A compendious history of the British churches in England, Scotland, Ireland, and America. By John Brown.: [pt.1]

A COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

THE gospel of Christ was preached in Britain not very long after his ascension to heaven: but whether by Paul, Joseph of Arimathea, or whom else, we know not. The story of Lucius the British king's request of preaching missionaries from Eleu|therus bishop of Rome, is not in the least probable. While Diocletian the Roman emperor and his col|league furiously persecuted the Christians on the continent, about A. D. 302, Constantius their Cesar in Britain, against his will, commanded to pull down the Christian churches. But, as soon as he had it in his power, he restrained his persecution. It is said, that to try his courtiers, who professed them|selves Christians, he required them all to offer sacri|fice to the heathen idols, under pain of being depri||ved of their preferments,—and that such of them as stedfastly adhered to their religion he commended and inrolled among his particular friends: ••uch of them as complied with his sinful mandate, he sharp|ly rebuked as treacherous to their God, and dismis|sed from his service, as unworthy of trust. In A. D. 314, the bishops of York, London, and Britannia secunda, attended the council of Arles in France,

which formed several canons, and transmitted them to the bishop of Rome for his consent to, and obser|vation of them. Whether any British bishops at|tended at the council of Nice in A. D. 325, I cannot determine. In 359, three British bishops, along with many others, at the council of Arimini in Italy, were, by the emperor Constantius' influence, forced to sign an Arian creed. Perhaps after they came home, they, like their Gallic brethren, returned to their orthodoxy. But it is manifest, that not long after, the British church was infected with the A|rian heresy.

About A. D. 400, Pelagius or Morgan, a famed British clergyman, taught, That Adam was created naturally mortal; that the hurtful consequences of his first sin affected only himself; that the law qua|lified men for heaven, and was founded on promises equally good with those of the gospel; that none can be the children of God, unless they be free from sin; that rich men cannot be qualified for the king|dom of God, unless they part with all their wealth to the Lord and to the poor; that man's free will, at|tended with proper information, is sufficient for eve|ry moral action, without any supernatural assistance of God's grace; that God's grace is given to men in proportion to their desert of it,—and that victory o|ver temptation is obtained merely by the freedom of men's own will. His errors being readily received and propagated by multitudes, the orthodox clergy brought over Lupus and Gsrmanicus, French bishops, to assist them in opposing their progress, and in foun|ding seminaries of learning;—which perhaps occa|sioned the long continued use of the Gallican liturgy in Britain. The most noted schools founded about this time were those of Dubricius and Illutus, and of the monastery of Bangor.

The British Christians having gradually abandoned themselves to wickedness, God gave them up into the hands of their northern and savage neighbours, the Scuts and Picts, who terribly ravaged their coun|try.

Their Roman superiors, being no longer able to assist them, they called in the Saxons, who ruled the north parts of Germany. These barbarous hea|thens had no sooner repressed the Scots and Picts, than they turned their arms against the Britons them|selves, and murdered the most of them. In conse|quence of which, they, with the Christian religion, were almost wholly confined to the principalities of Wales and Cornwal, where St. David and some other clergymen made a respectable figure.

Between A. D. 590 and 690, Augustin, the Ro|mish missionary, Paulin and Aidan, two Scotch prea|chers, Wilfrid bishop of York, and others, by their labours, converted the seven kingdoms, which the Saxons had erected in England, to what they called the Christian faith. Augustin's principal aim was, to render them subject to the numerous ceremonies newly imposed by Pope Gregory the great. The Britons, and their Scottish neighbours, were excee|dingly averse to part with their Gallican or Grecian rites, in exchange for those of Rome. Dinoth and his British brethren, as well as Aidan and Finan, Scotch Presbyters, boldly withstood the introduction of the Papal power or manner of worship into Britain. Wilfrid was no less zealous for the Romish interest, and laboured to have the festival of Easter observed on the day appointed at Rome, it was said, by Peter and Paul; and to introduce the form of clergymen's shaving their heads, in form of a cross. After most furious contentions, the Romish party, assisted by Oswy, Saxon king of Northumberland, gained their point. The same Oswy and Egbert king of Kent, appointed Wighard, the elected archbishop of Can|terbury, to repair to Rome for a pontifical consecra|tion. He dying at Rome, Pope Vitalian furnished the see with the famed and truly sensible Theodore of Tarsus, and sent along with him Adrian a Neapo|litan monk, to prevent his introduction of any of his Grecian rites. Theodore having called a council of his Saxon clergy, got them persuaded to unite in a

subjection to the Roman Pope, and to receive a set|tled form of church government. Assisted by the princes, he drove Wilfrid of York and several other bishops from their sees, because they refused to sub|mit to his authority. Wilfrid appealed to the Pon|tiff, but the Romish decrees in his favour were dis|regarded in England. The contest for pre-eminence between these two haughty diocesans, continued till the end of the 7th century. Wilfrid led the way of the afterward frequent appealing from the decisions of Canterbury to those of Rome. But many of the Saxon bishops little regarded his Holiness' decisions. Others reckoning Rome the fountain of their Christi|anity, treated them with more respect.

Meanwhile, In a king of the West Saxons, in a mixed assembly of laics and clergymen, formed his Code of 75 laws, requiring, That clergymen should live in a canonical manner; that every child should be baptized within thirty days after its birth; that none should transact worldly business on the Lord's day; that the tithes appointed for the clergy should be duly paid; that churches should be sanctuaries for malefactors, as the cities of refuge had been un|der the Old Testament; that murderers might make compensation for their crime, to the friends of the persons they had murdered.

After the haughty Wilfrid had, for about forty-six years, plagued the church with his zealous intro|duction of the Romish day of celebrating Easter, and of their clerical tonsure of the head; and with his mad promotion of monkish societies, and causing of multitudes rush into them, contrary to every tie or call of affection or duty,—and of pilgrimages to the tombs of the apostles at Rome, and had suffered not a little in the cause, he died A. D. 709. About the same time, the English church began to be divided into parishes. Many places of worship had formerly been but chapels of ease, and were supplied with preachers by turns from the neighbouring monaste|ries, in which bands of clergymen, not in the best

manner, lived together. Many of the Scots, Picts, and Irish were prevailed on to receive the Romish season of Easter, and their form of clergymen's shav|ing of their crowns. By the labours and example of venerable Bede; by the erection of schools, and by the contests between Theodore and the Scots, and, no doubt, by other causes, which we know not, learning prevailed more remarkably in Britain than in any other age before the Norman conquest. Ad|helm, Ceolfred, Egbert, Bede, Eddius, Clemens, and Alcuin were their most noted doctors. As yet the English knew nothing of Purgatory: they had little reverence for sacred reliques; and opposed the wor|ship of images. The Pope began to send his legates for rectifying disorders among them, and to demand Peter Pence for the erection and support of colleges at Rome. But they did not reckon themselves his subjects, nor think his palls necessary or effectual to consecrate an archbishop. Their kings divided bi|shopricks at their pleasure, without regard to his will.

