, commanded by Sir Wil∣liam Balfour. Some of our Horse are gone to stop their Passage at Saltash, if it be possible: You must therefore immediately march after them with all your Horse, and leave Butler with the Foot to keep St. Blase Bridge. The General got his Army together forthwith, and marched after the Enemy with great Diligence, but was told by some Troops that followed them from the King's Quarters, that it was impossible to overtake them, they being returned upon that Account. Upon this Information, which the

General had from some considerable Officers, who had followed the Enemy to no Purpose, his Excellency thought fit to return, and sent the Horse to their Quarters, and went to tell the King, he had been able to do nothing of what he had commanded. The General then stayed with the King, where Orders were forth∣with given concerning the Enemy's Infantry; and upon Assurance that the Earl of Essex, with the Lord Roberts, and several others, were gone by Sea to Plymouth, and that their Foot Army began early in the Morning to retire towards Foy, in Hopes to find Ships there to transport them to their General Essex at Ply∣mouth: The King's Army hereupon, being in their Rear, pressed them so close, that they were forced to fight from Hedge to Hedge, be∣ing in an inclosed Country; and tho' they were many times put to a disorderly Retreat, how∣ever they fought till the Night parted us. The next Morning early Major General Skippon sent Collonel Butler to desire a Parly, which being accepted, and Hostages delivered, the Treaty began that Morning in the King's Quar∣ters, and Articles were soon agreed upon, all Arms, Cannon and Ammunition, to be delive∣red with their Carriages. We took Fifty Pieces of Brass Cannon, Three Hundred Barrels of Powder, with Match and Ball proportionable, Seven Hundred Carriages, between Nine and Ten Thousand Arms, and many common Sol∣diers deserted, and those who stayed, marched off only with Sticks in their Hands; but all

Collonels and Field Officers were on Horseback, with their Swords only, with Major General Skippon in the Head of the Army, who carried his Loss with a very good Grace, and they were to be conducted to Winchester.

Collonel Thomas Bulstrode, my Cousin Ger∣man, had there a Foot Regiment, and I pre∣vailed with General Goring, that, if I could disengage him from that Service, he should be well received, and have the same Command in our Army: And, in order to this, I accompa∣nied him two Days, and shewed him all the Kindness I could, and used my best Endeavours to take him off from that Party; but he was so bigotted, and seduced by the Zealots of that Army, that I could prevail nothing with him, who told me plainly, he was resolved to suffer with his Brethren (as he called them) rather than to quit them, or accept of any Employ∣ment I could offer him: And added, that his Father was Governour of Aylesbury, and had raised at his own Expences two Regiments for the Parliament, and that he was resolved to run the same Fortune with the rest of his Com∣rades, and therefore desired I would not press him farther in that against which he had taken a final Resolution; and so I left him as I found him, wilful, stubborn, and full of rebellious Principles.

This Defeat of their Army in Cornwal was certainly of very great Consequence; for, tho' their Horse escaped, yet most of their Foot were destroyed by their long and tedious March

thro' an Enemy's Country, wanting Provisions and Necessaries, especially thro' Cornwal and Devonshire, which were great Enemies to them, and all our Army of Horse marching at the same time near them, towards Oxford, and our Infantry followed; so that the Country People would scarce give them Provisions for Money. They found the same also in Dorsetshire, the Country People being usually for the strongest Party, and the King's Affairs at that time run very smoothly: And tho' the Parliament Offi∣cers did always lessen their Defeats, and enlarge their Victories, yet this Loss of theirs was so visible, that it gave great Reputation to the King's Affairs, and many scurvy Reflections were made upon Essex's leaving the Army, which did proceed (as was publickly said) ei∣ther out of Fear or Cowardice, neither of which was believed by thinking Men, knowing that the Earl of Essex durst fight, and had fought, and very well deserved of the Parliament be∣fore; and therefore they were rather of Opi∣nion, that Essex finding more of their Inten∣tions, who managed the great Design in the House of Commons, than was at first imparted to him, he saw no Way would bring the leading Members in both Houses to a Compliance with the King, in those peaceable Propositions his Majesty made to them, by his Letters, not only after Waller's Defeat at Cropredy, but after his signal Victory in Cornwal, than by keeping things as near as his Excellency could, in an equal Ba∣lance. However, it was generally known, that

there were great Designs against Essex, many being very desirous to remove him from his Sta∣tion of General, upon their Jealousy that he was too much inclined to Peace, tho' we found no such thing from him, neither had the Parlia∣ment any Reason to believe it; for, by raising the Siege of Gloucester, which Essex had done with great Dexterity, he did the Parliament so great Service, that they could never sufficiently acknowledge it; that Siege having been one of the greatest Misfortunes that happened to King Charles, during the War; and those who advised the King to it, either thro' Ignorance or Malice, did more Mischief to the King's Affairs, than the greatest of his Enemies: For if the King had marched towards London, when he sat down before Gloucester, he had, in all hu∣man Appearance, made an End of the War. But this King was very ill served in his Wars, thro' too much Fire and Heat in some of his Generals, by their frequent Factions among themselves, wherein the King found Difficulty enough to reconcile them, even where he was in Person, and divers sudden Changes were made afterwards, which proved very disadvan∣tageous to the King. This was the Time, when really those that wished well to the King, yet sacrificed his Security to their Animosities against each other, without any Design of Treachery, but to the King's irreparable Da∣mage: A Time, in which Want of Discretion produced as much Mischief as the most plain Villainy; for the King suffered as much by

the Faction of his Counsellours, by their not foreseeing what was evident, and by their Jea∣lousies of what was not like to be; they often deliberated too long without Resolution, and as often resolved without deliberating, and ne∣ver executed rigorously what was resolved up∣on; and all went to wreck by Negligence, In∣advertency, and Dejection of Spirit. It was in this Year that the Queen was delivered at Exeter of the Princess Henrietta Maria, who was put into the Hands of the Lady Dalkeith; after which the Queen took Shipping at Pen∣dennis Castle in Cornwal, and arrived safely in France.

Before the King left Buconnock in Cornwal, several Addresses were made to him in the Lord Wilmot's Behalf; but the Lord Digby being then Secretary of State, still delayed the Business; the Lord Wilmot, in the mean time, being first sent Prisoner to Exeter, from thence to Barnstable. At last, upon the King's being daily importuned in that Affair, the Lord Digby gave this Answer from the King, and that they were to expect no other, which was as follows. That, upon the Earl of Essex's marching into Cornwal, it was resolved at a Cabinet Council, where the Lord Wilmot was, That the King should write with his own Hand to the Earl of Essex, offering him what Conditions he pleased, if he would lay down his Arms, come to the King, and leave his Army to the King's Mercy; and it was precisely ordered by the King in Coun∣cil, that no Person should take Notice of that

Letter, or send any Message to the Earl of Essex: That, notwithstanding this particular Command of the King's, the Lord Wilmot bid him that carried the Letter, to remember his Service to the Earl of Essex, desiring he would lay hold of the Opportunity then offered, assu∣ring him the King should make good his Word, and that he (the Lord Wilmot) would take Care the Courtiers should not hinder it, nor car∣ry things as they had done. Upon this Answer the Officers gave over their Pursuit of any farther Addresses, and the Lord Wilmot was no farther questioned, but went into France at the End of the War, and was the chief Person that saved the Life of King Charles II. after his Defeat at Worcester, and carried him safe into France, and was in great Esteem with that King, even to his Death; and his Disgrace under King Charles I. was look'd upon purely as an Effect of the Power General Goring had at that time with the King, who had certainly all Wilmot's Faults, but wanted his Regularity, and preserving his Respects with the Officers. Wilmot always shut Debauchery out of his Bu∣siness, never neglected that, and so rarely mis∣carried in it: Goring had a sharper Wit, and much a keener Courage and Presence of Mind in Danger, in which Wilmot could not behave himself so well, and therefore warily declined it, as he did near Southam, at the Beginning of the War, when the King was near Coventry, before his Standard was set up; and for missing that Opportunity of Fighting, his Lordship

was much blamed. Wilmot never drank, when he was within Distance of an Enemy, and Goring seldom or never refused it, and could not resist Temptations; and therefore he had always much Company, and few Friends, and he loved no Man so well, but he would cozen him, and then laugh at him for being cozened.

About this Time, General Goring was sent for with his Forces to the King, and upon his first coming, lying at Bampton in the Bush, he defeated the Enemy, which gave him such Re∣putation, that he was sent into the West with full Power as Generalissimo, and General of all the Horse of England. His Excellency then went to Taunton, and besieged it, which Place was reduced to some Necessity, when Collonel Graves came to relieve it: Whereupon the Ge∣neral drew up the Hills, whilst Graves put some Recruits and Provisions into the Town. At the same time the General sent Sir John Digby, Major General of the Horse, with a great Detachment, to fall upon Collonel Graves in his Retreat; in which Action Sir John Dig∣by had good Success, and took many Prisoners: But being shot in the Arm, he was sent to Bridg∣water, to be cured; but his Arm gangrened, and he there died, to the great Regret of the Army, and of all that knew him. So soon as Graves was retired, General Goring drew down his Army again to besiege Taunton, which put the Garrison into greater Consternation than before, believing the King must have had some extraordinary Success, which made our Gene∣ral

take those Measures. We pressed them so hard, that we were like to be soon Masters of the Place, but that an unlucky Accident hap∣pened, of Sir William Courtney's and Collonel Thornhill's falling foul upon each other, in∣stead of the Enemy, which was a great Misfor∣tune; and tho' the Governour, Blague, defen∣ded the Place very bravely, we were likely to be Masters of it in a very little time.

But I must not forget, that, after the Defeat in Cornwal, the King staying some time in the Western Parts, Essex got together another Ar∣my, and being joined with Waller and Man∣chester, was then so strong, that he hoped to take his Revenge, and encompass the King, who was then going to Oxford, taking Newbury in his Way. Essex, with his Army, had made his Rendezvous in Aldermarston Park, belonging to Sir Humphrey Foster; from whence he came more suddenly upon us than we expected, which put us into some Confusion. They attacked us at the same time in several Places, with diffe∣rent Success, being much stronger than we; and when they could not prevail in one Place, they attack'd us in another, hoping in the End to surround us: So that there was fighting at the same time in several Places, in most of which the Enemy prevailed, and we retired, and were upon the Defensive in all Parts. Upon the West Side of Spine they pressed us very hard, where young Sir John Greenvil was posted up∣on a high Rising Ground, with some Foot and Cannon, with a small Retrenchment before him:

General Goring being then on that Side, and see∣ing the Enemy intended to attack that Place with Horse and Foot, to prevent which, he resolved to charge their Horse with the Earl of Cleveland's Brigade, which was then drawn up on that Side, which was done accordingly: But the Earl of Cleveland engaging his Person too far, was there taken Prisoner, and then a great Body of the Enemy's Foot advanced in good Order upon Sir John Greenvil, forced him from that Post, with the Loss of some Men and Cannon, and himself wounded in the Head with a Sword in this Action. Upon this Success, the Enemy pursued furiously, and the Fight continued very hot, the Enemy still advancing: Where∣upon I was commanded by General Goring, to bring up the Queen's Regiment of Horse, which was then in Reserve, commanded by Sir John Cansfield, who charged them so home, that he stopp'd their Career, and obliged them to re∣treat, which gave some breathing Time to our Troops on that Side; but in this Action Sir John Cansfield had one of his Legs shot and broken: And while we were thus fighting on that Side of Spine, Manchester, with his Ar∣my, attacked Mr. Doleman's House at Shaw, below the Castle, where there was a sharp En∣gagement all that Afternoon, and the Garden was warmly attacked, and as well defended, by the Collonels Lisle and Thelwell, with the Help of Sir Thomas Hooper's Dragoons; and a little before the Evening, Sir John Brown, with the Prince's Regiment of Horse, charged the Ene∣my

so briskly, that he obliged them to retreat up the Hill, with the Loss of some Colours, and two Field Pieces of Cannon. Thus the Fight continued on all Sides, till the Night parted us. The King stayed in the Field till Midnight, that all our Cannon were drawn within the Walls of Dennington Castle, for their Security, and then General Goring, with most of the Army, marched that Night towards Oxford, without any Alarm from the Enemy, who durst not follow us, and the King went to Bristol. The next Day, after our Retreat, Essex possess'd himself very quietly of Newbury, making little Doubt of taking Dennington Ca∣stle, which was thrice summoned, and as often stormed, but without Success; and finding it would be a Work of Time, and nothing was to be got there but Blows, he retired with his Army, and quitted Newbury; to which Place General Goring soon came again, relieved the Castle with what was wanting, and brought off all our Cannon.

The Parliament finding that Newbury was quitted, not only without, but against their Order, and all the Cannon brought away from Dennington Castle, tho' the Parliament Armies were more than double to the Number of the King's, they were much displeased at the Pro∣ceedings of Essex, which being joined with great Aspersions of his ill Conduct in Cornwal, made the Parliament resolve to new model their Army, which they would do with great Policy, by Degrees, that the less Notice might be taken

of it. In order to this, they first made a Self-denying Ordinance (as they called it) that after such a prefixed Time (which was then declared) no Member of either House of Par∣liament should enjoy any Office either Civil or Military.

The Winter following this Year, General Goring was quartered at Bruton in Somersetshire, at Sir Charles Berkeley's, a great inclosed Coun∣try, where the Villages were thick, and great Store of Forage For Horse. Sir William Waller was then quartered at Salisbury in Wiltshire, where the Villages are thin, standing only in the Valleys, some Distance from each other. General Goring taking this Advantage, sent out Parties, almost every Night, to beat up the Enemy's Quarters in Wiltshire, which was done with such good Success, that in a short time we took many Prisoners and Colours, which occa∣sioned Waller to write this ensuing Letter to General Goring. Noble Lord, God's Blessing he on your Heart, you are the jolliest Neighbour I have ever met with: I wish for nothing more, but an Opportunity to let you know, I would not be behind in this kind of Courtesy. In the mean time, if your Lordship please to release such Prisoners as you have of mine, for the like Num∣ber and Quality that I have of yours, I shall esteem it as a great Civility, being your Lord∣ship's most Humble and Obedient Servant,

William Waller.

This Letter was brought by a Trumpeter, who had been often with us, and was well known to us, and was a good pleasant Droll; and whilst we were at Dinner in the General's Quarters, a Party of Horse returned, with five Colours, and several Prisoners of Collonel Popham's Regiment, whose Quarters were beaten up the Night before. Upon this the General sent for the Trumpeter into the Room, where we were at Dinner, to shew him the Colours, and the principal Prisoners: Whereupon the Trumpeter pressed his Excellency to dispatch him back with his Answer, fearing, if he should stay longer, that Waller himself might be taken, before he, the Trumpeter, could reach Salisbu∣ry; and so he was dispatched with this Answer from the General: That if Sir William Waller had Authority, and could nominate two Officers of Quality, of his Army, to meet two Officers of the like Quality, of General Goring's Army, at any convenient Place between both Armies, they should be empowered to exchange all Priso∣ners on both Sides, of equal Quality, from the Lands-End in Cornwal, to Portsmouth in Hamp∣shire: Which Sir William Waller willingly ac∣cepted, and accordingly named Collonel Ennis, his Adjutant General, and Major Butler, who was Major to Waller's own Regiment, and desired Shaftsbury might be the Place of Meeting. To this the General willingly consented, and sent a Pass by the same Trumpeter, for the Persons na∣med by Sir William Waller, and at the same time nominated me with Sir Bernard Gascoigne, Ma∣jor

to his own Regiment, Commissioners from his Excellency: And accordingly a Pass was sent us forthwith from Sir William Waller, and the Time appointed for our Meeting at Shafts∣bury, to which Place we all came the same Day with our Servants, and Trumpeters with each. The Country People believing we were appoin∣ted to make a Peace, flocked in great Numbers to Shaftsbury, where we stayed fifteen Days, to release all Prisoners of Quality on both Sides, from the Lands-End in the West, to Portsmouth. Sir William Waller sent us a great Present of Wines, which came from London, believing we could have none such elsewhere. We then appointed all our Prisoners to be brought to Wareham in Dorsetshire, and all the Prisoners of the Parliament's Side, to be brought to Christ-Church in Hampshire; and Sir Bernard Gascoigne went to Wareham, to receive our Prisoners, and Major Butler went to Christ-Church, to receive the Parliament's. Collonel Ennis returned to Salisbury, and I came back to Bruton, to give the Generals an Account of what we had done.

