A compendious history of the British churches in England, Scotland, Ireland, and America. By John Brown.: [pt.2]

A COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

WHO first published the gospel of Christ in North Britain, we know not. But, from our ancestors zealous attachment to observe their Easter upon the 14th day of the moon, we are tempt|ed to think, that some of their first preachers had come from the Lesser Asia, after that superstition had become fashionable there. It is said, that about A. D. 203, King Donald I. and his queen, with se|veral of his nobles, embraced the Christian religion; and that Cratilinth, about seventy years after, more fully established it, and abolished heathenism.—Pro|bably the terrible persecution raised by Diocletian, the Roman emperor, about A. D. 302, obliged both preachers and other Christians, in the south parts of the island, to flee northward, where his power could not reach them.—Palladius, coming from Rome, in the 5th century, to assist out preachers in their op|position to the Pelagian heresy, is said to have intro|duced diocesan prelacy; and to have sent St. Patrick from near Glasgow to Ireland, in order to christia|nize the inhabitants, or to introduce bishops among them. But so inconsiderable was the power of these

primary bishops, that it was not till about six hun|dred years afterward, that they had any fixed dio|ceses in Scotland. About this time, Hildebert, Se|dulius, Columba, and other learned men, flourished here, and were encouraged by Congall out king. And in this, or the next century, Kintogern, Bal|dred, Conval, Mornan, Cormack, Hebred, Dustan, Jonas, Gabrian, Gall, and Columban, were famed preachers. The two last travelled into France and Switzerland, if not also into part of Italy.

About A. D. 520, the Saturnalian festivals of the heathens, which had in other places been before trans|ferred to the pretended honour of Jesus Christ, were introduced into Scotland, and still continue to be ob|served in our revels of Christmass and the new year, under pretence of honouring the birth and circum|cision of our Saviours. In the 7th century, Thomian, Columban, Chroman, Bathan, Herman, Laustran, Stellan, Sergan, Corman, Aidan, Finan, Colman, A|daman, Chilian, Wiro, Plechelm, Samson, and Cle|mens, made a respectable figure in the clerical order. But most of them were terribly harrassed by Augustin, Wilfrid, Boniface, and other Pontifical missionaries from Rome, because they refused to subject their con|sciences or country to his Papal Majesty, and opposed the observation of Easter on the day appointed at Rome, as well as the imposition of celibacy on the clergy, and of their shaving of their heads in the form of a cross, to mark their mission from Christ. In the 8th cen|tury, we find a considerable number of learned men, of whom John of Air, Alcuin, Clemens, and Raban, favourites of Charles the Great of Germany and France, appear to have been the chief; but whether they were all natives of Scotland, I know not.

About A. D. 860, a Synod held at Scoon enacted, That all clergymen should reside at their charges; instruct their people by their example, as well as by their doctrine; that they should keep no hawks or hounds for hunting; that they should neither carry warlike weapons, nor plead any civil causes. Con|stantine,

the king, also enacted, That drunkenness should be punished with death; and that none should take above one meal a-day, or accustom themselves to ly on soft beds. About A. D. 904, King Grego|ry, in a convention of states at Forfar, is said to have exempted the clergy from all taxes, service in war, or subjection to civil courts;—and to have given them power to draw tithes, enact ecclesiastical ca|nons, and judge of matrimonial and testamentary causes. It was moreover enacted, that every king, at his coronation, should swear to maintain all the clerical privileges. About A. D. 977, Beornel, or Bernet, a Scotch bishop, and others, were summon|ed to England, to have their heretical principle of the lawfulness of priests marriage disproved and con|demned. Dunstan, bishop of Canterbury, their prin|cipal opponent, by causing the beams of the floor, on which they sat, to be secretly cut, that it might sink under every one but himself, pretended, that their fall, while he remained safe, plainly marked the decision of heaven in his favours. About the beginning of the eleventh century, King Malcolm fix|ed the bishops to particular dioceses, and erected the bishoprics of St. Andrews, Glasgow, Murray, Caith|ness, Murthlack, and Aberdeen. Turgot was the first bishop of St. Andrews. In this century, Ma|rian, Patern, Amichad, Sigebert, and Elias, Scotch, preachers, made a respectable figure in Germany. Kings began to be anointed at their instalment. A|bout A. D. 1198, King Alexander, suspecting the intrusive ambition of Thurstan, archbishop of York, desired Radolf of Canterbury to provide a bishop for St. Andrews: and notwithstanding all that Thurstan could do to oppose it, one Eadmer was sent. But he, refusing to profess his subjection to the Canter|burian see, was soon obliged to return to England.

In the 12th century, kings and others appeared madly intent on promoting Monkish devotion. The abbeys of Scoon, St. Columbe, Jedburgh, Kelso, Melross, Newbottle, Holyroodhouse, Kinloss, Cam|buskenneth,

Dundrennan, Holm and Coultram, and two convents at Newcastle; and one at Berwick, and another at Carlisle for Nuns, were built, and endowed with revenues mostly by King David, who also erected the bishoprics of Ross, Brichen, Dun|keld, and Dunblain, and was rewarded with the ho|nour of a Papal Saint. His successors founded the abbies of Cowpar, Angus, Sawtry, Aberbrothick, Balmerino, and the convent of Maxwel. The prior of St. Andrews, Richard a canon, and David a pres|byter, were the most noted for learning. The Scotch clergy, being cited to a council at Northampton, boldly refused all subjection to the archbishop of York. Gilbert, a young canon, was their principal disputant. The convent of St. Andrews' election of an Englishman to that see, occasioned a furious con|test between King William and the Pope, who had laid the whole kingdom under an Interdict of all reli|gious service, had not Scot, the elected bishop, by his earnest supplications, prevented it.

In the 13th century, the Franciscan and Domini|can monks spread themselves into Scotland. King Alexander II. having assisted the French against K. John of England, now an absolute slave and deputy of the Pope, his Holiness laid his whole kingdom un|der an Interdict. When his Legate afterward came to declare the nation absolved from this dreadful curse, he so terribly oppressed them, that they were forced to complain of his conduct at Rome. An|other Legate quickly followed, to raise contributions for carrying on the holy war in Canaan. Having spent what he got in debauchery, as he returned, he pretended, that he had been robbed of it. Another Legate was sent from Rome to demand new contri|butions: but king Alexander prohibited him, or any other, on any such errand, to enter his kingdom. —Not long after, Ottobon, and afterward Rustani, were sent to require payment of the Pontifical dues. But as king Alexander III. prohibited the raising of money in his kingdom, without his special allowance,

they dared not to enter the country. In this centu|ry were founded the monasteries of Pluscardy, Beau|ly, and Archattan, the nunneries of Haddington and North Berwick, the abbey of Culross, and another in Galloway, and the famed cross of Peebles. Gil|bert, earl of Strathearn, bestowed one third of his estate on the see of Dunblain, and another on the abbey of Inchaffray.—From the death of Alexan|der, in A. D. 1285, to the end of the next century, the furious contentions between the BRUCES and BALIOLS for the royal dignity, and the treacherous invasions and oppressions of the English, thereby oc|casioned, diverted the Scots from their mad super|stition, and almost desolated the country. Neither party regarded the Papal mandates of peace, but as they tended to their own interests.

In A. D. 1407, Resby, an Englishman, and in 1431, Paul Craw, a Bohemian, were burnt as here|tics, by order of Henry Wardlaw, bishop of St. An|drews, who founded an university there, about 1412. Bishop Kennedy, his successor, built the college of St. Salvator. Patrick Graham, who succeeded him in 1466, got himself declared an archbishop, to whom all the other diocesans were required to be subject. But their opposition, and the strugglings of Shevez for the office of archdeacon, made him delirious. Shevez, by the Pope's assistance, obtained the see. He and Blackater, who was made archbishop of Glasgow about 1480, spent their strength in fierce contentions about pre-eminence. Meanwhile, some Waldenses or Wickliffites had taught in the counties of Kyle and Cuningham, That no images ought to be made or worshipped; nor relicks of saints adored; that it is not lawful to propagate the Christian religion by force; that Christ gave the power of binding and loosing to Peter, but not to the bishops of Rome as his successors: that Christ appointed no clerical consecrations; that the bread and wine in the Lord's supper retain their origi|nal substance after their consecration; that no tithes ought to be paid to the clergy; that every believer in

Christ is a priest; that the Pope is not the successor of Peter, unless in his Satanical hinderance of Christ's work; that he deceives the people with his Bulls and Indulgences; that masses are of no use to souls in Purgatory: that clerical benedictions are of no value; that the Pope sets himself above and against God; that he cannot remit the pains of Purgatory; that clerical excommunications are not to be feared; that it is never lawful for Christians to swear: that true Christians every day feed upon the body of Christ: For spreading of these opinions, perhaps partly misrepresented by their enemies, about thirty persons were summoned before the privy council. But they answered with such confidence and strength of reasoning, that it was thought safest to dismiss them.

While king James IV's brother, and bastard son were archbishops of St. Andrews, things went on pretty quietly. But after the death of the last, a furious contention for that wealthy see, between Douglas of Dunkeld, Forman of Murray, and Hep|burn prior of St. Andrews, took place. At last, Douglas yielded, and Forman obtained it, on con|dition of his paying a life rent of 3000 crowns to Hepburn. Meanwhile, or afterward, the learned doctors of the university were busied in disputing, Whether the Lord's prayer might be addressed to the saints! Pretended relicks being in great repute, a Romish pedlar, who had a large stock of them, o|pened his pack near Haddington. Among other ra|rities, he presented a bell which had a rent in it, said to have been occasioned by a false oath; and pretend|ed, that such was its sacred sensibility, that if any person with his hand on it, dared to swear falshood, it would rend, and the swearer's hand cleave to it; but, if nothing but truth was sworn, it would not rend, or the swearer's hand stick to it. One Fermor, a sensible man, bent upon exposing this pretence, begged allowance to swear with his hand on this bell; and holding it up to the multitude, that they might see in what condition it and his hand were, he laid

his hand upon it, and solemnly swore, That the Pope was Antichrist, and his cardinals, archbishops, bishops, priests, and monks, locusts come from hell to delude men from God, and that they would return to hell. Listing his hand freely from the bell, he held it up to the multi|tude, that they might see that no change had been made upon it; and that, according to its owner, he had sworn nothing but the truth. The pedlar slipt off ashamed, nor did any more of his sort trouble the nation.

Meanwhile, about A. D. 1528, Patrick Hamilton, abbot of Ferm, having in Germany drunk in consi|derable knowledge of the truth from Luther, Me|lancthon, Lambert, and others, he, on his return, communicated it to his friends. He was accused of maintaining That men's sinful corruption of nature re|mained after their baptism; that no man can, by the power of his own free will, perform any thing spiritu|ally good; that no man is without sin in this life; that every true Christian may know himself to be such; that men are not justified by good works, but by faith only; that good works do not make a man good, but a man be|ing made good by God's Spirit, performs good works; that evil works repented of do not make a man bad; that faith, hope, and charity are inseparably connected; that without the assistance of God's gracious influence we can do nothing but sin: that it is devilish doctrine to assert, that men's actual penance can purchase God's pardon of their sin; that auricular confession of sin is not necessary to salvation; that there is no Purgatory; that the Old Testament saints were in heaven before Christ's death; that the Pope is Antichrist, and hath no more power than any ordinary priest. He maintained before their court, that the first seven of these assertions were certainly true, and that he could not condemn the seven last, till he saw better reason than ever he had done. He was therefore condemned to be burnt. While he was in the flames, Friar Campbel and some others plagued him with intreaties to recant. He solemnly summoned Campbel speedily to answer at

God's tribunal for his conduct so contrary to his own conscience. Campbel soon after died miserably, frantic and desperate. Mr. Hamilton's brother James and his sister Katharine, were also prosecuted for he|retics: but king James secretly conveyed them out of the way.

While Boethius, principal of the college of Aber|deen, and Mair, professor of divinity, and afterward provost of that of St. Andrews, by their Latin histo|ries of their nations encouraged others to the study of learning, the burning of Hamilton roused multi|tudes to examine whether his principles were truth or error, and found them supported by scripture. Friar Seaton taught, That the law of God is the only rule of righteousness; that no man can satisfy for his own sin; that pardon of it is only obtained by true faith in the merits of Christ and an unfeigned repentance; that the scripture requires bishops to preach the gospel. Being persecuted by his superiors, he fled into Eng|land. Gavin Loggy and William Airth began to perceive the truth, and in their sermons to expose the wickedness of the clergy. Henry Forrest of Lin|lithgow, a simple priest, who used an English New Testament, having been decoyed by his Confessor to acknowledge, that he thought Mr. Hamilton a good man, and his articles defensible, he was treacherous|ly discovered, imprisoned, and burnt. Several were prosecuted for heresy, but recanted. David Straiton, who had been converted from a most furious and turbulent profligate, and Norman Gourlay, were condemned to the flames for their denial of Purga|tory, and of the Pope's jurisdiction in Scotland. Alesse, Fife, M'Dougal, and M'Bee compeared not, but fled into England. After the death of lord Cromwel, the first three retired thence into Saxony; and at last Fife returned to Scotland. M'Bee retired to Denmark, and was remarkably useful in promot|ing the reformation of that country. In 1538, Kil|lore, Belfrage, friars, Simson, a priest, Forrat, a ca|non,

and R. Forrester, were burnt for heretics. The bishop of Dunkeld had warned Forrat, that his preaching every Sabbath rendered him suspected of heresy, and advised him never to preach on the e|pistle or gospel of the day, but when it was a good one; and thanked his Maker, that he had lived well many years, without knowing either Old or New Testament. Russel, a gray friar, and Kennedy, a young man of 18 years of age, submitted to the flames with great piety and chearfulness, for the sake of the truth.

James Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrews, dying, his nephew, the Cardinal, succeeded him. He im|mediately commenced a prosecution against Sir John Borthwick for holding, That the Pope had no greater authority than other bishops; that his indulgences and remissions but deceived the people; that clergymen might lawfully marry; that the reformed principles, worship, and government embraced in England, were commen|dable; that clergymen ought not to possess temporalities, but kings should convert ecelesiastical revenues to other pious uses; that the canon law can be of no force, because it is contrary to the law of God; that the friars and monks ought to be abolished; that the Pope was guilty of simony, in his selling of spiritual things:—as also for refusing to acknowledge the Pope's authority, and for reading and distributing copies of the English New Testament, and other heretical books. But to save himself from the frames, Sir John escaped in|to England.

King Henry VIII. of England, having sent to his nephew, king James V. some books of the Eng|lish Reformers for his illumination, and solicited a friendly meeting with him at York, in order to ad|vise him to a similar reformation of religion in Scot|land, the Scotch clergy, dreading the most fatal con|sequences to themselves, warmly remonstrated to James, how inoffensive such an interview with his heretical uncle, would be to his Holiness and all good men; and how dangerous to himself. They pro|mised

him an yearly compliment of 50,000 crowns, and insisted, that, by confiscating the estates of such noblemen, as were guilty of herefy and rebellion, he might raise 100,000 more. Persuaded by their soli|citations, he declared war against his uncle. Some terrible visions, and the death of his two sons in one day, were thought to be warnings from God against proceeding in this war.—He had no sooner heard of the defeat and shameful rout of his army of 10,000, who, under Oliver Sinclair, had marched into Eng|land, by about four or five hundred undisciplined peasants, than he died of grief, A. D. 1542. Not long after, the Committee of Estates allowed the na|tion to read the English bible, till the bishops should publish a better. But cardinal Beaton, having got a testament forged for the late king, which declared himself the principal Regent of the kingdom, for Mary the royal infant; and having got out of pri|son, and even decoyed Hamilton, earl of Arran, in|to his views, he commenced a furious persecution of the Protestant heretics, particularly in Perth. Some were executed, others banished, and lord Ruthven deprived of his provostship. In Angus many were prosecuted for reading the New Testament, which was pretended to have been forged by Luther. Some were executed for refusing to pray to the Virgin Ma|ry; and five, on suspicion that they had eaten a goose on Friday.

In 1544, George Wishart, a native of Mearns, began to preach the gospel, especially at Montrose and Dundee. Beaton drove him from the latter, but not till he had warned the inhabitants, that God would speedily punish their contempt of the gospel. To the inexpressible vexation of the archbishop of Glasgow, Wishart, with great zeal, and no inconsi|derable success, retired to the west of Scotland, and there preached the glad tidings of salvation. Being informed there, that on the 4th day after he had left Dundee, the plague had broken out among the inhabitants, he hastened back to them with the of|fers

of mercy, in the midst of their distress. He soon afterward preached at Haddington, and observ|ing, that though thousands attended a stage play, yet scarce an hundred attended his sermons, he de|nounced the vengeance of God against the inhabi|tants; which soon after overtook them by means of the French and English in the fiege and defence of the place. After several narrow escapes, he was ap|prehended at Ormiston in East Lothian. Contrary to the solemn promise of Bothwel his apprehender, he was at last delivered up to Cardinal Beaton, carri|ed to St. Andrews, and there condemned to be burnt. After he had received the Lord's supper in his prison, together with the captain of the castle, he chearfully suffered, foretelling the unhappy death of the Car|dinal, who, from his window, pleased himself with the view of his torments;—as he had formerly done the remarkable illumination of the kingdom with the gospel of Christ.

To the great satisfaction of the Popish clergy, Bea|ton had appointed, that none should pray for the soul of the heretical Wishart, under the highest pains. But not long after, two Leslies, William Kirkaldy, James Melvil, and a few others, surprised the Car|dinal in his castle, and having killed him, shewed him to the mob from that very window, from which he had glutted his cruel eyes with the burning of Wish|art. In killing him, James Melvil solemnly protested to him, that he bore him no private grudge, but la|boured to avenge his treacherous and horrid murder of that man of God. The conspirators and their friends, to the number of about 140, defended themselves in the castle, till they obtained a capitulation. John Rough, an Englishman, was their preacher in the castle, and afterward John Knox, a native of East Lothian, came and assisted him. They were accus|ed of preaching in the castle and town, That no mor|tal man can be head of the church; that the Pope is Antichrist, and not so much as a member of Christ's mystical body; that every man is bound to receive the

religion received from God; that the sacraments ought to be administered in the manner prescribed by Christ, and exemplified by his apostles; that the Mass is abo|minable idolatry, and a blasphemous reproach of our Sa|viour's death; that such bishops as do not preach are not true ones; that the law of God doth not necessarily ap|propriate the tithes to the clergy. But as Mair, the provost of the university and prior of the abbey, fa|voured their tenets, they escaped with an admoniti|on. Rough returned to England, and there, by Bonner's influence, died a martyr in 1557.

Notwithstanding their capitulation, the besieged, judging the Pontifical remission obtained for them in|sufficient, refused to surrender the castle, and were therefore anew besieged, and at last obliged to sur|render on the sole condition of having their lives spared. In 1550, Knox, and others of them, who had been put into gallies or prisons, were liberated in consequence of the remarkable victory of the Eng|lish at Musselburgh. But no sooner had the Scotch managers obtained peace from the English, than they renewed their persecution of the Protestants. Adam Wallace, a simple man, being apprehended at Win|ton in East Lothian, was condemned and burnt for teaching his neighbours, and for baptizing his own child for want of a faithful minister; and for de|nial of Purgatory; and for maintaining that pray|ers for the dead were superstitious, the Mass an ido|latrous service, and the bread and Wine in the Lord's supper not turned into the body and blood of Christ. Notwithstanding their hard work in determining how the Lord's prayer should be directed to God, and how to the saints, the clergy found time to publish a most pitiful explication of it, and of the ten command|ments, which, from its price, was called the Two-penny faith.

RETURNING from England, on account of the Marian persecution, there begun, John Willock, and John Knox, along with Harlow an Englishman,

preached the gospel, and declaimed against the abo|minations of Popery. The clergy quickly com|menced a process against Knox, and soon after a|gainst the other preachers. But so many of their friends attended them at their trial, and even in the Regent's presence threatened to avenge the injury done them on their prosecutors, as quite dispirited them, and made them glad to desert the diet. At the request of his old congregation there, Knox re|tired to Geneva, and thence directed his Appeal to the Nobles, Gentry, and Commons of Scotland, from the bishops, who had raised a new process against him in his absence, and burnt him in effigy. Much about the same time, he directed his Appeal to a free General Council, and to the Queen Regent and her subjects.

Dury, bishop of Galloway, and Panther of Ross, two principal persecutors, dying as brutes, the burghs of Dundee, Perth, Montrose, Cowpar, St. Andrews, Edinburgh, Stirling, and others;—not a few of the nobility, the duke of Castlerault, now Hamilton, the earls of Argyle, Glencairn, Arran, Monteith, Rothes, Marshal, and Morton; Lord James Stewart, after|ward earl of Murray; the lords Lorn, Ruthven, Lindsay, Ochiltree, Boyd, Gray, Yester, and San|quhar; Sir David Lindsay, Sir James Sandilands, and other gentry, with multitudes of the commons of Cuningham, Kyle, Carrick, Angus, Murray, Lo|thian, Fife, and Strathern, instructed by Knox and other preachers, and by reading the scripture and Christian conference, began to detest the clerical ty|ranny, and to doubt of the lawfulness of attending Mass, or offering their children to Popish baptism, or of assisting Government in their maintenance of popish idolatry, or persecuting men for their adhe|rence to truth; or even of quietly permitting their fellow subjects to be murdered for the sake of religi|on. They quickly perceived it to be their duty, to make an open confession of their faith, and to at|tempt a reformation from these evils, of which they

had secretly complained. Being convinced of their obligation to exert themselves to their utmost for the abolishment of idolatry, superstition, and tyranny, and to promote the pure administration of gospel doctrines and worship, they resolved to examine their own strength. For this purpose, while they agreed to hold social meetings at set times for prayer and reading of the scriptures, till they could be pro|vided with preachers, and Argyle and others took preachers into their families,—they employed some of their most proper hands, especially in Fife and Angus, to travel through the kingdom and solicit the nobility, gentlemen, and burghers, to make an open confession of the truth, and to assist one ano|ther in the defence of it. These agents appear to have carried about with them forms of an association, to be subscribed by such as inclined. Soon after, they elected ruling elders among them, to whom they promised subjection in the Lord. From their frequent meetings, they began to be called the CON|GREGATION. Laying their account with persecu|tion from the Popish clergy and their supporters, several noblemen and others, in A. D. 1557, enter|ed into a solemn covenant to promote the reformati|on of religion, and to defend each other in so doing; which was subscribed by the earls of Argyle, Glen|cairn, and Morton; lord Lorn, John Erskine of Dun, &c.

Finding, by the return of their copies of associa|tion, which they had sent through the kingdom, that their reforming intentions were approven by the most of the nation, they appointed Sir James Sandilands to present their requests to the queen Regent, and to insist, that public prayers, and the administration of the sacraments, should be in their own language; that ministers should be elected by their people; that the life and doctrine of candi|dates for the holy ministry should be carefully tried, and all ministers ignorant or scandalous, deposed, and others, that were sit, substituted in their stead.

They represented to her, the reasonableness of their open confession of their principles, and of their pro|tecting one another against the cruelty of the Popish priests. In order to procure their consent to the settlement of the crown upon the dauphin of France, who had lately married her daughter Mary, the heir of it, the Queen Regent pretended to allow them their public worship in their own language, providing, that it should be performed without any tumults,—and that their preachers should not offi|ciate publicly in Edinburgh or Leith.

But, the Earl of Argyle, after much faithful re|sistance of the Archbishops solicitations, having died, witnessing to the truth, and other well affect|ed noblemen, being removed, probably by poison, in France,—the Popish clergy, provoked by the a|bove concessions, and secretly countenanced by the Queen Regent, resumed their courage in 1558, and fell upon Walter Mill an aged priest. Firmly ad|hering to the truth, he was condemned to the flames, which he endured with remarkable chearfulness. His speech at the stake left a very deep impression on the minds of spectators. They also procured a sentence of outlawry and banishment against Paul Methven, who had preached about Dundee and o|ther places of Angus. But, notwithstanding all their malice, the people attended his sermons, and afforded him necessary support. At first, the Popish doctors offered a public disputation on the points of difference. But, as the Reformed insisted, that the scriptures, not the canon law, should be the standard of judgment, and that their banished brethren should be allowed to assist at it, they refused to comply with their terms.

In consequence of Knox's published appeal from the clerical decision against him, the Lords, and o|ther principal men of the congregation, insisted, that the laws impowering the bishops to proceed a|gainst heretics, should be repealed; that nothing should be reckoned heresy, but what was contrary

to the fundamental doctrines of God's word; and that such as were prosecuted for it before civil judg|es, should be allowed to except against the witnesses, and propose their own defences, as well as other cri|minals. The Queen Regent kept their petition in her pocket, pretending, that it was not expedient to have it read in parliament, as the clerical members would oppose her designs; and that it would be more proper, first to procure the favour of the convocati|on. The Lords yielded, for the time: but, before the parliament was dissolved, they solemnly protest|ed, That, since they could not obtain a just refor|mation according to the word of God, it should be lawful for them to believe and act in matters of re|ligion, as they could answer to God and their own conscience, till once the Popish clergy should prove themselves true ministers of Christ, and purge them|selves of such crimes, as they were ready to lay to their charge; that no Protestant should incur any danger, for non-observance of the laws and rites of the Popish church; that as they desired nothing but an orderly reformation of religion, no tumults, occasioned by the diversity of religions, or violent reformation of abuses, should be imputed to them. But, by her fair promises to remember these points, and to rectify matters to their satisfaction, the Queen Regent prevented the marking of their protest in the minutes of Parliament.

It was easily foreseen, that all application for re|dress to the Convocation, in which the principal corrupters of religion, and whose carnal interest was closely connected with the corruptions complain|ed of, had the fole sway, could be to no purpose. The Queen Regent, having got her point, relative to the settlement of the crown on Francis her son-in-law and countryman, settled, and being offended with the freedom of some of the Reformed, gave plain hints of her intention to crush them, and make examples of some of their chiefs, in order to terrify the rest. Accordingly, in next spring, 1559,

••he issued a proclamation, requiring all her subjects ••o observe the festival of Easter, in the wonted Po|poish manner. Such ministers as refused compliance, were summoned before her privy council at Stirling, on the tenth of May. The Reformers sent the earl of Glencairn and Sir Hugh Campbel to solicit her favour to their ministers, and to put her in mind of her promises. But she told them in a fury, that in despite of all their supporters, these ministers should be banished from the kingdom, and that the promi|ses of princes were not to be urged upon them any further, than consistent with their own convenience. The commissioners replied, that if she renounced her promises to them, they would renounce their subjection to her; and desired her seriously to pon|der the consequences. Finding that vast multitudes, chiefly from Angus and Mearns, were on their way to attend the ministers at their trial, and to make an open confession of their faith, and being advanced to Perth, had sent John Erskine of Dun to assure her of their peaceable approach, she, by flattery, and solemnly declaring, that the diet of council against the ministers should be deserted, and nothing done to their prejudice, engaged him to persuade his con|stituents to stop, and disperse themselves home|ward. But no sooner had she heard of their return, than she held the meeting of council, and outlawed the ministers in their absence. Highly offended with her Guisian treachery, and some other attempts to ruin her Protestant subjects, Erskine posted to P••rth, excused his former advice relative to their dispersion, informed them of the Regent's proce|dure against their ministers, and warned them to prepare for the worst.

A multitude of the Reformed quickly reassembled at Perth; and Knox, having just returned from Ge|neva, preached a warm discourse against the Popish idolatry. He had scarce finished it, when a pre|sumptuous priest began to celebrate high mass, and struck a boy, who exclaimed against his unsufferable

impudence. A tumult immediately ensued, and e|very monument of idolatry in that church was de|stroyed. The mob, assembling, fell on the mona|steries, destroyed all the monuments of idolatry they could find, and levelled the buildings almost with the ground; but permitted the monks to carry off the spoil. Not one of the Protestants took for his own use the value of a groat. The inhabitants of Cowpar in Fife and other places, served the monu|ments of idolatry in much the same manner. In|formed of these things, the Regent vowed to de|stroy every inhabitant of Perth, man, woman, and child, and to burn the town to an heap of ashes and sow the place with salt. She represented the Protestants, as intending nothing but rebellion. To refute her calumnies, the principal Reformers made her a solemn offer of wonted obedience, providing they could have the word of God truly preached to them, and the sacraments rightly administered. They certified her, that if she did not put a stop to her cruelty, they would defend their brethren, take arms against their enemies, and manifest their inno|cence to Francis and Mary their sovereigns, and to other Christian princes. They warned her French troops, that if they attacked them, it should be at their peril. They intreated the Popish Lords to re|frain their fury till their cause should be tried, and they have opportunity to manifest the abominable practices of the Romish priests, and the falseness of their religion. They warned the Protestants, that if any of them should take arms against their bre|thren, they should be held traitors to God, and ex|communicated from their society. They boldly de|clared, that with God's assistance, they would de|fend themselves and their brethren against their e|nemies, though ten times their number. These re|solute declarations of the master of Lindsay, laird•• of Balvaird and Lundy, and some other barons of Angus and Fife, made a deep impression on some o•• the Regent's adherents. They began to doubt o••

the lawfulness of persecuting men, who offered all due obedience to civil authority, and required no|thing but liberty of conscience, and to have their religion tried by the word of God. As the prelates and their clerical agents, to their utmost, suppressed the spread of their petitions, and inflamed their fel|low subjects against them, the Reformers published a declaration, bearing, That if they persevered in such conduct, and did not mitigate those whom they had inflamed, they would apprehend them, where|ever they could find them, and treat them as open enemies to God and man; and that they would make no peace with them, till they should desist from their public idolatry and cruel persecution of God's children.

Informed, that multitudes were marching from the south west parts of the kingdom to join this re|solute body,—and finding, that lord James Stewart prior of St. Andrews, the bastard brother of Queen Mary, and the earl of Argyle, who had married her bastard sister, her commissioners to the congregation at Perth, were convinced that their Protestant bre|thren had been falsely charged with rebellious inten|tions, the Regent and D' Oselle her French general resolved to strike up an agreement with them upon as hard terms as possible. But the earl of Glencairn, with 2500 of his friends, having, with almost in|credible expedition, marched over the mountains westward of Stirling, came up before it was finished, and obliged her to grant more advantageous terms, viz. That none of the towns, should be challenged for destroying the monuments of idolatry; that the profession and practice of the Protestant religion should be freely allowed through the whole king|dom; that no French soldiers should come within three miles of Perth; and that all other matters should be left to the determination of the Parlia|ment. But, the Reformers returning to their own homes, the Regent was scarcely admitted into Perth, when she changed the magistrates, fined and banish|ed

many of the inhabitants, and left behind her a guard of Scotch soldiers in French pay.

Before their departure from Perth, the Reformers had solemnly covenanted jointly to promote the refor|mation of religion in the nation, and to defend one another in so doing. The earls of Argyle and Glen|cairn, lord James Stewart, Boyd, Ochiltree, &c. sub|scribed it. Argyle, and lord James Stewart, who had mediated in order to obtain the late treaty, lord Ruthven, the earl of Monteith, and the laird of Tul|libarden, finding that it had been so shamefully vio|lated, deserted the Regent; and the two first, with their assistants, destroyed the monuments of idolatry at St. Andrews, Stirling, Linlithgow, and Edinburgh, and set up the reformed worship; and restored it at Perth. She thought to have cut them off at St. Andrews: but being informed of her design, they offered battle to her troops at Cowpar moor. She fled to Dunbar, though her forces were ten to one of their opponents: but being informed, that ma|ny of the Reformers had gone home, she in vain attempted to surprise the Protestant lords at Edin|burgh. Nevertheless, as she had the castle, and the French troops on her side, they entered into a new treaty with her, bearing, That no Protestants should be molested for what innovations they had made, till the parliament should settle these matters, and none of their ministers be hindered from preaching; that the Popish idolatry should not be restored, where it had been suppressed; and that no soldiers should be quartered in Edinburgh. The Reformers would not admit the mass to be celebrated in that city; but the Regent restored it at Leith and Holy|rood house. The duke of Chatelerault having re|turned to them, and his son the earl of Arran hav|ing joined them, the Protestant lords again covenant|ed to assist and defend one another in the mainten|ance of their religion. But the Regent, receiving a reinforcement of French troops, resolved to force them back to the Romish delusions. After some

missives had been exchanged, the war began. The Regent's troops were stationed at Leith, and those of the Lords at Edinburgh. The Lords declared her suspended from her regency, on account of her habitual disregard of the welfare of her sub|jects, and her oppression of them by French troops. But the necessity of their affairs, and the deser|tion of some of their party to her, obliged them to retreat to Stirling, in no small perplexity. Here Knox, in a sermon, sharply reproved them, for put|ting their trust in the duke of Chatelerault and his son, rather than in God, who had formerly enabled them to perform what appeared far beyond their a|bility; and he encouraged them to pray and hope, that he would further interpose in their favour. They applied to Queen Elizabeth of England for some as|sistance in men and money. A sum of money was sent them; but Bothwel, a friend of the Regent, took it by the way. About eighth thousand Engilsh also came to their aid. The Lords having renewed their mutual covenant, solemnly engaged to concur with them, in expelling the French, whom they be|sieged in Leith, with considerable loss on both sides. The French troops, having repulsed the allies, and slain a considerable number of them, piled up their naked bodies, along the side of the wall. The Re|gent, from the castle of Edinburgh, beholding the horrid spetacle, was transported with joy, and cried, That it was the finest tapestry ever she had seen; and wished, that all the fields between Leith and the castle were adorned in like manner. Not long after, she died of a shameful and lothsome distemper, lamenting the misery which she had brought on her subjects, by employing French troops against them, and pro|fessing that she expected salvation only through the blood of Christ. As she could not obtain Popish funeral in Scotland, her corpse, after about five months, was transported to France.

After a short truce, a treaty of peace was finished in July 1560, between Queen Elizabeth of England,

and Francis and Mary of Scotland, in which the interests of our Reformers were included; and the articles of which were, That Francis and Mary should never more claim the sovereignty of England or Ireland, and should erase the royal arms of these kingdoms from all their escutcheons and houshold furniture; that the transactions of the preceeding year should be buried in oblivion, on both sides; that both French and English forces should return home with all convenient speed; that Francis and Mary should make no war without the advice of their privy council and estates of Parliament; nor any of the Scotch nobility assemble soldiers, in any case not allowed by the laws and customs of the country, without consent of their Sovereign and his council; that no foreigners should be put into places of power or trust; and that a free parliament should meet in August next, for settling the religion and liberties of the kingdom.

After observing a solemn thanksgiving to God for their remarkable deliverance, the Reformers dispos|ed of their twelve principal preachers to the best ad|vantage, John Knox to Edinburgh; Christopher Goodman to St. Andrews; Adam Herriot to Aber|deen; John Row to Perth; William Christison to Dundee; David Ferguson to Dunfermline; and Paul Methven to Jedburgh; John Spotswood was appointed superintendent of Lothian and Merse; John Winram of Fife; John Erskine of Dun of Angus and Mearns; John Willock of Clydsdale and Air, and places adjacent; and John Carswel of Argyle shire and the Western isles.

The estates of Parliament assembled August 1560; but as Francis and Mary had not fulfilled their pro|mise, in sending up a commissioner to represent them in it, there was some dispute, whether its meeting was lawful and valid. But it was at last resolved in the affirmative. The Protestant nobility, gentry, burgesses, and others, presented a petition, craving, That the corruptions of the Popish church might be

condemned and abolished, and the worship of the primitive church restored; that the authority of the Pope should be renounced and prohibited; and the patrimony of the church applied to support mini|sters, teachers, and the poor. All these demands were readily granted, except the last; the nobles, who had seized upon the ecclesiastical revenues for themselves, being very loth to lose their prey.—The ministers were appointed to draw up a confession of that faith, the civil establishment of which they re|quested: for hitherto the Reformers had used the Confession of Geneva, as their ecclesiastical standard. Being exhibited to the parliament on the fourth day after, it was approved, without the least alteration, and without a contrary vote, except of Athole, Sommervil and Borthwick, who said, They were resolved to believe as their fathers had done. The ten Popish clergymen present, whose interest tempt|ed them to oppose it, were perfectly silent, which made the earl of Marshal insultingly to say, that certainly it contained the very truth of God.—The parliament also abolished the Pope's jurisdiction in this realm, rescinded all acts in favours of idolatry, and appointed, that such as said or heard MASS should be imprisoned for the first fault, banished for the second, and hanged for the third. But whether this or a subsequent meeting appointed the Protestant clergy to meet in a General Assembly, twice every year, I know not. Sir James Sandilands, a knight of Malta, who had behaved himself very neutrally in the late broils, was sent over to France with the above mentioned acts, to get them ratified by Francis and Mary: but his message was treated with the ut|most contempt. Nevertheless, the Reformers the less regreted the want of their ratification, as they had so solemn a warrant for the holding of parlia|ment. Francis' death prevented the execution of Mary's resentment, as well as the massacre of the Protestants at Orleans,—for which her Guisian uncles had got every thing prepared. Both Papists and

Protestants immediately dispatched their commission|ers to invite Mary home to her native country; and the contempt she suffered in France, after her hus|band's death, caused her gladly to accept the invi|tation, and hasten her return.

Meanwhile, the twelve ministers above-mentioned, with thirty two ruling elders of note, met in their first General Assembly, December 20th, 1560, and approved of the disposal of the ministers, and present|ed a form and order for the election of superintend|ents, ministers, elders, and deacons. As, in their Confession of Faith, they had scarcely touched upon church government and discipline, and did not fully agree with the Order of Geneva respecting funeral sermons and set forms of prayer, they appointed Messrs. Knox, Willock, Winram, Spotswood, Row, and Douglas, to draw up a Form of church govern|ment and discipline. They finished it in a few weeks, and presented it to the privy council about the middle of January 1561, for their ratification. But some of the members, perceiving that their behaviour was to be more strictly watched, and that it inferred a recovering of the ecclesiastical revenues, which they had seized, and required an application of them to pious uses, it could not obtain a judicial ratificati|on. But, instigated by Knox, the duke of Chatel|rault, the earls of Argyle, Arran, Glencairn, Mar|shal, Morton, and Rothes, and the lords James Stewart, Yester, Boyd, Ochiltree, Herreis, and Lind|say, the masters of Maxwel and Lindsay, George Gordon, bishop of Galloway, Alexander Campbel, dean of Murray, and others, barons, or burgesses, subscribed an extrajudicial approbation of it.

This first book of discipline required the abolish|ment of superstitious days, vows, meats, prayers, and of idolatry and all monuments thereof. It prescribed the manner of administring and receiv|ing baptism and the Lord's supper, and other ordi|nances of public worship; the form of installing ministers, ruling elders, deacons, superintendents,

and readers of the scripture, in the church, and their work; the form of censuring scandalous per|sons; the order of the weekly meetings of ministers for the joint exercise of their preaching gifts; the form of celebrating marriages and managing burials; and rules for towns, parishes, universities, church revenues, and reparations of kirks. Our Reformers considered their superintendents as a mere temporary expedient for promoting the welfare of their infant church, widely different from diocesan bishops. They were to be elected by all the kirks within the bounds of their visitation,—to be examined, and admitted by the ministers and neighbouring superintendents. They were obliged to preach thrice every week, and as much oftener as possible, and to visit the several congregations in their bounds thrice a year, and put every thing to rights. They had no sole power of excommunication or ordination allowed them; but were themselves subjected to the censures of the ministers of their province or synod, and especially to those of the General Assembly, to which they were bound, twice every year, to give an account of their conduct. In the book of discipline, ten or twelve of them were proposed: but, I suppose, through want of necessary salaries to bear their expences, their number never exceeded five. Public readers of the scriptures were necessary in that infant state of the church, in which not one of an hundred was capable of reading them. Their work was to read some chapters of the English bible to the peo|ple, especially when, as was often the case, they had none to preach to them.

Notwithstanding the convention of estates had no inclination to ratify the book of discipline, they ap|pointed the Popish cloisters and monasteries to be demolished; in consequence of which, many costly buildings, much ecclesiastical furniture, and even many valuable registers and libraries, were destroy|ed. But the Popish bishops, abbots, and priors, being allowed to retain much of their wonted re|venues,

they disposed of what had been reckoned the property of the church as civil property, to their bas|tards or otherwise. After the news of king Francis' death, the Popish clergy and mob of Edinburgh, made some attempts against the Protestant religion, to which the care and courage of the Reformers gave a timely check, so as, for some months, scarce|ly any durst celebrate mass, or manifest themselves Papists by their manner of worship. But, no sooner had Queen Mary returned, in August 1561, than she restored the mass in her own abbey chapel. High|ly offended, many of the Protestants declared, that they could not be unconcerned spectators of such gross corruption of the worship of God, nor would suffer the land again to be defiled therewith in their presence. To deter them, Mary issued forth a pro|clamation for protecting her domestics in their idola|trous devotion. The earl of Arran protested, That notwithstanding this proclamation, it should be held as lawful to punish her servants for saying or partak|ing of mass or other idolatrous practices, as if they were murderers. Knox, in his sermons, and other|wise, boldly declaimed against the Protestant cour|tiers, who, contrary to their solemn oath, suffered the idolatry of the mass to be committed; and add|ed, that one tolerated mass was more terrible to him than ten thousand armed forces invading the king|dom, as it would provoke God to give them up to ruin. To Mary's face, he boldly averred, That the mass was an idolatrous worship; and that Papists betook themselves to fire and sword, because they could not support their cause by scripture or reason. He vindicated his own conduct, and maintained, that if princes furiously oppress and murder their subjects, they may be restrained and imprisoned. Not long after, the town council of Edinburgh enac|ted, That no obstinate Papist, mass-priest, drunk|ard, fornicator, or adulterer, should be received in|to their city. In revenge hereof, Mary imprisoned the provost, declared the city free to all her subjects,

appointed the council to elect a new provost, and caused her own mass to be more publicly and pom|pously celebrated.

The second General Assembly, meeting in De|cember, Lethington, one of Mary's zealous Prote|stant supporters, gave them some trouble relative to the lawfulness of their convention without her allowance, and in opposing their supplication of her to procure them a civil ratification of their book of discipline. The Assembly sustained themselves im|powered by Jesus Christ as head of his church; nor, for twenty years after, had any commissioner from the sovereign any place in their meetings. In February 1562, the privy council, by an act, assign|ed two parties of the remaining revenues of the church to the Popish clergy, and the other third to the Popish queen, out of which she was to pay sti|pends to the Protestant ministers, some of whom had 100, others 200, and some 300 marks, as|signed them; which were of the same value as ten or twelve times as much at present. Knox observ|ed, That it boded ill to the church, when the devil had the two first parts of her revenues firmly secur|ed to him, and God had but a poor chance for the last third.

In their General Assembly, which met in June 1562, the Reformers agreed upon an uniformity in the administration of the sacraments, according to the Genevan book of common order; and that the life, doctrine, diligence, and faithfulness of the superintendents, should be tried in every assembly. They earnestly petitioned her majesty to remove the idolatrous mass out of her family and kingdom, and take care, That adulterers, fornicators, blasphem|ers, and open contemners of God, and his sabbaths and sacraments, should be condignly punished; that ministers and poor should be properly provided for, and kirks duly repaired. Messrs. Knox and Hay were appointed as occasional superintendents to visit the counties of Galloway, Kyle, Carrick, and Cun|ningham.

In his travels, Knox so effectually re|presented the danger of the Protestant religion from the then prevalence of the Popish courtiers and their friends, that a great part of the barons and gentry in the three last mentioned places, entered into a fifth solemn engagement to promote the true Protestant religion, support their ministers, and protect each other; which was subscribed by the earl of Glen|cairn, the lords Boyd, Cathcart, Ochiltree, and about 170, or 180 others. At the next General Assembly, in December, Winram superintendent of Fife, was accused of slackness in his visitations; and of being addicted to worldly business, negligent of preaching, rash in his excommunications, and rigid in his exaction of tithes. Erskine of Angus was ac|cused of admitting men to be ministers, and exhort|ers or probationers, without any due trial; and Po|pish priests, and other wicked or ignorant persons, to be Readers; and scandalous persons to be ruling elders; and of conniving at ministers not residing at their charges, and not duly attending the weekly exercises of prophesying or mutual improvement. Methven of Jedburgh was accused, deposed, and excommunicated for uncleanness with his servant maid. No doubt, these blemishes in three of the twelve reforming ministers, did, in the awful provi|dence of God, much hurt their cause.

In June 1563, the assembly finding, that the su|perintendents had not been duly laborious and faith|ful, or had too much work on their hands, appoint|ed Knox and some others, whom they accounted most learned and faithful, to visit particular districts, plant churches, promote the destruction of idola|trous monuments, suspend, depose, and transplant ministers, as the superintendents did, and with the same assistance from congregations, synods, meet|ings for exercise, or learned men. Such as found themselves injured by their ministers, elders, or deacons, were allowed to appeal to the superinten|dents and their synod, and from these to the General

Assembly, which, for about 22 years, met once in six months. They also appointed the earl of Mar|shal, lord Ruthven, Lethington, and the celebrated George Buchanan, to revise their book of discipline, in order to procure a parliamentary ratification of it. But they do not appear to have fulfilled their task. Lord James Stewart having been advanced to be earl of Murray, became much more negligent of the establishment of religion, and of punishing mass priests, which occasioned a difference between him and Knox. In a set dispute with the time serving Lethington, Knox and Row boldly maintained, That it was lawful for subjects to resist tyrannical princes, and to refuse her majesty the use of her idolatrous mass. Knox was prosecuted before the privy council for writing some letters calculated to conveen his Protestant brethren for consultation, when he apprehended their religion and liberties were in danger; but, notwithstanding all the efforts of Mary and her courtiers to ruin him, he was ac|quitted.

A narrative of Mary's refusal to ratify the treaty of 1560, with her cousin Elizabeth of England; of Huntley's influence at court, and hindering Ma|ry's conference with Elizabeth, for fear of heretical infection; his intrigues to ruin or murder the earl of Murray, and the remarkable defeat of him and his rebellious associates in the battle of Corrichy 1562: or of the duke of Lenox's return from Eng|land; and the amours and marriage of Henry his son with the queen, notwithstanding all that Mur|ray and his friends could do to the contrary; of Mary's flattering the Protestant lords, in order to obtain their consent to her marriage with Henry, and consequent contempt of them, and refusing to grant them security for their religion; her advance|ment of Rizio the Italian musician, and shameful intimacy with him, and the nobles slaughter of him by her husband's direction, when she intended to make him chancellor, in order to attaint the earl of

Murray and his party, who had fled into England; and of Mary and Bothwel's murder of Henry, in order to their marriage; and the prosecution of Mr. Craig for publicly intimating his detestation of that marriage, when he was required to publish the bann•• of it; of the nobles prosecution of Bothwel, till he fled the country; and deposition of Mary from her royal power, as a subverter of their religion and li|berties; and imprisonment of her in the castle of Lochlevin; and of her escape from thence and flight into England; and of the nobles production of the proofs of her whoredom with Bothwel, and being his accomplice in the murder of Henry her hus|band; and of her plots against Elizabeth during her twenty years imprisonment in England; and her vi|olent death by the base and villanous influence of Elizabeth;—or of the civil war carried on for seven years, with terrible barbarity, between her partizans and those of James her son, who was crowned, an infant, in 1567, would scarcely answer our purpose.

Mary's intentions to extirpate the Protestant reli|gion, daily became more and more evident. In 1565, Hamilton, bastard brother of the earl of Arran, was restored to his dignity and revenues of Archbishop of St. Andrews. Her pretended kind|ness and flatteries gained many of the Protestant chiefs to her interest. The earl of Murray and some others were highly offended with Knox and his faithful brethren, for their pulpit declamations a|gainst her Popish idolatry. In order to obtain their consent to her marriage with Henry her Popish cou|sin, shw fawned upon the Protestants, and seemed almost ready to concur with their articles for the a|bolishment of Popery, and for provision to their ministers, schools and colleges; and for the punish|ment of horrible crimes. But she had no sooner gained her own purpose, than she peremptorily told them, That she would never part with her mass; and absolutely refused to concur with any laws a|gainst Popery or profaneness, or to allow the eccle|siastical

revenues with which her council had in|••rusted her, to go for the support of their clergy. The destruction of Rizio, her Italian darling, in her ••rms, by Ruthven, Morton, and others, who ab|••orred his advancement, provoked her to pretend great kindness to Murray, her bastard brother and his companions, who had just returned from their exile in England, in order that she might bend all her fury against the destroyers of her paramour.— Nevertheless, she absolutely refused to have James, her child, for whom the Protestants were so liberal of their thanksgivings to God, baptized in their scrip|tural form.

Meanwhile, the General Assembly had enacted, That no superintendents should depose any minister, exhorter, or reader, without the advice of the near|est discreet ministers, and no longer than till the fol|lowing Assembly, which might restore, or further censure, the offenders, as they thought proper; and that they should excommunicate no delinquents, in places where there were no reformed congregations, without the advice of such as were nearest. They appointed Messrs. Knox and Craig to draw up Rules for the right observation of public fasts. They present|ed to the privy council a solemn Remonstrance against the restoration of the Popish archbishop of St. An|drews to his antient, and now enlarged, jurisdiction. They wrote a letter to the English bishops, in favours of their Puritan brethren, that were persecuted for their non-compliance with the surplice, cornered cap, and other remains of Popish superstition; and also approved the latest Helvetian confession of faith, except as to the observation of holy days.

In consequence of a preceding agreement, many noblemen and barons met in the Assembly 1567, between the deposition of Mary and the coronation of James her son; and agreed, That the acts of 1560, for establishing of the Protestant religion, and giving the ministers a third part of the antient be|nefices, ought to be duly executed; and that, in the

ensuing parliament, they should exert themselves to their utmost to have the Protestant religion establish|ed upon a sure footing, and to have every future king bound by his coronation oath to maintain and practise it, as a condition of his subjects allegiance to him;—and to have the Mass and other relicks of idolatry abolished, and the Protestant religion intro|duced into every part of the realm; and to have the horrid crimes of adultery, whoredom, blasphemy, and the like, duly punished.

After the Parliament, which met that year, had confirmed the election of the Earl of Murray to be Regent for James his infant nephew and king, they ratified the Confession of Faith compiled in 1560, and declared, That all, who should oppose it, or refuse to receive the sacraments in the Protestant manner, should be held as no members of this church. They enacted, That all kings, princes, and magis|trates, at their instalment, should swear to maintain the true Protestant religion now established, and a|bolish every thing contrary to it,—and root out all heretics and enemies to the true worship of God, when duly convicted: They appointed the thirds of ecclesiastical benefices to be paid to the reformed mi|nisters, till the church should obtain full possession of the tithes as her proper patrimony; and that, though Patrons may appeal from superintendents and provincial Synods, the General Assembly shall have the final decision relative to all presentations, from which none may appeal. They ordained, that no ecclesiastical jurisdiction be acknowledged within this realm, but what is established in, and proceeds from this reformed kirk, concerning the preaching of God's word, administration of sacraments, and cor|rection of manners: They appointed Messrs. Knox, Craig, Erskine, and Spotswood, to mark out what properly belonged to ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and report to next meeting of Parliament.

Next year, the General Assembly appointed Mess. Craig, Row, Pont, Christison, Lindsay, and Wil|lock,

to revise the Order of excommunication draw •• up by Knox, and report their judgment. It was a|greed to, and printed before their Psalm book, and plainly shews, That they reckoned their superinten|dents as merely occasional officers, that had no sole power of any kind. They also appointed an order of electing commissioners to their General Assem|blies, bearing, That superintendents and commissio|ners for visitation of kirks should all have power of voting in them; that ministers and commissioners of shires should be chosen by Synods; that commissio|ners from burghs should be chosen by the council and kirk-session of the place; and that ministers should be chosen by turns. After the erection of Presbyte|ries, ministers were elected by them.

The murder of the Regent, earl of Murray, by Hamilton of Bothwel haugh, occasioned no small contention about the choice of his successor. And the earls of Lennox and Mar filled his place but a|bout two years between them. During the regency of Murray and Lennox, religion prospered, ecclesi|astical courts enjoyed full freedom in planting of churches and censuring of offenders, and other parts of their work. In 1570, the General Assembly e|stablished regulations of their meetings, that (1.) After a sermon by the Moderator of the last Assem|bly, a new Moderator should be chosen. (2.) The conduct of superintendents and commissioners for visitation of kirks should be tried. (3.) Penitents and scandalous persons shall have their cases conside|red. (4.) Matters referred by the preceding Assem|bly, or Lords of Session, shall be considered. (5.) The conduct and accounts of ecclesiastical collectors shall be examined. (6.) Petitions from superinten|dents, and appeals from Synods, shall be heard. (7.) Questions proposed on the first or second days of the meeting, shall be considered. (8.) And lastly, Bills and complaints shall be judged. The Assembly also enacted, That every candidate for the ministry

should, at his admission, solemnly engage never to desert his office under pain of infamy and perjury.

In 1571, the Assembly ordained, That all adulte|rers, murderers, incestuous persons, and other more heinous offenders, should be prosecuted before the provincial synods, which met twice every year; and that all questions should be first proposed to Synods, and only such as were too hard for them should be laid before every Assembly. Messrs. Knox, Erskine, Winram, Pont, and Row, having drawn up articles concerning the proper object of ecclesiastical jurisdicti|on, bearing, That it belonged to the church to judge of true and false religion, doctrine, heresy, and eve|ry thing annexed to the preaching of the word, and administration of sacraments;—to elect, examine, admit, suspend, or depose all such as have charge of souls, or enjoy ecclesiastical benefices;—to admonish, rebuke, and excommunicate the scandalous, and re|ceive to repentance, and absolve the penitents;—to judge of ecclesiastical pleas between church officers, and of causes relative to marriage and divorce. They approved these articles, and presented them to the Parliament for their ratification, along with a petiti|on, That ecclesiastical benefices should only be con|ferred on such as the church should find qualified for the charge. But the earl of Morton, who now managed that court, and some other lords, abused the commissioners from the Assembly with insolent language. Morton even obliged John Douglas, whom he had just before presented to the archbisho|prick of St. Andrews, in the room of Hamilton, who had been hanged for a traitor,—to vote in the Par|liament as a bishop, under pain of treason; though the superintendent had prohibited him to vote, un|der pain of excommunication.

In preferring Douglas to the archbishoprick, Mor|ton had secured most of the revenues for himself, and left Douglas little more than a high sounding character, and a chance of some Antichristian power. The gain, which Morton made by this infamous bar|gain,

tempted him and Mar the Regent, a great part of whose estate consisted of church property, to en|large their incomes in the same scandalous manner, by preferring to bishopricks, such pitiful wretches, as could be content with episcopal titles and shadows of power, and allow their promoters the most of the revenues claimed by their sees. These the people called tulchan bishops, in allusion to calves skins, stuff|ed with straw, and placed before cows, to make them give their milk —An occasional meeting of ministers and others, that used to be members of the General Assembly, pretended to have the power of it, and marked their strong inclination to comply with that of the two infamous earls. Pont was allowed to be a Lord of Session, providing that he continued his ministerial work. Encouraged by their compliances, Mar and his privy council appointed Morton the chancellor, Ruthven the treasurer, Adam nominal bishop of Orkney, and Robert commendator of Dun|fermline, secretary, and four others, to meet with the superintendents or their commissioners, and a|long with them to conclude a Form of church policy, and method of supporting ministers and the royal dignity,—which might be binding till his Majesty should be of full age, or at least till the Estates of Parliament should abolish it.

This convention was quickly held at Leith. But it doth not appear, that any ministers, but Erskine, Winram, Hay, Lindsay, Pont, and Craig, were pre|sent. They agreed, That the titles of archbishops, bishops, deans, and the forms of dioceses, should be retained as before the Reformation; that a chapter of learned ministers should be annexed to every epis|copal see; that in case of a vacancy the dean or pre|sident of this chapter should exercise the episcopal power; that bishops should have no more power than the superintendents, till it should be agreed on; that they should be subject to the General Assembly in every spiritual affair; that they should admit none to the ministry without the advice of six of their

chapter:—they agreed on the manner of the creation of such as should be presented by the king to bisho|pricks; and that every one admitted to ecclesiastical functions or livings, should swear an adherence to the Confession of Faith, and an allegiance to his ma|jesty. They also made some rules concerning abbots, priors, or commendators, That they should be men of learning, and might be Lords of Session or mem|bers of Parliament, representing the church. They further agreed, That no minister should leave his charge forty days in the year, without express licence from the king or his bishop; that Readers might administer baptism, or celebrate marriage, if it had been duly intimated. They also enacted some regu|lations of ecclesiastical benefices, and of the orders and offices in colleges. The most of their agree|ments marked an Antichristian and carnal mind. Morton took care, that nothing should be secured to the clergy, but their tithes, which he knew not how to take from them, unless in donative pensions to noblemen's servants, or by causing them to dispone them in fee to their masters. Mar, being episcopal|ly inclined, highly approved the above regulations. To the great grief of Knox and others, John Dou|glas, who was remarkable for nothing but compli|ance with the covetous humour of Morton, was so|lemnly admitted archbishop of St. Andrews. Knox, not only refused to consecrate him, but also publicly denounced a curse upon the giver and the receiver of that office. Informed of these proceedings, Beza of Geneva, begged of Knox and his brethren, to be|ware of re-introducing the plague of Prelacy, which they had thrust out in their reformation. Neverthe|less, James Boyd was made archbishop of Glasgow, John Paton bishop of Dunkeld, and A. Graham of Dunblain. Soon after, we find G. Douglas bishop of Murray, and some others,—of Caithness, Brichen, Isles, Galloway, &c.

In the end of this year 1571, died John Knox, our principal Reformer, in a truly humble and Chris|tian

manner. His zeal for, and trust in his God, made him fearless of every thing but sin. Morton, who hated him, after his death, attested, that he ne|ver feared the face of man. The majesty of his mas|ter Christ, appearing in him, made his enemies stand in awe of him. Q. Mary, notwithstanding all her levity and wickedness, owned, that she was more a|fraid of his prayers, than of ten thousand armed men. He foretold a multitude of unlikely events, which were exactly fulfilled, particularly, That the thick walls of the castle of St. Andrews should prove as egg shells in defence of the conspirators against car|dinal Beaton; that the English would not deliver them, but they would fall into the hand of their e|nemies, and be carried into a foreign country; that notwithstanding manifold repulses, God would per|fect the reformation of religion in Scotland; that Queen Mary would be compelled to hear the word of God; that since Henry her husband had burnt the Psalm book to please her, God should strike them both head and tail; and since he went to Mass to please her, God should make her the instrument of his destruction; that the castle of Edinburgh should fpue Sir William Kirkaldy over its walls, and he should be hanged for his obstinate adherence to the wicked Queen; and that its St. David's tower should run down like a sand glass; that, if Morton did not study to promote the welfare of the church and nati|on, his regency should have an ignominious end; that Thomas Maitland should die miserably among strangers, and Lethington unhappily at home, as the punishment of their treacherous opposition to the cause of Christ.

Alarmed by the articles of the convention at Leith, the faithful ministers, notwithstanding all the power and influence of Morton, now Regent, set them|selves to oppose them. The General Assembly 1573, declared it impossible for any man faithfully to fulfil the work of a minister, and of a civil judge; and prohibited every minister, after Pont, to accept of a

place in the court of session. The complaints against Pont for his neglect of visiting the county of Mur|ray, as he had been appointed, justified their con|duct. They likewise appointed every meeting of the clergy for exercise of their gifts to have a copy of the acts of assembly; and that every province should have copies of the orders given to superintendents that they right observe, whether they did faithful|ly execute them or not. After the General Assem|blies had, for eight years, laboured in limiting the power of the new bishops, and in censuring them for exceeding their bounds, and for their admission of ignorant and scandalous persons into ecclesiastical offices, and for their personal negligence and immo|ralities, they, notwithstanding much opposition from Morton, and even from the young king, put them down altogether, as dregs of Popery. And, with much deliberation, formed the second book of discip|line, and declared, That the office of Readers, Ex|horters, and Visiters of the church, being but tem|porary, should now cease. Some of the corruptions complained of, in the eleventh chapter of that book, were soon after abolished.

The French zealots and Spaniards had formed a sacred league to extirpate the Protestant religion, and their Popish brethren in Britain were disposed to join them; dispensations had been sent them from Rome, allowing them to enter into any engagement by oath or otherwise, in favour of the Protestant religion, providing they continued firm adherents to the Pope and his religion in their heart. King James, now about 14 years of age, under one of his religious fits, or prompted by some church-men, or by his favourites, Stewart of Aubigne his father's cousin, now made earl of Lennox, and Stewart of Ochiltree, now made earl of Arran, who, about this time, for different ends, professed great zeal for the Protestant religion,—required John Craig his minister, to form a COVENANT or oath, so expresly pointed against Popery, that no Papist, whose con|science

was not utterly debauched, might be capable ••o swear it. Craig drew up what hath since been ordinarily called the national covenant, which was subscribed by James and his privy council, the earls of Argyle, Lennox, Bothwel, Ruthven, and the ••ords Ogilvy, Cathcart, James Stewart, &c. in the beginning of 1581. James also appeared extremely ••ealous for establishing order in the church, and making provision for her clergy. He proposed, that ••he 924 parishes in the kingdom should be reduced ••o 600, and these classed into fifty Presbyteries; and that of these 600 ministers, 100 should have 500 marks; 200 of them 300 marks; other 200 of them ••ut 200 marks; and the other 100 about 100 marks Scots, for their yearly stipend; the least of which being then an equivalent of 80 bolls of oat-meal, ••hese salaries were not so despicable as we are apt to ••magine, had they not been miserably paid.

Glad to find the court in such a temper, the As|sembly quickly formed these presbyteries, and sup|plicated his majesty and council, that there might be a Judge appointed at Edinburgh, to judge of wrongs done to ministers, and an act of Parliament declaring the particular grounds of the deposition of clergymen; and that vacant benefices should be bestowed upon such as minister in the church, not upon laymen. They cited the Popish abbots, com|mendators, priors, prioresses, and bishops, who still enjoyed the ecclesiastical revenues, and were basely dilapidating them, to compear before next Assem|bly, to answer for their conduct. Upon his majes|ty's demanding how the third estate of Parliament was to be now supplied, when bishops were put down, they agreed, That commissioners from the Assembly should fill their place. But I do not find, that they intended that these commissioners should ••he clergymen.—They also appointed the Covenant, which had been lately subscribed by James and his council, to be subscribed by all ranks in the kingdom, and that such should be censured, who refused to do

so. They prohibited all private celebration of bap|tism or marriage, under pain of deposition to mini|sters.

No sooner had Lennox, lately converted from Popery, got rid of Morton his rival, than he laid aside his religious appearances, and presented Mont|gomery, minister of Stirling, to the archbishoprick of Glasgow in the room of Boyd, and got him ad|mitted by force; but secured for himself a great part of the episcopal revenues. He, and Adamson of St. Andrews, by their scandalous behaviour, and by their fraudulent and violent opposition to reforming measures, gave their brethren no small trouble, in their assemblies. Montgomery was excommunicated; but Lennox supported him. Balcanquel, A. Melvin, Dury, and no doubt other faithful ministers, thun|dered forth their declamations against the court's en|croachments upon the spiritual power of the church. Balcanquel and Melvin were prosecuted, and Dury was banished on that account.

In consequence of their trouble with Montgomery, the Assembly 1582, under pain of excommunication, prohibited all indirect methods of entering into ec|clesiastical offices; all asking of presentations from magistrates or patrons; and all attempts to free themselves from the jurisdiction and discipline of the church by appeals to great men, or courting their favour.—They declared all deprivation from ecclesiastical offices, as well as examination and ad|mission to them, to belong to the governors of the church; and that deprivation is from office, as well as from the salary. They declared heresy, Popery, common swearing, blasphemy, perjury, adultery, incest, fornication, man-slaughter, theft, common oppression, common drunkenness, taking of immo|derate usury, non-residence at their charges, unne|cessary absence from them, or neglect of the duties thereof for forty days in a year, without very rele|vant grounds, or their holding of more benefices than one at the same time, or their dilapidation of

the church-rents, or their simony, to he sufficient grounds of deposing ministers. They remonstrated to king James, That, by the advice of his counsel|lors, he had, to the dishonour of Christ, assumed a spiritual headship over the church, somewhat similar to that of the Pope; that ecclesiastical benefices were bestowed upon men that were violently intrud|ed into the ministerial office; that presbyteries, sy|nods, and General Assemblies were, by letters of horning, hindered from censuring the scandalous; that while Dury was suspended and banished for his faithfulness, Montgomery, though scandalous and excommunicated, was entertained and required to preach; that the privy council had by an act preten|ded to annul his excommunication; that such as a|bused, hurt, or murdered ministers or others, con|cerned in the prosecution of Montgomery, and other scandalous persons, were not punished, but favour|ed; that, contrary to his promise, Lennox had ne|ver reformed his family from Popery or Papists; and that the laws, which had been made for the mainte|nance of the true religion, and for punishment of its open enemies, were not executed;—and in|sisted for the redress of these grievances. Lennox and Arran thought to intimidate and prosecute the presenters of this remonstrance. But when they saw how boldly A. Melvin subscribed it, before their face, they dismissed them in safety, suspecting that they were supported by some secret influence.

While James, and Lennox, and Arran his direc|tors, continued oppressing the church, the nominal bishops, fearless of censure, abandoned themselves to their wonted enormities. But the nobles having rescued James out of their hands, and taken Arran prisoner, and charged Lennox to return home to France, the General Assembly appointed particular Presbyteries to prosecute the bishops of Murray, Aberdeen, Brechin, Dunkeld, St. Andrews, and Dunblain, for neglecting their ministerial work, and for their familiarity with excommunicated per|sons,

wasting of the church's patrimony, and other personal scandals. They supplicated his majesty and Estates, That the acts of Parliament relative to the liberties and jurisdiction of the church, be so ex|plained and enlarged, as that she may have the sole power of the admission or deprivation of ministers, trial of their doctrine, and stopping of, or loosing from, censure; that presbyteries of pastors and rul|ing elders be legally authorised, and an adequate punishment denounced against such as oppose their meetings; that Synodical and General Assemblies be authorised to meet as often they find necessary for the good of the church, and have full power to ap|point their own time and place of meeting; that no league be made with the Papists abroad, and that such as have, contrary to their oath, apostatized to Popery, be punished with banishment or otherwise, as traitors to God; that proper methods be taken to recover the patrimony of the church, and pro|vide for her ministers; that all presentations be di|rected to Presbyteries; that ministers disabled for their work by age or trouble enjoy their salaries for life. They also declared all baptism of infants by laicks to be void and null.

For ten months, while the Lords had the directi|on of James, ministers had full liberty to execute their office; Papists, excommunicated and licentious persons, either left the country, or assumed an ap|pearance of Protestant religion and sober conversa|tion: the friendship between Scotland and England revived. James himself, in a multitude of forms,— the convention of Estates, and the General Assem|bly, had all declared the nobles taking him out of the hands of Lennox and Arran his evil counsellors, to be a lawful, honest, and good service, to him and the nation,—for which they should never be pursu|ed. But James' new tutors being more intent to instruct him in the methods of virtue and lawful go|vernment, than to flatter his pride and other pre|dominant lusts, he soon wearied of them, and made

his escape from them, in June 1583. And, not|withstanding all the remonstrances of the General Assembly, Papists were as highly favoured by him as ever. Archbishop Adamson, a drunken glutton, under pretence of drinking spaw water, repaired to England, to contrive with the managers there, the proper methods of effectually introducing Episcopacy into Scotland.—Though scarcely seventeen years of age, James returned to his former work of perse|cuting such as faithfully testified against the proceed|ings of him and his favourites. Dury was charged to remove from Edinburgh, and remain at Montrose. A. Melvin was cited before the privy council for some speeches he was said to have uttered at a public fast. The university of St. Andrews presented a solemn attestation of his innocence, subscribed by 30 of the principal persons in the college and place. But James and his courtiers disregarded every thing that was in favours of such ministers as were faith|ful and zealous; it was only pitiful and scandalous wretches, that they inclined to protect. Melvin compeared, and after protesting, that it belonged to ecclesiastical courts to judge of his doctrine, he re|peated and vindicated his words. While James and his council raged, he laid down his Hebrew bible be|fore them, and told them, that there were his in|structions for preaching. After admitting his ene|mies to be witnesses, they could find nothing in his words to make an handle of; and therefore resolv|ed to imprison him in the castle of Blackness, on ac|count of his refusing them to be proper judges of his doctrine. But he retired into England. All these that had been principally concerned in rescuing James from his wicked directors, were charged to leave the country, and never to return to Britain or Ireland, without his express licence; and all their servants were prohibited to come within ten miles of his residence.

But few of the ministers dared to meet in the Assembly 1584. Nor durst even these transact any

business. Faithful ministers were every where per|secuted. Spies were employed to watch their ser|mons, and inform the court, if they uttered any words, on which they might be prosecuted. Pat|rick Galloway suffered no small trouble for denounc|ing the just judgments of God against those that subverted the Protestant religion, and abused his ma|jesty and his authority. Davidson, Carmichael, Pol|wart, and others, were obliged to flee into England. After Adamson had laboured to render our faithful ministers as odious as possible, and concerted how to conform the Scotch church to the English, he returned home. A Parliament was soon after held in May, with such secresy and dispatch, that it was almost ended, before it was heard of. Adamson and Montgomery represented the Estate of bishops in it A lord of the articles having informed some minis|ters of Edinburgh of it, they, in vain, attempted to get access to it. This Parliament enacted, That his majesty had the supreme authority in all causes ecclesiastical as well as civil; that all refusing to ac|knowledge the privy council as judges in any matter, or pretending that things merely ecclesiastical did not belong to the civil jurisdiction, or attempting to di|minish the power and privileges of bishops, that were the 3d estate in Parliament, should be held and punished as high treason; that all holding of assem|blies, ecclesiastical or civil, without his majesty's special permission or appointment, or the uttering of any false or reproachful speeches against him or his ancestors or ministers, from pulpits or otherwise, should be capitally punished. When these acts were proclaimed, Balcanquel and Pont protested against them. James, having ordered the magistrates of Edinburgh to imprison all such as dared, from the pulpit, to utter one word against these acts, Balcan|quel and Lawson fled into England, and remitted a faithful warning to their people; to which James ob|liged the town council to return a most abusive an|swer. The ministers replied in a discreet vindication

of themselves. Another Parliament, that year, e|nacted, That every minister, reader, and master of a college, should within forty days subscribe the above acts of Parliament, and solemnly engage to observe them, and to submit themselves to bishops as their ordinaries, under pain of losing their stipends.— Craig, and too many others, complied; but most of the more faithful ministers fled into England.

In 1585, Elizabeth having taken offence at the slaughter of some of her subjects by the Scotch bor|derers, the fugitive lords returned; and a pestilence prevailing in Edinburgh and places about, they got James into their management, and reduced Arran to his original meanness. But they manifested more zeal for the recovery of their own civil property, power, and dignity, than for the redress of ecclesi|astical grievances. When the Parliament met at Lin|lithgow, the commissioners from the church present|ed to his Majesty, a remonstrance against the Erastian acts of the preceding year, to which he gave a soft, but not very important, reply. They were thank|ful, that it was not worse, and insisted, that he would confer with some of their most judicious and godly ministers concerning the discipline of the church, in order to have it distinctly established by the Parlia|ment. Not long after, a conference was held between some of the privy counsellors and some clergymen, who, from their allowance of power to bishops and their chapters, appear to have been none of the strictest.

In 1586, the Synod of Fife excommunicated arch|bishop Adamson, for his wicked intrusion of himself into that Antichristian office, and his wicked and contemptuous behaviour in it: But he appealed from them to his Majesty, Estates of Parliament, and Privy Council; and drawing up a form of excommu|nication against James and Andrew Melvins, and o|thers of the more faithful members of the Synod, he caused his boy, attended by one or two of his jack|men, to read it in the church; and notwithstanding

his own excommunication, and a preceding suspen|sion, he would preach.—In consequence of his sham submission, corroborated by James' solicitation, the next Assembly took off, or rather declared null, his Synodical excommunication; against which Andrew Melvin and Thomas Buchanan entered their solemn protest. From the declarations of the Synods of Merse, Teviotdale, and Tweed ale, it appears, that the ministers were far enough from unanimity of sen|timent concerning the subscription of the Erastian acts of 1584. But it is still more plain, that, to se|cure rest for archbishop Adamson, the privy council appointed A. Melvin, professor of divinity at St. An|drews, to traverse the counties of Angus, Perth, and Mearns, for confuting and converting the trafficking Jesuits; and Adamson to supply his place, by teach|ing two lessons of divinity every week. But as this change was like to have ruined the college by the de|parture of all the foreign and other students of divi|nity, king James, at the university's request, per|mitted A. Melvin to return to his work. But his persecution of Gibson and Cowper, manifests, that James still hated all those that dared to testify against his conduct from the pulpit. He at once banished all the ministers of Edinburgh, because they would not pray for his mother's life, before they had pro|per evidence of the injustice of her condemnation. He supported Montgomery and Adamson, whose con|duct was base, and their consciences alway at his nod. Pont was presented to the bishoprick of Caithness; but it seems, he refused to accept of it. Lesly, a stanch Papist, who had so zealously supported Mary in England, was restored to his bishoprick of Ross.