The Danish invasions, together with the almost perpetual contentions between the Saxon kings, hav|ing long rendered the state of the English church and nation exceedingly deplorable, Egbert king of the West Saxons, whose conquests laid the founda|tions of the subsequent monarchy, called a council at Calcuith, A. D. 816, which enacted, That the catholic faith and antient canons should be duly ob|served; that all churches should be consecrated with sprinkling of holy water as a kind of baptism, and with the administration of the Eucharist by the bi|shop of the diocese; that an uniformity of principles and practice, together with the impartial exercise of church government and discipline be carefully main|tained; that none but persons of an unblemished character, nominated by the bishop of the place, with the consent of the convent, should be admitted as abbots or abbesses; that it being uncertain from whom Scotchmen receive their orders, none of them should

officiate as priests in England; that all acts of preced|ing councils, marked with the sign of the cross, in|stead of the names of members, should be carefully observed; that no religious house should be alienat|ed to common uses, without extreme necessity, and the consent of the conventuals; and some of them, in no case whatsoever; that all bishops should have copies of the acts of council; that neither priests nor bishops should exercise any power, but in their own stations and districts; that the funerals of bishops should be celebrated answerable to the prescribed form; that the tenth part of their estate should, af|ter their death, be given to the poor, and their English slaves be set at liberty, and, in fine, so ma|ny psalms be sung, some masses said, so many pray|ers and oblations made for the benefit of their depar|ted souls.

After the Danes had almost ruined his kingdom, Alfred, the grandson of Egbert, obtaining the su|periority, forced them either to profess themselves Christians or depart the country. He, with great zeal, promoted religion and learning. He bestowed the half of his incomes upon the poor, and on mona|steries, students at the university of Oxford, which, it is said, he founded, and indigent foreign churches. By this means, he recovered his subjects from their deep ignorance. John Scot of Dunse was his prin|cipal teacher. It is said, that he himself translated the New Testament and Psalms into Saxon, for the use of his subjects.

In the tenth century, the repeated ravage of the Danes again reduced England to the utmost confusi|on and misery. Religion, learning, and almost every thing amiable were neglected. In A. D. 928, we find a synod at Graetly, under king Athelstan, the principal acts of which related to regular payment of tithes; provisions for the poor, and for parochial clergy; prohibition and punishment of breaking into churches, sorcery, witchcraft, theft, robbery, mer|chandize on Sabbath, perjury, manslaughter;—to|gether

with directions for bishops to attend the courts of justice, and oversee and direct their procedure, and that of the subordinate clergy with respect to their religious ministrations. About A. D. 942, O|do archbishop of Canterbury, established other ten canons, asserting the sacred privileges of churches; the freedom of ecclesiastical revenues from all civil taxation;—admonishing the king and his nobles to shew themselves exemplary in honouring clergymen, ministring justice, and providing for the poor;—di|recting bishops, clergy, and monks, to promote re|ligion in their respective stations;—prohibiting in|cestuous marriages, or violation of nuns;—exhorting Christians in general to cultivate an unity becoming such as had one Lord, and held the same faith;— and to observe sacred festivals, pay tithes, and avoid superstition. Dunstan, having commenced primate of the English church, abandoned himself to cove|tousness, pride, and sedition, and was twice banish|ed for his crimes. He violently exerted himself to drive the secular canons from their monasteries, and place his own monkish brethren in their room. In|stigated by his influence, Edgar, an absolute monster of lewdness, rebelled against king Edwy, his brother, and obtained part of his kingdom, and afterward fell heir to the rest. He, with all his might, assisted Dunstan of Canterbury, Oswald of Worcester, and Ethelwald of Winchester, in extruding the canons, and in forcing the clergy to live unmarried. He and Dunstan made two new systems of Constitutions, one of sixty-five, and another of six, relating to the pay|ment of tithes, the behaviour of clergymen, &c. Dunstan, Oswald, and Adulf, by their holding a plurality of sees, occasioned no small contention.— After Dunstan had directed king Edgar and Edward his son as he pleased, king Ethelred quite disregard|ed him, as did almost all his subjects. Perhaps this general contempt, together with grief, that almost all his schemes in favour of the monks were over|turned,

hastened his death; and he was some time after canonized and worshipped as a saint.

In the eleventh century, Alfric archbishop of Can|terbury, in the homilies which he translated, and in the letters which he wrote to his clergy, plainly af|firmed, That the bread and wine in the Lord's sup|per are but signs and seals of his body and blood that communicating at Easter is no more profitable than at any other season; and that there ought to be no solitary communicating of the priests. He ur|ged his clergy to live unmarried, but did not pretend that marriage was unlawful; nor did he persecute such as were guilty of it. Elfeg his successor is chief|ly famous for his heroic and Christian manner of en|during horrid abuse, imprisonment, and death from the Danish invaders, whom he had exhorted to use the conquered English with humanity.—To satisfy the justice of God for his own and his father's injus|tice and murder of the Saxon royal family, Canute, now Danish monarch of England, squandered away his revenues in rebuilding and endowing monasteries. To quicken the languishing zeal of his subjects, he travelled in pilgrimage to Rome; and, it is said, procured some useless bulls in their favour. His so•••• Harold and Hardy, Canute being quickly cut off the crown, which they had acquired by so much fraud and murder, reverted to Edward the Confes|sor, the son of Edmond, and brother to the Saxon lineal heir. He advanced Robert the Norman to the fee of Canterbury. By his going to Rome for his pall, and by his haughty and imprudent behavi|our towards the English, and filling every importan•• station with Normans, he quickly became an objec•• of general abhorrence. Stigand his successor, ha•• no such remarkable attachment to Rome. Harold the brother of the infamous Confessor, having seized the throne from his nephew, was soon after killed in battle, and with him ended the royalty of the Sax+ons, A. D. 1066, after it had continued about 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hundred years.

William duke of Normandy, the conqueror, took possession of the English throne; and to fix his fami|ly on it, he laboured to fill the principal posts of both church and state with his Norman countrymen, and to introduce their language into the nation. The famed Pope Gregory VII. being bent to wrest all investitures in bishopricks by the collation of Ring and Crosier, from the impure hands of magistrates, he deposed one English bishop for receiving them from king William, and another for his illegitimate birth; but Lanfrank of Canterbury got them restor|ed. Palls from Rome now began to be thought ne|cessary for the consecration of bishops. By the most peremptory restraint of clerical marriages and laical investitures, Gregory intended to render clergymen perfectly independent on civil rulers, and absolute ••laves of the Roman see. William and Lanfrank pretended to relish his project, but expressed them|••elves with great caution. After the Danish wars ••nd Norman oppressions had long interrupted the meeting of English councils, Lanfrank assembled one ••t London, about A. D. 1080. It consisted of an ••rchdeacon, a church officer then little known in England, 12 bishops, and 21 abbots. It, in part, confirmed the order of Benedictine monks; appoint|••d the bishops seats to be fixed in the most conspicu|••us place of their diocese; changed some sees; pro|••ibited marriage to the 7th degree of consanguinity; ••ondemned simony, divination, and magic; revived ••he antient canons of the English church; and pro|••ibited clergymen to judge in causes of blood. An|••ther council was held the next year, which prohi|••ited clerical marriage; established archdeacons; re|••••ored the blessing of the marriages of the laity to ••he priests; and denounced punishments against all ••••ch as should behave rudely towards religion or ••••ergymen.