Now, the King having often sollicited the Parliament for Peace, even after both his Victories, at Cropredy Bridge, and in Cornwal, and the Parliament seeing the general In∣clination of the People and City of London bend that way, that they might seem at least to have the same Desires for the Good of the Na∣tion, (tho' it plainly appeared they otherwise intended) the Parliament, with the Consent of the Commissioners for Scotland, present some

Propositions to the King, which they desire may be treated on at Uxbridge: To which Treaty the King soon agreed, when it was well known the Parliament never intended to come to an Agreement, by their most irrational and unjust Demands, which they knew, the King could neither in Reason, Honour, or Consci∣ence, grant; and so the Treaty was soon bro∣ken, to the King's great Dissatisfaction, who then clearly saw, the Parliament was resolved to prosecute the War against him, to the last Extremity.

About this time, the great Designs against Essex began to appear, who was much suspected by those who designed to destroy both Govern∣ment, Ministry, and Magistracy, and resolved to remove the Earl of Essex from his Command, and took Resolutions to put the Self-denying Ordinance in Execution: But Essex, Manche∣ster, and Denbigh, forthwith surrendered their Commissions; the same did likewise the Earl of Warwick, their Admiral, they being all fully perswaded, by the Parliament's Procee∣ding, that they intended to perpetuate them∣selves, and the usurped Government of the three Nations, and to make themselves a free State, under a Presbyterian Government. But the Parliament were much mistaken in their Policy, and were soon deprived of their main Design, and quickly lost all that Dominion which they so eagerly desired, and so long ga∣ped for, it being presently snatched out of their Hands, by the Independent Party, who were

newly sprung up out of their own Bowels: For notwithstanding their Self-Denying Ordinance, Cromwell was dispensed with to hold his Com∣mand of Lieutenant General to Sir Thomas Fairfax, who was made General of their new modelled Army, whose first Rendezvous was at Windsor, where they did their own Business, and quite ruined the King's.

The first Success by this new modelled Ar∣my was performed by Cromwell, who wasting the Country with a Body of Horse, fell unex∣pectedly upon a Party at Islip Bridge, comman∣ded by the Earl of Northampton, who were defeated, and some Prisoners taken, and the Remainder pursued to Bleckington House, four Miles from Oxford, where Collonel Windebank was settled for some time, with a small Party of Horse and Foot. Cromwell presently summo∣ned the House, which had only a Wall about it; the Governour forthwith surrendered it, and had Articles to retire to Oxford; where be∣ing called to a Council of War, he was con∣demned, and shot to Death, for delivering it so soon to a Party of Horse only, when he might have had speedy Assistance from Oxford, which was but four Miles from Bleckington.

About this time, General Goring was at the Siege of Taunton, of which he was in great Hopes soon to be Master, (at least he made us all believe so) when he received Letters from the King (some Days before his taking of Lei∣cester) commanding him to quit the Siege of Taunton, and hasten to him with his Army,

fearing the Enemy would be too strong for him: To which I wrote the General's Answer to the King, having kept the Copy of it, which was to this Effect. That he was certain, in few Days, to be Master of Taunton, and should leave that Country free from any Enemy, excep∣ting Lyme (which was then, and had been for some Time blocked up;) whereas, if he should leave the Siege, the Enemy would be Masters of that Country; and therefore he most humbly prayed the King, to forbear any Engagement, and to be upon the Defensive, upon the River of Trent, which he might very well do, till the Siege of Taunton was ended, and then he would bring his Army to serve the King to his best Advantage; and he did again desire the King to keep at a Distance, and not engage. But the taking of Leicester being a great Loss to the Parliament, and of such Advantage to the King, that his Majesty then wrote to the Queen, that he might (without being too much sanguine) af∣firm, that, since the Rebellion began, his Affairs were never in so hopeful a Way; and indeed the Parliament was then likewise of the same Opi∣nion. But this Letter from the General being intercepted by Fairfax, caused his sudden Ad∣vance from his Rendezvous at Brickhill, to send in great Haste for Cromwell, who was gone into the Isle of Ely, upon whose Return a Resolu∣tion was taken to engage the King forthwith to a Battle, before the Loss of Taunton, and that General Goring should arrive with his Army. Now, the King, not having Advice from Ge∣neral

Goring, by his Letter being intercepted, and both his and his Soldiers Spirits being much heightened by taking of Leicester, and the King hearing the Enemy was advancing to∣wards him, a Council was forthwith called at Midnight, where it was resolved to give the Enemy Battle the next Day; to which the King then prepared, and had in all Appearance gained a Victory, if Prince Rupert (who was some∣time before made Lieutenant General of all the King's Armies, in Place of the Earl of Brentford) had not, after his usual Manner, having defeated the Enemy's left Wing, pursued furiously so far, as to leave the Foot naked, who were severely fallen upon by the Enemy's Reserve of Horse, who had put them in great Disorder, and the whole Army was almost to∣tally broken, before the Prince came back to to their Relief, tho' the King in Person (to the great Hazard of his Life) did all that possibly could be done by Valour, in rallying his Horse, and endeavouring to maintain the Battle; but seeing all lost, the King was forced to fly to∣wards Leicester, for his own Safety, leaving the Enemy wholly Masters of the Field. The Loss of all was Prince Rupert's pursuing the Horse, which he had beaten, whose natural Heat and Impatience was such, that he could not endure the Enemy in View, nor would he believe the Enemy had Courage to endure his Charge; and thus the Army was engaged, be∣fore the Cannon was turned, or the Ground made choice of, upon which they were to fight:

So that Courage was only to be relied on, where all Conduct failed. However, if the King had then gone directly into the West, where he had an Army ready formed, and People generally devoted to his Service, instead of amusing him∣self about forming a new Army in Countries worn out with the Oppression of his own Troops, and the Licence of their Governours, he might have given the Enemy a great Interruption, if not restored his Affairs. Thus this fatal Battle of Naseby, fought the 14th of June, proved the entire Ruine of all the King's Affairs. The King, after this Battle, fled from Place to Place, not well knowing which Way to turn himself: At last he came to Newark, where he received a new Mortification from his Subjects then in Arms for him, much sharper than any he had received from the Enemy, which he suffered with more Grief and Perplexity of Mind. Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, after the Loss of the West and Bristol, were at Belvoir Castle, where the King commanded them to stay, and not to follow him to Newark; but, contrary to the King's Commands, they both came thither, and Prince Rupert told his Ma∣jesty, he was come to give an Account of the Loss of Bristol, and to clear himself from those Imputations that had been cast upon him for the Surrender of that Place. Tho' the King was displeased with the Prince's coming thither, contrary to his Orders, he was yet resolved to hear Prince Rupert's Defence, who had promi∣sed the King to hold Bristol at least four Months,

and yet gave it up almost in as few Days: And he told Prince Rupert, that he did really be∣lieve, the Prince had no Design against his Ser∣vice, and that he would command a Declaration to be drawn up, by which the Prince should be absolved from any Disloyalty, either in that, or any other Action of the War; but that in Truth he could not absolve him of Indiscretion in the Delivery of Bristol. The King resolved to retreat from Newark towards Oxford, because the Enemy were on the North Side of Trent, but he imparted his Resolution to none; except to two or three of the nearest Trust about him; and finding great Differences grow betwixt Sir Richard Willis, the Governour, and the Gentlemen of the Country, who were firm to him, and whose Interest alone had preserved that Place; and finding no Way to preserve that Garrison, but by Removal of the Gover∣nour, he sent for him into his Bed-chamber, and after many gracious Expressions of the Sa∣tisfaction he had received in his Service, he told him, his Design was to go that Night, and to take him with him, and to make him Captain of his Guards, in Place of the Earl of Litch∣field, who was lately killed near Chester, and would leave Collonel Bellasis Governour there, who being allied to most of the Gentry of the adjacent Counties, would be more acceptable to them; and that he could not give a more ample Justification of his Services, and of his Satis∣faction in them, than by the Honour and Trust he conferred upon him. Sir Richard Willis

appeared much troubled, and excused his taking the other Command, as a Place of too great Honour, and that his Fortune could not maintain him in that Employment, and said, his Enemies would triumph in his Removal. The King told him, he would take Care and provide for his Support, and so went out of his Chamber to Church; and after his Return, being at Dinner, Prince Rupert, Prince Mau∣rice, Lord Gerard, and Sir Richard Willis, with about Twenty Officers of the Garrison, came into the Presence-Chamber, where Sir Richard Willis addressed himself to the King, and told him, it was the publick Talk of the Town, that he was disgraced, and turned out from his Government; and Prince Rupert added, Sir Richard Willis was to be removed from his Go∣vernment, for no other Fault, but for being his Friend. The Lord Gerard said, it was a Plot of the Lord Digby, who was a Traitor, and he would prove him to be so. The King was so much surprized at these extravagant and insolent Discourses, that he rose from Dinner in great Disorder, and retiring into his Bed∣chamber, he called Sir Richard Willis to follow him, who answered loudly, that he had re∣ceived a publick Injury, and expected a publick Satisfaction. This so provoked his Majesty, that, with much greater Indignation than ever he was seen possessed with, he commanded them to depart his Presence, and to come no more into it; and this with such Circumstances in his Looks and Gesture, as well as Words, that

they appeared no less confounded, and departed the Room, ashamed of what they had done: Yet so soon as they came to the Governour's House, they sounded to Horse, intending to be presently gone; but soon after they sent to the King for Passes, who gave them such as they desired, and sent them, and declared Collonel Bellasis Governour of Newark, but forgot at the same time to have hanged up Sir Richard Willis, for his insolent Carriage towards his Sovereign.

After this the King went to Oxford, sent several Messages for Peace, and for a present Treaty; that he would come to London, and put himself into their Hands: But nothing would be accepted. And tho' he tried to deal with the Independants, yet it was in vain; the King's ill Success run on in a continued Series, in this Year 1645, he lost more in three Months than he had gotten before in three Years. The French seemed glad of these Disorders amongst us, Cardinal Richlieu having had an implacable Malice and Hatred to England, ever since the Isle of Rhee Voyage, and the declared Protecti∣on of Rochel against the King; and he being now dead, and Cardinal Mazarin in his Place, an Italian, who seemed very kind to the Queen, but yet gave very little and ordinary Supplies, that he might a little continue the Struggle; but he was more sollicitous to keep a good Corre∣spondence with the Parliament, and to profess a Neutrality betwixt the King and the Parlia∣ment, by means of Don Alonzo de Cardinas,

the Spanish Ambassador, who made all his Ad∣dresses to the Parliament. But that which put a Period to all our King's Hopes, was the De∣feating the Lord Astley near Stow in the Wold, who was taken Prisoner with several other Offi∣cers, and were all either killed or dispersed, as they were coming from Worcester to Oxford, which hindred the King from drawing any other Troops into the Field; and being now in the Ebb of his good Fortunes, he thought it in vain to expect a Treaty with his Parliament, who, in the Height of his good Success, would listen to no Reason: Yet, to satisfy his Friends, who were generally inclined to Peace, he sent a Message to his Parliament, full of tender Ex∣pressions, setting forth his deep Sense of the Nation's Miseries, by these civil Distractions amongst them, and conjured them, as they would answer it to Almighty God, in that Day when he should make Inquisition for Blood, which had, or might be spilt, in that unnatu∣ral War; and as they tendred the Preservation of their Religion, by all the Bonds of Duty and Allegiance to their King, of Compassion for their bleeding Country, or Charity to them∣selves, to dispose their Hearts to a true Sense, and to employ their Faculties to a more serious Endeavour, together with his Majesty, to put a speedy End to these wasting Divisions, and to make both King and People happy. But this Message produced nothing, but much more in∣solent Propositions than those at Uxbridge; and it was in vain for the King to expostulate with

them who were resolved not to give him any reasonable Satisfaction: And tho' the House of Lords was willing to correspond with the King's Desires, yet they were over-ruled and curbed by the Commons, the Lords then standing but as Cyphers, and were forced by the Commons into a Compliance, in whatever they desired or determined; and if the Lords dissented to any Particular, they would do it without them, the active Commons doing all things at their Plea∣sure: Which did sufficiently demonstrate, that they had no Intention to come to any Agreement of Peace, but to pursue their Designs to the uttermost Round of the Ladder; and having once drawn their Swords against their lawful Prince, to throw away the Scabbard, knowing their Crimes could not be safe, but by attempt∣ing greater: And tho' the Design was hatched in the House of Commons, for the Extirpation of Monarchy, yet I really believe the tenth Part of them never knew, nor thought, that the Business would go so far, as at last it did, they looking no farther than the bare Outside of Things, which carried a fair Shew and Gloss, to fight for King and Parliament, and were in∣sensibly drawn in by the Insinuation of the prevailing Party.

The King found all his Endeavours for Peace signified nothing, that the Commons were re∣solved upon his Ruine, and that nothing would serve but his Submission to all they demanded, against which he was absolutely resolved, it being his Obligation in Honour and Conscience,

not to abandon a just Cause, nor injure his Suc∣cessor, nor forsake his Friends; and therefore expected no other Success, but to end his Days with Honour and a good Conscience, and did seriously avow, as appeared by his Letter to Prince Rupert, wherein he freely told the Prince, that those who would stay with him, were to expect and resolve, either to die for a good Cause, or, which was worse, to live as miserable in maintaining it, as the Insolence of insulting Rebels could make them.

I must confess, I knew not General Goring, till he came to the King in Cornwal, after the Battle of Marston-Moor, but I have heard great Reflections made upon his Conduct in the Busi∣ness of Portsmouth, of which he was Gover∣nour in the Beginning of the War; and most wondered why the King would employ him, being made General of all the Horse in England, and Generalissimo in the West, both of Horse and Foot. But I believe he had done some ex∣traordinary Service for our King in France, before he came over with the Queen; and I have been informed from good Hands, that he did not only procure great Store of Arms and Ammunition, but furnished the Queen also with a considerable Sum of Money, which he got by his Dexterity and Cunning; which pre∣vailed so much with the King, that, by the Queen's Intercession, he gave him those great Commands, which made a mighty Noise in the Army, and gave great Discontent to many. As to his Person, I had as much Reason to know

him as any, and was always entrusted with his most secret Dispatches; and tho' I know his Memory remains blasted upon several Occasions, yet I cannot but do him this Right, which com∣mon Honesty obliges me to say of him: That he was a Person of extraordinary Abilities, as well as Courage, and was, without Dispute, as good an Officer as any served the King, and the most dexterous, in any sudden Emergency, that I have ever seen, and could extricate himself with the least Concern, of which I was a par∣ticular Eye-Witness upon several Occasions in the Siege of Taunton, where Collonel Blague the then Governour made many sharp and un∣expected Sallies; but he was still repulsed and beaten back with Loss, by the Courage and Dexterity of General Goring, without which that Siege had been soon raised. But after all that can be said in General Goring's Behalf, he had likewise his blind Side, for he strangely loved the Bottle, was much given to his Plea∣sures, and a great Debauchee; and the great Misfortune was, when he commanded in chief in the West of England, his Excellency had two Companions, who commanded next under him, who fed his wild Humour and Debauch, and one of them, if not both, wanted his great and natural Courage. These two Commanders, the one being Lieutenant General, made the General turn his Wantonness into Riot, and his Riot into Madness: So that if the King had been truly informed of their continued strange Debauches, his Majesty would either have re∣moved

them from him, or all Three from fu∣ture Trust or Employment: For when Princes give way to the Vices of their Commanders, tho' they be never so brave Men, they seldom recompense their Neglects by any future Dili∣gence; for they must stand in Awe of the Prince they serve, or else the Prince must be Servant to their Humour.