In consequence of a remonstrance from the mini|sters, the Parliament, 1587, enacted, That Jesuits and trafficking priests, hearers of mass, and apostates to Popery, should be duly prosecuted and punished. The preceding laws relative to the Protestant religion were renewed and confirmed, by a general act.— And, from regard to the king's purse, the episcopal

••evenues were annexed to the crown; which was a ••tab to the heart of the prelatical interest. In 1588, ••ames and his Estates made another act against Je|••uits, trafficking priests, hearers of mass, and re|••olters to Popery. They also entered into a new ••ond or covenant to maintain the Protestant religion, ••nd defend his Majesty's person and authority against ••he holy leaguers or others, and to bring Papists and excommunicated persons to condign punishment; ••nd, for the more harmonious promotion of these ends, to submit all differences among themselves to ••he arbitration of some friends. About the same ••ime, the General Assembly prohibited archbishop Adamson to marry the Popish earl of Huntly; and also observed two fasts, the one upon Thursday, and ••he other on the Lord's day;—and agreed, that there|after, the first day of every General Assembly, should be employed in fasting and humiliation. Another so|lemn fast was observed about the end of October, on three several Sabbaths,—with which they connected the administration of the Lord's supper.

Notwithstanding the remarkable defeat of the pon|tifically blessed Spanish Armada in 1588, the earls of Huntly, Errol, Crawfurd, and others, maintained a correspondence with Philip of Spain, and with the Duke of Parma, in order to promote a Spanish inva|sion. The discovery of their treachery procured pompous, but scarce ever executed, laws against the Papists. Upon a supplication from the Assembly, the Bond for religion was again ratified in council. Orders were issued for about ninety-six ministers, in the different parts of the nation, to conveen the god|ly and well affected of all ranks, and administer to them the national covenant, and take their subscrip|tions to it, and to the late bond for maintenance of religion and his Majesty's authority. To prevent tu|mults by Papists, about 130 of the nobility and gen|try were appointed to attend and support them, in this work. The zeal of the Presbyterian clergy for James' safety, manifested in this and other matters of

that critical juncture, and their keeping of his king|dom in such order, while he took his romantic voyage to bring home his new queen from Denmark, so in|gratiated them, that, taking one of his religious fits, he presented himself in their General Assembly, and extolled their constitution, as highly preferable to that of any other church upon earth. Archbishop Adamson's dying recantation,—his profession of his sin in marrying Huntly in opposition to the authority of the church, and in opposing his Presbytery, and slanderously defending the Erastian acts of the Parlia|ment 1584,—and of his sorrow for the same, and his earnest solicitation to be absolved from the excom|munication pronounced against him by the Synod of Fife, also encouraged the faithful part of the clergy.

For the confirmation of their Presbyterian govern|ment, the Assembly had required all ministers and intrants to subscribe their second Book of discipline. James, who had rendered himself odious to many of his subjects, by his continued favour to the Popish lords, and by neglecting to avenge the murder of the late earl of Murray, upon Huntly, one of them, was become fond of their favour. At their request, and perhaps by means of Maitland his chancellor, who needed to wipe off suspicions of his having a hand in that murder, he held a conference with some of the principal of them,—in consequence of which an act was made by the Parliament, June 1592, ratify|ing Presbyterian government, and appointing the regu|lar meeting of Assemblies, and assigning to Synods, Pres|byteries, and Sessions, their respective work: and an|nulling all former acts in the time of Popery, con|trary hereto, and declaring, that the acts of 1584, should not hinder the church to exercise her own in|trinsic power in judging ecclesiastical causes,—and an|nulling the act which granted commissions to bishops, and appointing all presentations to ecclesiastical char|ges to be directed to Presbyteries,—and appointing them to accept of candidates presented by his Majes|ty or other patrons, if duly qualified. This Parlia|ment

further enacted, That if patrons did not time|ously present a qualified candidate, the right of pre|sentation should devolve on the Presbytery.—And they prohibited all markets on the Lord's day, or erection of church lands or tithes into temporal lord|ships.

Notwithstanding this favourable act, it appears, from the reasons of their fast on two Sabbaths of December, That a considerable part of the nation continued perishing in ignorance for want of teach|ers; that many of all ranks, especially of the nobility, were inclined to Popery and Atheism; that Jesuits, and other Popish priests, swarmed without controul; that blasphemy of God's name, contempt of his word, and of civil magistrates,—treason, murder, a|dultery, witchcraft, and other like abominations, mightily prevailed. The Assembly appointed Mess. John Davidson, Robert Bruce, Walter Balcanquel, David Lindsay, and four others, as a standing com|mittee, to espy the dangers of the church; and ap|pointed brethren in the different parts of the nation to give them proper information concerning Papists and immoralities.

By letters intercepted in the end of this year, it was found, that the earls of Huntly, Errol, and An|gus, and others of inferior rank, had continued their treasonable correspondence with Philip of Spain, and that it was intended, that 30,000 Spaniards should invade the kingdom, either at Kirkudbright in Gal|loway, or at the mouth of the Clyde, westward of Glasgow. Hereupon, James emitted a proclamation against the guilty, and called his subjects to make a resolute stand for the defence of their country; and he, and a considerable number of his nobles, barons, and others, entered into a solemn association or co|venant, to exert themselves to their utmost in defence of the Protestant religion, and in punishing the trai|tors. But notwithstanding all this parade, James took care to protect his Papal friends, who sought his life, and the Parliament 1593, as good as absolv|ed

them, under pretence, that no proper proof could be had against them. This rendered them and their brethren more and more insolent. The Synod of Fife made this a ground of fasting; and, to James' great vexation, delivered up unto Satan, Huntly, Errol, Angus, and Home, and their principal assist|ants, as apostates to Popery; and Huntly and the laird of Auchindown, as also murderers of the earl of Murray. The General Assembly, not only form|ed 48 particular Presbyteries, appointed rules for the visitation of them, and prohibited ministers to pub|lish any slander against his Majesty, but also insisted with him to bring the excommunicated lords to their trial. Chancellor Maitland got that matter referred to the convention of Estates, in which, upon a sham submission, sent up in writ, these traitors were ab|solved from all past treasons, providing they be good subjects and Protestants, for the future, and pay a certain fine. This absurd indulgence of the obsti|nate enemies of the religion and liberties of the nati|on, highly provoked the zealous Protestants, espe|cially when they observed them, regardless of the terms of their absolution, proceeding in their wonted courses. The Assembly 1594 confirmed the sen|tence of excommunication inflicted by the Synod of Fife, and insisted with James for their condign pu|nishment; and that proper methods should be taken to stop the increase of Popery. He returned them soft words, which, it is probable, he never intend|ed to regard. Lord Home got himself reconciled to the church. The rest, to whom Bothwel, who had for a time terribly disturbed the nation with his vio|lences, joined himself, were declared outlaws, and their estates forfeited. In 1595, we find little more than the Assembly's appointment of commissioners to visit colleges, plant vacant churches, and try persons that enjoyed ecclesiastical benefices.

Chancellor Maitland, perhaps chiefly to support himself in opposition to Bothwel, had for some time past favoured the church. After his death, the manage|ment

of matters chiefly depended on the EIGHT commissioners for the now super-expended royal re|venues,—some of which were reckoned concealed Papists. In the beginning of 1596, James emitted a proclamation, requiring all his subjects to withstand the Spaniards and all their agents; but he took care not to mention the Popish lords as any of them. Nay, while, in his beggared condition, he was soli|citing the General Assembly for a public contribution in all their congregations to assist him against the Spaniards, he allowed the wives and friends of the outlawed Papists to enjoy the whole of their re|venues.

The General Assembly, consisting of about 400 ministers, having met in March, applied themselves to search out the causes of the Lord's controversy with the nation, and to appoint measures for the better preservation of their religion and liberties. They began with an enquiry into the sins of the mi|nistry; and, for remedies of the corruptions which they found among them, they appointed, That all candidates, at their admission, should be carefully tried concerning their knowledge, prudence, and spiritual experience; that they should be solemnly interrogated, what had moved them to accept of the charge; that none who ingyred themselves, or soli|cited admission to a place or charge, should be admit|ted, nor any of the Presbytery, who had solicited for one, be allowed to act in his election or admission; that none should ask a presentation, without advice of the Presbytery, in whose bounds the charge lay; that such ministers as should not be given to prayer and diligent study, particularly of the scriptures,— or, who should not study to be spiritual and power|ful in their ministrations, and to apply their doctrine in opposition to the prevalent corruptions of the place and time; or, who should preach in a dry, scholastic, and obscure manner; or who should be careless about promoting religion, negligent in visit|ing the sick, or in taking care of the poor; or, who

should connive at the sins of their hearers, especially persons of high rank; or should be slothful in the administration of the sacraments, or admit to them persons ignorant, profane, or scandalous,—or upon little or no trial,—should be REBUKED for the first offence, and be DEPOSED, if thereafter they conti|nue in their evil course;—that all admitters of per|sons to sacraments for money or worldly gain, be directly deposed;—that every minister have a session, composed of the fittest persons in his congregation, to assist him in governing his charge;—that their discipline strike not only against whoredom, murder, and the like, but against cursing, profane swearing, profanation of Sabbath, disobedience to parents, idle|ness, and want of a lawful calling, drunkenness, want of God's worship and good order in families, neglect of the religious education of children, lying, slander, backbiting, and breach of promise,—and that all mi|nisters that persevere in the neglect hereof, be DE|POSED:—That none, that fall into scandal, be re|admitted to fellowship in sealing ordinances, without proper evidence of repentance: That such ministers as dilapidate benefices, or demit them for favour or money, or exchange or set tacks of them, or that transplant themselves without advice of the church, be censured: That all ministers, that are light or wanton in their behaviour, apparel, speech, or com|pany, or that sport themselves with dancing, cards, or dice; or that keep inns, take immoderate interest for money, bear worldly offices in families of great men, deal in merchandise, forestalling of corn, or other worldly occupations, tending to discredit their office, or divert them from their work,—or that are liars, revilers, backbiters, flatterers, breakers of pro|mise, brawlers, or quarrelers,—be DEPOSED, if they do not reform, when duly admonished: That no minister wait upon the court, or commence a law|suit of importance, without the allowance of his church: That such as, notwithstanding admonition,

take no care to cause their family behave in a sober and religious manner, shall be judged unfit to govern the church of God: That such as do not study to be every where edifying and spiritual in their conversa|tion, be rebuked: And that none take part with scandalous persons, who are under process by their brethren.—In order to impress these matters more deeply on their consciences, Mr. John Davidson of Preston pans, after he had read and briefly explained the 3d and 33d chapters of Ezekiel relative to the duty of Watchmen, laid home their sins to them, with such faithfulness and power, as issued in much deep contrition of heart, and solemn confession of sin, renovation of their national covenant with God, and engagement to walk more warily and labour more diligently in their charges. Not a few of the clergy being absent, the Assembly appointed, that there should be like humiliation and covenanting with God in their synodical meetings; and in Presbyteries, for the sake of such as could not attend at Synods.— The covenant was also renewed in many congregati|ons; and where it was not, the subsequent defection quickly appeared.

The Assembly further represented to all ranks in the nation their abounding wickedness,—in the de|cay of zeal for the cause of God,—the prevailing ig|norance and contempt of God's ordinances,—the ne|glect of his worship in families, or masters turning over the performance of it upon their cooks, or other servants,—the neglect of spiritual converse, and pre|valence of that which is carnal and profane,—the countenancing of idolatry and superstition,—the ob|servation of Popish festivals, bonefires, pilgrimages, singing of carols at Christmass, &c;—blasphemy of God's name, or cursing in common discourse; pro|fanation of the Sabbath, by the labours of seed time and harvest, and by journies and trysts about civil business, or by carnal sports and recreations, dancing, drinking, or keeping of markets;—neglect of rela|tive duties, and of the religious education of chil|dren

and servants,—or children commencing law+suits against their parents, or giving themselves i•• marriage without regarding their consent;—murders or countenancing of murderers;—adulteries, for|nications, incests, unlawful marriages and divorces legitimation of adulterous or other bastard children drunkenness, gluttony, gorgeous and vain apparel filthy or bloody speeches;—sacrilegious seizing of the church's property, to the hindrance of the spread o•• the gospel; oppression of tenants with racked rents slavish services, or unseasonable tithing,—oppression of the poor by usury, forestalling of markets, or with|holding of corns from sale,—strolling about of pipers, fidlers, songsters, sorners, sturdy beggars, or like unlawful callings, and all countenancing of them.

They represented to the courts of civil judicature, their great wickedness, in their almost universal ne|glect of doing justice between man and man; their remissions or reprives in cases of murder, incest, o•• adultery; the advancement of weak and wicked men into the office of judges; the neglect of punishing Papists, particularly the Popish lords, and their ad|herents, but allowing the rents of their forfeited e|states to their wives and friends, who supported them; the allowing of pretended bishops, abbots, or priors to vote in parliament, in name of the church; buying of pleas; delaying or wresting of justice for the sake of bribes; and suffering about four hundred parishes to continue without any sixed gos|pel ministrations, for want of provision to ministers.

They no less faithfully represented to the king himself, the sins of his family, that sometimes fami|ly worship, and even the reverent asking of God's blessing upon meals, or giving thanks for them, were neglected; that they made no conscience of attend|ing the sermons on week days; that he and his fa|vourites sometimes conversed in time of sermon; that he and his courtiers were guilty of profane cur|sing and swearing; that murderers, Papists, and ex|communicated persons, were countenanced in his

family, or allowed to be in his company; that his queen and her ladies were not duly delicate in their company, but indulged themselves in night-wakes, balls, and sinful absenting from the worship of God. —They also represented to him some methods of redressing the more public grievances.—And they a|greed to appoint a committee to attend his court, in order to promote the planting of churches, and pro|curing of stipends; and that, if patrons did not pre|sent candidates before six months from the death of the former incumbent, the Presbytery should imme|diately present one.

IN the end of 1596, the Popish lords, finding their foreign quarters not to their wish, resolved to return home, and make their peace with their coun|try, on the easiest terms. As it was suspected, that James encouraged, if he did not formally invite them to return, the ministers took the alarm, and the As|sembly and their commissioners remonstrated against their continuance in the country, as they were noto|rious enemies to its religion and liberties,—and a|gainst James' allowing the Popish countess of Hunt|ly to be present at the baptism of his daughter Eli|zabeth, and his intrusting that princess to the care of the Popish lady of Livingston, who was upon the point of being excommunicated by the church. An|drew Melvin, in his bold and zealous manner, faith|fully represented to him his and his council's wick|edness, in labouring to bear down the faithful mini|sters of Christ, and to assume authority in spiritual causes, and to protect the Popish lords. James gave them no satisfaction, but told them, That he and they would never agree, till the limits of their respec|tive jurisdictions should be distinctly fixed; and par|ticularly, till it should be enacted, that no minister should, from the pulpit, meddle with his and his council's procedure;—that no General Assembly should meet without his special command, nor any deed of it be of any force, before it was ratified by

him or his commissioner; and that no church judi|catory should meddle with any causes against which the civil laws do strike.

Not long after, James summoned Mr. David Black in St. Andrews, to appear before his privy council, to answer for some words, which he was said to have uttered from the pulpit, against the behaviour of himself, his queen and council. Black protested, that the church was the proper judge of his doctrine at first instance, and declined the authority of the council, as incompetent to be primary judge in this matter. Solemn attestations of his innocence of that which was laid to his charge, from a great number of his most respectable hearers, in the magistracy and university, were produced before the council; but these were altogether disregarded, and the depo|sition of his enemies, however malicious, and of o|thers grosly ignorant, were sustained against him as proof: and he was banished to the north side of Tay. About three or four hundred ministers signed an ad|vice to Mr. Black, to decline the council. None was more active in procuring subscriptions than Spots|wood, afterward archbishop of St. Andrews, who, at the same time, treacherously informed James of all their procedure. The faithful ministers earnestly remonstrated against his majesty and council's judg|ing and punishing their brother, Mr. Black. But all was in vain. He was determined to humble them.

Highly offended with the commissioners, whom the church had appointed to watch against her dan|gers, on account of their faithful information of Pres|byteries, and for their remonstrances against the fa|vour shewn to the Popish lords, or the like, James charged every one of them to depart from Edin|burgh; and then stretched every nerve, to decoy those that remained, into his Erastian measures. He promised his utmost efforts to procure better sti|pends to the clergy, if they would demonstrate their loyalty, by subscribing a BOND, which he had or in|tended to form. Fearing that some, by their pover|ty,

might be induced to comply, the banished com|missioners transmitted a warning to the several Pres|byteries, to be on their guard. The bond, which James prepared for their subscription, contained in it a promise of allegiance, and of submitting their doctrine relative to things, which might be reckon|ed to concern the king and his council, to them as proper judges of it, and never to decline their juris|diction as incompetent. Against the subscription of this Bond, the ministers pled, That it was superflu|ous to bind themselves to allegiance, since they had done that sufficiently in the national covenant, which had been lately renewed; that their doing it, in the manner required in this bond, supposed them to have been formerly disloyal; that this bond, proceeding from the church's enemies, was to be suspected as a snare; that the infamy of those that subscribed a like bond, by the instigation of archbishop Adam|son in 1584, was a warning to forbear subscribing at present; that this bond restrained faithful reproof, and means of repentance, and made the king head of the church as well as of the state, and was contra|ry to the word of God, and to the laws made for the liberties of this church.

Robert Bruce, and other ministers of Edinburgh, declined to confer with James, till he should recal the commissioners of the church, whom he had ba|nished from the city. Some courtiers, who hated the EIGHT managers of the royal revenues, by deal|ing with both parties, laboured to kindle strife be|tween them and the church. To free himself of four hundred pounds Scots of debt, one Robert Stewart a macer, gave up to the king a list of such burgers in Edinburgh, as were most careful for the safety of faithful ministers; in consequence of which, 24 of them were charged to depart from the city. Alarmed herewith, Messrs. Balcanquel and Bruce represented the dangerous situation of the church to such as were well affected to her. They, after mu|tual consultation, appointed the lords Lindsay and

Forbes, Mr. Bruce and some others, to represent to his majesty his duty to interpose his authority for the prevention of impending dangers: But he refused to regard their request. Some agents of the court, by raising a report, that he had given an unfavour|able answer; and that the inhabitants were in arms; —and by crying at the doors of the churches, in which they were assembled, Save yourselves, and in the streets, To arms, raised a considerable mob,— some of which thought the king had been in danger, and others, that their ministers had been murdered. Notwithstanding his sickness, the provost rose, got out, and quelled the uproar.

Affrighted for the consequences, James sent for their petition that same night, and promised to con|tent the ministers, and their supporters. They in|sisted, that he should remove from his council, Sea|ton, Elphingston, and Hamilton, three of the OC|TAVIANS formerly mentioned, whom they judged troublers of the church, and supporters of the ex|communicated Popish lords; and that these lords should be banished the country, till they should offer proper satisfaction to the church and nation;—and that the commissioners of the church should, by a royal proclamation, be invited back to Edinburgh, whence they had been driven. But his fright being over, he refused their agents access to present these requests to him: and at last, pretending to be pro|voked with the late tumults, he fled off to Linlith|gow, appointed all strangers to depart from Edin|burgh, and prohibited the judges to hold any more courts in it. Messrs. Bruce, Balcanquel, Balfour, and Watson, ministers of Edinburgh, and Cranston of —, were summoned to appear before the privy council at Linlithgow, and answer as required; and warrants were issued to apprehend five of the princi|pal burgers, that favoured their courses. Expecting no justice, the ministers fled, but the burgers com|peared, and were cast into prison. The ministers and other friends of the church, were exceedingly griev|ed

on accout of the tumult, as they perceived, how it would be improved to the reproach of the work of God in their hands. On the Sabbath after, Mr. Bruce publicly declared his detestation of it, and of the neutrality of too many ministers, and of the coun|tenance given to the Popish lords. After their flight, he, and Balfour, and Watson, remitted large vindi|cations of themselves and brethren, from all share in the tumult.

Bent to have the Scotch church conformed to the English, in order that his succession to Q. Elizabeth of England might be the easier, James had already formed a list of his intended bishops; but as things were not yet quite ripe for establishing them in their sees, he published 55 questions, which he required the General Assembly to answer, viz. Whether mat|ters relating to the external government of the church might not be disputed? What power the king and clergy have in the making of ecclesiastical laws? When it is lawful for ministers to leave their flocks? Whether ministers may apply their doctrine to such as are not of their congregation? Whether ministers may, from the pulpit, point out particular transgres|sors? For what enormities they may publicly blame magistrates? Whether such public declarations from the pulpit against the faults of particular persons, ought to proceed on full certainty, or upon mere re|port and suspicion? Whether preachers may wander from their text in declaiming against vices? Whe|ther a minister may exercise jurisdiction without the consent of the greater part of his session? Whether the session be judges of their minister's doctrine? Whether ruling elders may ever moderate in sessions? Whether the minister alone hath power to choose the members of session? Why ruling elders and dea|cons are not chosen for life? How many Presbyte|ries ought to be in a county? and how many pastors in each? Whether only pastors, or also all ruling el|ders and deacons, ought to have votes in Presbyte|ries? What ought to be handled in Presbyteries,

which may not be transacted in sessions? What form of process ought to be used before sessions and Pres|byteries? What ought to be decided in Synods, which may not in Presbyteries? What power of judg|ment have governors and professors of colleges in Presbyteries, Synods, and Assemblies? Whether a|ny but the supreme magistrate, when he is Christian and pious, hath lawful power to conveen General Assemblies? Whether should the meetings of Ge|neral Assemblies be ordinary or extraordinary? Who have right to vote in Assemblies: Whether all men of religion and learning in the church, or only all pastors, or only commissioners? How many mem|bers are necessary to form a General Assembly? How many of these ought to be ministers? and how ma|ny not? Who have the power of choosing commis|sioners to sit in General Assemblies? Whether an act of the General Assembly be valid without the king's consent? Whether two thirds of the votes be necessary to render an act authoritative? Whether inferior judicatories can judge persons that do not re|side within their bounds? What judicatory shall ad|minister discipline to the king's houshold and coun|cil? Ought every person required to attend church judicatories, to have a formal citation assigning its own grounds? Can an inferior court summon per|sons to a superior one? Must private admonitions, with reasonable intervals, take place before all cita|tions? What interval is necessary between different admonitions, or between admonition and citation, and between citation and compearance? Of how ma|ny citations doth the neglect infer contumacy? Whether simple contumacy, without a particular crime, or a particular crime without any contumacy, be a sufficient ground of excommunication? What different church censures are there? What scandals may Presbyteries judge of, and what not? May mur|derers, usurers, and such as do not pay their just debts, be excommunicated? If so, why should not

all the thieves of the highlands and borders, and merchants, be excommunicated? May an appeal be made from an inferior to a superior judicatory? Is the sentence suspended, during an appeal to an high|er court? Ought all processes to be extracted for the behoof of parties? Is summary excommunication, without any citation, lawful? May any but pastors vote in a sentence of excommunication? Hath every church judicatory equal power to excommunicate of|fenders? May Papists, who were never members of our church, be excommunicated? May Christian kings annul notoriously unjust excommunications? May a whole council and university be excommuni|cated? And for what? By whom? And in what manner? If the clergy neglect their duty, may Chris|tian kings rectify their disorders? May fasts for gene|ral causes be appointed by Christian princes? May church courts require persons to give an oath of pur|gation? May points relative to civil rights be judged in church courts? These questions had answers re|turned to them by order of the Synod of Fife, and by Patrick Galloway, and by another minister of a more zealous cast.

Soon after, James called an assembly at Perth, and took care to have an hitherto unparalleled number of north country clergymen to be members of it. Af|ter no small disputing, the majority voted it to have the power of a General Assembly. Dropping a num|ber of his above mentioned questions, James requir|ed them to declare, That it should be lawful for ei|ther the prince, or any pastor, to move their doubts, and crave information concerning any part of their government, which is not expresly appointed in the word of God; that no minister should publicly med|dle with affairs of state, or with any of his Majesty's laws and ordinances; but if they think them wrong, privately complain to himself and his council; that no minister shall publicly point out any transgressors, except fugitives and excommunicated persons, so as the hearers may know them; that none shall med|dle

with any point not pertinent to his own congre|gation; that every Presbytery shall take care of these in their bounds behaving regularly in these matters; that three different citations, with eight days of in|terval, shall precede every excommunication; tha•• no presbytery or synod shall censure any person, who doth not reside in their bounds; that all citations shall contain the cause and crime, for which the per|sons cited are to answer; that except their ordinary meetings of Session, Presbytery, or Synod, minister shall hold no convention without his majesty's con|sent; that in principal towns, no minister shall be chosen without the consent of their particular flocks, and of his majesty; that some discreet ministers shall be appointed at a proper time to reason upon the rest of his questions; and that till that be done, none shall touch upon them either in pulpits or judicato|ries; and that some of the northern clergy shall be appointed to absolve the earl of Huntly from his ex|communication, providing he give them full satisfac|tion.—The consciences of this pliant Assembly could not come up to the whole of James' demands: but they did what they could to gratify him. They fixed as terms of satisfaction for Huntly, that he should renounce the Popish religion, subscribe the national covenant, join in communion with the church; and in the kirk of Aberdeen profess his sorrow for his apostacy and murder,—and that, as an evidence of his sincerity, he should reconcile him|self to those that had promoted his prosecution, and should provide sufficient stipends for the kirks on his lands. At the request of Angus' countess, and of Errol himself, ministers were appointed to deal with them, and to absolve them on the same terms as Huntly, except in that which related to the murder of the earl of Murray, in which Angus and Errol had no hand.—Meanwhile, to please the faithful party, this Assembly supplicated James to publish a declara|tion of his real intentions to maintain the true Pro|testant religion and discipline presently professed, and

••o banish from his kingdom all obstinate Papists, Je|••uits and excommunicated persons, and apprehend ••nd imprison them, if they should return;—and to ••elax his outlawry against the ministers of Edinburgh ••nd others, and allow Messrs. Black, Howison, and Welsh, to return to their flocks;—to deal favour|••bly with the city of Edinburgh, notwithstanding ••he late mob, or other provocations;—to promote ••he due punishment of such as had, or should as|••ault, hurt, or mutilate ministers; and to provide ••ufficient stipends where they were wanting. He pretended, that he was ready to grant all their de|sires, except what related to the outlaws and banished.

Few besides the commissioners from Fife came up to the ordinary meeting of the General Assembly in April 1597. After confession of their sins, they took a solemn protestation for the liberties of the church.—In May, K. James' second Assembly met at Dundee. As he had called them together, his will was their rule, and to please him, and his coun|cil, was their great end. Upon information from the Presbyteries of Murray, Aberdeen, and Angus, concerning the excommunicated lords, these Presby|teries were appointed further to deal with them, and to receive them upon terms much the same as above mentioned. They added some explications to the declarations, which had been required or given at Perth. They answered the rest of James' ensnar|ing questions, as much to his content as they could. They appointed a commission of their number to confer with his majesty for promoting of perfect har|mony with him and his council, and to execute the articles which had been passed. Thus, I think began the Commissions of the General Assemblies, which have often transacted more public work, than the Assembly itself.—These commissioners, now appoint|ed, together with James and his agents, dressed up matters to their pleasure; and the Assemblies as their tools turned their will into the form of acts. To prevent the faithful ministers from counteracting

their designs, the principal of them were put out of the way. Black and Wallace were removed from St. Andrews. A. Melvin had been put from his rectorship, and expelled the university, had not the clamour of the people and of the foreign students obliged them to let him alone. But, to prevent his interfering with the government of the church, James and his ecclesiastical commissioners enacted, That no masters or professors in universities should vote in any church courts upon matters of discipline.

The Popish lords being restored to the fellowship of the church, the Parliament, which met in De|cember, restored them to all their civil privileges and honours.—Some years before, mention had been made of ecclesiastical commissioners to sit in Parliament, as the 3d estate, instead of the dignita|ries of the Popish church; but without any hint, whether they should be clergymen or not. Now the ecclesiastical commission insisted, that some ministers should have vote in Parliament in order to secure the interests of the church. The abbots, priors, and lords of session, opposed it, as derogatory to their power. But James got it carried; and the more ea|sily, as the other estates of Parliament thought that no Presbyterian minister would accept the Popish title of bishop, abbot, or prior, in order to enjoy such promotion. Having carried this point, James and his ecclesiastical commission appointed next General Assembly to meet at Dundee, two months sooner than had been intended. After it had met, and a|greed to bury some grievances, and appointed another commission, and James had allowed the banished mi|nisters to return to their charges in Edinburgh, &c. —he, in a solemn harangue, represented to the As|sembly the necessity of some ministers voting in Par|liament, and protested, that he had no intention to introduce any Popish or English bishops, but was merely concerned for the welfare of the church. The speeches of those ecclesiastical commissioners, that thirsted for episcopal sees, were but an echo to

his. After much warm debate, it carried, that a|bout fifty one ministers should have a vote in Parlia|ment as commissioners from the church, but under strict limitations, in order to prevent their assuming any power over their brethren. Mr. Davidson of Preston-pans entered a solemn protestation against this act, but it was not allowed to be marked. The terror of his majesty's presence kept many of his brethren from adhering to his protest. But he had no sooner crossed the Tay in his way home, than a|bout three or fourscore subscribed it, though it was afterward thought prudent to cut off their names. This Assembly further enacted, That the minutes of Synods be brought up to every Assembly in order to be examined; that none be married till they be thrice lawfully proclaimed; that such ministers as celebrate clandestine marriages be deposed; and that the par|ties satisfy the church by public repentance; that no images be carried about at burials; that presbyteries meet every week; and that a proposition of divinity be handled in their meeting once a month; that e|very minister have a weekly examination of part of his congregation; that every Presbytery send up commissioners to the Assembly, not above three in their own name, and a ruling elder in name of the barons, and two ruling elders from Edinburgh, and one in the name of every other burgh.

About the beginning of 1599, James appears to have been seized with a fit of zeal for the Romish a|bominations. Beaton, the old Popish archbishop of Glasgow, was restored to his dignity, and appointed ambassador to the court of France. James transmit|ted an affectionate missive to his Holiness, and re|quested that the bishop of Vaison, a Scotchman, might be created a cardinal, and empowered to act in the correspondence betwixt them. Edward Drummond was instructed by James to negotiate with the Pope and his cardinals for promoting this design. This affair happening afterward to be divul|ged, secretary Elphingston, who had been made earl

of Balmerino, took the blame upon himself, and had a sham process directed against him, on that ac|count. But few that consider James' constant regard to the Popish party, and the mean shifts, with which he ordinarily attempted to cover his base designs, will doubt of his being the real author of that let|ter. In his Basilicon doron, published that year, he declares, That parity among ministers is inconsistent with monarchy; that without bishops, the three estates of Parliament cannot be established; that Presbyterian zealots seek to establish a democracy in the state; that kings ought to hate none more than proud Puritans, and ought never to suffer their chiefs in any kingdom.

To make voting of ministers in Parliament go down the more quietly with the nation, several con|ferences were held concerning it. These of Falk|land, where the CAVEATS were considered, and of Holyroodhouse, were the most noted. In the last, after reading the act of Assembly at Dundee, con|cerning these commissioners from the church to vote in Parliament, and the caveats for limiting their power, the ministers entered on the dispute, but could nei|ther agree upon the lawfulness of their voting, or the title that should be given them. Highly pro|voked with the bold speeches and unanswerable rea|sonings of Andrew Melvin and his friends, James threatened, that if they would not fill up the 3d e|state of Parliament with their ecclesiastical commissi|oners, he would fill it up as he pleased. His majes|ty still needing the assistance of the complaisant clergy of the north, the Assembly 1600 met at Mon|trose. This affair was introduced by a conference be|tween four on each side. Patrick Sharp, James Melvin, Patrick Simpson, and David Barclay on the one hand maintained, That the acts of Parliament, and Assembly, appointing ministers to vote in Par|liament, are directly contrary to the word of God,— as all ecclesiastical prelacy and carnal dignity are, Luke xxii. 25, 26. Matth. xx. 26. 1 Tim. iii. Tit. i.

1 Pet. v. 1,—3.—as it makes men, who are separat|ed to the service of God, turn back to the world and the offices of it, Num. iii. 44, 45. and xviii. 6. Deut. x. 8. and xviii. 12. Acts xiii. 1.2, 3. Rom. i. 1. —as it hinders ministers from their proper work, Luke ix. 59, 60. Deut. xxxiii. 8. Acts vi. 2. hinders them from preaching the word in season and out of season, 1 Chron. ix. 33. 2 Tim. iv. 2. John xxi. 15, 16, 17. Acts xx. 20, 28.—as it represents the mini|sterial charge to be light and inconsiderable, contrary to Ezek. iii; xxxiii. Zech. xi. 17. Acts xx. 20, 28, 31. 1 Pet. v. 2. 2 Cor. ii. 15,—17. Heb. xiii. 17.— as it confounds offices and jurisdictions, which God hath distinguished, Num. xviii, 4, 7. 2 Chron. xvii; xix. Matth. xxii. 21. Deut. xxii. 9,—11.—as it makes ministers to meddle with things not pertain|ing to their office, 1 Pet. iv. 15. John xvi. 15. and xviii. 36. Luke xii. 13, 14. John viii. 11;—as it en|tangles Christ's soldiers in the affairs of this life, Num. iv. 3. 2 Tim. ii. 4;—as it hath no example in the Christian church for almost 800 years after Christ;—as the offices of magistrates and ministers are so different in their subjects, matter, manner, and end of administration;—and as this church hath expresly prohibited ministers to be notaries, farmers, inn-keepers, &c.

So strong was the reasoning, and so firm the oppo|sition, that James, by all his authority and craft, could not obtain that these commissioners should be continued till death, or till some fault should render them unworthy of their power, but merely, that they should be chosen every year. But he and his party got the act so marked in the minutes, as to import no more, than that they should, every year, give an account of their conduct, and lay down their commission at the feet of the Assembly. The CA|VEATS, formerly agreed upon in the conference at Falkland, were ingrossed into this act, and imported, That the Assembly with advice of Presbyteries and Synods should nominate six out every district, from

whom his majesty should choose one; That these commissioners should never propose any thing in name of the church, without special direction from her, or such things as they can answer for to her; that, under pain of deposition, they should never forbear to oppose what was prejudicial to the liberty of the church; that, under pain of infamy and ex|communication, they should give account of their conduct to every Assembly, and obtain a ratification of it; that they should rest contented with whatever benefice the king allows them, without attempting to hurt the salary of any other minister; that they should neither directly nor indirectly dilapidate their benefices, nor grant any disposition or lease of it, without content of his majesty and the General As|sembly; that they should continue to execute the office of pastor to their congregation in all points, and be subject to the trial of Presbytery and Synod, as other brethren; that, under pain of deprivation, and of the nullity of every thing afterward transac|ted by them, they should never claim any power a|bove their brethren in the exercise of church govern|ment; that in Presbyteries, Synods, and General Assemblies, they should in all things behave as other ministers; that before their admission to their com|missionership, they should swear to observe the above limitations exactly; and that upon their deposition from the ministry, they should lose their benefice and seat in Parliament.—It was further ordained, That they should have no vote in General Assemblies, unless by virtue of a commission from their presbyteries; and that their ambitus or using of any means to ob|tain preferment, should be sustained a sufficient cause of deprivation.—This Assembly appointed a com|mission to finish their work, any nine of whom, with his majesty and his agent, made a quorum o•• number sufficient for acting.

Convinced, that James' veracity was little to be depended upon, Messrs. Bruce, Balcanquel, Balfour, Watson, and Hall, ministers of Edinburgh, hesi|tated

to publish his representation of his danger and his deliverance from a conspiracy of the earl of Gowry and his brother at Perth, in the way of public thanks|giving to God. He therefore prohibited them to preach in his dominions, under pain of death. As the citizens would accept of no other in their stead, he was obliged to permit them all to return, except Mr. Bruce, who therefore retired to France. Nor did James rest, till he had got Balcanquel, Balfour, and Watson, transported, and some of his own crea|tures put in their place.

To prevent the faithful ministers attendance, or ready opposition of his measures, James caused the General Assembly to meet at Burntisland, in May 1601, ten weeks sooner than had been appointed. Nevertheless, Messrs. Davidson of Preston pans, and James Melvin of Anstruther transmitted their moni|tory letters, obtesting all the members to be faithful to the cause of Christ, in opposition to the manifold corruptions then creeping in. To deceive the ho|nest party, James and his complaisant dupes joined them in assignation of the causes of the decay of re|••igion, and of proper remedies thereof: viz. the wrath of God on account of the contempt of the gospel; the sloth of ministers, and their neglect to discover apostates from the Protestant religion; the want of able ministers, especially where the Popish ••ords and other nobles reside; the rash admission of candidates into the ministerial office; the untender conversation of ministers, and their suiting of them|selves to the humours of their people; the desolation of the churches of Edinburgh; the advancement of ••ll affected persons into places of power and trust; the education of his majesty's children in the compa|ny of Papists, and of the young nobility by suspected masters; the decay of schools; the overlooking of the restored lords non-performance of the terms of their reconcilement. They, however, took care to make no mention of their own attempts to overturn the reformation which had been attained, and to

render the church dependent on the mere will of the civil magistrate.—Not long after, Mr. Bruce wa•• permitted to return home; but it was required o•• him to imitate his other hesitating brethren, and i••|different places to intimate from the pulpit his belie•• of James' account of the perhaps altogether pretend|ed conspiracy. He abhorred such sinful and sneak|ing compliances, and so continued under the roya•• frowns.

The next General Assembly was appointed to mee•• at St. Andrews, in the end of July 1602: but James, to mark his spiritual supremacy, transferred it to Ho|lyroodhouse, on the 10th of November following. At the entry, James Mevin protested against the change of the day. The ministers, who had been appointed to deal with Huntly, Errol, Angus, Home, and Herreis, reported their conduct: but, except that of those who had attended Errol, it was little to the purpose. Notwithstanding their former ne|gligence, young Spotswood and the rest were ap|pointed to deal further with them, and with the o|ther Popish lords, Maxwel and Semple. A nume|rous committee was appointed to visit the church, and enquire into the conduct of ministers, congre|gations, and Presbyteries; and Rules of visitation were prescribed. But the leading men in it were too intent on prelatical dignities to execute this work to any good purpose.

The Synod of Fife presented a number of grievan|ces; That General Assemblies were not regularly held according to the laws of God and the land, or the necessity of the church, but the diets of meeting altered without the knowledge or consent of either Presbytery or Synod; that ministers were summoned before the privy council at first instance, to answer for their doctrine, or manner of discipline; that ap|plications in Presbyterial exercises were condemned; that the government of the church was put into the hand of a few commissioners, to the injury of Presby|teries and Synods; that the doctors of universities

••ere debarred from General Assemblies; that the ••bservation of the CAVEATS, by the church's com|missioners to vote in Parliament, is not inquired in|••o; that the alteration of the ministers at Edinburgh ••ath much hurt the cause of religion, and encouraged ••s enemies; that laws for church government have ••een made, contrary to the judgment of almost the ••alf of the ministry; that the land is defiled, and ••he church hurt, by indulging the French ambassa|••or in the free and public use of his idolatrous mass; ••hat excommunicated Papists are allowed to continue ••n the country; that the absolved nobles give no e|••idence of their professing any thing but Popery; ••hat pains are taken to conceal the danger of the church from faithful ministers or professors; that church discipline is not duly executed against incest, murder, adultery, or the like: To this heavy com|plaint, scarce any other answer than a mere shift was returned.

But with much more pleasure, the Assembly con|sidered a plan for the enlargement of their stipends; —and, at James' desire, allowed of the celebration of marriage on the Lord's day; and ordered, that all who made profession of the Protestant faith should have their children baptized. Young Spotswood was accused of attending mass in France: but James and his complaisant clergy got this matter hushed. —This Assembly was far from being FREE. Mess. R. Bruce, J. Davidson, and A. Melvin, were ex|presly prohibited to come near it. Such as faithful|ly spoke their mind were upbraided and mocked by the king or the moderator, and commanded to be silent.—Not long after, some further pains were taken with Mr. Bruce to make him approve James' account of Gowry's conspiracy. But, finding, that no condescension would procure his restoration to his flock at Edinburgh, he would make none, and re|presented his reasons to the town council. The Commission of the Assembly declared his kirk va|cant, and at the same diet, approved a marriage be|tween

two adulterers, both of whose former yoke|fellows were still living, and absolved them from the excommunication inflicted on them by the ministers of the south.

When James set off for London to receive the English crown in A. D. 1603, all the imprisoned malefactors were liberated. But A. Melvin and J. Davidson had their confinement continued, and R. Bruce continued secluded from his charge. Appre|hending, that James' communion with the English church would lead him to attempt a reducing of the Scotch to the same forms of worship and govern|ment, the Synod of Fife in 1604, appointed some of their number to present their faithful advice to the Assembly's commission, begging them to insist for a Parliamentary ratification of all former laws made in favours of the church, and to protest, that any thing enacted contrary to the religion presently established by either commission, or otherwise, should be held null and void; and to insist, that none should vote in parliament, in the name of the church, but such as bear office in her, and are appointed by her; and that such commissioners shall not, under pain of de|position, propose any thing in Parliament in the name of the church, without express direction from her; nor keep silence, when any thing detrimental to her interests is proposed; and that care be taken, that no prejudice be done to her doctrine, worship, discipline, or government, by the intended UNION of Scotland with England.

Spotswood, now made archbishop of Glasgow, in|stead of Beaton the Romish priest, Gladstones bish|op of Galloway, and Lindsay bishop of Ross, being appointed commissioners for regulating the terms of that UNION, marked an absolute unconcern about every thing religious. But the earl of Morton in|sisted for a clause in their commission, bearing, That the state of religion in doctrine and discipline should be preserved in Scotland. In vain, he also begged the commission of the Assembly to assist in securing

that point, though, with difficulty enough, he pro|cured an act or clause, bearing, that the religion presently established in Scotland shall not be in the least prejudiced by the intended union of the two kingdoms;—which his opponents took care to keep out of their records.—Meanwhile, under deep ap|prehensions of their danger, the Presbytery of St. Andrews and Synod of Lothian renewed their sub|scription of the national covenant, and Spotswood no|minal archbishop of Glasgow, and John Law his suc|cessor subscribed among them.

With K. James' own consent, the Assembly at Ho|lyroodhouse had appointed their next meeting at A|berdeen, in July 1604. But the ecclesiastical com|missioners to sit in Parliament, fearing to give ac|count of their conduct, procured a delay. James re|quired, that the meeting should be deferred till the union of the two kingdoms should be deliberately considered, and a new warrant for holding it emit|ted. Nevertheless, the Presbytery of St. Andrews, zealous for the liberties of the church, appointed Messrs. James Melvin, William Erskine, and Willi|am Murray, their commissioners to attend it. Upon the day appointed, they repaired to the place of meet|ing in Aberdeen, and solemnly protested, That the hurt that should happen to Christ's church, by the neglect of this meeting, should not be imputed to them, or their constituents. Instigated by some nor|thern ministers, the Presbytery of St. Andrews, by their missives and otherwise, procured such a num|ber of correspondents from other parts of the king|dom to attend at next Synod of Fife, that Lauriston, the king's commissioner for ecclesiastical affairs, fear|ing that it would turn out a General Assembly, pro|cured an order from the privy council to hinder their meeting. But finding, that they only claimed the powers of a Synod, he forbore. Heavy complaints were made, that the church's commissioners to vote in Parliament did not observe the CAVEATS; and that some, who had been nominated to bishopricks,

voted without any commission.—The Synod agreed to petition his Majesty, That General Assemblies might be regularly held, according to the act of Par|liament, and the former custom of this church; that Papists and contemners of church discipline might be prosecuted by the civil judges; that he himself would interpose for the protection of the persecuted English Puritans, and for the redress of such mi|nisters as had their salaries injured by the last modi|fication of stipends.

James had appointed the meeting of the General Assembly at Aberdeen, July 2, 1605, unless he should conveen it sooner. The fearful abounding of scandal, Popery, and almost every thing horrid, made Presbyteries and Synods to supplicate for the hasten|ing of this meeting. But Spotswood, Hall, Glad|stones, and Galloway, their commissioners to his Majesty, betrayed them, and chiefly courted his fa|vour and prelatical preferments.—When the time of meeting drew near, James transmitted orders not to hold it. And to confound commissioners, some co|pies of this order represented the 2d, and others the 5th of July, as the day formerly appointed. No more than nineteen members met on the 2d day. When Lauriston saw them determined to proceed regularly to business, he left them. Mr. John For|bes being chosen Moderator, they read the order of the privy council requiring them to dissolve, and to appoint no new diet of meeting: they agreed to pro|ceed to no further business at present; but appoint|ed their next meeting at Aberdeen, upon the last Wednesday of September next, and appointed the several Presbyteries to direct their commissioners to it. As they were about to dismiss, Lauriston return|ed, and protested, That from the beginning he did not acknowledge them a lawful Assembly. Upon the 5th of July, Mr. John Welsh and other seven com|missioners from the south and west came up, and finding the meeting dissolved, protested that the•• came up to keep it, and that they approved of wha••

had been done. Returning to the privy council▪ Lauriston affirmed, That upon Monday the first of July, he had, by a public proclamation at the cross of Aberdeen, prohibited the meeting of Assembly in his majesty's name. But though multitudes were on the spot the whole day, not one could testify, that he heard this public proclamation. To corroborate Lauriston's false affirmation, it is said, that the clerk antedated the indorsement of the charge.

The ministers, who had kept this meeting of the Assembly were immediately prosecuted before the privy council. The magistrates of Aberdeen were charged to prevent the meeting in September; and Presbyteries and Synods prohibited to own the vali|dity of the late meeting. The ecclesiastical commis|sion readily declared it void and null to all intents. After three months imprisonment in Blackness castle, —and vindication of their own conduct, and de|clining of the privy council as incompetent judges, Messrs. John Forbes, John Welsh, Robert Dury, Andrew Duncan, Alexander Strachan, and John Sharp, were condemned to perpetual banishment from the kingdom, as guilty of high treason; and had probably been hanged, had not the terrible fer|ment of the nation intimidated James and his coun|cil. Messrs. Charles Fairholm, John Monro, Nath. Inglis, James Greig, William Forbes, John Ross, and Robert Youngson, after lying in different pri|sons, were banished to remote parts of the king|dom. All ministers were prohibited publicly to pray for, or make honourable mention of their condem|ned brethren.

Neither the terrible pestilence, of which about 70,000 are said to have died in or about London, and not a few about Edinburgh, St. Andrews, &c. nor his own and his English Parliament's remarkable deliverance from immediate destruction by the Popish gun powder plot, diverted James from his beloved work of persecuting the faithful ministers of Christ, and introducing the English Episcopacy into Scot|land.

Upon some new revival of Mr. Bruce's hesi|tation to believe his account of Gowry's conspiracy, he was confined to Inverness. A. and J. Melvins, James Balfour, William Scot, John Carmichael, Robert Wallace, Adam Coult, and William Watson, were called out of the way to London, under pretence of conferring with them concerning the lawfulness of the meeting at Aberdeen, and the proper method of holding General Assemblies, &c. James Melvin died in his return home. After three years impri|sonment, on account of a short Latin satyre on the English worship in his Majesty's chapel, Andrew was permitted to retire to France, where he died.

Meanwhile, James having called a Parliament at Perth, in 1606, which solemnly acknowledged his supremacy in ALL causes; and appointed an oath of the same import to be sworn upon the gospels. They also restored the estate of bishops to all their antient honours, rights, and revenues; and erected chap|ters for their respective sees. Against this deed, the two Melvins, just before they set off for London, with about forty others, of whom Ballantyne, Aber|nethy, and Cooper, were afterward bishops, enter|ed a solemn protestation, bearing, That it was con|trary to the word of God, their national covenant, the constitutions of this church, and the laws, peace, and honour, of the kingdom. Their reasons were more largely explained in a tract then published un|der the title of The course of conformity. An Assem|bly was soon after held at Linlithgow, which consist|ed of such statesmen, and of such clergymen, as James called up, without any regard to commissions from their respective Presbyteries. Under pretence of zeal against Popery, they appointed a minister in every Presbytery, who should inform the privy coun|cil against Papists, and who should have a yearly sa|lary of an hundred pound Scots for his pains, and also the honour of constantly moderating in his Pres|bytery, till proper course should be taken with the Papists, and the peace of the church settled. They

supplicated his Majesty in favours of such of the ba|nished ministers as should confess their faults to him. The nominated bishops protested, That they intend|ed to usurp no pre-eminence over their brethren. Some CAUTIONS were proposed for limitation of the power of the constant moderators. Nevertheless, the managers, within about six months, had the mi|nute so formed, as to bear, that the constant mode|rators of Presbyteries should be constant members of General Assemblies, and the bishops or their vicars constant moderators in Synods. Fully persuaded, that his innovations would meet with warm opposi|tion, James, by a proclamation, solemnly charged all the NOMINEES to accept of their new honours, and all Presbyteries and Synods, under pain of re|bellion, to accept of their constant moderators. Ne|vertheless, several of the ministers nominated to be constant moderators of Presbyteries refused that pro|motion. Many Presbyteries, and all the Synods, except that of Angus, absolutely refused their con|stant moderators. Some Presbyteries admitted them only, when compelled to it under pain of rebellion, and upon condition that the matter should be can|vassed in a free and lawful General Assembly, which they did not think that of Linlithgow to be. The principal opposers were banished, imprisoned, or o|therwise persecuted; such ministers as needed, or hoped for augmentation of their stipends, could not obtain letters of prosecution for it, before the bishops or constant moderators granted them warrants for that purpose.

James intended to conveen another Assembly at Linlithgow▪ for promoting his introduction of bi|shops. By causing some commissioners, who had been long before appointed to visit the Presbyteries, and procure commissioners to it; and by a zealous spreading of Dr. Downham's sermon in favours of the English Episcopacy, he and his agents laboured to promote their cause. Nor were the faithful mini|sters inactive. They offered public disputations in

favour of their principles. They circulated prope•• forms of commission and instructions for those tha•• should be deputed to the Assembly from Presbyteries, bearing, That they should insist in the Assembly, That Synods and Presbyteries should have the power of choosing their own moderators established to them▪ that none charged with any particular commissi|on from the Assembly should be moderator of Pres|bytery, Synod, or Assembly; that the acts agains•• non-residence at their charges, negligence, and other corruptions of ministers, should be duly executed; and that none, but such as had commissions from Presbyteries, should have any vote in General Assem|blies.

In July 1608, the Assembly met. After a deceit|ful flourish of searching-out the causes of the increase of Popery, and of re-excommunicating the earl o•• Huntly, and giving order for the excommunication of Angus, Errol, and Semple, and of proposing me|thods for the delation of other Papists, they attemp|ted to proceed to the establishment of bishops; bu•• finding themselves unable to carry an act for tha•• purpose, they continued most of the former member•• in their commission, eleven of whom were nomi+nated bishops, and eleven of whom were declared a quorum, having full power to act.—To impose on ministers less zealous or judicious, commissioner•• were appointed to travel between parties, in orde•• to find some medium in their differences, relative to the doctrine and discipline of the church.—In Ma•• 1609, a conference was held at Falkirk, for procur|ing the consent of opposers to the introduction o•• Prelacy. But nothing was gained in its several diets▪ Another conference was appointed at Stirling. Bu•• the bishops and their votaries did not attend it, a•• they found that they could not carry their cause by the force of reasoning, even after James had removed A. Melvin, and many of their ablest opponents, ou•• of the way. In June that same year, the Parliamen•• appointed the bishops to transmit once every year a

••••st of all the Papists in their several dioceses, to the ••ouncil;—ratified the restoration of bishops to their ••ntient dignities, powers, and prerogatives, alway ••eserving to the king his supremacy in all causes eccle|••iastical and civil; and made an act relative to the ••pparel of civil judges, prelates having vote in Par|••iament, and ministers;—leaving it to his majesty to prescribe the particular forms of the clerical vest|ments.

Archbishop Spotswood having become an extra|ordinary Lord of the SESSION, about the beginning of A. D. 1610, led the way for himself, and his cle|rical partizans, to screw themselves further into civil offices. Soon after, he, and Gladstones, archbishop of St. Andrews, had each of them a royal warrant to hold High Commission courts within their respective boundaries, which might punish persons as they plea|sed, in a civil or an ecclesiastical manner. Their appointed assistants were noblemen, bishops, gentle|men and ministers, some of which last appear to have been nominated merely for form sake, as it could not be expected, that they would accept of any such an|tichristian and arbitrary power. But the archbishop, with any four that he pleased, were declared a quo|rum, sufficient to transact business. The bishops having become lords in Parliament, privy council, Exchequer, and Session, possessors of extensive pro|perty and jurisdiction, patrons of many benefices, mo|derators in Synods, stated commissioners of the Ge|neral Assembly, and principal members in the king's courts of high commission,—a General Assembly was called at Glasgow in June 1610, when no body ex|pected it, and just after his majesty, by his procla|mation, had required another, appointed a few days before, not to be held. It consisted of 169 mem|bers, viz. constant moderators of Synods and Pres|byteries, who already had their annual salaries of 100 pounds, and hoped for better at his majesty's hand, together with such commissioners from Presbyteries, as were reckoned seducible into the measures of the

court. Plenty of bribes, under the name of subsist|ence money, were distributed among them, and others had better stipends promised them. The northern clergy came up from the remotest corners, and brought with them consciences sufficiently complaisant. The earl of Dunbar, attended by a troop of his majes|ty's life guards, did all that he could to promote his master's intentions. They condemned the Assembly of 1605, at Aberdeen, as an unlawful and seditious meeting. They acknowledged the power of calling Assemblies to be an inherent right of the crown. They enacted, That no ordination of pastors should be confirmed unless it was consummated by the bish|op; that no minister should be deprived without the consent of the bishop; that bishops or their vi|cars should preside in all provincial synods and Ge|neral Assemblies,—and have the sole power of visit|ing the dioceses. Under pretence of only changing the name of Presbyteries, which they said was offen|sive to his majesty, into the meetings of the ministers of their bounds, they left bishops at liberty to choose whom they pleased for witnesses rather than assist|ants in their acts of jurisdiction. They further enac|ted, That all presentations should be directed to bishops instead of Presbyteries; that no excommu|nication or absolution should take place, without the bishop's direction; that ministers absenting of them|selves from episcopal visitations of their dioceses should infer suspension and deposition, if continued in; that every intrant should, at his admission to the ministry, swear allegiance to his majesty as su|preme governor in the conservation and purgation of religion, as well as in things temporal; to which it seems they afterward clandestinely added obedience to his ordinary (i. e.) bishop of the bounds; &c.—that marriage should be celebrated upon the Lord's day, if people desired it;—that the two archbishops, three other bishops, and three others appointed by them, should deal with his majesty for the planting of vacan|cies. They also formed some sham directions for the

bishops, and asserted the necessity of General Assem|blies, and their power over bishops: and finally e|nacted, That no minister under pain of deposition should publicly speak against their acts, or treat of the equality or inequality of ministers, in the church of Christ.—As Messrs. Patrick Simson and Walt. Balcanquel, and others, loudly inveighed against the apostacy and perjury of the bishops, James, by a proclamation, charged all his subjects, under the highest pains, not to impugn, but obey, all the acts of the Assembly, and to inform the next magistrate or some member of the privy council of every thing contrary, which they knew; and charged all judges and magistrates immediately to imprison all transgres|sors, ministers or others.

As James and his votaries did not expect, that even their above packed Assembly would distinguish the office of a bishop from that of a pastor, in the manner of Bancroft, and other late high flyers, in England, no mention was made in it of the conse|cration of bishops. But soon after, Spotswood of Glasgow▪ Lamb of Brechin, and Hamilton of Gal|••oway, posted to London for it; and on their re|turn consecrated their brethren, without consulting either Presbytery or Synod.—Gladstones of St. An|drews met with very little opposition in the Synod of Angus, but in these of Fife and Lothian, with much more than he wished.—When the Parliament met in 1612, they formally annulled their deed of 1592, establishing presbytery; they ratified the acts of the ••ate Assembly of Glasgow with explications, curtail|ments, enlargements, and alterations. By this act of Parliament, bishops were freed from all trial of their life or doctrine by the General Assembly; they might depute whom they pleased to be moderators in Synods; they might dispose of all benefices to which the patron did not present a qualified candi|date within six months from the commencement of the vacancy: if the bishop refused to admit his can|didate, the patron might appeal to the archbishop,

and from him to the lords of session or privy council, that they, by letters of horning, might oblige the bishop of the diocese to do his duty. In the oath for intrants to the ministry, they must swear allegi|ance to the king as supreme in all causes spiritual and ecclesiastical as well as temporal, and swear obedience to their ordinary.—It was not required, that men should be forty years of age, or ten years in the mi|nistry, before their election to bishopricks; nor was the continuance of the weekly meetings of ministers, in the least mentioned.

After a little breathing, James and his agents push|ed on their designs. In 1615, all adult subjects were commanded to receive the Lord's supper at Easter in all time coming. Spotswood being now archbishop of St. Andrews, and Law of Glasgow, they united their high commission courts, in order to render their sentences more powerful and striking; and four mem|bers, with one archbishop, had full power to tran|sact business. None might appeal from their decisi|ons to either privy council, or lords of session. As Popery still increased, and the earl of Huntly made considerable disturbance in the country, the Assem|bly of Aberdeen in 1616, made no small empty noise, how to check the increase of Popery and promote the conviction or punishment of Papists. They pub|lished a new Confession of Faith, chiefly directed a|gainst the errors and corruptions of the Romish church; and to exclude the national covenant, they appointed all officers in the church, and students in the colleges to swear and subscribe it. They also ap|pointed bishops Galloway, Hall, and Adamson, to compose a small catechism for public use, in order to exclude those of Craig and Davidson. Upon some sham submission, they absolved the excommunicated earl of Huntly. But the chief design of their meet+ing was to resolve on composing a Liturgy and book o•• Canons for discipline.

In summer 1617, James paying a visit to his nativ•• country, laboured, with all his might, to promot••

the ecclesiastical conformity with England. In his own chapel at Holyroodhouse, he introduced a pom|pous celebration of the Lord's supper with sacred vest|ments, instrumental music, and other superstitions of the English cathedrals:—and soon after required all his bishops and nobles that were present in Edin|burgh to receive it in the same manner. But scarce the half of the lords would receive it kneeling.—The Parliament meeting, June 17th, the lords of the ar|ticles framed some acts for depriving the church of the poor remains of her power; one of which im|ported, That his majesty, with the advice of such bishops or ministers as he pleased to consult, should have full power to determine all matters relative to the external government of the church. Informed hereof, fifty ministers emitted a solemn protestati|on against it. Hall, Struthers, and Ramsay of Edin|burgh, quickly professed their repentance. But Ar|chibald Simson of Dalkeith, P. Stewart of Edin|burgh, and David Calderwood of Crailing, being far less pliable, were deprived from their office, and confined. Calderwood was troubled for not attend|ing Synod, notwithstanding the high commission had prohibited him to attend part of the time. He was banished the kingdom. Nevertheless this spirited opposition made the Parliament to supersede their act.

In 1616, James had hinted his intentions to intro|duce kneeling at the Lord's table; the sacred observa|tion of the festivals of Christ's birth, death, and as|cension, and of the descent of the Holy Ghost; the private administration of baptism and the Lord's supper, ••ogether with the confirmation of children, by laying on of the bishop's hands. His bishops represented to him, that it would be necessary to get these articles authorized by a General Assembly. After he and his tools had fixed upon the members, one was in|dicted upon 15 days warning, to meet at St. Andrews ••n November, 1617. But here his majesty met with more opposition than was expected. They only yield|ed

to allow the communion privately to sick persons providing there were a proper number present, and the minister gave the elements out of his own hand▪ Highly offended with their partial compliance, and with their delay of the principal points, James order|ed, that none of the opponents or non-liquets should have any modification of their stipends for that year. But cooling at last, he indicted another Assembly at Perth next year, which he took care to pack with such nobles and gentlemen, as he knew would scarce sick at any thing to please him, while his bishops, with promises of augmented stipends, took care to secure a proper number of ministers. Archbishop Spotswood, having mounted the chair as moderator, James' expostulatory letter was read,—and seconded by the declamations of Spotswood and of Young, an Episcopalian doctor from England. Spotswood disdainfully rejected every motion made by his op|ponents; and, without regard to either Presbytery or Synod, nominated the committee of overtures. To induce the Assembly to comply with his majesty's will, it was promised, that none should be obliged to practise these ceremonies; and that he would never seek to introduce any more from England. Such as offered to reason against the ceremonies proposed, were rebuked, and threatened. Nevertheless forty-five ministers, one nobleman, and one doctor of an university, voted against them.

The Assembly had no sooner carried an act for the above-mentioned articles, than James ratified their deed by a public proclamation; appointed his subjects to refrain from labour on the four festivals specified; and denounced the most rigorous punishment in per|son and property against all that should dare to dis|obey his mandates. The introduction of kneeling in receiving the Lord's supper occasioned terrible con|fusion. Messrs. William Arthur, Richard Dickson, John Murray, Robert Boyd, Robert Blair, John Ker, Thomas Hog, Andrew Duncan, Henry Blyth, David Forrester, Robert Bruce, John Weems, John

••••rimgeor, John Gillespie, John Hume, George Grier, James Porteous, William Livingston, John ••erguson, Archibald Simson, and many other emi|••ently holy and faithful ministers, were prosecuted ••efore the high commission, which deprived, fined, ••r imprisoned such as refused compliance with the ••RTICLES, or testified against the prevalent corrup|••••ons. Robert Bruce's principal crime was, that he ••nd some of his brethren had kept two private fasts ••t his house in old Monkland. Richard Lawson, ••ames Cathkin, John Mein, William Rigg, and o|••hers in Edinburgh, and in other places, where their ••astors informed against them, were cruelly perse|••uted by the high commission, for scrupling to kneel ••t the communion, and to observe the appointed fes|••ivals, &c. Meanwhile, such was the tender sym|••athy of the court party for the idolatrous and trea|••herous Papists, that Anderson a trafficking priest, ••eing apprehended, was kindly set at liberty, and ••onestly apparelled, and had his charge•• paid, got •• compliment of a 100 pound sterling, and then was ••afely conveyed to France.

After the bishops and their agents had very un|••uccessfully laboured three years in the introduction ••f the articles of Perth, the Parliament at Edinburgh, ••621, solemnly ratified them, though not without ••reat opposition. Fifteen of the nobility, and forty-••••ur of the commissioners from burghs, voted against ••his deed. Notwithstanding his majesty's charge to ••••l the malecontent clergy to remove from the city, ••nd all possible care to restrain their access to Parlia|••ent, a number of them sent up a warning against ••he ratification of the articles, and afterwards enter|••d a solemn protestation against it. While the Mar|••uis of Hamilton, as the king's commissioner, rose ••o touch the act with the sceptre, three terrible flash|••s of lightening darted into his face, attended with ••aps of thunder, which broke almost immediately ••n the Parliament house, and such a darkness and ••in as had not been known in the memory of man.

Some interpreted these things as marks of God's ab+horrence, and others as marks of his approbation o•• the Parliament's deed, which enacted, That in toke•• of their deep humility, every partaker should receive•• the communion on his knees; that the Lord's suppe•• should be administered to persons long sick, or ap|parently dying, providing there were three or four fellow partakers; that, in case of necessity, baptism should be privately administered to infants, and re|port made thereof to the congregation, next Lord's day; that after proper instruction by their minister, children about eight years of age shall be solemnly confirmed by the bishop of the diocese, with prayer and laying on of hands: and that the seasons o•• Christ's birth, death, ascension, and effusion of the Ho|ly Ghost, be religiously commemorated by sermons, abstinence from labour, and the like. When this deed was proclaimed at the cross of Edinburgh, Dr. Barclay fixed one copy of the ministers protes|tation on the cross, another on the church door, and a third on the gate of Holyroodhouse, and took instruments with the usual solemnities.

Having now got the civil, as well as the ecclesiasti|cal law, on his side, James, by letters to the bishops, which were probably planned, if not completely for|med by themselves, and subscribed at their desire, enjoined the most rigid execution of it: and they took care to obey him. For quietly coming from his place of confinement to Edinburgh about an af|fair of 20,000 marks value, Mr. Robert Bruce, once reckoned by James worth the half of his kingdom, was imprisoned in the castle, and John Welsh whom, after 14 years exile, grievous bodily trouble had forced from France, was denied allowance to die in his native country. While God by most terrible rains ruined the crop, and carried off the bridges of Berwick and Perth, Messrs. John Murray, John Row, David Dickson, George Dunbar, George Johnston, and others, were deprived, banished, and confined by the high commission. It being reported,

••hat David Calderwood, whose Altare Damascenum, ••rinted in both Latin and English, had so galled the ••piscopal party, had died in Holland, Patrick Scot, •• is said, by his majesty's direction, published a re|••antation in his name; and to prevent his refuting it, ••ent to Holland to seek him out, and murder him ••f he were still alive.

As the sessions, council and citizens of Edinburgh ••ad long used to meet on the Tuesday before the ••dministration of the Lord's supper, in order to make known and remove whatever objections they ••ad against their ministers,—bailie William Rigg, ••ohn Dickson, John Fleming, James Nairn, and ••ohn Nairn, being interrogated by the provost, ob|••ected, that Mr. Forbes, afterward bishop, had taught, That there was but little difference between the Pa|••ists and Protestants in the doctrine of justification; ••nd James Cathkin, John Mein and others, having ••esired the administration of the communion in the ••ormer manner,—William Rigg, John Dickson, a ••utcher, John Hamilton apothecary, John Mein, ••nd William Simson, were cited before the privy ••ouncil. Bailie Rigg was first confined to his own ••ouse, and afterwards imprisoned at Blackness, and fined in 50,000 pounds Scots. William Simson and ••ohn Dickson were condemned to imprisonment in ••he common jail of Edinburgh; John Mein at Elgin; ••nd John Hamilton at Aberdeen, and fined in 20,000 marks Scots.

Notwithstanding all that James and his bishops could do to prevent the spread of Calderwood's Al|••are Damascenum, which so effectually demolished the whole structure of the English hierarchy and super|••tition,—and his Course of conformity, with several other tracts, which had been printed in Holland, many copies of them were secretly transmitted hither, and greedily purchased and read. The death of Ha|milton, the zealous promoter of the articles of Perth in the Parliament, and of James himself, in the be|ginning of A. D. 1625, gave a transient check to the

persecuting rage: and Robert Bruce, and no doub•• several others, were permitted to leave their respec+tive confinements.

BUT in vain either church or state expected happiness under Charles I. who pursued the maxims and copied the pattern of his father. He was scarce|ly proclaimed king at Edinburgh, when his clergy notified their intention to have the communion ce|lebrated on the following Sabbath, which was Easter▪ But the calling of people and ministers to meet on the Tuesday before, for the removal of offences and dif|ferences, was omitted. This was reckoned the more grievous, as the articles of Perth had occasioned ma|nifold prejudices and contentions among those that had formerly lived in the most perfect friendship. Charles having appointed a national fast on the 20th of July, the Presbyterian ministers added to his rea|sons others of their own. The warm opponents o•• the articles of Perth and others, being informed o•• his pretences to piety and moderation, dispatched Mr. Robert Scot of Glasgow, to present their supplication for a redress of that grievance. Instead of regarding it, Charles, by a letter to Spotswood, instigated him and his fellow bishops, to proceed in the course, in|to which his father had put them. They extolled his piety to the highest, and so zealously obeyed his orders, that if a minister but conformed to Episcopa|cy and the articles of Perth, he was almost in no danger of being quarreled for any thing else.

Provincial Synods had now little more left them than the name. Bishops, or their deputies, were their constant moderators. The constant moderator•• of Presbyteries, and a few others chosen by the bi|shops, or their agents, formed into the privy confe|rence or committee of overtures, had the whole power of managing affairs. Nevertheless, as some still continued zealous for the Presbyterian form o•• government, and for the wonted simplicity of gospel worship, Charles issued forth a public proclamation,

bearing, That he did not in the least intend to alter the government of the church presently established; and that such as should dare to disturb it, or suggest, that he intended to alter it in favours of the Non|conformists, should be punished. This encouraged his bishops to endeavour the removing of all that scrupled to conform, from all places of power and trust. Charles himself, by a letter, required the town council of Edinburgh to elect none for magis|trates, but such as observed the artieles of Perth: and about the same time issued forth a proclamation against all Papists and Nonconformists. But the Pa|pists were protected and cherished, as they were of the queen's religion, and not disliked by the mana|gers. Having modelled the court of Session to his pleasure, he formed his privy council of 47, that of ••lie Exchequer of 15, and the High Commission of ••7 members, which last, in the manner of the Eng|lish one, had power to call before them whomsoever ••hey pleased, for transgressing the acts of Parliament, ••••r for speaking against his majesty or his progenitors, ••or their conduct, and to punish them with fines, im|prisonment, deprivation, excommunication, &c.

While Elizabeth his sister, and progenitor of our ••ow royal family, had above 80,000 of her subjects ••n Bohemia and Palatinate, and an infinity of her al|••ies, murdered by the Papists in Germany, the zeal ••f Charles and his bishops flamed hot only against ••hose that appeared most averse from returning to Rome. Certain of protection or an easy escape, the Papists hereon became insolent. Charles command|••d the Lords of Council, the advocates and clerks, ••o communicate kneeling, as a pattern to others. Finding none of his own party qualified to check the ••ncrease of Popery at Paisley, where the earl of A|••ercorn, and his mother and brother, impudently ••romoted it, Law, archbishop of Glasgow, permit|••ed Mr. Robert Boyd of Trogchrig to be settled there. But he had scarcely taken up house there, when the ••arl's brother threw all his books into the street, as

he was preaching on the Lord's day. For this he was cited before the council; but as Mr. Boyd in|treated, that he might not be imprisoned, and as he himself professed his sorrow for what he had done, and his brother and the magistrates undertook pub|licly to reinstate Mr. Boyd in his possession, the af|fair was dropped. But when Mr. Boyd, along with the magistrates, returned to take possession, they found the doors bolted; nor could they break them open, as they were without their jurisdiction, a mob, consisting chiefly of women, thought to have been hounded out by the earl's mother, so abused Mr. Boyd with revilings and throwing of dirt, that he was obliged to return to his own house at Trochrig in Carrick. About this time, several trafficking priests were apprehended at Dundee, Dumfries, &c. but their court-favoured brethren procured them all an easy deliverance.

In July 1626, Charles held a convention of Estates chiefly for recovering into his own hand the tithes and church lands, which his father had disponed to laymen. While the possessors begged him to drop his designs, the bishops and their clerical favourites met in Edinburgh, and dispatched the bishops of Ross and Murray, with Whiteford and Struthers, to beseech him to curb the insolent Papists, and to per|fect his revocation of his father's donations of the church's property, and to promote the augmentati|on of minister's stipends. Upon their return, the conforming and non-conforming ministers agreed t•• appoint some, from their respective Presbyteries, t•• consult for the welfare of the church. The arch|bishops absented, that they might have it in thei•• power to declare the meeting null, if things were n•• carried to their mind. This meeting agreed to sup+plicate his majesty, to promote the fixing of prope•• stipends on ministers, and the planting of vacant co••+gregations; and that the sentences might be take•• off ministers, who had been prosecuted for non-co••+formity,—and they be allowed to be candidates fo••

or members of, the General Assembly, if Presbyte|ries please; and that none might be troubled for non-conformity, or with subscriptions at their admission, before such an Assembly should be held. The Con|formists chose the bishop of Ross, and the Non-conformists Mr. Robert Scot of Glasgow, to present their petition. The archbishops and other diocesans were highly offended with the most of these conclu|sions. Hence Mr. Scot went not to court, while the bishop went; and being charged with secret instruc|tions from his diocesan brethren, betrayed the cause of the meeting. Nevertheless, the Non-conformists were charged with part of his expences. Charles appointed commissioners to value the tithes: but some barons procured a letter from him, allowing the gentry an easy composition for such as were still in their hands. The commissioners insisted, that such tithes as were in the bishops hands ought also to come under the revocation, that his majesty might have a part of them.—Meanwhile, a sudden inundation of the sea, upon the parishes of Carlawrock and Ruthwal, in Galloway, alarmed the surviving inha|bitants and their neighbours, amd rendered them deeply penitent of their sins, and concerned for their eternal salvation.