Gregory, by Hubert his legate, required K. Wil|••••am to pay up the arrears of Peter Pence due by his ••ingdom, and to take an oath of fidelity to the Ro|man

see. William consented to the first; but com|manded Hubert to inform his Holiness, That he held his crown of none but God and his sword; and he would never render it dependent on any other. Suspecting that Lanfrank had encouraged William in his disobedience, Gregory cited him to Rome: but, being fortified by the royal prohibition, he de|clined the journey. Being threatened by Gregory's legate, William commanded his subjects to acknow|ledge no Pope, but whom he allowed, and to receive no mandate from Rome without his leave. Finding William no less haughty and determined than him|self, Gregory laboured, by a mixture of flattery and threatening, to render him more pliable.— He assembled a council a•• Rome, and required the Western bishops to attend it. But not one from England durst go up; nor did they send their excuse. William having formerly reduced the lands of abbots and bishops in Normandy to much the same taxes as those of his other subjects, and ob|liged themselves to personal services, in attending his councils, &c. he, to the no small offence of the Eng|lish clergy, reduced their lands and persons to the same condition. Enraged with the news of this, Gregory commanded Lanfrank his minister of state to repair to Rome, under pain of suspension from his office of archbishop. Lanfrank sent off a justificati|on of his conduct; but was too wise to go thither himself. So much did William disregard Gregory, one of the most enterprising Popes that ever silled the Romish see, that all his supplication and flatte|ry could not, for six years, procure the release from prison of Odo, bishop of Bay-eaux in Normandy.— The ejection of the secular canons and clergy from the monasteries, had formerly occasioned terrible com|motions. Now, the exemption of monasteries from the bishops jurisdiction, in which both William and Gregory had their own influence and ends, occasion|ed no small noise. Having enacted, That spiritual causes should only be judged in clerical courts, Wil|liam,

abandoned by all his principal officers, that they might make their court to his sons, died A. D. 1087.

By the interest and activity of Lanfrank, William Rufus his second son succeeded him. He regarded the archbishop or other clergymen no longer than he needed their assistance. He seized the vacant bene|fices for himself; and for that end kept the see of Canterbury and others several years vacant. Falling dangerously sick, about four years after the death of Lanfrank, he professed himself a penitent, promised to reform his practice, and, to atone for his former sins, bestowed some lands upon the church. He fil|led the see of Canterbury with the famous Anselm a Norman abbot, and that of Lincoln with one Bloet his chancellor. Happening to recover, he heartily repented of his conduct, and resolved to make the new bishops pay for their advancement. Anselm had too much of the haughty dignified clergyman, to comply with any thing contrary to his own incli|nation.—Highly offended with him, for refusing to assist him with money in his war with his brother, and for acknowledging Urban as Pope, before he had declared his mind on that point, William offer|ed to Urban to acknowledge his disputed authority, providing he would send him a pall for a new arch|bishop of Canterbury. Urban's legate having first got William to acknowledge his master's pontifical right, gave the pall to Anselm, who stubbornly re|fused to receive it from the hand of the king. Not long after, the Papal council of Clermont in France, prohibited all laical investiture of bishops or abbots. Having, on several occasions, insultingly desired his majesty's allowance to repair to Rome for the wel|fare of his soul, and the good of the church, Anselm, contrary to his own solemn oath, and to William's express prohibition, set off. William laid him un|der a sentence of banishment, and seized on his reve|nues. At Rome, Anselm had his feet kissed, and was revered almost on a level with Urban himself,

while William was declared worthy of excommuni|cation. As Anselm had assisted in this, William disregarded his missives; and with reluctance receiv|ed those of the Pope.

William dying A. D. 1100, and Robert his elder brother being employed in the sacred, but truly Pa|pal and detestable war with the Mahometans in Pa|lestine, Henry, the younger, seized on the English throne. To secure the favour of the Pope, he re|called Anselm to his former station. Returning more full of pride and bigotry than he had gone off, he, directed by the Romish council, refused to pay any homage to Henry, and told him, that he would not stay in England, if he should confer any clerical investitures, as he could hold no communion with ei|ther the giver or the receivers. Meanwhile, Pascal the Pope taking advantage of Anselm's embroilment with Henry, sent over his legate to render the Can|terburian primacy more dependent on Rome. Hen|ry and his council wisely assisted Anselm in this mat|ter, and forced the legate to return, before he had avowed his commission. Prince Robert being on the point of invading the kingdom, Henry, to prevent Anselm's joining him, after no small shifting, pro|mised to part with the right of investing bishops or abbots; but, having made peace with Robert, he resolved to retain it. To put Anselm, who had, in his councils, strenuously contended for a ratification of the decrees of Gregory and Urban, out of the way, he sent him to Rome, to beg from his Holiness that right of investitures, either simply or as a parti|cular favour; but sent Warewalst, elected bishop of Exeter, along with him, with secret instructions.— Pascal declared the right of investitures sacred and unalienable from the church. Anselm heartily ac|quiesced; but Warewalst boldly pled for his master, and at last told his Holiness, that Henry would rather part with his crown than with his right; and find|ing Pascal no less determined in his measures, he, in Henry's name, prohibited Anselm to return to Eng|land.

Henry justified Warewalst's conduct, and seized on the temporalities of Anselm's archbisho|prick. While the canons relative to investitures and clerical celibate, which Anselm had got enacted in his synod of Westminster, lay disregarded in Eng|land, Warewalst persuaded Pascal to mark an indif|ference towards him at Rome. Provoked herewith, Anselm left Rome, and retired to Blois in France, where he told Henry's sister, that he behoved to ex|communicate him. Henry having marched to Nor|mandy, to wrest it from Robert his elder brother, patched up a peace with Anselm; and the Pope com|pleated it by appointing, That bishops and abbots, upon their election, should do homage to Henry; that Anselm should consecrate these bishops which Henry had already invested, and Henry should re|nounce all right to invest any more. Both Henry and Anselm explained this agreement in their own favour, as much as they could. Anselm then ap|plied himself to erect the new bishoprick of Ely, and to persecute the married clergy, whom he owned to be the best and most numerous; but death cut him short. Learning, pride, and mad zeal for clerical celibate and papal power, were the distinguishing lines of his character.

Henry immediately resumed his wonted powers, and invested the new archbishop of Canterbury, and only sent to Rome for his pall. He afterward assist|ed him in hindering the Pope's legate to exercise his power in England. To revenge this insult of his au|thority, his Holiness supported Thurstan archbishop of York, in refusing subjection to the Primate of Canterbury, Observing that his subjects marked a regard for William his nephew in Normandy, Hen|ry became more tractable. Pope Honorius sent John of Crema his legate, who persuaded the archbishop of Canterbury to summon a council at Westminster. Henry having, in his perplexity, surrendered his right of investitures, the whole English clergy became the slaves and dependents of the Pope. At the council,

the legate sat on a kind of throne above the bishops and nobility. He declaimed with great warmth a|gainst the abominable nature of clerical marriage, or ministers intimacy with their own wives; and that very night he was taken in bed with an harlot. The Canterburian primate repaired to Rome, and com|plained of the legantine mission, as an encroachment upon his authority. Romish flattery persuaded him to return, invested with legantine power over all Britain, and so laid the foundation of compleat sla|very to Rome in that island. To manifest his new powers, he called a Synod, and, in his Holiness' name, ratified several of the canons made by An|selm and John of Crema.