Whilst the Siege of Taunton continued, I confess Lieutenant General Porter had several Conferences with the Officers of the Rebels that were then in that Garrison, to the great Scan∣dal of many, who knew not what Interpreta∣tion to make of it; but this being often practi∣sed among the Chiefs of the Army, much No∣tice was not taken of it. About this time Ge∣neral Goring seemed something discontented with the Prince's Council; whereupon Sir John Berkeley, Sir Hugh Pollard, and Collonel Ashburnham, were sent to confer with General Goring, to know particularly what he desired. Their Conference was kept very private; how∣ever, I was informed, that the General carried himself very extravagantly, and that they could not satisfy him. Sir Thomas Fairfax being then coming into the West against General Goring, the Prince of Wales recommended to him the Garrison of Langport, as being of great Impor∣tance for the Security of Bridgwater: But Ge∣neral Goring's Troops being quartered about Langport, took away the Contribution assigned for the Support of it, to supply his own Army, which brought the Garrison so low, that when

it might have been very advantageous to our Army, it had very little or no Provision in it. And then, to add to our Misery, the Clubmen in Dorset and Somersetshire began to rise, and sent Complaints to the Prince of Wales, of the great Oppressions and Disorders committed by our Army, which the Prince promised to re∣form, and went to General Goring about it, setting forth the great Danger the Country was in, by the Liberty his Troops took to them∣selves. But the General having no Money to give the Army, connived at the Licence they took, and, at the same time, to shew his Popu∣larity, sided in many things with the Clubmen, who in the End did us as much Mischief as the Power of the Rebels, who, about that time, being towards the Month of July, entered Somersetshire, and being suppressed, and agreed with Sir Thomas Fairfax, he besieged and took Sherborn Castle, which was well defended by Sir Lewis Dives, who was there taken Prisoner, with Collonel Strangeways and several others. After the taking of Sherborn, the Parliament Army advanced towards General Goring, who was encamped about Langport, which, by rea∣son of the River on the one Side, and the great Marsh or Bogg betwixt that and Bridgwater, was esteemed a strong Post, and likewise to make a good Retreat, in Case we were beaten. The Day before we engaged, the General sent Lieutenant General Porter, with three Brigades of Horse, on the other Side the River, farther from the Enemy than we were, and in a Race

Campagne, who had his Quarters beaten up at Noon Day, by General Massey, for want of Scouts being out, the Lieutenant General be∣ing then in his utmost Debauches with some of his Officers. The Enemy was seen coming from the Hills a Mile before them, and yet was up∣on our Men, before they could get to their Horses, who were feeding in the Meadows. The Alarm being brought to General Goring, he immediately marched in Person to his Suc∣cour, rallied the Horse that were flying, stopp'd the Enemy's Carreer, who were eagerly pursu∣ing, and made a handsome Retreat, without which the best Part of our Army had been lost that Day; and when our General met Lieute∣nant General Porter in the Rear flying with the rest, his Excellency turned to me, and said, He deserves to be pistoll'd for his Negligence or Cowardice; but being the General's Brother-in-Law, that Fault was soon forgotten and pardoned: And yet I have often heard the Ge∣neral say, That his Brother-in-Law, Lieutenant General Porter, was the best Company, but the worst Officer, that ever served the King.

After this Beating up of Lieutenant General Porter's Quarters, Fairfax, with his Army, marched directly to us from Evil, where, be∣ing a plain and rising Ground, the Enemy's Army was drawn up upon it, with a great Marsh and Bogg between both Armies, which hindred the Enemy from attacking us, except by one Passage in the Bottom of the Hill, between both Armies, which Passage was narrow, and

our General had placed there two Regiments of Foot to guard that Passage; which were Collo∣nel Slaughter's and Collonel Wise's Regiments, lately raised in South Wales. General Goring himself, with all his Horse, was drawn up upon the Hill, at the Mouth of the Passage, with the Infantry upon his right Hand, near Langport, to succour those two Regiments, in case of Attack upon the Pass, which the Gene∣ral hoped to make good, at least till Night, that then we might retire with less Loss, being unseen. In the mean time, General Goring commanded me to send away all the Baggage and Cannon, except two Field Pieces, which he commanded should be drawn to the Top of the Hill, at the Head of the Pass, and bid me to order Sir Joseph Wagstaffe from him, who commanded the Foot near to Langport, that in case the Enemy should force the Pass upon him, that then Sir Joseph Wagstaffe should retire with all his Foot to Langport, and there pass the River towards Bridgwater, and burn down the Bridge behind him, which was a Draw-bridge over the River; and, in the Morning, when I had Orders to send away the Baggage and Cannon, I sent them that Way, for their greater Security, otherwise they had been all lost; for we were in Hopes to keep that Pass till Night: Yet so soon as the Enemy had put their Army in Order of Battle, upon the Top of the Hill, on the other Side the Bogg, which we thought was their whole Army, they opened and drew to their Right and Left, advancing

towards the Pass, whilst another great Body came up in their Place, by which their Army was more than double our Number. However, our General neither lost his Courage nor Con∣duct, but still remained at the Head of the Pass, with his own Guards of Horse, comman∣ded by Collonel Patrick Barnwell, a very brave Irish Gentleman, Son to the Lord Barnwell; next to him was the General's own Regiment of Horse, commanded by Collonel Charles Goring, his Excellency's Brother, who was also seconded by Sir Arthur Slingsby, with his Regiment of Horse, and the rest of the Horse Army behind him; but the Enemy advancing very fast down the Hill, with Horse, Foot, Dragoons and Cannon, much overpowered us in Number; and our Foot that were drawn down to guard the Pass not doing their Duty, many of them deserting, and shooting against us, the Enemy thereupon gained the Pass. The General charged the Enemy twice, but being much overpowered in Number, we were at last beaten off, and obliged to a very disorderly Re∣treat. The Foot, commanded by Major Gene∣ral Wagstaffe, retired to Langport; as did like∣wise the Lord Wentworth, and retreated over the Bridge that Way to Bridgwater, having broken and burnt down the Draw-bridge be∣hind them: But our Horse were obliged to re∣treat the ordinary Way, which being a moorish Ground, full of several narrow Passes, where several Officers were obliged to stay, to make good the Retreat for others; so that divers of

Distinction were taken, too many to be reckoned up, and among the Prisoners was Sir Arthur Slingsby, but Lieutenant General Porter esca∣ped that Way, Room being made for him by other Officers. But our General, with his Brother, Mr. Barnwell, Sir Bernard Gascoigne, and my self, with some of our Retinue, were obliged to leave the Army upon our Left, to get over several difficult Places. However, we came at last safe to Bridgwater, tho' something about, and were in great Fear, that all our Foot and Cannon were lost; but it seems Sir Joseph Wagstaffe marched all Night, and came safe the next Morning to Bridgwater, and we lost only one Piece of Cannon that Way, be∣cause the Carriage of it was broke. I stayed all that Night with the General in his Chamber, and when I gave him Notice in the Morning, that Sir Joseph Wagstaffe was come with the Foot and the Cannon, he was overjoyed.

After we had reposed two Days at Bridg∣water, and got together our shattered Troops, who all past thro' Bridgwater as fast as they came, for their greater Security, we then mar∣ched towards Dunstar Castle, which we left on our Right, and made little or no Stop till we came near Torrington, where our Army quarte∣red, and the General made his Head Quarters at Mr. Rolles's House, where we stayed some Days, and then we marched towards Barnsta∣ple, and from thence to Exeter, where we stayed that Winter, with Four Thousand Horse, who quartered in the Country near us. Whilst

we were about Torrington, the General sent the Lord Wentworth to the Prince of Wales, at Launceston, making great Complaints of his hard Usage, and made several Demands from the General, to which no Answer was given, because the Chancellor of the Exchequer was absent, being gone farther into Cornwal upon great Affairs of the Prince; and besides, the Prince intended, at the Chancellor's Return, to go to Exeter; and when the Prince came thither, General Goring was ill, and in a Course of Physick: Whereupon the Chancellor was sent to him, to whom, after many Assurances of continuing faithful to the King, and his Interest, he then freely declared his Apprehen∣sion of his Brother Porter's Negligence, or Treachery, in many particular Instances, and that he resolved to be quit of him. The Chan∣cellor then told his Excellency freely, that his Demands by the Lord Wentworth to the Prince, were not seasonable for his Royal Highness to grant, nor fit for him to ask; and so the Chan∣cellor left General Goring.

But I must not forget to tell, that whilst General Goring, Lord Wentworth, Lieutenant General Porter, and most of the General Offi∣cers, both Horse and Foot, kept their Winter Quarters in and about Exeter, the Death of Sir John Digby made vacant the Employment of a Major General of Horse to the Lord Goring's Army, for which there were several Pretendants, amongst which was Collonel Samuel Tuke, who being the eldest Collonel of

Horse in our Army, stood fairest for it, espe∣cially being a Favourite to Lieutenant Gene∣ral Porter, and to Collonel Charles Goring, the General's Brother; and therefore made his first Address to the Lieutenant General, desiring his Assistance in his Pretentions; which being promised him by the Lieutenant General, he then applied himself to the Lord General Goring, who told him, he would willingly have served him, but that he was before engaged for Collonel Webb, by the Intercession of Lieute∣nant General Porter: At which Collonel Tuke being much surprized, he presently demanded the Lord General's Permission to quit his Com∣mand, declaring, that being the eldest Collo∣nel in the Army, he thought it a Right belon∣ging to him, and that he could not serve with Honour, since another was put over his Head. Hereupon the Lord General forthwith promi∣sed him his Discharge, and commanded his Se∣cretary, Dun, to draw it. Upon this Infor∣mation from the General himself, that he was ingaged for Collonel Webb, upon the Sollicita∣tion of Lieutenant General Porter, Collonel Tuke wrote a very reproachful Letter to the Lieutenant General, which so soon as he re∣ceived, he forthwith sent his Brother-in-Law, Collonel Charles Goring (for they were then both at Sir William Portman's, five Miles from Exeter) to desire Collonel Tuke to meet him at a Place he then appointed, to interpret his Letter; and Collonel Goring also told Collonel Tuke, that he must bring a Friend with him,

who thereupon sent to Collonel Adrian Scroop, who promised to go with him the next Mor∣ning. But this Business was not carried so privately, but that it quickly came to the Lord General's Knowledge, who presently sent for me, and commanded me to set Guards imme∣diately upon Collonel Tuke, and upon Collo∣nel Scroop, and to require them, in his Excel∣lency's Name, not to stir from their Lodgings till farther Orders. The Lord General was at this time indisposed with the Gout, and kept his Bed, but he presently sent for the Lord Wentworth, and desired him to call a Council of War the next Morning, of the principal Of∣ficers that were then Town, and that his Lord∣ship would be President of it, for that there was a Quarrel, and a Duel designed, betwixt Lieutenant General Porter and Collonel Tuke: That this last was already secured in his Lod∣ging, and also Collonel Scroop, who was to be his Second; and that he had sent for the Lieute∣nant General, and his Brother Collonel Goring, who was concerned in the Quarrel. The next Morning the Council of War met, where Lieu∣tenant General Porter was present, and sat with the Council, which was composed of the Lord Wentworth, as President, Lieutenant General Porter, Major General Wagstaffe, Sir William Courtney, Sir Foulk and Sir Henry Hunkes, Sir Thomas Basset, and my self. The first thing (after having read the Letter) upon Debate was, That the Letter was very reproachful and provoking: The Substance of the Letter was,

That he (Collonel Tuke) would no more accuse Lieutenant General Porter of Cowardice, since he had fought, and killed a Collonel in Justifi∣cation of his Honour; but that the Lieutenant General was guilty of many other Sins, which ran in the same Rank with Cowardice; as, in his Breach of Faith, having promised to assist him in his Pretentions to the General, when he had before ingaged the General to another: In his little or no Religion, in turning the Bible and all sacred things into Ridicule: In his great and constant Debaucheries, with many other Vices not fit to be named; and that now being upon even Terms with him, he could do no less than reproach him for his treacherous and unjust Dealing, in this Particular of his Pretentions, from the General's own Mouth; and that he should look upon him as his darling Sin, whom he had loved the longest, and had the most Reason to repent him of it.

After reading this Letter, which was much enlarged upon by the Lieutenant General, who declared, that tho' the Letter was not a formal Challenge, yet it was so provoking and reproach∣ful, that no Man of Honour could receive it, without giving a Challenge to him that sent it; and that this was also from an inferior Officer to a superior, which was Death by the Articles of War. Hereupon arose a long Debate, after which the Council ordered, that I should go forthwith to the Lord General, to know from him, whether he had discharged Collonel Tuke from being an Officer in his Army? To which

the General told me, That he had discharged him, and promised him a formal Discharge in Writing, and commanded his Secretary to draw it up; and that if it was not done, it was the Fault of his Secretary; and that since he had discharged him by Word of Mouth, he esteemed him to be no longer an Officer. Upon my deli∣vering this Answer from the General, the Coun∣cil left off that Point, of debating his being an Officer; but the Council thought fit a Wri∣ting should be drawn up, and presented to him, which he should read publickly in Council, which was done accordingly in these Words following. I confess to have written a scanda∣lous and injurious Letter to Lieutenant General Porter, for which I am heartily sorry, and so desire his Remission and Friendship. This Wri∣ting being agreed upon by the Council, Collo∣nel Tuke was called in to make this publick Acknowledgment; which Paper being given to Collonel Tuke, he having first read the Words privately to himself, he expressed him∣self in publick thus. I confess to have written a Letter to Lieutenant General Porter; it was my Sense of him when I wrote it, which is still my Belief, and there is not a Syllable in it which I will not justify with my Life. Upon this the Council commanded him to withdraw, and they began to be very sharp upon him, that he should make that publick Declaration, contra∣ry to the Sentiment of the Council; and it was the Opinion of some, that he should be com∣mitted to Prison, till he should make that pub∣lick

Acknowledgment which the Council had ordered: But Sir Foulk and Sir Henry Hunkes, with Sir Thomas Basset, declared against it, and said, tho' he had spoken so publickly his Sense as to his own Letter, yet he had not refused in terminis to make the Acknowledgment; and that therefore, before they came to that Extre∣mity, of committing him to Prison, one of the Council should be sent to him, to perswade him to make that publick Acknowledgment; and accordingly I was desired to go to him, which I did, and told him the Sense of the Council, and that it was their general Opinion, that he should not scruple of making that publick Ack∣nowledgment, if he was called in again. And upon my Return to the Council, and declaring that I found him willing to make that Acknow∣ledgment, he was called in again; and after his Respects made to the Lord Wentworth and the Council, he took the Paper in his Hand, and said, In Obedience to the Order of your Lordship and this Council, I do confess to have written a scandalous and injurious Letter to Lieutenant General Porter, for which I am heartily sorry, and do desire his Remission and Friendship; and then he retired. But then the Lieutenant Ge∣neral began to complain heavily, and said That was not a sufficient Satisfaction for the publick Scandal he had received, nor for the insolent Behaviour of Collonel Tuke, and he seemed nothing pleased or satisfied with what the Coun∣cil had done, who thereupon broke up without farther Satisfaction.

Some time after this, Lieutenant General Porter came again to Exeter, before it was sur∣rendered, and sent again to Collonel Tuke for farther Satisfaction; but the Collonel being then sick in Bed, was not able to meet him as he desired: However, Collonel Tuke did then write a Letter to him, assuring him, that so soon as he was able to get on Horseback, he would not fail to find him out, and give him the Satisfaction he desired, if the Fear of our sudden Ruine did not make him go to the Par∣liament sooner, which fell out as he foretold: For soon after this, Lieutenant General Porter made his Peace with General Fairfax, and went into the Parliament's Quarters, and Col∣lonel Tuke never heard more of him, nor from him.