As few of the communicants in several churches, in or about Edinburgh, had kneeled at the sacrament at Easter the preceding year, the general session, which met before it in 1628, begged their ministers to dispense it in the antient manner, for the avoid|ing of strife and confusion. Some of these were for allowing every one to sit or kneel as he pleased. Others were for no kneeling, and for the communi|cants dividing the elements among themselves. The Non-conformists insisted, That they should first ce|lebrate the sacrament in the former manner, and then supplicate his majesty's favour; if he were dis|pleased. But the Conformists got it carried, first to supplicate his permission. In their supplication, and by Sydserf their commissioner, they represented, That

few of their people now joined in the Lord's supper▪ and few of those that did, would receive it kneeling; that notwithstanding all their pains to extinguish it, the contention was still increasing, and had already become intolerable; that by means of it, ministers inveighed against, and people hated, one another; that atheists were tempted to reckon the whole of religion an indifferent thing, which might be altered at men's pleasure; that kneeling at the communion had an appearance of symbolizing with Papists, and encouraged them in their idolatrous worship of the sacramental bread;—and besought him to dispense with their obedience to the act of Assembly and Par|liament imposing it. Instead of granting their re|quest, Charles appointed the archbishop of St. An|drews to cite them to his tribunal, and inflict such punishment upon their ring-leaders, as might effec|tually deter others from all such supplications for the future; and to labour with all his might to establish the form of worship appointed by law. These things prevented the dispensation of the Lord's supper at Edinburgh for that season.——Upon the two last Sabbaths of May, and the Wednesday betwixt them, Charles appointed a solemn fast to lament the trou|bled state of the churches abroad, and the sins a|bounding at home, and to beseech the Lord to avert his threatened judgments, and succeed his Majesty's arms against France. To these, some Non-confor|mists added the innovations made upon the govern|ment and worship of the church, and the persecuti|on of faithful ministers for opposing them; which fomented the difference between the two parties. The Non-conformists more and more gained the af|fections of the people, while the Conformists, losing their esteem, instigated the bishops to persecute them, —who, having power on their side, threatened to excommunicate all such as should not speedily con|form. Being excluded from all the churches of Edinburgh, Mr. Robert Bruce preached in several of these in the neighbourhood, whither multitudes

of the citizens resorted to hear him. Informed of this, Charles required his privy council to confine him to his own house in Kinnaird, and within two miles around: but about the same time required the excommunication of the Popish earls of Angus, Niths|dale, Abercorn, and their ladies, to be dispensed with, and no laws executed against them, till himself should come down to Scotland.

While, about the beginning of A. D. 1629, Dr. Forbes of Aberdeen, Wedderburn of St. Andrews, and Maxwel and Sydserf of Edinburgh, occupied themselves in venting their Arminian tenets, which now paved the way for preferment, the privy coun|cil, alarmed by repeated complaints of the increase and insolence of the Papists, appeared more than ordinary earnest, in prosecuting them, particularly, ••f they were excommunicated; and in taking care of the Protestant education of their children. Not to appear behind them in zeal, the conforming clergy took up a list of about 500 gentry and others, and sent up Maxwel to London to learn his majesty's plea|sure concerning them. But Huntly, thro' the queen's influence, procured such an order of soft dealing with them, as amounted to a kind of royal protection of them. Meanwhile, the Presbyterians were more and more cruelly persecuted, many of the inhabitants of Edinburgh, Leith and places adjacent, being cited before the privy council and High Commission, and arbitrarily fined, if they did not answer to satisfacti|on. Messrs. Lamb of Traquair, D. Forrest of Leith, and George Dunbar of Air, were deposed for their opposition to the course of defection. Robert Mel|vil, assistant to the aged minister of Culross, having in a sermon, before him, boldly inveighed against the pride of Adam Ballantyne bishop of Dumblain, and his contempt of the faithful ministers of Christ, had no doubt also been prosecuted, if he could have been deprived of any legal salary. The bishops re|garded the affronts, which they received from the poeple, the less, as his majesty highly favoured

them; and the archbishop of St. Andrews was o••+dered to take the precedence of the Chancellor in th•• privy council, and in places of public resort.

The pride of the bishops having rendered them o+dious to a great part of the nobility, a number of mi+nisters, about the end of this year, transmitted •• Representation of 28 grievances to his majesty; an•• begged, That he would interpose his influence fo•• the redress of them. But perhaps he never deigne•• to read it. About the beginning of 1630, Struthers a conformist minister of Edinburgh, offended by the wide steps some of his brethren were taking toward•• England and Rome, and hearing that Maxwel, his col|league, had brought from London an order to the Primate of St. Andrews, and his diocesan brethren▪ to prepare matters for the reception of the whole go|vernment and manner of worship used in the Eng|lish church, wrote a letter to Sir William Alexan|der, now earl of Airth, and the king's secretary, i•• which he represented, that K. James, by his com|missioner, had promised to the Parliament in 1621, that no further alterations should be made in the pub|lic worship; that the introduction of other rites, e|specially if without the consent of the church, would render the bishops still more odious,—would deprive people of their best pastors, alienate their affection•• more and more from one another, and in the issue•• make them either Papists or Atheists.—Meanwhile, faithful ministers were remarkably countenanced o•• God at their sacramental and other occasions. Mul|titudes crowded to their communions; and being eager to hear as much of the gospel as they could, when they had an opportunity of it, they began to have one sermon upon Saturday before, and anothe•• on the Monday after. Mr. John Livingston a pro|bationer, after having run so far off, that morning preached a sermon at the kirk of Shots, on Monday June 21, at which 500 were converted to Christ, and almost every one in his large audience remarkably

••••fected. This was an evident answer of the prayers •• which most of the people had spent the whole of ••••e preceding night. Soon after, the prelates per|••••cution of him obliged him to flee to the north of ••••eland; where, for some years, he and Messrs. ••obert Blair, Robert Cuningham, James Hamilton, ••eorge Dumbar, John M'Lellan, and Josias Welsh, ••boured with great success in the work of the Lord. ••he like divine influence attended the ministrations •• Mr. David Dickson at Irvine and places about, in the ••est of Scotland. To bring a reproach upon this work •• God, Satan drove some into disagreeable excesses ••nd frenzies: but, by the care of these faithful mi|••isters, his designs were in a great measure defeated.

Being informed of an intended Convention of ••tates, for imposing a new tax for the supply of his ••ajesty's, or his hungry courtiers, necessities, and ••or making trial, how farther innovations would re|••••sh,—but pretending to redress grievances, the Non-••onform ministers, by the earls of Rothes, Cassils, ••nd Linlithgow, and the lords Yester. Ross, Balme|••ino, Melvil, and Lowdon, and some well affected gentlemen, presented a supplication for liberty to ••dminister the Lord's supper as pastors and people ••hould find most for edification; and that such In|••rants, as scrupled, should not be obliged, before ••heir admission to the ministry, to swear the oath of supremacy and canonical obedience. But the court and bishops, by their warm opposition, prevented the reading of it. Balmerino afterward insisted, that the ••ath, which was imposed without the authority of Parliament, should be laid aside; and that accord|ing to law, no bishops should be allowed to deprive or suspend any minister, without the trial and con|sent of the ministers in that bounds. But the ma|nagers also smothered this motion in the birth.

In 1631, the apostacy still increased. Dr. Max|wel taught, That our Saviour at his death descended to hell, in order to deliver from it the souls of virtu|ous heathens; pretending, that this doctrine tended

much to his glory, and to the comfort of Christians. John Adamson of Libberton taught, That the church of Rome is a true church of Christ. Wedderburn of St. Andrews and Sydserf, without controul, pub|lished their Arminian errors: Many of the conform clergy, and especially the bishops, altogether aban|doned themselves to drinking in taverns, and sports on Sabbath afternoons. Foster of Melross, having but one hut of corn in his barn yard, zealously ma|nifested his Christian freedom, by causing his ser|vants carry it into his barn on Sabbath. Not a few as faithfully bore witness against their abominations, —among whom we may reckon Messrs. John Sharp, who was banished in 1605, but on account of his distinguished learning recalled, and made professor of divinity in the new college of Edinburgh; Robert Bruce who now died in a triumphant manner, hold|ing his finger on the last verses of Rom. viii; Robert Boyd of Trochrig, John Scrimgeor, John Chalmers, John Dick, William Scot, John Row, John Ker, James Curry, Ad. Colt, David Foster, Richard and David Dicksons, James Greig, John Ferguson, James Inglis, William Livingston, Thomas Hog, and A|lexander Henderson, who had been converted from Prelacy by a note of Mr. Bruce; Samuel Ruther|foord, who, like some others, had got into the mi|nistry, without any sinful engagement, by means of some of the nobility,—Robert Douglas, George Gil|lespy, a preacher, and others.

Nothing of importance relative to the church hap|pened in 1632. But, next year, Charles, attended by bishop Laud and many others, came down to E|dinburgh, in order to be crowned, and to abolish the remains of Presbytery, and perfect the religious con|formity of the two nations. After being crowned in the most splendid and ceremonious manner, he, on next Sabbath, was gratified with the English mode of worship, and with the most fulsom flattery from the pulpit, and the most insolent railing against such as scrupled at holy vestments, or any thing else,

which he pleased to appoint in the worship of God. The afternoon was spent in extravagant feasting, at|tended with concerts of music, sounding of trumpets, and the like profane, carnal parade. The Parliament having met, asserted his supremacy over the church in all causes, and his power of prescribing proper vestments for clergymen, the last of which it seems his father had never executed. They ratified all former acts in favours of the religion presently pro|fessed, that is, as they had dressed it up with Episco|pacy and superstition. Hence the faithful party op|posed their ratification. They ratified his revocation of his progenitor's grants of tithes and church lands. The faithful ministers delivered to Sir John Hay, clerk register, under form of protestation, a petition for redress of grievances, craving, That as the com|missioners from the church had transgressed the CA|VEATS, they might be suspended from voting in Parliament, till they were heard against them on that point; that the alterations in the act of Parlia|ment 1612, from that of the Assembly 1610, might be rectified; that the act 1592, establishing sessions, Presbyteries, Synods, and General Assemblies, might be revised and ratified; that, as was promised when they were introduced, none should be urged to ob|serve the articles of Perth; and that all imposition of ••aths not appointed by the Assembly or Parliament ••n Intrants, be prohibited. Sir John, being a sworn enemy to religion, and slave to the bishops, was ••ighly offended with the petition, and especially with Mr. Hog's solemn manner of delivering it. The ••ame ministers, by Mr. Hog, transmitted another supplication to Charles himself, who lodged at Dal|••eith, beseeching him to favour their forementioned ••etition in the Parliament. But he, detesting their ••onest designs, got both the petitions smothered in ••he birth. Instigated by the ministers, a number of ••he lords, barons, and burgesses, presented to the ••ing and Parliament a petition, craving, That the ••ovations lately introduced into the church, should

be abolished; that such as had no interest in the happiness of the kingdom, or had been declared in|capable of being judges in any court, should be de|barred from seats in the Parliament. Charles hear|tily abhorred their requests. Nevertheless, he had no small difficulty to carry the ratification of his spi|ritual supremacy, and of the hierarchy and supersti|tion, which his father had introduced. Notwith|standing all his solicitations and threatenings, and even calling for a pen to mark their names that serv|ed or opposed him, fifteen earls and lords, with for|ty-four commissioners from burghs, voted against that act. Bishop Burnet affirms, that it was really carried in the negative. But Hay the register, who collected the votes, affirming that it was carried in the affirmative, the earl of Rothes, who had opposed it with great freedom and strength of reasoning, a|verred the contrary. Charles, meanly interposing, told Rothes, that the clerk's declaration must stand, unless he, at the hazard of losing his head, would prove him guilty of falsifying the records of Parlia|ment. Knowing that Charles, instigated by his bish|ops, would rain down his vengeance upon them, as soon as he could get an opportunity, the nobles pre|pared a representation of their designs and reasons thereof. But either their want of unanimity among themselves; or their information of his intention to refuse to hear it; or his sudden departure to Lon|don, prevented their presenting it to him.

Having returned home, and made Laud, his faith|ful attendant, archbishop of Canterbury, he tran|smitted an order to Ballantyne, bishop of Dumblain, and dean of his royal chapel at Edinburgh, to take care to have the communion there received on their knees, and in cups consecrated to the king's use, on the first Sabbath of every month, and to cause all the lords of privy council and session, advocates, clerks, and writers to the signet to receive it in due form, at least once every year, as a pattern to others; and to report their obedience or disobedience in this mat|ter

to him. Nevertheless, it is said, that no more than six lords of privy council, seven of session, two advocates, one writer to the signet, with the clerk of the bills, and two young lords, conformed to this order.

While Charles had been in Scotland, he had e|rected a new bishoprick at Edinburgh, and nominat|ed William Forbes, a minister of the city, zealous for the reconcilement of the popish and protestant religions, to it. After a farce of election by the chapter, he was solemnly consecrated, in January, 1634, in the presence of the two archbishops and five bishops; and had the little and great kirks unit|ed to form his cathedral. Notwithstanding his monkish temper, he immediately dispersed his man|dates, requiring all ministers in his diocese, within fourteen days, to subscribe an engagement to full conformity, and to administrate the sacraments to none, but those of their own congregations, under pain of being punished as schismatics. Most of the Presbytery of Edinburgh subscribed the engagement, on the same day that they received his mandate. Four of them took it to an advisement. But William Arthur at Westkirk, and James Thomson at Colling|ton, flatly refused their subscription. Other Pres|byteries were much less complaisant. Some expres|ly refused to come under any such engagement. The Presbytery of Greenlaw transmitted to him their reasons against compliance, and warned him, that the wrath of God would certainly overtake him, if he persisted in requiring ministers to act contrary to their conscience. He had scarcely threatened to make the best in Edinburgh kneel at the communion, or lose his Episcopal gown, when a vomiting of blood put an end to his violent measures, about two months after his instalment. To obtain his fat benefice, Sydserf laboured to imitate him in Arminianism, and in approaches towards Popery. But Charles, know|ing him to be much hated in Edinburgh, transported

Dr. Lindsay from Brechin, and placed Sydserf in his room.

A rude draught of the intended address of the nobles to his majesty, at the conclusion of the above mentioned Parliament, having been left in the hands of Balmerino, one Dunmuir a writer, who had been allowed to view his library, clandestinely took a copy of it, which he inadvertently shewed to Hay of Naughton, who took a copy of it, while he slept, and transmitted it to archbishop Spotswood. He, as usual, posted off with it on the Lord's day for Lon|don; and represented to Charles, That it amounted to lease-making against him and his government; and that copies of it were industriously spread by the noblemen concerned in it, in order to alienate his subjects, and make ministers to refuse the vest|ments, and other rites prescribed by law. At last, he and his fellow bishops procured a commission for some ignorant, mercenary, or Popish creatures of the court, to try the authors and favourers of it, as guilty of treason. Haig, the advocate, who had drawn it, after writing a letter to Balmerino, bear|ing, that he had written it without any help or di|rection from him, fled off. After some months im|prisonment, Balmerino was brought to his trial. Notwithstanding all that the bishops could do, seven of the jury brought him in not guilty. Traquair, to please them, gave his casting vote against him. But finding, that the subjects were fully determined ei|ther to liberate him, or to revenge his death upon those that had condemned him, without any shadow of ground, he quickly procured for him a royal re|mission.

In 1635, death had scarcely transported the pious viscount of Kenmure, and five or six of the faithful ministers to their heavenly thrones, when archbish|op Spotswood was made chancellor of Scotland, Ballantyne transported to Aberdeen, and Sydserf to Galloway, and Wedderburn made bishop of Dum|blain, and Whiteford of Brichen. Some ministers

••f every Presbytery were made Justices of peace; but ••ew, except thorough paced episcopalians, accepted ••f that office. It was intended to provide ministers ••or all the abbacies, in order to have as many eccle|••iastical lords to vote in Parliament. But the nobili|••y opposed this motion; and Traquair persuaded Charles, that it would be for his advantage to keep ••he abbacies in his own hand. To pacify the morti|fied bishops, a royal patent was issued, impowering ••very one of them, with any six associates that he pleased, to judge all persons within their diocese, ••n the manner of the high commission. Without ••elay they improved this power for the destruction ••f their opponents. For imposing an intrusion on ••is parish, Allexander Gordon of Earlstoun was cit|••d before Sydserf and his Galloway commission; fin|••d for absence, and banished to Montrose. For re|••using to conform, or to consent to the intrusion of •• conformist on his charge, Mr. Glendoning of Kirk|••udbright, aged 79, was confined to his parish. Wm. Dalgleish a neighbouring minister, was confined in ••ike manner. For continuing to hear Mr. Glendon|••ng, the magistrates of Kirkcudbright were confined ••t Wigton; and his own son, being one of them, ••mprisoned, because he would not incarcerate his fa|••her. Mr. William Livingston of Lanerk was pro|secuted by the archbishop of Glasgow for employing his son John to preach, who, along with his breth|••en, had been lately silenced by the bishops of Ireland: ••ut the old man so boldly vindicated his conduct, ••nd laid home to the consciences of his judges their many heinous offences against God, that they were glad to be rid of him. Walter Greig, who had en|tered to Balmerino with Spotswood's own consent, and by the call of both patron and people, was cast ••ut as an intruder, that wanted collation from him. John Mein merchant in Edinburgh was again prose|cuted for not observing an anniversary fast, and at|tending his own parish church. The members of the college of justice and people of Edinburgh, were

mightily urged to perfect conformity, in all the no|vations introduced. Thus the bishops carried all be|fore them, leaving little else for the friends of re|formation, but to cry to the Lord because of their oppressors.

In the beginning of 1636, Maxwel bishop of Ross, who was already a lord of the privy council, a lord of the exchequer, and an extraordinary lord of the session, thought to have got the high treasurership, which Morton demitted. But the nobles, offended with Spotswood's promotion to the chancellorship, procured that office for the earl of Traquair, who often proved a thorn in the side of the bishops. Tra|quair's procuring a pension of 200 pound sterling for Maxwel, silenced him a little. But when he solicit|ed the dissolution of the commission for valuation of tithes, Traquair, by gaining not only the nobles, but even part of the bishops to the opposition, pre|vented his success. Spotswood durst not appear a|gainst Traquair, for fear he should detect his villan|ies. The archbishop of Glasgow had obtained a roy|al grant of the first fruits in his diocese; but Tra|quair found means to pocket them himself. He also thought to oblige the inhabitants of Glasgow to pay their ministers stipends, and to deprive their council of the Patronage of Blackfriars and the Low-kirks; but Traquair defeated his plea.

In 1630, Mr. Samuel Rutherfoord had been cit|ed before the high commission; but a storm hinder|ing Spotswood to cross the Forth, and Alexander Colvil, one of the judges, befriending him, the diet was deserted. Some ministers in his presbytery, la|bouring to exasperate Spotswood against him, a new prosecution of him and Mr. Dalgleish was intended in 1634. But Lord Kirkcudbright screened Ruther|foord from his persecutors rage. In 1636, he was obliged by Sydserf, to appear before the high com|mission for his non-conformity, and his preaching against the articles of Perth, and writing against the Arminians. He declined their jurisdiction as un|lawful

and incompetent: nor would he give any of ••he bishops present their lordly titles. Notwithstand|••ng all that lord Lorn and others could do in his ••ehalf, he was prohibited under pain of rebellion to ••xercise his ministry any more in Scotland, and char|••ed to confine himself in Aberdeen and its environs, ••uring his majesty's pleasure. In that confinement ••e wrote many of his letters, which have since been ••o refreshing to multitudes. Mr. David Dickson, whom the earl of Eglinton had got restored to his charge, was on the point of being deposed by the ••rchbishop of Glasgow, for employing Messrs. Blair, Livingston and others, whom the episcopal persecu|••ors had driven from Ireland.

BY this time Laud of Canterbury was deeply concerned to have a perfect conformity established between the Scottish and English churches. He la|boured to persuade the Scotch bishops to receive the English liturgy. But, in their pride, and to avoid all appearance of their dependence on England, they insisted for a liturgy of their own composition, but near to the English in both matter and form. This occasioned a dryness between them and the Canter|burian primate. But Charles, advised by Laud and his underling bishops of London and Norwich, took the matter upon himself. He fixed upon the altera|tions, which he thought proper, and required the Scotch bishops to frame their service book according to them, and particularly to retain all the English saints days, and add the most renowned of Scotland to them, especially those of the royal family or epis|copal order, and by no means to omit Sts. George and Patrick,—and to retain the phrase, receive ye the Holy Ghost, in the Rubrick, for ordination;—and to insert among the lessons ordinarily read, Wisdom of Solomon, i; ii; iii; iv; v; vi. and Ecclesiasticus i; ii; v; viii; x; xxv; xlix. And he further re|quired, that in all bishops houses, universities, and

colleges, this service book should be used twice e|very day.

While Maxwel, Sydserf, Wedderburn, Ballantyne, and other bishops were forming this liturgy, it was foreseen, that a book of canons would be necessary to enforce the use of it. Charles therefore authorized them to compose one, falsly pretending, That the substance of the acts of the General Assemblles could not otherwise be properly known, as a fixed stan|dard of management. Scarcely had the canons been published, when the whole body of Presbyterians declared against them, as obscure or corrupt in many things; and as irregularly imposed. They particu|larly complained, That the 1st, 12th, and 13th canons, advanced the king's prerogative too high, and left the church intirely at his mercy; that the 2d, 5th, and 15th, urged an implicit subscription to a service book or liturgy not yet finished and published; that the 6th rendered ministers in part slaves to the bishops; that the 10th laid the innocent and guilty parties on a level in the case of divorce; that the 16th seemed to bind to the bidding of prayer, pre|scribed in the 55th. Against the rest they complain|ed, that bishops were established with absolute juris|diction, and Popish idolatry and superstition revived by them;—that the whole structure of their antient and so often ratified church policy was abolished; sessions and Presbyteries condemned as conventicles; ruling elders and deacons rejected; and all ecclesi|astical causes dragged to episcopal tribunals;—that they contained a number of Popish terms, as sacra|mental confession, and absolution,—appointed all ranks to come to the Lord's supper and all other sacraments; or contained ambiguous terms, as that ministers are ordained to urge the necessity of good works. The liturgy or book of common prayer, was at last finish|ed. It did not contain so many lessons from the Apocrypha as the English; but those which it had were appointed to be read, when the audience was like to be most numerous. The psalms of it were

not taken from the Vulgate, but from the last Eng|••ish translation. But, in many things relative to al|tars, offering of the elements in the communion, prayer for the dead, ministers standing at the altar, ••nd sometimes turning their face from the people, ••nd with respect to Christ's corporeal presence in the Eucharist, it approached nearer to the Romish mass book than the English had done.—It was moreover ••oudly complained, that these books were imposed without being first examined and approved by any General Assembly; and that the canons, under pain of excommunication, prohibited all questioning of ••he rectitude of any thing in them.

When Charles and his privy council issued forth ••heir proclamation for the observance of these books, some insisted for a delay of the execution. But the young bishops, who had framed them, and Traquair, who, ro ruin them, pushed them forward, zealous|••y insisted for immediate obedience to the royal man|date, and the new laws. Notwithstanding the mi|nisters were urged to compliance in their diocesan Synods, many of them would not so much as pur|chase the books. The bishops falsly represented to the council, that the most judicious ministers had all dutifully complied, and obtained an act for raising letters of horning against the reluctants, obliging each of them to provide two copies of the service book for the use of their parish, within fifteen days after their charge, under pain of being held rebels against his majesty and his laws. But this act was only a tem|porary bug-bear. Zeal for the increase of their re|venues somewhat diverted the attention of the two archbishops. Spotswood hoped to draw the tithes and abbey of St. Andrews to himself; and by ob|taining a locality in each parish to enrich himself, and impoverish the family of Lennox, which had granted leases of the tithes. His brother of Glas|gow expected to get 5000 pound sterling out of the annuities within his diocese. But, by procuring a royal dissolution of the commission for valuation of

tithes, and by other methods, Traquair, to their unspeakable vexation, defeated their designs. They resolved on a journey to court, to complain of his conduct, and to procure redress to their purse. And in order to secure themselves a favourable hearing, they laboured zealously to promote the use of new the liturgy before they set out. They procured a letter from Charles, and an order from his privy council, requir|ing his subjects in Edinburgh to use it as a pattern to the rest. Spotswood then conveened the ministers, and threatened them with immediate suspension, if they should disobey. It seems that all of them pro|mised compliance, except Messrs. Andrew Ramsay and Henry Rollock; the immediate suspension of whom did but so awaken the indignation of the peo|ple, that they would not allow the rest to comply, however willing they were to do it.

Dean Annan had scarce begun to read the service in St. Giles' church, when the people began to make a noise. Bishop Lindsay hasted to the pulpit to pa|cify them; but by casting of stools and the like at them, both bishop and dean were in danger of their life. Almost all the sober people went home, bitter|ly reflecting upon the bishops, for bringing matters to such a pass, by their innovations. The magistrates and privy counsellors, having driven from the church such as aimed their blows at the bishop and dean, the service was got performed with shut doors. But Annan, and especially the bishop, was in no small danger as they went home. Fairlie bishop of Ar|gyle and his assistants, who attempted to introduce the liturgy into the Grayfriars church, had not much better encouragement. I do not find, that it was attempted in any other churches of the city. Not a single person, except the mere rabble, appears to have been concerned in these tumults. But the bish|ops and their votaries, to the great grief of the pri|vy council, immediately sent off an express to his majesty, in which they represented the citizens a•• the authors or actors of all; and complained of th••

absence of Traquair, who had been detained by an heavy rain. After the privy council had made a thorough examination, Traquair, in their name, in|formed Charles, that the whole tumult was owing to the low rabble, especially the most abject. And, in a letter to the marquis of Hamilton, he laid the blame upon the folly and precipitancy of the bishops. The town council of Edinburgh wrote a letter to archbishop Laud, representing the innocence of their citizens, and their own readiness to receive the litur|gy; and they offered an additional stipend to such ministers as would use it; and promised them and their assistants protection in so doing. But as none of the conforming clergy inclined to venture their heads on such terms, the bishops agreed to suspend the service till his majesty's pleasure concerning the late tumult should be known. All sacred meetings on week days were dropt in the city, which, having an appearance of a Popish interdiction, inflamed the people more and more. As both ministers and ma|gistrates desired to promote the service; and the mi|nisters offered to read it themselves till decent readers could be found and instructed, providing that the ministers in the suburbs and neighbourhood, should be obliged to do the same, and that the city should give assurance for their indemnification, the privy council ordered a bond of assurance to be drawn up, and expeded, and appointed the magistrates to make diligent search after the authors and abettors of the late tumult, and to provide readers for their church|es. But notwithstanding all their diligence, suffici|ent readers could not be had: and so the service was delayed, to the great mortification of Charles and his bishops.

Meanwhile, the two archbishops had done what they could, to promote the service in the country, and had charged Messrs. Alexander Henderson of Leuchars, and David Dickson of Irvine, and many others, under pain of being immediately denounced rebels, to buy, each of them, two copies of the

prayer book for the use of their parishes. Neverthe|less, not only were readers every where hard to be found, but the reluctant ministers, in four different petitions, begged the privy council to grant a sus|pension of the bishops orders,—in which they point|ed forth the principal errors of the Canons and Li|turgy, and offered a friendly dispute on these points; —they shewed what bad consequences had, or might attend the introduction of novations and imposition of liturgies; and that the church had no security at all, if princes might change her antient and innocent forms of worship without her consent; and that his majesty had bound himself to make no alterations in this kingdom without the lawful advice and consent of all concerned. Many noblemen, by their letters, and gentlemen, by personal solicitation, begged the privy counsellors to keep that yoke off the neck of ministers. The council therefore enacted, That letters of horning relative to the service book, should extend no further than to the purchasing of it. They re|presented to his majesty, that notwithstanding all their endeavours to the contrary, the increasing op|position to his new liturgy, had baffled all their at|tempts to introduce it; and begged that some of their number might be called up to give him full informa|tion of the critical state of the nation, in order tha•• proper steps might be taken to hush the commotions▪ and introduce his liturgy. The supplicants thanke•• them for their moderation; but the bishops were highly dissatisfied, as, contrary to their intention▪ the odium of the imposition, being removed from the council, fell all on themselves.

During the throng and hard labour of the harvest the country was pretty quiet. But it was scarel•• finished, when, instead of a few conscientious mini+sters, no less than twenty noblemen, a considerabl•• number of barons, mostly ruling elders, and near a•• hundred ministers, the provosts, or eldest bailies, o•• Glasgow, Stirling, Air, Irvine, Dumbarton, Du••+fermline, Culross, Kirkcaldy, Dysart, Cowpar, La+••erk,

Innerkeithing, Burntisland, and Anstruther, with commissioners from sixty-eight parishes, mostly gentlemen of principal influence in the counties of Air, Fife, Lothian, Clydsdale, Stirling, and Strath|••ern, many of whom knew not of others, till they met at the door of the council house, remonstrated against the imposition of the service book.—In Charles' reply to his council's letter, he complained that they had not executed his former directions; that they had proposed no new expedient, but had allowed an interruption of the service. He peremptorily order|ed them, by their presence and influence, to cause it to be established in Edinburgh without further delay; and that the other bishops should introduce it into their dioceses, as had been done in those of Ross and Dumblain; and that the council should warn all the burghs to choose none for their magistrates, for whose conformity they could not answer. Ne|vertheless sixty-eight different remonstrances against the introduction of the service book, were presented to the council, representing it as contrary to the reli|gion presently professed, and as irregularly imposed, without consent of the General Assembly, and con|trary to acts of Parliament. From all these, the earls of Sutherland and Wemyss formed one general remonstrance, which was subscribed by a great num|ber of the nobles. Intent upon executing his ma|jesty's directions, the council delayed answering of these petitions; but promised to acquaint the peti|tioners with his pleasure, assoon as it should be sig|nified to them. And, by the duke of Lennox, they transmitted to him the general petition, and another from the city of Glasgow, and a third from the diocese of Dumblain, in which he alleged the service book had been cheerfully received. They also informed him of their diligence in executing his orders, and appointed Lennox to lay before him a true state of the circumstances of the nation. Highly offended, that the council would not sacrifice their own con|sciences, and the public peace and tranquility for

promoting their power and ceremonies, the bishops represented Sir Thomas Hope his majesty's advocate, and the earl of Traquair, as little better than traitors, that secretly supported the rebels in their remon|strances.

After thanking the council for their good inclina|tions to redress their grievances, the petitioners re|turned home, and applied themselves to search their own ways, and turn to the Lord, by confession, pray|er, and humiliation for sin,—to assist them in which work, Messrs. Henderson, Dickson, and Ker, drew up some directions. Their numbers mightily in|creased. Sir John Hay, the new provost of Edin|burgh, had hindered the citizens from petitioning along with their brethren. But soon after, such multitudes of them attended the town council as o|bliged them to remonstrate to the standing com|mittee of the privy council against the service book▪ and to promise to have the petition transmitted to his majesty: Hay excused this petition, as originating from the strangers, which had lately crowded the place; and Spotswood thought to have had it dis|cussed by the council, before any others could come up. But Archibald Johnston, afterwards Lord War|riston, by his careful information of his friends, pre|vented that. There was scarce a shire southward o•• the Grampian hills, from which noblemen, gentle|men, burgers, ministers and others, did not conveen to supplicate the council, or to wait for their answer▪ to their former petitions. Above two hundred pari|shes gave in new supplications. The Petitioners be|ing now too many for common consultation, divided themselves into four divisions or tables of nobility▪ gentry, ministers, and burgesses, which began thei•• meetings with prayer, and formed a survey of th•• new liturgy.

Informed of these things, Charles, by a solem•• proclamation, prohibited the council to proceed in judging of ecclesiastical affairs, and charged al•• the petitioners to return to their respective homes

••nder pain of being denounced rebels. And, to pu|••ish the citizens of Edinburgh for their joining with ••he other petitioners, he ordered the council and ••urt of session to remove to Linlithgow, and thence ••o Dundee; which occasioned a remarkable inter|••uption of public justice in the kingdom. A tract ••gainst the English Popish ceremonies, by Mr. George ••illespy, was also prohibited by public proclamation. ••potswood craftily absented himself from the coun|••il. But the malecontents, looking on him and his ••ellow bishops, as the great instruments of oppression, ••nd a dead weight upon the other lords of privy ••ouncil, drew up a formal complaint against them, ••n which they charged them with the framing of the ••ervice book, and sowing in it the seeds of idolatry, ••uperstition, and false doctrine, contrary to the reli|gion legally established; and even approaching near|er to the Popish Missal, than the English had done; —and with forming the Book of canons, in which bi|••hops are impowered to tyrannize over ministers and people at pleasure;—by which means, they had wronged his majesty, kindling discord between him and his subjects, and between the subjects them|selves,—and had rent the church, and undermined her doctrine, worship, discipline, and government; —and therefore they begged, that they might be brought to their trial, and duly punished; and in the mean time, not be allowed to sit judges upon the petitioners. This complaint was signed by twen|ty-four noblemen, some hundreds of gentlemen, some hundreds of ministers, and most of the burghs. Nor doth it appear, that any but Mr. R. Bailie, af|terward principal in the college of Glasgow, did he|sitate to subscribe it, who thought some expressions of it too severe.—Finding, that their former suppli|cation had not been presented to his majesty, ac|cording to promise; and that the courts of justice were removed from their city; and that, after their fellow petitioners returned home, they would be ex|posed to the resentment of their provost, severals in

Edinburgh, chiefly women, attended the town coun|cil, and threatened them, that unless they would concur with the other burghs in their supplication•• and complaints, and would restore Messrs. Ramsay and Rollock, their ministers, and Henderson a rea|der, they would not suffer one of them to come out alive. This obliged them to an immediate compli|ance. These female insurgents, in their way home, had handled the bishop of Galloway and the provost too roughly, had not the nobles prevented them.

After several unsuccessful addresses to the privy council, the numerous supplicants returned home, having resolved to meet again upon the 15th of No|vember. Then greater numbers than ever attended at Linlithgow, and were joined by the earl of Mon|trose, and some other noblemen. Notwithstanding the counsellors could not persuade them of the law|fulness of their conventions, they agreed, That, since their grievances were not like to be soon redressed, the noblemen with two gentlemen from every shire, and a minister from every Presbytery, and a commis|sioner from every burgh, should attend the council, and the rest return home. They also agreed, that Rothes, Montrose, Lindsay, and Lowdon, as de|puties for the nobles; the lairds of Keir, Cunning|hamhead, and Oldbar, for the shires; the two bai|lies of Edinburgh, and provost of Culross for the burghs; and Messrs. James Cunningham and Tho|mas Ramsay for the ministers, should ordinarily at|tend at Edinburgh for receiving answers of petitions, and giving in remonstrances, to the council. After settling a method of gentlemen serving by turns, and of advertising their constituents in case of need, and a solemn admonition to, and promise of personal and family reformation, most of them returned home.

The above-mentioned deputies remonstrased to the lords of privy council, That if they find his ma|jesty not rightly informed of their grievances; or if they obtain not redress by the methods agreed upon,

••t shall be lawful for them to assemble their const|••uents;—that such bishops or ministers as have slan|••ered their conduct as seditious, shall be obliged to give satisfaction for their offence;—that since it was none but the low mob that raised the late tumult in Edinburgh, the council shall interceed with his ma|••esty for the return of the courts of judicature to that city;—that Messrs. Ramsay and Rollock shall be re|poned to their charges;—and that the bishops be prohibited to urge the use of the service book, till his majesty's pleasure be further known: They were the more zealous on this last point, because Wedderburn bishop of Brechin had prohibited the town council of that place, to send any commissioners to supplicate ••gainst it; and, upon their refusing to obey him, had taken instruments in the name of God, the king, and himself, as a privy counsellor, and on the Sab|bath following, contrary to the advice of the Chan|cellor and Treasurer, had gone to his pulpit to read ••he service, armed with pistols, his servants, if not ••lso his wife, being prepared to second his warlike ••ttempt. But he was so drubbed by some of the people, in his way home, that he never repeated his dangerous task.

Though the privy council, to shift a proper an|••wer to the people's demands, solemnly protested to their deputies, that they were not regularly met, they, ••s constituted, dispatched two missives, one to Char|••es, and another to the earl of Stirling, secretary for Scotch affairs; in which they represented the neces|sity of the restoration of the ordinary courts of judi|cature, and their own reasons for yielding so far to the aggrieved subjects. The earl of Roxburgh, their agent, returned from London, with an ample commission from his majesty. But it being whisper|ed, that he had orders to apprehend some of the principal noblemen among the petitioners, the depu|ties conveened all their commissioners. But, upon Traquair's intreaty, and the council's promise to do nothing to their prejudice, they remained at Edin|burgh.

Directed by his Majesty's letter, the coun|cil made three acts, declaring, that he had no inten|tion of altering the religion presently professed, or the laws of the country; and appointing two meetings of council every week at Dalkeith, and thereafter at Stirling, of which that on the Thursday should dis|cuss complaints and grievances,—and appointing the court of session to meet in the beginning of February next 1038, for the administration of civil affairs, which, for almost a year, had been totally interrupt|ed, or run into confusion. The malecontents plain|ly perceived, that, by the religion presently established, Charles meant Prelacy and its attendant superstitions, and by the laws of the kingdom, such as had been enacted since his father's accession to the English throne;—the council therefore finding them highly dissatisfied, and that they could not apprehend their chiefs, or, by promises or presents, detach the poo|rer sort from them, tried several methods to divide them, or at least to persuade them to alter their sup|plication in October last; especially in that which respected the bishops. But, instead of compliance the commissioners supported their petition, evinced their duty to subscribe it, and proved, That it was necessary for the honour of Christ, the preservation of their religion and liberty, and for the honou•• and advantage of king and country,—and for pre|venting the re-introduction of Popery, and for keep|ing themselves free of any consent to the innovation•• imposed, or any hand in the persecution of thei•• faithful brethren.

Finding that the council for several days had bu•• laboured to divide them, or to shift their requests the deputies appointed two of their number to pro|test at each door of the council house, in name o•• all the aggrieved subjects, That they ought to hav•• immediate recourse with their grievances before hi•• majesty himself, and to prosecute them, in a lega•• manner, before the ordinary judges; that the bish+ops, being their opposite parties, ought not to sit i••

any judicatory as judges of their cause, till once they should have purged themselves of the crimes, with which they were ready to charge them; that it should be lawful for them, in religious matters, to conform themselves to the word of God, and laudable consti|tutions of this church, and in no wise dangerous to refuse the canon or liturgy imposed without, or a|gainst, the acts of General Assemblies, or laws of this kingdom; that no bad consequences, arising from the council's refusing, or shifting to redress their grievances, should be imputed to them; and that their supplications proceeded from conscience, and merely tended to the preservation of the true reform|ed religion, and the liberty of the nation. Inform|ed of this intended protestation, the privy counsel|lors promised the deputies a hearing of their requests upon the 21st of December. The commissioners therefore appointed the 12 deputies to present their supplication and complaint to the council, and to do every thing necessary for obtaining a proper answer to them. They also agreed upon the observation of a general Fast, leaving it to ministers and their sessi|ons to fix the time and assign the causes of it;—and advised ministers to shew their people the heinous nature of the late innovations, and how contrary they were to the national covenant, which had been sworn about forty years before, viz. in 1596; and kindly to warn universities against receiving the ser|vice book, or tolerating the teaching of any false doctrine among them.

The council having met, and the bishops with|drawn,—consisted only of laymen. Lord Lowdon, as agent for the other deputies, presented two co|pies of their supplications, which had been given in in September and October preceding, with a new one, in which they complained of the bishops using the service book; and that some ministers of Edin|burgh had, in their sermons and otherwise, reproach|ed their lawful attempts for redress of grievances as seditious and rebellious,—and besought their lord|ships

to deal with his majesty, and to their utmost endeavour their redress. He also presented a decli|nature of the bishops as judges in their cause, since they had been contrivers, introducers, and urgers of the liturgy and canons, and authors of their other grievances. He and Mr. Cuningham enforced their supplications with most affecting speeches, the last of which, it is said, drew tears from several counsel|lors, and gained Lord Lorn, afterwards Marquis of Argyle, to the Petitioners side. The council, from conscience or from necessity, found themselves ob|liged to represent the whole matter to his majesty, and not agreeing whether to depute Roxburgh or Traquair for that purpose, they left it to Charles to choose whom he pleased. After being imposed up|on by young Spotswood, president of the sesion, and better informed by a letter which Rothes had sent to the earl of Haddington, he called up Tra|quair, who refused to look on, or carry along with him, an information from the deputies; but per|mitted Lord Orbiston, justice clerk, one of his at|tendants, to carry it. President Spotswood had so biassed Charles, that Traquair had no small difficul|ty. Stirling, who, by Laud's direction, had kept back part of the information sent by the council, was at last left in the lurch. Instigated by a letter from old Spotswood the archbishop, Charles resolv|ed to have all the proceedings of the malecontents condemned, and every thing similar prohibited un|der pain of high treason. Traquair repeatedly re|monstrated against this step, as calculated to endan|ger the public peace; but he was remanded with new instructions to the council.

After his return to Scotland, Traquair, to deceive the malecontent deputies, pretended, That he had brought no instructions relative to their affairs. But they, being informed of the truth by their friends at London, appointed four or five of their number to attend the council at Stirling. Traquair and Stir|ing laboured to dissuade them from this, or at most

to send up only two, whom, it seems, Traquair intended to apprehend and imprison in the castle. Some of the bishops friends talking of this, the male|contents resolved to go to Stirling in a body. Tra|quair diverted them from this, and persuaded them to depute only a few. Finding them determined to prosecute their attempts for the preservation of their religion and liberties, he, after informing them that the council was to sit at Stirling to-morrow, together with Roxburgh, set out for it a little after midnight, intending to have his majesty's instructions approved and proclaimed before any of the deputies could come up. After having, to no purpose, waited two hours for a quorum of the council, they, about ten o'clock forenoon, proclaimed his majesty's mandates, bear|ing, That he, not the bishops, was the original cause of the disputed canons and liturgy; that he con|demned all conventions of his subjects in order to form supplications against these pious and innocent books, as altogether illegal and seditious, and pro|hibited all such meetings for the future, under pain of rebellion;—that none should approach his privy council without special allowance; and that such as had, or were coming up, for any such purpose, should within six hours depart from Stirling, under pain of high treason. Informed by his own servant of the early departure of Traquair and Roxburgh, lord Lindsay and the earl of Hume posted to Stirling; and were ready with a public notary to protest against the king's proclamation, as soon as it was read.— They further remonstrated, That the seeds of su|perstition and idolatry are contained in the liturgy and canons, and many other novelties inconsistent with the liberties, laws, and religion of this king|dom;—that they and their constituents ought to be allowed to accuse the bishops;—that the High Com|mission court is contrary to the fundamental laws of the nation, and calculated to establish the tyranny of bishops; that they will not yield to the bishops as their judges, till they have manifested their inno|cence

in some competent court; and that all their meetings and supplications had no other end, but the preservation of the purity of religion and of his majesty's honour, and the liberty of church and state. The rest of the malecontent commissioners came up in the afternoon, but could not obtain a copy of the king's proclamation. They refused to leave Stirling before the counsellors promised to do nothing fur|ther in their affair; but were scarcely gone off, when the treacherous council met, and admitted the bi|shops to judge, and approved his majesty's procla|mation.

Next morning the deputies waited upon the coun|cil, and so effectually represented the impropriety and sinfulness of their conduct, as made the earls of Angus and Napier profess their sorrow for their rash approbation of the king's proclamation, and Sir Tho|mas Hope, his advocate, refused to subscribe it. When the proclamation was published at Linlithgow, the protest taken against it at Stirling was renewed. When it was read at Edinburgh, sixteen noblemen, with a great number of barons, gentlemen, ministers and burgesses, protested against it, and that they should have immediate recourse to his majesty and other competent judges, for redress of their grievan|ces; that the bishops should not be held their lawful judges, till they had purged themselves of the crimes laid to their charge; that no deed of council made in their presence, should be prejudicial to the supplicants; that no danger should be incurred for disregarding liturgy, canons, courts, acts, or procla|mations, introduced without, or contrary to, the standing laws of church or state; and that no bad consequences of the council's refusing to hear their remonstrances, and redress their grievances, should be imputed to them.

Convinced, that Traquair and Roxburgh had but deceived them, instead of labouring to remove their radical grievances, the malecontents assembled at Edinburgh in great numbers, in February 1638, to

••onsider more fully of proper methods of redress. Moved by the nobility, assisted by Messrs. Alexander Henderson and David Dickson, all the tables agreed ••o renew their national covenant with God, the vio|••ation of which they judged an original source of all ••heir calamities; and a committee was appointed to ••orm a Bond suited to their present circumstances. After the original bond of 1581, and a list of many ••cts of Parliament, which manifested the several points to be sworn, as commanded, or allowed by the civil laws, they subjoined the new Bond, which alone was to be sworn and subscribed. The earl of Cassils, Mr. Bailie, and a few others, who had been edu|cated in high notions of his majesty's prerogatives, or of the lawfulness of Prelacy, had some difficulties; but after some reasoning, and the alteration of a few words, all present agreed to it, except three or four clergymen from Angus. As some scrupled, directly to condemn the articles of Perth and other innovati|ons as unlawful in themselves, the draught of the covenant bond referred all determination on that point to the first free General Assembly, and engag|ed the swearers to no more than a forbearance of them till that should take place. By the discipline of the church they meant no more than the substantial points of it used in 1581. Such as had sworn confor|mity to the novations introduced, were told, that they might nevertheless engage to forbear the use of them for a time, on account of their offensiveness. Such as suspected, that the Bond too much limited the maintenance of the king's authority, were told, that their swearing to maintain his authority in the de|fence of the true religion, and of the laws and liber|ties of the kingdom, did not exclude their mainte|nance of it in other cases; that in the bond of 1581, they were still more expresly bound to defend their religion; that they engaged to maintain the king's authority along with their religion, and therefore their defending of one another in the maintenance of religion, was no more than the laws of kingdom re|quired

of them. Some other difficulties were start|ed, but removed in a friendly manner.

The ministers having, on the preceding Sabbath, represented the breach of former covenants with God, as the peculiar spring of all the calamities, under which the nation had groaned; and that the renovation of such a solemn dedication of themselves to God, was a proper mean of obtaining his favour and help for their deliverance,—the covenant was sworn on the first Sabbath of March, with great solemnity, and subscribed by many thousands, viz. all the nobility, except the privy counsellors and four or five more; and by commissioners from all the shires in Scot|land, and commissioners from all the burghs, except Aberdeen, St. Andrews, and Crail; and by a mul|titude of gentlemen and ministers. Copies of it were immediately sent to every Presbytery, along with a demonstration of the lawfulness of subscribing it, and directions how it should be taken in parishes; and as the clergy of Aberdeen and Glasgow chiefly adhered to their scruples, some ministers were ap|pointed to deal with them. Before the end of A|pril, almost the whole adult persons in the kingdom, except the Papists, who were then about 600, the courtiers, who feared his majesty's displeasure, and some clergymen who had sworn the oath of con|formity, had chearfully concurred in the covenant: And notwithstanding the opposition of their clerical doctors, the most of the inhabitants of St. Andrews and Glasgow, also joined in it. But at Aberdeen, the shrewd reasoning of the doctors, together with the general inclination to Prelacy and superstition, had no small influence. We have elsewhere prov|ed, from many authentic vouchers, that there were few adult persons in Scotland, who did not take the covenant, in one shape or other, that year.

Having thus, under uncommon influence of the Spirit of God, dedicated themselves to him, and be|gun to reform their practice and families, the cove|nanters transmitted a supplication to his majesty, re|presenting

the equity and legality of their proceedings, and the injustice of the bishops, who had opposed them; and they besought the duke of Lennox, mar|quis of Hamilton, and some other noble courtiers, to interceed with him for a gracious answer. The privy council also sent up Lord Orbiston to inform him of what had happened, and to beg that he would put a stop to the novations complained of, or at least allow the consciences of his subjects a fair hearing. Spotswood, deep drowned in debt, and other bi|shops, who knew themselves to be hated by the peo|ple, fled off to the court. Orbiston, according to his instructions, faithfully informed his majesty, and disposed him to receive further information, for ob|taining of which, Traquair, Roxburgh, and Lorn, were called up to him. The Scotch lawyers being consulted, Whether the covenanters assembling of themselves, without his majesty's authority, protest|ing against his royal proclamations, and entering in|to covenant with God, and with each other, were warrantable by law, gave their opinion, That most of their conduct was legal, and none of it against any express law. It was even suspected, that they had walked by the direction of Sir Thomas Hope, the king's advocate, in the most critical steps of it. No sooner had the three commissioners got to London, than the Scotch affairs were taken into serious consi|deration. The bishops, chiefly of Brechin and Mur|ray, foreseeing that they would be inevitably ruined, if Charles should incline to clemency, did all that lay in their power to exasperate him to the most violent measures against the covenanters. The noblemen with great zeal opposed them. Lorn candidly laid open all that he knew of the grievances of his coun|try, and declared his dislike of the articles of Perth, the liturgy and canons, and of the conduct of the bi|shops; and that he was resolved rather to leave his country, than to concur in binding these burdens upon his fellow subjects. As Traquair insisted for peaceable methods, the bishops reproached him with

giving the covenanters intelligence, while he, to a|venge himself, charged the miscarriage of his majesty's designs on their imprudence and violence.—Fearing that the commencement of a war in Scotland, might give the English malecontents an opportunity of ob|taining their wished redress, the English counsellors were no less averse to it, than the Scotch. Lennox, in a fine and warm oration, remonstrated, that there was no present necessity for a war; nor were the mo|tives of such importance, as to plunge the two king|doms into a war, in which, be victorious who would, his majesty would lose a multitude of his subjects, or the hearts of such as survived it; and insisted, that either the occasion of the present ferment should be removed out of the way, or time should be allowed for it gradually to work off, or his majesty might yield to the covenanters demands. These and like speeches, with the news of Multitudes entering into the covenant, made Charles prefer peace, and made the bishops to be looked upon at the real enemies of the kingdom.

About this time, Presbyteries, disregarding their episcopal superiors, began to ordain ministers, with|out consulting them, and removed their constant moderators. Rutherfoord returned to Anwoth in Galloway; Livingston, Hamilton, M'Lellan, Blair, and Row, who had been driven from Ireland, were settled in vacancies, or as assistants to others. The Episcopalian doctors of St. Andrews published their reasons for refusing the covenant, and Drs. Baron and Forbes of Aberdeen commenced a paper war with the covenanters. But both were quickly silenced by more nervous replies. The king's suspension of the civil courts for about a year, tempted some highlan|ders of his party to plunder and oppress their neigh|bours, and some women and low rabble to abus•• some conform clergy.—While the covenanting cler+gy did what they could to prevent or suppress such riots, the bishops and their agents improved them

to provoke his majesty to an open war with the whole covenanters.

Charles having resolved for a time to yield some|thing to them, he was on the point of intrusting that critical management to Traquair: but the bishops, who reckoned him their mortal enemy, by a long and trifling accusation, diverted him from this. The Marquis of Hamilton was therefore intrusted with it. To prevent all division of the covenanters among themselves, by any concessions, which his majesty might offer, the earls of Rothes, Cassils and Montrose, drew up a draught of the lowest terms, upon which the religion and liberties of the nation could be settled in a solid manner, viz. That the service book and book of canons should be discharged; that the High Commission court should be for ever dis|solved; that the articles of Perth should not be urg|ed by authority; that no clergymen should have vote in Parliament, without an exact submission to the CAVEATS fixed by the General Assembly 1600; that no unlawful articles or oaths should be imposed upon Intrants to the ministry; that proper security should be given for the holding of yearly General Assem|blies; and that a Parliament should be called for the redress of grievances. To preserve unity among themselves, the covenanters further agreed, That no answer should be given to statesmen without com|mon consent; that a committee should be chosen out of each table to prepare and manage matters; and that some gentlemen, ministers, and burgers, should meet with the nobles, that it might not be thought they took too much upon them; that all of them should attend at Edinburgh as appointed; that, to shew their adversaries that their principal strength did not ly in their nobility, fewer of these should attend than formerly; that if any proclamation be issued contrary to the design of their former suppli|cations, it should be answered by a protest, contain|ing for substance the eight articles above mentioned; that if his majesty prohibit the canons and liturgy,

and limit the High Commission, they shall insist for the redress of their other grievances, and none rest content with less than the said eight articles contain; that the number of commissioners be doubled against the time of Hamilton's arrival; that the reports of the subscription of the covenant be called up from every corner of the kingdom; and that they should observe a solemn fast, to confess their own sins, and implore God's favour and help at their general mee|ting.

While the bishops, that remained in Scotland, gave all the information they could against the cove|nanters to court, Hamilton, having received 28 in|structions from his majesty, part of which he was to conceal or avow, as circumstances required, prepar|ed for his journey to Scotland. But, fearing, that his furious countrymen might, by their advice, coun|teract his peaceful attempts in his absence, he refus|ed to leave the court, till as many of them as could be spared, were ordered down before him. This was extremely disagreeable to the bishops, and to presi|dent Spotswood and Sir John Hay, formerly men|tioned, as they knew themselves to be detested at home; and several of them were in danger of pro|secutions for debt. No sooner had Hamilton arriv|ed at Edinburgh, than he found, to his great dissa|tisfaction, that the covenanters had agreed, that not one of them should wait upon him without the con|currence of all the rest. Charles, on the other hand, sent sixty barrels of powder, and some hundred, stands of arms and matches, to be lodged in the castle, to be used against them, if his proposals should not succeed. Being secretly landed at Fisherrow, and thence conveyed to Dalkeith, this occasioned a re|port, that Traquair had brought them to blow up the covenanters, when they should meet to confer with Hamilton; and his vindication of himself gave too much ground to suspect his Majesty's hostile in|tentions. It was also reported, that Hamilton, as he passed, had ordered the sherriffs of Northumber|land

to have their trained bands in readiness. Nor did he appear capable of clearing himself. It was al|so reported, that the earls of Huntly, Herreis, A|••ercorn and Winton, intended to march their whole forces to Edinburgh for supporting his majesty's plea|sure. The covenanters, who, as yet appear to have purchased no arms from abroad, let a watch upon the castle, that it might not be reinforced or suppli|ed with any thing more than necessary provisions.

The marquis of Hamilton having taken up his lodging at Dalkeith, the privy counsellors met with him there; all of whom the ministers served with an earnest intreaty to subscribe their covenant. The covenanters thinking it neither safe, nor conveni|ent, to attend the privy council at Dalkeith, Hamil|ton, after some altercation, and a treaty, came to E|dinburgh, where, about 20,000 of them, five or se|ven hundred of whom were ministers, met him; to|gether with the town council, inhabitants, and an infinity of women and children;—and old Mr. Wil|liam Livingston welcomed him with a short address. —In vain each party laboured to find out the secrets of the other.—At last, Hamilton told them, that his majesty was willing to abolish the Canons, Liturgy, and other grievances, providing they would give up with their covenant. By appointment, Mr. Alexan|der Henderson drew up reasons against this, bearing, That it would involve them in perjury before God; —would imply an acknowledgment of the unlawful|ness of their covenanting;—would mark the vilest ingratitude to God, who had singularly encouraged them in it;—would deny his commandment binding them to vow and pay to him;—would condemn what|ever like work had been, or might be, transacted in this church; that they could not give up their cove|nant without the consent of God and every person concerned in it;—that it could not be expected, that their surrender of it would influence their oppo|nents to concur with them in swearing to the same things by virtue of a new command, but would re|present

them as inconstant, as breakers of their oath, and deniers of their faith, while God was calling them to confess it. The marquis could obtain no more, than that the body of the covenanters should retire from Edinburgh, leaving some deputies to transact with them in their name. These deputie•• immediately drew up a supplication, in which, afte•• an enumeration of their grievances, they insisted fo•• a free General Assembly, and a Parliament, in orde•• speedily to redress them, as they were daily growin•• worse and worse. And, to procure an immediat•• answer, they dispersed a paper to be advised upon so as it might come into the hands of the courtiers bearing, That since the grievances complained of re+spected the whole kingdom, the remedies behove•• to be equally public and extensive, and effectual fo•• preventing like grievances in time coming; that on+ly a free Assembly and Parliament are able to pro+duce such effects; that the bishops could not b•• their judges, till they purge themselves of the crime laid to their charge; that, if the court take dilator•• methods, it would be proper to consider of some o+ther method of calling a General Assembly; tha•• if the court should violently inforce obedience t•• their will, a committee should be allowed to delibe+rate what might be done for the defence of their re+ligion, liberty, and laws. Perhaps these stron•• hints disposed the marquis to receive their petitio•• with the more appearance of regard.

He offered to proclaim his majesty's pleasure; bu•• the deputies, knowing that it would not be satisfac+tory, assured him, that they would be constrained t•• protest against it; that thereby they might justif•• their own and their fathers conduct; that the•• might manifest their adherence to their former test••+monies; that they might preserve and manifest the•••• union among themselves; and that they might pub+licly thank his majesty for the concessions which h•• had made. When he saw that the deputies had e+rected their scaffold for the earl of Cassils, Mr. Wi••+••••am

Livingston, and two others, to protest against ••••e proclamation at the cross of Edinburgh, he for|••ore to publish it; and, as if earnestly desirous of ••eace, required a conference with the deputies. ••hey appointed Rothes, Montrose, and Lowdon, ••o confer with the earls of Traquair, South Esk, ••nd lord Lorn. As the agents from Hamilton pre|••ended, that in the covenant, there seemed to be a ••ombination for protecting delinquents against pub|••ic authority and law, in other points besides those which concerned the religion and liberties of the kingdom; the covenanters, in a remonstrance, ex|plained this, and gave the strongest assurances of their ••oyalty, and again petitioned for a free Assembly and Parliament. Chiefly intending to gain time, till his majesty should be ready to attack them with the sword, Hamilton proposed to the covenanters, that since his present instructions could not content them, he would ride post to London, and represent their case, in consequence of which, he hoped quickly to return with more satisfying proposals. Ignorant of his wicked designs, they relished his motion; and besought him to agent their cause with his majesty, and procure them a free Assembly and Parliament; and added, that if he did not quickly return, they should be excused, if they took it for a denial of their request; that their cause should be no wise hurt by proclamations, or any thing else, before his re|turn; that in the mean time, no forts should be re|paired or fortified, or lawful commerce by sea or land interrupted; that none of the bishops should repair to court, or, if called up, should return with, or before him; and that the liturgy and canons should be of no force.

To deceive the covenanting commissioners, and make most of them return home, Hamilton pretend|ed to set off for London; but returned next day, when he hoped there would be none to protest; published a proclamation, probably, drawn up by himself in his majesty's name, in which he promised

never to urge the observation of the liturgy and ca|nons, but in a fair and legal manner; that he intend|ed no alteration of the religion or laws of the king|dom; that he would rectify the High Commission by advice of his council; that with the first con|veniency he would call a free General Assembly and Parliament, for the establishment of the religion pre|sently professed. The earl of Cassils, Alexander Gib|son laird of Dury, Archibald Johnston advocate, John Ker minister of Prestonpans, and James Fletch|er provost of Dundee, protested against it. Being informed, that the privy council was solicited to ap|prove of this proclamation, the covenanters deliver|ed to the marquis, and every other member, a copy of their reasons against the ratification of it, bearing, That it did not disallow or abolish the liturgy and canons, but confirmed the proclamation of Febuary 19th, and directly avowed, that they might be le|gally imposed; that it did not abolish, but establish the High Commission court; that it did not grant any of their requests, but condemned their proce|dure as disorderly and criminal; that it gave no ground to hope for freedom from the articles of Perth, but the contrary; that it altogether concealed the guilt of the bishops; that it gave no certainty of a free Assembly or Parliament; that it did not acknow|ledge these things, of which they had complained, as innovations or superstitious; but represented them as means of confirming religion. But before the counsellors got these reasons, all of them but Lorn and South Esk had subscribed the proclamation, at their own houses, and attested it to be sufficient to content all his majesty's good subjects.

The disappointed covenanters, after solemn sup|plications to God, presented to the marquis a com|plaint of the counsellors approbation of the procla|mation, bearing, That thereby the Lords had, with|out hearing them, condemned their proceedings as criminal, and part of them as treasonable; had con|firmed all the calumnies of their adversaries against

them, and justified the injuries which they had re|ceived; had stopt the course of his majesty's favour toward them, or better information; had provoked him to use his power against them as disobedient sub|jects; had prematurely shewed, that they would as|sist his majesty in executing his threatenings against them;—and therefore, they begged them to rescind their act. Moved herewith, the lords never rested till they got back their act and tore it to pieces. Ha|milton then offered the covenanters a more favour|able proclamation, prohibiting the observance of the liturgy and canons, and rescinding all acts of council in favours of them, and forbidding the High Com|mission to sit, till it should be duly regulated. But as this did not satisfy the covenanters, it was not published. They nevertheless promised to behave quietly, till the marquis should go to London, and inform his majesty how things stood, and return. Meanwhile, Charles carried on his preparations in England and Ireland, for a warlike invasion of his native country; and his doctors of Aberdeen did what they could, by publishing their objections and duplies, to oppose and disgrace the covenanters bond. But these were so answered by Messrs. Henderson and Dickson, that a considerable number in and about Aberdeen, both ministers and people, subscrib|ed the covenant, notwithstanding all that the doc|tors and earl of Huntly could do to restrain them.

In consequence of Hamilton's information con|cerning Scotch affairs, Charles, after declaring his own adherence to the Confession of Faith established in 1560, empowered him to cause all the members of privy council to subscribe it, together with a new bond for the maintenance of its doctrines, and of the king's authority. If they complied, he might call a General Assembly, when and where they pleas|ed, but, it behoved him to take care, that the bish|ops should have power to vote, and one of them be moderator; that he might declare the articles of Perth indifferent, and that ministers should be ad|mitted,

as before the late commotions; that he should restrict the power of bishops as little as pos|sible; and might, if he found proper, publish the last mentioned proclamation, and act of council. He had other private instructions to take care of prelacy and prelates.

Returning to Edinburgh, Hamilton demanded of the covenanters, That all those ministers, that had been suspended by Presbyteries since January last, without warrant of their bishop, should be reponed in their charges; that all the former moderators of Presbyteries, be reponed in their places; that such ministers as have been admitted since that time, leave their charges; that people resort to their own church|es; that no ministers come to the Assembly, unless they be chosen commissioners; that all the lawful moderators of Presbyteries, be commissioners; that no lay person, i. e. ruling elder, should interfere in the choice of commissioners from Presbyteries; that they should either give up, or alter their cove|nant; that they should forbear their meetings in time coming; that ministers should have their sti|pends paid, and be secured in their persons.—The covenanters, having answered these demands, in a manner that shewed they could not be easily im|posed on, Hamilton reduced them all to two, name|ly, That no lay elders or ministers of another Pres|bytery, should vote in the choice of commissioners to the Assembly; and that the Assembly should meddle with nothing which had been established by the Parliament, unless in remonstrances and petiti|ons to that supreme court. After some friendly dis|pute among themselves, the covenanters rejected these demands, as snares laid to intrap them; and finding, that the marquis did not shew due forward|ness in calling such a free Assembly as they wished, they resolved to call one themselves, and published their reasons for so doing, viz. That General As|semblies were necessary for the welfare of the church; that Christ had given his church full power to con|veen

and hold councils, when necessary; that by virtue of this divine right, this church had long, with remarkable countenance from God, held her General Assemblies; that the laws of the land, and even the corrupt Assemblies of 1606, and 1610, al|lowed the necessity of General Assemblies; that at present a General Assembly was peculiarly necessary for the suppression of error, redressing of grievances, restoring of discipline, peace, and unity; for the mutual edification of ministers and people; for con|firming such as doubt of the truth; for protecting faithful ministers, and censuring Popish and Armi|nian teachers. They also solved the objections, which might be made to their calling of it.

Finding, that the covenanters were resolved to have an Assembly more free than his instructions permitted him to call, Hamilton with no small diffi|culty persuaded them to delay all steps toward calling one themselves, till he should again post to London, and solicit his majesty's concurrence with their views. They agreed to wait till the 20th of September, up|on condition, that he should insist with his majes|ty, that the Assembly should be FREE, both as to its members, and the matters handled in it; that it should be held within a short time; and that it should meet in a place most commodious for all con|cerned; and that all interception of their letters in England might be prohibited.—Meanwhile, the de|puties agreed upon RULES of choosing commission|ers to the Assembly to be transmitted to the several Presbyteries, viz. That the number of commission|ers should be regulated by the act of the Assembly at Dundee in 1597; that their commission should empower them to act according to the word of God, and the confession of faith in every thing judged; that every kirk session should have an elder at the Presbytery, when the commissioners should be cho|sen; that ministers under scandal be immediately processed, in order to prevent their being chosen for commissioners; that no moderators of Presbyteries

be members of Assembly by virtue of their office; that notwithstanding their late solemn fast upon the 22d and 29th of July, they should observe another on the Sabbath immediately before the election of commissioners, in order to implore the Lord's direc|tion in this important step. As not a few of the clergy were averse from ruling elders sitting with them, in Presbyteries, Synods, or Assemblies, co|pies of a paper, proving by a great many acts of As|sembly and Parliament, that such officers had, and ought to be in this church, in order to procure rea|dy access for them into Presbyteries. Moreover se|cret instructions were transmitted to the more trusty clergymen, bearing, That they should protest against the choosing of any for commissioners, that were under any process for scandal; that they should take care to have the bishops timely brought under pro|cess for their offensive behaviour; that ministers pre|pare themselves for disputing upon such points as are like to be handled in the Assembly; that three mi|nisters be chosen out of every Presbytery, where they can be had well affected to the cause of truth; that the well affected consult among themselves be|fore the election, that their election may fall on the same persons; that the election of such as have cho|sen bishops, have sat in the High Commission, have countenanced the king's chapel ceremonies, or have offered to observe the liturgy and canons, or have been justices of peace, be avoided, unless they have acknowledged the sinfulness of their former courses; that where well affected noblemen or gentlemen may be commissioned as ruling elders in different Presby|teries, they be chosen in that Presbytery, in which there are fewest able ministers. These hints were of|fered not as authoritative rules, but as advices, as many had but little knowledge of Presbyterian go|vernment. While sessions and Presbyteries were bu|sy promoting the election of proper commissioners, Thomas Abernethy a Jesuit, having heard at Rome of the wonderful providences of God towards his

••ative country, hastened to witness them, and had ••ot been long here, when, manifestly persuaded of ••he truth, he was, upon his earnest intreaty, ad|mitted into their church fellowship. His deep mark|••d repentance and conversion, and his zeal for the ••ovenant, not a little encouraged the covenanters.

Hamilton having reached the court, informed his majesty, that he durst not divulge his last instructi|••ns, lest he should have thereby exposed the royal ••uthority to contempt, and that he could think of nothing so apt to remove the present jealousies of the malecontents, as an order for the renovation of the ••ational covenant of 1581, which contained a parti|cular renunciation of Popery, the fears of which had occasioned the malecontents late covenant. Charles was heartily provoked, to find all his stratagems so unsuccessful; but, not being yet ready for the open war, which he intended, he instructed the Marquis ••o prohibit the liturgy and canons, the High Commis|sion, and observance of the articles of Perth;—to de|clare the admission of ministers to their office perfect|ly free; and that bishops should be subject to the Assembly; and to indict an Assembly and Parliament as he saw cause, and to require all the subjects to subscribe the covenant of 1581, and bond of 1589. Returning to Edinburgh, Hamilton read his instruc|tions to the privy council, but could not persuade them to subscribe the above-mentioned covenant and bond, till a clause was added, bearing, that they sub|scribed it according to its original meaning. They declared their satisfaction with his majesty's conces|sions; and that all his subjects ought to rest con|tented with them; and promised to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in executing them, and settling the peace of the kingdom. They issued a procla|mation for a General Assembly to meet at Glasgow, November 21st, and warned bishops and commissio|ners to attend it; and another for a Parliament at Edinburgh on the 15th of May next ensuing, and warned the nobles, bishops, barons, and commissio|ners

from burghs, to attend it. They commands all the subjects to subscribe his majesty's covenant an•• bond, with all expedition;—and then published hi•• majesty's proclamation. The covenanters did no•• think it sufficient for the redress of their grievance•• —as it did not clearly and distinctly condemn the in+novations, of which they had complained;—it allow+ed the bishops their wonted power, and so calle•• them to their seat as judges in the Assembly an•• Parliament.——They largely exhibited their reason against admitting of any limitation of the Assembly as contrary to the word of God, the large Confession of faith, and book of discipline, their former con|tendings, and the ends of General Assemblies, an•• to the acts of the church, or of Parliament, ratify|ing the liberties of that court. They refused to sub|scribe his majesty's covenant, as they did not know but thereby he intended to invalidate and disgrace their late bond; as such a subscription might amount to a taking of God's name in vain, multiplying oaths without necessity; as it might divide them among themselves, and so involve them in perjury; as it would import, that their former vows had been rash and destitute of lawful authority; as it would expose them to the reproach of inconstancy in religion; as it would involve them in an approbation of the arti|cles of Perth, their subscription answering to his majesty's command; as it might consist with an ap|probation of the liturgy and canons; as it imported an unlawful going back from truth, when God was calling to a steady adherence to it; as it approved the king's proclamation, and so imported acquiescence in his pardon of their former proceedings, which they reckoned their requisite duty and glory; and because that part of the narrative of his majesty's co|venant was different from that of 1581; and that it contained no engagement to practical reformation; and because the counsellors subscription of it had but tended to widen breaches, instead of healing them. They farther protested, That the present distractions

•• church and state were owing to the novations of ••hich they complained, and not to their groundless ••ars, as the proclamation pretended; and that all ••••estions relative to the freedom of the Assembly in its ••nstitution, members, and points to be judged, or ••••m and order of procedure, should be left to the ••••termination of the Assembly itself; that the bi|••••ops should attend it, not as judges, but merely ••r trial and censure;—and that, adhering to their ••••n late covenant with God, they ought not to be ••••arged to subscribe any other, or to procure sub|••••riptions to it; that the subscription of his majesty's ••••venant by the privy council, should not be preju|••••cial to theirs.—In this long protest, the covenan|••••rs had their eye upon the proclamation of Sep|••••mber 9th, and the acts of council complexly taken, •• they knew that proclamation was to be explain|•• by them.

Notwithstanding this solemn protest, Hamilton ••••d the privy council dispatched their commissioners, ••••sisted by their missives, to procure subscriptions to ••s majesty's covenant. By extolling his condescensi|••••, and the necessity and expedience of subscribing •• these commissioners did what they could. Aware •• this divisive measure, the covenanters sent their ••••puties through the nation, with copies of their ••••e protest and additional advices, warning their ••••iends to avoid the snare, and in as large numbers •• they could, to read their protest, wherever the ••••ng's proclamation should be read. Where the ••••urt commissioners got the start, chiefly in the coun|••••es of Aberdeen and Bamff, in which the earl of ••untly had remarkable influence, they obtained not •• few subscriptions. About 28,000 in all, subscrib|•••• it, more than the half of whom were in these two ••••ires. In Aberdeen, the doctors would not sub|••••ribe it without declaring, that they understood it •• consistent with Prelacy and the ceremonies. The ••••tizens subscribed it in the same sense. Here the ••ord and Master of Forbes, at the hazard of their

life, read the protest; but the people were generally too much overawed by Huntly, and addicted to the court, and its novations, to regard it. The inhabi+tants of Glasgow, warmly urged by Hamilton him|self, and by Orbiston, lord justice clerk, were many of them on the point of subscribing; but, having got some time to think on it, their scruples increas|ed, and few complied.

While the court laboured to have all the magistrate of burghs to their mind, the elections for the Assem+bly went almost every where in favours of the cove+nanters. Part of the Presbytery of Glasgow, for •• time, opposed the election of any ruling elders to re+present them. But the reasonings of Lord Lowdon and of Messrs. D. Dickson, R. Blair, and J. Bon|ner removed most of their scruples. As there wer•• no judicatories but Presbyteries, at the time, for cit+ing the bishops to take their trial at the Assembly▪ and as the king had called them up as judges, an•• his commissioner refused warrants to cite them a•• pannels, the covenanters first drew up a libel again•••• them all, in which they accused them of their com+mon faults, transgression of the caveats establishe•• by the Assembly 1600;—behaving themselves in •• lordly manner;—publicly teaching, conniving at, o•• countenancing Popish and Arminian errors. T•• these they subjoined charges of drunkenness, whore+dom, playing at cards and dice, profane swearing bribery, simony, lying, dishonesty in civil bargain•• and the like, to be applied to particulars as they de+served. Eleven noblemen, thirty-one barons, an•• gentlemen, five ministers, and six burgers and com+mons, in name of the covenanters that were no•• chosen members of the Assembly, were appointe•• to prosecute them before the Presbyteries, wher•• they resided; and to add to the general libel wha•• other particular crimes they could prove against them The Presbyteries, according to the advice of th•• Tables, referred the matter to the Assembly, an•• appointed the libel, with a citation of them to th••

Assembly, to be read from every pulpit within the ••ounds of the Presbyteries concerned. Many pro|cesses were also commenced against scandalous mini|sters, part of which were referred to the Assembly.