As Henry had robbed his elder brother of the crown, he was no sooner dead, than Stephen his sis|ter's son, contrary to his thrice repeated oath of al|legiance to Maud his daughter, now empress of Ger|many, seized on it. To confirm himself in his usur|pation, he spared no promises to either clergy or laity. Cringing to the Pope, he admitted his legate, who not only held councils in his name, but caused the monks of Canterbury elect their archbishop, without regarding Stephen's consent.—The bishop of Win|chester being made legate, not only called the pri|mate to his bar; but required Stephen himself to an|swer for his imprisonment of some bishops, and seiz|ing on their revenues.—While a most bloody and barbarous war between the partizans of Maud the empress, and those of Stephen, threw the nation in|to the utmost confusion, Pope Innocent constituted Theobald archbishop of Canterbury, and his successors perpetual legates of the Roman see, that nothing might be transacted but under pretence of legantine power. Stephen's own brother, bishop of Winchester, was invested with similar authority. His versatile chan|ging of parties was extremely remarkable. At first, he took part with Stephen his brother. Next he got the Empress elected and enthroned, and consign|ed all the friends of Stephen to the devil and his

angels. And after all, assisted in restoring Stephen to his throne. After much contention with his fel|low legate, Theobald of Canterbury repaired to the Papal Synod of Rheims. Stephen prohibited him to return, as he had gone off without his permission. To revenge this affront, Theobald, as well as the Pope, took part with the Empress, and returning to England, he laid that part of it which acknowledged Stephen's authority, under an Interdict of public worship. The contending parties, wearied of the war, came to an accommodation; but Theobald, directed by his Holiness, refused to crown the son of Stephen, who had, contrary to his oath, seized on the crown.

Amidst these calamities, and to the infinite vexa|tion of the bishops, the monks, by their charters, and by exemptions purchased at Rome, had gotten themselves freed from their jurisdiction, and quickly after obtained mitres and other badges of episcopal dignity for their abbots. They soon felt, that the Pope's immediate jurisdiction was harder than that of their diocesan bishops. By journies to Rome up|on the election of every new abbot, one of which cost about 2000 pounds sterling,—and to obtain pontifical decisions of their frequent contests, they were put to insupportable expences. They were rendered slaves to the Pope and his legates; they were exposed to the hatred of their sovereigns, and involved in perpetual quarrels with the bishops; and even the prosecution for justice at such a distant court, was a severe punishment.

Henry II. the Empress' son, having obtained the throne, A. D. 1154, he applied himself to rectify the disorders of his kingdom. The monks had not fini|shed their struggle for an independence ••n the bi|shops. But Pope Adrian, who was an Englishman, diverted Henry from attending to it, by compli|menting him with the savage kingdom of Ireland, providing he could conquer it. The Irish primates had all been married. The son had succeeded the

father for fifteen generations. None of their four Metropolitans had ever purchased a pall from Rome. These things made Adrian reckon them most brutish barbarians. Invited to the assistance of Dermod king of Leinster, who had drawn a war upon himself by his adulterous carrying off of the wife of his fellow king of Breffney, Henry soon made a kind of con|quest of Ireland. About the same time, he made Thomas Becket his chancellor, on the recommen|dation of Theobald of Canterbury, for whom Bec|ket's address at Rome had procured the legantine power, in opposition to his rival of Winchester. A|bout A. D. 1160, thirty persons of both sexes, e|steemed heretics, landed in England from Germa|ny. Henry called a council at Oxford to examine their opinions. It is said they were all extremely simple, except Gerard their chief. We know not what their real opinions were; but the council deli|vering them up to the secular power, Henry com|manded them to be branded with a hot iron in their forehead, and whipped out of Oxford; and prohi|bited all his subjects to give them any meat, drink, or lodging. Being the depth of winter, they perished with hunger and cold; and it is said, underwent their sufferings with great patience and cheerfulness.

Contrary to Theobald's advice, Henry resolved to restrict the clerical power. Expecting that Becket, whom he had loaded with favours, and who seemed to be far removed from monkish devotion, would assist him in it, he got him made archbishop of Can|terbury after Theobald's death. Becket soon after attended Pope Alexander in the council of Tours, A. D. 1163, and secretly resigned his archbishoprick into his hands, and received it back from him.— What remorse he pretended for receiving it by Hen|ry's influence and the investiture from his hand, I know not. But it is probable, that he and the Pope planned their scheme of rendering the English clergy perfectly independent on the state. Not long after his return, he delivered to Satan a nobleman, who

had dared to oppose the entrance of one, whom he had presented to the rectpry of Aynesford. Henry was highly offended, that one of his crown officers should have been thus excommunicated without his knowledge. About twenty years before, it had been decreed, that such as laid violent hands on any cler|gyman, should never be absolved by any but the Pope, and in his presence. The clergy were now strongly, but cunningly instigated to render them|selves subjects to none, but the vicar of Christ. To honour Anselm for his zealous invasion of the royal power, Becket got him solemnly canonized for a SAINT. This inflamed his clerical brethren to fol|low his steps, in hopes of a like glorious reward.

The clergy having obtained the sole jurisdiction o|ver their own body, abandoned themselves more and more to murders, and other horrid enormities. Of an hundred clerical murderers, not so much as one was punished with degradation from his office. Highly offended herewith, Henry commanded, That all such clergymen as should be apprehended in acts of felo|ny, murder, burning of houses, or the like, should be carried before the civil judges▪ and punished as o|thers: but Becket withstood his orders with the ut|most firmness and violence. The clerical boldness in wickedness still more abounding, Henry having as|sembled a council of his Lords spiritual and temporal, at Westminster, proposed to them five Constitutions extracted from the customs of Henry his grandfather, viz. That none should appeal to the Roman see, without the king's consent; that no bishop or arch|bishop should leave the kingdom without his maje|sty's consent; that no crown officer or immediate vassal of the king should be excommunicated with|out his knowledge; that clergymen charged with capital crimes should be judged in the king's courts; that repairing of churches, taking of tithes, and o|ther ecclesiastical affairs of general concern shall be judged in the civil courts: These articles were hear|tily approved by the nobles; but the bishops and

abbots obstinately refused their consent, unless this all enervating clause, saving the rights of the clergy, should be added. Henry threatening effectually to humble their pride, all of them, except Becket, yield|ed; and at last the Pope's legate persuaded him to feign his consent.

Having got these articles unanimously established, Henry called another council of his Lords spiritual and temporal at Clarendon for extracting and con|firming the laws of his grandfather. Sixteen arti|cles were formed, bearing, That all differences rela|tive to the right of patronage should be tried in the civil courts; that no churches which are fees of the crown can be disposed of in perpetual donation with|out the king's consent; that all clergymen charged with crimes against the laws, shall appear before the Lord Chief Justice, as well as before the ecclesiasti|cal courts, and none of them after conviction be pro|tected by the church; that no clergymen shall go out of the kingdom without his majesty's consent, and their giving proper security of their doing noth|ing to the prejudice of him or his subjects; that ac|cusations of laymen in ecclesiastical courts, shall be proved by reputable witnesses, and whom the sheriffs shall oblige to attend, if necessary; that excommu|nicated persons shall not be obliged to continue on the spot where they lived formerly, but only to abide the judgment of the church; that none who imme|diately hold of the king, or any of his barons, shall be excommunicated, or their estate laid under an In|terdict, without first acquainting him or his Chief Justice, if himself be out of the kingdom; that none shall appeal from the archbishop's court, without his majesty's consent; that bishops and abbots must per|form the services annexed to their tenures, when re|quired by his justices or ministers,—and must be present at all trials, except when sentences of blood, or of losing life or limb, are to be pronounced; that the revenues of all vacant bishopricks, abbies, or

priories of a royal foundation, shall be paid into the king's exchequer; that the king shall have the power of conveening the electors of bishops, abbots, and priors, and the elected must do homage to him be|fore their consecration; that he shall punish every wrong done to the superior clergy, and they shall prosecute such as injure him; that no goods of for|feited persons shall be protected from his seizure, in churches or church-yards; that all pleas of debt shall be tried in civil courts; that the sons of copy|holders are not to be ordained clergymen, without consent of the Lord of the manor in which they were born; &c. The council unanimously agreed to these constitutions. But Becket refused to sign them with his episcopal seal, and not long after suspended himself from the exercise of his office, and imposed a penance on himself for sinfully consenting to them.