About this time the King sent to General Goring, to march to him with his Army; but the General neither obeyed the King's Orders, nor communicated them to the Prince, or advi∣sed with the Prince about them, tho' his Royal Highness then let him know, that he was well content he should break thro' to the King with his Horse, thinking he might well and easily have done it: But the General (after Recovery of his Health) spent his Time in his usual Jol∣lities, and was privately resolved to leave the Army, and go beyond Sea; and Lieutenant General Porter was also resolved to quit the Army, and retire to London; but both these Transactions were carried very privately, and known to none but the Lord Wentworth, who

went to the Prince with a Letter from Gene∣ral Goring, to beg Leave for his going into France, for Recovery of his Health, as he pre∣tended; yet intimating at the same time to his Royal Highness, that he hoped to do him great Service by his going thither. But I was after assured by the Lord Wentworth, that he never attended the Prince's Resolution, but went forthwith to Dartmouth, and there embarqued for France; but before his going, sign'd a War∣rant for some Money for Lieutenant General Porter, to bear his Charges to London, who soon after the Lord Goring's Absence, declined the Exercise of his Command, and having re∣ceived a Pass from Sir Thomas Fairfax, he went forthwith to London.

Soon after the Lord Goring's going for France, the Lord Wentworth declared, that General Goring intended to return no more, but relied upon his Lordship to preserve the Horse, till he could procure Licence from the Parliament to transport them for the Service of the King of Spain, or some other foreign Prince. But after General Goring left the Army, the Sol∣diers took a greater Liberty than before, and much resented his going away. From the Be∣ginning of July till towards the End of Octo∣ber, the General stayed at Exeter; and Four Thousand Horse were quartered in that Neigh∣bourhood, without making any Attempt upon the Enemy: And considering his doing nothing in all that time but pleasing himself, many were of Opinion, that if he had been confede∣rate

with the Enemy, and been corrupted to betray the West, he could not have done worse; not having obeyed the King's Commands in going to him, tho' his Royal Highness was willing to it. His Courage indeed was always esteemed, but least of all his Conscience and Integrity, and there was much Difference be∣twixt the Presentness of his Mind in a sudden Attempt, (tho' never so full of Danger) and of an Enterprize which required Deliberation and Patience, for he could not keep his Mind long bent; of which I had a particular Experience at his Siege of Taunton, where the Governour for the Parliament made many frequent and dangerous Sallies, but were always unsuccess∣ful, by the Vivacity and Courage of General Goring's Spirit, which was very extraordinary.

After this General's going into France, his Army was solely left to the Disposition of the Lord Wentworth, who was a very lazy and un∣active Man, and was not thought either of In∣terest, Experience, Courage, or Reputation enough, for that Trust which was devolved upon him by General Goring: It was therefore resolved by his Royal Highness, that he should rather be advised than commanded; and that if his Lordship comported himself with that Tem∣per and Modesty which was expected from him, all Resolutions should be formed in the Prince's Council, and all Orders should issue in his Lordship's Name, for the Relief of Exeter; for all the Army of Horse was then drawn off from Exeter, and the Lord Wentworth

was quartered at Ashburton, six Miles from Totnes, and the whole Contribution which was for Support of the Army, was taken forcibly by the Lord Wentworth's Horse. Whereupon the Prince, being then at Totnes, sent for the Lord Wentworth, who told the Prince in the first Place, that he was to declare to his Roy∣al Highness, that he could receive no Orders from any Person but his Highness, the Lord Goring having reposed that Trust in him, and talked very imperiously and disrespectfully. However, the Prince took little Notice of it; but the next Day his Lordship being in Drink, which was his usual Fault, he talked very offensively to the Chancellor (whom he always hated) tho' of the Prince's Council, in Presence of the Prince, who being much dissatisfied with the Lord Wentworth's Carriage, told him, he would take the Command of the Army upon himself, and issue out the Orders as he should think fit; upon which the Lord Wentworth troubled, and much unsatisfied, returned to his Quarters at Ashburton, which were soon after beaten up by the Enemy at Noon Day, and the Army thereby put into great Disorder.

Upon this Incident the Lord Wentworth went in great Haste to the Prince, who was then at Tavestock, upon the Borders of Cornwal, and in∣formed the Particulars of his Loss, which was not so great as his Lordship imagined. The Prince was very desirous to pursue his former Resolution of going to Totnes with the Body of his Army; but the Lord Wentworth told him, he believed

the Enemy was possessed of Totnes, and that he could not so soon recover his Loss, nor get his Troops together in any considerable Number, till they had some Days Rest; and so that De∣sign of the Prince was ended; whereas the Rout of the Army was occasioned only by small Parties of the Enemy, who came into our Quarters in the Daytime, and found no Guards, and all their Horses in the Stables. Here∣upon his Royal Highness thought fit to go to Launceston, upon the Borders of Cornwal, to be farther from the Enemy, and commanded the Lord Wentworth, that all his Horse should be quartered on Devonshire Side, fearing otherwise, that all the Trained Bands of Cornwal would run Home to save their Houses from being plun∣dered, to which the Lord Wentworth's Troops were much addicted, who dispersed themselves for many Miles about the Country, as if no Enemy was near them, and were all comman∣ded by Lord Wentworth, who challenged them by Deputation from the Lord General Goring; and the Lord Wentworth would submit to no other Command but that of the Prince. The Mischief which grew hereupon was much more visible than the Remedy, when both Officers and Soldiers (by the Looseness and Extrava∣gancy of the Lord Wentworth's Government) were glad to take any Occasion of Excuse for laying down their Arms: And whoever was fit would hardly undertake the Command of a dissolute, undisciplined, wicked, beaten Army, upon which he must engage his Honour. Howe∣ver,

some Resolution was absolutely necessary in that Conjuncture to be taken by the Prince, who thereupon declared the Lord Hopton should take upon him the Care of the whole Army, as being General, and the Lord Wentworth should be General of the Horse, and Collonel Webb Major General, and Sir Richard Greenvil General of the Foot.

The Lord Hopton being entirely devoted to the King's Interest, submitted to the Pleasure of the Prince, and told his Royal Highness he would obey him, tho' he knew he must lose his Honour: But since his Royal Highness thought it necessary to command him, he was most ready and willing to obey. There was no Suspicion of Sir Richard Greenvil, because he had been before under the Command of the Lord Hopton; but it was believed the Lord Wentworth (who had carried himself more high and imperiously since his disorderly Retreat from Ashburton, than before) would have refu∣sed; in which Case the Prince resolved to com∣mit the Lord Wentworth, and would have given his Command to the Lord Capel: But much contrary to Expectation, Sir Richard Greenvil refused, who was thereupon forthwith sent Pri∣soner to the Mount in Cornwal, where he was, till the Enemy possessed the greatest Part of that County; and then, that he might not fall in∣to the Hands of the Enemy, the Prince permit∣ted his being transported beyond Sea. And tho' the Lord Wentworth seemed much surpri∣zed with the Prince's Order, which he heard

read at the Council Table, desired time to con∣sider of it till the next Day, that he might confer with his Officers; yet the Prince told him sharply, that he would not refer his Acts to be scanned by his Officers, but that his Lord∣ship should presently give his positive Answer, whether he would submit, or not? To which he submitted, and went that Night to his Quar∣ters; at which neither the Prince, nor his Council, nor others, were very glad, but rather wished he would have obliged the Prince to make other Alterations, as the Prince intended, because he knew the Lord Wentworth's Hu∣mour, that he would never chearfully obey.

The Prince then hearing of the Loss of Dart∣mouth, and every Day was News, and fearing the Loss of Exeter, it was thought fit the Lord Hopton should march back with his Army to∣wards Torrington, and that the Prince should not hazard his Person any longer in that open Country, but should retire to Truro, near the nether End of Cornwal, for his greater Security.

Fairfax having taken Dartmouth by Storm, the Governour soon surrendered the Castle. He then came to Exeter, which he summoned, but having received a stout Answer from Sir John Berkeley the Governour, he left Sir Hardress Waller to finish that Work, and went with his Army after the Lord Hopton, who had fixed himself near Torrington, and had not been there above four or five Days, where he had made some Barricadoes and little Fastnesses, but he heard that General Fairfax was come within

eight Miles of him. However, the Lord Hopton, for good Reasons, thought it better to expect the Enemy there, than to retire into Cornwal, with the few that remained of the Trained Bands, who would immediately dissolve, and run to their Houses, and all would soon be de∣stroyed without Fighting; and therefore his Lordship chose rather staying where he was, notwithstanding the great Disadvantage in Number, thinking he might there defend him∣self with greater Advantage, than in any other Place. Very sharp Disputes were on both Sides, and the Lord Hopton's Foot behaved themselves with such Courage, that they maintained the Fight all that Day till Night, retiring still to∣wards Torrington; but at last, being over∣powered by the Numbers of the Enemy, who were supplied from time to time with fresh Troops, they forced the Barricades, the Horse with his Lordship neither charging nor making a Stand, but basely ran away in great Con∣fusion, leaving their General, the Lord Hopton, who was hurt in the Face with a Pike, and his Horse killed under him; but receiving a fresh Horse, he was obliged to retire to Strat∣ton, where he stayed some Days, till Twelve Hundred of his Foot came up to him. Upon his Lordship's retiring, the Enemy entered Torrington, and fell to Pillaging and Plun∣dering the whole Town extreamly, but were soon stopt, by the Ammunition in the Church taking Fire, by what Accident was unknown, but it brought a dismal Destruction both upon

the Soldiers and Burghers, there being near an Hundred Barrels of Powder in the Church, which made a terrible Fracas amongst all People; which being finished, and General Fairfax having a little settled Torrington, he marched after the Lord Hopton to Strat∣ton, whereupon his Lordship retired farther to Bodmin, and those Horse commanded by the Lord Wentworth observed no Orders. The Prince went from Truro to Pendennis Castle, and the Lord Hopton and the Lord Capel advertized his Royal Highness, that they had severally received Intelligence of a Design to seize upon the Person of the Prince, who there∣upon returned no more to Truro, but stayed at Pendennis Castle, and no Person knew the King's Pleasure concerning the Prince, but the Lord Culpepper and the Chancellor of the Ex∣chequer; and they two knowing only what was to be done, had no great Confidence that they should have Reputation enough to go thro' with it, finding the Earl of Berkshire, who was then Governour to the Prince, jealous of the Design of going into France, whatever they said to the contrary, and the Governour of Pendennis Ca∣stle being old and fearful, they durst not trust him with the Secret: Whereupon they sent Letters forthwith to the Lords Hopton and Capel, to know their Opinion, who both agreed, that the Prince was immediately, without Loss of Time, to be transported to Scilly, which was a Part of Cornwal; and News being daily brought, that our Army was still retiring, and

General Fairfax advancing after it, Resolution was therefore taken, that the Prince should that Night embark for Scilly, a Ship being ready for him then in the Harbour; and the Gover∣nour and his Son (who was a worthy honest Gentleman) were called in to the Prince's Chamber, and made acquainted with it; and that Night the Prince went on Board, and ar∣rived the next Night safe in Scilly; from whence the Lord Culpepper was immediately dispatched to France, to acquaint the Queen with the Ar∣rival of the Prince in that Island, and with the Wants and Incommodities of it, and that it was not so strong as reported; and therefore his Royal Highness was soon embarked from thence for France, where they all safely ar∣rived.

When the Prince was gone, and the Lord Hopton left General in Cornwal, he soon found the Soldiers, especially the Horse, could not be restrained from Plundering, and thereupon his Excellency called a Council of War, to con∣sider what was to be done. The Lord Went∣worth, with the principal Officers, declared, that the Men would never be brought to fight, being taken in a worse Trap, than they took Essex's Army near Foy, and the Horse Officers proposed to send for a Treaty, to which they all agreed, except Major General Webb. The Lord Hopton told them, he could not consent to a Treaty, without Leave from the Prince. But whilst the Officers continued their Impor∣tunity, a Trumpeter arrived at the same time

from General Fairfax, with a Letter to the Lord Hopton, offering a Treaty, which his Lordship kept private: However, the General Officers all assembled, and declared, if the Lord Hopton would not consent to a Treaty, they would treat themselves; and that in the Interim they would neither keep Guards, nor do their Duty, the Enemy's Horse every Day mingling with them, without any Act of Hosti∣lity, and bought several of our Soldiers Hor∣ses. Then the Lord Hopton declared, that he would neither treat for himself, nor for any of the Garrisons, and gave the Horse Leave to treat. Whereupon some Persons were presently appointed, and Articles were soon concluded, and the Army of Horse was dissolved; and every Horseman who had not sold his Horse, had Twenty Shillings, with a Passport from Gene∣ral Fairfax, to go home to their Houses, and there to live quietly, without engaging farther in the Wars; and many of our Soldiers had sold and exchanged so many good Horses, for pitiful Jades they received from the Enemy, that they would not give Twenty Shillings apiece for them; and so many Hundred of Sol∣diers went Home on Horseback, with their Passes from the General, that the Lord Hopton was obliged to treat with the Enemy, tho' he would have no Article for himself, nor be men∣tioned in the Treaty: After which, his Lord∣ship, with the Lord Wentworth, Lord Capel, and Major General Webb, went to the Mount in Cornwal, from whence they were transpor∣ted

to Scilly, and from thence were embarqued for France.

The King being now reduced to the lowest Condition that possibly could be, having lost all his Forces, most of his Garrisons taken and yielded, and General Fairfax having cleared the West, was marching to besiege Oxford. The King being there, began to think of some Way for his Escape and Safety; and being treacherously invited by the Scots, to put him∣self under the Protection of their Army then at the Siege of Newark, his Majesty went dis∣guised from Oxford, in April 1646, accompa∣nied only with Mr. John Ashburnham, a Groom of his Bed-chamber, and Mr. Hudson a Mini∣ster, few or none else being acquainted with his Design; but all were amazed, when they heard he was arrived in the Scotch Camp, he having been before-hand promised Security for himself, and those he brought with him, or that should come to him, tho' they denied both in Word and Act, as plainly appeared by their delivering him to the Parliament, a Prisoner, for Two Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling: And that the Scots may be the better known, I shall give you their Character by one who was well acquainted with their wicked Princi∣ples. He tells us, They are a People who de∣light to enslave others, yet are of a slavish Con∣dition themselves; a People, whose Freedom is Service, whose Mercies are Cruelties, whose Religion is only Formality, whose Government is Tyranny, a Generation of Vipers and Hypo∣crites,

whom no Oaths or Covenants can bind, no Courtesy or Civility oblige. Thus the King was delivered Prisoner to the Parliament by the Scots, and by the Parliament sent Prisoner to Holmby; and from thence he was soon after forcibly taken away, and carried to the Army, by Cornet Joyce; who being asked by the Parliament Commissioners, who then waited upon the King, by what Authority he did it? He answered, it was by the Pleasure of the Army, and that the King should be with them with Honour, and in Safety. This Action startled the Parliament extreamly, who from this time began to surrender themselves and their Power into the Hands of their own Army. The General, in his Letter to the Parliament, makes the King's Remove from Holmby to be by his own Consent; tho' certainly it was not so, tho' it might be without the General's Knowledge: And the Lord Dumfermling ac∣quainted the Parliament, that the King com∣manded him to tell them, that his Majesty was unwillingly taken away, by a Party from the Army; and that he desired both Houses to maintain the Laws of the Land, and that he might be obliged to sign many things in that Condition, and that he would not have them be believed, till they had farther Notice from his Majesty.