The Tables further advised, That all the noble|men who had subscribed their covenant, should meet ••t Glasgow on the Saturday before the Assembly; that every ruling elder chosen for the Assembly, should bring along with him four gentlemen as his assistants, whom he might consult in difficult cases; that each burgh should send up from two to six of their most judicious members for the same purpose; that, according to his majesty's proclamation, the first Lord's day of November should be spent in solemn fasting in congregations for the Lord's direction, be|fore ministers set off; that congregations take care, that no minister be hindered from attendance, for want of necessary charges; that such as had been de|coyed or compelled to subscribe the king's covenant, declare the same in writing, or before their sessions. To prevent a numerous attendance of the covenan|ters at the Assembly, which might at once protect and encourage their friends, Hamilton and his party did what they could, prohibiting every person con|cerned to bring any with him but his own family and ordinary retinue. But the covenanters protested, That all should have liberty to attend, who had in|terest as parties, witnesses, judges, or assessors; and that all might come with such retinue as the privy counsellors should give example of. Traquair advis|ed to put as many of the covenanters as possible to the horn, for not paying their taxes or debts; some of them a few days before the meeting of the Assem|bly. But they encountered this stratagem with such a spirited remonstrance, as obliged the Marquis and council to drop it.

When the Lords of Session met at Edinburgh on the first day of November, Hamilton required them to subscribe his majesty's covenant, intimating, that his declared meaning of it was consistent with all the

novations introduced into the church since 1580. But, after a debate of three hours, only nine of them would subscribe it. The Lords Dury, Craig-hall, Scotstarvet, and Innerteil, refused, and pro|tested. Hamilton declared in the privy council, that it was his majesty's pleasure, that Episcopacy might be limited, but not that it should be abolished; and therefore urged them to approve it, as a mean of de|terring the Assembly from presuming to condemn it. But Sir Thomas Hope, lord advocate, so vigorously opposed this motion in a paper which he sent to the council, that it miscarried. Hamilton, almost infu|riated, charged Sir Thomas to repair to Glasgow, and there defend Episcopacy for his royal master, as he should answer at his peril. But Sir Thomas de|clined it, as a piece of service, for which he could not answer to God and his conscience. Upon which Hamilton prohibited him to go to that place at all. While the covenanters were spending the 4th and some following days of November in solemn fasting and prayer for direction in, and blessing on, the en|suing Assembly, as Charles had appointed them, his design of making war upon them, and forcing them to submit to his impositions, became more and more manifest. The English arrested the Scotch horses that were in their country: but this was got com|promised. Their ships were stopped and searche•• by his command, probably in order to apprehend general Lesly in his return from Sweden. The com|mand of the castle of Edinburgh was taken from th•• earl of Mar, and given to Ruthven a trusty royalist Preparations were made for the fortification of Ber+wick, Carlisle, &c.

Archbishop Spotswood had advised to hold th•• Assembly at Aberdeen, to which the old, and mo••+able and trusty covenanters could not have travelle•• in the winter season, and where the learned doctor of both universities were to oppose them, and th•• earl of Huntly could have suddenly raised severa•• thousands of bloody men to overawe or suppre••••

••hem. But providence directed Hamilton to fix up|on Glasgow, where no doubt he hoped that himself would have no small influence. The Assembly met on the day appointed, Nov. 21st, 1638, and consist|ed of 140 ministers from 53 Presbyteries, and 95 ruling elders, and two from the universities. Never had our church an Assembly, in which solid sense, strict piety, bold and prudent zeal, and divine di|rection, so remarkably appeared. After spending part of the first day in solemn prayer and fasting, and reading of his majesty's letter appointing the Marquis of Hamilton his Commissioner, they pro|ceeded to the choice of their Moderator. Hamilton, Traquair, and Lewis Stewart, who acted as king's advocate, vehemently pled, that the commissions of the members should be first tried, that so it might appear who had right to vote in the election. But Rothes and Lowdon, with Messrs. Dickson, Hen|derson, and William Livingston opposed them, with equal zeal and superior strength of argument. They pled, That it had been the constant practice first to choose the moderator; that such respect was due to commissions, the most of which were, doubtless, va|lid, as intitled them to vote in the choice of a mo|derator, that so the promiscuous meeting might be gradually formed into an Assembly instructed with regular commissions; that it belongs to the freedom of an Assembly, that commissioners choose their mo|derator immediately after the exhibition of their com|mission, lest any thing be irregularly transacted in their presence without their consent; that, in their supplications, they had insisted, that the matter and manner of assembling should be judged by the As|sembly itself, which cannot be done till the modera|tor be chosen; and that it would be a wronging of the churches, which had sent up these commission|ers, not to suffer them to embody themselves in an orderly manner.

At last, after advising with the privy counsellors, the Marquis permitted them to choose their modera|tor;

—but protested, That this should not import his approbation of any commission, which he should find ground to except against; and that the choice of the moderator should not prejudge the bishops of any office or dignity belonging to them. In opposi|tion to this, Rothes, in name of the commissioners protested, That the Marquis' protestation should no wise hurt any lawful commission to be produced, or mar the freedom of the Assembly, which was to be fenced in the name of the Son of God; and that no protest in favours of the bishops could be admitted; till both they and their claims were tried and allow|ed. Lord Montgomery, in name of the prosecutors of the bishops, protested, that the Marquis' protes|tation should not hinder the discussion of their libel against them. Hamilton then pled, that a declinature which he had received from the bishops, should be immediately read. This being refused, he insisted, that six privy counsellors should be allowed to vote as his assessors, according as they had been directed in his majesty's letter;—which was also refused. After both sides became weary of altercation and protestation, they proceeded to the choice of their moderator. Mr. Bell, an old minister of the place, who had opened the Assembly as moderator pro temp, taking care to put none other on the leet, but such as were too infirm, beside the celebrated Mr. Alex|ander Henderson, he was unanimously chosen, who having anew constituted the court with prayer, made an handsome speech for the direction and encourage|ment of his brethren.

Next day the Marquis, supported by Traquair and Lewis Stewart, again unsuccessfully insisted for the votes of the assessors, which issued in his new protest against the denial, and a counter-protest by Lowdon in name of the commissioners to the Assembly. For refusing Hamilton's demand, it was pled, That the Assembly was an ecclesiastical meeting of ecclesiastical rulers; that no political preses had any vote in the antient councils; that in the thirty-nine first Genera••

Assemblies of this church, there was not so much as a king's commissioner present; that after one was in|troduced, he never had more than one vote; that Hamilton's commission empowered none but himself; that as he represented his majesty, the voting of as|sessors along with him as his equals, would derogate from the royal dignity; that though assessors had a power of reasoning, it behoved to be only after the reasoning of members, and in the way of proposing doubts.

The election of a clerk coming next upon the car|pet, Hamilton insisted, that Thos. Sandilands should officiate for his aged father James, who had been chosen by the Assembly 1616. But the votes car|ried it almost unanimously in favours of Archibald Johnston advocate, who, for almost two years, had faithfully served the covenanters without any reward. Upon enquiry for the registers of former Assemblies, Sandilands delivered up two volumes, which contain|ed, at least part of the acts between 1590, and 1610, together with the minutes of 1616, 1617, and 1618, signed by his father. Assoon as it appeared, that no other member knew where any more could be had, Johnston their clerk, presented four volumes, which contained all the acts from 1560, to 1590, except about 20 leaves, which had been villanously cut out by archbishop Adamson, together with a|nother volume, which contained the acts of that whole period, somewhat abridged. A committee was appointed to examine these books; and upon an exhibition of 19 marks of their genuineness, the Assembly sustained them as authentic registers. Mr. William Scot of Cowpar, afterward produced ano|ther copy of these old minutes.

Notwithstanding the marquis' earnest struggle to have the bishops declinature first received, the As|sembly proceeded to examine controverted commis|sions; and rejected such as proceeded on irregular election, or that were not rightly attested. The bishops declinature of the Assembly was then read

by Dr. Hamilton of Glassford their procurator. I•• it they protested, That the meeting was unalawful, and all its proceedings null and void, because most, i•• not all, the commissioners to it had been chosen be|fore his majesty had indicted it; and that the cleri|cal commissioners to it were not qualified according to law, having never subscribed the Confession o•• faith, in the presence of their bishops, nor swor•• the oaths of fidelity and supremacy,—nay, had re+fused to subscribe the Confession of Faith or cove+nant, as required by his majesty in September; and that they had seditiously impugned the dignities and privileges of bishops, who were an Estate in Parlia+ment; that they had their commission from Pres+byteries, which had deposed their proper, i. e. con+stant moderators, and elected others in their stead▪ that they had been chosen by lay elders; that the•• had seditiously opposed the order of the king an•• authority of the church, and so are disqualified to s•• in any ecclesiastical court; that they allowed of la•• elders voting in the Assembly;—and that most, •• not all, of the members had pre-condemned Episco+pacy and the articles of Perth, and, by their covenant•• had bound themselves to oppose them; that by thei•• calumnies and libels, they had made themselves par+ties in the cause of the bishops; that they had ex+cluded all the bishops from sitting in the Assembly unless they were deputed to it by Presbyteries; tha•• they had deprived primate Spotswood of his privi+vilege of moderatorship, and thrust one chosen b•• Presbyteries and laymen into his place. In fine, the pretended, that it was altogether absurd for Pre••+byters, and much more for lay elders, to judge dio+cesan superiors. The Assembly prepared their an+swers to these reasons against next sederunt, in whic•• they manifested the absolute falshood of some, an•• the weakness of others.

After a tedious dispute with Dr. Balcanquel, who•• the marquis had brought along with him for an a••+sistant; and when the Assembly was proceeding ••

••ote, whether they had power to judge the bishops, ••otwithstanding their declinature, Hamilton gave in •• written declaration in his majesty's name, which ••eemed to grant not a little redress; but really bore, ••hat every thing should be left to the king's will, ••nd that the Assembly had no proper power to judge of any thing, nor the church any security for any ••hing. To this the moderator made an handsome re|ply, in which he thanked his majesty for what kind|ness he had shewed, and pointed out what power ci|vil magistrates have with respect to the church and her Assemblies. As they perceived the marquis in|tent upon breaking with, and leaving them, they were at great pains to obviate his pretended scruples with respect to their commission, the freedom of their election, the conduct of the Tables, and the power of ruling elders. They shewed him the im|propriety of allowing advocates to plead the cause of the bishops at their bar, as it was contrary to the na|ture of ecclesiastical courts, was not allowed in privy council, and had been refused by the Assembly 1576. But nothing could retain him. After repeatedly de|claring, that he would not suffer them to judge the bishops, he, in his own and their name, protested, that no act of the Assembly should be binding on any of the subjects; and in his majesty's name dissolved their meeting and prohibited them to proceed to a|ny business; but whether under any penalty, none of my credible vouchers inform. Rothes protested against the dissolution of the Assembly; and that they could not dissolve it, till their work was finish|ed, as it had been called by his majesty, and consti|tuted according to the word of God; as his majes|ty's commissioner had acknowledge▪ it a lawful court, and sat seven days in it, and exhibited his majesty's declaration to be registered in the minutes of it; that the continuance of it was necessary for the ma|ny reasons contained in their former supplications for it; that their covenant bound them to maintain the privileges which Christ had left to his church; that

according to the laws of this church and kingdom, neither the king nor his commissioner have power to dissolve a General Assembly; that the Assembly had formerly sitten, notwithstanding contrary require|ments of court; that to dissolve now, after so much preparation and progress towards redress of grievan|ces, without finishing their work, would offend God, and increase their misery; that it was absolute|ly necessary to explain the meaning of the national covenant subscribed in 1581, and 1590; and there|fore he protested, That the Assembly bad full power to continue and discuss the whole business, for which it had conveened. Messrs. Henderson, Dickson, and others, by their sensible and affectionate speech|es, encouraged their brethren to adhere to their du|ty, and shew themselves as faithful to Christ as the commissioner had done himself to his king's com|mand. Deeply affected hereby, lord Erskine, son to the earl of Mar, with tears begged the Assembly's allowance to subscribe their covenant. Messrs. For|bes and M'Kail ministers, lately come from Holland, followed his example. Encouraged by this, and conscious of their duty, the whole Assembly, except four or five, by a vote, promised to continue sitting at all hazard, till their business should be finished: and immediately after, by another vote, sustained them|selves lawful and competent judges of the bishops, notwithstanding their declinature and protestation.

Next day, November 29th, a proclamation sub|scribed by the marquis and most of the privy counsel|lors was published over the cross of Glasgow, pro|hibiting all the members of the Assembly, under pain of high treason, to meet or judge any thing further; and charging them to leave Glasgow within 24 hours; and declaring, that all their acts and deeds posterior to yesterday's dissolution should be held null and void; and prohibiting the subjects to regard or obey the same. In answer to this, Archibald Johnston, lord Erskine and others, read the protestation, which Rothes had given in the day before, as the mind of

the court. And further protested, that they and their brethren had no disloyal designs; that all ec|clesiastical causes of general concern ought to be dis|cussed, and the peace of the church fully settled, and its peace and order re-established, before the commis|sioners depart; that if the marquis would leave the church and kingdom in such disorder, it should be lawful for them to continue sitting till they had fi|nished their work; that this Assembly should be held lawful, and its deeds of equal force with those of other free General Assemblies; that no bad con|sequences ensuing upon the hindering or molesting of the freedom of this Assembly should be imputed to them, but to the bad advice of the bishops;—on account of which, they are hereby again summoned to attend the Assembly, hear proof led, and sentence passed upon them, according to justice. In sine, they protested their adherence to all their former protestations, and left room for extending their paper or reasons, as they should find necessary for vindi|cating their procedure.

After the hurry of the proclamation, the Assem|bly met, and the moderator recommended to them, as in the sight of God, to behave themselves in the most pious, prudent, peaceable, and orderly man|ner, answerable to their circumstances. Lord Lorn i. e. Argyle, came back, and being desired by the moderator to countenance them, and witness the rectitude of their procedure, he promised to do so, and begged them to proceed wisely, with the utmost deference due to their sovereign. Some at first look|ed upon him as a court spy and check upon them; but it soon appeared, that he acted from an hearty love to Christ and his cause. About the same time, the earls of Wigton, Kinghorn, Galloway, Mar, and lord Napier, privy counsellors, joined the covenan|ters, which not a little encouraged the Assembly. To wipe off the reproaches which had been cast up|on them, in the bishops declinature, Messrs. Blair, Livingston, Hamilton, and M'Lellan, who had been

driven from Ireland, shewed that it had been mere|ly for their adherence to the doctrine, worship, dis|cipline, and government of the church, sworn to in the late covenant. And Messrs. Dickson, Ruther|foord, and the laird of Earlstoun, who had been cen|sured by the High Commission, represented their case to the full satisfaction of the whole Assembly. On that day, and the next, committees were ap|pointed to enquire into the original sense of the na|tional covenant;—to prepare matters for the trial of the bishops;—to consider the new liturgy and ca|nons;—and to form an act nullifying the Assemblies 1606,—1618.

After the moderator had largely shewed the intrin|sic power of the church, particularly in administering discipline to her scandalous members, and Messrs. Dickson and Ramsay had shewed the error and wic|kedness of the Arminian tenets, the Assembly pro|ceeded to discuss some cases of scandal, which had been referred to them. Mr. Mitchel, being proved chargeable with Arminian errors, and glorying in them; and with procuring an order by the bishops means for stopping his trial before his Presbytery; and with declining this Assembly, was deposed and excommunicated. Dr. Panther being proved guilty of approaches towards the Popish doctrine of justifi|cation by works, and towards the Pelagian, in deny|ing original sin; and of propagating Arminian er|rors, was referred to a committee, which deposed him. Dr. Gladstones, being proved guilty of drun|kenness and Atheistical profaneness, was deposed. When the trial of the bishops came on, it was prov|ed against them all, That they had trampled on the CAVEATS of the Assembly 1600;—had accepted consecration to their episcopal office; and oppressed the church with innovations. Against Spotswood archbishop of St. Andrews, it was further proved, that he had been an ordinary profaner of the Lord's day, playing at cards or dice in the time of public worship, or riding through the country the whole

day; that he sometimes sat tippling in taverns till midnight; that he had falsified the acts of the A|berdeen Assembly; and was an avowed reproacher of our old Assemblies and national covenant; and it was further undertaken to prove him guilty of adul|tery, sacrilege, and frequent simony. Against Syd|serf of Galloway, it was proved, that he had taught Arminian errors; that he had kept a crucifix in his closet, and defended the use of it from his own comfortable experience; that, at his own hand, he had appointed two anniversary fasts in his diocese; that, at his Synod, he had compelled ministers to receive the communion upon their knees; that, for mere non-conformity to novations, he had deposed and procured the banishment of the most eminent ministers, and had confined or fined sundry gentle|men; that he had shewed kindness to excommuni|cated Papists; that he had condemned family pray|ers; that he had profaned the Lord's day, buying horses, and transacting other secular business on it. Against Whiteford of Brichen, it was proved, that he had been guilty of several acts of adultery and ex|cessive drinking; that he had used a crucifix in his closet; that he had preached Arminian and Popish errors; and that he was generally infamous for seve|ral other crimes. Against Lindsay of Edinburgh, it was proved, that he had violently urged the late innovations; that he had refused to admit such to the ministry, as would not first take the order of preaching deacons; that he used to bow towards the altar, and wear the rochet; that he had domineered over Presbyteries, allowed clandestine marriages, and countenanced corrupt doctrines; that he had lifted up the elements in the Lord's supper at the conse|cration, and laboured to prove that Christ's man|hood was omnipresent. He might also have been proved guilty of profane cursing and swearing, and of avowed neglect of lecturing. Against Ballantyne of Aberdeen, were proved frequent acts of simony, violent pressing of the liturgy and canons, suspending

of ministers for fasting on the Lord's day, and or|dering all fasts to be held on Wednesdays: and that he had, in the Popish manner, consecrated the cha|pel of the infamous lady of Wardhouse; and that he had stopped processes against Papists and incestuous persons. Against Maxwel of Ross, it was proved, that he had publicly read the liturgy in his own house and cathedral; that he bowed towards the altar; that he deposed faithful ministers, and admitted known fornicators to the Lord's table; that he was a familiar companion of Papists, and an ordinary player of cards and dice on the Lord's day, and once upon a communion Sabbath; that he had often ad|ministered Popish absolution to sick persons; that he had consecrated preaching deacons; that he had robbed his vassals of above 40,000 merks; that he kept superstitious fasts every Friday; that he ordinari|ly set off on his journies on the Lord's day; and that he had been a principal instrument of all the trouble which had lately befallen the church and nation. Against Wedderburn of Dumblain, it was proved, that he had been a principal compiler of the liturgy, and practiser and urger of it, and other innovations; that he had been an assistant of arch|bishop Laud, and a propagator of Arminian errors. Against Lindsay archbishop of Glasgow, it was prov|ed, that he had urged ministers to observe the litur|gy and canons under pain of horning; that he had oppressed his clergy with his exactions, and kept some of them altogether out of their stipends; that he had sold the office of commissary, that he had greatly oppressed his vassals; and that he had im|posed oaths of his own invention upon candidates for the ministry. These eight were deposed from all power in the church, and summarily excommuni|cated, and delivered over to Satan. Against Graham of Orkney it was proved, that he had tyrannically domineered over his clergy; that he had openly pro|faned the Lord's day by curling on the ice; that he had dilapidated part of the ecclesiastical revenues to

his friends; that he overlooked adulterers and char|mers; that he neglected preaching himself, and withheld from ministers a part of their stipends for the building of his cathedral. Against Guthry of Murray it was proved, that he had avowed confor|mity to the English Popish ceremonies; that at his daughter's marriage he had danced in his shirt; that he had conveyed some women barefooted to a chapel, in order to do Popish penance; that he ordinarily rode about on the Lord's day, and had said, that he would borrow a part of that from God, and make it up some other way. Against Fairly of Argyle, it was proved, that he had urged wicked oaths up|on intrants to the ministry, and the observance of the liturgy; that he had oppressed his vassals; and that he had preached Arminian errors, and had pro||faned the Lord's day. These three, together with Campbel of the Isles, were deposed from all power and function in the church, with certification, that they should be excommunicated, if they did not spee|dily manifest their repentance. Lindsay of Dun|keld, and Abernethy of Caithness, though little bet|ter than their brethren, having submitted themselves to the Assembly, were only deposed from their preten|ded power of ruling over other ministers, and repre|senting the church in Parliament, and suspended from the ministry, with certification, that if they did not submit to this censure, they should be ex|communicated. A number of inferior clergymen were also tried and censured for their scandalous be|haviour, part of it so gross, as to be a reproach to hu|manity itself. Others were remitted to their Presby|teries, or to committees appointed by the Assembly, by which they were suspended or deposed, as was reckoned most just and expedient.

In their intervals of censuring work, the Assembly carried forward their other business. The six As|semblies of 1606, 1608, 1610, 1616, 1617, 1618, which king James had packed and governed by his own will, were declared to have been no courts of

Christ, but null and destitute of all authority. Up|on this the moderator observed, that all those that had entered to the ministry under bishops, were now freed from their oath of conformity; that Presbyte|ries did well in casting off the bishops authority as early as possible; and that it was now their duty to stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made them free. After Mr. Dickson and lord Lowdon had largely spoken to the same purpose, an act was made, declaring the oaths imposed by the bishops upon Intrants to have been null and void from the beginning; that the power of Presbyteries had been unjustly suppressed, and therefore it was most lawful for them to resume it, and to choose their modera|tors, and censure, and admit to the ministerial of|fice, or a seat in the Presbytery, according to justice. That same day, large tracts which had been formed against the Liturgy and Canons, the formula of cleri|cal ordinations, and the High Commission were read; and all the four condemned. They condemned the Liturgy or book of common prayer, because it was de|vised, and introduced, and pressed by the bishops, without any direction or warrant from the church; because it contained a Popish form of divine service, and many Popish errors and ceremonies, the seeds of manifold and gross superstition and idolatry, and so repugnant to the doctrine, discipline, and order of this church, and to the confession of faith, national covenant, and acts of Assembly and Parliament esta|blishing the true religion. They condemned the book of canons, as devised by the bishops without any warrant and direction from the church, in order to establish their own tyrannical power over the worship of God, and the consciences, liberties, and goods of men, and to overthrow the whole government of the church by Assemblies, Synods, Presbyteries, and Sessions, established by her confession and constitu|tions. They condemned the book of consecration and ordination, as introduced without any civil or eccle|siastical warrant; as establishing offices in God's

house without warrant of his word; as repugnant to the discipline and constitutions of this church; as hindering faithful men from the ministry, or from fulfilling the duties of it. They condemned the High Commission, as erected without the consent of either church or state; as subverting the ordinary judicatories of the church; as arbitrary, and not re|gulated by any laws; as mingling the civil and ec|clesiastical power, and so as unlawful in itself, and prejudicial to the liberties of the church, and the king's honour in maintaining them.

The national covenant having been lately taken in three different senses, Argyle and others intreated, that they would speedily manifest the original mea|ning of it. From many old acts of Assembly, in fa|vours of parity among ministers, and against Epis|copacy, it was found evident, that Prelacy was con|sidered about 1581 and 1589, as a branch of the Romish hierarchy abjured in the national covenant; and therefore ought to be removed out of the church. Though about fifty members did not add the word abjured in their vote, yet only Mr. Bailie plainly manifested his doubt of all kind of Prelacy being renounced in that oath.—The Assembly also, by comparing them with the word of God and old acts of Assembly, found the articles of Perth to be abjured by the covenant 1581, and 1589; and therefore to be removed.

In their 23d and 24th sessions, the Assembly re|vived old, or framed new acts for promoting of re|formation among all ranks. They revived the act of 1596, relative to the corruptions of ministers, and re|medies of them, They approved the erection of some Presbyteries, and erected others in Argyleshire. They appointed that Presbyteries be holden weekly; and that an exercise and additions be given in, and an exegesis exhibited and sustained at each; that Presbyteries visit all the congregations in their bounds once every year, and examine how family worship is observed, and take care, that the youth be diligently

instructed; that schools and colleges be visited, and the orthodoxy, ability, and regularity of conversation of the masters, tried; that no minister be absent from his congregation above 40 days in a year, with|out special liberty; that schools be planted in land|ward places, and the teachers catechise the common people; that Presbyteries have the whole power of admitting ministers, and choosing their own mode|rators; that the Lord's supper be more frequently administered; that, in ordinary cases, ministers be 25 years of age before they be ordained; that burghs take proper care to change their markets, which are on Monday or Saturday, to some other day of the week; that the Lord's day be carefully sanctified; that there be afternoon sermons in country parishes; and that Presbyteries take care to have the old acts a|gainst going of mills, salt pans, or fishing of salmon, on that day, duly executed:—that obstinate frequen|ters of the company of excommunicated persons be excommunicated; that such as speak or write against the late covenant of this Assembly or its acts, be cen|sured; that all Popish titles of abbots, priors, deans, or other ecclesiastical dignity, be abolished; that none be admitted into any office of pastor, reader, or teacher, contrary to the will of the congregation, to which they are appointed; that no marriages be ce|lebrated without due proclamation of banns; that funeral sermons be disused, as savouring of supersti|tion; that the abilities and practice of candidates for the ministry be carefully examined; that Presbyte|ries take care to excommunicate such ministers as ac|quiesce not in lesser censures inflicted by this Assem|bly.—They also fixed a plan of 14 Synods, and as|signed six Presbyteries to the Synod of Merse and Teviotdale; six to that of Lothian; four to that of Dumfries; three to that of Galloway; two to that of Air; five to that of Glasgow; five to that of Ar|gyle; five to that of Stirling; four to that of Fife; four to that of Angus; seven to that of Aberdeen; three to that of Ross; three to that of Caithness;

two to that of Orkney; six to that of Murray; and appointed their first meetings on particular days of A|pril next; and that they should all maintain a corres|pondence with their next neighbours, and for that purpose send one or two commissioners to their meet|ings.—It is scarcely worth while to mention the trans|portations requested at this Assembly, as of Mr. Dick|son to Glasgow; of Mr. Cant to Pitsligo; of Messrs. Sharp and Hamilton to Paisley; of Mr. Douglas to Kirkaldy; and of Blair and Rutherfoord to St. An|drews. The two last warmly opposed their own re|moval; nor would Rutherfoord at all accept of the professorship of divinity, without a congregation to which he might preach Christ. But, to prevent trans|portation for the future, as much as possible, it was re|commended to Presbyteries to settle Messrs. David Cal|derwood, James Guthry, and about sixty-eight others, who, in the late times, had been denied admission, and driven from their charges.

Next day the Assembly condemned all civil power of ministers. They agreed to petition the Parlia|ment for a ratification of their acts. They asserted the divine right of ruling elders. Upon Dec. 20th, in their last session, they enacted, That none should print any thing relative to the church, without a li|cence from their clerk; that Presbyteries and Synods should censure such ministers as were scandalous, or would not acknowledge this Assembly, and submit to its requirements. They approved the late natio|nal covenant, and required all ministers, masters of universities, colleges, and schools, and others, who had not subscribed it, to take it speedily, as abjuring Prelacy, the articles of Perth, and the civil places and power of ministers; and prohibit the taking of it in any other sense. They asserted the intrinsic power of the church, and the divine, ecclesiastical and civil warrant of the General Assembly to meet once every year, or oftener, as her necessities require. They appointed their next meeting at Edinburgh on the 3d Wednesday of July next; but required Pres|byteries

rather to keep the king's diet, if he should appoint one. They formed a supplication to his ma|jesty, vindicating their conduct, and imploring his approbation and concurrence. They appointed the marvellous kindness of God towards them to be thankfully commemorated in their several congrega|tions and Presbyteries, after their return home; and that they should read the acts of Assembly to their congregations on the first Sabbath, and on the next observe a solemn thanksgiving to God. After an excellent speech by the Moderator, in which he ex|horted all present to consider, and be thankful for the Lord's goodness to them, and to manifest their gratitude to his majesty in earnest prayer for him and conscientious obedience to him; he was seconded by Messrs. Dickson and Ramsay;—and Argyle, desired by the Moderator, represented their deep obligation to a careful performance of their duty toward supe|riors, inferiors and equals. After concluding with prayer, the moderator added, Now we have cast down the walls of Jericho, let him, who rebuilds them, beware of the curse of Hiel the Bethelite.

On the 18th of December, a royal PROCLAMA|TION was read over the cross of Edinburgh, extol|ling his majesty's condescension; vindicating the conduct of the marquis of Hamilton his commissio|ner, and charging the covenanters with many disor|derly and disloyal practices, in guarding the castle of Edinburgh, stopping importation of warlike ammu|nition to his majesty's houses, carrying arms with them to the Glasgow Assembly, contrary to his proclama|tion; and citing his privy counsellors to answer to him and his Parliament for their subscription of th•• late proclamation at Glasgow, &c. In their PRO|TEST, read in answer to this, the covenanters re+plied, That they had done nothing to the castle o•• Edinburgh, but watched it in order to prevent thei•• own danger; that, by the laws of the land and max+ims of all nations, the public safety is the suprem•• law, and the end of all lawful power; that, by th••

laws of the land, all fortifications are to be kept for the welfare of the subjects, as well as for his majesty's behoof; that they had carried arms to Glasgow to defend themselves from the outlawed clan Gregors, who just before had ravaged the country about,—and had but followed the example of his majesty's com|missioner and his attendants; that, according to law, counsellors, who had given bad counsel, ought to be prosecuted before proper judges, civil or eccle|siastical. They further shewed, that the prohibiti|on of obedience to the acts of Assembly, and assu|rance of protection in disobedience to them, contain|ed in the proclamation, were contrary to scripture,— the practice of the primitive church,—the civil and canon law,—the law of nations,—the acts of former faithful Assemblies,—and to the large confession of faith, and national covenant.

After the Assembly, the court party appeared more and more furious. The old college of Aber|deen threatened Mr. Lundy their commissioner with deprivation, because he had continued in the Assem|bly, after it was dissolved in his majesty's name. They agreed to shut their gates against the Commit|tee, which the Assembly had appointed to visit their university, and that no member should acknowledge their power under pain of deprivation. The mar|quis of Huntly published the king's proclamation of Dec. 18th, and declared his resolution to keep the country for his majesty's service. The town council put their city into a posture of defence. Before Ha|milton set off for London, in the beginning of Janu|ary 1639, some principal covenanters waited upon him, and besought him to interceed with his majes|ty in their favours; but he answered them with threats of a speedy execution of royal vengeance upon them. They nevertheless transmitted their suppli|cation to Charles himself, who received it with the utmost contempt, but still disguised his warlike in|tentions, being not fully prepared to execute them. He meant to invade them with 60,000 forces from

England and Ireland. But the Papists and high fly|ing Episcopalian clergy were almost the only willing contributers towards the charge. Scotchmen at court were required to abjure the late covenant and Assembly, and to swear, that they would assist his majesty against their country, whenever he should require them. Under pretence, that the Scots were arming to invade and extirpate Prelacy from England, Charles, on January 26th, issued forth a proclama|tion, requiring all the English nobility and gentry to attend his standard at York; and appointed Huntly his lieutenant general for raising of forces in Scot|land. Meanwhile, the covenanters proceeded in re|forming the country from wickedness, and in cen|suring the scandalous. To vindicate themselves, they carefully dispersed a paper through England, di|rected to all good Christians there. Highly enraged at the due credit which it obtained, the Scotch bi|shops instigated Charles to emit a proclamation, de|claring all the covenanters traitors and rebels, to be read from all the pulpits in England. The answer of the covenanters to it, which was also industriously dispersed through England, rendered them more and more pitied, and their enemies proportionally abhorred.

Being at last fully convinced of Charles' intentions to attack them in war, they studied to have the law|fulness of taking up arms in their own defence fully cleared to their own consciences, as well as to the world. Mr. Bailie and the earl of Cassils for a time much doubted, if it was lawful to resist their sove|reign, in a forcible manner. But Mr. Henderson, by appointment, drew up a paper, which solved their scruples, and vindicated such conduct. Some mov|ed, that they should supplicate assistance from th•• French, Swedes or Dutch; but others doubting o•• the propriety of confederacies with Lutherans, and much more with Papists, they resolved, by the help of God, to stand by themselves. Only they agree•• to supplicate the French king, the States General

the Prince of Orange, Queen of Sweden, and King of Denmark, to interceed with their own sovereign, that he would grant their requests a fair and unbiassed hearing; which, had they done, it would have pre|vented much reproach of them in the nations around. Meanwhile, they earnestly prepared for their own warlike defence. While general Lesly invited home the Scotch officers from the Swedish army in Ger|many, and procured military stores from Holland, Atgyle laboured to secure the peace of the North, and to fix as many as he could in the covenanters interest. But Huntly, his brother-in-law, was too much in the bishops, if not the Pope's interest, to attend their meeting when desired.

The danger of the covenanters was exceedingly alarming. The Scotch mariners, travellers and mar|chants in England and Ireland, were every where treated as rebels; their goods seized, and their per|sons imprisoned, unless they abjured the late nation|al covenant and Glasgow Assembly. The king's ar|my at York increased fast. The marquis of Huntly and earls of Airly and Southesk, and the citizens of Aberdeen, began to take arms, and threaten the covenanters in these parts with immediate destruc|tion. In the south, the marquis of Douglas, lords Nithsdale, Herreis, and their followers, and those of the marquis of Hamilton had, or were taking arms for the same purpose. The earls of Galloway, Dumfries, Traquair, Roxburgh, Queensberry, and the viscount of Dalziel were suspected of an inclination to join them; and that, by the influence of Hamilton and others, the citizens of Glasgow would be made to do the same. The earl of Antrim was preparing to transport hither ten or twelve thousand of his Irish countrymen, probably most of them cruel and mur|derous Papists. Many of the Scotch M'Donalds had gone to join them, in hopes of robbing Argyle of Kintyre, as they returned. Hamilton conducted his majesty's navy for the firth of Forth, while he him|self brought northward the main army by land.

Notwithstanding all, the covenanters levied and trained their troops the best way they could. God delivered into their hand the strong castles of Edin|burgh and Dumbarton, without a single drop of blood. Nor did these of Strathaven, Douglas, Tan|tallon, and Brodick cost much more. Instigated by Montrose and Marshal, about seven or eight thou|sand, northward of the Tay, took arms, with whom Montrose obliged the Aberdonians to surrender their city, and obliged Huntly to swear the covenant, as directed by the Assembly, and to send commissioners to concur with the other covenanted deputies at Edinburgh, in supporting the common cause. Hav|ing fortified Leith, and put the country into a pos|ture of defence, the covenanters once and again, but without success, attempted to supplicate his majesty's friendship.—Meanwhile, providence marvellously interposed in their favours. Five or six thousand Walloons and Irish, coming over against them, were by the Dutch admiral driven back to Dunkirk, which then pertained to England. The tyranny of Straf|ford, lieutenant of Ireland, rendered it unsafe to send over any more than about 1500 ragamuffins, good for little else, but theft, robbery, and murder. Most of the English either declined serving in the in|vasion, or were very unhearty in it. The Pope re|quired his votaries to withhold their assistance, unless upon condition of a secured open liberty for their religion. Contrary winds detained Hamilton's fleet till Huntly and his faction were suppressed, and the covenanters had got most of their warlike stores im|ported from abroad.

Hamilton, at last arriving in the Forth, transmit|ted to the town council of Edinburgh, the king's proclamation, declaring them all traitors, who did not within eight days submit to his will; and dis|poning their estates to their superiors or vassals, that should assist in suppressing them,—to be published over their cross: If ready obedience was not given,

Charles had appointed him to prosecute them with fire and sword. The council begged to be excused from publishing this proclamation till the Estates of Parliament, which were to meet in a few days, should consider it. Meeting upon May 9th, they found, that as the proclamation was written and printed without the kingdom, and not warranted by the privy council, and was of so dangerous consequence, it could not be legally published; that by the laws of the land, no treason or forfeiture of life or estate, even of the meanest subject, far less of peers, and the body of the nation, could be declared, but in the Parliament or supreme court' of justice, upon due citation and legal proof; and that, as the proclama|tion required a material renunciation of their cove|nant, they could not obey it without bringing a curse upon the nation. They transmitted their resolution to the marquis. He, next day, wrote to the earl of Rothes, and after receiving a bold reply, returned answer, that he intended to die in his majesty's cause, and to the utmost of his power prove an enemy to his obstinate countrymen. He was nevertheless more merciful than his party wished, and laboured to per|suade Charles to a treaty of peace.

The Parliament meeting on May 15th, they agreed to prorogue it till any day his majesty pleased. But, before they left Edinburgh, they appointed general Lesly their military commander in chief. Mean|while, lord Aboyn, Huntly's son, and other lords appointed by Charles, had raised a new army in the north. An invasion from Ireland was hourly ex|pected. The inactivity of Charles' army on the north border of England, and of his fleet in the Forth, was apprehended to proceed from a design to gain time, till the covenanters should be obliged to dis|perse themselves for want of provisions. After so|lemn fasting and prayer, Montrose, who was offend|ed that his late activity in the north was not reward|ed with the principal command, was dispatched to attack the royalists in the north. General Lesly

marched his army toward the border of England,— while the select committee fixed the proper methods of modelling and supplying their troops. The ac|counts of their instructions, and of Lesly's march, being conveyed to the English army at Birks, about three miles south from Berwick, threw many of them into a terrible consternation. Charles was obliged to issue forth a proclamation, That he was desirous of peace, and ready to grant the Scots their just requests. But, fearing, that information of the true state of affairs would render many of his officers and forces altogether averse to attack them, he commanded their army not to come within ten miles of his own; in which, to manifest their desire of peace, and their readiness to obey him in every thing lawful, they submitted. The bishops persuaded him, that fear had made them stop at the appointed distance,—and to re-publish his proclamation of April 25th, declar|ing them all rebels that did not lay down their arms within eight days, and setting a price on the heads of their chiefs, and charging their vassals and tenants to pay them no more rents. This was published at Dunse. The earl of Holland, with 4000 men, was appointed to publish it at Kelso: but colonel Monro, and the lords Fleming and Erskine, with their for|ces, obliged them to retire with the utmost terror and precipitation. Lesly advanced to Dunselaw, with his army. Contemptible enough in his crooked shape, and of no more than the rank of a gentleman, he behaved himself with such prudence and authori|ty, that all the nobles readily obeyed his commands, which he wisely issued forth in the form of advices. His raw troops, being daily exercised, made great progress in military skill. They had sermons and public prayers, every morning and evening, from their beloved ministers. Scarcely was there a single tent in the whole army, in which joint prayers and praises were not twice every day offered to God.— The frame of their souls was no less spiritual and e|levated, than if they had been attending a noted

communion. Persuasion of the goodness of their cause, and of God's assistance in it, made them alto|gether bold and resolute for battle, if necessary.

His army being increased to 20,000, Lesly inclin|ed advancing nearer to the English camp, that, if possible, he might apprehend some of the principal incendiaries, who had kindled the war. Informed of his intentions, the English laboured in fortifying their camp; and being inferior in numbers and ar|dour, were earnestly desirous of peace. In order to deceive the covenanters, one Lesly, a Scotch dome••|tic of Charles', came to their camp at Dunselaw; and, with solemn professions of regard to his coun|try, falsely pretended, that the English forces were multiplying so fast, that they were in the utmost danger of being quickly swallowed up by them; and therefore begged that they would once more suppli|cate his majesty for a treaty of peace, in which, he said, several of the English nobility would second them. The Scots, nothing terrified by his tidings, but looking on him as sent by some of the English, condescended to transmit another humble supplicati|on to Charles, along with a letter to the lords of his English council. Puffed up with pride, Charles in|sisted, that they should first publish his above-men|tioned declaration of April 25th, at the head of their army. They shewed Sir Edward Vernham their reasons for refusing to do so; but to shew their rea|diness to go as far as they could, they read it with great reverence at the general's table. Vernham gave such a favourable report of their conduct, as made Charles think, his order had been as good as obeyed.

Hereupon the earls of Arundel, Essex, Holland, Salisbury and Berkshire, and secretary Coke, were impowered to treat with the earls of Rothes, Dun|fermline, and Lowdon, Sir William Douglas sherriff of Teviotdale, Mr. Henderson, and Archibald John|ston. The Scots commissioners had scarcely entered into Arundel's tent, when Charles himself came in,

and upbraided them for accusing him of not listening to the requests of his loyal subjects. After begging his permission to speak freely, they, to his disho|nour, plainly represented their cause, and their just defences of it. And in the conclusion of the confe|rence, Lowdon, upon his knees, declared, that they insisted for nothing more than the free enjoy|ment of their religion and liberties, according to the civil and ecclesiastical laws of their kingdom. This, Charles professed his readiness to grant; but, instigated by the bishops of Ross and Aberdeen, &c. he talked more tartly on the Monday after, and in|terrogated them, Whether he had the sole power of indicting Assemblies? Whether he had a negative voice in them? and, Whether they might sit, after he had commanded them to dissolve? After sugges|ting, that the decision of such questions properly belonged to the Assembly itself, they, for themselves, allowed kings to have a power of calling General Assemblies, and expressed their hopes that himself would allow, that in extreme necessity the church might conveen of herself, and enact constitutions for the preservation of religion, the plain reasonableness of which they shewed.

Being informed, that their army intended to take their station nearer to his camp, he abandoned his Queries, and desired the commissioners to fix the particulars which they required as terms of peace. They proposed, that the acts of the Glasgow Assem|bly should be ratified by the Parliament; that in all time coming church affairs should be finally deter|mined by the Assembly, and civil affairs by the Par|liament; that all his majesty's forces by sea or land should be recalled; that all arrested persons, ships, and goods, should be restored; that all excommuni|cated persons who, for their own private ends, had promoted the public commotions, should be remit|ted to Scotland to suffer condign censure and punish|ment. They subjoined their reasons to each of these demands. After some perplexity, and taking the

advice of his council, Charles replied, That though, for many reasons, he could not approve the Assem|bly of Glasgow, yet he would not only agree to take away the Liturgy and Canons, and the High Commis|sion, but also dispense with the articles of Perth, and order, that no oath should be required of Intrants to the ministry, but what was appointed by act of Par|liament; and that bishops should be censurable accor|ding to their demerits by the General Assembly; and further agree, that all matters ecclesiastical should be finally determined by the Assembly, and all civil af|fairs by civil courts; that General Assemblies should be kept once a year, or oftener, as necessity requir|ed; and that, for settling the present distractions, a free General Assembly should be indicted on the 6th, and a Parliament on the 20th, of August next; that, upon their disbanding their army, dissolving their Tables and conventicles, and restoring his cas|tles, forts, and ammunition, and restoring to his subjects their lands and goods, which had been seiz|ed since the late Assembly, he would withdraw all his forces, and make restitution of every thing detained on his part.

After some further conference, and several private concessions by Charles, the Scotch commissioners were almost satisfied, and the articles of pacification were drawn up, bearing, That the covenanters for|ces should be disbanded within 48 hours after the publication of his above declaration is agreed upon; that all his castles, forts, and ammunition shall be delivered, as soon after the said publication as he shall send his servants to receive them; that thereon all his ships shall depart with the first fair wind, and till then shall in no wise interrupt the trade or fish|ing; that he shall restore all persons, goods, and ships, which have been detained since November last; that there shall be no meetings of the subjects in Scotland, but such as are warranted by act of Par|liament; that there be no further fortifications made, and these, that are, remitted to his majesty's plea|sure;

that all his good subjects have their lands, houses, and goods restored to them, which have been seized since November last. As the articles, to which his majesty had agreed, at the private confe|rence, were not subscribed, nor made public, the earl of Cassils, after the reading of the public articles in the camp, read and protested, upon a short informa|tion agreed to by the managers,—That though his majesty did not approve the Glasgow Assembly, he did not intend that the acceptance of his declaration should infer any disapprobation of it; and that their acceptance of it imported no such thing. This infor|mation was again read along with his majesty's declara|tion at the cross of Edinburgh. While these things were transacting at Birks, Montrose had, with no small difficulty, levied an army in the north, and he and colonel Middleton had routed Aboyn's forces, and were just going to plunder the city of Aberdeen, when an express concerning the pacification preven|ted it.

Neither party were pleased with the above Treaty. The furious royalists pretended, That Charles had lost a glorious opportunity of compleatly crushing the covenanters, and had dishonoured himself, by allowing them such equal terms; and they loudly reproached Hamilton and others, as advisers to it. Many of the covenanters were displeased with the obscurity of the articles, and especially with the sur|render of the castle of Edinburgh, and the fortifi|cations of Leith, without proper terms. Neverthe|less, they burnt their camp, disbanded their army, and gave up the castle of Edinburgh to Hamilton, who committed it to Ruthven, who had acquired much military honour in the Swedish army. But Charles paid no such regard to his solemn agreement, but left strong garrisons in Berwick and Carlisle, and disbanded his other forces very slowly. And he and his friends ripened matters for a new rupture. In Edinburgh, Huntly and Aboyn his son were scarcely liberated from prison, when Aboyn and Ruthven, in

••heir drunken revels, provoked some common peo|ple to chastise their insolence; this was loudly com|plained of. Grant and Dugair, two tools of Huntly, ravaged the territories of the earl of Marshal and other covenanters, in the north. The covenanters protest against his calling of the bishops to the next General Assembly as members; their allowance of subsistence money to Lesly and some other officers till they could be otherwise provided; their meeting to|gether, in order to pay off the debt which they had contracted in the war; their enemies falsly charging them with forcing the subscription of their covenant, and some parts of it misunderstood; and their com|missioners divulging some of his private concessions, provoked Charles against them. Under pretence of desired consultation with them, but really intending to apprehend, if not assassinate them, he called up fourteen of their principal leaders to London. But the mob, having got some notice of his intentions, prevented their obeying him. This disappointment so enraged him, that he had recalled both Assembly and Parliament, if Hamilton had not persuaded him otherwise, and Traquair assured him, that no act of Parliament, which passed without the bishops, who were the third Estate, could have force in law.

Hamilton having refused to be commissioner to the next Assembly, Traquair was appointed, and was instructed to declare against lay elders having any vote in the election of commissioners from Pres|byteries, or in any fundamental point of religi|on;—to shift all questions relative to the last As|sembly, or to the king's power in calling or dissolv|ing Assemblies;—to permit the abolishment of Pre|••acy, not as sinful in itself, but as necessary to the peace of the kingdom;—to allow the swearing of the covenant, providing that Prelacy be not abjured in it, as contrary to the word of God and Protestant re|ligion; to endeavour to have those ministers, who have been deposed, speedily reponed, upon their profession of repentance,—and that the king may

have a power of choosing fourteen ministers to vote in Parliament instead of the bishops; to indict ano|ther Assembly as far back in the following year as possible;—to take heed that nothing civil be treated in the Assembly, and no commissioner sent from it to the king; nor any act made for the continuance of the Tables or any like meetings. And, at the end, to protest, That if any thing prejudicial to the king's interest should have been granted, he should be heard for redress in his own time and place. From these instructions it appears, that Charles merely inclined to deceive the covenanters, whom he could not subdue; and that he really inclined to yield nothing at all important, and left himself an open door to revoke every concession made in his name. Accordingly, in a few days after, he wrote to Traquair, that he would not yield to a ratification of the Glasgow Assembly, nor to the a|bolishment of Prelacy as contrary to the covenant of 1581, and the constitutions of this church; nor to have the service book and canons condemned as con|taining divers seeds of Popery and superstition, or the High Commission condemned, as without law, or destructive to civil and ecclesiastical judicatories,— nor the Articles of Perth as contrary to the national covenant,—or that the Assemblies 1606,—1618, should be declared destitute of authority;—and that if any such thing should be done, he should protest against it. He further instructed him, that he would not be bound to allow General Assemblies every year; and that the covenant behoved to be sworn as it stood in 1581, without any interpretation subjoined to it, unless the king approved it. Meanwhile, he admonished the bishops not to go to the Assembly, as nothing but partiality could be expected at it; and assured them, that notwithstanding his present con|cessions, he was firmly determined to have their grievances redressed.

The General Assembly having met August 12th, Mr. Henderson opened it with a sermon from Acts

••. 33. and exhorted the commissioner and members ••o vie with each other in thankfulness, zeal, mo|deration, and prudence. No sooner had Mr. Dick|son the new moderator finished a like speech, than Traquair excepted against all the commissions of such as had been elected by more ruling elders than ministers, or for places in which they had not their residence,—or of elders elected for places in which ••hey resided, but had not been originally chosen to their office; or of such as were under horning and outlawry,—but named no body. The Assembly ••herefore proceeded to their business, and with plea|sure received Graham of Orkney, and Lindsay of Dunkeld's renunciation of Prelacy. To please his majesty, and retain what they had got, they formed ••he substance of the acts of the Glasgow Assembly relative to the service book and canons, the High Com|mission and articles of Perth, prelatical offices, civil power of ministers, and corrupt Assemblies, into one act, and as it were re-enacted them, in terms a little ••oftened, declaring, that the liturgy, canons, and High Commission should be still rejected, the articles of Perth no more practised, Episcopal jurisdiction and civil power of clergymen still held unlawful in this church; that the six Assemblies of Linlithgow 1606, and 1608, of Glasgow 1610, of Aberdeen 1616, of St. Andrews 1617, and of Perth 1618, should hereafter be accounted destitute of all autho|rity;—and that, in order to prevent the like evils in time coming, General Assemblies shall be held once every year or oftener, if need be, in consequence of remonstrance to his majesty of the necessity thereof; and that Sessions, Presbyteries and Synods, should be constituted according to the order of this church. This act was voted with great harmony; and Tra|quair declared his approbation of it, and promised that it should be ratified in the ensuing Parliament. To prevent the precipitant entry of novations for ••he future, the Assembly enacted, that no novation ••ending to disturb the peace of the church should be

proponed, till the matter had been first communi|cated to the several Sessions, Presbyteries, and Sy|nods,—that commissioners may come up prepared to give a solid determination.

Contrary to Traquair's inclination, the reports o•• the commission of the last Assembly relative to their censuring of scandalous clergymen were produced and approved. Their number amounted to eighteen; but the Assembly recommended to inferior judicato|ries to repone them and others, who had been de|posed for declining of the last Assembly, or for read|ing of the service book, upon any tolerable manifes|tation of their repentance. They next considered the Large declaration published in his majesty's name, but really composed by Dr. Balcanquel, without Charles having any knowledge of many of the facts, but by his misrepresentation. Nine ministers, the earls of Rothes, Cassils, and Lowdon, the lords Kirkcud|bright and Burleigh, and two gentlemen, were ap|pointed as a Committee to examine it. They poin|ted out eight articles dishonourable to his majesty, thirteen dishonourable to this church, thirteen dis|honourable to the nation, twenty-six gross falshoods, and four most wretched misrepresentations of their conduct. The Assembly therefore supplicated Char|les to call in the copies of it, and appoint the writers of it to be prosecuted for their calumnies. But either Traquair neglected to present their peti|tion, or Charles disregarded it.—They also autho|rised the subscription of the national covenant, as explained by the Glasgow Assembly, and besought the privy council to require it of all the subjects with due expedition. Traquair subscribed it, with a de|claration, which he said merely respected him as king's commissioner; and he promised to have their act ratified by the Parliament. They recommended to the Parliament a supplication in favours of some ministers, who had been oppressed by Huntly and other royalists, in the Highlands and Islands. They approved several overtures, bearing, That a commit|tee

should be appointed to revise all the acts of former Assemblies, that might be of general use; that the Parliament should be intreated to restrain people from going to England for irregular marriages; that com|missioners to the Assembly from remote places should have their expences furnished by the Sessions in these Presbyteries that send them; that deposed ministers demit their charges under pain of excommunication; that the acts against Papists and excommunicated per|sons, and such as frequent their company, or en|courage them, be duly executed; that a public ca|techism and order of family worship be drawn up; and that candidates presented to kirks be carefully tried with respect to their fitness for their charge.

As, by the instigation of Strafford, an oath ac|knowledging the king's supremacy in all ecclesiastical and civil causes, and an abjuration of the Scotch covenant, and all like bonds, had been imposed up|on such Scotsmen, as were found in England, and especially in Ireland, where Strafford domineered, many who had been thereby oppressed, besought the Assembly to interceed in their favours, and de|clared themselves ready to swear the oath of allegiance, or any other declaration of loyalty consistent with their covenant. The Assembly recommended this affair to the ensuing Parliament. It is observable, that many tender Christians, who fled from Ireland, to avoid the above oath, escaped the massacre, while those, who complied with it from carnal considerati|ons, were quickly stript of their lives and property by the Papists.—After appointing their next meet|ing, Mr. Dickson, in a solemn speech, represented the mixture of God's mercy and justice towards them for some time past; and that, on account of his majesty's education and misinformation, they ought always to view his conduct in the most favour|able light;—and commended Hamilton and Tra|quair for the services, which they had done this church; and recommended to ministers and elders their respective duties, in the present circumstances.

Soon after the rising of this Assembly, a solemn thanksgiving was observed through the kingdom, the causes of which were drawn up by the Presby|tery of Edinburgh.

When the Parliament met, August 31st, it was proposed to have the following articles enacted into standing laws. That the Parliament consists only of lords, barons, and burgesses; and that all act empower|ing commissioners from the kirk be rescinded; that the acts of the late Assembly relative to bygone evils and the remedies thereof, be ratified; that the whole power of naming the lords for forming the articles to be considered in Parliament, be in the three estates themselves; that the castles of Edinburgh, Dum|barton, and Stirling, be intrusted to none, but by the advice of Parliament; that the Large Declarati|on which, in his majesty's name, had so exceedingly calumniated the covenanters, be condemned; and that the privy council be subordinated to, and cen|surable by the Parliament. But Traquair the com|missioner, directed by Charles, or afraid that such deeds would enrage him, prevented their establish|ment, by proroguing the Parliament nine times in the months of September and October.—Finding themselves thus restrained, they deputed the earl•• of Lowdon and Dunfermline to implore Charles' al|lowance to proceed in their work: and meanwhile a solemn fast was observed for bewailing that their e|nemies were like to frustrate their great expectati|ons; and that oppression and violence much prevail|ed in the northern parts of the kingdom; that there were few faithful labourers in the church; and n•• due care taken of the seminaries of learning; tha•• the case of the truly poor was much overlooked▪ while sturdy beggars ranged about without controul▪ and that unthankfulness, carnal security, indolenc•• in promoting of the reformation, which they had solemnly engaged, and neglect of God's worship i•• public, private or secret, much abounded.

Informed of the approach of Dunfermline and Lowdon, and supposing that they had no commissi|on from Traquair, Charles prohibited them to come within a mile of his presence. By the Queen's, Strafford's, and Laud's influence, his private con|cessions to the covenanters at the treaty of Birks, were openly impugned, and publicly burnt by the hangman. Traquair was charged to prorogue the Parliament till the 2d of June 1640; and to declare such as should refuse to rise, guilty of high treason. When he executed his orders, November 14th, the Estates read a solemn declaration against his deed, narrating what had been done, and declaring the prorogation null and void: but that, to carry their obedience to the utmost length, that could consist with a good conscience, they would discontinue their meeting, till, by their committee, they had present|ed their remonstrances to his majesty. Commission|ers from this committee, were allowed to repair to Charles. But Traquair, to atone for the offence, which he had given by his concessions in the Assem|bly, after several attempts to divide the covenanters, or to exasperate them by his arbitrary procedure, repaired to court, and there represented their con|duct in the most odious light, and suggested, that they could only be subdued by force, some methods of which he pointed out,—and thus inflamed the Eng|lish courtiers. Dunfermline and Lowdon, and two gentlemen, were nevertheless sent up to his majesty, but directed to beware of acknowledging the English council as their judges;—to refute the misrepre|sentations of Traquair; to support the articles which had been proposed to the Parliament; to insist for a speedy recal of that court; to remonstrate against filling the castles of Edinburgh and Dumbarton with foreigners, or exacting from Scotchmen in England and Ireland any oath inconsistent with their cove|nant.—They managed their cause with great spirit, —illustrated the articles mentioned, and answered a multitude of objections made by Laud and Traquair.

After Charles and his council had, for a time, pretended a desire of agreement, that they might carry on their warlike preparations the more unob|servably, the Scotch commissioners were taken into custody, and Lowdon committed to the Tower for a letter, which they pretended, he had sent to the French king. The letter referred to had been drawn up a year before by Montrose, when Charles was marching to invade Scotland, and had been tran|scribed by Lowdon, and subscribed by them two, and the lords Mar, Montgomery, Forrester, and general Lesly; but never made use of; nor had ei|ther date or direction. One Goram getting hold of it, delivered it to Traquair, and he to Charles, who hoped to turn it to his own advantage, particularly in making a sacrifice of Lowdon, who had been a principal leader of the covenanters. Upon exami|nation, Lowdon readily acknowledged his own hand writing and subscription; but pled, that the letter was written before the late pacification, when hi•• majesty was marching to invade his native kingdom; and that, in these circumstances, they thought none so fit to interceed with him as his brother in law, than which their letter desired no more, Notwithstand|ing, Charles was determined to have him assassinated, and ordered Balfour, lieutenant of the Tower, to have his head struck off, before nine o'clock nex•• morning. After informing Lowdon, Balfour ac|quainted Hamilton with this mandate. He and Bal|four having got access to Charles, so represented to him the infamous nature of murdering a nobleman▪ to whom he had given a safe conduct, and the ter|rible consequences that might follow, that they go•• him with reluctance, to tear his warrant. Some|time after, upon promise of concealing his treat|ment, and engaging to use his utmost endeavours to dispose his countrymen to subjection, Lowdon was permitted to return home.

In November 1639, Charles and his council had resolved upon a new war with the Scots. But it was

difficult to find money to bear the expences of it Strafford subscribed for 20,000 pounds sterling, the dukes of Lennox and Richmond for as much, if not the double. Many of the English nobility and gen|try subscribed largely enough, chiefly the Papists, in|stigated by their queen. By Strafford's influence, the Irish Parliament voted about 24,000 pounds. The English clergy voted an annual compliment of 20,000. All these being insufficient, Charles was obliged to call an English Parliament to provide more; but whose stubborn commons would allow him no money, unless in the way of securing their own reli|gion and liberties, which he and his agents had fear|fully infringed. He therefore had recourse to me|thods dishonest and infamous,—which gave the co|venanters time to prepare for their own defence. Meanwhile, Charles did them all the mischief that he could. Their ships were arrested in England and Ireland; and these that were trafficking to other places were seized, and these in them barbarously imprisoned. The castle of Edinburgh was repaired and reinforced, and the garrison daily killing some of the inhabitants, or spoiling their houses. The English general had a commission to destroy the whole Scotch nation. Charles published a declaration, requiring all his subjects in England and Ireland, to take arms against them, and treat them as rebels. The Irish Parliament declared them such. Alarmed by these things, the covenanters sent Rothes and Lindsay to solicit the marquis of Hamilton to interceed for them with their king. But finding no help in man, they betook themselves to God by fasting and prayer. The Presbytery of Edinburgh, which had been desired, by the Committee of Estates, to warn the church of her approaching danger, proposed a solemn fast on ac|count of the gross ignorance, superstition, sorcery, profanation of the Lord's name and Sabbath, neglect of his worship, uncleanness, intemperance, fraud and violence, contrary to their covenants,—and on ac|count of their perplexing outward circumstances,

theeeby procured: They also spread informatory remonstrances among their friends in England, part of which were burnt by the hangmen. Nevertheless they did not begin their warlike preparations till June next year: Nor did they stir, till the Parlia|ment had concluded on the war, and appointed the general officers. These in the west did not begin their march till August.

When the Parliament met at Edinburgh, June 2, 1640, Traquair durst not attend it, as Charles' com|missioner. But the lords Elphingston and Napier, Orbiston justice clerk, and Lewis Stewart as king's advocate, were impowered in his absence to prorogue their meeting. But, upon reading their commission, Elphingston and Napier doubted of the legality of their acting without Traquair's order, and the other two could do nothing but protest. The Estates therefore voted themselves a legal Parliament, and chose lord Burleigh for their president; and enacted all the articles proposed at their former meeting, with some variations. They ordained that this and all fu|ture meetings of Parliament should consist only of noblemen, barons, and burgesses, rescinding all for|mer laws in favours of the voting of bishops or other clergymen;—that all future Parliaments shall have the power of appointing a committee for drawing up articles to be laid before them,—the members of which each Estate shall choose from among them|selves. They ratified the act of the last General As|sembly condemning bygone corruptions, and appointed the late covenant to be subscribed by all ranks under all civil pains; and particularly by members of Par|liament before admission to a seat, and by all magis|trates, ministers, and state officers, before their ad|mission. They declared, that the power of jurisdic|tion in the church stands only in Assemblies, Synods, Presbyteries, and Sessions; and revived the act of 1592, establishing Presbyterian government in all the heads of it; and rescinded all laws in favours of Pre|lacy; but, for fear of giving an handle to their ex|asperated

king, left unnoticed some former acts of Parliament establishing his ecclesiastical supremacy. They declared null and void all the censures inflicted by the late bishops or their agents; and that Presby|teries had the power of presenting ministers in these parishes, in which the bishops had claimed it; and ordained, that Presbyteries, with consent of the con|gregation, should plant these parishes, which had lain six months vacant. They prohibited the going of mills and salt pans, and the fishing of salmon on Lord's days, or the holding of fairs upon Mondays; and appointed justices of peace and kirk sessions to prevent the profanation of the Sabbath by the con|fluence of reapers, or of people to hire them in har|vest. They ratified all the former laws against Pa|pists, excommunicated persons, and such as reset them; and appointed letters of horning to be issued forth against the bishops and other excommunicated persons. They approved the Assembly's supplication against the large declaration, and ordered the authors and spreaders of it to be punished as guilty of lease-making and sowing division between his majesty and his loyal subjects. They enacted, That a free Par|liament should be held once, or oftener, in every three years; that the castles of Edinburgh, Dum|barton, and Stirling, should be intrusted only to natives, well affected to king and country; that none should vote in Parliament by proxy; that none should be nobilitated, who had not ten thousand marks of yearly rent in the kingdom; that the Lords should no more be distinguished into temporal and spiritual; that the privy council should be accountable to his majesty and Parliament, and be punishable for giving wrong counsel. They declared null and void all un|lawful proclamations issued in his majesty's name, since the commencement of the late troubles; and that the antient acts of Parliament forbidding leagues and conventions among the subjects, did not extend to such as were made for the preservation of the king's life or authority, or of the religion, laws, and li|berties

of the kingdom. They appointed twelve no|blemen, sixteen barons, and twelve burgesses, as •• committee to give directions concerning the impend|ing war; and appointed a tenth of all land and house rents, and a twentieth of all interest of money, to be raised for carrying it on; and that the heirs, of such as should be slain in the defence of their religion and country, should have a free entry to what belonged to them. They further appointed all the subjects to subscribe a bond for the maintenance and defence o•• the acts of this Parliament; appointed general offi|cers for their army; and passed a sentence of forfei|ture upon general Ruthven for refusing to deliver up the castle of Edinburgh, and for the daily mischie•• he did to the city. After nine days, the Parliament rose; and their committee sent a copy of their acts to lord Lanerk secretary for Scotch affairs,—and sug|gested, that if the violences offered to their persons and goods without the kingdom, were not quickly repressed, they behoved to provide for their own deliverance and safety,—and assigned the reasons o•• their conduct.—But Charles was so far from being sa|tisfied, that he considered their parliamentary proce|dure, as a blow at the root of his authority.

The General Assembly met at Aberdeen, July 28th, 1640; and, after enacting some rules for the ordering of their own meetings, they ordained, That all monuments of idolatry, particularly in the north, should be destroyed; that the laws against witches and charmers should be carefully executed; that such as should speak against the covenant after they had taken it, should be censured; that candidates for the ministry, who refused to subscribe it, should be declared incapable of teaching children, reading in kirks, preaching within Presbyteries, or residing in burghs, universities, or colleges,—and should be processed as scandalous, if they continued obstinate. They appointed a solemn fast upon the 28th of Au|gust, on account of their distressed circumstances. As in this northern Assembly, there were many cler|gymen,

who either did not believe Prelacy and the Articles of Perth to be sinful in themselves, or were unwilling to acknowledge them as such, they did not attack the doctors of Aberdeen in their adhe|rence to these; but found them guilty of Arminia|nism. Dr. Forbes was spared for the time, on ac|count of his ingenuity; and Scroggs on account of his health; but Sibbald, tenaciously adhering to his errors, was deposed.

An affair relative to praying societies, gave them much more trouble. During their want of faithful ministers, many serious people, in Scotland and Ire|land, had met together on Sabbaths and other occa|sions, for prayer and spiritual conference. Some, before they were driven from Ireland, had been a little infected with Brownism from England, and had inclined to join the Independents in New England. These brought along with them some of their singu|larities, which were overlooked, on account of their remarkable piety, till an appearance thereof happen|ed in the charge of Henry Guthry of Stirling, after|ward worthless bishop of Dunkeld. The laird of Lecky, a man remarkable for knowledge and serious godliness, and who had been a distinguished sufferer under the late bishops, much encouraged fellowship meetings for prayer and Christian conference. Seve|ral of his neighbours, who could not read themselves, or who thought his manner more edifying than their own, attended his family worship. Some, who pro|bably came as spies, alledged, that in prayer he used some expressions not duly honourable to Guthry his minister. Guthry immediately prosecuted Lecky be|fore his Presbytery, and got fellowship meetings con|demned as prejudicial to the standing office of the ministry, and got the magistrates to extirpate them from the place. Not satisfied with this, he laboured to have them utterly abolished from the nation; and by collecting and exaggerating reports of their, im|prudences, he drew Mr. Henderson and Mr. Calder|wood, who had seen the Brownistical disorders in

Holland, and some other leading clergymen, to his side. In the Assembly 1638, he had attempted to foist in a complaint against these meetings. But Messrs. J. Livingston, S. Rutherfoord, and D. Dick|son, and others, unwilling that many serious saints should be publicly discredited for the imprudence of a few, got the affair kept from any public hearing; and it was agreed, that Guthry should preach up the duty of family worship, upon which he said these meetings encroached, and that the eminently pious Messrs. Blair, Livingston, and M'Lellan, who be|friended such societies, should preach against night meetings, and the abuses complained of. Their soft and Christian methods of correcting or preventing such abuses not pleasing Guthry, who hated to see or hear of any others more serious than himself, he continued to exclaim against these meetings in gene|ral. To quench this flame of contention, Messrs. Henderson and Borthwick upon the one side, and Dickson and Blair upon the other, held a solemn con|ference on the point. Henderson drew up a paper of regulations or caveats for such meetings, bearing, That the members should be few, and such as were proper to meet together; that the meetings should not interfere with public or family worship or relative duties, nor be held is the night; that they should be occasional, and no wise tending to separate the members from the rest of the congregation; that no impertinent questions or uncharitable judging of o|thers should be allowed in them; that if any mem|bers in them had any objection against the common form of public worship, (as bowing in the pulpit, and singing the Gloria Patri) they should discreetly lay them before the persons concerned; and finally, that all things relative to them should be conducted with holiness, prudence, humility, and charity. This gave general satisfaction. But Guthry and his assis|tants pretending, that caveats brought in bishops, pushed the matter into this northern Assembly, in which they expected their friends to be strongest.

Guthry poured forth torrents of accusation against the absent Lecky, and the society meetings. Sim|son of Bathgate seconded him; and in the most out|ragious manner upbraided Rutherfoord, Livingston, and M'Lellan, as encouragers of them. Supported by the earl of Seaforth, and many of the northern clergy, Guthry and his faction thought to have car|ried an act for the utter suppression of them. But Dickson, Bailie, Rutherfoord, and others, so warmly opposed them, that they could only get it enacted, That people should observe family worship with the members of the family alone; that reading of pray|ers is lawful, where none can pray extempore; that none but preachers shall explain scripture; and that no innovation relative to the time, matter or manner of religious worship, or the number or quality of joiners in it, be introduced without allowance from the Assembly.

Meanwhile, Charles and the covenanters prepared for war of another kind, and laboured to divert the blame of it from themselves. Charles loudly com|plained, that they, by their own authority, had rais|ed forces, provided large stores of artillery, and im|posed taxes; that they had published scandalous pa|pers, under pretence of informing the English; had refused materials for the reparation of the castle of Edinburgh; had committed violence upon some of the garrison, and prepared to block them up; had imprisoned lord Southesk and others for their loyal|ty; had written to the French king for assistance; and that the magistrates of Edinburgh had, on seve|ral occasions, refused due obedience. The covenan|ters pled, That they had done nothing but what his majesty's refusals to grant their just and humble peti|tions for redress of grievances, and the violences committed by persons pretending his orders, had o|bliged them to; that they had granted favours to those in the castle of Edinburgh, notwithstanding the unprovoked injuries, murders, and violences which they had suffered from them; that they had

but protected Southesk and his fellows from the vio|lence of the mob; that the council and citizens of Edinburgh had done every thing in their power, as faithful and humble servants; that they never in|tended to ask any assistance from the French king, far less to subject themselves to his authority, but merely desired to prevent his taking offence at them, and helping to destroy them, and designed to suppli|cate his mediation in their favours, in order that an unnatural war might be prevented; that they had nevet sent him the letter referred to, nor so much as ever directed or dated it; that they reckoned it a notorious breach of the law of nations, to have their deputies, under his majesty's safe conduct, im|prisoned by him, and Lowdon, who had no more hand in the above mentioned letter than others, pu|nished, without so much as a form of trial.

Argyle being appointed to deal with the disaffect|ed chieftains and clans of the north, invaded the ter|ritories of the earl of Athol, apprehended himself and fourteen other principal loyalists,—and obliged his vassals to pay the contributions required by the Parliament, together with 10,000 pound Scots, for the support of his army, which had been raised on their account. He used the territories of Airly in much the same manner. But it doth not appear, that ever he allowed any thing to be taken from the people, but the common tax, and that which he found necessary for the subsistence of his troops. Robert Monro, who was dispatched against the mar|quis of Huntly, earl of Aboyn, and Sir James Ogil|vy of Bamff, was not so delicate. He, at his own hand, imposed the covenant upon such as he thought disaffected, and remitted about forty of the citizens of Aberdeen and gentlemen about, prisoners to E|dinburgh. He turned Huntly's palace into a garri|son, and destroyed Sir James' mansion house, and wherever he came, seized on the effects of the roy|alists.

The march of the English required the covenan|••ers to meet them in a proper place. They found no ••uch difficulty in levying men or money, as Charles ••id. Instigated by the preachers, every fourth man ••as ready to take arms on a call. Such as had mo|••ey, cheerfully lent it upon the public security of ••he Committee of Estates, and others gave their fil••er vessels to be coined. The women readily contri|••uted their yarn and cloth for the service of the ••roops, in tents or the like. In their march, such ••s could, carried thirty or forty days provision along ••ith them. Every regiment had a minister attend|••ng it, of whom Messrs. Henderson, Blair, Livingston, Bailie, Cant, and G. Gillespy were the most noted. ••n the beginning of August, they assembled at Dunse, ••bout 25,000, and for three weeks continued on the ••order, learning to handle their weapons, and pre|••aring for an entrance into eternity. At their ap|pointed times for private worship, nothing was to be ••eard but singing of psalms, reading of scripture, ••nd prayer to God, in their tents. At first the co|••enanters had resolved not to enter into England. But the English nobility, having informed their late ••ommissioners at London, how averse their nation was from the war, and encouraged them to a bold prosecution of their righteous cause, and Lord Sack|••ille, and one Darley, having written letters to ••ome of them, in name of a number of the English nobility, whose subscription he forged, encouraging ••hem to enter England, as they might expect, that the English would not only take the opportunity to ••nsist for a redress of their own and their grievances, but would assist them with men and money, as soon as they entered England, and send them home libe|rally recompensed for their labour;—and sometime after, having received another letter upbraiding them for their slackness to enter into that country, and suggesting, that it had lost them 10,000 pounds ster|ling, which was prepared for them; and that Char|les' troops had neither money nor an inclination to

resist them. Knowing that there was much truth •• these missives, they resolved to march into England▪ but, to prepare their way, they dispersed two diff••+rent papers of information,—in the first of which they shewed, That their march into England w•• necessary, in order to avoid the maintenance of tw•• armies on their border, and to secure their trade an•• the administration of justice at home; that it w•••• merely defensive, as his majesty's promises former•• made to them had been notoriously violated, an•• their commissioners refused a hearing at court, t•••• a war against them was resolved upon; that the Pa••+liaments of England and Ireland had been conveene•• to grant subsidies for making war upon them; tha•• his majesty had already begun a war upon them, i•• seizing their ships and goods, and in the murder o•• several inhabitants of Edinburgh by his garrison i•• the castle; that they were ready to lay down thei•• arms as soon as they could obtain a sure peace;—tha•• the Lord, by their march into England, might per+haps lead to the abolishment of Prelacy there, from whence it had come to them; that they did not marc•• against the kingdom of England, but against arch+bishop Laud's faction of Papists, Atheists, Armini|ans, and Prelatists, who misled his majesty, an•• were enemies to both kingdoms; and therefore the•• hope their English brethren will not refuse them victuals for money; that they did not come to com+mit disloyalty against their sovereign, or to enrich themselves with plunder, but to do the kingdom what good they could, in the regular punishment o•• those that had troubled them; and that the long prayed for uniformity in reformation might be pro|moted. In the other, they shewed what injuries had been done them, and that they entered England, in order to promote the regular punishment of Laud▪ Strafford, and other incendiaries, and the securing of their own religion and liberties. And they en|gage to return home, as soon as these ends shall be gained.