Henry dealt with Alexander III. who had been advanced to the Popedom by his influence, to ratify the above constitutions, and to constitute the arch|bishop of York his legate. Alexander, instead of this, laboured to reconcile him to Becket, and con|stituted Henry himself his legate, providing he should not use his power against Becket. Henry rejected the office of pontifical dignity with great indignation, and resolved to humble Becket. He caused him to be prosecuted for holding a royal manor; for con|verting to his own use the revenues of the archbi|shoprick of York, and of some other bishopricks; and for embezzling 30,000 pounds of the public money, when he was chancellor. Becket appealed ••o the Pope as his sole judge, and refused so much ••s to converse with Henry on their points of diffe|rence. Henry got him accused as a fugitive from justice, and disobedient to his sovereign,—and after|wards of perjury and high treason. No persuasions ••f his fellow bishops could make Becket yield an hair ••readth. He insulted both them and his sovereign. They pronounced him guilty of perjury in breaking ••is oath of allegiance, and cited him to appear be|fore

his Holiness to answer for his conduct. When the temporal Lords told him, that by refusing to submit to their authority, he involved himself in treason, he boasted, that were it not for his charac|ter, he would, in a duel, vindicate himself against any one of them, who durst charge him with a crime. He fled to France, where king Lewis, in|stead of banishing him, as Henry desired, protected him, and recommended his cause to the Roman court. Henry hoped, that Alexander would have gratefully befriended him, and at least persuaded Bec|ket to resign his see. But neither his former favours nor his pompous embassy had any such effect on the Pope. He and Becket declared ten of the constitu|tions of Clarendon NULL and void, and threatened to excommunicate all such as should maintain them. Becket then resigned his authority into the hands of the Pontiff. But Alexander, unwilling to have his faithful servant run down by the civil power, and fearing that his submission might issue in the reducti|on of the Papal power, restored him to his office, and promised to assist him in it to his uttermost.

The contest between Henry and Becket became more and more serious. Henry published a procla|mation, banishing all the relations of Becket; and commanding to seize all the revenues of his see for public use; and prohibiting all correspondence with either him or pope Alexander; and declaring it high treason to bring any bull of excommunication or any Interdict from ANY of them; &c. Becket excom|municated all such as adhered to the Constitutions of Clarendon; and some of Henry's more active lords or ministers were mentioned by name. In a number of missives to Henry himself, he mingled threaten|ings with argument. He did all, that he could, to seduce clergymen and others from their allegiance. But those of the province of Canterbury remained deaf to all his solicitations. Suspecting that Lewis of France fomented their differences, Henry levied an army to prevent an attack from France, or a re|volt

of his own subjects. The clergy of the province of Canterbury dealt very plainly with his Holiness, and represented to him the ingratitude and irregula|rity of his conduct. Convinced by the influence of Henry's presents, and by his own fears, that he might join the German emperor, another disobedient son, Alexander appointed his legates to repair to England, and there judge between him and Becket. Becket raved like a madman, as if Christianity would have been ruined along with his loss of his cause. Nor could his friends persuade him to resign his primacy on condition of Henry's giving up the Constitutions of Clarendon. Thus matters proceeded, till about 1167, that Becket insisted for a pontifical ratification of the excommunication which he had passed against the observers of the constitutions of Clarendon; and for his Holiness' allowance to consign Henry into the hands of the devil. Alexander informed Henry, that his allowance for his excommunication could not be long delayed, unless he should repent. Hi|therto neither Becket nor Alexander had profited much by their quarrel. The former had languished in exile, and the latter had been deprived of his re|venues in England. But now, while Lewis of France invaded Henry's dominions in Normandy, Alexander manifested an uncommon regard to Becket, and con|firmed to him all the privileges he had formerly en|joyed. To revenge this, Henry entered into a league with the German emperor, who hated Alexander and if the nation could have borne it, he would have renounced Alexander's spiritual headship, and ack|nowledged Pascal his rival. Being informed, that the English were firmly attached to his interests, A|lexander caused the bishop of London to admonish Henry, and in his name require him to restore Bec|ket, and annul the constitutions of Clarendon. The bishop having mildly executed his commission, re|presented to his Holiness, in Henry's name, That ••e inclined to continue his obedient son, providing he behaved as a spiritual father; and that nothing hin|dered

Becket's return, providing he desisted from opposing the royal prerogative and laws of the land, to which he had sworn subjection. Reckoning this missive injurious to his character, Becket consigned the writer into the hands of the devil, and notified the same to his clerical brethren. Finding that this contest retarded his conquest of Ireland, Henry be|came more and more anxious to have it made up. In an interview, which he had with Lewis, for esta|blishing peace between them, he persuaded him, that it was only Becket's pride and obstinacy that prevent|ed a reconciliation with him. Both French and Eng|lish nobility exclaimed against him, as intolerably perverse, and unfit to be protected in either king|dom. Regardless of this, Becket delivered up the English bishops and other clergymen to Satan in such multitudes, that Henry had scarcely enow to officiate in his chapels. Enraged by this, Henry assured his Holiness, that unless he immediately sent his legates to absolve his clergy, and decide the debate between him and Becket, he would secure the peace and ho|nour of his kingdom in a manner less agreeable to his wishes. Alarmed with this plain dealing, Alexan|der immediately dispatched his legates to England, with flattering letters to Henry, bearing, That they had full power to terminate the differences, and ab|solve the excommunicated. But he privately assur|ed Becket, that he would take care of his interests; and advised him to dissemble for a little time. He gave the legates secret instructions, to give no decisi|on, without first acquainting the archbishop of Sens in France, who was a trusty friend of Becket, The legates therefore cavilled at every thing which Henry proposed. Observing their conduct, Henry threa|tened to do himself justice by another method. The replied, that they feared none of his threatenings, as they belonged to a court, which had been accusto|med to command kings and emperors.

Not long after, Lewis procured another meeting between Henry and Becket, in order to have them

reconciled. Henry offered to Becket a full restora|tion of all his dignities and privileges, and a thousand marks to defray the expence of his voyage. Becket pretended that he had suffered 30,000 marks of da||mage, all which he must have refunded to him.— Finding no hope of his submission, Henry sent a mes|senger to Pope Alexander, offering him as much mo|ney as would clear his extensive debts, and 10,000 marks more, providing that he would translate Bec|ket to some other see, and remove him from France to Rome. Alexander would do no more than send other legates to mediate a peace between them. But as Becket refused to promise any obedience to the king's laws, but what consisted with the privileges of the Pope, and the liberty of the church, this at|tempt also proved fruitless.