Thus we see the Inconstancy of Men, and the Uncertainty of worldly Affairs. The Offi∣cers and Soldiers of an Army, tho' never so successful and well disciplined, will, for want

of Action, fall into Discord, and Designs of Trouble: A victorious Army out of Employ∣ment, is very inclinable to assume Power over their Leaders. When the Parliament had Con∣quest and Success after their own Desires, yet they were strangely encumbered with the Mu∣tinery of their Army on the one Side, and with discontented Petitions on the other, besides the Petulancy of many Pamphlets, which daily flew abroad against their Proceedings. Many believed there was some private Treaty at this time by some Officers of the Army with the King, and that Instructions were given for it by Cromwell, that if the King would assent to their Proposals, which were much lower than those of the Parliament, the Army would then settle the King upon his Throne. The King, in his own Judgment, seemed inclined to it, and therefore disdained the Parliament's Propositi∣ons, and would rely upon the Proposals of the Army, and urged a Treaty upon them. The Scots complain of the King's being taken from Holmby by Force, and would not apply to the Army, since it ought to be under the Com∣mand of the Parliament: They declared, that their Stability and Happiness did much depend upon the Safety and Preservation of the King's Person, and that they would endeavour to com∣pose the unhappy Differences; and therefore desire the Propositions may be proceeded upon by the mutual Consent of both Kingdoms, and desire there might be a present Treaty with the King, and that he might come to London with

Safety, Honour, and Freedom. The King being then passionately sensible of the lan∣guishing and unsettled State of the Kingdom, and of their great Distractions, pressed earnest∣ly for a Peace, and was most willing to testify to all the World his Readiness to contribute his utmost Endeavours for it: But the Parliament then thought the King was too much in the Army's Interest, who were then contriving their main Design, of coming up to London, to curb both Parliament and City, and to make them act according to their Prescriptions.

About this time the Agitators were set up, who were some Soldiers elected out of each Re∣giment of Horse and Foot, to meet and consult by that Name, who undertook to understand and regulate the chief Affairs of the Army. These Men were very busy, and the King was privately informed, whether by Design of the Army, was not known, but supposed by most to be so, that the Agitators intended some Vio∣lence to the King's sacred Person; and there∣fore the King was privately perswaded to make an Escape, if possible, and contrived by Sir John Berkeley, Collonel Leg, and Mr. John Ashburnham, who provided a Ship at Southamp∣ton, and Horses were to be ready at Hampton Ferry, on the other Side, for the King's Escape: And that which gave most Suspicion that the Army designed the King's Escape, was, that Collonel Whaley (who had the Guard of the King's Person) did that very Day give the King a Letter, which he said was put into his Hand

by an unknown Person, giving a blind Account of the Agitators Intention to take away the King's Life for the Good of the Nation; and that very Night Cromwell sent a Letter to in∣form the Parliament that the King was escaped, the Manner thus.

The Officers who attended the King, won∣dering he came not forth of his Chamber to Supper, having been long in, writing, they went into his Chamber, and missed him, with∣in half an Hour after he was gone; and his Cloak was carelessly cast upon the Ground, in his Way to the Water-side; and this following Letter was left upon the Table, written with his own Hand, to be communicated to the Parliament, in these Words following.

That Liberty the King now generally preten∣ded to, and aimed at, was as necessary for Kings as any other: That he had a long Time endured Captivity, hoping it might tend to the Settlement of a good Peace; but finding the contrary, and the Unfixedness of the Army, and new Guards set upon him, he had withdrawn himself: That wherever he should be, he would earnestly labour for settling a good Peace, and to prevent the Effusion of more Blood; and if he might be heard with Freedom Honour, and Safety, he would instantly break through his Cloud of Re∣tirement, and shew himself ready to be Pater Patriae. Upon reading this Letter, and Crom∣well's Information, it was ordered in Parlia∣ment, That it should be Loss of Life and Estate for any one to conceal or detain the

King's Person, and not to discover it to both Houses of Parliament.

Upon the King's Escape the Parliament sent all Ways to find him; but in the dark, rainy, cloudy Night the King was lost in Windsor Forest, and passing in the Morning thro' Farn∣ham to the Sea-side, his Majesty missed his Design of going to Jersey, the Ship failing to be at the Place, if any Place was really ap∣pointed which was promised; and the Want of it caused some Reflections upon the Underta∣ker, who was very well known to me. The King fearing a Discovery of him could by no Means be prevented, it was resolved, that the Kjng and Collonel Leg should lodge that Night at Tedsworth, at the House of the Countess Dowager of Southampton, which was near the Sea; and that the other two should ferry over to the Isle of Wight, to find Collonel Ham∣mond, under whole Assurance, for his Brother's sake, Dr. Hammond, the King hoped for some Friendship and Fidelity. This Design was ac∣cordingly put in Execution; and Sir John Berkeley and Mr. Ashburnham were both told by the King, that unless Collonel Hammond gave his Oath and Faith of Preservation, Protection, Secrecy, and Freedom to the King's Person at all Times, they should not discover any more, than signify in general the King's Escape from the imminent Danger of Assassination: That the King's Desire led him to cast himself upon Collonel Hammond for Protection, which if he should refuse, and secure the Persons of Sir

John Berkeley and Ashburnham, the King and Leg (by their not returning at the Time prefixed) might have Opportunity to dispose of themselves otherwise. These two being dispatch'd, the King sent Leg to the Countess, to tell her, that a Person of Quality, her dear Friend, desired the Privacy of her House that Night, without Discovery; to which she readily consented. On Sunday Mor∣ning the two Messengers got into the Island, and met Collonel Hammond on his Way towards Newport, whom they acquainted with the Bu∣siness. The Collonel told them, he wished the King's Safety as his own Soul, that he should not be inquisitive where the King was, but were he in his Custody, his Oath and Interest to the Parliament being in Ballance, he should be safe from Violence; but for the Freedom and Liberty of his Person, he could not an∣swer it to his Superiours. This Answer tho' not satisfactory, nor according to their Com∣mission; yet they, being loath to be taken in∣to Custody, or for what other Reason none can tell, came over with the Collonel and a Guard to the House of the Countess; and Ash∣burnham went up Stairs to the King's Chamber, and told the King Collonel Hammond was be∣low at Supper, and had given Assurance of Ho∣nour for his Majesty's Safety, but not of Li∣berty for his Person; which the King hearing, in Passion struck his Hand upon his Breast, and replied to Ashburnham; And is this all? Then I am betrayed! Ashburnham and Berkeley, sorry for their great Misadvisedness, would have made

some desperate Attempt to have killed Hammond, which the King would not admit of; and in this Extremity, with a seeming Willingness, the King went over with them and with Collonel Hammond to Carisbrook Castle. Collonel Ham∣mond immediately acquaints the Parliament with the King's being there, who forthwith vote the King should stay there; that none who had bore Arms against the Parliament should stay in the Island, excepting such Inhabitants as had compounded; that no Delinquent or Foreigner should be admitted to the King's Pre∣sence without Leave of Parliament; that those Persons who attended the King thither should be sent to the Parliament, which Collonel Ham∣mond refused; and also complained, that the Conditions for the King were not suitable to his Quality. Thus that unhappy King fell out of one Trap into another; and sends his Message to the Parliament, why he did not receive their Propositions for Peace, which they sent him to Hampton-Court, because the Commissioners from Scotland presented him the same Day with a Declaration against those Propositions, in the Name of the Kingdom of Scotland.

Here we may take notice of the perplexed Condition of the Parliament; the Army raised, commissioned, and paid by them, making War against them, and with their Swords in Hand controul their Masters, and had a Design to carry away the King from the Isle of Wight, but were prevented by the General; the City, the Parliament's old Friends and Assistants,

are averse towards them, and question their Integrity, reproach them, and would cast them off; the King writes to the Parliament, and taxes them for not answering his last Message, and earnestly presses for a present Treaty, that Peace might be settled, and lays the Retarding it upon them: The Scotch Commissioners declare a joint Interest with the Parliament, for settling a Peace in both Kingdoms, protest against the four Bills sent to the King, press for a present Treaty at London, saying, Let that be given to God which is God's, and that to Caesar which is Caesar's, and put them in Mind of their professed Loyalty. Collonel Hammond has more strict Orders to secure the King, and se∣veral of the King's Servants which attended him are discharged: Then the Parliament send Commissioners to the King, who return with∣out Satisfaction; and after a long Debate, the prevailing Party in the House of Commons vote no more Addresses to the King, and no Message or Letters to be received from him; and that it should be High Treason for any to deliver any Message to the King, or receive any from him, without the Leave of both Houses of Parlia∣ment; and Collonel Hammond, with Sir Wil∣liam Constable, had Orders to place and displace such Persons about the King as they thought fit, which highly discontented the King; but the Governour said, he had Orders from the Par∣liament for it, whom he must obey.

Soon after this the General presents an Ad∣dress to the Parliament, in the Name of the

whole Army, that they would stand by the Parliament, in making no more Addresses to the King; and that they would intirely submit to the Government of the Parliament. Thus they are quickly made Friends again; and the Army had the Thanks of the Houses for their Address; who ordered the King's Houshold should be dissolved, and the Navy no longer be called the King's Navy: Whereupon the Hollanders (as they had Reason) refused to strike Sail, as being the elder State. Two Earls were named to go to Scotland, to acquaint that Kingdom with what the Parliament had done, and a Declaration was published for no more Addresses to the King, wherein all the Miscar∣riages of the Government were named, from the King's first coming to the Crown.

Thus the Parliament and Army were made Friends, and well fixed again, by the Cunning of of Cromwell and his Party; but then the Appren∣tices, with others in London, made an Insurrection against the Parliament and Army, and great Pre∣parations were making in Scotland for a War, declaring they would rescue the King from Im∣prisonment, which was done contrary to the Re∣solution of both Kingdoms; and that the King might come to one of his own Houses near London, with Honour, Freedom, and Safety: And Infor∣mation came from Scotland, that the King's Party there was very strong, and carried all, and that there would be a general Rising in that Kingdom, for Religion, King, and Church; and the Chan∣cellor of Scotland, by Order of their Parlia∣ment,

demanded, that the King might come to some of his Courts near London, with Free∣dom, Honour, and Safety, and that a personal Treaty be had with his Majesty, and that the Independant Schismatick Army might be dis∣banded, which governed all as they pleased. Whereupon the Parliament returned Answer, That they would keep the Covenant and the Treaty between the two Kingdoms, and that they would be ready to join with Scotland in the Propositions presented to the King at New∣market.

About this time, or a little before, the Duke of York made his Escape into Holland, and was very tenderly and kindly received by the Prince and Princess of Orange, at whose Escape the Parliament was very much troubled; and now Petitions came from several Parts of England, and Risings were in several Counties, and the People in general were weary of the War, and would have a personal Treaty with the King: And Risings were not only at Land, but In∣formation came, that several Ships were revol∣ted from Rainsborough, whom they had set on Shore, and sent for the Earl of Warwick to command them, who was thereupon declared Admiral. Thus a new War was begun, and great Divisions and Perplexities were in Parlia∣ment; and yet the Risings in several Parts for the King not being well concerted, were still quashed, and did only serve to unite the Party stronger against the King. However, the Par∣liament seeing that the People's Hearts were

generally set against them, and that the revol∣ted Ships at Deal would not own them, finding their Backwardness for a personal Treaty with the King, and that the City of London and Offi∣cers of the Trained Bands, prayed the King might be brought to London, with Freedom, Honour, and Safety, to treat with the Parlia∣ment, and that the City would engage for the Security of his Majesty's Royal Person, and would also undertake to keep the Parliament safe from all Tumults and Mutinery, and that they would defend the King and Parliament in the Treaty, and defray the Charge of the Guards during the Treaty, and find a conveni∣ent Place for the Treaty; with many other Particulars: The Parliament hereupon began to think of a Treaty, and to set aside their Votes of Non-Addresses. In the mean time, these several Petitions for Peace encouraged the Duke of Buckingham, with his Brother, with the Earls of Holland and Peterborough, to a Rising about Kingston, where they were soon pursued, and the Earl of Holland (who had formerly had a great Hand in bringing Straits upon the King and Kingdom, in the Beginning of the War) now seeing the Parliament backward to a personal Treaty, hoped they should be able in the End to bring the Parliament to Reason: But the Parliament's Army being old Soldiers, prospe∣rous in their Attempts, and well provided with all Necessaries, it was a desperate Attempt to make Head against them, without having be∣fore concerted all things well; which was a

great Prejudice to the King's Affairs, there being small Trust to be given to People's Promises in such Occasions, who would not stir, unless they saw the Tide turning with some previous Success, which was at that time very unhappy to the King's Affairs in all Parts; tho' nothing could be more honourable, just, and pious, than to endeavour rescuing our Country from the Misery and Slavery it lay under; and our Sins were certainly the Cause it took Effect, joined with the Mismanagement of those who undertook it, without having first well concerted for the carrying on that Design: So that the Earl of Holland's Party was totally defeated, himself with many others taken Pri∣soners, and the Brother to the Duke of Buck∣ingham, and others killed. Then Duke Hamil∣ton enters England with an Army, and all join∣ing with him are declared Rebels. Here is a strange Turn of Affairs, to which all human Actions are subject. Great Endeavours were formerly used, to bring in the Scots to assist the Parliament, and now they invade England with a considerable Army; they joined before with the Parliament against the King, and now they took with the King against the Parliament. The People of this World are like the Sea, still eb∣bing and flowing, always in an uncertain Mo∣tion, constant in nothing but Inconstancy.

The Prince of Wales and Duke of York did at this time come to Yarmouth Road with divers Ships, and landed some Men, but were beaten by the Parliament's Horse, and several taken

Prisoners; but the Town rescued them, and the rest of his Royal Highness's Men got into the Town. The Lord Willoughby of Parham was on Ship-board, and commanded the Prince's Fleet, having quitted the Parliament, upon their declining a personal Treaty; and when the Earl of Warwick came near him with the Parliament Fleet, the Lord Willoughby was ve∣ry earnest to have fought, upon Assurance that several in the Fleet would have revolted to his Royal Highness; but those that were about the Prince disswaded him from Fighting, preten∣ding great Danger to his Highness's Person, and so they carried it: Whereas, in all Probability, (as the Seamens Affections then stood) the Par∣liament's Fleet would have been endangered. The Prince then stopped several Merchants Ships, and sent to the Merchants Adventurers at London, for Twenty Thousand Pounds Ster∣ling, to release their Ships; and that he was come with that Fleet, to endeavour to release his Majesty from his Imprisonment.

The Parliament seeing the General Inclina∣tion of the People was for a Treaty, they fell from their Vote of Non-Addresses, and ordered a personal Treaty with the King in the Isle of Wight, with Honour, Freedom, and Safety, in what Place there his Majesty should appoint, who well approved of Newport, and received the Parliament Commissioners with much Chear∣fulness, declaring, that no Man desired a Peace so much as he; and that he would hearken to any Motion that might conduce to so good an

End, and that whoever gained by the Troubles, he was sure to be a Loser; and challenged all Men to produce the least Colour of Reason, that he was against the Treaty. He then said, if it was Peace they desired, he had shewed them the Way, by a just Compliance with all their Interests. If they desired Plenty and Happi∣ness, they were the inseparable Effects of Peace. If it was Security, he offered the Militia for all his Time. If it was a Liberty of Consci∣ence, he that wanted it most, was most willing to give it. If it was the right Administration of Justice, all Officers and Offices of Trust he left to the Choice of the Parliament. If they would have frequent Parliaments, he fully con∣curred therewith. If they demanded the Ar∣rears of the Army which fought against him, he fully agreed they should be paid: So that all the World might see his unwearied Endea∣vours for Peace.

The Lords and Commons agreed, that the Vote against farther Addresses should be recalled: That the King had chosen Newport in the Isle of Wight, to treat with the Parliament's Commis∣sioners, and all such Persons should be admit∣ted, as his Majesty should think fit to send for: That Collonel Hammond's Instructions for keep∣ing the King should be repealed, taking the King's own Engagement for his going abroad in the Island, and Horses, Coaches, and Mo∣ney, both for the publick, and the King's pri∣vate Use, were sent to the Isle of Wight, where the King kept a Fast for a Blessing upon the

Treaty, and agreed in every thing, except Re∣ligion, wherein he let the Commissioners know how far he could condescend. Some of the Commissioners then begged of the King upon their Knees, with Tears in their Eyes, as to the Proposition touching Religion, but Matter of Conscience prevailed more with the King than all their Arguments; of which they gave an Account to the Parliament, who thereupon vo∣ted, that the King's Concessions as to Religion, the Church, and Ireland, were unsatisfactory. However, the House of Commons voted, that a Committee should draw up something for the King's coming to London, with Instructions for the Terms of his Majesty's being in Freedom, Honour, and Safety: That the Committee should also consider of the King's Desires concerning his Revenues: That an Act of Obli∣vion should be presented to the King, to be passed with such Limitations as shall be agreed by both Houses. The House of Commons vote likewise, that the King should come to London, so soon as the Concessions in the Treaty were agreed, and that the King should have his Lands and Revenues made good to him, according to the Laws; and that what he should pass away of his legal Right, he should have Allowance in Compensation: And that an Act of Oblivion should be agreed upon. And both Houses agreed to all these Votes, and, in fine, the Par∣liament voted, that the King's Concessions to the Propositions of the Parliament upon the Treaty, were sufficient Grounds for settling the

Peace of the Kingdom, and they named a Com∣mittee to go to the General and Head Quarters, to confer with the General and Officers of the Army, for the Continuance of a good Corre∣spondence betwixt the Parliament and Army.