God rendered the day of the covenanters solemn ••st, Aug. 28th, remarkable for a strange mixture of ••ercy and judgment. On it, their troops routed ••out five or eight thousand English, that were post|•••• at the ford of Newburn to prevent their passage ••••er the Tine, with the loss of about twelve persons, ••••d the wounding of a few others; which spread ••••ch a terror among Charles' army, that they preci|••••antly retired from Newcastle and places about, to ••urham. The sickness and death, which prevailed •• the castle of Dumbarton, made the garrison glad •• deliver it up to the covenanters. The English gar|••••••on of Berwick came to Dunse with a considerable ••••mber of carts to carry off the Scotch artillery and ••amunition; but the earl of Haddington coming up ••••th them, sent them back laden with nothing but ••••eir own dead and wounded. Returning to the ••••stle of Dunglass, his English servant, probably ••ibed by the garrison of Berwick, set fire to a ma|••••zine of powder, and blew up the fort, in which ••••e earl and his brother, ten gentlemen, and fifty-••••ur servants, instantly perished; and about thirty ••••ners were grievously wounded. The alarm given •• the noise, made the people in Fife and Lothian to •• up their beacons. Imagining that this was occa|••••••ned by the king's fleet coming up the Forth for ••••eir relief, the garrison in the castle of Edinburgh ••roused so heartily as to consume most of their ••••ovisions, and were obliged next Sabbath to sur|••••nder that fort.

After premitting a declaration of their peaceful ••entions, the covenanters took possession of New-••••stle, in which they found 5000 stand of arms:— ••nd while Charles' troops fled faster before them ••••an they were pursued, they, though flushed with ••••nquest, in an humble supplication, represented to ••••m, after what manifold sufferings, necessity had ••••liged them to march into England, and how harm|ly they had behaved in it, and earnestly insisted, ••••at he, with advice of his English Parliament, would

redress their grievances, that they might cheerful•• obey him as their native sovereign, and his thron•• be established among them. Charles had treate•• this with the utmost contempt, if another, subscri••+ed by thirteen of the English nobility, complainin•• of their grievances, and insisting for redress, ha•• not been presented to him about four hours after •• for which the lords Howard and Wharton had bee•• immediately shot at the head of the army, had n•••• Hamilton got him convinced, that it would occasio•• a general mutiny, if not total revolt of the troop•• Charles proudly disdained to answer the covenante petition himself, but being afraid of their approac•• toward his camp, he ordered Lanerk, Hamilton brother, to require them to mark their particul•••• grievances, and he would call a Parliament at Yo•• to advise an answer to them; and to command the•• to march no further into England, if they wished f•••• any reconcilement. The committee of their arm•• quickly replied to Lanerk, That they insisted, th•• the acts of their last Parliament should be publish•••• in his majesty's name, as well as of the Estates; th•• the castles and forts of the kingdom should be us•• for their security; that none of their countrymen▪ England or Ireland should have any oaths impos•••• upon them inconsistent with their covenant; th•• notour incendiaries should be brought to public ju••+tice; that their ships and goods should be restore•• with recompence of damage; that all the wrongs whic•• have been done to them, be fully recompensed; th•• all proclamations of them, as traitors, be recalled that all garrisons on the borders, and all other hi••+derances of free trade, be removed.

Last year, Montrose, who had been once a zealo•• covenanter, instigated by his envy of general Lesly•• promotion, had shewed an inclination to desert •• the king; at this time a treacherous letter of his w•••• discovered. But, as he begged forgiveness of h•••• rashness, and it was suspected, that lords Drummon▪ Boyd, Fleming, and some others, were also unfait••+ful,

Lesly, with some of the ministers, got the mat|••er made up, that no breach might happen in so ••ritical a juncture. As the English doubly rated the provisions, which they sold to them, Lesly ordered ••he town of Newcastle to afford his army 200 pounds worth of victuals a day, Northumberland 300, and ••he county of Durham 350, for ready money or good ••ecurity. But the English collectors sometimes exac|••ed the double of what they gave to the army, and ••aid the heaviest burdens on the puritans, to provoke ••hem against their Presbyterian brethren. English vagabonds put on blue bonnets, and plundered the country in name of Scotsmen. The servants of such clergymen, as had run off from their charges, robbed ••hem of that which was left to their keeping, and then, perhaps by their master's direction, laid the blame on the Scots. Loud complaints of these things were made to Charles, who delighted to receive ••hem. But the covenanters quickly manifested their innocence.

It scarcely appears, that Charles really intended a pacification. Instead thereof, he laboured to increase his army, procure provisions, and furnish his garri|sons, and required all the trained bands northward of the river Trent to be ready to march upon a day's warning. It was reported, that Strafford had sent for ten thousand Irish Papists to join him. Lesly therefore demanded four or five thousand recruits from Scotland, which, with a band of gentlemen from Argyleshire, immediately marched to his assis|tance. But the English peers, meeting at York upon September 24th, appointed eight earls and as many lords to treat with the Scots. The earls of Morton, Traquair, and Lanerk, with Sir Lewis Stewart and Henry Vane, were appointed their assistants. But the Scots would not admit them. The earls of Rothes, Lowdon, and Dunfermline, A. Hender|son, and Archibald Johnston, and six gentlemen, were commissioners from the covenanters. After some conferences at Rippon, the place of treaty was

transferred to London, and a cessation of arms was immediately agreed upon, providing that the Scotch army should have 850 pounds Sterling per day allow|ed them for subsistence, till the treaty should be fi|nished; that no fortification should be erected on ei|ther side; that the river Tees should be the boun|daries between the two armies, unless the Scot•• should be obliged to appoint detachments to collect the contributions allotted them on the south side of it.

After several months, the treaty was finished, and the English Parliament agreed to it, August 7th▪ 1641. It imported, That all the acts of the las•• Parliament at Edinburgh should be published, and have the same force of law as any other acts of Par|liament; that all the forts of Scotland should be fur|nished with the advice of the Estates of Parliament▪ that all censures inflicted for taking of the nationa•• covenant should be annulled, and none hereafter in|flicted; that only such Scots as fettled in England should be subjected to the laws of it; that the Par|liament should have full power to prosecute all evi•• counsellors and delinquents; that none disqualified by sentence of Parliament, shall be admitted to his majesty's service or friendship; that all ships and goods seized by either party be restored, and dama|ges be refunded; that thirty thousand pounds ster|ling be paid to the Scots to indemnify their loss in this war; that all proclamations and pamphlets re|presenting them as rebels or undutiful subjects, be re|called and suppressed, and their loyalty published from all the pulpits in his majesty's dominions, upon the day of solemn thanksgiving for the peace; tha•• the garrisons be removed from Berwick and Carlisle▪ that the Scots desire of an uniformity in church go+vernment and worship was approved, and the Eng+lish Parliament would proceed in that matter, as the•• found most conducible to the glory of God and th•• peace of the church and state in both nations; tha•• his majesty, or the Prince of Wales, shall visit Scot|land

as soon as possible; that he prefer none to offi|ces without the recommendation, or at least consent of the Parliament, privy council, or college of jus|tice; that some Scotsmen be placed about him; and none but such as are of the reformed religion, a|bout either himself or the prince; that all that hath happened in the late troubles be buried in everlasting oblivion, except that the Scots bishops, Traquair, Sir Robert Spotswood, Sir John Hay, and Mr. Wal|••er Balcanquel, shall be prosecuted as incendiaries; that no war shall be declared against any of the three kingdoms, but with consent of Parliament; and such as without such consent make war upon their fellow subjects, shall be prosecuted as traitors by both the nations concerned; that the Scotch Parliament, which shall meet to ratify this treaty, have full power to sit till they finish their business, unless they ad|journ with their own consent; and that none who commit a crime in one part of his majesty's domini|ons shall be protected in another.

Meanwhile, the Assembly met at St. Andrews, July 20th, 1641; but adjourned to Edinburgh, be|cause many of the members behoved to attend the approaching Parliament. In favours of Mr. Howie of the college of St. Andrews and others, they enac|ted, that superannuated ministers should enjoy their benefices for life.—They established some rules for the universities, and appointed every Presbytery to maintain a bursar at the college; and Mr. Hender|son recommended it to the city of Edinburgh, and other principal burghs, to maintain some students of distinguished abilities at some foreign university, as thereby themselves or the church might be pro|vided to the greater advantage. They appointed, that the utmost care should be taken of the religious conversation of candidates for the ministry; and that none should be allowed to preach in another Presbytery, without testimonials from that which had licensed him. The flame relative to fellowship meetings for prayer and spiritual conference, had

still continued. Lecky and his friends, insisted for preferring an accusation against Guthry their leading antagonist, and to have the act of the preceding Assembly, which respected their meetings, cancelled, Guthry and his partizans were no less eager to sup|port it, or, if possible, to make it worse. The mi|nisters of Edinburgh, were generally for a total sup|pression of all private meetings for religion, except these of families. Many of the citizens were no less zealous to preserve praying societies, and to have the act of the Aberdeen Assembly either repealed or explained. The court found themselves obliged to cancel that act, as if it had never existed, and to substitute another in its room, which imported, that all ministers and others should labour to restrain all impiety and all mocking at religious exercises, or casting of odious names upon godly persons; and that on the other hand, great care should be taken, lest, under pretence of religious meetings and exer|cises, error, scandal, schism, or any thing contrary to peace or truth, should be cherished, or the duties of particular callings neglected; and appointed that Presbyteries or Synods, should censure the transgres|sors of this on either hand. By another act, they prohibited the introduction of any novelty in doc|trine, worship, or government, till it was first al|lowed by the General Assembly. Being desired by the Parliament, they examined the bond, which Montrose, and some other treacherous covenanters, had subscribed, and of which the Parliament had burnt the original,—and declared it unlawful and un|binding, as it was contrary to their former engage|ments to do nothing without common consent, and as it tends to promote division: but gave it as their opinion, that such subscribers as should, under their hand, acquiesce in this judgment, should be no fur|ther troubled. The lords Seaforth, Kinghorn, and laird of Lowr immediately complied, as did most of the other subscribers afterward. They offered their mediation for Montrose and some other subscribers

who it seems did not submit; but the Parliament re|fused it.—Being informed, that the Independents at London pretended, that Messrs. Dickson and Cant were inwardly of their sentiments, the Assembly un|animously declared their rejection of Independency as contrary to the national covenant; and appointed Mr. Henderson to inform their London friends, that they were all of one heart and soul against Indepen|dency, as well as against Prelacy.—To promote an easy correspondence with the reformed churches a|broad, they appointed the Scotch minister of Camp|••ere in Holland, and an elder from his session, to be members of each Assembly. Mr. Henderson hav|ing moved the drawing up of a Confession of faith, Catechism, Directory for worship, and Form of church government, in which it might be hoped, the Eng|lish would agree with them, his motion was em|braced; and Mr. Dickson the moderator and such assistants as he pleased were enjoined to form them. But he resolutely declined the task as too difficult. A committee was appointed for reforming the wild Highlands, and the Isles, from their remaining hea|thenish and Popish abominations; and a commissi|on to finish such work as they had not got overtaken.

The Parliament of 1640, had been adjourned from time to time, till July 15th, 1641, when 39 noblemen, 49 barons, and 57 representatives of burghs met; but resolved to transact no important business, till his majesty should come down in the following month. Nevertheless, they formed over|tures for regulating their meetings. They concerted measures for prosecuting Traquair, Sir R. Spotswood, Sir John Hay, Walter Balcanquel, and Dr. Maxwel late bishop of Ross, as incendiaries; and Montrose, lord Napier, Sir G. Stirling of Keir, and Sir Lewis Stewart of Blackhall, for plotting to undermine their fellow covenanters. A scurrilous libel against his country, and in defence of his divisive bond, drawn up by Montrose's direction, was read, and he was

required to subscribe a recantation of it. Such of th•• above criminals, as could be apprehended, were im|prisoned; and lord Lowdon's labour to excuse them as far as he could, almost rendered himself suspected▪ —It plainly appeared, that Montrose had slandered the marquis of Argyle, as having publicly talked to Athole and other eight of his late prisoners, tha•• he and his friends had consulted lawyers and divine concerning the dethronement of his majesty, and had thought of doing it at their preceding Parlia|ment, but would do it at the next.—Montrose gave up Stewart, commissary of Dunkeld, as his inform|er, who at first acknowledged, under his hand, tha•• he had done so. But, being prosecuted, he said that he had invented the story out of mere malic•• against Argyle; and that, by the advice of Mon+trose, Napeir, Keir, and Blackball, he had trans+mitted a subscribed copy of his forged speech to hi•• majesty.—They also, at the Assembly's desire, or+dered all misrepresentations of the covenanters, t•• be erazed from the minutes of the privy council.

Being at last come up to the Parliament, along with prince Frederick Palatine his nephew, Charles after his speech, offered to touch with his sceptr•• the 39 acts of the preceding Parliament. But the sagacious members, perceiving that he thus intend|ed to mark these acts as formerly destitute of lega•• authority, and so unhinge the late treaty, and al•• that was before done in prosecution of these acts▪ warded off the blow, and pled that the validity o•• these acts had been already secured by the Treaty, and nothing remained for his majesty, but to con|sent to their publication. Upon the 18th of Au|gust, they enacted, That all the members, before taking their seats, should swear the national covenant and bond of 1638, as explained to abjure prelacy and the articles of Perth, together with an oath, bind|ing them to reason and vote, as they judged mos•• conducive to the glory of God and the peace of this church and kingdom, and to defend to the uttermos••

his majesty's person, honour, and estate, together with the rights of Parliament and subjects, and to preserve the union and peace between the kingdoms of Scotland, England, and Ireland; and, by all proper methods, labour to bring to condign punish|ment all such as had, or should do any thing contra|ry to the purity of religion, or the laws, liberties, or peace of the nation. By this act, they hoped to exclude all the malignants, who hated the covenant|ing interest. But the duke of Lennox, marquis of Hamilton, and earls of Morton, Roxburgh, Anan|dale, Kinnoul, Lauderdale, Perth, Lanerk, Gallo|way, and Dumfries, after some demur, yielded to the terms, and so the number of peers was increased to forty-eight. Profane Carnwath alone chose ra|ther to want his seat, than to swear oaths, which he had no intention to keep. Charles subscribed the treaty of Rippon and London, and the Parliament so|lemnly approved it by an act, which they transmit|ted under the Great Seal to the Parliament of Eng|land. That same day, Charles and they appointed the 39 acts of the Parliament last year to be published as bearing authority from the moment in which they were framed. They appointed a solemn thanksgiv|ing on the 7th or September, of which the General Assembly drew up the reasons. The thanks of the Parliament were given to the commissioners, who had formed the Treaty; and a complimentary re|ward appointed to general Lesly and Mr. Henderson.

The malignant enemies of the pure religion and full liberties of the kingdom, cherished by Charles, who one day came to Parliament attended by 500 of them, laboured to traduce the marquisses of Hamil|ton and Argyle. But the affair was got compromised; and even Montrose, Napier, Keir, Blackhall, presi|dent Spotswood, Hay, and Monro, who had deli|vered to Goram the letter, which had occasioned so much trouble and danger to Lowdon, were liberated upon security for their good behaviour, and their compearance for trial, before the Committe of Estates

in January next. The Parliament voted 10,000 men to prince Frederic, for enabling him to recover his Electorate in Germany from the Popish oppressors. But the breaking out of the Popish massacre of the Protestants in Ireland prevented the execution of this, and obliged his majesty to post off to London, as soon as this Parliament ended. The Parliament appointed a solemn fast upon the 2d and 4th Sabbaths of No|vember, of which the Commission of the Assembly drew up the reasons. Another fast was observed in the ensuing March, but by whose appointment we know not; nor that any general fast or thanksgiving was ob|served, of which the church did not at least drawn up the reasons. They also enacted, That none should go to England to be married, without proclamation of banns, under severe penalties; that besides formerly required qualifications, all patrons should subscribe the national covenant; that all monuments of idolatry should be abolished, and Presbyteries should see to have them removed out of churches, colleges, cha|pels, and other public places; that excommunicated persons, or persons who did not communicate at their own parish church, at least once a year, should be prosecuted according to their respective ranks; that such as caused their mills or salt pans to go, or hired reapers, or sold goods on the Lord's day, or other|wise profaned it, should be severely punished. They disposed of the bishops rents chiefly to the universi|ties, and to some nobility and gentry. They made some acts for payment of the public debt, which had been contracted in the late war, and in favours of orphans and fatherless children, and for the admini|stration of justice and encouragement of trade and manufactures. They approved the conduct of Ar|gyle, now made a Marquis by his majesty, and other commissioners in the late war; appointed a Commit|tee for preservation of the peace between the two kingdoms, and appointed next meeting of Parliament in June 1644, unless his majesty pleased to call one before that time.

Upon Charles' return to London, his bishops loud|•••• reproached him as undoing in an instant all that ••imself and his father had, with no small difficulty, ••stablished in many years. The differences between ••im and his English Parliament having become very ••ride, the Scotch commissioners, who had gone up ••o concert measures for sending their troops to Ire|••and, to check the Popish murderers, who, about that ••ime, massacred two or three hundred thousand of ••heir Protestant neighbours, offered their mediation. Charles, highly displeased, commanded them not to interfere with him and his English Parliament, without first communicating their proposals to him. Having sent off 6000 forces to Ireland, under gene|ral Monro, the breaking out of the civil war in Eng|••and, obliged them to retain the other 4000 intend|ed for it, at home. By the influence of Montrose, and other Bonders, Charles laboured to cause the Scotch privy council, to threaten the English Par|liament with their assistance of him: but the cove|nanters, by their counter supplications, prevented it.

When the Assembly met at St. Andrews, July 27th, 1642, a report, that Montrose and his fellow Bonders, intended to force them to declare, that the national covenant favoured the making of war upon the English Parliament, caused so many of the covenanted nobles to attend, that no such thing durst be attempted. The Assembly appointed, that the minutes of Synods should be tried by the Assembly; that transported ministers should not undergo new trials; that, in consequence of his majesty's concessi|on, six candidates for a vacant charge in the low coun|try, and as many as can be had for one in the High|lands, be nominated by the Presbytery, with con|sent of the most, or best of the congregation, to the patron, out of which he must present one. Argyle and some other patrons offered to give up their right of presentation, if ministers would promise to insist for no augmentation of stipends; but they would not consent. The Assembly also established some

rules for reclaiming of Papists, non-communicants, and profaners of the Sabbath, and for family wor|ship, catechising, &c; and for delating of adulter|ers, wizards, and the like, to the civil magistrate; and for burdening and limiting transportation of mi|nisters; and for settling of schools; and for sending over ministers to the remains of their Protestant brethren in the north of Ireland, who had earnestly petitioned for them; they prohibited the taking of contrary oaths in the purgation of adulterers, forni|cators and the like,—and all slandering of ministers, or using of their names in public papers, without their consent. They appointed a committee to visit the isles of Orkney and Shetland, in order to reform them from their heathenish and Popish corruptions▪ and to regulate the universities of St. Andrews and Glasgow; and made an act for the suppression o•• Popery, and monuments of idolatry in the north▪ They erected a new Presbytery at Biggar, and joined that of Sky to the Synod of Argyle. They appoin|ted a general contribution for the Protestants in Ire+land. And, as both Charles and his English Parlia|ment had courted their favour, they, without sidin•• themselves, urged both to promote a reformation o•• England in public worship and church governmen•• and supplicated the privy council to concur wit•• them herein, and appointed a public fast and pray+er, that the Lord might succeed their project.

Some noblemen, who had been commissioned t•• beseech his majesty, to give satisfaction to his Eng+lish Parliament, being very ill used by him and h•••• party, and the letters transmitted to them broke•• up, were therefore recalled. Meanwhile, Hamilton Montrose, and other Bonders, finding it impossibl•• to arm the nation in general against the English Par+liament, concerted with Charles, how to raise a•• army in the north, and seduce general Monro an•• his troops to their party; and at least make the ea•••• of Antrim accommodate matters with the Irish P••+pists, and then transport an army of them into En••+••and

for his assistance against his Parliament. But Montrose, refusing to serve under Hamilton, their ••eproaches of each other manifested part of their de|••ign, and the rest appeared from missives found up|••n Antrim, when he was providentially apprehen|••ed by a Scotch officer near Carrickfergus; and ••rom the examination of him and his servant. In|••tigated by the Popish Queen, Montrose carried on his work in the north, and got all the chiefs, Ogil|••••ys, and Gordons, to subscribe an association in fa|vours of Charles. But, lord Marshal refusing to concur, and even persuading Huntly to recal his sub|scription, gave a check to this project. Montrose therefore courted the favour of the covenanters, who, he hoped, would put more trust in him, than his new friends had done. But new proofs of his villany made them also to despise him.

Charles' troops had almost defeated those of the Parliament at Edgehill in October, and had entirely routed them, had not Balfour a Scotch officer, with his battalion at the head of the foot, made a gallant defence, while prince Rupert of the Palatinate drove the cavalry before him. The Scotch managers lay|••ng their account, that his majesty, after he had subdued his English opponents, would turn his victo|rious arms against them, ordered Lowdon their chan|cellor to issue forth warrants for calling a Convention of Estates, in order to put the country into a proper posture of defence. Notwithstanding all that Ha|milton and Sir Lewis Stewart could say, they voted ••hemselves a legal Convention. Charles being in|formed of their meeting, by his missives limited their ••eliberations to the supply of their army in Ireland, ••he procuring of the arrears due to them from the English, and the preventing of groundless jealousies of himself, and restricted them from doing any thing ••owards raising forces for the English Parliament. ••nstigated by the earl of Derby, Morton, Roxburgh, Kimoul, Lanerk, Annandale and Carnwath, wrote ••o the queen, that unless his majesty detached three

or four thousand of his troops to Scotland, that coun|try would probably be lost to him. The English Parliament having intercepted this letter, remitted i•• to the Convention. Upon which these lords sub+mitted, and promised to interfere no further wit•• the English affairs, and were all excused, excep•• Carnwath, who appeared to have accused his coun+trymen to the king as rebels, and their commissio+ners as favourers of the rebellion in England, in or+der to ruin him and his children. He fled, and wa•• fined in 10,000 pounds Scots for the public service▪

The affecting sermons and edifying behaviour o•• the Scotch ministers, who had attended their com+missioners at the making of the late Treaty at Lon+don, had rendered many of the English puritans fon•• of the nearest union and conformity in religious ma••+ters with the Scots. A correspondence for that e••+fect had ever since subsisted. Their distress, sinc•• the battle of Edgehill, had rendered a league wit•• the Scots most necessary. After some warning, th•• commissioners from the English Parliament, attend+ed by Messrs. Marshal and Nye from the Westmin+ster Assembly, came to Edinburgh in the beginnin•• of August 1643, in order to solicit an amicable an•• religious league. Meanwhile, the Assembly met an•• received a letter from Charles, indorsed to Sir Thom•••• Hope, lord advocate, and those conveened with him. No••+withstanding his majesty's shyness to acknowledg•• them an Assembly, they boldly censured the ministe•• of Auchterarder, for refusing to publish the declar••+tion emitted against the cross petition of the Bonde•• in which they had urged the privy council to publi•• his majesty's reasons for making war on his Engli•••• Parliament, without publishing their vindication▪ long with it. Instigated by Archibald Johnsto•• who had lately been made a knight, they suggest•• to the Convention of Estates, That, as the kin•• war with his English Parliament was directed again•••• the reformation of religion, the Protestant faith w•••• in danger; that the English had helped them ••

••heir distress; that if the serious part of the church of England be ruined, that of Scotland cannot expect long to survive; that the intended uniformity of discipline and worship between the two kingdoms, would much strengthen the Protestant interest in ge|neral; and that his majesty's actions had so often contradicted his promises, that they could not trust him. They enacted, That professors of divinity, being ministers, might be chosen commissioners to the Assembly, either by the university or Presbytery; that there should be no burials in churches where God is worshipped, and his sacraments dispensed. They appointed a new supply of ministers for the north of Ireland, and a committee to inquire into the nature and proper remedies of witchcraft, for which many about this time were delated and burnt; and that ministers and magistrates should search for all books calculated to promote separation from pas|tors; and that all sentences of supreme judicatories should remain in force till repealed by themselves; that no deposed clergymen should be reponed, but by the advice of the Assembly; and they con|firmed all former acts for the sanctification of the Sabbath, and that masters should be censured, who permitted their servants to transgress.—As the customary repetition of the doxology and Gloria patri at the end of public worship and kneeling in the pulpit, had offended not a few of the godly, Messrs. Henderson moderator, D. Dickson, and D. Calder|wood, were appointed to draw up a directory for the worship of God. Finding it difficult to procure candidates with the Gaelic language for the high|lands, they appointed such students as could speak it, to be preferred in the bestowing of bursaries, and in order to get the highlands and isles supplied as well as the low country while probationers were scarce, they besought his majesty to accept of a list of three candidates for a vacancy in the low country, and of one in the highlands, in order to a presentation. All the commissioners from burghs and shires, having

supplicated an abolishment of Patronage, it was re|commended to Presbyteries to devise a proper plan of settling congregations, which might remove all contests between patrons, Presbyteries, and people. They prohibited all ministers, having landed estates, to sit members in the Parliament or Convention. They appointed the earl of Huntly to be admonished for his neglect of family worship, his not communi|cating, and his retaining of Popish servants. They excommunicated Roger Lindsay for blasphemy, and appointed John Seaton to put from his house, a wo|man with whom it was suspected, he kept a criminal correspondence. They agreed upon a religious and solemn covenant with the English Parliamentarians; and, at the request of the Westminster Assembly, ap|pointed Messrs. A. Henderson, R. Douglas, S. Ru|therfoord, R. Bailie, and G. Gillespie ministers, the earl of Cassils, lord Maitland, afterwards earl of Lauderdale, and Archibald Johnston, now a lord of session, by the name of Warriston, ruling elders, to join them.

After the Assembly and Convention of Estates had approved of the solemn league and covenant, it was transmitted to London, and with some small altera|tions approved by the Assembly, and both houses of Parliament. Being remitted to Edinburgh, the Commission of the General Assembly, Oct. 11th, appointed it to be sworn and subscribed through the whole church, and, by missives to Presbyteries, di|rected them how to forward the same. In conse|quence hereof, the Committee appointed by the Convention of Estates next day appointed it to be sworn and subscribed by all the subjects, under pain of being held and punished as enemies to religion and his majesty's honour, and peace of the kingdoms, and to have their goods confiscated for the use of the public, and not to be allowed to enjoy any bene|fit, place, or office within the kingdom, and ap|pointed sherriffs and other magistrates, to assist mi|nisters in promoting this engagement. As this and

some other deeds of this period imposing their cove|nants under such penalties, cannot be justified, it is agreeable to find none but Montrose and Monro, two military men, one of whom, at least, afterward turned a murderer of his brethren, forcibly urging these covenants. Every where, the solemn league be|ing read the one Sabbath, it was, with marvellous unanimity, sworn the next, by both men and wo|men, and subscribed chiefly by men. Nor do I find, that the decliners of it ever suffered in the least for so doing.

Nov. 29th, 1643, the Committee of Estates and commissioners from England finished their treaty of friendship, bearing, That the solemn league and covenant should be sworn and subscribed by all ranks in both kingdoms; that 18,000 foot, and 3,000 horse should immediately march to the assistance of the English Parliament, with victuals and pay for the space of forty days; that this army should be commanded by a Scotch general, but subject to the direction of the two Parliaments, and their committees; that the whole expences contracted by the Scots, should be repaid to them at the end of the war; that their ar|my should receive 30,000 pounds sterling per month out of the estates of the English papists and other malignants, and have 100,000 pounds per advance; that the Scots shall assist with their credit in raising 200,000 pounds for that purpose, and for payment of their troops in Ireland, which shall be repaid them at the end of the war; that no pacification shall be made with his majesty, without the consent of both kingdoms; that the Scotch troops in Eng|land shall be no wise employed, but to answer the ends of this treaty; that the English shall assist the Scots in any like extremity; and that eight ships shall pro|tect their coasts and trade.

In January 1644, the Scots army, to the amount of 21,500, marched into England, under the com|mand of old General Lesly, now earl of Leven, and John Bailie lieutenant general of the horse, and Da|vid

Lesly of the foot; and notwithstanding the In|dependents giving the honour to Cromwel, who had perhaps gone off in his wounds, had the principal hand in gaining the famous victory of Marstonmoor, in which Charles lost about ten thousand of his for|ces, and all his baggage. To oblige them to return home, that Charles might at least recover the west of England, Montrose, Crawford, Nithsdale, A|boyn, Ogilvy, Rae, Herreis, &c. entered into an association at Oxford, to return to Scotland, and raise forces for his majesty. Antrim undertook to send them 10,000 Irish, under the command of Alexan|der M'Donald, a Scot. Huntly took the field with a considerable body, which Argyle quickly suppres|sed. In returning northward, through Westmore|land, Montrose raised a body of forces, and set up his majesty's standard at Dumfries. But the sherriff of Teviotdale, marching a body of countrymen to|ward them, they fled at the sight, and Montrose himself escaped to Carlisle. The commission of the General Assembly laid him under the lesser excom|munication, and ordered it to be published from all the pulpits in the kingdom. Exasperated by this, he pushed his way northward along with two others, and put himself at the head of the Irish ragamuffins, who, in smaller numbers than was expected, had just landed in Argyleshire, where they committed the most barbarous ravages upon ministers and o|thers, whom they looked on as most hearty in the covenanting interest. He conducted them eastward through Badenoch and Athol, where many joined them, and in Perthshire, a whole regiment raised by lord Kilpont. Argyle, with a body of undisciplined countrymen, thought to attack them: but Mon|trose fell upon them before they were ready; and, especially in their flight, killed many of them. Af|ter ravaging Argyleshire, and turning it into a kind of desert, he marched toward Lochaber and Glenco, in order to collect his friends in that country.

Meanwhile, the Scotch commissioners to the West|minster Assembly were but coldly received by many; nor, till after a warm debate, were they allowed to be members. But after their admission, much de|ference was paid to their judgment; and they had no small hand in promoting of Presbyterian govern|ment. None of them made a more shining appear|ance than Gillespy the youngest. The General As|sembly, meeting at Edinburgh, in May 1644, receiv|ed letters from the Presbytery, which attended the army in England,—from their commissioners at Lon|don,—and from the Westminster Assembly,—to|gether with petitions from Ireland for supply of mi|nisters,—to all which they returned favourable an|swers. They declared the bond of association at Ox|ford, framed by Montrose and his fellow covenant-breakers, perfidious, and calculated to throw this church and kingdom into confusion; and empower|ed their commission to proceed against all that enter|ed into it to the highest excommunication, unless they should publicly acknowledge their offence. They appointed ministers to delate to their Presby|teries, all such as manifested dissatisfaction to the co|venanted cause. They wrote to the churches in Holland, thanking them for sending supplies of mo|ney to their distressed brethren in Ireland, and in|forming them of their own critical circumstances and covenant with God. They appointed ministers to be more diligent in raising the fines annexed by law to scandals, and applying them to pious uses. They appointed a contribution in favours of their Protestant brethren in Ireland, and gave order for supplying their armies with ministers; and appoin|ted a solemn fast to confess their sins, lament their miseries, and supplicate relief from God.

The Parliament meeting June 4th, made a num|ber of acts,—for preventing the desertion of their troops, and for levying others with proper expediti|on;—for declaring it treasonable to take arms, or hold out houses against the Estates;—for ratification

of the late convention and committee of estates, and their acts, particularly these which approved and imposed the solemn league and covenant;—for ap|pointing commissioners for promoting peace between his majesty and Parliamenr, upon proper terms;— for paying to the burghs the debts owing them for arms and ammunition;—for approving the conduct of Argyle and Burleigh, in suppressing the northern insurrections;—for preventing the prosanation of the Sabbath and of public fasts, by captions for debt or the like; for granting divorces, when shrewd to|kens of adultery are proven; for prohibiting fairs and markets on Mondays; for restraining innkeep|ers from unnecessary selling of drink on the Lord's day;—for prohibiting patronages belonging to par|ticular ministers; for preventing application of va|cant stipends to private uses; for securing to minis|ters, universities, hospitals, and schools, the re|venues belonging to them from the estates of for|feited malignants; for renewing the commission for valuation of tithes, and assignations of manses and glebes to ministers; for carrying on the war against Montrose and other enemies, and supporting of such as shall be disabled in it; and for continuing the commission for conservation of the peace with England, appointed by the former Parliament, non-covenanters excepted.

When the Assembly met in January 1645, they approved the directory for public worship framed by the Westminster Assembly, with some explications and limitations; as also some overtures for the ad|vancement of learning in schools and colleges, and for the maintenance of bursars. They authorized their commission to approve the Westminster direc|tory for church government, and ordination of ministers, leaving room to examine, whether doctors have power to administer the sacraments? and what are the respective rights of Presbytery and people, in the calling of ministers? They emitted a solemn war|ning, calling all ranks to a proper improvement o••

God's great mercies and alarming judgments, and appointed, that all such ministers, as did not read it from their pulpits, should be censured. They prohibited the observation of Christmas, and other superstitious days, the abuses at penny weddings, and the reponing of deposed ministers to their former charges. They represented to his majesty his great wickedness, in permitting the Irish invaders, under his commission, to exercise cruelty upon, and mur|der multitudes of his best subjects; in his permission of Popish idolatry in his family and kingdom; in his authorizing the book of sports and profanation of the Lord's day thereby encouraged; in his neglect|ing to punish the notorious scandal and profane be|haviour of his court; his stopping of his ears against the petitions of his faithful subjects; his compliance with Papists, and concluding an advantageous ces|sation of arms with the massacrers in Ireland; and in his following the counsels of wicked men, and op|posing the reformation of his kingdom. They en|couraged their commissioners at Westminster, fur|ther to promote the religious uniformity between Scotland and England, and appointed Mr. Hender|son to assist the English commissioners, in the religi|ous part of the treaty at Uxbridge, with his majesty. They appointed ministers to attend their eleven new regiments, and others to supply their Protestant bre|thren in Ireland.

The Parliament, meeting at Edinburgh on the 24th of the same month, appointed an augmentati|on of ten or twelve thousand men to their army, in|tended to reduce Montrose and his followers; and made a number of acts for defraying the expences of the war; and for putting the country into a pos|ture of defence, by mustering all men between 16 and 60, on one day, that they might see what arms or men were wanting, and might train such as ap|peared, in the military exercises.—Montrose took Dundee by storm, and set it on fire in several places; and about the same time, murdered multitudes in

St. Andrews and Kirkaldy, almost in cold blood, rendering 200 women widows in one day. Finding that the covenanters troops were divided into two bodies, he first attacked the weaker, under Urie, and then the stronger under Bailie, and routed them both. The Parliament being therefore obliged to meet again in July, a raging pestilence kept them from Edinburgh, and drove them from Stirling to Perth. They appointed a new levy of ten thousand troops to withstand Montrose; and devised methods for paying them. They ratified the Assembly's act, approving of the Westminster directory for public worship; and under penalties suited to mens differ|ent ranks, prohibited profane swearing, drunken|ness, and mocking at religion; and appointed de|puties in every parish to levy fines imposed for scan|dals, and to punish the scandalous in their persons.

Finding that the covenanted forces were assembled at Perth, Montrose attempted to push southward, to favour his junction with a body of horse, which he expected from his majesty: and, to draw off Bailie's attention, M'Donald, with his Irish, fell up|on the Campbells, near Cowpar Angus, murdering all that they met with. But Bailie still hanging close to him, Montrose was obliged to return northward, once and again, to levy more troops. At last, when the covenanters newly raised forces had gone home, he marched up to the bridge of Ern, in order to at|tack their remaining army. But they, expecting reinforcements from Fife, would not stir from their entrenchments. He therefore marched southward by Kinross; and then turning westward to Stirling, burnt into a desart the parishes of Muckart and Dollar, which pertained to Argyle. Informed of his motions, the covenanters marched the near way to Stirling, burnt the houses of Menstry and Airth|ry, which belonged to malignants; but did no hurt to their tenants; and came up with him at Kilsyth, August, 15th, 1645, where he gave them battle, before their expected western assistants came up; and,

with very small loss on his side, killed most of their troops, giving, it is said, no quarter to such as of|fered to surrender. Terrible was the havock made in the pursuit; and terrible the case of the nation, in consequence of it,—many thousands having lost their fathers, brothers or children.—While the co|venanting nobles and gentry sled off to England and Ireland, Montrose took up his head quarters at Both|wel, and, by detachments of his troops, relieved his friends, and raised contributions from Edinburgh to the western ocean. The malignant noblemen flocked about him; and Charles sent him a commis|sion, appointing him captain general, and deputy governor of Scotland; and empowered him to call a Parliament, and create knights to sit in it. By pro|clamations at Edinburgh, Linlithgow, and Glasgow, ••he summoned a Parliament to meet at Glasgow on the 20th of October, ensuing, and made M'Donald, his murderous lieutenant, a knight.

Amidst their distress, envy of preferments and carnal stupidity had fearfully prevailed among the covenanters; and not a few, amidst the licentious|ness of war, had become openly profane. The rag|••ng pestilence, and the six bloody defeats they had ••eceived from Montrose, together with the alarming ••ermons of their faithful ministers, awakened them ••ot a little. Finding no help in man; and that their postate and barbarous enemy carried all before him, ••hey betook themselves to solemn fasting and prayer; ••nd the Lord quickly appeared for their relief. In|••ending to join him with all the forces they could ••ollect, the earls of Home and Roxburgh, invited Montrose to march towards the south east of Scot|••and. To favour their junction with him, he took ••p his head quarters at Philiphaugh beside Selkirk. Meanwhile, David Lesly and colonel Middleton, ••arching with part of the Scotch army from Eng|••and, apprehended Home and Roxburgh; and then ••ook their rout by Dunglass and Haddington, where ••one watched their motions; and then suddenly

turning southward, through the favour of the nigh•• and mist, unexpectedly fell upon Montrose's army from which the Gordons and M'Donalds had lately gone home with their plunder, and killed or too•• prisoners the most of them. The most malignan•• of the prisoners were tried and executed as traitor and murderers. The marquis of Douglas, with o+ther lords and gentlemen of the low country, mad▪ their peace with the committee of Estates. D. Lesly returned with his army to England, and left Middle+ton with the horse, to pursue Montrose, who ha•• got back into Athol. M'Donald with his Irish mur+derers, continued ravaging Argyleshire; putting al+most every thing to fire or sword. Ardinglass con+ducted about 1200 of the poor inhabitants to Mon+teith, to live upon the malignants. But Inchbrak•• and the Athol men falling upon them at Calender killed not a few of them, and forced the rest to fled towards Stirling. Argyle carried them thence to Lennoxshire, to live upon the lands of lord Napier▪ and other malignants. He then brought over a par•• of the army from Ireland, at whose landing in his country, M'Donald and his Irishmen fled to the west|ern isles, and thence into Ireland.—Montrose, having got northward, formed a new association with the earls of Seaforth and Sunderland, lord Lovat, and a great many other of the principal chiefs. But the ecclesiastical commission having published a declarati|on against this league; and the committee of Estates an indemnity to all such as should desert it, except the earl of Seaforth; and Middleton marching north|ward with his troops, all the subscribers, except Seaforth, quickly disclaimed the Bond, and several of them professed their sorrow for joining in it. Charles having fled into the Scotch army in England, ordered Montrose to lay down his arms: upon which he retired to Germany, and assisted the emperor in oppressing and murdering the Protestants.

Meanwhile, the Parliament which met at St. An|drews, in the end of November 1645, made a variety

of acts,—for approving the conduct of general Bai|••ie, and the lords Montgomery and Sinclair, at the battle of Kilfyth, and for levying new taxes and for|ces for suppressing the malignants;—for relief of ••uch as had been plundered by Montrose and his party, and for punishing of the principal prisoners that had been taken at Philiphaugh. They pro|hibited all holding of fairs on Mondays or Saturdays, and all printing of books relative to religion, with|out a licence from the Assembly or Commission, or of others without a licence from his majesty's secre|tary;—and all lykewakes under pain of 20 pounds Scots for each fault: and appointed Presbyteries to have the sole power of planting vacant parishes, the patrons of which are excommunicated, or have not ••worn the covenant; and that schools be erected in every parish, with a salary not below 100, and not above 200 merks Scots, besides usual perquisites; and appointed a committee of Estates to manage the government of the nation during the interval of Parliament, the members of which are allowed a sa|••ary for their work.

When the General Assembly met at Edinburgh in the beginning of June 1646, Charles, from the Scots army, sent them a very humble letter, expressing his grief for the divided state of his kingdom, and his earnest desire to comply with the requests of his Parliament, and recommending himself and his dis|tracted kingdom to their prayers. By Messrs. Hen|derson, Blair, Douglas, James Guthry, and A. Cant, they presented to him a most Christian and loyal an|swer, with other requests. They enacted that antenup|••ial fornication should be censured in the ordinary man|ner, as after acts of justice do not atone for former faults; that every professor in the universities present to the Assembly a copy of his pre••ections; that the interest of congregations in the calling and admission of ministers, and what relates to it, be maturely con|sidered by Presbyteries and Synods, and their pro|posals for preventing contentions, be returned; that

compliers with Montrose ought to be censured; that no students of divinity shall preach to the people, till they be regularly licensed; that no ships should launch from harbour, or loose anchor on the Lord's day,—nor any children go out of the kingdom, with|out testimonials from their Presbytery, and without bringing back such, relative to their conduct when abroad. They laid the earl of Seaforth under the higher excommunication. And, awakened by the rage of sword and pestilence, they pointed out the corruptions of ministers, in their private and public conduct, and the proper remedies thereof. They approved some overtures respecting the mutual cor|respondence of Presbyteries, the assistance of poor students, and the planting of kirks and schools in the Highlands, with candidates that understand their language. They wrote to the Parliament of Eng|land, and to the Westminster Assembly, commend|ing their past endeavours, and beseeching their fur|ther diligence in promoting an uniformity in refor|mation between the two kingdoms. They ordered their solemn thanks to be given to Mr. David Cal|derwood, for the trouble he had taken in collecting the history of this church; appointed him and his clerk to be indemnified for their labour, and the work to be published assoon as possible. The confusi|ons of these times prevented the publication. His abridgement of it was published about thirty years after, as a testimony against the then domineering Episcopacy. An attempt was made about thirty years ago to publish the full history; but subscripti|ons failed.

Let us now for a while, turn our eyes toward Eng|land. Scarcely had the Parliamentarians, by the victory of Marstonmoor, perceived themselves able to withstand all the forces that his majesty could bring against them, than they ungratefully provoked their Scotch deliverers to a breach. To shut them up to mutiny, desertion, or oppression of the coun+try by taking free quarters, they withheld their pay

pretending, that the interest would sufficiently ba|lance the delay of payment. Being thus obliged to take free quarters, these were dishonestly over-rated. Want of subsistence obliged them to want ministers, which occasioned a profane licentiousness in severals. Sometimes the English Parliament, for weeks, or even for months, neglected to answer the remon|strances of their commissioners. Their expresses were sometimes intercepted, and their letters opened, while the house of commons screened the offenders. In their treaty with Charles at Uxbridge, they chang|ed almost every thing in the propositions made to his majesty, which marked the power of, or did ho|nour to the Scots, and assumed all to themselves. Notwithstanding all these provocations, the Scots, regardful of their solemn covenant with God, did all that in them lay, and even renounced part of their own interest, in order to promote the peace and welfare of England.

In May 1646, Charles, after he had empowered Ormond and Digby to clap up a peace with the Irish Papists, which almost established their religion to them, in order that he might obtain their faithful service against his Protestant subjects in Britain,— he fled from Oxford when it was upon the point of being blocked up by the Parliament's army; and in company with two or three more, rode within a few miles of London; then directed his course toward the sea; and at last resolved to throw himself into the Scotch army, which lay at Newcastle; and con|tinued with them about eight months. Commissi|oners from the committee of Estates presented to him some propositions for peace; and these above-mentioned, from the Assembly, laboured to remove his prejudices against Presbytery and the cove|nants. At least pretending, that he believed Epis|copacy to be of divine appointment; and that he had bound himself by his coronation oath to support it, he and Sir Robert Murray, debated this point in a se|ries of letters with Mr. A. Henderson;—in which he

pretended, that the English, in their reformation, had precisely followed the apostolic appointment, and the universal pattern of the primitive church; and that where the succession of episcopal priesthood ceas|eth, there is no valid administration of the sacra|ments; that no reformation of churches is lawful, but under the direction of royal authority; that no real defects could be pointed out in the reformation established by K. Edward and Q. Elizabeth; that Presbyterian government was never known till Cal|vin introduced it at Geneva; that the unanimous consent of the Fathers is the true standard of inter|preting scripture; and that the clause in his coro|nation oath respecting religion being inserted in fa|vours of the church, the Parliament cannot dissolve that obligation without her consent. In his replies, Mr. Henderson shewed, That many serious Christi|ans and learned divines, had all along complained of the imperfection of the English reformation; that, to the grief of other Protestant churches, it had oc|casioned no small contention and schism; that all subjects, being under the whole law of God, and bound to take care for their own and posterity's eter|nal salvation, ought to reform themselves, if prin|ces be negligent or attached to prevalent corruptions; that, in the apostolical age, there was no difference between bishops and Presbyters; that not the prac|tice of the church some ages after Christ, or the con|sent of Fathers, but the word of God, is our rule in religion; that it is now impossible to know the universal practice of the primitive church, or the unanimous consent of the Fathers; that, according to these Fathers, the scriptures must be interpreted by themselves, and our faith not stand in the wisdom of men, but in the power of God;—that when the formal reason of an oath is removed, the obligation of it ceaseth; and when the Parliament repeal laws, the coronation oath doth not bind to oppose their deed; that his royal and learned father, never ad|mitted episcopacy to be appointed by Christ or his

apostles, and all the reforming divines, even of Eng|land, had reckoned it merely an human appoint|ment; that the Westminster Assembly had proved Presbyterian government founded on the scripture; that magistrates supremacy over the church in spi|ritual affairs, cannot be justified from the word of God or right reason. The felt approaches of death, probably hastened by grief, that Charles, by his ob|stinate refusal to comply with his Parliament, was like to ruin himself and his kingdoms, obliged Mr. Henderson to break off his answer to Charles' 4th letter, and retire to his country. The Episcopalians gave out, that he died of remorse, that he had oc|casioned so much trouble to so pious a king, and publi••hed a forged recantation, as if made by him on te deathbed. But the General Assembly declared it false and scandalous.

Old General Lesly, at the head of an hundred of his officers, on their knees, in an humble supplica|tion, earnestly besought Charles to satisfy his Eng|lish Parliament, and favour the solemn league and covenant. Lord Lowdon represented to him his ab|solute necessity of complying with their demands, if he inclined to keep the throne for himself, or his family. Meanwhile, the Independents and their friends, afraid of Charles' compliance with the Par|liament's demands, and particularly with Presby|tery by the Scots influence, got a vote carried in the Parliament, that there was no further need of their army in England. Hereupon their pay was withheld; their quarters were straitened by the Parliament's forces; and they had almost nothing but the four northern counties to support them. Want of pay obliged them to take free quarters, which, by the Sectarians means, occasioned loud cries of oppression. They also published scurrilous defamations of them, as covenant-breakers, apostates, and compliers with malignants. These and the like abuses made the Scotch army heartily tired of England, and anxious to return home, assoon as they could secure the pay|ment

of the arrears due to them. They produced proper claims for almost a million sterling: but, when the English offered them 200,000 pounds in hand, and security for 200,000 more, they, to testify their disinterestedness and love of peace, accepted it, September 2d, 1646, in place of full payment.

About sixteen days after this pecuniary agreement was fully settled, Charles, in despite of all that had or could be said to persuade him, refused to comply with the English Parliament's propositions for peace. Hereupon that Parliament voted, that his person should be disposed of as they thought fit. Against this deed the Scotch commissioners earnestly remon|strated, and insisted for a joint consultation with re|spect to the disposal of his majesty's person. Low|don represented to the English commissioners, That, by the solemn league, both kingdoms were united to God, and to their king, and to one another; and that after the Scots had done so much to promote the welfare of England, it was neither consistent with honour, conscience, or equity to dispose of his ma|jesty's person, without consent of both kingdoms; and he, as in the above-mentioned remonstrance, insisted that he might be allowed to reside in or near London, that so an agreement between him and his Parliament might be speedily effected;—or at least that commissioners might be again sent to him to ex|plain their propositions, and endeavour to remove his scruples. Argyle, in his address to both houses of Parliament, begged them to promote the work of reformation according to the solemn league, and nei|ther to persecute true piety, nor to allow lawless li|berty; and that they would endeavour to maintain the peace of the two kingdoms, and study to reform, not ruin his majesty, and to regulate, but not des|troy monarchy.

While the Scots were labouring to persuade Charles to agree with his English Parliament, he, finding their army heartily attached to their solemn league, soon wearied of them, and repeatedly applied to his

English Parliament for their allowance of his safe ••welling in London or near to it. They appointed him Holmby in the county of Northampton for his residence, and agreed, That as soon as he should come thither, and the Scots retire from England, they would concur with them in endeavouring to ob|tain his consent to their propositions. These reso|lutions being transmitted to Charles, and to Scotland, the Parliament there earnestly besought him to com|ply with the proposals, shewed him the reasons of so doing, and the danger of his refusing, as they could not, in that case, assist him in recovering his king|dom; and that both kingdoms would be obliged to take some joint course for disposing of his person, till he should give satisfaction to his Parliaments. While he was with the Scotch army, he earnestly solicited them to join with the Episcopalians, that they might be enabled to destroy their sectarian ene|mies. But, his proposals being laid before the As|sembly in June, they declared as warmly against join|ing with the one as with the other. And the Com|mission in December, remonstrated against his com|ing to Scotland, as he would probably act up to his former principles, and endeavour to draw them from their solemn league; and as it would confirm the English in their suspicions of underhand dealing with him, before he came to their army; and as it would involve them in breach of covenant, and a bloody war with England.

When the Scotch Parliament met in January 1647, they, considering, that notwithstanding his promise to their army when he came to it, and the many addresses presented to him from this kingdom, he continued stifly to refuse the propositions, which the English Parliament had made to him; and that he had requested said Parliament for allowance to re|side in or near London, and they had allowed him to reside at Holmby house, they consented that he repair to either of these places, and there remain, till he should give satisfaction to both kingdoms with

respect to their propositions of peace,—providing that no injury be done to his person or change •• government, from that of the three preceding year•• be attempted, and that his posterity be no wise pr••+judiced with respect to their succession to the thron•• Along with this declaration transmitted to the Eng+lish Parliament, they insisted, that when his majest•• shall come to Holmby house, committees from bot•• Lords and Commons shall be appointed to deal wit•• him to procure his consent to the Propositions fo•• peace; and that commissioners from Scotland shoul•• have free access to deal with him for the same pu••+pose;—and that no pacification should be made with+out the consent of both kingdoms. The other act of this Parliament were,—for suppressing the remain of Montrose's faction; for re-instating of some wh•• had been forfeited for their junction with him; fo•• distributing 5000 pounds sterling among the childre•• and widows of such as had been slain in the lat•• war; for prosecuting excommunicated persons a•• rebels, after forty days contumacy; for suppressio•• of all observance of Christmass and other superstiti+ous seasons, by the removal of coaliers, salters, o•• the like; for reparation of damages suffered for con+scientious adherence to the religion and liberties o•• the kingdom; for declaring null and void all engage+ments to Montrose, M'Donald, or their associates •• for the lords of privy council's taking the children o•• pupils of Papists from them, and committing them to such as will train them up in the Protestant reli+gion, and in virtuous behaviour; and for disbanding all their troops but 7,200.

Horrible have been the outcries of Jacobites and their friends, against the Scotch army and Parliament as if they had sold Charles their king, for 200,000 pounds sterling; for it seems, they never got more of the million that was owing, and 400,000 that was promised them. But it ought to be considered, That Charles did not come to the Scotch army but unwil|lingly, as his last shift, and that without either war|••ing

or terms; that all the money they got, and much more, was due to them for what laborious and ••seful service they had performed for the English, ••re Charles came near them, and was granted to ••hem entirely upon that footing, without the least mention of the king in the agreement; that the a|greement relative to this money was concluded be|fore there was any treaty respecting his majesty's per|••on, whether he should go to Scotland or remain in England,—and five months before he went from Newcastle to Holmby; that the affair of the money was finally settled in Sept. 2d, and the warm debates between the Scotch commissioners and English Par|••iament concerning the disposal of Charles' person, did not take place before October following; that, during his stay in the Scotch army, he had repea|••edly petitioned the English Parliament for allowance to come to London, or some place near to it, which is much the same with what the Scots yielded to; that during the months of November, December, and January, the Parliament had laboured to persuade him to a compliance with the propositions of peace; and a few days before he removed to Holmby house, the Scots had offered to sacrifice their lives and for|tunes in the re-establishment of him on his throne, if he would but do so; and that when the Scotch army returned home, there was no appearance of things taking the turn, which they afterwards did; that the Scots intrusted his majesty's person to the Parliament of England, who were, by duty, by oath, and by interest, as deeply bound to protect him as themselves, and would have done it, had not Char|les' trusting of himself to the Sectarian army occasi|oned their fall, and so hastened his own ruin.

No sooner had the Scots heard, that the English army, now under sectarian management, had his ma|jesty in their power, than they added the earls of Lowdon and Lanerk to their former commissioners, in order to persuade him to a full compliance with the propositions of peace. Instead hereof, Charles find|ing

his expectations from the English army disap+pointed, especially by means of Lanerk, attempte•• to engage the Scots commissioners to commence •• war against the English, in order to his restoration▪ Hopes of annuities, by which he might relieve hi•• deeply indebted estate, drew Lowdon himself int•• the snare. Returning home about the beginning o•• February 1648, these commissioners, chiefly Low+don and Lawderdale, represented to their brethren▪ That his majesty had been very ill used by the Eng+lish Parliament, and could put no trust in the army that, contrary to their covenant, the interest of re+ligion, and peace of the kingdom, that Parliamen•• had extended their demands upon him; and had ab+solutely refused to allow the Scots to concur wit•• them in settling matters with him as their commo•• sovereign; that, after dissenting from their proce+dure, they had dealt with Charles to confirm the so+lemn league, establish Presbyterian government, an•• disallow the heresies and sects presently swarming i•• England; that he is willing, that covenant be con+firmed by act of Parliament, providing that none b•• constrained to take it; that he is willing that Pres+byterian government be established for three years providing, that he and his family be allowed the us•• of the liturgy; that he is willing to concur in an ac•• for the suppression of sectaries and blasphemers,— and to have it secured by an act of Parliament; tha•• neither he nor his heirs shall quarrel any for thei•• obedience to the acts of the last triennial Parliamen•• of Scotland, or its committees.—Meanwhile, th•• English Parliament sent down some commissioners t•• cultivate harmony with the Scotch Parliament, an•• to notify their intentions to pay speedily, at least par•• of the 200,000 pounds, which they owed to thei•• armies, which had served them in England and Ire+land.

During these litigations in England, the Genera•• Assembly met at Edinburgh in August 1647, has established some directions for secret and family wor+ship;

had prohibited persons withdrawment from public worship in their own congregations;—after a double reading of the Westminster Confession of faith, and calling of all such as doubted of any thing in it, ••o propose their objections to a committee appointed ••o answer them,—had approved it, but explaining part of chap. xxxi. to mean only, that, in extraor|dinary cases, ministers and other fit persons, by vir|••ue of their office, or by a mere call of the magistrates, picking out particular members, as in the Westmin|••ter Assembly, may hold Synods, without any delega|••ion from their churches;—had prohibited the spread of erroneous books, which the English sectaries were ••nclined to pour into the country; had extracted and ••pproved in eight propositions the principal heads of Gillespy's Hundred and eleven propositions, which they had remitted to the consideration of the most famous foreign divines, as well as recommended to the exa|mination of their own ministers and doctors of uni|••ersities, in order that they may send up their judg|ment of them to the next Assembly; and had written •• letter to their countrymen abroad, informing them of God's mercies to them, and of their present diffi|culties, and begging their sympathy and prayers; had formed some overtures for excitement of teachers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 universities, and for baptizing children of beggars, &c; and had appointed some to review the metre version of the Psalms, transmitted to them by the Westminster Assembly.

Next year, their Commission had an uncommon struggle with the state. In the beginning of March 1648, the Parliament met, and began to resolve on a war with the English army, in order to rescue his majesty out of their hands, and restore him to his ••hrone, the ecclesiastical Commission conceiving, that all his concessions which Lowdon had mentioned, were neither satisfactory, nor much to be trusted, e|specially as most of the officers, intended for com|mand in the projected engagement, were too evident|••y enemies to a covenanted reformation,—presented

to the Parliament a remonstrance against that under taking, as dangerous to both church and state. No•• could the Parliament hinder their faithful publicati+on of it, and reading of it in all the churches of E+dinburgh. Not long after, the Commission bein•• informed, that, contrary to the large treaty with th•• English in 1643, it had been carried in Parliamen•• to surprise and take Berwick and Carlisle, and plac•• garrisons in them, and that Argyle and 56 other mem+bers had protested against it, they besought the Par+liament, That nothing might be done, before th•• lawfulness of the war and principal state of the ques+tion be agreed upon; that the breaches of the cove+nant and peace of the kingdoms by the Sectarian should be made evident, and reparations unsuccess+fully sought, before any war be commenced; that i•• war should be found necessary, it might be so stated as to offend none of the English that stedfastly ad+hered to the covenant; and carried on without an•• concurrence with Papists, Prelatists, or malignants •• that his majesty's concessions should be declared un+satisfactory, and security obtained from him, Tha•• he, for himself, heirs, and successors, shall agree t•• the acts ratifying the solemn league, and establishin•• Presbyterian government, the Directory for worship•• and Confession of faith in all his dominions, and neve•• make any opposition to them; and that none but suc•• as had been faithful to the covenanted cause shoul•• be intrusted with the management of public affairs •• and that there might be no engagement for war i•• favours of his majesty, for which the church should not have the same interest, as in the solemn league.

After some wrangling, the Parliament, instead o•• coming to any agreement with the Commission, re+flected highly upon them for meddling with civil af+fairs, though it is plain these in hand deeply affect|ed their solemn covenant with God, and the esta|blishment of religion in the three kingdoms, and tended to plunge multitudes into eternity in an act of sinning. The principal Synods in the nation, and

some Presbyteries in others, solemnly thanked the Commission for their faithfulness, who, being here|by encouraged, boldly insisted, that the Parliament should clear the lawfulness of the war before they proceeded any further. For this purpose, the Par|••iament published a large, but very uncandid, decla|ration, in which they accused the English of several preaches of their former Treaty and solemn league, and declared their intentions to require the English Parliament to take effectual methods for making all ••heir subjects swear the solemn league, and for esta|blishing fully Presbyterian government, the Directory for worship, and Confession of faith, and causing the same to be every where received;—and for suppres|sing Socinianism, Arminianism, Arianism, Anabap|tism, Antinomianism, Familism, Brownism, Indepen|dency, and other heresies and schisms, and for sup|pressing Popery, Prelacy, and the service book;—and ••hat his majesty be allowed safely to reside in or near London, for the purpose of his Parliament's treating with him, in order to the establishment of religion ••nd peace; and that all the members of Parliament may attend it, and applications be made to his ma|••esty without any hindrance; that the Sectarian ar|my under general Fairfax be disbanded, and none but such as take the covenant, or are well affected ••o religion, be hereafter employed, either in the ar|my or to command in garrisons. They further de|clared, That they did not intend to make war upon ••ny of the English, that adhered to their covenant, ••ut to maintain their liberty; that they would enter ••nto no association with Papists, Prelatists, or others who refused to take the covenant; nor allow any but such as were faithful to it to have any trust, or com|mand in this war; that they would endeavour to re|scue his majesty from the Sectarians, that he might freely concur with his people in promoting the ends of the solemn league; that though they would imme|diately put the kingdom into a posture of defence, they would not begin a war, till the lawfulness of it

should be fully cleared, and reparation of injuries un|successfully sought in a peaceable manner; and that▪ in their whole conduct, they would carefully prose|cute the ends of the Solemn League and Covenant with England.

Not satisfied with this declaration, the Commissi|on, April 28th, remonstrated, That the breach o•• covenant was not chargeable upon all the English▪ but merely upon the Sectarians, as it was no less up|on the malignants in Scotland; that such as encou|raged his majesty to decline giving satisfaction, rela|tive to his securing of religion, hindered his delive|rance; that they could not prove upon the English Parliament any such breaches of treaty, as could be sufficient grounds of a war with them; that it would be inconsistent to desire the English Parliament to hold all the refusers of the solemn league as enemies to religion and their country, while no such penalty had ever been executed against the shifters of it in Scotland; that they ought not to insist for his ma|jesty's being allowed to reside in or near London▪ without insisting for his giving satisfaction to his Parliament, concerning the security of their religion and peace of the kingdom; that there was as much need for preventing the rise of a Popish or prelatical party in the army, as for disbanding the Sectarians▪ —and that the proposed engagement in war with the English, plainly tended to prevent the disbanding o•• the Sectarian army.—Notwithstanding this remon|strance, the Scotch Parliament transmitted their de|mands to the English Parliament, and published their above mentioned declaration. The Commission, heartily grieved herewith, emitted a declaration, bearing, That they were ready to agree to the nati|on's engaging in a war with the English, if they were satisfied concerning the sufficiency of the grounds, and the lawfulness of the means for carrying it on. But, as things stood, they reckoned the Engage|ment dangerous to the reformed religion, prejudici|al to the true interests and liberty of this church,

favourable to the Popish, Prelatic, and malignant party,—inconsistent with the union of the kingdoms, and the satisfaction of the Presbyterians in England, and therefore contrary to the word of God and our solemn covenants;—and that the managers of it pretended zeal against the Sectarians, merely for a cloak to the favour which they intended for malig|nants; and had even lately pled, That Scotland was in no danger from the Sectaries. Highly offended with the faithful opposition of the Commission, the Parliament sent letters to the several Presbyteries complaining of it;—in answer to which the com|mission published a vindication of themselves.

Several Synods, Presbyteries, and shires, again petitioned the Parliament, That religion might be secured, and the union of the kingdoms preserved, and no war commenced without very weighty grounds maturely considered. The Parliament, after they had framed an answer to these, laid it aside, and pretended to ask the advice of the commission con|cerning the proper method of securing religion. Af|ter testifying their regard to the Parliament, and to his majesty's liberty and honour, they advised, that these petitions should be granted; that the surpriz|ing of Berwick and Carlisle be disclaimed, and no longer continued; that all peaceable methods of treating with England, and supplication to his ma|jesty be further tried, in order to compose differen|ces; that his concessions mentioned by Lowdon be declared unsatisfactory; that they declare against any engagement for restoring him to his house with free|dom and safety, which is almost equivalent to his having the exercise of his royal power, before he gave it under his hand and seal, That he shall, for himself and his successors, agree to the acts of Parlia|ment enjoining the solemn league and covenant, and fully establishing Presbyterian government, the direc|tory for worship, and confession of faith, in all his do|minions, and never make opposition to, or endea|vour a change of any of them; that they should

make it evident, that they have no intention to enable his majesty to bring the proceedings of both nations relative to the solemn league, into question, or to abridge the power of his Parliaments; that they should take proper methods to suppress such Papists, prelatists, or malignants, as had, or might take arms, to plunder and murder their fellow subjects; that nothing be done which may infringe the union of the two kingdoms, or disoblige the Presbyterian party in England; that all putting of such as had been indifferent neutrals, or opposers of a covenan|ted reformation, into places of power and trust, should be quickly remedied; that there should be no engagement for the war without a solemn oath, in which the church should have the same direction, as in the solemn league; that such as have been op|pressed for not contributing to the levies for the ar|my be refunded, and no such thing permitted for the future; that the profaneness and insolence of soldiers be severely punished; that nothing be enac|ted detrimental to the liberty of the church, and no arbitrary power intrusted to their officers or agents; ar any oath imposed tending to ensnare the consci|ences of the subjects.

Regardless of these advices, the Parliament ap|pointed an army to be immediately raised under the command of duke Hamilton, and the earl of Callen|der as his lieutenant; and laid an enormous tax up|on the nation, for defraying the expences of the war. Argyle, Sutherland, Cassils, Eglinton, Lowdon, and Lothian, with many other lords, barons, and bur|gesses, protested against their engagement. Colonels Ker, Strachan, Halket, and other officers, refused to serve in it; and had their places filled with scan|dalous malignants. Such as refused to pay the new tax, were terribly oppressed and spoiled by soldiers quartered upon them. The Parliament next pre|pared a declaration to be sent into England, recount|ing all that they thought criminal in the conduct of the sectaries, and pretending that, as they had got

no satisfaction to their former demands, they had been necessarily obliged to this engagement in war; that they intended to preserve the reformation of re|ligion as established by law in Scotland, and to rescue his majesty from his base imprisonment, that he may with safety and honour come to one of his houses in, or near London, where he may treat with his Parliament,—and to restore freedom to his English Parliament, that they, together with the Scotch, might conclude the treaty with their Sovereign, an|swerably to the petitions presented to him by the city of London, at Oxford and Newcastle;—and to pro|cure the disbanding of the army under general Fair|fax,—and that none but covenanters and well affec|ted to religion and Presbyterian church government, might hereafter be employed in troops, or garrisons. Notwithstanding all these pretences, many notorious malignants were principal agents in carrying on this engagement. Hence, the more serious covenanters, generally disliked, and, as they had opportunity, op|posed it.

The General Assembly, which met July 12th, 1648, approved and ratified the proceedings of the late commission. The committee of Estates, which the late Parliament had entrusted with the execution of their designs, demanded, what they thought ne|cessary for securing of religion? The Assembly re|plied, that they knew no possibility of securing re|ligion, while this unlawful engagement was carried on, since none of the just desires of the late commis|sion had been granted; that it was plainly calculated to break the union of the two kingdoms; that all proper means to prevent a war have been neglected, and malignants and incendiaries, have been joined with; that it hath been carried on in the way of polluting men's consciences by unlawful bands and oaths, and of oppressing such in their persons and estates as had been most zealous for the covenanted interest,—and of remarkable encroachments on the liberty of Christ's church. The committee there|fore

required them, to demonstrate from the word of God, the unlawfulness of their engagement, and what interest the church had in the undertaking of wars; in answer to which the Assembly emitted a large declaration, plainly illustrating both these points from the scripture. And, as the Parliament had re|quired all the subjects under pain of being held ene|mies to their king and country, solemnly, by their oath and subscription, to acknowledge all their acts relative to the engagement to be lawful, and to en|gage to prosecute the same as a most proper mean of remedying former evils, and of preserving his ma|jesty's authority along with the religion, laws, and liberties of the kingdom, the Assembly declared▪ That a sinful oath, tending to draw the subjects from their former principles and covenant with God, and importing a solemn approbation of acts, which they had not yet seen,—of acts made in opposition to the known mind of the church, and sinful in several re|spects; and they warned all concerned to forbear swearing of it, under pain of censure; and they earnestly besought the committee of Estates, to con|sider, what guilt they would incur by imposing such a sinful bond. They also remonstrated to his majesty, that his concessions were not satisfactory; and that the present engagement in war was not a proper mean of his deliverance; and that by his former re|fusals to hearken to their advice, he had occasioned the death of many thousands of his subjects, and the fearful increase of Popery, profaneness, and many other abominations, in his kingdom; and they besought him deeply to repent of his wickedness, secret and open, as a true mean of restoration to his throne.—They appointed all ministers, under pain of censure, to preach against the above engagement and bond, as well as the Sectarian errors, and in|creasing profaneness. They appointed, that none but elders approved by the minister and session, be ad|mitted into the Assembly as commissioners from burghs; that commissioners report their whole pro|cedure

to the next Assembly at their first meeting; that no collections for the poor, be made in the time of God's worship; that no deposed ministers be re|poned without the consent of the Assembly, if ma|lignant, to his former congregation; that forty high|land boys be educated for the ministry at the public expence, in order to plant the vacant congregations in that country; that all students, at their entry to the college, and others at their admission to the Lord's table, take the covenant; that duellers be censured in much the same manner as fornicators. They approved the Larger and Shorter Catechisms, compiled by the Westminster Assembly; and prohi|bited an erroneous catechism then published. After consideration of the prevalent sins of that time, they pointed out proper remedies, civil, domestic, and ecclesiastical, and approved several overtures relative to excommunicated persons, Papists, and their chil|dren. They returned friendly answers to several letters sent them from the Westminster Assembly, and appointed their commissioners in it to exert them|selves to their utmost for promoting a full and fixed uniformity in religion. And, as the times were so critical, they appointed a large commission of 100 ministers, and 60 elders, of whom 13 ministers, and four elders were declared a quorum.

Notwithstanding all opposition, duke Hamilton, Lanerk his brother, and their friends carried on the engagement, and invaded England, still pretend|ing regard to the covenant and Presbyterian govern|ment. But so abandoned were many of their soldi|ers, that they fell upon a multitude of sincere cove|nanters, when assembled at a sacramental occasion at Machlin, and killed and wounded a number of them. At Carsphearn, they fell upon another as|sembly employed in sacramental work, and devoured the elements, About the middle of August, their engagement issued in the slaughter and rout of their army by Cromwel at Preston, and in imprisonment and death to Hamilton and other commanders of it;

and not long after, in the ignominious death of Char|les, who had planned and pushed them to it. Sir George Monro had brought his army from Ireland to assist them: but, after murdering a number of his fellow-covenanters in the west, that opposed the en|gagement, Argyle, Cassils, and Lowdon, and thei•• friends, obliged him to return back. After routing the Engagers, Cromwel had directly marched his ar|my into Scotland, had not Argyle and his party who now prevailed in the Committee of Estates, re|presented to him how earnestly the Assembly, and a considerable body in the Parliament, had opposed th•• Hamiltonian engagement and invasion of England.— In the beginning of October, the Commission of the General Assembly appointed a renovation of the so+lemn league and covenant, with a solemn acknowledg|ment of preceding breaches of it, and engagement t•• duties, which the Committee of Estates ratified, with+out annexing any penalty; and which was pretty ge+nerally complied with through the land. Many scandalous clergymen were soon after deposed, an•• the rest, by frequent enquiries, excited to thei•• work; and, for a year or two, the preaching of th•• gospel was very remarkably blessed through the land After publishing a tract against association with molig+nants, idolaters, and the like, and leaving a dying tes+timony against the same, Mr. G. Gillespy, moderato•• of the preceding Assembly, died, greatly lamented

The Committee of Estates called a Parliament, bu•• secluded from it such as had voted for duke Hami••+ton's engagement, many, if not most, of whom pro+fessed their willingness to have no more share of th•• public management. After spending a day in solem•• humiliation and fasting, they renewed their cove+nants with God and one another, as directed by th•• Commission. They repealed all the acts of the las•• meeting of Parliament, and of their Committee o•• Estates, which authorized or promoted Hamilton'•• engagement. They approved the protestation whic•• had been taken against it, and the opposition mad••

to it at Machlin moor. They, by an act of classes, and another for purging the army, secluded the pro|moters of it, and all malignant and scandalous per|sons from all places of power and trust, and even from the army, till they give proper evidence of repen|tance. They approved the Commission's solemn testimonies against the toleration of errors and secta|ries in England. They enacted, That before any future king be admitted to the exercise of his royal power, he shall, by oath, and under his hand and seal, declare his allowance of the national covenant, and of the solemn league, and oblige himself to pro|secute the ends of the same, in his station; and that he shall, for himself and his successors, agree to acts of Parliament, enjoining the solemn league and cove|nant, and fully establishing Presbyterian government, the Directory for worship, Confession of faith, and Ca|techisms, as approved by the General Assembly and Parliament,—in all his dominions; and that he shall observe these in his own practice and family, and ne|ver make opposition to, or endeavour any change of them; and that he shall leave all counsel and coun|sellors prejudicial to said religion and covenants, and shall give satisfaction to his Parliament as now con|stituted, in what other things they find necessary for the civil and religious welfare of the nation;—and agree; that all civil matters be determined by the Parliaments of this kingdom, and all church affairs by the General Assemblies. They ratified three acts of the Assembly and Commission, approving the larger and shorter Catechisms, and enjoining the re|novation of the covenant. They enacted, That drun|kenness, profane swearing, scolding, obscene lan|guage, uttered or printed, mocking at piety, and drinking of healths, be punished, and the guilty, upon their fourth conviction, to be imprisoned, till they find security for their good behaviour, un|der pain of 400 pounds to noblemen, 400 marks to barons, 200 marks to gentlemen, heritors, and bur|gesses, 40 pounds to yeomen, and 20 pounds to ser|vants;

—that such as married in a clandestine man|ner, should be imprisoned three months, and be fin|ed, noblemen in 5000 pounds, barons and landed gentlemen in 5000 marks, gentlemen and burgesses in 2000 marks, and others in 500 marks, to be paid before they should be liberated; and that such as, according to the act of 1645, are nominated to lift the fines or inflict corporal punishments on scanda|lous persons, accept that office, and deliver up the fines to the kirk sessions for the use of the poor, ex|cept the tenth part, which is allotted to the officers employed in executing that work;—that going o•• mills and salt-pans, or fishing of salmon, or other un|necessary labour on the Lord's day, be punished; that all blasphemers, and revilers, and obstinate de|niers of God, or of any of the persons of the Trini|ty, and all worshippers of false gods, cursers and beaters of parents, or guilty of incest, be punished with death; that none but such as are of a blameless conversation, and apparently well affected to the co|venanted reformation, be admitted to, or continued in any place of power or trust, in the state, army or burghs;—and that all commissions, patents, ho|nours, offices, or gifts, received from his majesty before he give satisfaction to his Parliament, are nul•• and void, and the seekers thereof censurable. They made an act for contributions ot assessments on pari|shes, and for withholding of supply from sturdy beggars, and for relief of such poor as are willing▪ but unable to work,—and for relief of such as thro•• shipwreck, burning, devastation, or the like, ar•• reduced to poverty. In fine, they abolished patro+nages as a Popish corruption, contrary to the second Book of discipline, and to several acts of Assembly, an•• prejudicial to the liberty of the Christian people, an•• the free calling and entry of ministers,—and declared That admission by the Presbytery upon the call o•• the congregation, shall give ministers sufficient righ•• and title to their manses, glebes, and stipends; meanwhile declaring the patron's right to the tith••

as before; and recommending it to the General As|sembly to establish a proper rule of calling ministers, giving to Presbyteries and congregations their re|spective powers in that matter.