Finding Henry extremely tenacious of his rights, the Roman court resolved to humble him by force, as they had just done Frederic, the German empe|ror. To prepare their way, they every where repre|sented him and his laws as extremely detestable, and extolled Becket as an almost unparalleled saint and confessor. Three legates were then appointed to ex|communicate Henry, and lay his kingdom under an Interdict. Informed of their intentions, Henry re|nounced the authority of both Pope and archbishop, and prohibited all his English subjects to receive any of their mandates. He ordained, That no Peter|pence should be paid without his warrant; that all the clergy that were out of the kingdom should im|mediately return, under pain of forfeiting all their revenues; that none should submit to any letter of Interdict, under pain of being hanged on the spot as traitors to their king and country. To establish his family on the throne, he, in a crowded assembly of his principal subjects, caused Henry his eldest son to be crowned by the archbishop of York, and to swear that he would inviolably observe the antient customs. Becket loudly complained of injury done him,—pre|tending, that the coronation indispensibly belonged

to the archbishop of Canterbury. Alexander quick|ly consigned over the archbishop of York, and all other bishops, who had assisted at the coronation, to the devil and his angels, and threatened to do the same with Henry himself, if he did not, without de|lay, make peace with Becket, who at the same time notified, that he would lay the kingdom under an Interdict of all public worship, if he was not recon|ciled within fifteen days. Afraid of a fate like to that of the German emperor, or of trouble to his young son, or perhaps of Papal damnation to his soul, in the future state, Henry, newly recovered from a violent fever, had two meetings with Becket in the presence of king Lewis, in the last of which he yield|ed all that Becket demanded. However heartily Henry had forgiven the injuries done him, Becket, now rendered more proud than ever, prosecuted his resentments. He alway went attended by an armed guard; and in this manner attempted to enter the palace of the young king. He prosecuted the Pope's excommunication of his fellow bishops. They fled from England to Henry in Normandy, and repre|sented Becket as a public incendiary, a persecutor of clergymen, and a determined enemy of his king, and a destroyer of all good men that came in his way. Henry, in his outragious passion, said, that it was strange, that not one of his numerous dependents had courage to avenge him of a single priest, who braved and sought to depose and disinherit him.— Four gentlemen of his houshold, moved by this su|rious expression, hasted to England, and murdered Becket, while he was officiating in his cathedral.

The Romish court no sooner heard of it, than they resolved to revenge his death in the most terrible manner. The French king, the bishop of Sens, and others, charged Henry with it; and care was taken to proclaim it in the most horrid forms through all Christendom. Henry was threatened with excom|munication, and his kingdom with an Interdict, un|less he should speedily give sufficient evidence of hi••

repentance. He dispatched his ambassadors to the several foreign courts to disown the fact, and to de|clare his detestation of it. These sent to Rome were at first rudely maltreated, and had audience denied them: but a present of five hundred marks sterling opened their way to his Holiness' ear. Their promise that Henry would submit to the judgment of the church, prevented his consignation to Satan, and the interdiction of public worship in his kingdom. Legates were dispatched to England to absolve him. They collected all the depositions they could to prove him guilty; but finding none to their purpose, they allowed him at last to clear himself hy oath, that he had neither commanded nor assented to the assassi|nation. They then accommodated matters with him, on condition that he should never withdraw his subjection from Pope Alexander and his succes|sors, while they acknowledged him a catholic sove|eign; that in all ecclesiastical causes he should allow appeals to Rome; that he should serve three years ••n the sacred war against the Infidels in Palestine, un|••ess dispensed with by the Pope, and should maintain two hundred men for that service; that he should ••ully pardon all the adherents of Becket, and restore ••he see of Canterbury every thing that had been ta|ken from it during his exile; and that he should ••nnul all laws and customs which he had introduced to the hurt of the church; —to which was added this secret article, That he should go barefooted to Becket's tomb, and ask pardon, and endure a sound whipping from all the Canterburian monks. Upon ••hese conditions, Henry obtained pardon of a crime of which they had first caused him swear himself inno|••ent, when they could find no proof of it. To mag|nify Becket, they gave out, that the dead body wrought more miracles than Christ and all his apo|••tles had wrought for the confirmation of Christianity ••tself; and many thousands of mad devotees yearly ••isited his tomb.

The monks of Canterbury appeared to inherit his ambitious and obstinate temper. They claimed the sole power of electing his successor; and carried their point against both their kings. Richard, whom they elected, was scarcely consecrated, when, in his council at Westminster, he got eighteen canons enac|ted, importing, That no clergymen should marry; that no sons should succeed their fathers in spiritual functions; that no clergymen should frequent public houses, unless when on journeys; that none of them should assist in the judgment of capital crimes; and that no money should be taken for the holy chrism, or baptism, or any other sacrament. Richard's next work was a furious dispute concerning jurisdiction with Roger of York, which issued in mutual blows. Meanwhile, the Pope's legate persuaded Henry to exempt clergymen from all civil judgment, except with respect to some services, and the abuse of forests. In consequence of this, they became the absolute slaves of the Pope, and almost perpetually contested with the laity, in order to inslave the whole king|dom.

Alexander called a council at Rome, A. D. 1179, and required the Western bishops to attend it. Four English bishops repaired to it. But Richard, mind|ful of some offence which his Holiness had given him, in taking part with his opponent prior of the monks, went not. They prohibited the secular powers to judge any clergyman, under pain of excommunicati|on,—or to impose any tax upon them, unless they generously offered their assistance, and the laity were incapable to bear the necessary burdens. They required all Christian princes to eztirpate heretics,—to prevent their living under their jurisdiction,—and to confis|cate their goods, and render their persons slaves. They decreed the same privileges as to the sacred warriors in Palestine, to all such as should take arms against them.—These laws were reckoned the more necessary, as the Waldenses had exceedingly increas|ed, and spread themselves in several places of Eurupe.

The monks of Malmsbury withdrawment of them|selves from under their bishop of Salisbury, and their forging of a charter for defending their disobedience, drew from archbishop Richard a sensible Remon|strance to the Pope. Much about the same time, in a letter to one of his suffragans, he laments, That the English clergy had wickedly subjected themselves to the Pope instead of their lawful sovereign, in con|sequence of which, one might murder as many cler|gymen as he pleased; and then, by prostitution of an amiable wife, or by a little money, purchase his absolution from a priest.

While Lucius, the Papal successor of Alexander, was busy demanding assistance from England, to de|press the senate and people at Rome, the monks of Canterbury, by king Richard's intreaties, and other like methods, elected Baldwin their archbishop. He attempted to erect a college for the secular canons at his see: but his Holiness, instigated by the monks, caused him to demolish it, and hallow the ground. At last, the mob, instigated by the monks, pulled down the buildings, and the archbishop, with the materials, laid the foundation of the palace of Lam|beth, which the Pope also ordered to be demolished. Meanwhile, great preparations were made for a mad warlike expedition to Palestine.