But whilst these things were doing, Collonel Hammond sends a Letter to the Parliament, with one inclosed from the General unto him, requiring him to repair to his Excellency at the Head Quarters, and that Collonel Ewre was appointed to take Charge of the King in the Isle of Wight. Hereupon the Commons voted, That Collonel Hammond should stay in the Isle of Wight, and continue his Charge, and that the Admiral should forthwith send Ships for Security of the Isle of Wight, and that they should obey Collonel Hammond: But a Messen∣ger brought Word, that Collonel Hammond was upon his Way to Windsor, according to the Ge∣neral's Order, and that Collonel Ewre had se∣cured his Majesty's Person, and removed him to Hurst Castle, a pitiful Place, and most pesti∣lential Air. Hereupon the Parliament sent a Letter to the General, acquainting him, that those Orders and Instructions from him to Col∣lonel Ewre, for securing the King's Person, were contrary to their Resolution, and fresh Instructions were sent again by the Parliament to Collonel Hammond, to return, and attend his Charge in the Isle of Wight; and that it was the Pleasure of the Parliament, that his Excellency should recal his Orders, and that Collonel Hammond should again attend his

Charge; but Collonel Hammond sent Word to the Parliament, that he was detained at Wind∣sor, and that Collonel Ewre had the Charge of the King. At the same time the General wrote to the Lord Mayor of London, that he was up∣on his March with his Army towards London, and demanded Fourty Thousand Pounds Ster∣ling immediately of the City, and that he would quarter his Army in the void Houses near the City, as Whitehall, St. James, the Mews, York House, &c.

Upon this Advance of the Army, all Persons were full of Perplexity, not knowing the End of it. The Parliament then declared the sei∣zing of the King's Royal Person was without their Advice, and against their Consent; and the House being to sit the next Day, Collonel Pride, with several of his Regiments, stood in the Court of Requests, upon the Stairs in the Lobby before the House of Commons, Pride having a Paper of Names in his Hand, and the Lord Gray of Grooby stood by him, to inform him who the Members were; and Pride seized upon such as the Lord directed by his Note, and sent them away with Soldiers, by special Order from the General and Council of Offi∣cers. The House of Commons being informed of this, sent their Serjeant at Arms to the Mem∣bers seized upon, to let them know, it was the Pleasure of the House, that they should forth∣with attend the Service of the House, but they were still detained by the Guard of Officers.

The Army having thus ejected the greatest and best Part of the House of Commons, brought the rest so to their Will, whom they permitted to sit, that they acted nothing but by their Di∣ctates, and in pursuance of their Designs, which were to subvert Monarchy, and to bury it in one Grave with the King; and having contri∣ved with this Juncto of the House of Commons, how to bring the King to his End, which they soon resolved upon, with a strange unheard of Impudence, in a pretended Way of Justice, (whose Death the Juncto had long before re∣solved upon) and their Design being now ripe, a Resolution was taken, which amazed the whole Christian World, of which past Ages had ne∣ver any Precedent, nor may any future Age take Example by this most barbarous and hor∣rid Cruelty, to bring a just King, their lawful Sovereign (who prized his Subjects Liberties and Welfare before his own Life) to be ad∣judged by his most rebellious Subjects, and condemned to die, by a pretended Legality and Cloak of Justice, with mock Formalities of Law, and Villainy of so deep a Dye, that all the World blush at, being the Masterpiece of all Iniquities, which they thought better than to have poisoned their King in Carisbrook Castle.

And when the nauseous pestilential Air of Hurst Castle effected not what they designed, then they carried him with a strong Guard to Windsor, in order to his intended Tryal, deny∣ing him not only the Ceremony of the Knee, but even the common Civility of the Hat.

The King being brought from Windsor to St. James, their Juncto of Parliament proceed to Votes in order to his Tryal, and declare, That by the fundamental Laws of the Land, it was Treason in the King of England, to le∣vy War against his Parliament and Kingdom, and all the Blood spilt was by the Juncto laid upon the King, who was the greatest Sufferer in the War, which was made and begun upon him; and what the King did, was purely in his own Defence, who endeavoured to stop that Flux of Blood, by a Treaty with his two Hou∣ses of Parliament, which was agreed upon, but hindered by the imperious Army, who were so audacious, as to style the King, in their unpa∣rallelled rebellious Remonstrance, the King∣dom's capital Enemy, who was formerly con∣demned for yielding too little to his Parliament, and was now to be condemned by the Army, for yielding too much: He was formerly im∣prisoned for making War, and now was to be condemned for making Peace: He was at first condemned for having evil Counsellours, and was now to be condemned, having no Counsel; and all this to be done by Wolves in Sheeps Clothing, who pretended only Zeal, when their Hearts were filled with Blood, and were resolved from Servants to become Masters, to bring in Democracy, by abolishing Monarchy, declaring in their Charge, by that impudent Arch-Traitor Bradshaw, That the King of Eng∣land is entrusted by the People with a limited Power to govern according to the Laws of the

Land, and not otherwise; and that by his Trust, Oath, and Office, he is obliged to use the Pow∣er committed to him, for the Good and Bene∣fit of the People, and for Preservation of their Rights and Liberties; and where the King fails in any of these, and rules and governs according to his Will, he thereby commits Treason, and may be impeached as a Traitor and Murderer: A Doctrine never heard of before, even amongst the most barbarous Nations, it evidently ap∣pearing, that the Authority of Kings is imme∣diately derived from God, and not conferred upon them as a Trust from the People. They are called the Ministers of God, and the Powers that be are ordained of God.

When God first subjected his own People to the Government of Kings, the People had no∣thing to do in conferring the Power. Moses was made King and Ruler by God himself; so Joshua and the Judges; for so long Theocracy did continue visible amongst Men: And when the People desired a King, God was not angry with them for desiring it, for he had before told them, that they should have a King, but for some Irregularities in the Manner of their de∣siring it; neither was the King chosen by the People, but by Lot, and no Hand of the Peo∣ple in chusing him. David was made King by God's immediate Choice; but after him the Government descended by Succession: And no History either sacred or profane, can shew any Footsteps, that the People did entrust their Power to their Kings; which Supposition is

built upon the mere Strength of their own Ima∣gination. And if we take a View of all the Ways whereby Princes ascend to the Throne, it will appear they are but few; and yet in none of them the People confer the Power on the King.

First, by Descent and Succession, as in Eng∣land, the People do not confer the Power. I know very well, at the King's Coronation, the Consent of the People is demanded; yet the King is King to all Intents and Purposes before his Coronation. Besides, all the People are not summoned, nor any considerable Part of them appear at the Coronation: And if any should reject his Prince, that would not hinder the Coronation, which is barely a thing of Course, and does not deduce the King's Power from the People. Nay, some Kings have de∣ferred their Coronation, being only a Ceremo∣ny. In the next Place, if a King gets the Crown by Conquest, no Man can say, he re∣ceives the Crown by Consent of the People, tho' there be a tacit Consent in their yielding him Obedience. As for those who surprize a King∣dom by Fraud, they may impose upon the Peo∣ple, so as to gain a formal Consent, yet there is not a real Consent in those that are thus cajoled by the People, who had a Hand in bringing them in.

There are some that come to the Crown by Election, and here the People think the King derives his Power from them, believing the Throne was vacant, and make Stipulations with him that is to govern: But we must consider,

that there is much Difference betwixt designing the Person, and conferring the Power; the for∣mer is from them that chuse, the latter by no means. The Dean and Chapter of a Cathedral, by the King's Leave, chuse a Bishop, Sede va∣cante; this Choice designs the Person, but does not confer the Power, which is afterwards gi∣ven him in his Consecration. The Aldermen and Commons of a City do yearly chuse their Mayors; this Choice shews the Person, but does not confer the Power, which he hath by the King's Charter. When the Electors chuse an Emperor, or the States of Poland chuse their King, they only design his Person, his Power is not from them, but immediately from God. But supposing that, in the first Institution of Monarchy, the People did confer the Power upon the Prince, it doth not therefore follow, that it lyes in the Power of the People to re∣voke it; tho' this was unlawfully maintained against King Charles I. and since by some People holding the same Principles, who would have the King's Power to be a Trust committed to him by the People, and so revocable; which is a very false Supposition, and the Superstructure upon it must needs fall in Course; and yet supposing it was true, the Revocableness does not follow.

Both Law and Reason tell us, that what is absolutely conferred in any Compact, is not to be revoked. When the Aldermen and Common Council have chosen a Lord Mayor, it does not lye in their Power to reassume the Trust into their own Hands: When the Knights of the

Shire are chosen to sit in Parliament, it does not lye in the Freeholders Power afterwards to re∣cal their Trust: They might have forbore to commit the Trust, but they cannot recal it. Then the Accountableness of Princes to their People, in their Representatives, hath passed for current Doctrine in the last Age, by Impri∣soning, Trying, and Condemning their lawful King; whereas no earthly Power can justly call their King in Question, God Almighty be∣ing the only Ruler of Princes, and to him alone they owe their Accounts, by whom all Kings reign, and cannot be called to any Account in this World, but by the Stings of their own Consciences: And it is a plain Contradiction, after we have owned the King to be Supreme, to affirm there is any other Superior to him, that can call him to an Account; it being a known Maxim, Par in parem not habet Pote∣statem. If then the King be Supreme, and there be others in his Kingdom that are Su∣perior to him, then he is Supreme and not Supreme: But the English pretend they are un∣der Stipulations of a conditional Obedience, provided the King maintains their Rights; so that the King not performing the former, they are not bound to the latter: Whereas we are certainly bound to Subjection irrespectively, to a Caligula, as well as to an Augustus; to cruel Nero and Domitian, as well as to courteous Vespasian; to the Apostate Julian, as well as to Christian Constantine, because they have equal∣ly their Power from God.

The Jews were commanded to pray for the Prosperity of their Governours, and the Peace of Babylon, and for the Lives of Nebuchadne∣zar and Balthazar; and this was performed in the first and purest Ages. They were to pray for their Emperors and Kings irrespective∣ly to their Religion, or Opinions in it, even for their Heathen Persecutors: And if they must pray for them, they must not certainly take up Arms against them: And if we must not touch the Lord's Anointed, our Assassina∣tion of him is contrary to our not touching him. Tertullian is certainly a competent Wit∣ness for Septimius Severus, and Dionysius of Alexandria; for Valerianus and Gallienus; the Gallican Church prayed for Alericus, the Eastern for the Emperor Valerius, an Arian, and for Theodosius the Younger, and Valentinian III. the one a Nestorian, the other a dissolute Per∣son; and their Prayers were, that God would grant them long Life and a secure Reign, and preserve their Families in Safety, and their Government in Peace; which are perfectly in∣consistent with Attempts on their Persons, or Practices to disturb the Tranquillity of their Government. The very endeavouring it, is perfectly opposite to the Tenor of the Old Testa∣ment, and of the Gospel. King David com∣mitted those two great Sins, of Murder and Adultery, either of which singly was capital by the Jewish Law; and yet we do not find him called to an Account for them. Nay, in his penitential Confession, he only looks up to

God, and says, Against thee only have I sinned: Which is an Instance by which all Men should be guided. Besides, for the People to have a Power to call their Prince to an Account, is highly inconsistent with the Law of Nature, and is against all Reason and Conscience; for by this the People are both Complainants, Witnesses, Jury and Judges; a thing never heard of in any judicial Proceeding: And yet that hellish Juncto of Parliament made a High Court of Justice (as they called what was the Height of Injustice, and the utmost Wickedness) to Try and Con∣demn their lawful Sovereign: Such was the monstrous Impiety of the last Age! when that incomparable Monarch, the Honour of the World, was forced to bow down his Head, and fall a sad Sacrifice to the Fury of the most bar∣barous Villains that ever appeared upon the Stage of this World, when Men threw away a Felicity always to be reflected on, but never to be recovered, to the World's End.

Thus fell the best of Kings, whose Greatness of Judgment, as well as that of his Condition, did eminently appear at his Death, in the Cle∣mency of his Nature, even in pardoning the Trea∣son and Malice of his most inveterate Enemies, who were not satisfied with his Blood, but un∣hinged the best of Governments, and brought up∣on the English Nation nothing but Confusion and Misery. And having thus murdered their King, they took Possession of his Kingdom, disinherited (as much as in them lay) the lawful Heir, and by their Proclamation declared themselves a Free

State. But before I go farther, give me Leave to give you this King's Character.

He was no great Scholar, his Learning con∣sisted more in what he had seen, than what he had studied: His Judgment was good, and bet∣ter than most of his Ministers. The Misfor∣tune was, that he seldom depended upon it, unless in Matters of his own Religion, where∣in he was always very stiff. His Arguing was beyond Measure civil and patient. He would seldom or never contradict any Man angrily, but would always say, by your Favour, I think otherwise, or, I am not of your Opinion. He would discourage any bold Address that was made to him, and did not love Strangers; and whilst he was upon his Throne, he would per∣mit none to enter abruptly with him into Bu∣siness. He was wiser than most of his Coun∣cil, yet so unhappy as seldom to follow his own Judgment. He would always (whilst in his Court, be addressed to by proper Ministers, and still kept up the Dignity of his Court, limiting all Persons to Places suitable to their Employ∣ments and Quality, and would there only hear them, unless he called for them in particular. Besides the Ladies and Women who attended the King, he permitted no Minister to have his Wife in Court. He spake but slowly, and would stammer a little, when he began to speak eagerly. He seldom or never made his own Dispatches, till his latter Days, but would still mend and alter them; and to that Purpose he would often say, he found it better to be a

Cabler, than a Shoemaker. As to his Religion, he was very positive in it, and would bear no Arguments against it.

When the Juncto had finished their sad Tra∣gedy, we soon saw what followed their dismal Actings; for, having got the supreme Power into their Hands, they were resolved to over∣act all those who should oppose their tyran∣nical Proceedings: Neither could there be then a greater Crime than Loyalty, whilst That was only made Treason; and the Servants having got the Sword into their Hands, they resolved to improve it to their Security: And having then a Set of Men fit for their Turns, which were the Juncto, they would be sure that none of those who concluded the late King's Con∣cessions a sufficient Ground for Settlement of Peace, should sit amongst them, but should be voted out of the House, and be no more admitted to sit as Members: And having thus settled their own House, they, in the next Place, fell upon the House of Lords, and vote, That the House of Peers in Parliament was useless and dange∣rous, and by an Act of theirs did abolish it; but yet, that they might have the Privilege to be elected Knights of the Shire and Burgesses; which was first willingly embraced by the Earl of Pembroke (who would play at small Game rather than sit out) but the rest of the Lords, sensible of that strange Alteration of the fun∣damental Government of the Nation, published the••r Protestation against it, in the Name of all the Peers of the Realm, being a treasonable

Proceeding, and tyrannical Usurpation, of some Members of the House of Commons, being a few insolent and traitorous Members of that House, while the better and greatest Part of the House were forcibly detained from thence. But it was in vain to think, by Protestation, to re∣duce those Men to Reason, who had Swords by their Sides, and were resolved to overcome, or perish, in Maintainance of their usurped Au∣thority, and abolishing whatever was right, as most likely to oppose their Intrusion: And therefore they declared, in the Name of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament (tho' they were not the tenth Part of their Number) that they found by Experience, the Office of a King in England, and to have the Power thereof in any one single Person, was unnecessary, and dangerous to the Liberty, Safety, Religion, and the publick Interest of the Nation, and therefore should be abolished: And to the End that all Persons might more readily yield Obedience to their usurped Power, they were absolved from all Oaths made to their late Sovereign and his Posterity.