This Parliament had scarcely begun their above work, when they received information, that the Sectarian army in England had extruded all the hear|ty friends of monarchy from their Parliament at Westminster; had brought back his majesty from the isle of Wight, to which he had fled from them; and appointed an high court of justice to try him for his life. Shocked with these things, both church and state appointed their commissioners at London to exert themselves to their utmost for preventing his trial. In their remonstrance of January 6th, 1649, these commissioners, in name of the kingdom of Scotland, represented to the House of Commons, the several engagements the two kingdoms had late|ly come under, with respect to religion and the pre|servation of his majesty's person; and earnestly in|sisted, That no violence should be done to him, and nothing at all, without the consent of both king|doms. Upon the 16th of January, the Commission published a testimony against the errors and conduct of the Sectaries, and a warning to their fellow cove|nanters in England, which were presented to the House of Commons on January 26th.—Finding the Sectaries determined to have his majesiy's life, the Scotch commissioners at London, in name of their Parliament in January, presented to the Speaker of the House of Commons, a solemn protestation against it; and, despairing of success with them, as the army had now modelled them, they, upon the 29th, remonstrated to general Fairfax against the putting of his majesty to death, as horrid and scan|dalous. He was nevertheless beheaded next day; pretending to die a martyr for the laws and liberties of his people, of whom his stubbornness, pride, and treachery had produced the terrible oppression, and

plunder, and even the death of perhaps four hundre•• thousand in Britain and Ireland.

Informed of his exit, the Scotch covenanters, in+fatuated with zeal for their royal family, immediate+ly proclaimed Charles, his eldest son, then abou•• eighteen years of age, their king, and promised t•• defend him according to the solemn league and cove+nant; but declared, that he behoved to give satis+faction concerning religion and the unity of the king+doms secured by that covenant, before he be admit+ted to the exercise of his royal power; an informati+on of which they transmitted to him at the Hagu•• by Sir Joseph Douglas, along with a faithful warn|ing from the Commission. And as the English Hous•• of Commons had excluded him from their crown▪ they transmitted to them their proclamation of him▪ along with a solemn remonstrance, in which they re+presented how the English Parliament had all along from 1642, solemnly declared, that they intended no hurt to his majesty's person, or abridgment of hi•• authority,—no commonwealth form of government▪ —or toleration of heretics, blasphemers, or the like; —and remonstrated against the violence done to hi•• late majesty, and insisted on their proclaiming his son to be their king, and that no toleration should be given to heretics or blasphemers. Highly offend|ed with these freedoms, the Sectarians, who now ruled as they pleased, imprisoned the commissioner•• from Scotland. But being quickly convinced, tha•• this was an infringement of the law of nations, they conveyed them safe to their own country. Mean|while, the Scotch Parliament had dispatched the ear•• of Cassils and George Winram, along with Messrs. Bailie and Wood from the church, to obtain proper satisfaction from Charles, at the Hague. But Mon|trose, and a number of English malignants, buoy|ing him with hopes of an unhampered access to Ire|land, whence, by the assistance of Ormond and his malignant or Popish friends, he might force his way

to the English and Scotch crown, without any con|ditions, he despised the covenanters proposals.

The General Assembly meeting in July, approved and ratified the deeds of the late commission, and approved the conduct of their commissioners which had been sent to deal with his majesty. They pre|scribed censures for such as had assisted Montrose, and served in Hamilton's engagement; and that the principal offenders be not re-admitted to communion in sealing ordinances, but by the General Assembly or their Commission, and others by Presbyteries. They published a solemn warning relative to the pre|sent dangers, and the necessary duties of ministers and others with respect to them; and particularly the necessity of obtaining proper security from his ma|jesty relative to religion, and the exclusion of all ma|lignants from places of power and trust, before he be admitted to the exercise of his royal power. They wrote a brotherly exhortation to their friends in Eng|land, bewailing the broken state of their church and kingdom, and beseeching and encouraging them to cleave to their duty according to their covenant with God. In a letter to their young king, they declared their detestation of the murder of his father, and la|mented that he himself had contemned the represen|tations presented to him by the church's commissio|ners;—held an intimacy with Montrose, a perjured murderer of many thousands of his best subjects, and approved his conduct;—and had settled a peace with the Popish murderers in Ireland, and granted them a peace, and the full liberty of their idolatry and o|ther abominations;—and besought him, as he re|garded his own and his kingdom's happiness, to sub|mit to the laws of Christ, and the counsels of truth and peace. They prohibited all promiscuous dancing, as productive of scandal, immodesty, or lascivious|ness. They thanked the Parliament for their aboli|shing of Patronage; begged that the tithes belonging to the church might not only be applied for mini|sters stipends, but also to bear other pious expences

in parishes; and they appointed, That in electing of ministers, the Session should be the proper elec|tors; but the members of the congregation should be asked their consent. If the greater part of a con|gregation dissented from the choice of the Session, unless it was upon plainly causeless prejudices, the candidate was to be laid aside. But if only a lesse•• part dissented, except where the grounds were plain|ly relevant and weighty, the Presbytery should pro|ceed to the trials and ordination, but in such a man|ner as tended to bring all parties to an harmonious agreement.

Next year, 1650, the Parliament again dispatched the earls of Cassils and Lothian, Alexander Brodie, and George Winram, lords of session, with Messrs. John Smith and Alexander Jaffray, along with Mess. John Livingston, James Wood, and George Hutchi|son, to Breda, to try if they could persuade their young king to accept of the terms, upon which they had agreed to admit him to exercise his royal power▪ Partly by the treachery of Lothian and Winram o•• Libberton, and partly by Charles' expectations, tha•• Montrose, whom he had appointed to invade Scot|land from the north, with such foreigners as he could get, he held off from compliance till the time wa•• almost wholly elapsed. But understanding, that D. Lesly had taken Montrose prisoner, with his commis|sion on him, and scattered his 3000 foreign merce|naries; and that Cromwel's success in Ireland had rendered him altogether hopeless of availing himsel•• of that kingdom; and finding, by Libberton's trea|chery, that the Scotch committee of Estates, had or|dered their commissioners to break off all treaty with him, on account of his impowering Montrose to at+tack them by violence,—he pretended to comply with all their proposals, engaging himself to remove from his counsels all that stood excommunicated by th•• kirk;—to take the national covenant and solemn leagu•• and covenant, and prosecute the ends of them;—and to ratify and approve all acts of Parliament enjoining

these covenants, and establishing Presbyterian govern|ment, the Directory of worship, and Confession of faith, and Catechisms; and that all civil matters should be determined by the present and subsequent Parliaments, and all ecclesiastical ones by the General Assemblies. Notwithstanding all this, he continued till the very ••ast, to use the English liturgy at Breda, in opposition ••o all that the ecclesiastical commissioners could say to ••he contrary. On his passage, he had shewed some unwillingness to take the covenants; but his malig|nant friends persuaded him to comply. Accordingly, ••t his arrival in the mouth of the Spey, June 23d, 1650, he declared his willingness to swear them; and Mr. Livingston, who had, with reluctance, and not without being decoyed into the ship, come along with him, as he thought they were bringing the plague of God to their country, after a faithful sermon, administered the national covenant and solemn league ••o him, which he swore in the following words sub|••oined to them:

I Charles, king of Great Bri|tain, France, and Ireland, do assure and declare, by my solemn oath, in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher of hearts, my allowance and ap|probation of the national covenant, and of the so|lemn league and covenant above written, and faith|fully oblige myself to prosecute the ends thereof in my station and calling; and that I, for myself and successors, shall consent and agree to all acts of Parliament enjoining the national covenant, and solemn league and covenant, and fully establishing Presbyterial government, the directory of worship, the confession of faith and catechisms, in the king|dom of Scotland, as they were approven by the General Assembly of this kirk, and Parliament of this kingdom; and that I shall give my royal assent to the acts of Parliament enjoining the same in the rest of my dominions; and that I shall ob|serve them in my own practice and family, and shall never make opposition to any of these, or en|deavour any change thereof.

—This cath he im|mediately

subscribed, and in other things submitted as pleasantly as he could, and even parted with the new duke of Hamilton and with Lauderdale, and o|ther favourites. But hating every thing that looked like strictness in religion, and especially the faithfu•• reproofs, which he received from time to time, he was heartily wearied of his new attendants.

Charles having refused to subscribe and publish an•• acknowledgment of his own and his father's wicked|ness, and declaration of his future resolutions, offer|ed to him by the committee of Estates, and Commis|sion of the General Assembly, many of the members of which exceedingly suspected him, the Commission meeting at the West kirk of Edinburgh, Aug. 15th▪ 1650, declared, That this kirk or kingdom did no•• own or espouse any malignant party, or quarrel, o•• interest, nor would fight, but merely upon their for|mer grounds, and principles, in defending the cause of God and the kingdom, as they had done these twelve years past; and that, as they disclaimed the sin of the king and his house, they would not own him or his interest, but in subordination to God, and so far as he disclaims his own and father's opposition to the work of God and to the covenant,—and like|wise all the enemies thereof; and that they would quickly manifest the same to Cromwel, who, mar|ching to invade their country, had, in papers trans|mitted to them, charged them with the contrary▪ The committee of Estates that same day approved and heartily concurred in this declaration of the state o•• any war for defending his majesty. Charles, though heartily sorry, that he could not get his malignan•• friends into places of power and trust,—to engag•• the covenanters to withstand Cromwel, who was fas•• approaching, published a most solemn declaration a•• Dunfermline, Aug. 16th, blessing God for reco|vering him from the snare of his malignant coun|sellors; confessing and bewailing his own and hi•• father's hearkening to evil counsels, and opposition to the work of reformation, and to the solemn leagu••

and covenant, as well as the idolatry of his mother, and toleration of it in their family; and his own en|couragement and countenancing of the Irish Papists; —and declaring his deliberate, and judicious, and candid approbation of the national covenant and solemn league and covenant, and his firm resolution, in the Lord's strength, to prosecute the ends thereof in his station, really, constantly, and sincerely, all the days of his life; and that in order to this, he will have no enemies but the enemies of the covenant, or friends but the friends of it; and that, as he now detested all Popery, superstition, idolatry, Prelacy, error, heresy, schism, profaneness, he would, to the ut|most of his power, labour to extirpate them from all his dominions;—and begging, and requiring all such of his subjects, as had formerly opposed the cove|nants and cause of God, to lay down their enmity, and all regard to human interest, as opposed to the interest and honour of God; and professing, that he would only reckon these his best servants and most loyal subjects, who served him, and sought to pro|mote his interests, in subordination to the glory of God, and the gospel and kingdom of Jesus Christ. Mr. Patrick Gillespy obtested him, in the name of Christ, not to subscribe this declaration, no, not for three kingdoms, if he had the smallest hesitation in his mind concerning the righteousness of it. But Charles repeatedly declared, that he was satisfied in his mind with it, and therefore would subscribe it. Not long after, he solemnly declared his great obli|gations to the marquis of Argyle for his faithful en|devours to restore him to his just rights, and pro|mised him his highest savour and friendship, and dig|nities which he could confer, together with payment of 40,000 pounds of debt; and it is said secretly pro|mised to marry his daughter.

After victory had, for eight days, seemed to in|cline to the side of the Scots army commanded by David Lesly, the committee of war obliging him to ••eave the hill, where he had advantageously posted

his troops, in order to prevent Cromwel's escape from Dunbar, Cromwel, with his half dead forces, over|powered the larger army of the Scotch covenanters▪ and entirely routed them, Sept. 3d. No doubt, Cromwel, who had been before in such de••perate like circumstances, mightily rejoiced in his victory▪ but perhaps not so much as Charles did over the death and captivity▪ of so many of his covenanting subjects, that seemed so bent to restrain his viciou•• inclinations. After two days spen tin solemn fasting, and after he had relinquished the covenanters a•• Perth, in order to throw himself into an army o•• malignants, which he expected Middleton had rais|ed for him in the north, and being obliged by dis|appointment to return to Perth, Charles was solemn|ly crowned at Scoon, January 1, 1651, and again swore the covenants, as he had done about six months before. And not long after, he and his Parliamen•• in June, ratified all his preceding treaties, transacti|ons, engagements, and actions, and enacted them into a perpetual law: and it was expresly provided, That in all succeeding Parliaments, every member▪ before they entered on business, should subscribe the covenant: and without this, the constitution of the Parliament was declared void and null.

These solemn transactions of Charles and his ma|lignant friends were but a scene of shocking dissimu|lation. In consequence of the rout at Dunbar, and of a lesser defeat at Hamilton a little after, it was pretended, that the English could not be resisted, unless all able to bear arms should be raised without distinction; and Charles and his Parliament at Perth, required the quorum of the Commission, which had met upon a sudden call at that place, Dec. 14, 1650, to determine, What persons might be admitted to rise in arms to assist the standing forces against the armies of the English sectaries, who, contrary to the solemn league and covenant, had most unjustly invaded, and were destroying the kingdom? To this the Commis|sion replied, That, in this case of so great necessity,

they could not be against raising all able to bear arms, excepting excommunicated, forfeited, or notoriously profane or flagitious persons; or who had been long continued and inveterate opposers of the covenant and cause of God; providing always, that none should be put into such trust and power, as may be preju|dicial to the cause of God; and that such officers, as are of known integrity and affection to the cause, and particularly such as have suffered in former wars, be preferred. In consequence of this Resolution, se|veral of the general officers, and more than half of the colonels employed were malignants, and not a few of them, such as had been with Montrose.— These proceedings were exceedingly offensive to ma|ny ministers and Presbyteries, particularly to those of Stirling and Aberdeen, which represented their dissatisfaction to the next meeting of the Commission. For their public testimonies against them, Messrs. Guthry and Bennet of Stirling were called before Charles and his committee of Estates at Perth. But they, by repeated protestations, declined the juris|diction of his majesty and his Committee as not pro|per judges in matters of doctrine, which pertained to the church. Meanwhile, the Commission, pro|voked with the opposition of ministers and Presby|teries to their answer, published a vindication of it, prohibited all ministers or preachers to speak or write against it, and ordained Presbyteries to censure such as opposed it; and, to prevent their being members, ordained all such as opposed it, to be cited as scan|dalous to the next Assembly at St. Andrews.

Highly pleased, that he had thus set the covenant|ing clergy a tearing of one another, and especially ••rampling the strict party, whom he most heartily hated, under their feet, he, and the malignants, whom he had got into the army, in order that they and their friends might get into the judicatures, re|quired the Commission to determine, Whether, for ••he more effectual prosecution of the public resolutions for the defence of the king and kingdom, such

could lawfully be members of the committee of E|states, who were debarred from public trust by the act of classes, providing they have since satisfied the kirk for their offence, and been admitted to enter into covenant? And, Whether it would be sinful to repeal the Act of classes? To these the Commission replied, That as their solemn covenants and declara|tions mentioned as grounds, in the act of classes, did not particularly determine, what time such persons should be excluded from places of trust, for by past offences, but only bind to the due punishing of of|fenders, and to purge judicatories and places of power and trust, and to endeavour, according to the law of God, to have them filled only with such as are of known affection to the cause of God, and of a blame|less Christian conversation,—nothing hindered the Parliament to admit such secluded persons to be mem|bers of the committee of Estates, and to take off the censures inflicted upon them by the act of classes, providing they have satisfied the church for their of|fences, and have renewed and taken the covenant, and be qualified for such places, according to the word of God, and late acknowledgment of sins, and engagement to duties. In consequence of this answer, the act of classes was repealed, and multitudes of ma|lignants and profane persons, upon a mock professi|on of repentance, were admitted members of Parlia|ment and committee of Estates, and into places of power and trust, and soon had the whole manage|ment of the nation in their hands. Thus multitudes then, and ever since, have been admitted to be the ministers of God for good to the nation, in a way of trampling on the law of God, and plain violation of our solemn covenants with him. No wonder, there|fore, that so many of them prove a curse to us in|stead of a blessing. Nor is it any wonder, that the Synod of Glasgow, and especially the forces of the five south western shires, presented such remonstran|ces to the Commission and committee of Estates at Perth, against the rash admission of Charles to his

crown, without any proof of his sincerity, and a|gainst all junction with his favourite malignants, the last of which Charles and his committee of Estates voted to be treasonable: but, about fifteen members, who disliked the paper itself, dissented.

As the Commission, to maintain their own ground, had enacted, that none who opposed their resolutions should be admitted members of their ensuing Assem|bly, and had wrote circular letters to Presbyteries for that effect, and to cite the more active opposers as pannels to the bar,—their own party punctually obeyed them. In Presbyteries where they had a ma|jority, none but friends of the Resolutions were cho|sen for their commissioners; and where they were the minority, they either protested against the choice, or withdrew and elected one by themselves. When the Assembly met at St. Andrews, July 18th, 1651, a considerable body of ministers presented a petition, earnestly beseeching them, That, as the act and let|ter of the Commission had hindered the free electi|on of commissioners, by which many of the most e|minent abilities, and constant faithfulness and zeal, had been secluded, and as many elections were ques|tionable, on account of their not being made in due order, or of persons qualified according to the con|stitutions of this church; and as many commissioners were hindered from attendance by the English troops, who were masters of almost all the country south and westward of the Forth,—the meeting might be ad|journed for a time, and the act and letter of the Commission declared no bar of electing such for mem|bers as remain unsatisfied with the public resolutions; and that it might be recommended to Presbyteries to elect men of approved abilities and integrity, against whom there could be no exception by the acts and constitutions of this church; and that, in the mean time, a solemn fast be observed through the whole land in order to intreat the Lord to shew the causes of his contending, and that, by his giving light on all hands, he would graciously heal their divisions.

The prevailing party, many of whom had been long galled with the faithfulness and credit of the anti-re|solutioners, scorned to regard this request; but, hav|ing constituted themselves, and resolved to proceed to business, sustained the elections of such commissi|oners as they hoped would favour the Resolutions, and of as few others as possible. Their opponents therefore solemnly protested, That the meeting could not be held a free and lawful General Assembly of the church of Scotland,—in regard, that the free e|lection of commissioners had been prelimited by the letter and act of the Commission above mentioned; in regard many commissioners could not attend on account of the motions of the English army in the country; and in regard that many of the commissi|oners of the preceding Assembly had betrayed their trust, and had, in their remonstrances and papers, stirred up the civil magistrate against their brethren, who remained dissatisfied with their public resolutions; and who, by their above mentioned act and letter, had prelimited the freedom of the court, were admit|ted members of it, and their moderator chosen to be moderator of it,—notwithstanding they had been regularly and timeously excepted against as not ad|mittable, till their proceedings should be tried and approved by the Assembly; and in regard, that his majesty, by his letter, and his commissioner, by his speech, have excited them to persecuting measures against such as remain unsatisfied with the proceed|ings of the late Commission, before they be tried and approved by the Assembly itself: And they protest|ed in their own name, and of all ministers, ruling elders, and others, in the church of Scotland, that should adhere to them, That, as this meeting o•• Assembly was not free, lawful, or valid in its consti|tution, they had no power of jurisdiction in deter|mining controversies,—making acts,—emitting de|clarations,—judging protests, appeals from, or pro|ceedings of inferior judicatories,—censuring persons or papers,—or in issuing forth commissions: And

particularly they protested, That they might not pro|ceed to approve or justify the deeds of the late Com|mission, which contained many things contrary to ••he trust committed to it, in allowing and carrying on a conjunction with malignants, and bringing them ••nto places of power and trust, in the army and ju|dicatories, contrary to the word of God, solemn league and covenant, late acknowledgment of sins and engage|ment to duties, and to the constant tenor of former declarations, warnings, remonstrances, causes of hu|miliation, supplications, acts, and constitutions of ••his church; and further protested, That all their determinations, acts, ratifications, declarations, sen|••ences, censures, or commissions, should be held ••ull and void, no way binding on the church of Scot|••and,—and that it should be free for themselves and ••ll such as adhered to them, to exercise their mini|••try, and enjoy their Christian liberty according to the word of God, and our covenants, and other acts ••nd constitutions of this church; and that it shall be free for them to choose commissioners, and meet in a free, lawful General Assembly, when the Lord shall give opportunity for it.———Lord Warriston, by a letter to this Assembly, represented, in a mul|titude of constitutions of this church between 1560 ••nd 1650, how faithful ministers had withstood the civil magistrate's judging of their doctrine by them|selves, and how, by protestations, the Lord had, from time to time, kept up a testimony for his truths and cause; and he protested against the Assembly's ratification of the paper, in which the late Commis|••ion had approved to the Parliament, their confine|ment of the ministers of Stirling, for their preach|ing against the countenancing of malignants, or of any other paper of theirs, prejudicial to the cause of Christ.

Regardless of all opposition from their pious oppo|nents, the Assembly pushed forward in establishing ••hemselves, and gratifying Charles and his malignant dissemblers. They deposed three, and suspended one

of the ministers who had protested against the vali|dity of their constitution, and ratified all the procee|dings of the late Commission. Their opponents therefore quickly published their proofs, that this meeting was no free lawful General Assembly of the church of Scotland, viz. (1.) That the Commission▪ by their act and letter to Presbyteries, had plainly restricted the freedom of the election of the member•• of it, in directing them to choose none but such a•• concurred with the public resolutions; and had inti+mated, that dissenters from these resolutions ough•• to be looked on, not as sit to be members, but as tran+sgressors to be cited as pannels; had declared, tha•• if any such should be chosen, they would not be ad+mitted to be judges, but obliged to answer at the ba•• as guilty offenders; and that Presbyteries, which should choose such, should be looked upon as diso+bedient contemners of the public order of the kirk▪ (2.) That many, who had been excepted agains•• as guilty of betraying their trust, and of a scandalou•• apostacy from their sworn reformation, and conspir+ing with the enemies of our religion,—had, contrar•• to the constitutions and former practice of this church been sustained members, without trying their con+duct, the facts and sinfulness of which was offered t•• be proved; and even been admitted to judge of th•• relevancy of the objections offered against their bein•• sustained judges. (3.) There was no proper freedom of debate on the principal points necessary to be han+dled, as the Commission had stirred up the civil ma+gistrate against their brethren, who disapproved the•• public resolutions; in consequence of which, the m••+nisters of Stirling had been confined, and the Parli••+ment had ordered all such to be proceeded against a enemies to religion and the kingdom. The com+mission had, by their warnings and letters, stirre•• up Presbyteries to censure them, or cite them to th•• Assembly as scandalous transgressors, and many •• them had been cited accordingly. The king, by h•• letter, and his commissioner, by his speech, ha••

••tirred up the Assembly to take such severe methods with them, as might deter others from ever doing ••he like:—all which the Assembly had first connived ••t, and then approved. (4.) Persons were not al|••owed to speak their mind in this Assembly, and the letter of Lord Warriston, who was an elected com|missioner, and had been singularly faithful and ac|••ive, and acquainted with the constitutions of this church, was obstinately refused a reading. (5.) On account of the roving bands of the English, and even of the Scotch army in the heart of the country, ma|ny members could not attend, and none at all from nine or ten Presbyteries; and, even in their return home, his majesty and his committee of Estates had apprehended and confined severals, because they had not shewed themselves friendly enough to the public resolutions. (6.) That the members of the late Com|mission, before any approbation of their proceedings, were admitted as judges of a protestation, which in|sisted, That these proceedings should not be ratified, because contrary to the word of God, and their so|lemn covenants and constitutions, and in judging of the Protestors, in order to censure. Nay, that the committee, which managed the condemnation of the protestation, chiefly consisted of members of the Commission. The Resolutioners, for whom it is shocking to find not only Bailie, but Dickson and Douglas, zealous advocates, published a vindication of their Assembly and conduct, and condemned the above mentioned protestation as highly criminal. But their reasonings were sufficiently refuted by their op|ponents.

Charles and his army being entirely routed at Wor|cester by the English forces, Sept. 3d. 1651, such as had been appointed members of the Commission by the Assembly 1650, and sundry of their friends, who disliked the public resolutions, soon after drew up a Representation of the causes of God's wrath against the nation, and an acknowledgment of the sins of the ministry, the most full and candid, perhaps, that ever

was published in the Christian church. In their Causes of God's wrath, they mention, and illustrate by instances and aggravations, and by many scrip|ture proofs of their sinfulness and ruinous influence, the following, viz. Gross ignorance; looseness and profanity, in opposition to all God's commandments; the despising and neglecting of Jesus Christ, and his word and ordinances; neglect of family religion and the power of godliness, or even loathing and bearing it down; base love of the world, issuing in cove|tousness and oppression, and even perjuries; abuse and prostitution of the public faith of the kingdom; hypocritical, carnal, and selfish prosecution of cove|nanting, and other necessary and religious duties; deep security, impenitence, obstinacy, and incorri|gibleness under manifold signs and tokens of the Lord's anger; fearful backslidings from attained re|formation and covenant engagements, in falling from once attained singleness and honesty of heart, fer|vency, zeal for God, spiritual liveliness, tendernes•• of conscience, and purity of conversation;—in som•• falling off more secretly, and others more openly, to the malignant party, headed by Montrose, and af|terward by duke Hamilton;—in neglecting, hinder|ing, or condemning the purging of the judicatorie•• and army, in 1649, and afterward, according to co|venant engagements;—in agreeing to invest, and actually investing the king with the government o•• the nation, notwithstanding many clear evidences o•• his disaffection and enmity to the work and people of God;—in refusing manifold discoveries of guil•• given in testimonies of Synods, Presbyteries, and o|ther remonstrances and representations;—in the pub+lic resolutions of both kirk and state, for bringing malignants into the army and into places of powe•• and trust;—in joining in arms with the forces of th•• king, after the malignants had the principal manage|ment of them, and were by them carrying on thei•• own ends;—the prelimiting and corrupting of th•• General Assembly,—ratifying former defections, and

••••mencing persecution against the faithful opposers thereof.—In the Acknowledgment, they point out the sins of ministers, before their entrance into their office,—in their entering into it, and during their continuance in it,—in their private and their social conduct,—in their ministerial work, preaching of the gospel, dispensing the sacraments, visiting fami|lies and sick, catechising, ruling and censuring, and in respect of public matters.

Notwithstanding General Monk had subdued these parts of the nation, which Cromwell had left un|conquered, and all the counties, had, on the 2d of April, 1652, acknowledged the sovereignty of the English, the General Assembly met at Edinburgh in July. Lord Warriston, Messrs. Andrew Cant, John Livingston, Samuel Rutherfoord, and 32 others, presented to them, a Representation, protest, and proposals signed by 67 ministers, and 95 ruling el|ders, probationers, and others, in which they la|ment, The great inward and open apostacy from once attained reformation, and that an approbation of the public resolutions was now considered as the principal qualification of candidates for the holy mi|nistry, or of screening scandalous ministers from cen|sure, and that notwithstanding the changed circum|stances of the kingdom by the prevalence of Crom|well and his sectaries, and the complete rout and flight of K. Charles, so much use had been made of the authority of the last year's Assembly, begun at St. Andrews, and thereafter removed to Dundee;—and earnestly and solemnly beseeching them, That since many commissioners were restrained from attendance, and the far greater part of the commissions of those that had come up, were controverted by dissents and protests at their election; and, since their former con|duct had so much hindered reformation, and the edi|fication of souls,—they would not constitute them|selves into an Assembly, but appoint a free and friend|ly conversation, in order to remove difficulties, and fall on some healing overtures. And they laid be••ore

them the following Proposals for removing offences, and restoring mutual harmony and confidence, (1.) That they will give proper evidence of their appro|bation of, and adherence to the national covenant and solemn league, late acknowledgment of sins and engage|ment to duties, and other laudable acts of uncontro|verted Assemblies, and act according to them in dis|pensing of sealing ordinances, censuring offenders, or absolving penitents. (2.) That it be considered, how, after our sad defection and fearful judgments, we may honour the Lord, obtain his favour, and prevent like apostacy from him. (3.) That a proper method be established for securing against error, he|resy and schism on the one hand, and against the danger of malignancy on the other; and that proper marks be fixed, by which malignants may be known and judged. (4.) That proper methods be taken, ac|cording to the rules of this church, for purging out intruders and scandalous persons from the ministerial office; and that none be hereafter admitted, but such as have the positive qualifications required by the word of God and constitutions of this church. (5.) That proper rules be fixed and practised for censur|ing of scandals, and debarring the ignorant and pro|fane from the Lord's table. (6.) That care be taken, that none be absolved from censure, but such as give that evidence of their repentance, which the word of God and constitutions of this church require. (7.) That an effectual course be taken to prevent further hurt from the controverted constitutions and proce|dure of the Assembly at St. Andrews and Dundee, and for securing the right constitution of the Assem|blies in time coming.

These requests and proposals being altogether dis|regarded, they presented another paper, in which they observe, how they had been contemned; how an Assembly indicted by the null meeting of Dundee, had been pretended to be the only method of healing their divisions; how these, once hearty promoters of Prelacy, having gotten the ascendant in judicato|ries,

had more than ever manifested their contempt of their covenant engagements, and covenanted re|formation,—and had become persecutors of such as were endeavouring faithfully to adhere to the Lord and his cause, according to their solemn vows:— they declare their adherence to their former testimo|nies against their apostacy, and protest, That the constitution and acts of this Assembly shall be held null and void, and not binding by virtue of any au|thority derived from them. (1.) Because it derived its indiction and authority from the pretended Assem|bly of St. Andrews and Dundee last year. (2.) It is for the most part constituted of the same kind of persons as it, who have begun, supported, and car|ried on a course of defection, contrary to the word of God, and the covenants and constitutions of this church. (3.) Because, by the act of that pretended Assembly, last year, which required all Presbyteries and Synods to inflict censures upon all ministers, pro|bationers, students, and private Christians, who op|posed the public resolutions, and did not acquiesce in their acts,—all opposers are rendered incapable of e|lection, and in consequence of it, several Synods and Presbyteries, in their approbation of the deeds of that Assembly, had made several prelimitations. (4.) Many Presbyteries had refused to send up com|missioners to this meeting, as a General Assembly of the church of Scotland; and the election of such as have come up as commissioners, is generally contro|verted.—Regardless of all these things, the Assem|bly proceeded to business, and enacted, That scan|dalous ministers or others should be duly restored to their office and church fellowship, not without evi|dence of thorough repentance; and that none should be licensed to preach the gospel, or ordained to be mi|nisters or ruling elders, or be commissioned to Pres|byteries or Synods, before they give it under their hand, that they approve of the public resolutions, or at least will never make any opposition to them:— but refused to approve a declaration in favours of

Independency and toleration of errors, which some of the English had presented to them.——Finding the Scotch clergy extremely attached to their king, Cromwel would not allow them to hold any more General Assemblies; and sometimes his officers drove them out of their Synods. This did the less hurt, as the resolutioners, in their courts, chiefly aimed at supporting their own authority, and crushing their protesting brethren.

Deprived of civil assistance from Charles and his malignant favourites, to persecute the protestors by fines, imprisonment, or death, the public resoluti|oners persecuted them with manifold reproaches, as ruiners of their king and country,—as favourers of the English sectaries and their usurpations,—as ren|ters of the church, and the like; and laboured to their utmost to keep these of their principles from any ministerial charges, which, in divers places, oc|casioned a protesting minister and a resolutioner in the same congregation. So terrible were their tor|rents of reproach and calumny, that even principal Bailie, notwithstanding all his coolness, prudence, piety, and learning, appears, in his letters, ready to receive and spread ill grounded calumnies to blacken the characters of his most eminent, and, a little be|fore, dearly beloved brethren. The uncommonly meek and calm Mr. Guthrie of Stirling he represents as a kind of forward flaming fire-brand; the almost too peaceful Mr. Livingston as a violent pusher; the pious and learned Mr. Simson of Airth as an arrant fool; holy Rutherfoord, and uniting Durham and Blair as working the ruin of the church; great M'Ward as guilty of being Rutherfoord's servant; and pious Andrew Gray and Hugh Binning, whose sermons the Lord then, and since, hath so remark|ably blessed, as romantic, new-fashioned, and un|substantial preachers; and, in short, the protestors settlements of ministers, carriage in judicatories, and at solemn fasts, and sacramental occasions, which

were attended with such marvellous power from on high, as a scene of disorder, pride, and selfishness.

But the more their brethren reproached and per|secuted them as they could, the more the Lord coun|tenanced their labours, and made them sing as in the days of their youth, about 1638 and 1649. Re|markably warned of, and dreading times of restraint, they were exceedingly diligent in their ministrations, and these were attended with amazing success. Mul|titudes of the most serious attended their many solemn fasts and their sacramental occasions; and so mar|vellous was the influence they felt, that they were often in a kind of spiritual trance the whole time. After one sacramental occasion, about sixty of the aged hearers, earnestly applied themselves to learn, that they might read the word of God.—"I have been many years" says Mr. Kirkton in his MSS me|moirs "in a parish, where I never heard an oath; and one might have rode many miles without hear|ing one. In a great part of the country, one could not have lodged in a family, where God was not dai|ly worshipped by reading, singing of psalms, and prayer. People were generally so sober, that the inn-keepers complained of the ruin of their trade." The Lord also gave them peculiar favour in the sight of the English invaders, who relished their unfavour|able apprehensions of K. Charles, and his malignants, Prelatists, and Papists,—and repeatedly offered them the government of the country, which they always refused. And indeed none were more zealous against compliance with Cromwel and his sectaries, or for continued praying for Charles, than Lord Warriston, Mr. James Guthry, and other principal men among the Protestors. Even Argyle fell under their frown for some involuntary compliances that he had made.

The English had the whole civil government of the nation in their hands. No newly placed minister could plead in law for his stipend, without a warrant from some of their judges. The English Parliament even gave their judges and sequestrators a power to put

out scandalous ministers or teachers in universities, and prohibited ministers public praying for Charles as their king, under pain of losing their stipend. This both Protestors and Resolutioners refused to comply with; and such was their zeal for their wic|ked and treacherous prince, that the Lord's supper was not dispensed for some years in Edinburgh and several other places, because they scrupled to admit the magistrates to it, who had been obliged to crouch under the English conquerors. By means of Dur|ham, Blair, and some other pacificators, the Protes|tors and Resolutioners had several conferences in or|der to agreement in 1655; and the matter was car|ried up before Cromwel, who had usurped the go|vernment of Britain; but without any effect. Wea|ried of the scrupulosity of the Protestors, and court|ed with large offers by Sharp, afterward archbishop, in name of the Resolutioners, he gave both parties an equal liberty. As he indulged the Sectaries which abounded in his time with liberty to spread their prin|ciples, and to restrain the Presbyterians from foisting into their causes of fasting any thing in favours of Charles or against himself or his government, had taken the power of appointing general fasts, and fix|ing the causes thereof next to wholly into his own hands,—Rutherfoord and sixteen other Protestors, in the counties of Fife and Perth, emitted a solemn testimony against these things, and in behalf of their covenanted reformation.

During the confusions, which happened after Cromwel's death in 1658, both Protestors and Re|solutioners appeared pretty calm, and agreed to bury their differences.—Instigated by Messrs. Robert Dou|glas, and James Sharp, Monk, who had command|ed the English forces in Scotland for several years, undertook to restore Charles to his throne, and, by the vilest perjury and treachery, got it accomplished. Charles himself was wearied of his miserable and pinched circumstances abroad, and stuck at no dissi|mulation by letters, to persuade the nation of his vir|tues

and good intentions. The nobles at home dis|dained crouching to Englishmen of no rank in the world. The subjects in general were tired of an un|settled government. Such as thought they had served Charles, though but in pillaging their neigh|bours houses, expected that he would richly reward them: his friends in general highly extolled his ex|cellencies. And though, in his travels, he had so|lemnly professed himself a Papist, some divines re|presented him as the great instrument by which God would fulfil the promises of Antichrist's destruction. Sharp, whom the Resolutioners chose for their agent, to concert matters with General Monk and Charles, and to take care that no injury might be done to their church, notwithstanding his most solemn professions of sincerity, betrayed them, and concerted with Charles, how to introduce Episcopacy, in reward of which Charles gave him 20 chalders of corn, and the archbishoprick of St. Andrews; and, in the mean time, stirred them up against the Protestors, whom he represented as abhorred by his majesty; so that it is hard to say, if the Prelatic persecution made their circumstances a whit worse, than the Resolutioners would have made them.

Convinced, that the Protestors would oppose their introduction of Prelacy, Charles and Sharp heartily agreed to ruin the principal of them as quickly as possible. Charles therefore gave orders to imprison the Marquis of Argyle, Lord Warriston, Sir James Stewart, provolt of Edinburgh, and Sir John Chief|ly, who shewed the most bold opposition to the be|heading of his father; while he advanced to honour Sir John Fletcher, who had, among the first, ab|jured himself, and Middleton and Sharp, who had shewed not a little forwardness in taking the engage|ment of fidelity to the English commonwealth.— Sometime after, a solemn thanksgiving for Charles' restoration, at Edinburgh, the afternoon of which was spent in horrid drunkenness, debauchery, and madness,—the committee of Estates appointed by the

Parliament in 1651, all the members of which had concurred with their sovereign in taking the nationa•• covenant and solemn league, and some of them had advised him to make that solemn declaration at Dun|fermline, Aug. 16th, 1650, met on the 2d of Aug. 1660.—Finding, that the Resolutioners would nei|ther join with their protesting brethren to form a supplication to his majesty, nor form one by them|selves, Mr. James Guthry, and nine other ministers▪ and two elders, met in a private house in Edinburgh▪ to form a draught of a supplication to be laid before a larger meeting of their brethren, particularly the Synod of Glasgow. In this draught, they represen|ted to his majesty, how hateful the procedure of the late usurpers had been to them, in offering violence to the Parliament of England, in murdering his roy|al father, and in secluding himself from his govern|ment, and in their impious encroachments upon the kingdom of Jesus Christ, &c.—how thankfully they acknowledged the Lord's signal preservation of his majesty's person, and in restoring him to his throne; —how they did, and resolved to pour forth their fer|vent supplications to God for him; and hoped, that he would protect, countenance, and encourage them as their gracious sovereign,—what dangers threaten|ed religion and the work of reformation in these kingdoms, from the unremitted endeavours of Pa|pists, Prelatists, and malignants on the one hand, and of the Sectaries on the other; and therefore humbly besought his majesty to employ his royal power for the preservation of the reformed religion, in doctrine, worship, discipline and government in the church of Scotland; and for the reformation of religion in England and Ireland;—and that all places of trust might be filled with such as have taken the covenant, and are of approved integrity and known affection to the cause of God;—and that his majesty would remove the ceremonies and service book from his church and family, and from other places of his do|minions, and publicly signify his approbation of the

covenant, into which he had so solemnly entered, and of his purpose to adhere to it,—as it was the desire of ••heir soul, that he might be like David, a man accor|ding to God's own heart, and to Solomon, of an un|derstanding heart to judge the Lord's people, &c. The committee, hearing of their meeting, caused ap|prehend them all, except one elder that escaped, and without hearing them, imprisoned them in the castle of Edinburgh, from whence the Parliament next ••ear liberated them all, except Mr. Guthry. Next day, the committee emitted a proclamation against all unlawful meetings, without his majesty's special authority, and against all seditious petitions and re|monstrances, as every faithful one was now called.

By a flattering letter directed from Charles to the resolutioners of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, in which he promised to support their cause, and main|tain their religion, as by law established;—by a pro|clamation against Rutherfoord's Lex rex, and the causes of God's wrath, as containing many things in|jurious to his majesty, and laying the foundation and seeds of rebellion, and the burning of what copies they could find, at Edinburgh, by the hangman;— and by a proclamation against Remonstrants and their adherents;—and by the confinement or imprisonment of some gentlemen or ministers, that they might have no influence upon the elections for the ensuing Parliament, or citing them to it as criminals,—pre|paration was made for its being wholly complaisant. Great care was taken, that none should be elected commissioners, but such as should in all things be subservient to the will of the court. For this reason, it seems none else could be found fit in the burgh of Lanerk, but their piper. And care was taken to have the elections of those that were otherwise disposed set aside. The most part of the members were ab|solutely infamous, who wallowed in profaneness, whoredom, and drunkenness. Only Lowdon, Cas|sils, Sutherland, Crawford, Borthwick, Torphichen,

and a few other old covenanters, who often dissent|ed from the deeds of the rest, retained their wonted sobriety. And indeed, drunkenness, whoredom, cursing and blasphemy, were now reckoned badges of loyalty; and piety, or even common gravity, a mark of rebellion. Charles himself appears to have been a profligate Atheist, abandoned to profane swearing, drunkenness and whoredom, and capable of the most base dissimulation. Sharp, his director and agent, was chiefly remarkable for activity, craft, and dissimulation. Such as were intimately acquain|ted with him, reckoned him a downright Atheist, who affected to believe, That there was neither God, hea|ven nor hell; he used no private prayer, and scarcely had prayer in his family once a month; he lived, who knows how long, in whoredom with one Isobel Lind|say, and with his own hand strangled the child, which she bare to him. And there is not a little ground to believe, that he had entered into a solemn compact with the devil, in order to preserve his life and carry on his desigos.

The Parliament having met on the 21st of Ja|nuary, 1661, after a faithful sermon from Mr. Rob. Douglas, would choose their after preachers for themselves; who, by their fulsome harangues, ex|cited them to render his majesty absolute, and to es|tablish some greater authority in the church to keep her ministers in order. Highly pleased with such stuff, the Parliament appointed a new oath of allegi|ance, acknowledging the king's supremacy over all persons, and in all causes. They enacted, That no conventions, leagues, or bonds, should be made without his majesty's consent, and prohibited the renewing of the solemn league and covenant, or any other covenants or public oaths concerning the go|vernment of the church or kingdom, without his special warrant and approbation; and appointed all persons in public offices to swear the oath of allegiance or supremacy before mentioned, and subscribe the de|claration asserting his majesty's prerogative; bearing,

that it was his and his successors sole right, to choose and appoint officers of state, privy counsellors and lords of session;—and to call, hold, and dissolve all Parliaments and other conventions of the states; that no acts of Parliament are binding without his special approbation or commission; that the power of mak|ing peace or war doth only reside in him, and his ••heirs and successors; that it is high treason for any subjects to rise or continue in arms without his au|thority, or to meet for determining any matters, ci|vil or ecclesiastical, except in the ordinary judgments, —or to make leagues and bonds, without his special consent; that the solemn league and covenant, and all treaties following upon it, are not obligatory upon any of the subjects of this kingdom; and that none could lawfully require the renewing of said covenant, or any other covenant, or renew the same, without his majesty's special warrant and approbation: They declared the convention of Estates 1643, which enjoin|ed the solemn league and covenant, and all the Par|liaments between 1640 and 1649, inclusively, void and null in their very constitution, and so their deeds of no authority. They declared, that the Protestant religion was settled as before 1638, and the govern|ment of the church should be secured as his majesty found most proper. They appointed the 29th of May to be kept as a yearly thanksgiving to God; and by the preamble of this act, they laboured to bring in God and all the subjects as approvers of their fore|mentioned acts, and as solemn reproachers of the whole covenanted work of reformation. And, in|fine, they restored Patronages, and required all pre|sentees to take the above oath of allegiance and decla|ration. The Parliament confirmed their statutes with the blood of the marquis of Argyle, whose es|tate Middleton the president expected, and of Mr. James Guthry, and with the harrassment, imprison|ment, or banishment of his fellow petitioners, and other protestors;—most of whom had suffered for their attachment to his majesty, during Cromwel's

usurpation. Had not God removed Rutherfoord by a triumphant death, he had also been sacrificed▪ Meanwhile, by the influence of the resolutioners▪ and by the courts dissolution of Synods, and by the general fainting of ministers, or their divisions among themselves, not one judicial testimony was lifted up against the wickedness of the Parliament, in Scot|land.

After the rise of the Parliament, Charles, instigat|ed by Middleton and Sharp, and assured that the best part of the nation earnestly wished it, and that not so much as twenty of the resolutioners would oppose it,—by a proclamation, founded on his new|ly established supremacy,—established Episcopalian government. Sharp was made archbishop of St. Andrews, and Fairfoul of Glasgow, under whom twelve others were made bishops. None of them had the least appearance of seriousness, except Leigh|ton of Dumblain. Meanwhile the earl of Tweedale was imprisoned for some words he had spoken in fa|vours of Mr. Guthry, and his not voting for his death. The privy council emitted a proclamation, prohibiting the election of any for magistrates or counsellors in burghs, that were not hearty for bish|ops and the king's arbitrary power. And to prevent the printing or spread of such scandalous and seditious papers, as Argyle's and Guthry's dying words, the covenanters plea, &c. they prohibited the printing o•• any books or papers, without warrant from the king or Parliament. They soon after prohibited all ec|clesiastical meetings in Synods, Presbyteries, and sessions, till authorized by the archbishop and bishops▪ Presbyteries were prohibited to ordain ministers; and if they but begged leave to represent their grievances, it was held seditious or treasonable. Lord Lowdon, and soon after Mr. Bailie, died of grief, for the al|terations they saw made in both church and state▪ Messrs. Dickson, Douglas, and Wood, too late, became sensible of their mistake in supporting the public resolutions, while others were fretted to see

••he pre-apprehensions of the protestors so fearfully ••erified, and to hear themselves blamed by them for ••ringing matters to this dreadful condition.

The Parliament meeting, on May 8th, 1662, ad|mitted the newly consecrated bishops to their seats with great pomp and ceremony; and then re-esta|••lished the government of the church by archbishops ••nd bishops, as founded upon his majesty's inherent ••upremacy over the church;—declared it high trea|••on for subjects, on any pretence, to enter into leagues ••r covenants, or take up arms against the king or ••ny commissioned by him; and that the national cove|••ant, as explained in 1638, and the solemn league ••nd covenant were unlawful oaths, no way binding on ••uch as had sworn them;—and repealed all acts civil ••nd ecclesiastical approving these covenants; parti|cularly the seditious meeting of the Assembly at Glasgow in 1638, and all the acts and deeds there|of; and declared, that if any spoke, wrote, printed, or prayed against his majesty's supremacy over the church, or against the Episcopalian government now established, he should be incapable of any public trust. They next appointed all those ministers, who had been ordained since 1649, many of whom had suffered much for their attachment to Charles, un|der Cromwel, to get presentations from their pa|trons, and renouncing their former ordination, to receive admission from their bishops; and that all ministers, under severe penalties, should attend their bishop's Synod, and assist him in all things he re|quired; and that all masters of colleges, who did not submit to Prelacy, should be turned out, and none be allowed to preach, keep schools, or teach children of quality, without the bishop's licence. They further appointed all persons in public trust, to subscribe a second declaration, bearing, That they judged it unlawful, upon any pretence, to enter in|to leagues or covenants; or to take up arms against the king or those commissioned by him; and that all the convocations, petitions, and protestations for

beginning and carrying on the late troubles, (i. •••• covenanted reformation, between 1637—and 1651 were unlawful and seditious, and particularly tha•• the national covenant, as sworn and explained i•• 1638, and the solemn league and covenant, were, an•• are, in themselves unlawful oaths, and imposed upo•• the subjects contrary to the fundamental laws an•• liberties of the kingdom, and no way bind any tha•• swore them, to endeavour any alteration of th•• present government of either church or state. A••+ter the act of indemnity had been so long delayed, i•• order to terrify people into compliance, it was no•• passed, with an exception of about 800 persons, som•• of whom were dead, and others were infants, o•• had never existed, on whom was laid a fine, of a+bout 85,000 pounds sterling, which Middleton hog+ed to get for himself: and besides, twelve person were, by ballotting, to be excluded from all place of power and trust.—They also issued a proclama+tion, bearing, That all ministers, who did not ob+serve the anniversary thanksgiving, on the 29th o•• May, should be deprived of their benefices.—T•• testify their loyalty, the magistrates of Linlithgow with great parade, burnt the covenants, which them+selves had sworn, along with Lex rex, and the caus•• of God's wrath, &c.

A number of ministers had been summoned to th•• Parliament for a terror to others, that might inclin•• to adhere to their old principles. The day after th•• Parliament rose, the privy council met, and appoi••+ted all parsons, vicars, and ministers, to attend u•• on their diocesan Synods, the diets of which we then appointed by the bishops and archbishops. T•• inforce this act and put honour on the bishops, Mi+dleton the commissioner, and Glencairn the cha••+cellor, with the earls of Morton, Linlithgow, an•• Callender, and lord Napier, took a tour to the we•• of Scotland, where, in their different lodging place•• they wallowed in drunkenness, gluttony, and pro••+faneness, and at Air, about midnight, drank the d••+vil's

health at the cross. In consequence of the arch|••ishop's complaint, That none of the ministers or|dained since 1649, had owned him for bishop; and ••hat he and his fellow bishops would be mere cyphers or objects of hatred, unless more effectual methods were taken to inforce submission to them, the coun|cil met at Glasgow, October 1st; and while most of ••he members were mortally drunk, enacted, that all such ministers as did not, before the end of that month, apply to their bishops for collation and ad|mission, should be deprived of their stipends for the present year, and removed from their parishes and Presbyteries; and never after exercise any part of their ministerial office; and that such of their parishioners as afterwards repaired to their sermons, should be punished as frequenters of conventicles. As several of the ministers had retired from the coun|••ry to Edinburgh, the council required the magi|••trates to oblige all the inhabitants every evening to give an account of all their lodgers, under what pe|nalties should be thought proper. They appointed all the ministers of Edinburgh, who did not comply with Prelacy, to desist from exercising their ministry, and leave the city before Martinmas next: and com|menced a process against Sir James Stewart the pro|vost, and his son, for entertaining Mr. Hugh M'Kail, and against Messrs. Donald Cargil, John Brown, and John Livingston, and 16 other ministers, in order to force them to comply with the bishops, or banish them from the kingdom. By such means, above 300 ministers, generally of remarkable piety, gifts, and diligence, and most of them great sufferers for their attachment to Charles, during the usurpation, were driven from their charges, and their places fil|led with men shamefully ignorant, many of them a a scandal to human nature in vice, and others of them of the most violent and persecuting tempers; and all of them, by the bishops and their assistants, forcibly intruded upon congregations: No wonder then, that such as had any regard to the laws of

Christ scrupled to hear them, and resorted to such opposers of Prelacy, as were not yet cast out, or to the family worship of the elected ministers, in such numbers, that the houses could not contain them; from which field meetings gradually originated.

After Middleton had established Prelacy, he him|self was disgraced; and soon after died miserably a•• Tangier, killed, according to his former imprecation, by the broken bone of that arm, which he had held up, in swearing the covenant; and Lauderdale his opponent became prime minister in his stead. Af|ter the council had commenced further processes a|gainst forty more ministers in Galloway, and the dio|cese of Dunkeld, and given orders to Sir James Tur|ner, a savage commander of the military, to suppress all private religious meetings for instruction, prayer or conference, the Parliament met June 18th, 1669, and enacted, That all non-conform ministers, tha•• shall presume to exercise their office in any manner, shall be punished as seditious persons; and all with|drawers from the conform incumbents of their own parish, be punished,—every nobleman, gentleman, or heritor, in the fourth part of his yearly revenue▪ every yeoman or tenant, in about the fourth part o•• his moveables after his rent is paid, and every bur|gess, with the loss of his freedom, and the fourth part of his moveables, together with such corpora•• punishment as the council find proper: They ap|pointed all persons in public trust, to subscribe the declaration of last year; and that if any elected to be counsellors or magistrates in burghs, refused to sign it, they should be for ever incapable of being magi|strates or of merchandizing. They appointed a na|tional Synod of bishops, &c; but, which could e+nact nothing that the king or his commissioner wa•• unwilling to confirm;—and which indeed never met•• They ordered a levy of 20,000 foot and 2000 horse•• to be ready to serve his majesty in any part of his do|minions, as he should find necessary.—Lord War+riston,—whom Charles' physician had attempted t••

poison at Hamburgh, and then taken from him six|ty ounces of blood, being apprehended in France, was notwithstanding his weakness of body and mind, produced by the poison and loss of blood, sentenced to death, and his head to be fixed on the Nether|bow port, along with Mr. Guthry's.——The privy council commenced a prosecution against sixteen mi|nisters for continuing to exercise their office, and a|gainst William Gordon of Earlstoun, for refusing to hear the curate of his parish; and emitted a procla|mation, That all ministers that did not duly attend the bishops courts, should, within twenty days, re|move themselves, families, and substance, out of their respective parishes, and not reside within twenty miles of the same, nor within six miles of any ca|thedral church, or three miles of any royal burgh; —and enacted, That all persons who shall come from Ireland without sufficient testimonials, and do not return within fifteen days, shall be impri|soned, and treated as seditious;—and that all per|sons that, notwithstanding three admonitions gi|ven by their minister, withdraw from public wor|ship, shall, upon his attestation, be prosecuted accor|ding to law; and that all noblemen, sherriffs, and officers of the army, shall assist ministers in their prosecution.—In consequence of this, the curates in the west and south, after sermon, called over the roll of their parishes, and delated whomsoever they pleased of the absents to Sir James Turner, the pro|fligate and barbarous commander of the forces in that country; who, together with his soldiers, judged and punished them as they thought sit; and, by this means, and by raising the sines imposed by Middle|ton's Parliament, plundered and ruined the country.

By bishop Sharp's instigation, Charles appointed an High Commission court in 1664, consisting of 9 bishops, and 35 laymen, and of which one bishop and four others were a quorum, having power to pro|secute, suspend, and depose ministers, and to fine, imprison, &c. them and others, who continued in

their non-conformity to the religion established by law; and appointed the officers of the army or mili|tia, and lords of privy council to assist them, in ap|prehending and punishing of such delinquents. In consequence whereof, persons were called before them without information, accusation, or witness; and required to answer whatever questions were propos|ed. If any offered any legal defence, he was required to take the oath of supremacy, the refusal of which was reckoned sufficient guilt. They, in the manner of the Spanish inquisition, and the privy council, in their wonted manner, proceeded to ruin every seri|ous opposer. Such non-conform ministers, as yet remained in their charges by the favour of some of the nobility, or the like, were driven from them, and soldiers were appointed to force people, who absent|ed from the sermons of their intruded curates, to pay twenty-pence for every time they should be absent. Besides several proclamations for enforcing or exe|cuting the above mentioned acts of Parliament against non-conformists and preachers, or attenders upon religious meetings not allowed by law, they emitted one against Brown's apologetical relation of the suffer|ings of the faithful ministers and professors of that pe|riod, and ordered it to be burnt in the street of E|dinburgh by the hangman; and all that had copies of it to deliver them up to their sherriffs, or be liable to a fine of 2000 pounds Scots: and Mr. James Guthrie's widow and daughter were prosecuted for having it.

In 1666, the remains of the fines imposed by the Parliament of 1662, for some trifling compliances with the English usurpers, or the like, were exacted with rigour by the king's troops, who took free quarters till they got them: no excuse was accepted, unless by taking the oath of supremacy, and sub|scribing the declaration; and such as could neither pay their fines, nor entertain the troops, were drag|ged to prison. Sir James Turner and his soldiers were empowered to sine the west country people for

non-attendance on the ministrations of their profligate curates,—and even to sine gentlemen, if their ladies or servants did not attend; and to quarter on te|nants, if their landlords withdrew. No widowhood or poverty excused from the fines. The soldiers snatched the meat from the mouths of innocent chil|dren, and gave it to their dogs; and when they had consumed all the provision, they sold or burnt the furniture. In this manner, Turner and his troops levied almost 60,000 pounds Scots, from the two shires of Galloway and Dumfries for their non-con|formity.——Being obliged to give up the infamous High Commission, two regiments of foot, and six troops of horse were raised, under General Dalziel, a profligate savage, educated in the military service of Russia, in order to force the non-conformists to hear the curates. The council emitted a proclama|tion, requiring masters to answer for the conformity of their servants, and heritors for that of their te|nants, and give bond accordingly, under pain of horning.

Sir James Turner, though it is said, he scarcely acted up to his orders, had almost wholly ruined the south west of Scotland, and obliged multitudes to leave their houses, and wander among mosses and mountains. Four countrymen in Galloway, being informed that his merciless soldiers had apprehended a poor old man, and were going to roast him naked upon a red hot gridiron, went, and begged them to let him alone: but, instead of hearkening to this hu|mane desire, the soldiers fell upon the men, who, getting the better of them, disarmed them, and re|lieved their friend;—and fearing, that the other sol|diers in the parish would fall upon them, they, and seven or eight more, surprized the party, which all laid down their arms, except one that was killed. The countrymen about, apprehending, that Turner would cruelly resent what had been done, upon them, without loss of time, went to Dumfries and surprized him, and disarmed his troops without hurting any

of them but one that was wounded;—and then, at the cross, publicly drank the king's health, and pros|perity to his government. Informed hereof, the council published a proclamation, which could not reach those concerned till it was too late, requiring them to lay down their arms, and surrender them|selves to his majesty's lieutenant general, or some o|ther officers, within 24 hours, and prohibiting all persons to assist, harbour, or keep any correspon|dence with these rebels,—but containing no promise of indemnity in case of surrender. After some deli|beration, that persecuted handful formed themselves into a small army, and resolved to march towards E|dinburgh, in order to give their persecuted friends an opportunity to join them; and at Lanerk, being a|bout 1500, they renewed their solemn covenant with God; and about the same time drew up a Manifesto no wise disowning his majesty's authority, but bear|ing, that they had taken arms to defend themselves and their persecuted brethren, in their adherence to their covenants, into which the king himself had so|lemnly entered, and to protect themselves and friends from such cruelty and violence, as they had for some time past suffered. As Dalziel, with Charles' troops, marched up towards them, they marched eastward by Bathgate till they came to Collington, about three miles from Edinburgh. Greatly diminished by their fatigue, in marching so far, in one of the last nights of November, and disappointed of their expected as|sistance from the Lothians, they, about 900, march|ed by the east end of Pentland hills, where, while they were quite dispirited and fatigued, and expect|ing a peaceful negotiation, Dalziel, contrary to his promise of a cessation of arms, fell upon them, and killed 50 of them, and took as many prisoners. But the country people in the neighbourhood killed and took prisoners not a few more. Notwithstanding Charles himself was so ashamed of the illegal cruel|ties proved against Sir James Turner, that he dis|missed him from his service, yet the privy council, to

whom, just before their skirmish at Pentland, the poor people had begged leave to represent their grie|vances for two or three years, persecuted, murdered, imprisoned, forfeited, or banished them that had ta|ken arms, or that gave them any harbour or lodging. And such as got an indemnity, had it, at the expence of wounding their conscience, by subscribing what they called the Bond of peace, in which they engaged for themselves and these under them, to live peace|ably; that is, to bear no testimony against the abo|minations established by law.

As the nobles were wearied of persecuting ministers and people merely for not hearing of curates, many of them shamefully ignorant or profligate; and as it was expected, that it would divide and weaken the Presbyterian party, Charles, moved by Tweedale, by a letter in 1669, granted an INDULGENCE to them, under certain conditions, which, through the oppo|sition of the bishops and their clergy, had no small difficulty to obtain the approbation of the council. In consequence of this, about forty-three Presbyte|rian ministers were indulged either in their own pa|rishes when vacant, or in some other parish, as the council judged meet. Another indulgence was gran|ted to about eighty in 1672, to keep matters quiet, while Lewis of France and Charles his pensionary laboured to destroy the Dutch nation, which kindly sheltered their persecuted Protestant brethren. Some few of the persons, to whom these indulgences were offered, refused to accept them. Some of them that did accept, testified against the conditions, or betook themselves to filly shifts to quiet their conscience, and cover their shame; while a considerable number boldly pled for their own compliance, and raged at the field preachers, who testified against it. It was pled in favours of it, That magistrates, for ends known to themselves, may prohibit ministers to preach for a time, and afterward permit them to preach; that though magistrates have not power to silence ministers altogether, yet they have power to

prohibit the public exercise of their ministry, and a|gain, when they think fit, to grant that liberty unto them; that the 2d Book of discipline allows magis|trates to place ministers, when the kirk is corrupted, and all things are out of order; that K. Hezekiah and Josiah reformed the Levites, purged the temple, and appointed the courses of the priests and Levites; that several of the indulged were sent to their own charges; that if the indulgence be rejected, because it proceeds from the king's supremacy, then he might banish all preaching out of his dominions, by com|manding to preach by virtue of his supremacy; that the preaching of the gospel is so important and neces|sary, that many things may be comported with, in order to obtain it; that the mere making use of his majesty's present favour, doth not homologate the ex|orbitancies, under which we have groaned; that the rulers did not assign the indulged ministers to parti|cular charges by express deputation, but only by per|mitting and allowing them to exercise their ministry there; that, after the ruin of our liberties, we may accept a relaxation, which is sinful on the granter's part; that, though the magistrate's principal design in these indulgences be to establish his own suprema|cy over the church, yet the accepting of them can|not imply an approbation of that design; that, as the magistrate proposeth this indulgence by com|mand, obedience to the command cannot imply an engagement to the prescriptions annexed; that, not|withstanding his carrying his supremacy to the high|est, the king hath not assumed the power of church order or dispensation of word and sacraments; that the indulged ministers plainly owned, that the ordi|nation of Christ is the only proper foundation, upon which the exercise of their ministry, by the permissi|on of this licence, doth subsist, and the magistrate's allowance is but merely the removal of his former un|just restraints; that acceptance of the indulgence imported no subjection of the ministry to the arbitra|ry

will of men, but rather an acknowledgment that our persons are in subjection to them.

On the other hand it was pled, that the procla|mation for the indulgence plainly flowed from the king's supremacy over the church, and maintains his council's power to depose ministers from, and restore them to the exercise of their ministry, as they find proper; and that it was granted to some ministers to prevent others from preaching to any, but their own families: and that it was clogged with several sinful conditions, as, That they behoved to utter no|thing against Prelacy, or the king's supremacy; that, unless they attend the bishops Synods and Presbyte|ries, they must confine themselves to the parishes in which they preach; that they should admit none to sealing ordinances, or to marriage, who belonged to any other established, or indulged minister, without his allowance; that they give no countenance to peo|ple of other congregations coming to hear them; that they all administer the Lord's supper on the same day; that they preach only in their own chur|ches, under pain of being held keepers of conventi|cles; that all matters of discipline, which formerly belonged to Presbyteries, must still belong to the bi|shops, Presbytery of the bounds, or next to it:—that therefore (1.) The acceptance of the indulgence reflect|ed dishonour upon Jesus Christ, the only king and head of his church, as it practically declared, that the accepters did not hold their ministry wholly and only of Jesus Christ; that they hold the exercise of it from the magistrate, either solely or in conjuncti|on with Christ; that thus they receive the office or exercise of their ministry from men, who, in this deed, neither do, nor can act in a subordination to Christ, as the head and fountain of all church pow|er; that thus they acknowledge all the rules and di|rections prescribed by them for ordering of the exer|cise of the ministry, to be insufficient; and that not Christ alone, but magistrates, have power to pre|scribe the qualifications necessary for the exercise of

the ministry; that not Christ alone, but magistrates also, have power to prescribe, how he will have such an officer set over such a particular flock; and that hereby they concur with limitations in, and about the dispensation of Christ's spiritual ordinances, not prescribed by himself, nor by any ministerial power subordinated to him, but in opposition to him, both in matter and manner. (2.) It is contrary to Presby|terian principles; such as, that it belongeth to the church, and to church officers, to try and examine qualifications of such as are to exercise the ministeri|al office, and, by explaining and applying Christ's rules, to declare who are fit and qualified for it; that it belongs to the church, or church judicatories, to convey ministerial office and power to persons qualified, and to grant them a potestative mission, authorizing them to exercise their ministerial functi|on; and to plant and transplant ministers to particu|lar charges, or loose their relation to them, as the good of the church requireth; that it belongs to church judicatories to give injunctions concerning the exercise of the ministry and dispensation of the ordinances of Christ; that the power of censuring, suspending, or deposing ministers, belongs to the church, not to a king or his council. (3.) It sup|ports and confirms the king's Erastian supremacy. The acceptance of it, made the subsequent act, of almost unlimited hardship over the church, necessa|ry to warrant the granting of it; and that act of su|premacy alone makes the king's indulgence a legal deed, and secures the indulged from being held sedi|tious persons in the eye of the law. All the particu|lars included in the two preceding arguments, belong to the king's claimed headship over the church. The matter of the indulgence is the very matter of the supremacy allotted him to settle, enact, and emit constitutions, acts, and orders concerning matters, meetings, and persons ecclesiastical, according to his royal pleasure. The acceptance of a benefit flowing from an usurped power, manifestly homologates that

usurped power. (4.) It wrongs the people concern|ed in them, in practically giving up their former re|lation to their flock, and taking a new charge with|out any call from the people. (5.) While it plainly confirms and adopts the Erastian principle of the de|pendence of the ministry upon the magistracy, and the necessary support of it on the magistrate's will, it tends to the remarkable hurt of the church. Ma|gistrates thrusting out faithful ministers, and putting in whom they pleased in their room, did, under the Arian emperors, and even under king James, much hurt to the church. According to this method, magistrates may quickly deprive us of faithful, or e|ven Protestant ministers, and plant naughty, errone|ous, or Popish priests in their stead: nay, by the In|dulgence, the most part of non-conform ministers are shut up in one corner by twos or threes, in a pa|rish, while the rest of the land is given up to the will of Prelatists, Papists, or Quakers. It is intended to restrain these field meetings at which multitudes of souls have already found so much spiritual benefit. It tends to introduce the subjection of all ministers to the council in ecclesiastical affairs. It encourageth others to enter into the ministry upon base conditions. It abandons the discipline of the church to the bi|shops and their curates. It gives up with an ordina|tion of a faithful succession of faithful ministers to the church. (6.) It gives up with all our own and our fathers sufferings for our opposition to Patronage or Erastian encroachments of king or council on the power of Christ and his church, and for the sole headship of Christ, or for Presbyterian government. (7.) It strengthens the hands of Prelatists, as hereby ministers imprison themselves in congregations, under their influence. It tempts them to seek collation from bishops. It withdraws them from helping their faithful suffering brethren, and leaves the curates in quiet possession of the most of the nation, and secures it to them in all time coming. It encourageth a kind correspendence with curates, and diminisheth zeal

against them. It justifies them in accepting Prela•••• from the same fountain of the king's supremac•• The conditions, under which the Indulgence is a••+cepted, mightily strengthens their hands. (8.) It •• contrary to our covenants, in so far as they bind •• the doctrine of Christ's being the only head of t•••• church, and to maintain Presbyterian governmen•• and the liberties and privileges of the church of Sco••+land,—and abjure Prelacy and Erastianism. (9▪•• The accepters of this Indulgence condemn them+selves, in so far as they had, or have any regard •• field or house meetings for religious worship; •• have, or do condemn the king's ecclesiastical supr••+macy, or the entry of curates by the bishops; •• have refused to continue with their parishes o•• the footing of a now appointed presentation; •• have refused to join with bishops and their curates i•• Presbyteries and Synods, according to bishop Leigi+ton's proposals of accommodation; or have, or •• scruple at the bishops collation of their office upo•• them. (10.) It is prejudicial to field meetings, whic•• have been remarkably blessed by God to the edific••|tion of multitudes. The king's letter represents it •• contrived and granted in order to suppress them utterl•• It draws off the accepters from preaching in the field•• and, if all named by the council, had accepted, few ha•• been left to carry on that necessary work, to whic•• God seems to be loudly calling. The acceptance o•• it by so many, encourageth the rulers in prosecutin•• their designs against these meetings, by the mo•••• cruel and bloody acts. It withdraws the people fro•• these meetings, and so rents them asunder. It ma+terially condemns these meetings as unlawful and sed••+tious, and exposeth such as scruple to hear the in+dulged, to the fury of their adversaries. (11.) Th•• acceptance of that indulgence is exceedingly offen+sive. It grieves and discourageth such ministers an•• people as scrupled at, or thought it unlawful. It vio+lated the accepters sacred bonds of unity; and, b•• withdrawing from the brethren, particularly such a••

••reached or heard at field meetings, they weakened ••heir hands. It encouraged the Prelates and rulers ••o proceed with an high hand, in their apostacy and ••ersecution. It will tempt posterity to submit to magistrates' imposition of ministers, in what manner, ••nd under what restrictions they please. It will ••rieve and stumble our Protestant brethren abroad, ••o understand, that after all the faithful contendings ••f Scotch ministers, from the Reformation till now, ••o many, after a short struggle, have so fearfully com|••lied upon a small temptation.

No wonder then, that Messrs. John Burnet, Do|••ald Cargil, and eight or ten others refused to accept his indulgence. Being unable to attend the council, Mr. Burnet sent his reasons of refusal to the chan|••ellor, bearing, That as Christ alone was the sole ••ead of the church, all ministerial office, and power ••f exercising it, flowed from him; whereas the in|••ulgence flowed from that absolute supremacy, which ••is majesty claimed, and had been affirmed to him, ••y Parliament, as an inherent right of the crown;— ••hat he could not so much as interpretatively con|••emn field meetings, which had been alway peacea|••ly attended, and been remarkably blessed by God; —that he reckoned there was still a pastoral relation ••tanding between him and his former flock, of which ••ot 50, out of 1200 examinable persons, had ever ••et submitted to the curate placed among them,— ••o no relation could be fixed between him and ano|••her congregation, by an act of a mere civil judica|••ory;—that his confinement did not merely confine his person, but even his office, and the gospel it|••elf; and so hindered him from the duty he was cal|••ed to for the good of the church, which was now ••n hazard to be swallowed up by Jesuits, Quakers, &c; and while three parts of the kingdom were groaning under the want of the faithful preaching of ••he gospel, a few shires in the west were made the common jail of all the ministers permitted to preach; that he looked on a permission to preach without a|ny

call from the people, authority or assistance of a Presbytery, and without the exercise of church dis|cipline and government, as very lame, and the re|strictions annexed to it, as an heavy yoke.—The other refusers of the indulgence drew up a paper of much the same import; and in which they begged the council to believe, That their non-compliance flowed from real tenderness of conscience; and that by their influence and dealing with his majesty, they might have an unrestrained liberty to preach to their flocks, or others, as providence called them, in a peaceable manner, for the edification of the body of Christ.