K. Richard I. dying, his brother John succeeded him A. D. 1199. Contrary to his inclination, the monks of St. David elected one Girald for their bi|shop. He posted to Rome for confirmation; and by his large offers thought to have been created an archbishop of Wales. But king John and the arch|bishop defeated his project; and another was made bishop. Much about the same time, Pope Innocent III. finding the Western churches sufficiently entan|gled in his yoke, appointed a general valuation of their revenues, and the fortieth part of them, to be granted for carrying on the sacred war. The archbishop of York prohibited the lifting of this tax in his diocese, excommunicated the officers that le|vied

it, and laid the country under an Interdict, be|cause they would not oppose them; but he was o|bliged to yield. The monks having seized upon the rectorship of Feversham, before the king's presentee had got possession of it, Innocent took their part. Several who had inlisted themselves for the sacred war drawing back, Innocent appointed the bishops to excommunicate them by name, every Sabbath, and obliged king John, notwithstanding his deep po|verty, to give the 40th part of his revenues for car|rying on that mad war.

Hubert, the excellent archbishop of Canterbury dying, the monks of that place chose Reginald, their subprior, to succced him. He immediately posted to Rome for confirmation; and notwithstanding that he had given his solemn oath to his electors, that he Would not reveal his election till they should allow him, he no sooner got over the channel, than he every where assumed the dignity of archbishop in his way to Rome. Provoked with his impiety and im|prudence, or fearing the king's displeasure, the pre|valent party of monks in the convent, begged his majesty's leave to choose a new archbishop. Appeas|ed by their submission, John recommended Gray bishop of Norwich to their choice; and at his own expence posted off a number of the monks to obtain his confirmation at Rome, while the bishops dis|patched their proxies to complain, that they had been deprived of their right in the election. The Romish court welcomed all parties; but Innocent quickly determined against the bishops, and adjudg|ed the whole right of election to the chapter of monks belonging to the see. K. John having taken an oath of the monks whom he had sent to Rome, that they would choose none but Gray of Norwich, though•• himself safe to assure the Pope, that he would ack|nowledge any whom the convent should elect. Pro+mising to absolve them from their oath, Innocent o+bliged the monks, under pain of excommunication•• to choose one Stephen Langton a native of England

but a member of the Roman court; and pretending, that there was no need of princes consent in his Ho|liness' presence, he immediately consecrated him.

John was altogether enraged to find one wholly at|tached to the French interest placed in this important station. He drove out the Canterburian monks for electing their subprior without his knowledge. He threatened the Pope, that if he got not his will in this matter, he would prohibit every future appeal from England to the Roman see. Innocent boldly replied, that he would but involve himself in inex|tricable difficulties, if he dared to oppose the vicar of Christ, to whom every knee must bow. By his com|mand, the bishops of London and Worcester laid the English nation under an Interdict of divine wor|ship, except baptism of children, taking of confessi|ons, and giving the sacrament to dying persons. In consequence of this, their dead were buried in dit|ches and highways like brutes; their churches were shut up, and their altars forsaken. Had John turn|ed his resentment wholly against the Roman court, he might perhaps have carried his point. But his seizing of bishopricks, abbies, and ecclesiastical re|venues, and requiring his subjects to renew their oath of allegiance, and many of his nobles to give hostages for their fidelity, gave great offence. In|formed of these ferments, Innocent delivered him up to the devil; and by flattering missives laboured to secure the favour of his offended nobles and cler|gy. John granted the bishoprick of Lincoln to Wells his chancellor, and commanded him to receive con|secration not from Langton, but from the bishop of Rhoan in Normandy. Wells considering himself as now subject to another head, repaired directly to Langton for consecration. John in his rage imme|diately seized the temporalities of his bishoprick: Nevertheless Wells' duplicity-made him suspicious of every body about him, and ready to hearken to every term of accommodation. He offered to admit Langton archbishop; to recall the banished bishops;

restore the monks of Canterbury, and obey the di|rections of his Holiness, saving to himself and heirs the rights of the crown. Nothing less than a total surrender of himself and all his prerogatives to their mercy, could content Innocent and Langton. A conversation between John and Pandulf, Innocent's legate, in order to reconcilement, proved quite un|successful. Innocent and his party did every thing in their power to render John odious. They repre|sented him as an enemy to the rights of the church and nation. Peter, an hermit, was employed to foretel, that his royal dignity should cease before next Ascension day, and none of his posterity ever wear the crown. This exceedingly hurt him among his credulous subjects. Meanwhile, it was decreed at Rome, that he should be deposed, and another substituted in his stead. Having published this sen|tence, Innocent laboured to engage Philip of France to dethrone him, promising him a throne in the hea|venly paradise, and the crown of England in fee sim|ple to him and his heirs, if he did. He dispersed his missives and agents all over Europe to persuade his infatuated votaries, that it would be an eminent ser|vice done to God and religion to cut off this contu|macious prince, and enslave the kingdom of England to the holy see; and he promised full pardon of sin, and all other immunities granted to the sacred warri|ors in Palestine, to all such as should assist in this work.

Philip, with great zeal, prepared for attacking his English neighbour, and John raised an army to defend his own rights. But terrified by Innocent's menacing letter, and by Pandulf's exaggerated ac|counts of the French army, John consented to deli|ver up his kingdom to the Pope, as the only means of protecting it, and to receive it back as a fief of the holy see; to do homage for it to Innocent, and give him his oath of subjection, and resign into his hand all the patronages belonging to the crown,— and, after all, to declare solemnly, That he did all

this of his own free will, and with the advice and consent of his barons. This was all performed on the Monday before Ascension day, in the presence of multitudes. Having got his ends accomplished, Pan|dulf, contrary to his promise, privately slipt off, leav|ing John in the hands of the devil, and the whole nation under an Interdict. King Philip was highly provoked by the Pope's mandate to stop his warlike expedition; but being unwilling to draw the curse of Rome upon himself and his kingdom, he submitted. After receiving John's oath to govern according to law and equity, Langton absolved him from the sentence of excommunication. John assembled his barons to consult how the damages of the church might be repaired.—Highly offended with his mean submission to the Pope, they resolved to take arms against him, and refused to assist him in recovering that part of Normandy, which Philip had seized. Langton threatened to excommunicate such as would take arms, before the Interdict were removed.

To render his claim to the English kingdom most firm and manifest, Innocent sent his legate to cause John make a second resignation, in presence of his nobles and clergy, and attested by the primate. Af|ter the Papal charter was presented on the altar, and attributed to the directive inspiration of the Holy Ghost, John swore fealty and did homage to the Roman see, and to Innocent and his lawful succes|sors. Upon this, he received back the rights of his crown from the legate. The nobles considered this second resignation of his crown as a condition of his obtaining the Pope's protection against them. Lang|ton attested the charter, but protested against, it; and thereby drew upon himself the detestation of the Roman court. Innocent and his agents now repre|sented John as a prince of extraordinary humility and piety; and the lately extolled Langton as a most wicked apostate, and the other clergy, who had for|merly assisted the Roman usurpations, but now assist|ed the barons, in demanding a restoration of the

liberties of their kingdom, as most detestable mis|creants. A civil war taking place, John fought to retain himself and subjects slaves to the Pope. The barons, who had lately helped to enslave the king|dom, fought for its liberties, and obtained the Mag|na Charta and Charter of forests, which still conti|nue the foundations of English liberty. John per|suaded his Holiness to declare these charters null and void; and while his barons expected nothing but peace, he attacked them with an army of foreigners, to many of whom he distributed the property of his native subjects. They called Lewis, heir to the French crown, to be their sovereign. Neither he, nor they regarded the Pontifical thunders launched in favour of John.