Thus this small Part of a seeming Parliament (which was actually dissolved by the King's Death) acted by the Dictates of the Council of War, for the Juncto were only the Wheels of the Government, guided by the Will and Pleasure of the Army; or rather their Tools by which they acted, who yet thought them∣selves not strong enough, till a third Power was set up by them, to strengthen them in their

Usurpation. This they called a Council of State, consisting of Forty Persons, most of which were principal Officers of the Army, to whom Power was given to settle the Militia of England and Ireland, and to dispose of it from time to time, as they should think fit, and that they should execute their Powers for a Year; and an Oath was made, whereby each Member admitted to that Council, was to declare, That he approved what the House of Commons and their High Court of Justice had done against the late King, and their abolishing the Kingly Government and House of Lords; and that the legislative and supreme Power was wholly in the House of Commons. This Oath Twenty One of the Forty they had named refused to take, but their Number was soon filled up by them of as large Consciences as themselves.

About this time, Cromwell having been victo∣rious in Ireland, and almost conquered all there, left his Son-in-Law, Ireton, Deputy in Ireland, to perfect the Conquest of that Kingdom, and comes over himself to London, where he was much caressed by all the Officers of the new Commonwealth (for so the Juncto had declared England to be) and now the Juncto fearing lest Charles II. should join Interest with the Scots, they provided against a Storm from thence, and ordered a considerable Body of their Troops to lye upon the Borders near Scotland; and having an Account that the Scots had modelled an Ar∣my, with which they were preparing to enter England, Cromwell, with some other General

Officers, were appointed to meet and confer with General Fairfax, and to perswade him, that the English Army then upon the Borders of Scotland, might forthwith enter into that Kingdom, and carry the War into their Country: But the General would not be satisfied in his Con∣science to do that, being of the same Religion with them, notwithstanding all the Arguments that Cromwell and the other Officers could use to perswade him. In fine, he told them plain∣ly, he would rather lay down his Commission than agree with them (which was indeed the great Design of those Officers that then met) and so they would press the General no farther, whose Commission was presently accepted by the Juncto of Parliament, and Cromwell was made forthwith General in Fairfax's Place; and being General, he readily marched with his Army Northwards, to the great Amazement of the Scots, who fearing an Invasion, al∣ledged the Covenant and the Articles of Paci∣fication, by which they ought not to be inva∣ded without three Months Warning.

The first News that General Cromwell heard from Scotland was, that King Charles II. was landed there, and received as their King; and that it was resolved to invade England, if the English Army did not invade them: But that the Scots first thought fit to send to the Juncto of Par∣liament, to know whether the English Marching towards Scotland was in a Defensive or an Of∣fensive Way? Whereupon the Juncto published, in a Declaration, their Reasons for their Army

marching Northwards. The Scots forthwith chose a particular Council, by whose Advice and Direction their King was to govern; who gave such general Satisfaction to the Scots, that by Proclamation published at Edinburgh Cross, they gave the King all his Royal Power; where∣upon Cromwell advanced, and sent his Reasons into Scotland, of his March with his Army in∣to that Kingdom, and soon after advanced to Dunbar, where both Armies were near each other; but the English beginning to want Pro∣visions, Cromwell resolved to retreat, before his Army was put to Extremity. But the Scots pressed hard upon them, and the Presbyterian Ministers in the Army encouraged the Scots to fight, contrary to the Opinion of their Gene∣ral, and other principal Officers, who advised rather to make a Bridge for the English Army to pass quietly homewards, than to hinder or oppose them. But the Ministers carried for Fighting; and the Day before the Engagement, the Scots seemed so sure of Victory (by Encou∣ragement from their Ministers, who said it was the Lord's Battle) that they consulted of sen∣ding Propositions to the English, that they should have Leave to pass into England with their Swords only, leaving their Cannon and Ammunition behind them. 'Tis true, the English were then in a very sad Condition, many sick and wanting Provisions, the Passes before them stopt, the Scots Army on one Side of them, the Sea on the other, and the Kingdom of Scotland behind them. The General seeing no Way to

escape, without making his Way thro' them, resolved to fight, in that desperate Condition, and after one Hour's warm Dispute, the Scots were defeated, and the English obtained an en∣tire Victory, whereby the Scene was so much changed, that the English were forced to break the Pikes and Muskets they took, not having Conveniency of sending them for England. It seems the Scots pursued the English to Dunbar, and pressed so hard upon them (thinking they had them in a Net) that the English could not retire without fighting; by which they got so compleat a Victory, that General Cromwell was Master, that very Day, both of Leith and Edinburgh.

The News of this Defeat being brought to the King, he was pleased to say, he thanked God he was so rid of the Scots, that their Kirk might then see their Error in prohibiting their King from being in Person with their Army, and keeping out the English, and the rest of the King's Followers, who, in all Probability, had prevented their great Misfortune. However, their King was crowned soon after at Scone, tho' the Scotch Ministers preached, that their Defeat was occasioned by their too much Com∣pliance with their King, to whom most of the Scotch Lords adhered: But some Commanders with the Kirk were of a contrary Opinion, and would by all means purge the King's Houshold. However, the Scots raise a new Army, whom the King in Person would command; the Duke of Hamilton is made Lieutenant General, David

Lesley Major General, Middleton Lieutenant General of the Horse, and Massy Major Gene∣ral of the English; and with this Army the King hoped to get bye the English, and to make the Seat of the War in England. But after a long and terrible March, wherein were several Engagements, with different Success, the Eng∣lish being in the Rear, and on all Sides of the Scots; so that most of the Engagements were to the King's Disadvantage, who at last arrived at Worcester with his shattered Army, where he was beaten by General Cromwell, the Third Day of September, as he had done the Year be∣fore at Dunbar. After this total Defeat, the King escaped, and was miraculously preserved for a better Fortune, and to see the Murderers of his late Royal Father, at least some of the principal of them, most justly and deservedly punished.

After the Success of this Battle, General Cromwell went to London, and was highly ca∣ressed by all, and having then a Vacation from military Labours, he had Time to juggle with his Officers, to advance his Power; for tho' he then governed as King, and the Juncto of Parliament acted only according to his Dictates, yet he seemed not so great as he desired, whilst he only acted as Master, under the Title of a Servant; and finding the Juncto did not proceed in all things according to his Mind, he resol∣ved to take the Power wholly into his own Hands, that it might clearly appear what he was in effect: And to this Purpose he got the

Consent of most of the Officers of the Army, who were his Creatures, to be willing he should break the Juncto of Parliament. But before he would execute any Part of this, which with∣in himself he had long before designed, and now being ripe for Execution, he held a long Conference with an eminent Person, upon whose Opinion and Judgment he much relied, and declared to him his Dissatisfaction with the Parliament's Proceedings, and that he would do nothing therein without his Advice, who was at this time a Member of Parliament, and in great Esteem among them. This Gentle∣man with whom Cromwell then conferred, told him freely, that since he governed all at pre∣sent, and that the Juncto of Parliament did nothing without his Consent, he thought it best that he should continue General as he was, ha∣ving the whole Government in his Hands, un∣less he would take upon him the Title of King, and then he might govern safely, and those that served under him would be in no Danger, he being King de facto, according to an Act of Parliament made in the Eleventh of Henry VII. which was still in Force: But Cromwell abso∣lutely refused this, because he knew he could never get the Officers of the Army their Con∣sent to it, nor some of his own near Relations, who swore they would kill him, if ever he took that Title upon him. This Conference puts me in Mind of what Mr. Hambden said to the Lord Digby, in the Beginning of the War, as they were going down the Parliament Stairs.

Cromwell going just before them, the Lord Digby (who was then a great Man in the House of Commons) asked Hambden, who that Man was? for I see, saith the Lord Digby, he is of our Side, by his speaking so warmly this Day: Upon which Mr. Hambden replied, That sloven∣ly Fellow, which you see before us, who hath no Ornament in his Speech: I say, that Sloven, if we should ever come to have a Breach with the King, (which God forbid) I say, that Slo∣ven, in such Case, will be one of the greatest Men of England; which was a prophetical Speech: But Hambden knew him well, and was intimately acquainted with him.

Now, after this Conference between Cromwell and that other Person, a Member of Parlia∣ment, finding Cromwell's Averseness to what he proposed, he told him, there was but one other Way that he knew, whereby Cromwell might make himself and Family as great as he pleased, but that he would not propose it, without first having an Assurance from his Excellency, that he would not take it ill what he should say, nor mention it to any other; both which Crom∣well promised him upon his Faith and Honour: And when the Gentleman disclosed himself farther to Cromwell, advertizing him what he might do, to his own eternal Honour, and to what Advantage he pleased, for all his Family, his Excellency told the Gentleman, that it was a Matter of the greatest Importance, and would require a good Time to consider of it. But his Excellency never spoke one Word more to that

Gentleman about it; and finding by that Gentle∣man's Discourse, that he was not like to approve of what he intended, his Excellency soon found a Way to have him sent a foreign Ambassador, whilst he continued his first Resolution; in or∣der to which, he first erects a Council of Offi∣cers, who expostulate with the Parliament about their Arrears, and the Dissolution of the Par∣liament, which occasioned a long Debate in the House, where it was resolved they would con∣tinue their Power: Whereupon General Crom∣well, in the Month of April 1653, comes into the House with some of his Generals, and a File of Musqueteers, and dissolves the Juncto of Parliament, and after declares his Reasons for it, to give the People Satisfaction.

In this he was obeyed, tho' with some Mur∣muring and Reluctancy of the Members. He then bid his Soldiers take away the Fool's Bau∣ble, their Mace. The Speaker being unwil∣ling to leave his Chair, was pulled out of it by Collonel Harrison, and Cromwell sat down in it, and stayed in the House, till he saw all the Members out, and then he caused the Doors to be locked up, to the great Content of the Nation, who then judged a worse Slavery could not befal them, tho' they expected little Liber∣ty or Freedom from him into whose Hands the Power then fell. This Action was certainly a much higher Affront than what the House of Commons took so ill from the late King, that one of their own Members should so violently turn them all out.

Thus this Juncto of Parliament was at this time treated by those that had set them up, and took their Commissions and Authority from them; nor could the Army justify any Action they had done, or one Drop of Blood they had spilt, but by their Authority. The Servants rose up against their Masters, and dissolved that Power by which they were created Officers and Soldiers, and then the Army took (what they had long since designed) all Power into their own Hands; and after the Parliament had sub∣dued all their Enemies, they were overthrown and ruined by their own Servants, and those whom they had raised, pulled down their Ma∣sters; an Example very strange! by which we see how uncertain all worldly Affairs are, and how apt to fall, when they think them at the highest Point: And soon after this Dissolution, the General gave his Reasons in Print to satisfy the Nation why he had dissolved them, in a long Declaration.

By this Dissolution, Cromwell was possessed of the Three Kingdoms, having both the legisla∣tive and military Power in his Hands; and therefore he thought fit to chuse several Per∣sons to be the supreme Government, who met at Westminster, and called themselves a Par∣liament, and chose one Mr. Rouse for their Speaker, who had the usual Ceremonies belon∣ging to that Office, and this was by Nick-name called Barebone's Parliament, because he was a Member of it, being at that time a Leather-Seller in Fleetstreet. But this Parliament not

agreeing amongst themselves, (tho' they were but an Hundred and Forty) after some short Time, they resign their Power to Cromwell who gave it them. Then Cromwell is declared by his Council, or by the Instrument of Govern∣ment, as they called it, Protector of the Com∣monwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and proclaimed so in the usual Places as the Kings formerly were; and in this extraordina∣ry Manner he mounted the Throne of the Three Kingdoms, without the Name of a King, but with greater Power and Authority than any King, and received greater Esteem and Respect from all the Princes of Christendom, than ever had been shewed to any Monarch of the Three Nations: For tho' they all abhorred him, yet they trembled at his Power, and courted his Friendship. After he had sufficiently beaten the Dutch, he made a Peace with them, and obliged Portugal to send an Ambassador to make Peace, and prosecuted all those of the King's Party that were at home, with the utmost Ri∣gour and Cruelty, and erected a High Court of Justice, for Tryal of such as should rise, or plot any thing against him, and many were executed upon that Account. He made his youngest Son Henry Lord Lieutenant of Ire∣land: But England proved not so as he ex∣pected; for the most considerable Men that were in the House of Commons, from the time that he dissolved them, poisoned the Affections of the People towards the Government, and yet carried themselves so warily, that they did

not disturb the Peace of the Nation. And tho' Cromwell was then possessed of the sove∣reign Power, yet he thought himself not secure, till he had the Consent of the People in Parlia∣ment; and therefore, according to his Power in the Instrument of Government, he summo∣ned a Parliament, which met at Westminster, the Third Day of September 1654, the famous Day of his two great Victories at Dunbar and Wor∣cester, and in this Parliament Lenthall was cho∣sen Speaker. This he thought was the only Way to have the People entirely submit to him, and he ordered it so, that no Person who had ever been against the Parliament, during the time of the Civil War, or the Sons of any such Person, should be chosen. Cromwell came into the House, and allowed the Speaker: The first Speech that was made amongst them, was to know by what Authority they came thither? And whether he that had convened them, had a lawful Power to do it? And tho' the Pro∣tector's Creatures endeavoured to direct them, yet many of the Members declared against the Power: And one more bold than others said, That as God had made him instrumental of cut∣ting down Tyranny in one Man; so now he could not endure to see the Nation's Liberties shackled by another, who had no Right to the Govern∣ment, but by the Length of his Sword. The Continuance of this warm Debate lasted for some Days, which much perplexed the Prote∣ctor, who sent for the Parliament to him in the Banqueting-House, and told them in his canting

Tone, that he was sorry to hear they were fal∣ling into Heats and Divisions, and declared, that the same Government that made him Pro∣tector, had made them a Parliament; and that therefore no Man was to sit in that House, that did not first take an Engagement, which he had caused to be made, which many refused to take, as being against their Privileges, and a Guard was set at the Door of the House, that none should enter that had not taken it; and not∣withstanding many refused entering upon that Account, yet the Residue proved so resty, that he was obliged to dissolve them; which he did, and said, he could do his Business without them. It was about this time, that Wildman and Lil∣burn, the two great Levellers, were taken and prosecuted, but Lilburn more severely than the other; and tho' he was accused and tryed for High-Treason, yet the Jury found him Not Guilty. He told the People at his Tryal, That all Englishmen were obliged to oppose Cromwell's Tyranny, as he had done purely for their sakes, to preserve them from being Slaves: And tho' he was acquitted, yet Cromwell never suffered him to be set at Liberty, but still kept him inclosed from Prison to Prison, till he him∣self died.

After the Dissolution of the Parliament, Cromwell not thinking himself secure in the Government, he invented a new Chimera to keep the People in Awe, which was the Go∣vernment by the Major Generals, and the whole Kingdom was divided amongst them, being

Eleven in all: These were principally employed to decimate Delinquents Estates, and gave them great Power to value what the Tenth Part of every such Estate did amount to, and every Man was to pay what they thought fit, and upon Neglect, the Person to be imprisoned, and his whole Estate sequestered. But finding these Major Generals were very odious to all Parties, and fearing they might in the End undermine his own Greatness, and govern like Turkish Bassaws, he soon put an End to their Power, believing they eclipsed his Glory.