Several of the compilers with the indulgence, for|med a paper of grievances to be given in to the coun|cil, when they received it, as a testimony against the evils implied in the grant of it, bearing, That how|ever thankfully they received his majesty's permission to exercise their ministry, yet they disliked that E|rastianism, which appeared in the grant of it; that, though they disallowed all tumultuary and seditious meetings of subjects, yet they could not condemn the field meetings for preaching and hearing the gospel, as such, and were grieved that the grant of their in|dulgence did so;—that the indulgence breaks the re|lation between ministers and their former flocks, and deprives the people, to whom they are appointed, of any free call; that it shuts them up sometimes, by twos or threes, in a parish, where one might serve, and impos|ed on them flocks belonging to faithful brethren; that it confined them as evil doers, without any trial or con|viction of guilt, and hindered them from meeting in judicatories or even mutual converse, and restrained the faithful preaching of the gospel from a great part of the nation; and exposed such as did not comply, to far greater sufferings than formerly; that it intirely cut off from the people all hope of having their faith|ful pastors restored to them; and that all the restric|tions were plai••ly formed in favours of the Prelatic

••arty, and to the disadvantage of Presbyterian mini|••ters and people, implied a subjection to Erastianism, ••nd some of them thrust the accepters into a direct ••nd formal subjection to Prelacy.—After they had a several meetings, considered this paper, they dropt ••t altogether for want of harmony, with respect to ••t.—They agreed, that when they appeared before ••he council, to receive their licence, and instructi|ons, Mr. George Hutchison should, by a speech, in ••heir name, give some testimony against the Eras|••ianism and sinful restrictions connected therewith. But by neglecting to speak at the beginning, and by ••elivering himself in an obscure equivocal manner, ••t was to lirtle or no purpose. Meanwhile, Mr. A|••exander Blair honestly told the council, That as he ••ooked upon himself as an ambassador of Christ, he ••ould not receive instructions from them, for regu|••ating him in the exercise of his ministry, and let fall ••heir instructions: on account of which the council ••rdered him to prison.

While the outed ministers were sadly divided a|••out the indulgence, great pains were taken to decoy ••hem and the people into, at least, a partial submis|••ion to Prelacy. Dr. Burnet, afterwards bishop of ••alisbury, and other popular preachers were sent to ••he west country, to preach in the several kirks, in ••opes, that this would bring the people to a liking ••f Episcopal preachers. But few heard them, ex|••ept some of the younger sort, out of curiosity. Bur|••et says, that he, and his brethren, were amazed to ••ee poor common people, even cottagers and ser|••ants, so capable to argue upon church government, ••nd the power of princes in matters of religion. This failing, Leighton of Dumblain, now admini|••trator of the archbishoprick of Glasgow, proposed ••n accommodation to the Presbyterian ministers, al|••owing them to retain their own principles, and to ••rotest against what they thought wrong in Prelacy, ••nd then, like their fathers before 1638, to concur ••n Presbyteries, which had constant moderators.

The Presbyterian ministers indulged, and not in|dulged, after several conferences, declined compli|ance, and the more readily, as Leighton, with all his high pretences to religious peace and piety, would not, or could not, assure them, that the bishop•• who moderated, should not have a negative over the Synod's decisions.

But force was the principal mean used for causing both ministers and people to submit to what the cour•• pleased. As Charles' first indulgence of the Presby|terian ministers at his own hand, by his council, had exceeded the limits of the supremacy, which had been formerly allowed him by the Parliament, and was contrary to the laws establishing Prelacy, th•• bishops complained of it, as an illegal trampling on their power.—The Parliament 1669 therefore asser|ted him and his successors to have an unlimited supre|macy over the church, as an inherent right of th•• crown, by which they might order and dispose o•• the external government of the church, and settle enact, and emit such constitutions, acts, and orders▪ concerning it, and the persons employed in it, and all ecclesiastical meetings, and matters to be proposed and determined in them, as they pleased; and re+scinded all laws, acts, and clauses thereof, and al•• customs and constitutions, civil and ecclesiastical which are contrary to, and inconsistent with his ma|jesty's supremacy as now asserted. This Parliamen•• also ratified some acts of the privy council, requirin•• all the inhabitants of the south west of Scotland, un+der severe penalties, to deliver up their arms; an•• that if parishioners permitted any hurt to be done t•• the violent persecuting curates, they should be re+puted as having art and part of the crime, and b•• liable for all damages;—and forfeiting the estates o•• such as had been concerned in the late rising of Pent•• land hills.—Soon after, the council in 1670, t•• please the bishops and their curates, prohibited th•• indulged ministers to lecture or expound a portio•• of scripture before the forenoon sermon, under pai••

of being forbidden, the exercise of their ministry, within this kingdom.—The soldiers were appointed to apprehend the ministers, heritors and tenants, that presumed to attend the field meetings for preaching of the gospel, and to cause them appear before the council, along with a list of witnesses against them.

Mr. John Menzies minister of Carlaverock, near Dumfries, shocked with the severities used against Presbyterians, while Papists, who abounded and pro|moted their idolatry and superstition with great zeal, remained unmolested, presented a solemn testimony against Prelacy to his Presbytery, and Messrs. Alex|ander and John Carmichaels, Thomas Forrester, and others, afterward deserted the Prelates. But none of these things moved the persecutors to moderation.

The Parliament, 1670, enacted, That whosoever refused to be witnesses, even against their nearest relations, with respect to breaches of the public laws of the kingdom, and particularly their attendance at field preachings, should be fined, imprisoned, or ba|nished;—that if any outed minister not licensed by the council, or tolerated by the bishop, presume to preach, expound the scripture, or pray in any meet|ing, but in his own house, and where only his own family are present, he shall be imprisoned, till he find bail not to keep another conventicle, under the penalty of 5000 marks, or else consent to leave the kingdom, never to return without his majesty's li|cence; and that these present at house conventicles be fined,—heritors in a fourth part of their yearly rent, tenants in twenty-five pounds, and cottars in twelve pounds Scots,—and that every minister or preacher at field meetings, be punished by death and confiscation of goods, and these present be fined in double of the above for house meetings; and that every apprehender of a field preacher should have five hundred marks of reward; and the sherriffs, stewards, and lords of regalities, all the fines below these of heritors for themselves;—that every person, who procured baptism for his child by any unlicen|sed

or unauthorized minister, and not in a regular manner, shall be fined, heritors in a fourth part of their yearly rent; every person above a tenant in a hundred pounds Scots; every inferior merchant, tenant, or considerable tradesman, in fifty pounds; every meaner burgess, tradesman, or cottar, in twen|ty pounds, and every servant in half a years fee; and sherriffs, stewards, and lords of regalities, to have all fines below these of heritors, as their encourage|ment to diligence in their execution of this act;— that all subjects of the reformed religion, who do not frequent the ordinary meetings, for divine worship in their own parish churches, for every offence, be fined, heritors in an eighth part of their yearly rent; every person above the degree of a tenant, in twelve pounds Scots; every tenant or considerable tradesman and inferior merchant, in six pounds; and all below that station, in two pounds Scots.—As an addition to these persecuting acts, the Parliament 1672, enac|ted, That none should be officers of the militia, but Episcopalians; and both officers and soldiers take the oath of allegiance and declaration, under pain of imprisonment and banishment; that none but those authorized by law, should ordain any to the ministry; and all ordinations by Presbyterian ministers since 1661, be held void and null; that all that had not a certificate from their parish minister, that their children were baptized within thirty days of their birth, should be fined, heritors in a fourth part of their yearly rent; merchants in a hundred pounds Scots; &c; and that all that did not observe the an|niversary of the 29th of May; should be fined, or otherwise punished.

Dreadful were the severities carried on against the non-conformists. While the indulged ministers were disliked by many of the people, for their want of due faithfulness, they were not a little harrassed by the council for their lecturing,—baptizing of chil|dren not belonging to their parishes,—giving some testimony against the apostacy of the times, and for

not observing of the anniversary thanksgiving on the 29th of May, or the like. The refusers of the in|dulgence, and all that preached at, or attended field meetings were still more cruelly persecuted by fines, imprisonment, or banishment. Many were the ex|orbitant fines imposed upon gentlemen, and others, in the shires of Dumbarton, Lanerk, Air, Galloway, Dumfries, and Renfrew, for mere non-conformity to Prelacy, and non-attendance on the ministrations of ignorant and prosligate curates. These of eleven gentlemen in the shire of Renfrew, amounted to near 31,000 pounds sterling.—Finding, that notwith|standing, the field meetings more and more increas|ed, the council in June 1674, emitted two proclama|tions, the first of which requires heritors to become bound for their tenants, and tenants for their fami|lies, cottars, and servants, that they should not, under the pain of twenty-five pounds Scots for each tenant,—twelve pounds for each cottar,—and a fourth part of their year's fee for each servant, and the half for each wife or child, be present at any house con|venticle, nor at any field conventicle, under the pe|nalty of the double. If tenants refused to give bond to their heritors, their whole property was to be forfeited for them, and no new leases were to be granted without such engagement. And all magi|strates had an unlimited power to require every per|son whom they suspected, to give security for their good behaviour in this matter. The other imported, That all those that should apprehend convocators to, or attenders on conventicles, should be rewarded with their fines or forfeited property; and whoever should apprehend any minister at conventicles, should have 1000 merks, and 2000 for Messrs. Welsh, Sem|ple, and Arnot.—They fined eleven gentlemen in Fife, in about 7000 pounds Scots for attending conven|ticles, and because one of them had harboured Mr. Welsh; and denounced forty or fifty more, and soon after fifty more who compeared not, rebels.— The field meetings still increasing, and being atten|ded

with remarkable countenance from God, seve|ral conform ministers attended them, and joined the sufferers. The council finding, that they could not get all the attendants prosecuted, not a few of which were ladies and their children, they raised new re|giments of soldiers, and stationed them in a consi|derable number of garrisons in these places where conventicles were most commonly held, in order that they might deter from them or rush forth upon the people, while they were met for public worship; and the country about was required to furnish them with all things necessary. In consequence hereof, some of the sufferers began to take arms with them to their meetings, in order to defend themselves, if attacked. They also issued forth letters of intercom|muning against about ninety or an hundred ministers, gentlemen, ladies, and others for preaching, or hear|ing at conventicles, or not appearing when summon|ed, to renounce their principles, or fall a sacrifice to their persecutors rage. These letters cut them off from all society in the kingdom of Scotland; and it was declared, that whosoever should receive, har|bour, or converse with them by word or writ, or supply them with meat, drink, clothes, or any o|ther necessaries of life, should be prosecuted with rigour as guilty with them of the same crimes; and all sherriffs, &c. were ordered to apprehend them wherever they could be found. This year the fines levied by the earl of Hume in Berwick shire, amoun|ted to near 27,000 pounds Scots. Meanwhile, God remarkably countenanced some sacramental occasi|ons among the sufferers, especially one in Elgin shire, where the real Christians were generally so filled with the consolations of Christ, that they scarcely knew, whether they were in the body or not; and not a few were delightfully converted to the Lord.

The council had a little before enacted, that eve|ry proprietor, on whose ground a conventicle or field meeting for preaching the gospel was held, should

pay fifty pounds Scots of fine, and had rigorously pro|secuted, fined, or imprisoned such ministers or atten|dants on such meetings, as they could find, and had pu|nished several of the indulged ministers with the want of a year's stipend, and of it in all time coming, unless an order for payment were granted by the council,— they, at last, in 1677, projected the raising of 8000 savage highlanders to march into the south west counties of Scotland, and there, by free quarters, plunder, murder, or whatever way they pleased, to force people to hear the curates, and oblige heritors to bind themselves for their tenants, and tenants for their families and cottars behaving themselves an|swerably to the laws. The highland host and regu|lar forces, to the number of 10,000, with such a train of artillery, as if they had intended to besiege fortifi|ed cities, marched thither; but, notwithstanding all their free quartering, plunder, and other oppressi|ons, the heritors, and several noblemen among them, refused to give bond for the conformity of their fa|milies or tenants; nor could the people be got pro|voked to take arms in their own defence, which would have given the managers an handle to murder them, or by forfeiture deprive them of every thing belonging to them. After some weeks, the mana|gers being ashamed of their horrid cruelties, and shameless robberies, ordered the highlanders, all but 500, home. They carried along with them horses and goods to the utmost of their power. To mention particular plunders▪ would be endless. From the three small districts of Kyle, Carrick, and Cunning|ham, they destroyed and carried off about the value of 140,000 pounds Scots. The council pushed on the subscription of the bond above mentioned, though generally without the success they wished, notwith|standing they insisted, that such as refused, should give lawborrows, or security for their kind behaviour to his majesty. The refusers and sundry noblemen among them were cruelly prosecuted. The bond and highland host being sound ineffectual to put a stop to

field meetings, or force people to hear the profligate and persecuting curates, a Convention of Estates was called in 1678, which imposed a cess of 360,000 pounds yearly, for the space of five years, in order to maintain a standing army for the suppression of field conventicles. The payment of this cess, as the indulgence had done before, to the great joy of the bishops, occasioned warm contentions among the Presbyterians. Some thinking it lawful to pay it, as a tax laid on by authority, even as Christ paid tri|bute to Cesar, and advised others to do the same;— others thinking it unlawful, as an imposition of ty|rants, and plainly intended to promote wicked ends. After the council had ordered sixty-seven of the im|prisoned sufferers to be transported to Virginia as a kind of slaves, and whom providence relieved at Lon|don; and had levied more troops, and formed a new military oath for securing the soldiers full execution of the cruel work committed to them, and prosecuted many particular persons, and punished them by fines, imprisonment, or the like, a few of the sufferers, who had formed a resolution to kill one Carmichael, who had, for a considerable time, most furiously perse|cuted the non-conformists in Fife, fining and impri|soning multitudes, and torturing servants to make them discover their masters or their property, and beating wives and children to make them inform a|gainst their husbands and parents,—not to mention his rapes, adulteries, and like abominable wickedness. After they had in vain searched for him, where they were informed he was to hunt that day, and were just going to separate, they were unexpectedly infor|med, that archbishop Sharp was at Ceres in his way home to St. Andrews. They thought that God had delivered into their hand this perjured destroyer of their church, arch-persecutor, and murderer of mul|titudes of their brethren, and who sought their own life; and so reckoning themselves in an open state of war with him, resolved to take away his life, which they did, not without some difficulty, about •• mile

south west from St. Andrews. It is certain, he richly deserved to die by the hands of public justice in the most shameful and miserable form. But how far, in their circumstantiated case, it was lawful and pru|dent for these persons to take away his life, I leave to the judgment of God, whose providence preserved all that had an active hand in it from the fury of their murderous persecutors, notwithstanding all they could do to apprehend them. It nevertheless gave the managers, who represented his death as a kind of martyrdom, an handle for proceeding in, or in|creasing their cruelties, and for ensnaring many with that question, Whether the killing of him was murder or not?

The council having emitted a proclamation prepared by Sharp, before his death, represen|ting field conventicles as tending to the ruin of the Christian religion, the introduction of Popery and heresy, the subversion of monarchy, and the contempt of all laws and government; and appoint|ing all judges and officers of the army to proceed a|gainst all that went to them with arms, as traitors, and to execute the laws against all other attendants on them,—The persecuted, whose numbers daily in|creased, therefore found, that their safety was pro|moted by their attending in large multitudes. Push|ed by Robert Hamilton, brother to the laird of Pres|ton, and the lady of Earlstoun, a pious Christian, but perhaps too rash and headstrong, a number of them agreed upon a solemn testimony against the a|postacy, wicked laws, and cruel persecution of the managers; and he, and about 80 armed men, pub|lished it at the cross of Rutherglen, on the anniver|sary thanksgiving for Charles' restoration, May 29th, 1679, and burnt a copy of the wicked acts, against which they testified. This more and more provok|ed the fury of the managers. Graham of Claver|house, afterward viscount of Dundee, a most cruel and bloody monster, having an unlimited power to kill and destroy all that he found in arms, seized Mr.

King and about 14 others, who neither were in arms, nor had any thing laid to their charge; and driving them before him, bound two by two, attack|ed a field meeting near Drumclog the day after, be|ing Sabbath, but was defeated with the slaughter of 20, if not near 40, of his soldiers. Claverhouse e|scaping to Glasgow, alarmed the troops that were there. Hamilton and his friends, flushed with their success, and perhaps too dilatory in their pursuit, en|tered into Glasgow next day; but, after the loss of six or eight, were, by the firing upon them from the houses, obliged to retreat to Hamilton, where they formed a sort of camp for their own defence.

The council, by proclamation, required all those who had taken arms, to lay them down, and surren|der themselves to some officer of the army or magis|trate, within the space of 24 hours, but promised no indemnity;—and required all heritors and heads of families to permit none of their tenants, children, or servants to join them, under pain of being looked up|on as disaffected persons;—and farther required all the militia in the kingdom, to join and act with the regular forces, under severe penalties; and all heri|tors and freeholders to attend the king's host. Find|ing, that those who had appeared in arms, had no|thing to expect but tortures and death, their friends hastened from all places around to defend them, if possible, in so much, that the king's troops, fearing an attack, retreated from Glasgow to Edinburgh, and begged that assistance should be sent them from England. To render him odious to the non-confor|mists both in England and Scotland, Charles his fa|ther, appointed the duke of Monmouth to command the army; and the council insisted, that the barba|rous Dalziel should be his lieutenant. Meanwhile, the divisions which took place among the sufferers, who were once about 4000, but many of them poorly armed, relative to the making of the Indulgence a cause of fasting, and the owning of Charles' kingly authority, made many leave them, and dispirited such

as remained, that few of them behaved with any cou|rage, and so were easily routed at Bothwel-bridge, 400 being killed, mostly in the pursuit, and 1200 surrendered prisoners, who were stripped almost na|ked, and obliged to ly flat on the ground for a consi|derable time; and if any but raised himself a little, he was shot dead in an instant. Some of the officers proposed to burn Glasgow, Hamilton, and all the country about Bothwel-bridge. But Monmouth re|jected their motion with indignation.—His compassi|on to the sufferers issued in his being quickly recalled, and Dalziel, who was as cruel as either managers or devils could have wished him, made general of the forces in his stead.

Dreadful was the case of the prisoners at Edin|burgh. Many of them were tried and executed: others were shipped off for Virginia to be slaves, and after most barbarous usage, were mostly drowned in a storm on the coast of Orkney, the Popish captain having obstinately refused to open the hatches, to give them an opportunity to escape, as himself and the sailors did. Struck with horror at the cruelty, a sailor risked his life, and, by cutting through the deck, got about 50 of them out alive, while some hundreds were thus wilfully drowned in the hold. Not only they who had been in arms, in the affair of Bothwel, but such as had harboured or assisted them with meat or drink, or who had not attended the king's host, according to the proclamation, were cruelly prosecuted, and their estates or property for|feited, and given to such persecutors as his majesty and the council thought fit. Some that were thought less guilty, were released upon signing a Bond, in which they acknowledged the rising at Bothwel-bridge rebellion, and engaged never more to take up arms without, or against his majesty, or his authori|ty, even in self-defence; but they were to have no benefit of the indemnity, if ever they should be found in arms at any field conventicle. Many choosed ra|ther to continue prisoners, and hazard even life it|self,

than subscribe such a bond. About the same time, indulged ministers were required to subscribe a bond, in which they engaged themselves to live peaceably, (i. e. give no plain testimony against the managers apostacy and persecution) and to present themselves before the privy council, when called, and to have sureties, who should engage themselves, their heirs, and successors, for their so doing, under pain of paying 6000 marks Scots, if they did not present them to the council. These bands, most of the ministers thought lawful in their present circum|stances. But others, chiefly the author of the Ban|ders disbanded, shews that it was sinful, scandalous, and inconvenient to comply with them.

An indemnity was published, but with so many exceptions of ministers and heritors, who were con|cerned in the rebellion, or any way contributed to it, or who did not come to assist the king's host, and loaded with the condition of engaging never to bear arms against the king or his authority, nor to be pre|sent at field conventicles, that it was almost good for nothing. Meanwhile, Claverhouse, with his dra|goons, terribly oppressed the west country by free quarters, plunders, tortures, and murders. Cir|cuit courts were appointed rigorously to punish all such as did not lay hold on the indemnity; and all, who had been concerned in the risings of Pentland and Bothwel, and the murder of the archbishop, or had any way supplied or corresponded with them. The proprietors of the grounds, on which any of the murderers of the archbishop lived, who were parti|cularly described, were commanded to apprehend them, and present them to the Circuit: and if they fled, their wives, children, and servants, were to be driven from the place. A reward of 10,000 marks was offered to those who should bring in any of these murderers, dead or alive, particularly John Balfour of Kinloch, and David Hackstoun of Rathillet, (who had refused to have any hand in the slaughter, lest it should be said, Private injuries, done to him by

Sharp, had influenced him). Great numbers were condemned and executed, sometimes merely because they scrupled to acknowledge the slaughter of the archbishop to be murder, and the rising at Bothwel rebellion, or would not take the bond prescribed by the council.

Next year, 1680, Charles and his council agreed to appoint the soldiers to attack all those that had been forfeited by the Parliament or criminal court, all ministers and heritors who had been in the rebel|lion, or heritors, who had contributed any thing to it; all rebels, who had not taken the Bond, or had been at field conventicles since the 27th of July last; all those who had injured the Episcopal clergy; all assassins, especially the murderers of the archbishop; and appointed the mansion-houses, castles, or towers standing on the forfeited estates, to be used by the forces as garrisons, from which they might be ready to sally forth upon the above and like persons. A paper found upon Henry Hall, when he was appre|hended at Queensferry, and a declaration published at Sanquhar, in which all allegiance to K. Charles was renounced, and especially the solemn excommu|nication, and deliverance to Satan, of K. Charles, dukes of York, Monmouth, Lauderdale, and Rothes, Sir George M'Kenzie, the king's advocate, and Ge|neral Dalziel, on account of their respective horrible crimes, by Mr. Donald Cargil, at the Torwood, not only terribly infuriated the persecuting managers, but drew upon the strict party loads of reproach from their indulged brethren. But it is certain, that, in all these cases, what was done, was upon just causes. It is certain, the actors were in uncommon circum|stances, when both church and state were really un|hinged by persecution, apostacy, and tyranny. How far then private persons, or one minister might law|fully, or even prudently, do what pertained to the estates of the nation, or a church judicatory, is not safe for us to judge, unless we were certain we had an equal measure of the directing Spirit of God. It is

certain, the nations of England and Scotland, abou•• eight years after, practically approved the rejection of Charles' tyrannical authority; and that God, in his providence, appeared to approve that excommu|nication, in the miserable ends of those that were laid under it, as Cargil had foretold.

Meanwhile, multitudes of gentlemen were forfeit|ed in their absence, for their supposed accession to the rising at Bothwel. The soldiers killed or took prisoners the outlaws wherever they could find them; and if a person was but observed with a Bible or other good book in his hand, he was in danger of his life. —At Air's-moss in Kyle, Bruce, with about 120 dragoons, attacked about 40 sufferers, and killed nine, among whom was Richard Cameron, a prea|cher, and his brother Michael, and took Hackstoun of Rathillet, and others prisoners. After much tor|ture, Hackstoun was condemned, hanged with un|common cruelty, and, before he was dead, his heart was taken out by the hangman, and held up on the point of a knife on all the sides of the scaffold, and then burnt; and after that, his head fixed on the Netherbow, with Mr. Cameron's and others, and one quarter of his body fixed up at St. Andrews, a 2d at Burntisland, a 3d at Leith, and a 4th at Glas|gow.——Before now, the managers had scarcely stuck at any thing false, unjust, base, or barbarous. Notwithstanding their marking of it in their register of council, Rothes, Lauderdale, and Halton his bro|ther, and archbishop Sharp, had perjuriously depon|ed against James Mitchel, that they had never given him a promise of his life, upon condition of his can|didly acknowledging that he discharged a pistol at archbishop Sharp, several years before his death.— When they could not find witnesses, they tortured people to force them to confess what they pleased. They falsely marked the acknowledgments they made. If they could find nothing else, they required them to take some of their unhallowed oaths, bonds, or de|clarations, that either compliance might wound their

conscience, and divide them from their fellow suffe|rers, or their refusal might be an handle for fining, imprisonment, banishment, forfeiture, confiscation of goods, or the like. Their servants in the army acted up to their heart's content, in oppressing the people, till the whole of Scotland southward of the river Tay was generally rendered absolutely miserable by plunder, oppression, and bloodshed, &c. But when the duke of York, a zealous Papist, little bet|ter than banished from England, came into Scotland, in 1681, he rendered the persecution hotter than ever. No less than twenty men and women were formally condemned and executed, of which Mr. Cargil was one, in this one year, for cleaving to Christ.

The Parliament sitting down on the 28th of July, after a cold ratification of all former laws relative to religion, asserted, That the kings of this realm de|rive their royal power from God alone, and succeed lineally thereto, according to their known degrees of proximity of blood; and that none can attempt to alter or divert it, without involving the nation in perjury and rebellion, and exposing them to all the fatal and dreadful consequences of a civil war. They next offered a new supply to the king, in order to support his army in bearing down field conventicles, and doubled the fines for attending them: and bur|gesses, besides their former fines, were to lose their burgessship, and be banished from the town. This Parliament also formed a TEST for all that should be capable of any office in church or state, or of electing or being elected members of Parliament, and from which none but the king's lawful sons and brothers were exempted; in which they solemnly swore, That they owned and professed the true Protestant religi|on contained in the old Scotch Confession of faith, and believed it to be founded on the written word of God, and that they should adhere to it all the days of their life, and educate their children in it, and never consent to any alteration contrary to it;—and

renounced all Popish and fanatical principles contra|ry to, or inconsistent with said Protestant religion and Confession of faith;—and swore and affirmed, That Charles II. is the ONLY supreme governor of this realm, and in all causes ecclesiastical as well as ci|vil;—and promised to assist and defend all rights, jurisdictions, prerogatives, privileges, preheminen|ces, and authorities belonging to him, his heirs and lawful successors;—and further affirmed and swore, that they judged it unlawful for subjects, upon any pretence whatsoever, to enter into covenants or leagues, or to convocate or assemble in any meeting, to consult or determine in any matter of state, civil or ecclesiastical, without his majesty's command, or ex|press licence,—or to take up arms against him, or any commissioned by him, and that they should never so rise in arms, or enter into such covenants or assem|blies; and that there lieth no obligation upon them, from the national covenant, or solemn league, or any other manner of way whatsomever, to endeavour any alteration in the government either of church or state, as it is now established by the laws of this kingdom; and that they shall, to their utmost, de|fend, assist, and maintain his majesty's jurisdiction foresaid, against all deadly, and shall never decline his majesty's power and jurisdiction, as they shall an|swer to God.

This oath was a medley of Popery, Prelacy, E|rastianism, and self contradiction. After swearing to the Protestant religion, the sole headship of Christ over his church, and the duty of subjects to repress tyranny, and defend and save the lives of oppressed innocents from tyrants, the national covenant, that great bulwark against Popery, is renounced, the ut|most extent of the king's absolute supremacy over both church and state sworn to, and the bringing in of a Popish successor,—and all taking up arms in self defence, against the king or his officers, or doing a|ny thing for rendering the government of either church or state more perfect, is abjured. Many of

the curates themselves exceedingly scrupled at it. But, by an act of council, which had no power to explain an oath imposed by Parliament, especially one which the taker swore that he took in the literal sense of the words, declaring, That the oath did not bind to every particular article of the Confession, but only in so far as it contained the doctrine, upon which the Protestant churches had settled the refor|mation,—and that the TEST did not cut off such rights as the primitive church enjoyed for 300 years after Christ,—and assuring, that the king never in|tended to change the government of the church,— all of them, except about eighty, swallowed it, ra|ther than lose their stipends, and expose themselves to persecution. The conform ministers of Aberdeen, drew up several queries against it, importing, that they knew not how to swear, that the said Confession is the true standard of the Protestant religion, which forbids resistance of magistrates, only while they pass not over the bounds of their office, and declares the bearing down of tyranny a good work, and yet abjure all resistance of magistrates on whatever pre|tence; or, to swear that the king is the ONLY su|preme governor over all persons, in all causes, when the said confession obliged them to believe, that Je|sus Christ is the only Head of the church; or, how to believe the present established government of the church, to be of divine and apostolical authority, and yet that the king had power to alter it at his plea|sure; or to swear to it, if it was so indifferent, as that he might change it at his pleasure; or, how to swear, to defend all the king's privileges, and prerogatives, before they had considered and found them all consistent with the principles of religion; —or, how to abjure, as unlawful, all entering into covenants without the king's consent, when it was certainly lawful to enter into a covenant with Christ, or with one another, for casting off the yoke of heathenism or Popery, even contrary to the command of earthly sovereigns;—or, to abjure ••s unlawful, all meetings of subjects to consult or de|termine

in any matter of state, civil or ecclesiastical, as these comprehend all meetings for the worship of God or ordinary exercise of discipline; or, to swear, that they were under no obligations to endeavour a|ny alteration of the government in church or state, unless they were certain, that the constitution was absolutely perfect, and suited to every circumstanti|ated case, contrary to said Confession of faith.—This opposition of the curates, exposed them to no small trouble and harrassment, and about twenty of them were obliged to quit their charges.

The duke of Hamilton, the duchess of Rothes, whose husband had lately died under great honor, amidst the prayers of her Presbyterian ministers, Hopeton, and several other persons of rank, also de|clined taking this TEST. The duke of Queensbery was allowed to take it, with an explication. The earl of Argyle, being, through the hatred of the duke of York, required to take it again and again, a month before the time prescribed by law, ventured to take it with this explication, as far as consistent with itself, and with the Protestant religion and his loyalty to the king. For this he was immediately pro|secuted, as a depraver of the king's laws, and con|demned to death as a traitor. But he escaped from prison, and fled to Holland,—while not a few others, who refused this Test, were turned out from their civil offices, and these filled with such as York and his party thought sufficiently disposed to oppress and murder every true Protestant. The laird of Mel|drum, who had extorted about 100,000 pounds Scots from the shire of Teviotdale, and who had lately got his oppressive powers against the faithful noncon|formists enlarged, was appointed sheriff depute in East Lothian. And while the council and justiciary court, proceeded in their forfeiting, imprisoning banishing, or murdering work, Claverhouse, Grier|son of Lagg, and other officers of the army, held military courts in the south and west parts of the kingdom, to which they summoned all men and wo|men, above sixteen years of age, and caused them

to swear, sometimes under very odd and dreadful imprecations, whether they had ever been at field meetings, or countenanced any who frequented them? and what they knew of their neighbours or others in the parish?

The indulged ministers having gone far in their sin|ful compliances with defection, and those, that were not indulged, forborn to preach in the fields, but only in houses, because of the fury of the managers against field meetings, the more zealous sufferers had none, whom they could hear, without scruple, after the death of Cameron and Cargil, they therefore resol|ved to unite themselves more closely by a general meeting, once every three months, of correspon|dents from their particular meetings, for prayer and spiritual conference. In these meetings, which con|tinued, from 1681, till after the Revolution, they agreed upon such testimonies against defections, or supplications for reformation, as they judged proper; they concerted schemes for obtaining gospel ministers whom they could hear with freedom, and for hav|ing Mr. James Renwick and other students, taught and ordained in Holland, for their service; they la|boured, by representations, to vindicate themselves to their friends in Holland, and other places, from the invidious reproaches cast upon them by the per|secutors, and by the indulged, and other lukewarm Presbyterian brethren. Nevertheless, it had per|haps been better, they had dealt less in some ticklish debates. One of their first productions was their declaration published at Lanerk, January 12th, 1682, in which they, in an answerableness to the disjoin|ted and confused condition of both church and state, professed to cast off the authority of Charles Stewart, because, in his first Parliament, he had unhinged that excellent constitution of church and state, which their ancestors had formed and established; he had exalted himself into an unlimited supremacy in all matters, civil and ecclesiastical; he had adjourned and dissolved Parliaments at his pleasure; he had

fearfully oppressed and persecuted the godly for con|science sake; he had heavily taxed his subjects, and dilapidated the revenues of the crown, for keeping up a brothel, rather than a court; and had in the late Parliament secured the succession of the crown to his Popish brother, formed the Test, &c.—And they burnt the TEST and act of succession. This conduct, and especially, as several expressions of the declaration were very incautious, more and more enraged the managers, and the council appointed this and the declarations of Rutherglen and San|quhar, along with the solemn league and covenant, to be publicly burnt by the hangman, at the cross of Edinburgh, with great solemnity. The bailie, who delivered the covenant into the hand of the hangman for this purpose, soon after had all his houses in the Parliament close, which were reckoned the most stately in Europe, burnt to ashes, by unaccountably kindled, and unquenchable flames, which did scarce hurt any other.—

Thence forward to the death of Charles in 1685, there was a constant scene of the most horrid op|pression, murder and assassination of the saints of God, and of all such as shewed them any favour. While Meldrum, Claverhouse, Grierson, White, and other officers of the army, and others of like bloody dispositions, held their circuit courts, thro' a great part of the south, and especially south west of Scotland, particularly in the shire of Lanerk, where the declaration had been proclaimed, and had lists of such as belonged to the societies, or who had shewed them any favour, in so much as permitting them to travel through their fields, and had not raised the hue and cry against them, and laboured to raise the country against them, or of such as did not constantly attend their parish churches,—presented to them by the clerks of the places, or curates of the parishes,—and fined, imprisoned, tortured, or killed them, as they pleased. Wives were prose|cuted, for holding any converse with, or giving any

supply to their outlawed husbands, or parents with their children. Such as appeared not, were for|feited or denounced rebels and outlaws, or intercom|muned in their absence. Such as did appear, and disproved that which had been laid to their charge, were never a whit better, unless they took the Test, which was appointed to be tendered to all suspected persons as a trial of their loyalty. The council enac|ted, that it should be held treasonable, for any to say, that they owned the king's authority according to the covenants. Nothing would please them from the prosecuted sufferers, but an owning of it without any limitation.

Mr. Renwick having got ordination, came from Holland in 1683, and preached in the fields. He was speedily intercommuned, and they that attended his sermons, furiously sought for, by every method, to their utter destruction. While the sea ports were shut up, that they might not escape out of the king|dom, they were every where pursued by the merci|less soldiers. Every neighbour was sworn to discover them, and bound up from giving them meat, drink, or lodging. Informers were hired to find out their lurking places, and what persons were inclined to shew them any kindness. They were put from un|der the protection of the laws of their country. No terms were allowed them, but a renouncing of their principles, and by horrid oaths, involving themselves in the most dreadful perjury. The correspondent societies therefore published an apologetical declarati|tion, in which they warned all such, as should here|after, by their commands, informations, apprehen|sions, or murders, manifest, that they maliciously thirsted for their blood, might lay their account, that they would avenge their conduct in proportion to the degree of it, to the uttermost of their power. By this they hoped to deter, at least informers and country people, from hunting them out. But the council improved it, as an excitement to empower every soldier in the kingdom, to kill directly in hou|ses

or fields, every person, that declined to answer their queries to satisfaction, concerning his owning of the king's authority,—and that the killing of bishop Sharp was murder, and the rising at Bothwel bridge rebellion, and concerning their renunciation of the covenants, as unlawful and unbinding oaths; —and to impose an oath of abjuration renouncing said declaration, as if it declared war against his ma|jesty, and asserted it lawful, to kill all such as serve him, in church, state, army, or country, on all the subjects on the south of Tay, as the foundation of their having a certificate or free pass to travel unmo|lested;—and certify, that if any travel without such a certificate, that they have taken said oath of abjura|tion, they shall be holden as communers with the ex|ecrable rebels, who published the declaration, and prohibit every subject, to harbour, lodge, or enter|tain any person whatsoever, unless they have such certificates:—and enact, that if any heritor, fac|tor, or chamberlain, do not bring all the inhabitants on their lands, before the privy counsellors, or other commissioners, to take this oath of abjuration, they shall be holden as guilty of the principal crimes o•• rebellion and assassination, and be punished accor|dingly:—and further required, that all those who had certificates, as above, should swear, when re|quired, that their certificates were genuine, and that they were the persons mentioned in them; and to offer a reward of 500 marks Scots, to any who should discover any person, who had a hand in framing said apologetical declaration, or was a member of the said societies.——The indulged ministers who had care|lesly beheld the sufferings of their more cruelly per|secuted brethren, if not sometimes rejoiced at them, and added to them by their malevolent reproaches▪ had now a larger share of hardship, than ever before The council, in the end of 1684, appointed all o•• them to be ejected from their charges, because they had not duly observed their instructions, and some o•• them had not observed the anniversary fast, in Sep|tember

last, and required them to give bond, not to exercise their ministry in Scotland; and because they would not comply a great number of them were im|prisoned.

CHARLES having been, it is said, poisoned by his brother, and certainly got his mittimus into eternity in the Popish form, JAMES was solemnly proclaimed king, and an oath of unlimited obedience, included in the proclamation, February 10th, 1685. But he was never so complaisant, as to take their co|ronation oath. Some imprisoned gentlemen, and a number of indulged ministers were released: but the persecution against field conventicles and such as fa|voured them, still raged: many were murdered by Claverhouse, Grierson, Douglas, and other officers and soldiers; and not a few in Elginshire sadly har|rassed by the earls of Errol and Kintore, and major general Monro. The laird of Brody was fined in 20,000 marks, for having a conventicle in his house, which was given in compliment to colonel Maxwel, a Papist. The laird of Grant was fined, because his lady, who was in a bad state of health, had not at|tended her own church for some time, nor the neigh|bouring church, at six or seven miles distance, when her own was 18 months vacant. On March 2, the new king's indemnity was published, but it excepted so many of the principal sufferers, that it was of lit|tle value. And none could have any benefit by it, without taking the oaths of that period.

The Parliament having sat down, April 28th, 1685, made a cold and short act for the security of the Protestant religion. They owned his majesty's unlimited and absolute authority; and declared their abhorrence of every principle contrary to it, and con|vinced, that no person or collective body could par|take of any power and authority but in dependence on him, and by commission from him, they, for themselves and the whole nation, offered their lives and fortunes to defend and maintain him and his

heirs, and lawful successors, in the possession of their crown, sovereignty, prerogatives, &c. against all mortals. For facilitating processes for treason, they ratified the former custom of proceeding against pri|soners in 24 hours; but, for the future, allowed them to be cited in 48 hours:—and appointed such as re|fuse to swear as witnesses in cases of treason, conven|ticles, or church irregularities, to be punished, as guilty of these crimes, in which they refuse to be witnesses. They declared it treasonable to give or take the national covenant, as explained in 1638, or the solemn league and covenant, or to write in defence of them, or to own them to be obligatory upon them|selves or others. They declared it legal, and to be observed in all time coming, that husbands be fined for their wives withdrawment from hearing the cu|rates. They enacted, that the not revealing of sup|plies given to, or demanded for, traitors, be held and punished as treason;—that all who shall preach at a house conventicle, where five more than the fami|ly are present, or that shall be present as hearers at a conventicle, where any are hearing without doors, shall be punished with death and confiscation of goods;—and that all who refuse to accept the office of magistrates, justices of peace, constables, officers of the militia, or any other employment assigned them by the king or his council, shall be fined for their contempt. They appointed all Protestant heri|tors, life-renters, &c. except women, to take the TEST before such a time: and empowered justices o•• peace to proceed against church irregularities, and to have the fines of all below heritors for their encou|ragement to diligence. They appointed all the sub+jects to take the oath of allegiance or supremacy for|merly mentioned; and ratified all that the council the justiciary, and their commissioners had done, in banishing, imprisoning, or sining the refusers of said oath. They approved and confirmed the decision o•• the council, making it treason to refuse to disown th•• Societies apologetical relation. They appointed all pro+prietor

of lands or houses to insert in their tacks an express clause, by which the tenant shall bind him|self, that he, his family, cottagers, and servants, shall live peaceably, free of all fanatical disorders, under pain of losing the half of their moveables, each for his own fault. They ratified the act of council for raising the hue and cry against all outlawed per|sons, particularly such as attend or befriend field con|venticles. They enacted, That all masters of ships, at their launching and landing, bring all their pas|sengers before the next magistrate to give an account of themselves. They made an act for securing the present council, and all committees, judges, or offi|cers of the army, or other commissioners under them, against all pursuits or complaints of commissions or omissions, in his majesty's service.

The earl of Argyle, in order to make a diversion in favours of the duke of Monmouth's attempt upon England, having landed with about 300 men in the west of Scotland, was quickly apprehended, and all his friends either apprehended or dispersed. This gave the council some work to execute him and his principal assistants, and to transport the rest, whom they apprehended, to America. But none of these things abated their rigour against field meetings, and such as attended on, or any way favoured them. Claverhouse, Westraw, and their military judges, murdered them as fast, in the fields or their own houses, as ever; and often would not so much as give them time to pray before death. According to order, they drowned two women in Galloway, by tying them to a stake within the sea mark, merely for refusing to take the Abjuration.—Prisoners were crowded together, almost starved, and driven from one prison to another. Many were banished to the plantations, for refusing the oaths of Supremacy and Abjuration, and the Test, some of whom survived manifold hardships, and returned after the Revo|lution.—Though the correspondent societies did not join with Argyle, as they thought, he and Mon|mouth

went upon too broad a bottom, they publish|ed a declaration, in which they disowned the royal authority of James, on account of his being an ex|communicated Papist, and murderous idolater; and declared their detestation of Popery, Sectarianism, and malignancy,—and their detestation of all murde|rous and assassinating principles, and all manner of robbing of open enemies or others, and all unwarran|table practices, such as the killing of the curate at Carsphearn,—which had been falsely charged upon them.

Toward the end of this year, James began to ex|empt his favourites, Papists, or others from taking the Test, while he required it to be imposed on all others, as the Parliament had ordered. But the persecutions against the supporters of field conventi|cles, and against the partizans of Argyle, were car|ried on with great vigour. John Nisbet of Hardhill, and Edward Marshal were publicly executed. O|thers were more privately murdered, or died in pri|sons, and others scourged or banished for their non-conformity. Notwithstanding Sarah Stewart atten|ded the curate herself, she had her house plundered. She was driven, with a sucking child leaving other three babes behind her, to the prison of Wigtoun; and lay there eleven weeks, because she would not engage to discover her husband, and never to converse with him.—The soldiers continued to plunder the poor non-conformists in the cruellest manner.— Meanwhile, many who had been with Argyle, or favoured his cause, were obliged to hide themselves in dens and caves of the earth, and others were for|ced to pay prodigious compositions for their fines. About eighty of them, mostly of the name of Camp|bel, were indicted, and sentenced to be executed, when apprehended.

In the three following years, 1686,—1688, the re|gisters of the privy council are wanting.—And to lull the nation asleep, for the more peaceable introduc|tion of Popery, James and his agents abated their

persecuting rage. But the contentions between the persecuted themselves, rather increased. The most false and groundless reproaches were invented and spread against Mr. Renwick and his friends. These had not a little alienated holy Mr. Peden from him; but Mr. Renwick's conference with him on his death bed, fully removed all his prejudices, and made him sorry that ever he had so credited these misrepresenta|tions of him. One of the ministers, who came over with Argyle, provoked, that Mr. Renwick and his friends did not readily join that nobleman, accused them of overturning Presbyterian government, and setting up a popular confusion instead of it,—com|mitting the trial and censure of scandals to men, that were not church officers;—of thrusting themselves into the magistrate's room, as a convention of Estates, and managing both civil and ecclesiastical affairs by the fame persons, and in the same Assembly;—and of imposing unhappy restrictions on ministers, in the exercise of their ministry, and requiring all to be dis|owned, who were not precisely of their judgment with respect to debated points. Alexander Gordon, John Dick, and Robert Cathcart, exceedingly mis|represented and reproached Mr. Renwick and his ad|herents, both in Scotland and Holland, as, contrary to our covenants, acting like Papists, who believe their church infallible,—in declining to hear a mini|ster, be he ever so faithful, for the least alledged per|sonal failing;—like Independents, taking upon them to depose ministers,—and differing little from the Separatists;—in sending over a youth scarcely read in the common heads of divinity, to be ordained at Groningen in Holland, a most corrupt church, and setting him up, as Jeroboam did his idol calves, in|stead of the faithful ministers of the church of Scot|land;—and in judging of faults, dispensing censures, and making ecclesiastical laws and acts, as if they, though laicks, were a General Assembly. These o|dious calumnies obliged Mr. Renwick and his friends

to publish their Informatory vindication, from which, as well as from Renwick's life, and the Minutes of their general correspondence lately published, it is a|bundantly manifest, that Mr. Renwick was a young man of uncommon piety, solid judgment, and great candour, humility, meekness, and prudence, with whom none of his reproachers, for ought I know, were worthy to be compared; that, by the kind pro|vidence of God, and the pious condescension of the Dutch ministers concerned, he got his instruction and ordination in a cleanly manner; that, neither he nor his friends, ever thought every personal fail|ing of a minister a cause of deposing him, or even so much as of withdrawing from him in the most bro|ken state of the church; that, in their correspondent meetings, they did not judge either of scandal or censure of offenders, but of their own duty with re|spect to them, Whether the scandal was such as to warrant their withdrawment from them; which pow|er the scripture allowed them, Rom. vi. 17. 2 Thess. iii. 6, 14; that, though they had rejected the au|thority of the present magistrates as tyrants, who had no authority from God, nor according to the good laws of the land, yet they had no more set up them|selves or meetings in their room, than those who had declined the authority of the bishops, had thrust themselves into their episcopal office; that they ne|ver intended to lay any restrictions on ministers, but only desired, That they would declare the whole counsel of God, and would freely preach up all duties, and down all sins. Mr. Renwick and some of his friends, having afterward met with Robert Cathcart, attacked him on his defamatory information, which he had been so careful to spread far and near, he was obliged to excuse himself, by saying, That he had wrote of them, not as what they were, but what they would be. How villanous such conduct, and how shameful for Wodrow to give him and his infor|mation such honourable place in his history.

While Mr. Renwick was thus abused by wide spread calumnies, and sometimes by protestations a|gainst his preaching at places, given in by fellow suf|ferers, especially apostates from the correspondent societies, K. James laboured with all his might to have all the penal laws against Popery annulled, in order that it might be speedily established. Thus Arminian principles, unconcern about any thing se|rious, and lust of court favour, and the promotions which they expected from it, made most of the esta|blished clergy ready to comply with his intentions. He therefore summoned a Parliament to meet in A|pril 1686. Great care was taken to prepare the mem|bers for compliance with his will. But Whitford, son to one of the former bishops, who had long be|fore turned Papist, and had been concerned in the ma|ssacre of the remains of the Waldenses in Piedmont, having, notwithstanding all that the Popish priests could do or say, died in great horror, a few days be|fore the Parliament, confessing his execrable mur|ders, and crying out against Popery, as that bloody religion! Sir Robert Sibbald, a most learned anti|quary and physician, having been lately persuaded by the earl of Perth to turn Papist, had scarce|ly done so, when he was ashamed of his conduct, retired to London, and, after some months re|tirement from company, and close study, became so fully convinced of the errors of Popery, that he could not be easy, till he had come down to Edin|burgh, to make a public recantation in the church, a few weeks before the Parliament met. These events, so circumstantiated, awakened many, especially of the laity, to their old zeal against Popery. Notwith|standing James' earnest letter, and all that his agents could deal with members, by promises or threaten|ings, the Parliament refused to repeal the penal laws. Some of the principal opposers were therefore turned out of their places, which they held under the crown, and their places, especially in the privy council, sup|plied with Papists. At the same time, Popish books

were industriously dispersed through the nation, while all printing or selling of any thing contrary to his majesty's absolute dispensing power, or to his Po|pish religion, was carefully repressed.

Having got the council modelled to his mind, James continued his zeal against field conventicles. An 100 pounds sterling was offered to any that should bring in Mr. Renwick, either dead or alive, and some o•• his friends were murdered in the fields. Some also of Argyle's assistants were condemned to death in their absence. But, encouraged by the English jud|ges, to believe it an inherent right of the crown, to dispense with all laws, James required the council to support and maintain his innocent catholics, who, a|midst all the unnatural rebellions raised against him|self, his royal brother, and father, had still adhered to the royal interest, supported the crown, and died for the peace of their persecutors, against all the pe|nal laws, and in the free private exercise of their re|ligion in their own houses; and to take under their special ptotection and care, his chaplains and others▪ whom he had appointed to celebrate the worship o•• God, in the Popish manner, in his chapel at Holy|roodhouse, and to take care to punish all preachers or others, who should insinuate, that he intended to make any violent alteration of the established religion In February 1687, after recommending it to the council to root out the field conventicles, with all the severity of the laws, and the most rigorous prosecuti+on by the forces,—he, by his sovereign authority and absolute power, granted a TOLERATION to moderat•• Presbyterians to meet in their private houses, and hea•• such ministers as accepted the Indulgence, and said o•• did nothing seditious or treasonable, contrary to th•• peace of his reign;—and to Quakers, &c;—and t•• Papists,—so that they shall be as free in all respects as any Protestant subjects, to exercise their religion and enjoy all offices, benefices, &c. which he migh•• think fit to bestow upon them:—and, by the sam•• absolute power, suspended, stopped, and disabled a

laws, customs, or constitutions against any Papists, and cassed, annulled, and discharged all oaths, by which any subjects were disabled from holding pla|ces, &c. and all laws enjoining the said oaths; and in place thereof, only require them to swear an oath, bearing, that he was rightful king, or supreme go|vernor of these realms, and of all persons therein; and that it is unlawful, on any pretence whatsoever, to rise in arms against him or any commissioned by him; and that the swearers should never so rise in arms, nor assist any that did so, nor ever resist his person or authority, but should, to the utmost of their power, assist, defend, and maintain him, and his heirs, and lawful successors, in the exercise of their ABSOLUTE power and authority, against all deadly. The council having published this procla|mation with all solemnity, returned him an answer approving it, and intimating their readiness to pro|secute the ends of it, and thanking him for his royal word for maintaining the Protestant religion, as the best security they could have. Duke Hamilton and the earls of Panmure and Dundonald, having refused to subscribe this answer, were by him quickly turned out of the council. And the council was required to suffer no Presbyterian minister to preach without their allowance, nor until they had sworn the above mentioned oath to maintain his unlimited and irresist|ible power. But quickly after, he allowed the Pres|byterian ministers to preach during his pleasure, and so long as they behaved agreeably to his will, without taking this oath. Amidst all this lenity, sixteen men and five women were banished to America, because they would not own the present authority to be ac|cording to the word of God, nor condemn the San|quhar declaration, nor engage never to hear Mr. Renwick.

Finding, that his two former indulgences had little effect, James, in July 1687, caused his council pro|claim a third, in which he declared his protection of the bishops, &c. in the free exercise of their Pro|testant

religion, and his suspending, stopping, and disabling, by his absolute power, all penal laws made against any for non-conformity to the established re|ligion,—and allowed all his subjects to meet and wor|ship God after their own way, in private houses, chapels, or places hired and built for that purpose, providing that his counsellors or sherriffs be inform|ed of such houses, and of the names of the preach|ers; and that these meetings be peaceably and open|ly held, and all persons freely admitted to them, and nothing taught which may any way tend to alienate the subjects from him, or his government,—but com|manding all the judges, magistrates, and officers of the army, vigorously to prosecute all such as were guilty of preaching at, or attending field conventicles. Upon this, most of the Scotch ministers, who had been banished, or had retired to other countries, re|turned home; and, at a meeting of Presbyterian mi|nisters at Edinburgh, a considerable number agreed not only to accept the toleration, but also to present an address of thanks to James for it, which they not very candidly subscribed, in name of their brethren, as well as their own. After this, the Presbyterian ministers began to hold Presbyteries and Synods, as their circumstances permitted.—Mr. Renwick and his followers, who were as much exposed as ever, paid no regard to this toleration, but published a tes|timony against it, and were much offended with these Presbyterian ministers who had complied with, and solemnly thanked James, on account of it. They looked on the Granter as one, with whom they could not communicate in any such transaction, being by his principles bound to keep no faith with heretics, and having repeatedly shewed his treachery and dissi|mulation;—and as an apostate, bigotted, and ex|communicated Papist, and, as such, under the curse of Christ, as well as under the imprecations of his grandfather, who wished the curse of God to fall up|on such of his posterity as should, at any time, turn Papists. They looked on him, as no magistrate;

but, by the laws of the land, incapable of govern|ment, having neither given, nor being capable to give the security required by the coronation oath. They looked on the toleration itself, as plainly pro|ceeding from his usurpation of an absolute and unli|mited power, inconsistent with the law of God and liberties of mankind; that it implied in it a dispensa|tion of all the penal laws against Papists, and its pro|per tendency was to introduce a lawless loyalty, esta|blish royal tyranny, and unite the hearts of Protes|tants to Papists as safe neighbours. They observed, that, by means of it, Papists were encouraged, their numbers increased, and the executive power lodged in their hands, &c. They considered it as dishonou|rable to the cause of Christ, to be merely tolerated under the notion of a crime, and the exercise of it clogged with unlawful restrictions of speaking nothing against Popery, Prelacy, or absolute power of kings. They looked on it, as extending not only to archbi|shops and bishops, but to all Quakers and Papists, and so opening a door for all blasphemy and idolatry. —They looked on the acceptance of it as a scandal, which could not but offend the generation of the righteous. They considered the addresses of thanks made on this occasion as a train of fulsom and blas|phemous flatteries, to the dishonour of God, the re|proach of his cause, the betraying of the church, the hurt of the nation, and the exposing of the addres|sers to contempt. With respect to the ministers ad|dress above mentioned, they observed, how contrary it was to Presbyterian principles to congratulate an antichristian usurper, for undermining religion and overturning laws and liberties;—to justify the abro|gation of the national covenants, in giving thanks for a liberty, by which all the laws confirming them, or confirmed in them, are cassed and disabled;—to thank their king for opening a door for bringing in Popery, which, by their solemn covenants with God, they were deeply engaged to extirpate. Thus, like the body of the English dissenters, Renwick and his

friends had no freedom to accept of liberty, at the expence of the free introduction of Popery, and the enslaving of their nation.—They also solemnly as|serted the perpetual obligation of the national covenant, and solemn league; and the propriety of keeping up field meetings for gospel ordinances, as a retaining of that liberty which Christ had given, whether magis|trates will or not;—as a public testimony against the public dishonours done to Christ; as a testimony a|gainst the Popish toleration, and as a public testimo|ny for the headship of Jesus Christ alone, in opposition to the injuries done him,—and for our covenants, which are declared criminal by the same law, which prohibits these meetings;—and in order to prevent the discouragement of friends to a covenanted work of reformation, and the hardening of enemies, and encouraging them to banish all meetings out of the land.

Soon after, Mr. Renwick, who had been marvel|lously preserved, notwithstanding about 15 or 20 desperate searches for him, was apprehended in the beginning of 1688. Notwithstanding none had spo|ken before the council or justiciary, with more bold|ness and freedom, yet such was the sense, meekness, and candour with which he answered their questions, and spake in his own defence, that even his persecu|tors were affected, and behaved with uncommon mildness to him, who had for several years been the distinguished butt of their malice. He, like the Marquis of Argyle, Messrs. Guthry, Cargil, Kid, and King, and the other martyrs, had his soul ra|vished with the consolations of Christ for some time before, and at his death. And after it, few, except some of the Presbyterian ministers who had been indulged and thanked James for his toleration, and the Papists, spoke of him without reverence or regard. Nay, the faithful sufferers in general, at their public worship, their society meetings, and pri|vate and secret exercises of religion, had generally such gales of divine influence on their souls, as ba|lanced

all their outward troubles. Even in this world, they received their hundred fold with perse|cution. So good a master is Christ to his faithful servants.

Meanwhile, the Romish priests bestirred them|selves to their utmost, to fill the country with cate|chisms and manuals of devotion. James and his agents laboured to cramp the liberties of the Presbyterians as much as they could, and to prosecute and turn them out of their preaching houses, on any frivolous pretence; and still more eagerly prosecuted the fol|lowers of Renwick. James declared his dissolution of all judicatories and magistrates in royal burghs; and that he would maintain all his former proclama|tions; and threatened those that would not comply with his measures. To debar Mary and Anne, his two Protestant daughters, from the succession to the crown, a pregnancy, and at last a delivery of a son by his queen, was publicly asserted, and solemn thanksgivings to God, on that account, appointed. But most of the Protestants believed the whole to be an imposture, instead of the miraculous effect of a vow her majesty had made to the virgin Mary of Lo|retto.—Informed, that William prince of Orange, the husband of his daughter Mary, invited by many persons of rank, intended to invade Britain, and at least procure the subjects security for their religion and liberties, he amused the English with hopes of a Parliament, and pretended to ask the advice of the bishops. But the privy council and bishops of Scot|land, being entirely at his devotion, offered him their lives and fortunes for his service, and were de|sired to imprison all suspected persons. They order|ed all the heritors to get ready their best horses and men, and to assemble them in particular places, that they might, as need happened, march to his majes|ty's defence or assistance. In the beginning of No|vember, the bishops transmitted a letter to James, admiring what marvellous deliverance and prosperity he had met with,—thanking God for giving him a

son and heir to his throne,—and thanking himself for the assurance he had given them of protecting their established religion; and their deep concern to hear of an unnatural invasion from Holland; and their fervent prayers, that all concerned in it, might be covered with shame. And, as the prince of O|range had sent a declaration, representing as the grounds of his expedition, how the laws of the king|dom had been arbitrarily overturned; how Papists had been put into places of power and trust, and means used for a speedy introduction of Popery; how the rights and privileges of burghs had been ta|ken from them by mere arbitrary power, without any citation, trial, or sentence;—how evil counsel|lors had subjected all administration of justice to an absolute and despotic power, and had turned out, and put in judges as the sovereign pleased; and what an exorbitant power had been exercised in imposing bonds and oaths;—in imprisoning gentlemen with|out any alledged treason;—in forcing many by tor|tures to accuse themselves;—in imposing arbitrary fines, frighting and harrassing many parts of the country with intercommuning and circuit courts, mak|ing some incur forfeiture of life or property for the most general and harmless converse with their nearest relations outlawed;—empowering officers and soldi|ers barbarously to destroy, hang, shoot, and drown the subjects, without any form of law, or any respect to age or sex,—not giving some of them time to pray to God for mercy; and all this, for no other reason, but because they would not satisfy them in such ques|tions as they proposed to them without any warrant of law, and against the common interest of mankind, which frees all men from being obliged to discover their secret thoughts,—besides a great many other vi|olences and oppressions, &c.—the council emitted a proclamation to prevent the spread of it; but it made people the more fond of seeing it.

Notwithstanding their deep poverty, the follow|ers of Mr. Renwick, who had Mr. Linning ordained

for them in Holland, as his successor, had, a little before, collected 240 pounds sterling, and therewith ransomed a number of their brethren, that had been transported to be slaves in Barbadoes. They had scarcely heard of William's landing in England, when they warned the western curates, peaceably to leave their charges; and some who did not, were more sharply used. They also laid out themselves to de|stroy all monuments of Popish idolatry, not only in the west, but some of them in Edinburgh. They, but with too little unanimity, renewed the cove|nants, at Lesmahago. They used what influence they could, to have proper persons elected to be re|presentatives in the convention of Estates; and with no great unanimity raised a number of men to guard it, and otherwise promote the establishment of Wil|liam on the throne. Many of them were formed into their regiment under lord Angus, which served against Claverhouse and his malignants; but while their junction with the established forces displeased many of their friends, they were not over well used by the managers of the state and officers of the army at the battle of Gillicranky, &c. These societies pre|pared an ADDRESS to the Prince of Orange, in or|der to have their grievances redressed; but, by rea|son of their divisions among themselves, and some incidents which retarded it, till it was too late, it was never presented, as neither was their petition to the convention of Estates. They drew up a petition to the Parliament 1690, in which they complained, That the redress of grievances had been so long de|layed; that, though Prelacy had been abolished, yet many wicked acts supporting it, and suppressing Presbyterian government, were not yet repealed, and many of the curates continued in the peaceable possession of those churches, into which they had been intruded; that many acts of forfeitures stood unrepealed; that many acts condemning our cove|nants and covenanted reformation, as rebellion, and imposing wicked oaths and bonds, stood yet unrepea|led;

that many, who had been active in the lat•• persecuting times, and even murderers of their bre|thren, continued, or admitted to places of power and trust,—and craved, that these grievances may be re+dressed; and that Presbyterian government may be restored as it was established in 1649; that a full and free General Assembly of Presbyterian ministers and elders, be called, with full power to order church af|fairs, cognosce public scandals, remove intruders from churches, and plant them with faithful mini|sters; that patronage, the king's supremacy over ec|clesiastical causes, and all indulgences proceeding from it, and the late toleration, proceeding from absolute power, be condemned, as contrary to law, and aboli|shed; that some proper method be devised for renew|ing of the covenants; and the administration hereof left to the General Assembly. This petition was presented to the Committee for the church, but dis|regarded by most, and never presented to the Parlia|ment.

Meanwhile, another address was drawn up in name of many thousands, representing to William, still Prince of Orange, how the prevailing party, who had apostatized from their former reformation, had by laws, bonds, and oaths, excluded such as were able and faithful, from all places of power and trust, both in church and state; had invested the king with an absolute supremacy over both church and state, by which he might dispense with all laws, and issue forth what commands he pleased, to be obeyed without gainsaying; had enacted and executed many laws, persecuting men by fines, imprisonment, death, or the like, for their adherence to the true religion, and particularly for preaching and hearing the gos|pel; had annulled all the reforming Parliaments be|tween 1638, and 1650, and all their acts, tho' part of them had been ratified by the king; had terribly oppressed the nation by enormous taxes, and by an|nexing to the crown, (or bestowing on favourites) the estates of such as they pleased to punish with

forfeiture; had required persons of all sexes, de|grees, or quality, to depone against delinquents, their nearest relations; and that such as refused to depone against themselves, should be holden guilty of what was inquired at them; and that masters be answer|able for their tenants, wives, children, servants and cottars, that they shall not attend conventicles; had indemnified all judges and officers of the army, a|gainst all pursuits that can be raised against them, for what they do, or omit, in serving his majesty,— even in wounding and killing such as fled from their barbarities; &c. &c. These things they illustrate from the several ACTS of that period, and from the practices of the managers. And they supplicate, That a free Parliament may be speedily called, in which no bishop or evil counsellor may sit; that the public oaths may be laid aside or rectified; that Pre|lacy may be abolished, since it had always been a grievance in this land, and was contrary to the word of God and our solemn covenants; that Presbyterian government be restored, as in the reformation period, and renewed in 1638, and continued till 1660; that such Presbyterian ministers as are yet alive, be restored to their charges, and the present curates, who are ge|nerally intruders or scandalous, be liable to the judg|ment of the church judicatories; that patronages be abolished, as in 1649; that the subjects be restored to their several civil rights, and fines and forfeitures restored; &c. Whether this large and sensible pa|per was presented to William, I know not. But the Presbyterian ministers presented a short one, in which, after congratulating his appearance for their relief, and apologizing for their compliance with the late toleration, they beseech him to take effectual methods for delivering them from the yoke of Pre|lacy, which had been obtruded contrary to the will of the church, and to the genius of the nation,— and for restoring Presbyterial church government, and Presbyterian ministers that were still alive, to their former charges.

THE Convention of Estates having met in April 1689, found that James, being a professed Papist, had assumed the royal power, and acted as king with|out ever taking the coronation oath required by law; and had—invaded the fundamental constitutions of this kingdom, and altered it from a legal limited monarchy, to an absolute and despotic power; and had exercised the same to the subversion of the Pro|testant religion, and the violation of the laws and li|berties of the nation; and inverted the ends of go|vernment, by which he had forfaulted the crown, —and the throne was become vacant! (Thus they practically approved the principles of Renwick and his followers on this point.) And after declaring the several practices of James and his counsellors contrary to law, and claiming their rights in opposi|tion to the same, they confiding, that William would perfect their deliverance, which he had begun, and maintain for them the enjoyment of their said rights, and preserve them from all other attempts upon their religion, laws and liberties, they declared him and Mary his spouse, their KING and QUEEN; and as|signed the crown to the longest liver of them, and to the heirs of her body; which failing, to the prin|cess Anne of Denmark, and the heirs of her body; which failing, to the heirs of the body of said Willi|am king of England. And they required, that in|stead of all the oaths, declarations, and tests, re|quired by the preceding persecuting Parliaments, no more than a simple oath of allegiance be required of persons in places of power and trust. They appoin|ted the coronation oath of 1567, but not that of 1651, to be administered to the king and queen, at their acceptance of the crown. They formed artic|les of grievances to be redressed by the Parliament; appointed a new military oath; issued forth procla|mations against Papists, who had lately swarmed in the nation, and for securing suspected persons,—and

for a public thanksgiving to God for his merciful de|liverance of the nation.

The Parliament meeting in June 5th, 1689, with|out any bishops, declared their meeting of noble|men, barons, and burghs, to be a lawful and free Par|liament, which none might disown or impugn under pain of treason. They acknowledged William and Ma|ry king and queen of Scotland, and declared it high treason to disown or impugn the same; appointed the new oath of allegiance to them, to be sworn by all in public trust; and rescinded all preceding laws and acts of Parliament in so far as they imposed any other oaths of allegiance, supremacy, declarations, and test except the oath of fidelity in administering particular offices. They abolished Prelacy as a great and insupportable grievance to the nation, and con|trary to the inclinations of the generality of the peo|ple, ever since the reformation.———In their 2d session, April, 1690, they rescinded the act of 1669, which established the king's unlimited supremacy o|ver the church; they restored the ministers that were thrust from their charges since 1660, to them. They ratified the Westminster Confession of faith, in|grossing it into their act, as the public confession of the Scotch church, and restored Presbyterian govern|ment as agreeable to the word of God, and most con|ducive to the advancement of true godliness,—as it was settled in act 114, of the Parliament 1592, re|viving said act, in all its heads and clauses, except that part of it, which relates to patronage, which they afterward rescinded; and placed the power of electing ministers in Protestant heritors and ruling elders, leaving to the congregation to give their con|sent, or their dissent, supported by reasons to be jud|ged by the Presbytery. They lodged all the power of church government in the restored Presbyterian ministers, and ministers or elders admitted by them, and allowed them to try and purge out all insufficient, negligent, and erroneous ministers, and appointed their first General Assembly to meet at Edinburgh

on the third day of October next. They prohibited the vacation of the courts of justice at Christmas. They rescinded all the laws, which required the sub|jects to defame or renounce the covenants, or which required conformity to Prelacy, or required them to take any oaths, bonds, declarations or tests, imposed in or after 1661, or exposed them to any penalty for defending the covenants, hearing Presbyterian mi|nisters in fields, or houses,—or refusing said oaths and declarations;—and all acts enjoining the anni|versary thanksgiving for Charles' restoration on the 29th of May; and all acts enjoinnig civil pains upon sentences of excommunication; and all acts asserting the unlimited power of the king; and all acts of for|feiture on account of non-conformity to Prelacy and the persecuting measures of these times.

After the General Assembly had sat down in Oc|tober 1690, and observed the first day of their meet|ing, in solemn fasting and humiliation; and had re|turned an answer to his majesty's letter, in which they assure him, that the re-establishment of Presby|tery, which they enjoyed, was not more agreeable to the inclinations of all his best subjects within this kingdom, than it was acceptable to God, Messrs. Linning minister, and Shields and Boyd preachers among the correspondent societies, in the south west, presented two papers to the Assembly. In the lar|ger one, after professions of thanksgiving to God, That tyranny had been repressed, Popery suppressed, and Prelacy depressed,—the doctrine of this church asserted, and the Confession of faith formerly re|ceived, approved, and established by the Parliament, —the worship and ordinances of Christ administered in great purity,—the government appointed by him restored to what it was in 1592,—the discipline so retrieved, that all ecclesiastical courts may, without restraint, assert all the authority, and exercise all the power, with which he he hath intrusted them, —Erastian usurpations are abrogated,—the church's intrinsic power redintegrated, and the corruptions

introduced by compliances so far abdicated, that they are not in the constitution of the church, and do not continue to be the scandal and snare of the times;—and lamenting, That in zeal to purge out corruptions,—in acknowledging all former at|tainments in reformation,—in renovation of our so|lemn covenants with God,—and in faithful testify|ing against all corruptions of great or small,—the glory of the church appeared much inferior to what it had been in former times;—they therefore beseech the Assembly, that, in order to a happy and desir|able communion of all the friends of a covenanted work of reformation,—the several steps of defection in the preceding period be diligently inquired into, confessed and condemned; particularly ministers lay|ing aside the exercise of their ministry at the com|mand of the magistrate,—giving way to, not testify|ing against, but even submitting to, and encouraging others to submit to the ministry of the curates, who were manifest intruders,—erastians both in principle and practice,—schismatics, who caused divisions and offences contrary to the received doctrine and order of this church,—perjured covenant breakers,—in se|veral points erroneous,—and in several respects scan|dalous; and while the hearing of and submitting to them was required as an evidence of hearty compli|ance with erastianism and Prelacy, and of yielding to the rescinding of our covenants,—and gave offence, hardening those that complied with Prelacy, and weakening the hands and condemning the sufferings of such as opposed it,—and amounting to a prefer|ring of them to the faithful ministers of the true church of Scotland, as the case was circumstantiated. (2.) The horrid violations of our solemn covenants with God; and substituting in their rooms, such oaths, bonds, and tests, as solemnly renounced them, —and obliged to contrary courses,—all which infer|red or implied a sinful confederacy with the wicked managers in promoting a course of apostacy from God,—were, in the sense of the imposers, condem|natory

of, or contradictory to the covenants, and some part of the covenanted reformation,—were imposed by the malignants without consent of the church, and could not be sworn in truth, judgment and righteousness. (3.) What injuries had been done to Christ's incommunicable headship over his church by the king's usurped supremacy, and what proceed|ed therefrom; particularly the indulgences, the plain end of contriving and granting which, was to ad|vance and establish the supremacy, and divide Pres|byterians among themselves; and the granting of which included an exertion of the whole power of the supremacy, in taking away and restoring at plea|sure the power of Christ's stewards; and the accep|tance of which was considered by the granter, as implying a submission to all the sinful restrictions contained in his grant,—and was a faint yiel|ding to prevailing Erastianism and defection from former ministerial freedom and faithfulness; and thus hardened Erastian enemies, stumbled real friends, and offended posterity. (4.) The late toleration, and addressing for it, and acceptance of it, which plainly proceeded from an usurped absolute power; and was intended for the introduction of Popery, and slavery;—was extended not only to Prelacy but to Po|pery, Quakerism, and all idolatry, blasphemy, and he|resy, contrary to the word of God, our confession, and covenants;—was clogged with such limitations, as exceedingly hampered the freedom of the ministry; —and was exceedingly scandalous, disgraceful to the Protestant religion, as if it were only to be suffered as an evil thing; consounding and grieving to our true friends; and occasioned disdainful insulting of Prela|tists and Papists over Presbyterians and covenanters. (5.) General want of zeal and faithfulness, in renew|ing our covenants with God, notwithstanding they have been so fearfully broken and affronted. (6.) Too general silence, or only ambiguous speaking a|gainst the crying sins of the preceding period, which cannot be controverted among Presbyterians, as im|posing

and taking bonds contrary to the covenants and work of reformation, in order to shift persecu|tion, or to purchase preferments;—manifold forms of persecution, and even shedding of the blood of multitudes for righteousness sake. (7.) That many, who had sworn the wicked oaths, and sundry ways persecuted the godly, were admitted to sealing ordi|nances; and that many, who had habitually compli|ed with Prelacy, and borne office under it, and had taken the above mentioned oaths and bonds, were admitted to be ruling elders; and some who had been trained up to be curates, admitted to the ministry, without any proper evidence of their repentance.— And though they did not plead, That every one of these offences, or every degree of any should be pro|ceeded against by disciplinary censure; yet they pled, That as the Convention and Parliament had found Prelacy, supremacy, and the like, contrary to the laws of the land, the Assembly would find these, and the fruits thereof, contrary to the laws of Christ, and state them as causes of a solemn general fast;—that proper methods be taken for renewing our covenants, in a manner accommodated to their circumstances, —none being forced to swear or subscribe, or so so much as admitted, unless they appear to have a competent knowledge and sense of the sins acknow|ledged, and duties engaged to therein; and that, in answerableness to the allowance of Parliament, due care be taken to purge out all curates, that are either insufficient, negligent, erroneous, or scandalous,—as the continuance of such had done much hurt after 1638; —the people are perishing in ignorance and irreligion under their ministry, and their continuance will ex|ceedingly obstruct the planting of the Lord's vine|yard with faithful pastors.—This large paper was gi|ven into the committee of overtures, and read by them; but, in their report of the impropriety of reading it, it was carried by one vote in the Assem|bly, that it should not be read there. The printed act of Assembly says, that the committee of over|tures

represented, that though this paper contained several good things in it, yet it also contained several peremptory and gross mistakes, unseasonable and im|practicable proposals, and uncharitable and injurious reflections, tending rather to kindle contention, than to compose divisions. But Mr. Linning, in his pre|face to Shields on Church communion, strongly avers, that these words were not in the original minutes, but afterwards fraudulently foisted in by the clerk and the correctors of that act for the press.

In their short paper, they do little more than inti|mate, That, after laying their larger paper at the feet of the Assembly, to be disposed of as they should judge proper, they declared their subjection of them|selves and doctrine to the judicatories, and promised to live in union and communion with, and subjecti|on and due obedience to the authority of this church. This the Assembly accepted of, and received them into church fellowship with them. The societies with which Messrs. Linning, Shields, and Boyd were connected, likewise gave into the committee of over|tures a pretty large representation of their grievances, the substance of which was much the same as that of their preachers. It was ordered to be put into the hands of those that were to draw up the Causes of the general fast, that they might make a proper use of it. Notwithstanding they were not satisfied, ma|ny, if not most of these societies, especially where they had more godly and faithful ministers in their parishes, joined in the establishment, giving in testi|monies against what they took to be wrong, to the ministers or sessions, at their junction.