Then the Jews offered Cromwell a great Sum of Money, that they might be permitted to traffick freely; but the City and principal Merchants therein being much against it, that Project failed him. After, in the Year 1656, Cromwell (who was then called Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ire∣land, &c.) summoned another Parliament, who met accordingly, and remembring the Speeches and Carriages of many Members of the late Parliament, he gave secret Advice to the Sheriffs of the several Counties, to hinder, if possible, their being chosen; but this Advice proved fruitless in most Places. However, the Parliament met, and before they were permit∣ted to enter the House, they were to subscribe a Recognition, that they would act nothing that was prejudicial to the Government, as established by a Protector: Whereupon many Members chose rather to return home; but the Major Part signed the Recognition, entered the

House, and chose Sir Thomas Withrington Spea∣ker, who acted suitably to the Protector's De∣sires in every thing. The Parliament pressed Cromwell mightily to be King, which Cromwell positively refused; but his Refusal seemed not in the least disadvantageous; for that by a new Instrument, which was called the Humble Peti∣tion and Advice, they granted him not only the Authority of Protector for his Life, but also a Power to declare his Successor; and when they had agreed upon this, they desired an Audience, which he gave them in the Banqueting-House, the Twenty Fifth of May 1657, where their Speaker, Withrington, presented and read the Petition and Advice of his Parliament, and desired his Assent to it, which the Protector then signed, and made a long Harangue to them, and was solemnly in∣augurated in Westminster-Hall, and adjourned the Parliament till January following.

And thus the Parliament having done all that could be expected from them, he would do something for himself, whose Greatness, in that Vacancy, was so well established, both at Home and Abroad, that it seemed as if it could never be shaken. He was confirmed in his Power with the Title of Protector, and took his Oath accordingly, and was proclaimed Protector in the usual Places as the Kings for∣merly were, and solemnly inaugurated in West∣minster-Hall.

In January the Parliament met; but new Institutions in Government are often unsecure, for a Gap was left open, which none of the

Contrivers of the new Government thought of, there being one Article in The Humble Pe∣tition and Advice, to which Cromwell had assen∣ted and sworn, That no Member lawfully chosen should be excluded, but by the Consent of that House of which he was a Member; and pro∣ceeding to the calling over their House, all those who had been before refused Entrance, for not signing the Recognition, were admitted, where∣by above One Hundred of the most inveterate Enemies of the Protector came and sat in the House: But Cromwell thought he had sufficient∣ly provided for his Security, to restrain the Insolency of the House of Commons, by having called the other House, which by the Petition and Advice was to be done, and filled it for the most Part with Officers of the Army, and of his surest Friends, and that were firmly fixed to the Protector's Interest.

When the Adjournment ended, and the Houses met, Cromwell came to the Upper House, and sent the Black Rod for the House of Commons to attend him; and being in his Chair of State, he began his Speech in the old Style, My Lords, and you the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons. So soon as the Com∣mons returned to their House, they began to question the Authority and Jurisdiction of the other House: That tho' the Petition and Advice admitted there should be another House, but that it should be a House of Peers, and they be called My Lords, there was no such Provision; nor did it appear what Jurisdiction they should

have; and that it would be ridiculous for them, who sat only by their Vote, no better Men than themselves, to have a negative Voice to controul their Masters; and they esteemed it as a thing made on Purpose to mock them: And then they began to question the Protector's Au∣thority, how his Highness came to place them in the House of Peers, at which the Commons were much disgusted: Of which the Protector being advertized, he was strangely surprized, and found he had been short-sighted, in not having proceeded at the same time, to fill up his House of Commons, when he erected his other of Peers. However, he forthwith con∣vened both Houses, and reprehended the House of Commons for presuming to question his Au∣thority: The other House, he said, were Lords, and should be Lords, and commanded them to enter upon such Business as might be for the Benefit, not Destruction of the Commonwealth, which he would by God's Help prevent: But finding his Animadversions did not reform them, but that they continued their former Presum∣ption, and knowing the Ticklishness of his Time would not endure Disputes, especially as to his Pageant Lords, whom he had newly erected: He therefore sent the Black Rod for the House of Commons, the Fourth of February, and after having used many sharp Expressions of Indig∣nation, he told them, it concerned his Interest as much as the Peace of the Nation, to dissolve them, and accordingly he did dissolve them: And to shew how little he feared those Men

who contradicted him at home, he sent imme∣diately for Lambert, and took away his Com∣mission, and removed him from the Army, who forthwith retired, and was as little taken notice of, as if he had never been in Authority; which gave great Reputation to the Protector, and shewed he was Master of his Army.

Whilst these warm Debates were in Agita∣tion at home, about the Protector's Govern∣ment, he was so cunning as to make Treaties and Leagues abroad, and was publickly owned by many Kingdoms and States; and it was about this time, that the English, with Conjun∣ction of the French, took Dunkirk and Graveling; the first of which was by by Agreement garri∣soned by the English, and Sir William Lockhart, a Scotchman, made Governour; and Graveling was garrisoned by the French.

But during these Successes abroad, the King was first at Cologne, where he was well received and treated, before which, his Family was in great Disorder at Paris; but being at Cologne, it was put under the Care and Management of Sir Stephen Fox, who had the Disposal of all, and he there kept the King's House and Family for about Six Hundred Pistoles a Month; but his Majesty never kept a Coach all the time he was at Cologne. From thence his Majesty went to Bruges in Flanders, where he stayed in the Year 1657; and after he had been there some time, Six Thousand Guilders was settled month∣ly for himself and Family; and Half that Sum (I mean Half as much more) for Support of

the Dukes of York and Gloucester. He was then to raise Four Regiments of Foot; the first Regiment for his own Guards, commanded by the Lord Wentworth; but they were to do their Duty in the Army as common Men, till his Majesty was in Condition to bring them about his Person. The Earl of Ormond had the se∣cond Regiment, the Earl of Rochester the third, and the fourth was given to the Earl of New∣burgh, a Scotch Nobleman, who had served the King with great Fidelity: And these four Re∣giments were soon raised. Whilst the King was at Bruges, Cromwell exercised all imaginary Tyranny in his Government: The King's Heart was almost broken with the daily Informations he received, of the Ruine and Destruction his loyal Party underwent, and the Butchery acted upon them, and the extreme Tyranny Cromwell exercised over the whole Nation, was then very grievous to his Majesty, seeing no End of it.

Scotland was then governed by a Rod of Iron, subdued by those whom they had first taught to rebel, and with whom they had joined to destroy their own natural Prince, and dissol∣ved that Monarchy which had been ever since they were a Nation; and those who had used to practise such ill Behaviour towards their King, were then contemned, and made Slaves to the meanest of the People, who prescribed them new Laws to which they had never been accu∣stomed. The King then saw those, who were the Beginners and first Authors of our publick

Calamities, so much Sharers therein, that they were no more Masters of their own. Estates, than they were whom they had first spoiled; and that no Part of the new Government was in their Hands who had pulled down the old; and that after Monarchy had seemed so odious to them, their whole Nation was at the Disposal of a single Person; and that those Scotch Lords, without whose traitorous Assistance the Scepter could never have been wrested out of the Hands of their King, were now reckoned amongst the Dreggs of the People, and so numbred. This could not but give some Satisfaction to King Charles II. to see God's Judgments fallen upon them, who were the principal Cause of our Rebellion in England.

But before I go farther, I will beg Leave here to give you Cromwell's Character, both before and after he came to be Protector. At the first Beginning of the Long Parliament, when he heard any Man speak of the Troubles of the Nation, he would weep most bitterly, and appear the most afflicted Person in the World, with the Sense of the Calamities that were likely to arrive: But the wiser sort of Men in the House of Commons soon discovered his wicked Intentions, and his great Hypocrisy was no longer concealed from them. Nothing more perplexed him, than the Death of his dear Daughter Claypole, who was troubled at nothing so much, before her Death, as at the Blood her Father had spilt; and it was believed she had represented his worst Actions to him,

and yet he never made the least Shew of any Remorse or Repentance for any of his Actions. He could never have done half that Mischief he did, without having great Parts of Industry, Courage, and Judgment. He must have had a wonderful Insight into the Affections and Hu∣mours of Men, who from a private Birth, with∣out any Interest, Estate, or Alliance, could raise himself to so great a Height: He attempted that which no good Man durst undertake, and performed that which none but a wicked vali∣ant Man could succeed in. There was certain∣ly never a more wicked Man, nor one that ever brought to pass what he designed more wicked∣ly. He consulted very few, and when he had once taken a Resolution, he would not be dis∣swaded from it. He was never unfortunate in any of his Undertakings abroad, but only in that of Pen and Venables, who were sent out by him with a Fleet and Land Army, in 1655, and had ill Success. In fine, to reduce Three Nations, who perfectly hated him, into an in∣tire Obedience, and to govern them with a Rod of Iron, by an Army that wished his utter Ru∣ine, was an Instance of a prodigious Address, and shewed, that he was born for the Ruine of our English Nation.

But yet, after all his Greatness both at home and abroad, some things happened before his End, which much disturbed him; not only the frequent Plots against his Person, but the Co∣ming up of a monstrous Whale in the fresh Wa∣ter, contrary to the Nature of that Fish, as

far as Greenwich, where it was taken, and be∣lieved by many to portend some great Alteration in the Commonwealth: Yet this did not so much trouble the Protector, as the Death of his dear Daughter Claypole, who died in the Beginning of August 1658. He had settled his greatest Affection upon this Daughter, from the time of whose Death he appeared very melancholy, and fell sick about the Middle of August; but his Sickness being only an Ague, there was no Ap∣prehensions of his Death; and he declared pub∣lickly to his Physicians, and many others, That God would not take him away, till he done some more Work for him. But it soon appeared, that if God did not, the Devil did take him; for he died the Third of September following: A Day that had been so fortunate to him proved his last in this World; and such a Tempest ac∣companied his Death that Night, as was not seen in the Memory of Man: Great Trees in St. James's Park were blown up by the Roots, of which I was an Eye Witness. The large strong Pales, which made up the Breach on London Bridge (caused by a violent Fire some Years before) were blown down; many Boats cast away upon the Thames, great Shipwrecks at Sea, besides several by the Storm, in divers Parts of England, by Land. The Prince of the Air shewed his Power was above the Pro∣tector's, who thought not fit that he should part quietly out of this World, who had made such a Combustion, Trouble, and Misery in it. He was a Person indeed, who, by his Arts of Dis∣sembling,

Wickedness, and Murder, attained to the Height of Greatness: He made foreign Nations know more of England's Strength, than any of our Kings of late Years had done. Besides, he had all Parts of Policy so necessary for an Usurper, and had so perfectly learnt the Art of Dissembling, that, with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven (whose Heart was far from it) and his Hand laid on his Breast, he would pray, cry, and act the Saint, till he had fully accom∣plished his Designs.

After Cromwell's Death, his Son Richard be∣ing named in the Petition and Advice, succeeded as Protector; but having nothing of his late Father's Spirit or Parts, was unfit to hold what his late Father had got, and so was quickly turned out and deposed by his ambitious and jealous Kindred, without drawing his Sword for it. Then, at the Army's Call, that filthy Part of the Commons called the Juncto, retur∣ned back to govern; who not pleasing their over-powerful Masters, the Army, they were a second time expulsed by the Army. Then a Creature of the Army's begetting (with a new Name of their own devising) called, The Com∣mittee of Safety, was substituted, which occa∣sioned a great Difference betwixt the English and Scotch Army, the latter declaring a great Dissatisfaction against the Proceedings of the former, and the Contest ended by the Divisi∣ons in the English Army, their Mutinery and Mouldring away, whilst the Scotch Army, un∣der the Command of the prudent Fabius, Gene∣ral

Monk, advanced towards London, whose Coming and Design had been prevented, if timorous Fleetwood had made good his Promise of sending first to the King, the Great Seal, with the Keeper of it, to assure his Majesty of their Repentance and Resolution to call in the King; which was agreed betwixt Fleetwood and the Keeper, who was ready to go with the Great Seal: But some Officers, then in Being in the Army, opposed Fleetwood's Resolution, who had before promised them to do nothing without their Consent, of that Nature; and so the whole Business was set aside, when the Keeper was ready to go with the Great Seal.

It was the King's great Happiness, that Monk never owned his Design of serving the King, till it fell in his Power. If he had declared his Resolution sooner, he had destroyed himself; and the Assurance that the Parliament had, that Monk had no such Intention, hindered those Obstructions which probably would have ruined his Credit with his own Army, and united the rest of the Forces against him. It is true, that he was the Instrument to bring that to pass, which certainly he had neither Wisdom to fore∣see, nor Understanding to contrive, he being a phlegmatick dull Person, till he was awakened by his Officers, who thought him in great Dan∣ger by pulling down the Gates of the City of London: And therefore his Officers perswaded him to march again into the City, and then he declared to the Citizens (at Alderman Wate's House) whom I knew very well, and at which

time I lodged at Mr. Clargy's House, an Apo∣thecary near Charing-Cross, whose Sister was married to Monk. This Apothecary was a very active stirring Man, and full of Intrigues, and I believe he prevailed much with his Brother Monk, to induce him to do what he did: For, whilst he was at Alderman Wate's, he then assured the Citizens, that he would live and die with them, which gave them great Joy, and put the Parliament in some Disorder; where∣upon they sent some Members to treat with him, upon which he returned to Whitehall, and then sent for the Members of both Parties, for those that were turned out of Parliament in the Year 1648, and delivers a Paper to them in Writing, which his Secretary read to them; and then they all thought, that he really in∣tended the Establishing a Commonwealth: But no sooner was the Conference ended, but the Members that had been excluded from 1648, entered the House of Commons, and presently dissolved themselves; which really contributed as much to his Majesty's Service, as if really Monk had designed it at the first: But whether he did, or did not, I think is yet a great Que∣stion, the wisest amongst us believing he never at first intended it, but that it fell into his Lap, to make our Nation happy, by restoring the right Heir to the Crown, without the Assi∣stance of any foreign Prince, which was a Hap∣piness beyond our Expectation or Desert.

But before the almost miraculous Restoration of King Charles II. and his coming to the Go∣vernment,

I think something may be said, tho' not in Vindication, yet in Mitigation, of the Crimes committed by some Members in that Long Parliament, in which unhappy Times the Crown was even laid in the Dust, and the Justice of the King's Cause did not prevail against those malignant Spirits (who had de∣signed the King's Ruine) and had misled and corrupted the Understandings of many of his Majesty's Subjects, who were over-perswaded by the specious Shew of Salus Populi suprema Lex, and thro' Mistakes and Inconveniences then introduced (tho' not intended by the late King) did, in those calamitous Times, rather weakly than wilfully, transgress their Bounds of Duty, and did not pay the Reverence and Obedience to the fundamental Laws of the Land, which they should have done, but were led by the wicked Insinuation of others, being confident that many, from their Hearts, ab∣horred every Article of that strange and un∣heard of Rebellion, and most heartily depreca∣ted the Miseries that followed it; and yet they themselves contributed to it, and to those very Votes from whence those Evils they abhorred did naturally spring; not considering, that when their Consultations tended to lessen or infringe the Power and Dignity of their King, they meddled with that which was not in their Determination, and which the King ought to have maintained with the Sacrifice of his Life: And we may well believe, those Miseries could never have been brought upon the English Na∣tion,

nor that Violence committed upon the sa∣cred Person of his then Majesty, if those pro∣fligated Villains that designed it, had not first violated the Parliament, by forcibly excluding those Members, who would never have consen∣ted to so execrable an Attempt, since they had avowed and covenanted for Defence and Safety of the King's Person, which was ever before dear to Parliaments: And none can think of that horrid Act committed against the precious Life of our Sovereign, but with Detestation, and such Abhorrence, that Words are wanting to express it. And had I the Voice of Stentor, nay, of St. Paul, I could not sufficiently de∣claim against it; and next to wishing it had never been, we wish it may never be remem∣bered, but with that Grief and Trouble of Mind it deserves, being the greatest Reproach to our English Nation that it ever yet incurred, tho' the Nation it self, as well as several Mem∣bers of Parliament were innocent of it, which was the only Contrivance and Act of some ambitious blood-thirsty Persons, hoping the di∣vine Justice will not impute the Evil of it to the whole Kingdom, and involve the Guiltless with the Guilty.

The END of the MEMOIRS of the REIGN of K. CHARLES I.