This Assembly ordered Presbyteries to censure the late incumbents or others who should not observe the fasts and thanksgivings appointed by the church, or should privately administer the sacraments, celebrate clandestine marriages without due proclamation of banns, or be guilty of any other irregular carriage. They appointed, that all probationers licensed to preach, all intrants into the ministry, and all other

ministers and elders received into a share of the church government, should subscribe their approbation of the Westminster Confession of faith; that notice be taken what Papists are in their bounds, and how their children are educated, and pains be taken to reclaim them; that all celebration of marriage without due proclamation of banns, on three several Sabbaths, in the respective parishes, be discharged, and the con|traveeners censured; that kirk sessions take care to execute the acts of former General Assemblies against profanation of the Lord's day by unnecessary sailing, travelling, &c. and that application be made to Par|liament for altering all the markets which are on Sa|turdays and Mondays; they allowed two or more Presbyteries to associate together, till the vacancies be filled; they prohibited ministers, who had char|ges, to remove out of the kingdom, without consent of their respective judicatories; they prohibited all private administration of baptism and the Lord's sup|per, as contrary to their end of solemn communion with the church, and as tending to nourish the Po|pish notion of their being absolutely necessary means of salvation; they approved methods of erecting schools in the Highlands, and of spreading the Gae|lic Bibles, New Testaments, Psalm books, and cate|chisms, for which some English had so liberally con|tributed; they declared null all the censures which the Resolutioners or Protestors had passed upon one another; they, agreeably to their letter to the king, and to their declaration by their moderator, that they would depose no incumbents simply for their judg|ment concerning the government of this church, nor urge re-ordination upon them,—appointed their com|mission for the north of Tay, to purge out all, who, upon due trial, should be found insufficient, negligent, scandalous, or erroneous;—to take care that none should be admitted by them to ministerial communi|on, or a share of church government, but such as are found to be orthodox in their doctrine, of com|petent abilities, of a pious, loyal and peaceable con|versation,

and of an edifying gift, and who may be expected to be true and faithful to God and the go|vernment, and diligent in their ministerial work;— and to proceed very cautiously in receiving informa|tion and inflicting censures on the late conformists, that none may have ground to complain.

No part of their work required more candour and faithfulness, than their act for a general fast, and no where were they more deficient. They indeed as|sign as grounds of humiliation, that the nation had dealt treacherously with God, and been unstedfast in his covenant;—the interests of Christ, and privileges of his church, had been sacrificed to the lusts of men; the king's supremacy over the church advanced in such a way, and to such an height, as no Christian church had ever acknowledged; the government of the church altered, and Prelacy, which hath been alway grievous to this nation, introduced, and many of the then standing ministry of Scotland had sud|denly and readily complied with it; many faithful ministers had thereupon been cast out, and insuffici|ent and scandalous men intruded on their charges; and many families ruined, because they would not own them as their pastors;—ungodly unlawful oaths and bonds had been imposed and taken, and many ruined and oppressed for not taking them;—iniquity had been established by law, and unrighteous statutes had been made and executed; and many had been cruelly persecuted for their conscience towards God; there had been too general fainting, ministers not giving seasonable and necessary testimony against the defections of the times; the abomination of the mass had been set up in many places, and Popish schools erected, and severals fallen into idolatry;—dreadful impiety, profaneness, atheism, profanation of God's name by ignorant swearing and breaking of oaths, ne|glect of God's worship, profanation of the Sabbath, violence and shedding of innocent blood, shameful sensuality, mutual divisions and heats, and reproa|ches among the friends of truth, &c. had greatly

abounded.——It gave no small offence to many of the most serious, that in these causes of fasting, the ministers had shewed such aversion to mention their own sins, particularly respecting the indulgences and toleration above mentioned; that they had not more plainly represented all these evils as highly aggravated, being at once contrary to the word of God, and to the so often repeated covenants of the nation with him; that the several horrid abominations of the preceding period were not more particularly, and much more plainly and strikingly mentioned.

King William had been bred up in Erastian notions of magistrates power over the church, and perhaps also in the political maxim, That no particular form of church government is founded in the word of God, but Presbytery, Prelacy, or Independency, become most agreeable to it, as they best suit the inclinations or circumstances of nations concerned. The senti|ments of most of his courtiers were much the same. Many persons of rank were so concerned about their own temporal deliverance, and getting back their for|feited estates, that they much overlooked the spiri|tual interests of the church. Not a few of the mini|sters wanted proper zeal, and others were loth to break with them. Wearied of their long and dread|ful persecution, which had murdered or rendered outwardly miserable about eighteen or twenty thou|sand in Scotland, and sixty thousand in England, the Presbyterians were generally willing to take up with less than they wished, rather than to provoke Willi|am and the great ones to frown upon them, and dis|turb their quiet. Hence the reformation which took place between 1638 and 1650, was wilfully overlook|ed, and the wicked acts of Charles' first Parliament in so far as they buried it, or the Parliaments which established it, left unrescinded. The Parliament laid aside a draught of an act, which but debarred such as had been active in the persecuting work from places of power and trust. As the state did not rescind all the laws in favours of Erastianism or against our cove|nants,

the church did not so plainly assert the sole headship of Christ over his church, and her intrinsic power to manage all her spiritual concerns indepen|dent of the magistrate, nor the divine right of Pres|byterian government, nor the perpetual obligation of our solemn covenants, as the opposition thereto in the preceding period called for: nor were either church or state much inclined to put their necks afresh under this yoke of God.

No doubt, encouraged by his courtiers, K. Wil|liam laboured to render the Presbyterians and their judicatories as dependent on the civil authority as he could. By keeping the curates in their churches, al|lowing them their stipends, and even procuring for many, perhaps some hundreds of them, an easy ac|cess to the established church, he laboured to pro|mote his own carnal interests. By two letters to their Commission, and another to the Assembly, 1692, he strongly urged Presbyterian ministers to proceed fur|ther in assuming these Episcopalian curates into a share of the established church government. And, because the Assembly did not seem so forward in this matter as he wished, the earl of Lothian his com|missioner dissolved their meeting, without naming a|ny future diet. Mr. Crighton, their moderator, re|monstrated against this dissolution, and, in their name boldly declared, That tho office bearers in the house of God have a spiritual INTRINSIC power from Jesus Christ, the ONLY HEAD of his church, to meet in Assemblies about the affairs thereof, the necessity of the same being represented to the magistrate; and craved, That the dissolution of this Assembly without indict|ing a new one to a certain day, might not be to the prejudice of our yearly General Assemblies, granted us by the laws of the kingdom,—and named the 2d of August next year for the diet of their next meet|ing. To this remonstrance all the members declared their adherence. This free, faithful and open testi|mony for the sole headship of Christ, and intrinsic power of his church, much gladdened the hearts of

the godly, who were grieved for the neutrality and indifference about the cause of Christ, which then prevailed. But some ministers addicted to the court, clandestinely apologized for this honest dealing to his majesty, as if it had been improper; nor did any of them hold their appointed meeting of Assembly next year.

Not only did king William, five or six times, in his reign, adjourn the meeting of the General As|sembly, and was too readily obeyed; but the Par|liament 1693, by their 6th act, appointed the new oath of allegiance, together with an assurance, sincere|ly acknowledging William and Mary the only lawful and undoubted sovereigns of this realm by right, as well as by possession, and faithfully engaging to main|tain their title and government, against the late K. James, and all his adherents, and all others,—to be taken not only by all noblemen, and all civil and mi|litary officers, but also by all ministers of the gospel, clerks of church judicatories, precentors, and voters in the election of ministers, under pain of their being deprived of their offices and salaries, or banished, or otherwise punished as the privy council should judge proper. By their 23d act, for settling the quiet and peace of the church, after a solemn and perpetual confirmation of act 5th, 1690, ratifying the Con|fession of faith and catechisms, Presbyterian govern|ment, in all the heads, articles, and clauses thereof, they further enacted, That none, who had not first taken and subscribed the oath of allegiance, and sub|cribed the assurance, and also subscribed the Confessi|on of faith as the confession of his faith, and acknow|ledged Presbyterian government, as now settled, to be the only government of this church, and promis|ed to submit thereto, and concur therewith, and ne|ver endeavour directly or indirectly the prejudice or subversion thereof,—be admitted, or hereafter con|tinued, a minister or preacher within this church; —and, that all the curates, who had not yet been assumed by the Presbyterian courts, should, within

thirty days, offer themselves for admission on the above terms; that if they did so, they should have their majesties protection, unless they should, with|in thirty days after their said application, be proved scandalous, erroneous, negligent, or insufficient: And further ordained, That the privy council, and all o|ther magistrates, judges, and officers of justice give all due assistance, in rendering the sentences of church judicatories effectual. By their 27th act, 1695, the Parliament again required all ministers, Presbyterian and Episcopalian, who had not taken the above men|tioned engagements to the government, to qualify themselves without delay, under pain of deprivation from both office and benefice. The Parliament 1693's appointing of a monthly fast on account of the war with France, and other grounds, had been less dis|liked by many, had not one publicly declared end of that war been to cause Lewis XIV. of France make reparation to the holy See of Rome for whatsoever he had acted against it, and make void all the infamous proceedings of the Parliament of Paris against the holy father Pope Innocent XI.

The bulk of the Presbyterian ministers did what they could to comply with his majesty's pleasure, They pretended, That the oath of allegiance and the assurance were imposed on them as subjects, and not as a condition of, or qualification for their holding or exercising their office. But the words of the act imposing them, and especially the exclusion of Mr. James Hogg from sitting in the Assembly 1695, by the king's commissioner and advocate, on account of his want of that legal qualification, plainly manifest|ed the contrary. These ministers not only frowned on, reproached, and harrassed Mr. Hogg, and others no less loyal than themselves, because they looked on the imposition of said oath and assurance, as a poli|tical snare disgracing their office, and making them liable, on every change of civil government, solemn|ly to acknowledge the rights of the present gover|nors; and as an erastian addition to the ministerial

qualifications prescribed by Jesus Christ. Several processes were at once commenced against the emi|nently pious and useful Mr. John Hepburn of Orr, in Galloway, on account of his open and perhaps some|times imprudent testimonies against the taking of that oath, and other defects of the revolution church, and his preaching and baptizing within the bounds of some of his laxer brethren. After suspending him from the exercise of his ministry, they stirred up the magistrates to punish him with a long impri|sonment at Edinburgh. He, at length, submitted, and was restored to the exercise of his office, but, returning to his reprehended conduct, he was depo|sed in 1705, as one that obstinately continued in er|roneous opinions, and schismatical courses. In 1694, The Assembly agreed on a FORMULA for the recep|tion of the curates, in which, answerably to the command of the Parliament above-mentioned, they should declare their belief of the whole doctrines contained in the Confession of faith, and engage con|stantly to maintain them, and should acknowledge Presbyterian government now settled by law, to be the only government of this church, (N. B. not the only government prescribed by Christ in his word) and engage to submit to, and concur with it, and to observe an uniformity of public worship, as at pre|sent performed, and allowed in this church.

Meanwhile, the Parliament made sundry good acts for confirming the laws in favours of the Con|fession of faith and Presbyterian church government; —and for restraining blasphemy, profaneness, clan|destine and irregular marriages, spread of Popery, and holding of weekly markets on Saturdays and Mondays, in towns;—and for settlement of schools, and encouragement of preachers, particularly in the north, &c;—and application of vacant stipends to promote such purposes.—The Assembly fixed the proportion of commissioners to its meetings viz. two ministers and one ruling elder, from Presbyteries of not above twelve ministers; three ministers and one

elder from Presbyteries of not above eighteen mini|sters; four ministers and two elders from Presbyte|ries of not above twenty-four ministers, and so pro|portionally in larger Presbyteries; and that none should be admitted members but ministers and ruling elders. Finding that the Assembly 1642's burdening of their allowance of transportation, in some cases, —with burghs maintaining of students of divinity at the universities, in order to prevent the need of it, as much as possible, and the Commission 1650's la|menting over the sinfulness of frequent transportati|ons, even to eminent charges, had not effectually re|strained vacancies from troubling their neighbours and judicatories with attempts to procure ministers, probationers being scarce, from other congregations, they, by act vi. 1694, recommended to all vacant congregations, not to call any settled minister from any other congregation, till they had first seriously, but without success, endeavoured to be supplied with a free object. And, for preventing transportation, they, afterward, in their Large Overtures concerning discipline and government, declare the power of sup|plying vacancies to belong only to their own Presby|tery, and that no minister of another Presbytery ought so much as occasionally to preach in them, but with advice of the neighbouring ministers, and the harmonious consent of the elders;—and that Pres|byteries should labour by all means to prevent trans|portation of ministers who are already usefully settled; as transportation is often a great grievance, and is seldom to be practised. They appointed every mini|ster to lecture a considerable portion of scripture, ac|cording to the Westminster directory for public wor|ship; that candidates for preaching the gospel, be sufficiently known to be of a sober, grave, prudent, and pious behaviour, and like to be useful and edi|fying in the church, and be duly attested in order to licence, or when removing from one Presbytery to another; and that no minister employ any, in his own pulpit, but with the consent of the Presbytery;

that great caution be used, both in admitting and cen|suring of curates; that no minister be hastily censur|ed for not qualifying himself according to the civil law; that, in order to restrain the abounding pro|faneness, ministers preach plainly and faithfully a|gainst it, judicatories impartially exercise discipline against offenders,—proper testimonials be required on persons removal from one place to another,—mi|nisters and elders take care that the worship of God be daily performed in families,—none be ruling el|ders, who do not make conscience of this necessary duty,—none grosly ignorant or scandalous be admit|ted to the Lord's table,—and ministers and sessions apply to magistrates for execution of the acts of Par|liament against profaneness. They further appoint|ed, That preachers in vacant congregations, particu|larly in the north, should have a proper allowance out of the vacant stipends; that all intrusions of cu|rates or others into vacant congregations, should be carefully prevented; that Presbyteries carefully main|tain exercises and additions, by members at their meetings,—have frequent privy censures,—and main|tain bursars of divinity at colleges; that the Irish or Gaelic Psalms and Catechisms, be used where that, and not the English language, is understood; and that no preacher, who understands the Irish language, be settled in the low country.

The Assembly 1695, prescribed forms of commis|sions for members sent to their meetings; established directions how to deal with trafficking Papists and Quakers,—and for transmitting proposals of new acts concerning doctrine, worship, discipline, or govern|ment to Presbyteries, to be maturely considered by them, before they be enacted by the Assembly as binding rules. They appointed forty four ministers to go and preach in the north, one half of which, in the present necessity, might be transported thither, if they got calls; that in Presbyteries where two thirds of the congregations were settled, one fourth part of the ministers should go north, and one eighth

part be transported; that, in order to content the deprived parishes, their next minister should be de|clared intransportable, without their consent, unless he had insupportable grievances;—that ministers should preach catechetical doctrine; that no mini|sters, sessions, elders, Presbyteries, or Synods should give recommendations for charity, without their own bounds; that ministers labour to their utmost to re|strain the spread of deistical opinions, or any other errors contrary to the Confession of faith; that great care be taken, that none be licensed to preach the gospel, or ordained to the ministry, but on proper trial of their abilities, piety, and good behaviour,— particularly of their knowledge of the scriptures in their original languages, if not also in the Syriac and Chaldaic, and of the principal controversies respect|ing doctrine, worship, discipline, and government; that Synods and Presbyteries take care to prevent the commission of irregularities by vagrant ministers; and that ministers be very cautious in recommending persons to public offices in the church, without con|sulting the Presbyteries concerned.

In 1697, the Assembly appointed, that a roll of probationers and of students of divinity, who do not attend the professors that teach it, be yearly present|ed to the Assembly, read before it, and registered in the minutes of it;—that the Large Overtures concern|ing the discipline and method of proceeding in ecclesiasti|cal judicatories, should be transmitted as overtures from private hands to the several Presbyteries, that they may send their observations on them to the Commission, which is to prepare them for the consi|deration of the Assembly; that ruling elders and dea|cons, who neglect the daily worship of God in their families, be seriously admonished or rebuked,—and be removed from their office, if they continue in that sin,—and that this act, together with that of 1694, against profaneness, be read from the pulpit, in every congregation yearly, on the first Sabbath of May;—that ministers punctually fulfil their appoint|ments

to preach in vacant congregations; that no novations in doctrine, discipline, worship or govern|ment, be enacted by the Assembly, till the matter have been maturely considered by Presbyteries; that commissioners to the Assembly, duly attend the se|veral meetings of it; that ministers, sessions, and Presbyteries, exert themselves for restraining the a|bounding of swearing, cursing, sabbath-breaking, pro|fane withdrawment from and contempt of gospel or|dinances, or mocking at religion and the exercises of it, together with fornication, adultery, drunkenness, tippling, deism, blasphemy, and other abominable sins,—and deal with magistrates, faithfully to exe|cute the laws against such vices;—and that this act be every year read from every pulpit at Whitsunday and Martinmas. They also laboured to supply the army with preachers, and the North with ministers, catechists, and school-masters; and recommended to Presbyteries to be very cautious in either censur|ing or admitting the still outstanding curates.

Finding, that former appointments of ministers to preach or be settled in the North, had exceeding|ly failed, the Assembly 1698, formed a number of overtures for the supply of that poor, destitute and ignorant country; and appointed twenty probatio|ners to go and preach in it. They appointed the a|bove mentioned Large overtures to be further con|sidered by Presbyteries; and afterwards framed o|thers for the repression of profaneness,—checking the spread of Popery, and preventing marriage with|out proclamation of banns for three several sabbaths. Not a few serious people, especially in the south and west, still scrupling to join the established church, on account of her original defects and superadded blemishes, the commission published their seasonable admonition, in which they very plainly asserted, the sole headship of Christ over his church, her intrinsic power derived from him, and the divine right of Pres|byterian church government, and laboured to shew, that the church was in such a state of purity, that

she may be safely joined with, and could not, with|out sin and danger, be deserted.

The Assembly 1699, chiefly occupied themselves in forming acts and overtures against profaneness and Popery, and for the spread of Christian knowledge in the North, and for that end, planting schools and ministers there,—and for causing all ministers, pro|bationers, and school-masters, subscribe the Confes|sion of faith. They also transmitted to Presbyteries, several overtures concerning the revisal of the regis|ters of judicatories,—school-masters diligence in teaching the principles of the Protestant religion,— and concerning witchcraft,—obstinacy in scandal,— Papists renunciation of their delusions,—and concer|ning the making and observation of acts of Assem|bly. The Assembly, 1700, did little more than form the last mentioned overtures into acts, and make further provision of ministers for the North. The Assembly, 1701, moreover condemned an Apo|logy for M. Antonia Bourignion, which denied God's permission of sin, or infliction of punishment for it, —ascribed to Christ two human natures, one formed from Adam before the creation of Eve, and another born of the virgin Mary;—denied God's decrees of election and reprobation as wicked, cruel, and par|tial;—denied his foreknowledge of futurities;—and maintained, That all men have a good and an evil spirit in them before their birth;—that man's will is unlimited, and he must have some infinite quality, by which he may unite with God;—that Christ's human nature had sinful corruption in it, and his will had in it rebellion against the will of God;—that men may be perfect in this life, or purified from sin in the next;—that natural generation takes place in heaven;—that there are now no true Christians in this world, &c. The curates, having so terribly neglected the administration of the Lord's supper, that in all the bishoprick of Argyle, it was dispensed but twelve times in twenty-eight years, the Presby|terian ministers had no small difficulty to render it

as frequent as they wished. This Assembly recom|mended the more frequent administration of it, and that the number of ministers assisting at it, should be lessened. They revived the acts of 1645 and 1649, against Lykwakes, abuses at penny-weddings, and promiscuous dancings. They transmitted to Pres|byteries some overtures concerning scandalous per|sons turning Papists, in order to escape discipline, —Protestants marrying Papists,—intimations of ex|communication through the whole Presbytery, or in case of obstinacy, through every kirk in the nation, —or irregular absolution from censure by curates or others; and concerning the strict trial of candidates for the ministry,—and the calling of Presbyteries to account for their diligence in the restraining of pro|faneness.

King William dying just after the Assembly, 1702, had conveened, they did nothing that needs to be here recorded. Queen Anne having succeeded him, several Synods dreading her unfriendly disposition, thought proper to form acts expresly asserting Christ's sole headship over his church, her intrinsic power and the divine right of Presbytery: and some of the more zealous ministers thought to have pushed an act of that kind in the Assembly, 1703. But to prevent it, the haughty earl of Seafield, her commissioner, dissolved their meeting, when they had done little more, than to form some directions for planting of ministers in the North,—and to draw up an address to her majesty in favour of their Presbyterian govern|ment, and representing the extraordinary growth of Popery, the disorderly behaviour of the curates, and the abounding of immorality and profaneness;—and had given some recommendations, for supplying and preserving the registers belonging to the Assemblies, and their committees and commissions,—part of which had been destroyed by the dreadful fire in 1701; and concerning the Large overtures of 1697. —Many protestations from all corners of the house were offered against this dissolution of their meeting,

and or the intrinsic power of the church. But Mr. Meldrum, the moderator, was so overwhelmed with abuse by the commissioner, and with confusion, that he concluded with prayer, before any thing could be regularly marked. Ever since, I think, the General Assemblies have been first dissolved by the moderator in the name of Christ, and then by the commissioner in the name of the sovereign.

Probably to lull the Presbyterians asleep, one act was made by Anne's Parliament, in 1702, and ano|ther in 1703, ratifying all former laws in favour of the Confession of faith and Presbyterian church govern|ment, particularly the act 5th, 1690. Many had fearful apprehensions of a design to have Prelacy tole|rated, if not established by the Parliament 1703, but the Lord threw the members into such heats and con|fusions, as issued in declaring it treasonable to alter the government of the church. Nevertheless, a trea|ty of an incorporating union with England was almost immediately after projected, and, notwithstanding much opposition, carried on and concluded. When it was laid before the Parliament in 1706, and the majority of members appeared to favour it, both mi|nisters and people were exceedingly concerned, and presented addresses against it. The Commission of the General Assembly sat during the whole session of Parliament, and was uncommonly numerous. They first presented an address for an unalterable establish|ment of their religion, in the present and all succeed|ing generations, as far as human laws could go. To satisfy them, the Parliament enacted, That the per|petual establishment of the doctrine, worship, disci|pline, and Presbyterian government of this church, should be held as an unalterable, fundamental, and essential condition of the intended union, if it should be concluded. Many thought, that this would be a better security for their religion, than any act of the Scotch Parliament alone. But the most part of the true Presbyterians still continued averse to an in|corporating union, or coming under the jurisdiction

of a British Parliament, in which the English Prela|tists would be ten to one of the Scots. Notwith|standing great opposition from noblemen and gentle|men, who expected temporal advantages by promot|ing the union, the Commission presented a second address, in which they represented the danger they would be in of oaths, tests, and impositions incon|sistent with their principles, and that it was contrary to their principles and covenants to approve of the civil power of bishops, to twenty six of whom the nation would be subjected in the British Parliament. To this they got no answer, but a clause inserted in|to the act for securing the church, bearing, That no oath, test, or subscription, should ever be imposed within the bounds of this church and kingdom, contrary to our Presbyterian establishment; but leaving Scotchmen liable to such impositions in any other part of the British dominions. The Parliament thereafter de|clared, that the Parliament of England might provide for the security of their church within that kingdom, as they should think expedient. By this, they, con|trary to the word of God, and our solemn covenants with him, particularly the solemn league, consented to the securing of Prelacy and the ceremonies in Eng|land, as an essential and fundamental condition of the union. The Commission being informed of this, notwithstanding great opposition, presented a third address, craving, That there might be no such sti|pulation or consent to the establishment of the hie|rarchy and ceremonies in England, as they would not involve themselves and the nation in guilt. But the expectation of 400,000 pounds sterling to balance the loss of Darien to the Spaniards, thro' the treachery of the English, and the hopes of worldly advantages from the court, or in point of trade, made most of the Parliamenters overlook every thing religious,— so that the perpetual establishment of Episcopacy and the ceremonies, in England, as well as of Presbyterian government and the simplicity of gospel worship attend|ing it, in Scotland, were both fixed as fundamental

and unalterable conditions of the union; and each nation, by a solemn deed of their Parliament, gua|rantied to the other, an establishment of religion not a little contrary to their own.

Besides their labour in prosecuting and deposing Mr. John M'Millan in 1703, who, besides declaim|ing against the defects and blemishes of the Revoluti|on church, denied the authority of the civil magis|trates, because of their not taking the covenants, and wanting other qualifications required in scripture, and by the laws between 1638 and 1650,—and of Mr. John Hepburn in 1705, on account of his re|lapsing into his former conduct,—the principal ap|pointments of the Assembly in 1704, are, That mi|nisters should lecture a considerable portion of scrip|ture at a time; that none should be commissioners to the Assemblies, but such as have subscribed the Con|fession of faith, and have relation to, and reside in, the place from which they are sent; that scandalous per|sons, who turn Papists to escape censure, be excom|municated; that excommunications be intimated in the bounds of Presbytery, Synod, or through the whole kingdom, as may best correspond with the obstinacy of the scandalous person; that candidates for licence and ordination be very strictly tried, and that Synods take care that it be so; that Synods call Presbyteries to account with respect to their diligence in the restraining of profaneness, and causing the acts made against it to be read from all their pulpits twice every year; that Synods and Presbyteries care|fully observe, that none be permitted to vent any Arminian, Arian, or Socinian errors; that students, who understand the Irish language, be preferred to bursaries in colleges, before any others; that Presby|teries earnestly travel in collecting money from no|blemen and others, in order to raise a fund for the establishment of schools in the Highlands, and form|ing libraries there; that proper means be concerted for printing a new edition of the Irish or Gaclic bible, and for translating the Confession of faith and larger

catechism into that language, and for rendering the Psalms and shorter catechism, already translated, more generally useful; that care be taken to repress Pope|ry, and prevent Protestants marrying with Papists; that an exact Form of process be speedily and carefully drawn up, and great pains used for recovering regi|sters and other papers belonging to the church; that Presbyteries and ministers see to the erection of a school in every parish, and that the youth be properly taught in schools, as well as in colleges. About this time, the Large Overtures were again published in a more correct state. They contained directions for the right constitution of church JUDICATORIES in general, and respecting their moderators, clerks, re|gisters, proceedings, behaviour of members in them, and conclusion of their meetings,—and more particu|larly for the constitution of KIRK SESSIONS,—electi|on and ordination of elders and deacons,—marriage, —admission of infants to baptism,—admission to, or debarring from the Lord's table,—procedure with drunkards, swearers, profaners of the Lord's day, forni|cators, adulterers, and other unclean persons,—privy censures:—for the constitution of PRESBYTERIES, —licensing of preachers, planting of vacant congre|gations,—ordination, or transportation, of ministers, appeals and references from sessions, censuring of gross scandals, from which sessions do not absolve, —processes in order to the greater excommunication, Presbyterial exercises,—privy censures:—for the constitution and opening of Synods,—procedure of their committees,—procedure in proccesses,—privy censure of Presbyteries,—and conclusion of their meetings:—and for the constitution and opening of General ASSEMBLIES,—procedure of their seve|ral committees,—procedure in their own work,—ap|pointment and procedure of Commissions,—and con|cluding their meetings.—But the indolence of Presbyteries, the restoration of patronages, and the embarrassment of the Assemblies with other business, hindered the establishment of many of these excellent

directions, from being formed into standing rules. —Most of the acts of the Assemblies, 1705, and 1706, were little more than enforcements of preced|ing ones relative to profaneness, &c.—and for cal|ling in the assistance of magistrates to prevent abuses at penny weddings, and for recommending the lately composed scripture songs; for giving in of Overtures and References to the Assemblies, and the exact re|gistering of the minutes of church courts; and for strict admission to the Lord's supper; parochial visi|tations,—and ministerial visitation of families.—The most important acts of the Assembly 1707, are these largely directing how to prevent the increase of Po|pery, and establishing a most excellent Form of process chiefly extracted from the Large Overtures.

While the perjury and other evils of the union set|tlement more and more confirmed Messrs. Hepburn and M'Millan in their former courses, the established church, in her Assembly 1708, established excellent rules for ministers visitation of families; they formed new acts for preventing the profanation of the Lord's day, and other impieties; they enjoined Presbyteries to beware of rashly licensing or ordaining any candi|dates, whose qualifications were doubtful; they re|commended their forming an Overture for prevent|ing competition of calls, or giving a second call to any candidate before his former one was finally discussed; they empowered their Commission finally to examine and establish the public use of the scripture songs, which had, for several years, been under considera|tion. In 1709, they recommended the utmost reve|rence in the public worship of God, and ordered a warning to that purpose to be read from every pul|pit; they earnestly called all under their inspection to concur in promoting the erection of a Society for propagating Christian knowledge in the Highlands and foreign parts of the world, and required ministers and elders to collect what they could from their people, as a fund for supporting this excellent design: They re|commended to each Presbytery to form a library for

itself, out of the books sent by friends from England, and such others as they could obtain. They, as had been repeatedly done before, required Presbyte|ries carefully to examine the Large Overtures, that they might have them speedily established as a com|plete directory for their judicial procedure.—The As|sembly 1710, formed some new overtures for pre|venting the licensing of too many, or unqualified, preachers. They required all general fasts appointed by either church or state, for just and necessary cau|ses, to be duly observed. They appointed all mini|sters in whose bounds Bourignian errors are spread|ing, to preach particularly and faithfully against them; and all Presbyteries, in whose bounds they are vented, carefully to cause all schoolmasters, tea|chers, chaplains, and governors of youth to subscribe the Confession of faith as the confession of their faith; and that no heritors or heads of families retain in such stations any that refuse their subscription; that Pres|byteries transmit to the Commission an exact and full account of the principal propagators of these er|rors, and the professors of divinity publish a full col|lection and nervous confutation of them. They for|med directions for disposing of bursaries in colleges to students, especially such as had the Irish language. In answer to a Representation of the society for pro|pagating Christian knowledge, they appointed all those who had not made the above recommended collections, to do it without further delay, and en|joined Synods to point out to the Society what places had most need of schools and catechists. Almost every Assembly for a considerable number of years, issued recommendations for the assistance of that useful Society, with collections of money, or other|wise. The Assembly 1711, recommended to Presby|teries to have the Lord's supper so administered in their bounds, that people might have access to it every mouth of the year. They earnestly enjoined Presby|teries to labour, to their utmost, to have the wor|ship of God set up, and daily performed, in all the

parts of it, in every family in their bounds. They formed a new act for the cautious and careful proce|dure of Presbyteries in trying, licensing, and ordain|ing candidates for the ministry; and established a FORMULA of questions and engagements for them at licence and ordination, in which they solemnly declare, That they believe the scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be the word of God, and only rule of faith and manners; that they sincerely own and be|lieve the WHOLE doctrine contained in the Confession of faith, and will, to the utmost of their power, con|stantly maintain the same, along with the purity of worship presently practised in this church,—and dis|own all Popish, Arian, Socinian, Arminian, Bou|rignian, and other doctrines, tenets, or opinions whatsoever, inconsistent with, or contrary to said Confession of faith;—that they believe the Presbyteri|an government and discipline of this church to be founded on the word of God, and will maintain, sup|port, and defend the same all the days of their life; —that they will meekly submit themselves to their respective judicatories, and maintain the unity and peace of the church, and follow no divisive course from her established doctrine, worship, discipline, and government;—that zeal for the honour of God, love to Jesus Christ, and desire of saving souls, are their great motives and chief inducements to enter into the holy ministry, and not any worldly designs or interest;—that they have used no undue methods, either by themselves or others, in procuring their call; that in the strength of Christ they will live an holy and circumspect life, and faithfully, diligently, and cheerfully discharge all the parts of the ministerial work to the edification of the body of Christ, parti|cularly of the people intrusted to them. These, however little regarded by many, still continue the ordination vows of all ministers in the established church.—This Assembly further prohibited all students or preachers to offer themselves to licence or ordination, unless they carried sufficient testimo|nials

from their professors, parishes, and Presbyte|ries; and appointed their Commission to acquaint ministers in foreign parts what testimonials they may safely receive from candidates that offer themselves to licence or ordination with them. As good order, as well as the Large Overtures, required vacant con|gregations to be supplied only by their own Presby|tery, they prohibited ministers to preach in any va|cant congregation without the bounds of their own Presbytery, unless they be invited by the Presbytery in whose bounds that vacancy lies, or at least some neighbouring minister of it; the Large Overtures requires the invitation of neighbouring ministers, and the harmonious consent of the elders of the va|cant parish.

During the preceding twenty two years, the Re|volution church had continued in much the same condition. The Lord had not a little countenancad her ministrations, especially by the more faithful, for the instruction, conviction, conversion, and edifica|tion of souls, which had been left by the curates in a most ignorant or profligate case. The clergy had somewhat rectified several defects of their original erection with respect to the asserting of Christ's sole headship over the church, her intrinsic power, and the divine right of Presbyterian government. The moderator of the Assembly 1692, with consent of the members, boldly remonstrated to the king's com|missioner, that the office bearers in the house of God have a spiritual intrinsic power from Jesus Christ the only head of his church, to meet in Assemblies a|bout the affairs thereof. Many protestations of the same kind were made in the Assembly 1703, when the queen's commissioner dissolved it. The Assembly 1704, plainly told her majesty, that they were now again met in a national Assembly in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ.—and approved several Synod books, which contained new acts asserting Christ's sole headship over his church, her intrinsic pewer, and the divine right of Presbytery. The Assembly 1705,

in their 5th act, expresly assert the Lord Jesus Christ to be the alone king and head of his church. The Assembly 1707, in their 11th act, expresly declare, That our Lord Jesus Christ hath instituted a government and governors ecclesiastical in his own house, with pow|er to meet for the order and government thereof. At the conclusion of each Assembly, the moderator, before the king's commissioner, publicly declares, that as the Assembly met in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, the only king and head of his church, so they part in the same.—The Commission 1698, in their Seasonable admonition, publicly declare, We do believe and own, that Jesus Christ is the ONLY HEAD and KING of his church; and that he hath instituted in his church officers and ordinances, order and govern|ment, and not left it to the will of men, magistrate or church, to alter it at their pleasure. And we believe this government is neither Prelatical, nor congregatio|nal, but Presbyterian, which now, through the mer|cy of God, is established among us; and believe we have a better foundation for this our government than the inclinations of the people, or laws of men. This seasonable Admonition was ratified and approved by the Assembly 1699, act xii. By the above mention|ed FORMULA of 1711, every candidate licensed to preach, or ordained to the ministry, is required so|lemnly and publicly to avow, That the Presbyterian government and discipline of this church are founded on the word of God.—All along to 1710, the Assem|blies, in their causes of fasting or otherwise, more or less acknowledged the binding obligation of our pub|lic covenants. In act 5th, 1700, they lament our continued unfaithfulness to God, notwithstanding our solemn covenants and engagements to the contrary. In act 9th, 1701, they say, Our sins are the more ag|gravated, that they are against so solemn and repeated vows, and engagements, and covenants with God, which have been openly violated and broken by per|sons of all ranks, and treated with public contempt and indignities. To these two acts, they, for seve|ral

years after, refer in their causes of fasting. In act 7th, 1710, they say, The crying sins both of for|mer and present times are highly aggravated by the violation of our solemn covenants and engagements to the contrary.

But, by this time, the temporal advantages of our incorporating union with England began to be more and more overbalanced by the introduction of sinful corruptions from that country. The Sabbath began to be greatly profaned by driving of cattle, and other unnecessary labours. The societies for reformation of manners gradually dwindled away. Our nobility and gentry, by little and little, gave up with family religion, and dropt the very form of godliness. Spen|ding much of their time in England, they either contracted a liking to the hierarchy and superstition there used, or lived much in the neglect of public worship; and being there under no ministerial in|spection, they and their families followed their own inclinations without controul.—Public oaths in qua|lifying men for civil offices, or in collecting of tax|es, were exceedingly multiplied, and much perjury thereby increased. The abjuration oath, which had for some years been used in England, was extended to those in places of power and trust in Scotland, to be taken along with the oath of allegiance, and the assurance. The episcopalian party introduced the English ceremonies, and service, which their fathers had refused. And notwithstanding the Assembly, 1707, made an act against it, and the commission used some means to prevent it, they were but the more forward to set it up, or extol it, and to rail at the gospel simplicity of the established worship. Nay the idolatrous worship of the Papists was openly prac|tised and connived at▪ A superstitious form of swear|ing by laying the hand on and kissing the gospel was in|troduced into some of our civil courts. Such Scots|men, as served the sovereign in England, or Ireland, were required to take the Lord's supper in the Eng|lish manner, as a test of their loyalty, and otherwise

conform to the liturgy and ceremonies. An obser|vation of superstitious holy days was encouraged by the vacation of our civil courts in the end of the year, &c. Addresses to the House of Peers were rejected, unless they were directed to the Lord's spi|ritual, as well as temporal.—Strongly attached to their Popish pretender, many of the episcopal clergy, of whom, in 1707, 165 still retained their churches and stipends, began to plead for a middle state of souls after death, and prayers for the dead;—the Lord's supper being a propitiatory sacrifice for sin;—the mix|ing of the sacramental wine with water;—the neces|sity of absolution by a priest, and confession of sins to him in order to forgiveness of them;—the anointing with oil in baptism and other cases;—the necessity of episcopal ordination and baptism to salvation;—the bowing towards the altar, and at the name of Jesus; —the reception of the meaning of the scriptures from the church or clergy; —and the rejection of the Athanasian creed, concerning the Trinity, used in the English service,—and to recommend Popish books, containing devotions and prayers to the virgin Mary and other saints.

Meanwhile, contrary to the most solemn security granted to the Presbyterian establishment in the Treaty of union, the British Parliament, 1712, gran|ted the episcopalians an almost unbounded toleration, providing their clerk took the oaths to the govern|ment, and prayed for Queen Anne, who was now strai|ning every nerve, to bring her Popish supposed bro|ther to the throne,—prohibiting magistrates to oblige them to appear before any established church judica|tory, and requiring them to protect them in their public worship, so long as they did not turn Papists or blasphemers. To protect such of them as should scruple at the oath of abjuration, which solemnly re|nounced their Popish pretender, and avowed the rightful succession of the elector of Hanover to the crown in his stead, the Parliament, now managed by Jacobitical influence, imposed that oath upon every

Presbyterian minister, under a very heavy penalty, if they should continue to officiate without taking it. By the imposition of this oath, ambiguous or danger|ous, in several of its expressions, and expresly said in the English act, first imposing it to be calculated for the perpetual maintenance of the church of England as by law established, and in which one had to swear to maintain the succession of the British crown AS li|mited by two acts of the English Parliament, one of which expresly provided, That the successor should be of the communion of the church of England, and swear to maintain her as by law established, the Pres|byterian clergy would either, by their general refu|sal, give the court an handle to overturn their esta|blishment, or at least be divided and weakened, and the refusers appear as disloyal as any of the Jacobites, though their scruples were very differently founded. And to provoke the Presbyterians the more, the Parliament restored patronages in their whole extent, providing only, that patrons took the oaths to go|vernment, and did not profess themselves Papists. The Jacobites doctrine of unlimited obedience to so|vereigns and their distinction of them by right and by actual possession, qualified multitudes of them in Scot|land, as well as in England, to swear the oath of ab|juration, when imposed by authority, and now plainly enough imposed, as a mean of enthroning their Po|pish pretender.

These acts, so hastily passed, exceedingly alarmed the Scotch Presbyterians. The Toleration enervated their discipline, and encouraged the Jacobites in their rudeness and influence towards the established religion, and clergy, and opened a door for almost every error and abomination in the worship of God. The restoration of Patronage was calculated to sill the church with Jacobitish or naughty clergymen by means of solicitations or fimoniacal pactions, and so occasion much perjury in their ordination vows, and render their ministrations contemptible, useless, and hurtful. The imposition of the abjuration oath ••n

ministers as a condition of their entrance to, or ex|ercise of their office, rendered them more and more the slaves of an Erastian court,—tended to debauch their consciences, in taking oaths without any neces|sity, or even without due certainty of their lawful|ness, or any plain tendency to the honour of God,— and to diminish their zeal for their covenanted re|formation and Presbyterian government, and render them approvers of the perjurious settlement of religi|on by the incorporating union with England;— and threatened, as it soon actually did, to produce the most mournful divisions among ministers, or be|tween them and their hearers.—To prevent the pas|sing of these acts, the commission transmitted solemn addresses to her majesty, pleading the laws perpetual+ly confirmed by the union settlement in opposition to the intended toleration and restoration of patro|nages, which addresses the Assembly approved, and seconded with an address of their own. The com|mission also addressed her with respect to the abjurati|no oath, and, in a solemn profession of their loyalty, declared their sense of it,—which she said was accep|table to her. Hereupon the Assembly, in another address, begged that she would interpose her influ|ence for preventing the prosecution of scrupulous refusers of it. Messrs. Carstairs, Blackwell, and Bai|lie, were sent to London to present these addresses, and to agent their cause, but all to no purpose.

As the abjuration oath produced the most disagree|ble divisions, the Assembles, 1712, 1713, 1714, and 1715, by express acts, recommended and obtested all ministers to cultivate peace and harmony, not|withstanding their different views or practices with respect to it. The other more remarkable acts of these Assembles, were, for assisting and encouraging the Society for propagating Christian knowledge; for regular admission of infants to baptism; for more frequent administration of the Lord's supper; for purging the scandals of soldiers; for directing the visitors of Synod registers; for regulating the licen|sing

of preachers, and discouraging unworthy bur|sars; and for execution of former acts to prevent the growth of Popery.—The commission, 1713, emitted a seasonable warning to be read from every pulpit, intreating people to beware of being deluded by the subtile pretences of the Jacobites, who really labour|ed to bring them under the yoke of a Popish preten|der; and the Assembly, 1714, presented an address to her majesty, representing the alarming increase of Popery. About this time, the curates were become extremely insolent and abusive, intruded themselves into vacant congregations, and encouraged their fol|lowers to mob such as were appointed by their Pres|byteries to preach in them. But most of them join|ing in the rebellion, 1715, they were turned out of their kirks by the magistrate.

After the accession of K. George I. to the throne in 1714, the Assembly, 1715, transmitted to him and the members of Parliament, a new representati|on of their grievances, relative to the toleration, and abjuration oath, patronages,—and the sacramental test, imposed on Scotchmen, while serving the sove|reign in England and Ireland. He got his Parlia|ment, that year, to turn the AS of reduplication on the two English acts mentioned in that oath, into WHICH, and to declare that it was not intended to oblige his subjects in Scotland to any thing inconsist|ent with their legal establishment of their religion. And as, notwithstanding this, many still scrupled at that oath, the Parliament, 1719, removed all men|tion of their English acts out of the form of it im|posed upon ministers and school-masters. In conse|quence of this, the most of the ministers took it, and the few that did not, became disliked by their bre|thren, but more esteemed by many of the people. About the same time, the Parliament enacted, That all presentations given by patrons to candidates for vacant congregations should be of no effect, unless the presentee accepted or declared his willingness to accept, which it was, for a time, expected, few or

none would. At least the church had full power to prohibit candidates to accept presentations, until they had first the call of the congregation.

The union settlement, and especially ministers taking the oath of abjuration, having given new ground of offence to Messrs. John M'Millan, late mi|nister of Balmaghie, John Taylor of Wamphray, John Hepburn of Orr, and James Gilchrist of Dun|score, as well as to Messrs. John M'Neil, and John Adamson, preachers,—they went about inveighing against the same. On this account the Assemblies 1715, 1716, 1717, and their inferior judicatories prosecuted them, with no small severity. No less than about twenty-four acts and overtures were pas|sed against these pious, but sometimes imprudent and mistaking, friends of our covenanted reformation, eleven of which respected Mr. Hepburn, and nine Mr. M'Millan. Mr. Hepburn had been driven from his charge, and suffered a long imprisonment, beside many other harrassments. Mr. M'Millan had been driven from his charge, and another thrust into his place. Mr. Gilchrist was deposed and laid under a sentence of excommunication, appointed to be inti|mated in all the parish churches in Scotland.—Mean|while these, and the two following Assemblies, made acts for assistance to the Society for propagating Chris|tian knowledge, and for the speedy settlement of mi|nisters in the Highlands,—and against Popery and profaneness;—and repeatedly enjoined Presbyteries, without delay, seriously to consider the Large over|tures above-mentioned, in order to their being esta|blished as a complete directory for discipline and govern|ment;—and prohibited prelatical curates or Presby|terian separatists, to exercise discipline on any mem|bers of this church. The Assembly, 1718, issued a recommendation, for providing a fund for supporting the indigent widows and orphans of ministers. The Assembly, 1719, enjoined every minister to take care to have deacons as well as ruling elders, in his congregation. They issued a solemn warning against

smuggling of goods, and perjuries at custom-houses, in matters of trade, to be read in all the parishes of Scotland, and enjoined Synods, Presbyteries, and sessions, to execute the acts of Assembly against abu|ses at penny-weddings, and to apply to the magi|strates to execute the civil laws against such as are found guilty. They also framed an overture for re|gulating the settlement of vacant congregations, es|pecially where the patrons delay for six months had put that matter in the hands of the Presbytery, in which elders, and especially heritors, a majority of whom is required, are represented as the proper elec|tors, though, especially where there are no elders, heads of families, and persons of good reputation in the congregation, are to be regarded.

But the principal business of these Assemblies re|spected the doctrine of the church. In 1714, there commenced a flagrant report, that Mr. John Sim|son, professor of divinity in the college of Glasgow, had taught Arminian and other gross errors. Mr. James Webster, a most pious and zealous mini|ster of Edinburgh, finding by converse with him, that there was too much ground for this report, laid the matter before the General Assembly.—They un|reasonably burdened him with the prosecution of Mr. Simson before his own Presbytery of Glasgow. —Notwithstanding all his subtile shifts and quib|blings, it was found evident, from his answers to his libel, and his letters to Mr. Rowan, That he had taught, That nothing is to be admitted in religion, but what is consonant to reason;—that regard to our own happiness in the enjoyment of God ought to be our chief motive in serving him, and that our glori|fying of God is subordinate to it;—that the heathen may know by the light of nature, that God hath provided a remedy for sin, and if they would pray sincerely for the discovery of the way of salvation, he would grant it to them;—that if men would with diligence, sincerity, and faith, use the means for ob|taining saving grace, God hath promised to grant it

to them; and that the using of these means, in this manner, is not above the reach of their natural pow|ers;—that there was no proper covenant made by God with Adam for himself and his posterity; and that he was not our federal head;—that it is incon|sistent with God's justice and goodness, to create souls wanting original righteousness, and that the souls of infants since the fall are created pure and ho|ly;—that it is probable, there are more of mankind saved than damned; and it is more than probable, that baptized infants dying in infancy are all saved; —that there is no sinning in hell after the last judg|ment; &c. all which erroneous tenets were fully re|futed by Messrs. M'Laren and Flint, ministers of Edinburgh. But such was the power of his friends in the Assembly, 1717, which concluded his process, that in their 9th act, they only say, that he had gi|ven offence, and had vented some opinions not neces|sary to be taught in divinity, and that have given more occasion for strife, than to the promoting of edification; that he had used some expressions, that bear and are used by adversaries in an unsound sense, though he disowns that unsound sense; and for an|swering the objections of adversaries, he had adopted some hypotheses different from what are commonly used among orthodox divines, and are not evidently founded on scripture, and tend to attribute too much to natural reason and the power of corrupt nature, which undue advancement of reason and nature is always to the disparagement of Revelation and effi|cacious free grace; and therefore prohibit him to use such expressions, or to teach, preach, or other|wise vent such opinions, propositions, or hypotheses, as aforesaid.

But the Assemblies were far from being equally kind to such as earnestly endeavoured a clear illustra|tion of the doctrines of God's free grace reigning through the righteousness of Christ. Mr. Hamilton of Airth having published a catechetical treatise con|cerning the covenants of works and grace, and the sa|craments

of baptism and the Lord's supper, in a more evangelical strain than some wished, the Assembly 1710, prohibited all ministers or members of this church to print or disperse in writ any catechism, without the allowance of the Presbytery of the bounds, or the Commission. The Presbytery of Aughterar|der having begun to require candidates for licence to acknowledge it unsound to teach that men must forsake their sins in order to come to Christ, the Assembly 1717, on the same day they had dealt so gently with professor Simson, declared their abhorrence of that proposition as unsound and most detestable,—as if men ought only to come to Christ the alone Saviour from sins, after they have got rid of them by repentance. Mr. James Hogg one of the holiest ministers in the kingdom, having published or recommended a cele|brated and edifying tract of the Cromwellian age, called the Marrow of modern divinity, the Assembly 1720, fell upon it with great fury, as if it had been replete with Antinomian errors, though it is believed, many of these zealots never read it, at least had never perused it, in connection with the 2d part of it, which is wholly taken up in manifesting the obligation, meaning and advantages of observing the law of God. They condemned the offering of Christ as a Saviour to all men, or to sinners as such,—and the doctrine of believers full deliverance from under the law as a broken covenant of works. They asserted men's ho|liness to be a federal or conditional mean of their obtaining eternal happiness. They condemned these almost express declarations of scripture, That believers are not under the law; that they do not commit sin; that the Lord sees no sin in them; and cannot be angry with them,—as Antinomian paradoxes, and con|demned the distinction of the moral law as a covenant of works, and as a binding rule of duty in the hand of Christ, in order to explain these expressions. Mess. James Hogg, Thomas Boston, Ebenezer and Ralph Erskines, Gabriel Wilson, and seven others remon|strated to the next Assembly against these deci|sions,

as injurious to the doctrine of God's grace; and, in their answers to the Commission's twelve queries, they illustrated these doctrines with no small clearness and evidence. Perhaps influenced by this, as well as by the wide spread detestation of their acts, 1720, on that point, the Assembly 1722, re-consi|dered the same, and made an act explaining and con|firming them. This was less gross and erroneous. Nevertheless, the twelve Representers protested a|gainst it as injurious to truth; but this protest was not allowed to be marked. The moderator, by the Assembly's appointment, rebuked them for their re|flections on the Assembly 1720, in their Representa|tion, and admonished them to beware of the like in all time coming; against which they protested. Mr. Wilson having preached an excellent sermon before the Synod of Merse and Teviotdale in 1721, in which he had freely hinted his dislike of the legal doctrines and other corruptions then prevalent, after two years harrassment before the Synod and Commission, he was at last dismissed by the Assembly 1723, with an admonition.

Little more of importance was done in these As|semblies, unless that about 4200 pounds sterling were collected for the persecuted Protestants of Lithuania, and four of their students appointed to be supported by bursaries while attending the study of divinity at the college of Edinburgh. Several acts were made for preventing the increase of Popery, and, in 1722, they represented to his majesty the danger of his go|vernment by it. Other acts were made against pro|faneness, and for assisting the Society for propagating Christian knowledge, and for planting proper ministers and teachers in the North.—They enacted, That none should be admitted to, or continued in, the office of elders or deacons, unless they were circumspect in their walk, punctual in their attendance on ordinan|ces, and strict in their observation of the Lord's day, and in regularly keeping up the worship of God in their families; and that none should be sent to, or

admitted members of the General Assembly, unless they were attested by the Presbyteries, &c. as thus qualified.

Many of the clergy, perhaps fond of avoiding eve|ry appearance of good will towards the Marrow of modern divinity, seemed now more legal and Baxterian in their doctrine than formerly. This induced mul|titudes of serious Christians, who had been formerly not a little disgusted by their swearing of the Abjura|tion oath, to leave them, and hear the Representers and their friends, whom the late dispute, and their harrassment attending it, had made to search and see further into gospel truth. These, notwithstanding their eminent exemplification and earnest urging of gospel holiness, were exceedingly traduced by the prevailing party, as new schemers, and Antinomian encouragers of a licentious life. They had probably been more abundantly reproached and harrassed, had not the managers got their hands full of other busi|ness. Mr. Hepburn, above mentioned, dying, his friends in Angusshire almost persuaded Mr. Francis Archibald, minister of Guthry, into their sentiments. By this and some concurrent circumstances, more than ordinary noise concerning the national covenant and solemn league happened in that country. Roused hereby, Mr. John Glass, a young popular preacher in it, set himself to rail at these covenants, as unwar|rantable under the New Testament, and not obliga|tory, and even against some articles of the Confession of faith. He further taught, That national churches are unwarrantable under the New Testament; that the kingdom of Israel was of an ecclesiastical nature, and its officers church officers; that then church and state were the same; and both intirely typical; that the Old Testament church was an earthly king|dom; that all church covenants, that bring her into any connexion with the state, are legal and earthly, and means of introducing profane persons into her. By his address he decoyed Mr. Archibald into his notions, to which they soon added others, as, That

Confessions of faith ought not to be subscribed; that only congregational churches are warranted under the Gospel; that illiterate men are fit for preaching the gospel; that Christian congregations have power to ordain their own teachers; that all members have a share in governing the church; that Christian ma|gistrates have no more power about religious matters than other men, and ought not to employ their power for advancing religion, or for restraining or punishing heretics, or for giving more encourage|ment to good Christians, than to other good subjects. Notwithstanding all means for reclaiming them, they obstinately went about preaching their principles in fields and streets, or printing pamphlets in favours of them. They were therefore suspended in 1728, and because they contemned this censure, they were, about two years after, deposed. But notwithstanding their laying out themselves, to their utmost, to erect Independent churches of a new form, in every cor|ner, where they could find any encouragement, the Assembly 1739, reponed them to their office, tho' not to their charges.—On the other hand, it be|gan to be loudly reported, that professor Simson had not only continued to disregard the prohibition of the Assembly, 1717, and teach his above mentioned er|rors,—but also had taught, That Jesus Ckrist is not necessarily existent;—that the persons in the godhead are not the very same insubstance;—that necessary existence, supreme deity, and being the only true God, may be ta|ken in a sense importing the personal property of the Fa|ther, and so not belonging to the Son or Holy Ghost. Both libels were fully proven against him; but the first was left undiscussed. In consequence of his de|claring his mind on the latter points in orthodox lan|guage, and after much quibbling and tergiversation, professing his sorrow for some of the offensive expres|sions proved against him, the Assembly 1728, sus|pended him from all exercise of any ecclesiastical power or function, till another Assembly should think fit to restore him. And the Assembly 1729, further de|clared,

That it was not fit that he should be any further intrusted with the training up of students for the holy ministry. This slight censure of an obstinate Arminian, and an Arian blasphemer, exceedingly grieved and offended multitudes of the more serious.

Scarcely was this prosecution of professor Simson finished, when Mr. Campbel, professor of church history in the college of St. Andrews, began, from the press, to ridicule close walking with God, and acknowledging him in all our ways, as enthusiasm, and to aver, That in the interval between Christ's death and resurrection, his disciples looked on him as a cheat and impostor;—that self love is the chief motive and standard of all virtuous and religious acti|ons;—that the existence of God and the immortality of the soul cannot be known by the light of nature; —that notwithstanding, the laws of nature are a cer|tain and sufficient rule to direct rational minds to happiness, and the observation of them is the great mean of our real and lasting felicity. For these he was processed before the judicatories; but, by his artful colourings of his tenets, and pretences to ad|here to the Confession of faith, as professor Simson had always done, he not only escaped censure, but drew the Assembly 1736, which finished his process, into an approbation of his doctrine concerning self love.

Dr. William Wisheart, late principal of the col|lege of Edinburgh, was soon after sound to have taught from the press, That men are not altogether, if at all, vitiated with original sin; that the light of nature may, in some instances, be sufficient to lead mankind to complete happiness; that freedom of enquiry should never be restrained by any Formula of doctrine, or Confession of faith; that the minds of children should not be biassed to the principles of a party, by learning catechisms by heart; that civil magistrates have no power to punish heresies of any kind, but their jurisdiction reacheth only to those crimes, that are committed against the state; and that all men ought to have full liberty to speak and

write as they please, provided their sentiments do not endanger the welfare of civil society.—His pro|cess came before the Assembly 1738; but his artful colouring of his errors, and his profession of adhe|rence to the Confession of faith, brought him off, without any censure; in consequence of which, he soon after, from the press, recommended Dr. Which|cot's sermons to the students of divinity to form up|on,—without the smallest warning against the armi|nian and socinian errors therein contained, viz. That as to moral duties, we have the full concurrence of all heathen authors that are any whit reformed; (accord|ing to which, dependance on Christ, walking with God, or worshipping him in three persons, in and through Christ as mediator, and the like, are not mo|ral duties,)—that the great differences between men in the several ages of the world, have not been about any necessary truth or any thing plainly declared in scripture, (according to which, the doctrine of three distinct persons in the God-head,—the true and supreme God-head of Christ,—the necessity, reality, and vi|carious nature of his satisfaction for our sins,—free justification by his imputed righteousness,—regene|ration and sanctification by the almighty influence of his spirit;—and of original sin imputed or inhe|rent,—mens natural inability to will or perform that which is naturally good, &c.—are all excluded from being necessary truths, or clearly revealed in the scripture,)—that no perfection of God's nature in|clines him to punish sin, but to be reconcileable to all that repent;—that that repentance, which is in the power of every man, is the term or condition of the new covenant, renders men objects of the divine compassion, and removes the necessity of divine punishment;—that to be accepted in and thro' Christ, or justified thro' his righ|teousness, is to be assured, that God, thro' the perfection of his own nature, is reconcileable to sinners, and is absolutely resolved and engaged to pardon their sin in and through Christ, to all who repent and believe; that religion is just a moving according to reason; that if men use their natu|ral

powers aright by consideration, they may spiritually understand the scriptures, and make room for, and ren|der the influence of God's grace effectual, and find him their superlative delight; &c. &c.

While the errors, that were creeping into the church, were so tenderly handled, and the spreaders of them dismissed from the bar of General Assemblies on the easiest terms, they, who set themselves against the growing defections, were not a little oppressed. For about a dozen of years after patronages had been restored by the Parliament, no candidates had cou|rage to improve a presentation for their own intrusi|on on reclaiming congregations. At first, one or two probationers began to accept presentations: but the outcry against them was so great, that they soon retracted and passed from them. But, Mr. Cham|bers, principal of the college of Aberdeen, having accepted a presentation to old Machir, probationers and others took courage, and followed his example; and though they, at first, qualified their acceptances, with having the peoples consent, yet they would not retract, after the people had shewed their aver|sion. About 1729, and 1730, intrusion of ministers upon the footing of presentations was become pretty common, and were warmly supported by the As|semblies, and especially by their commissions. This rendered the attempts of some Presbyteries and Sy|nods to restrain them ineffectual. The king, ha|ving the patronage of very many parishes in his hand, such ministers as expected favours from the court, promoted the intrusions with all their might; and, in judicatories, and printed pamphlets, denied and railed against the right of the Christian people to elect their own pastors; while Messrs. Currie, Hill, and others, laboured to establish that right.

Finding, that they were like to be much troubled with remonstrances, dissents and protestations, in Assemblies, Commissions, and inferior judicatories, the Assembly, 1730, refused to record them, and to prevent any standing testimonies against their refu|sing

to assert the truth, in direct opposition to pro|fessor Simson's errors and blasphemies, and their vi|olent procedure in the intrusion of ministers, they enacted, that no reasons of dissent or protest should be recorded in their minutes. Several remonstran|ces and petitions were given in to the Synods of Merse and Lothian, as well as to the Assembly 1731, but no way regarded. A remonstrance by forty-two ministers and three elders, and another by about 1600 Christian people, many of them ruling elders, were presented to the Assembly 1732, in which they represented the many abounding defections, which grieved their spirit, as well as dishonoured God, and tended to the ruin of his church, and begged, that the Assembly would address his majesty and Parliament, for rescinding their acts imposing the sacramental test on the members of this church;— establishing the toleration,—restoring patronages, and for laying aside the new form of swearing on the gos|pels,—and for allowing the addresses of this church, though not directed to the spiritual Lords; that the Assembly would exert themselves to put a stop to the intrusion of ministers on reclaiming congregations; would restrain commissions from countenancing it, even where neither the Presbytery nor congregation, in the least, concur in the call, trial, or ordination, of the candidate; that no appeals from Synods be judged by the commission, unless the members of that sederunt, be supernumerary to these of the Sy|nod, in ministers, as well as elders; that, if any of the actings of the commission be contrary to the con|stitutions and known principles of this church, they shall be reversed, and themselves censured; that in|stead of judicatories being condemned any more for testifying their displeasure at candidates offensive ac|ceptance of presentations, none may be licensed or ordained, that favour that course; that the 7th act of Assembly 1730, prohibiting the recording of rea|sons of dissent may be repealed; that, according to the injunction of some former Assemblies, an act

may be made to restrain the legal and heathenish manner of preaching lately introduced by some young ministers and preachers;—and that a solemn warning be emitted by the Assembly against professor Simson's errors, and others, which are spread through the land, in order to prevent the infection of them. But neither of these remonstrances were allowed so much as a hearing. But, in consequence of an overture of the preceding Assembly, not a little worse than that of 1719, and contrary to the instructions of most part of Presbyteries that sent any, they enacted, that Pro|testant heritors of any denomination or character, and elders, should be the only electors of gospel ministers. This act was reckoned by multitudes an overturning of Christ's spiritual kingdom, and a robbing of his peo|ple of their spiritual rights, in his name, and under pretence of his authority. But the next Assembly prohibited the Presbytery of Dunfermline, and by consequence all others, to administer sealing ordi|nances to any, whose conscience hindered them to submit to the ministrations of an intruder violently imposed upon them.

Several ministers in sermons, before Synods or Presbyteries, as well as others, testified against this act of 1732, respecting the election of ministers. A|mong others, Mr. Ebenezer Erskine, whose evange|lical, clear, and majestic manner of preaching made him highly respected by the people, but disliked by many of his brethren, in his sermon, before the Sy|nod of Perth in October, 1732, testified against that act, and patronage, and some other prevalent cor|ruptions. After three days warm disputation, the Synod appointed him to be rebuked at their bar for the matter and manner of the quarrelled parts of his sermon. Twelve ministers and two elders dis|sented. He appealed to the next Assembly, but in|stead of receiving any redress or protection, he was ordered to receive a rebuke. Persuaded, that the truths of God, which he had maintained in his ser|mon, were hereby injured, he protested, That with|out

violating his conscience, he could not submit to the Assembly's sentence,—and that he should be at liberty to give like testimonies against the act, 1732, or other defections, on any proper occasion. Mes|sieurs William Wilson of Perth, Alexander Moncrief of Abernethy, and James Fisher of Kinclaven, for exoneration of their own consciences, also protested against the sentence. Without allowing these four ministers to attempt any defence of their conduct, the Assembly appointed their commission in August next, to proceed against them, by suspension or high|er censure, if they did not retract their protest, and profess their sorrow for taking it. When the Com|mission met, these ministers were, with great diffi|culty, allowed to represent their mind, and adhering to their protest, they were all suspended from the exercise of their ministry. The Commission, in No|vember, finding them still impenitent, did, by their moderator's casting vote, loose them from their rela|tion to their congregations. They protested for the validity of their office and continued relation to their congregations, and declared a SECESSION, not from the constitution of the church of Scotland, but from the prevailing party, in her judicatories, ay and until they should return to their duty,—because (1.) They were breaking down her Presbyterian constitution of church government,—in trampling on and mak|ing decisions contrary to the order prescribed by her barrier laws, enacted in her purest times, for secur|ing due deliberation in forming standing laws and general rules,—in exercising a lordly power over the consciences of Christ's people, empowering heritors and elders to impose on them whatever spiritual guides and pastors they pleased,—in promoting vio|lent intrusions of ministers on reclaiming congrega|tions;—in censuring and ejecting ministers merely for their protesting against a sinful act of Assembly; —in allowing the commissions to usurp the power of Presbyteries in the settlement of pastors, if they re|fused to carry on violent intrusions, —and in threa|tening

the highest censures to such as administered the seals of God's covenant to those, whose consci|ence hindered them from submitting to the ministry of intruders. (2.) They were pursuing methods evi|dently tending to corrupt the doctrines contained in their own Confession of faith,—in so easily dismissing the process against professor Simson, and refusing judicially to assert the truth in opposition to his errors and blasphemies,—in caressing Mr. Campbel while he spreads his erroneous tenets,—and in permitting or encouraging preachers to entertain their hearers with dry harangues of almost mere heathen morali|ty instead of the gospel of Christ. (3.) They were imposing on ministers sinful terms of communion, and breach of ordination vows, in requiring them to forbear proper and zealous opposition of the preva|lent course of apostacy from the doctrine, worship, government and discipline, of this church. (4.) They continued obstinate in their evil courses, not|withstanding all ordinary means used to reclaim them.

Deeply affected with this rent, the honest party in the church, exerted themselves, to their utmost, in the choice of proper members for the next Assem|bly, in order to have the leading grievances redres|sed, and the breach healed. The Assembly 1734, not without great opposition, laboured to give an effectual check to the prevalent course of defection. They renewed and strengthened the old acts of As|sembly 1639, 1641, 1695, 1697, 1700, and 1705, which had been made to be barriers and fences of our constitution against innovations. They rescinded the 7th act of Assembly 1630, which hindered mem|bers to testify against wrong deeds of judicatories, by recording their reasons of dissent, because it was not made according to these barrier acts. And, up|on the same account, they repealed the 8th act of Assembly 1732, above-mentioned, because it gave too much countenance to violent settlements, and too much power to disaffected heritors, and was

unfavourable to the liberties of the Christian people. They reversed a violent settlement of Aughtermuch|ty, made by the commission against the will of the congregation and Presbytery, and thus declared the deeds of the commission reversible. They had pro|bably cast out some other intruders, if complaints had been regularly tabled before them. They laid commissions under some new regulations, and prohi|bited them to execute any settlements, when the Presbytery or Synod of the bounds declined it. They empowered the Synod of Perth and Stirling to re|store the four ejected ministers to their charges, without requiring any acknowledgments from them, —which was soon after done. They, by an act, de|clared, that due and regular ministerial freedom was still left intire, notwithstanding the acts of 1733 a|gainst them. They appointed a committee to form an overture for the right preaching of the gospel, and for restraining the new fashioned, legal, and heathenish harangues. They enjoined their com|mission to appoint a national fast, which had been for many years neglected, that all ranks might mourn for the prevailing defections of the church and land, which they quickly did, but many of the court par|ty neglected to observe it. They also empowered their commission to address the king and Parliament for relief from patronages, which they did, but in vain. The Assembly 1735, appointed the Synod of Fife to grant sealing ordinances to the people of Kin|ross, as they shall find for most edification;—and letters were sent to some Presbyteries allowing them to treat others who had been oppressed by violent set|tlements, in the same manner. The Assembly 1736, by an act, declared it the principles of this church, That no minister should be intruded into any parish, con|trary to the will of the congregation. By their 7th act, they enjoin ministers and preachers to warn their hearers against any thing that tends to atheism, de|ism, Arianism, Socinianism, Arminianism, Bourig|nianism, Popery, Superstition, Antinomianism,—

and to insist in their sermons on men's lost estate by nature, the necessity of supernatural grace, and of faith in the imputed righteousness of Christ,—and chiefly labour to lead sinners from the covenant of works to that of grace for life and salvation, and from sin and self to Christ as a surety and saviour;— and in pressing holiness, to shew them their inabili|ty for, and aversion to every thing spiritually good, and that union with Christ is the true and only source of all grace and holiness,—and that men's best per|formances and attainments are but loss and dung in point of justification before God. And they enjoin professors of divinity to instruct their students in preaching the gospel according to this act; and re|quire Presbyteries, at their privy censures, to en|quire concerning the observation of it. But the countenance given by these two last Assemblies to some violent intrusions, or to professor Campbel's er|rors, made their good acts little regarded; and made the four seceding ministers lose all inclinations or hopes of returning to the fellowship of the church.

Meanwhile, one captain Porteous, a most aban|doned profligate, had been condemned to death for several murders, but had been reprieved for a time, by the interest of some great men. Provoked here|by, the mob, conducted by some skilful leaders, han|ged him at Edinburgh in September, 1736. En|raged by their bold conduct, and perhaps, ground|lesly apprehensive, that some of the more strict mi|nisters, who detested the reprieving of such a noto|rious murderer, had encouraged the mob, the king and Parliament, having framed an act for the disco|very of his murderers, appointed all the ministers of Scotland to read it in the time of God's public wor|ship in their churches, every first sabbath in the month, for a whole year, beginning in August, 1737, under this penalty, for the first day's neglect, That they shall be declared incapable of sitting or voting in any church judicatory. Many ministers looking on seve|ral things in the act as inconsistent with justice and

equity; and that it was not proper for Christ's amba|ssadors of the gospel of peace, to become heralds or executors of the sanguinary laws of men; that the reading of such a civil act from the pulpit, on the Lord's day, in the time of divine service, was a pro|fanation of his sabbath and worship; and that they could not acquiesce in the penalty annexed to the first neglect, without practically owning the civil ma|gistrate head of the church, having power to fix the qualifications and conditions of ministers exercise of their office in governing the church of God, which they reckoned, at once contrary to the established doctrine of this church, and to their own solemn en|gagements to maintain it. Many others, especially such as had, or wished for, court favours, made a shift to come over those scruples, and read at least part of the act, the whole or part of the time. These different views and practices produced some alienati|on between the parties for a time; but, after a few years, they harmoniously agreed to bury it in obli|vion.

The Seceding ministers publication of their second Testimony, in which they had represented the back|slidings of church and state from their covenanted doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, and laudable acts and constitutions for supporting it, more plainly than most of the established clergy wished,— and their supplying of people with sermon, who could not submit to intruders, or scrupled to hear the rea|ders of the act concerning captain Porteous,—having highly displeased the ecclesiastical managers,—The Assembly 1738, therefore appointed their commissi|on to libel and cite them to the next Assembly. When they, now increased to the number of eight, appear|ed at the bar, they were informed by the Assembly, 1739, that they were ready to drop all that was con|tained in their libel and every thing bygone, and re|ceive them with open arms, providing they would, for the future, forbear all separating courses, and join in the communion of the church. But, instead of

such compliance, these ministers solemnly declined the Assembly and other established judicatories, as not right constitute courts of Christ in their present condition, because, instead of purging out, they re|ceived and supported, intruders and other scandalous persons, as members; because they had generally, for many years past, been active in carrying on a course of defection, tolerating the erroneous, coun|tenancing error, and enacting laws, by which the li|berties of Christ's ministers and people were suppres|sed; and because, by their reading of the Parlia|ment's act concerning captain Porteous, they had submitted themselves to the civil magistrate, as head of the church, instead of Christ. This declinature so galled the managers and others of the prevailing par|ty, that without finding them guilty of either error in doctrine or scandal in practice, the Assembly 1740 deposed them from all exercise of their ministerial office in this church.

Since that period, things have been nothing bet|tered, but rather grown worse. While practical godliness in persons and families hath sadly decayed, and error and impiety of almost every kind have pre|vailed, and become fashionable, settlements of mi|nisters have proceeded on the footing of Patronage. But long custom hath rendered these, and all their soul-ruining consequences, less affecting, even to many of the godly. Errors, and even scandalous practices, unless extremely gross, ordinarily pass un|censured. Violations of these commands, which immediately respect God himself, are by many rec|koned very venial, or no transgressions. Little more than gross acts of murder or approaches to it; gross and notorious uncleanness, and especially direct theft and robbery is practically held as either censurable by the church, or punishable by the state. The Se|ceders have now about two hundred ministers settled in Britain and Ireland, besides others in America. But their falling from their first love, indulgence of conformity to the world, and their angry divisions,

about things which many of themselves do not fully understand, have exceedingly marred their useful|ness in maintaining Christ's injured truths, and win|ning souls to his service. The Reformed Presbyte|ry was formed about 1743, by Mr. John M'Millan a|bove-mentioned, and Thomas Nairn, who left the Secession. In many things they resemble the Seceders, but differ from them, in impugning the present civil government. Their splitting into parties, on a de|bate concerning the extent of Christ's death weakened these old dissenters, as they call themselves, and re|tarded their increase. The Presbytery of Relief o|riginated from Mr. Thomas Gillespy, whom the General Assembly in 1751 deposed, because he would not, contrary to his conscience, assist in a violent in|trusion,—and some other ministers of the church of Scotland, who, at their own hand, left their esta|blished charges, and took up with such people as in|vited them, in other places. Their scheme of ad|mitting persons of different denominations to sealing ordinances, and giving their people an answerable allowance in hearing and joining in sealing ordi|nances, is exceedingly suited to the taste of the age. —But divisions and other incidents have not a little retarded their expected increase. Besides all these, there are, I think, between twenty and thir|ty thousand Papists, who, notwithstanding all the laudable diligence of the Society for propagating Christian knowledge in that country, do chiefly swarm in the north. How many Episcopalian mini|sters or people there be in Scotland at present, I do not certainly know.

THE END.