In 1216, Innocent and John retired to their grave, and not long after, Langton of Canterbury, who, contrary to the fears of some, and the hopes of o|thers, had proved a most valiant defender of the li|berties of the English church and nation. The monks chose Walter one of their own number, an ignorant and scandalous wretch, whose father had been hanged for theft, to be archbishop. King Henry III. and his bishops warmly opposing it, Pope Gregory IX. declared their election null and void, and took the choice into his own hand. By promi|sing the Pope the tenth part of all the moveables in England, for the support of his sacred war against the German emperor, Henry got Richard chancel|lor of Lincoln promoted to the primacy. Terrible distress and rage accompanied the levying of this tenth part for the Pope; but fears of his Papal dam|nations made the people at last to comply. Bishops and abbots were obliged to advance the money for their inferiors. They were forced to sell or pawn the church plate, or to borrow money upon it at high interest from the Italian usurers, whom the Pope's Nuncio had brought along with him for that pur|pose.

Richard dying soon after his advancement, Pope Gregory, intending to have all the vacant benefices of note conferred upon Italians, or other foreigners, opposed the monks election of Nevil bishop of Chi|chester, fearing that, like Langton, he might turn out a friend to his country. Enraged by this, about eighty persons of high rank entered into a solemn confederacy to drive the Italian clergy out of all their preferments in England; and carried their point. Gregory was sufficiently provoked; but Henry find|ing that so many great men were concerned in the affair, durst punish but few of them. Having got Henry made his blind dupe, Gregory annulled other two elections of an archbishop; and at last himself appointed Edmund, treasurer of Salisbury.

Contrary to the expostulations of the new archbi|shop, Henry admitted Otho the pontifical Legate. He brought with him a sett of canons to be established in a council which he called at London. They im|ported, That churches should be consecrated within two years after their erection; that no abbot or rec|tor shall pull down old churches without leave from the bishop of the diocese; that no person of infamous birth, or who is ignorant or scandalous, be admitted to the priesthood; that bishops live at their cathe|drals a considerable part of the year, and officiate on the great festival, and on the Sundays of Lent; that bishops visit their dioceses, consecrate churches, ex|ercise discipline, and frequently preach to the peo|ple; that every one that brings a cause into a spiri|tual court, give his oath, that he doth not act from any litigious humour; that every advocate at his ad|mission give oath, that he will plead according to truth and equity; that all judges keep records of their procedure, and give parties concerned copies on demand, &c. The canon, which he proposed a|gainst plurality of clerical charges, was warmly op|posed. The principal stations of the church were quickly filled with Italians and other foreigners, li|centious enough in their lives, but trusty slaves to

the Roman see. Regardless of his subjects, Henry permitted Gregory to oppress them as he pleased.— The English clergy and many of the people were stripped of almost all that they had, for the assistance of the Pope against the emperor: but the emperor's troops seized it in its passage to Rome. Finding, that he could do nothing effectually for the relief of his country, archbishop Edmund retired into a mo|nastery. Gregory transmitted to the other bishops a list of 300 Italians to be preferred to vacant bene|fices, before any other should be served. No mat|ter, though for want of their language, they could be of no use to their flocks.

Celestine IV. had scarcely succeeded Gregory in 1241, when he appointed an insolent legate to strip the English clergy of the poor remains of their wealth. The nobles, finding Henry utterly averse to assist them, resolved by themselves to restrain such exacti|ons. They commanded the wardens of the several sea-ports to stop every person, who brought bulls or mandates from Rome. A messenger was apprehend|ed, with several bulls, empowering the Nuncio to raise money from the clergy. The Nuncio complai|ned to Henry: but the barons boldly justified their conduct, and represented to him the injustice he did to his subjects, in permitting such exactions; and shewed him a list of revenues enjoyed by Italian cler|gy in England, which exceeded those of the crown. The barons empowered a knight to order the Nuncio to leave the kingdom; who, upon his shifting, told him, that if he did not depart within three days, he would be cut to pieces. Finding that Henry could not protect him, he hasted off, to the no small joy of the nation.

When the council of Lyons met in 1245, the Eng|lish barons insisted for a redress of their grievances; especially the yearly payment of a 1000 marks of tri|bute for the kingdoms of England and Ireland, as fiefs of the Pope; and of the clause non obstante in all his bulls. After waiting for a time to no purpose,

and finding, that his Holiness intended only to amuse them, they protested against the payment of that annual tribute; and swore that they would not suf|fer the revenues or their church to be carried off by foreigners: and then returned home.

Innocent IV. having obtained the Popedom, pre|tended great favour to the English, allowed their patrons to present whom they pleased, and to nomi|nate an English successor, whenever any place was vacated by an Italian. But he required their bishops, under pain of excommunication, to sign the charter, by which king John had rendered the nation tributa|ry to the Pope. They meanly complied. Next year, the Parliament, by a solemn deputation, complained to his Holiness of their grievances, particularly Papal exactions from clergymen, and pensions from chur|ches; the robbing of patrons of their power to pre|sent proper persons to ecclesiastical charges and be|nefices; the bestowing of benefices on Italians, who understand not the English language, and do not preach at their churches, nor maintain any charity or hospitality there; that while Italians had free and easy admission to privileges, Englishmen were oblig|ed to prosecute their rights at Rome; and that the clause non obstante in bulls, was destructive of all the laws, customs and privileges of the nation. Inno|cent being utterly averse to diminish his revenues or powers, told them, that he would prosecute his own measures, let Henry do what he would. He loaded the English clergy with new taxes, and claimed right to be administrator to all bishops who died without latter wills. He appointed one bishop to levy from his resident clergy one third, and from non-residents one half of their moveables, under pain of excommu|nication, or suspension. After some contrary pro|clamations of Henry, Innocent carried his point, ex|cept with respect to the effects of the bishops that died intestate. Provoked with these exorbitant ex|actions, Grosthead bishop of Lincoln, a man of un|common learning and resolution, set himself to op|pose

both Innocent and Henry his pitiful dupe, in a manner becoming his character. He tore the Papal bulls, which presented unqualified candidates to be|nefices. He refused to consecrate such Italians as could not speak English. He formed a list, by which it appeared, that Italians possessed ecclesiastical reve|nues in England, to the value of 70,000 ••••arks; which were, perhaps, equal to a million sterling at present. At last, for refusing to consecrate an Ita|lian boy to the first vacant benefice, in his diocese, and for his faithful remonstrance against the Papal wickedness, he was, contrary to the advice of the wiser cardinals, excommunicated by the Pope. He appealed to the judgment of God, and continued his work in the church, and died in a Christian manner, bearing a solemn testimony against the Romish cor|ruptions.

Henry had scarcely forborn oppressing the clergy, by exactions for a pretended expedition against the Infidels in Palestine, when Pope Alexander IV. about 1260, demanded another for the conquest of Sicily to prince Edmund. And, because they had not mo|ney, bills were brought them from Italy, indorsed to some merchant there, and every bishop and ab|bot was required to sign them, under pain of excom|munication. The Pope and king obliged them to comply, the bills being a little altered. After the nation had been, for seven years, grievously oppres|sed in this manner, Ottobon the Pope's legate as|sembled a council of the English clergy at London, which enacted, That, in case of necessity, lay per|sons might baptize infants; that no money should be taken for the administration of sacraments; that no clergymen should be installed before the preceding incumbents be certainly dead; that parishes should be no further divided; that executors of testaments should present an inventory of their trust to their Ordinary before they begin their administration; that no bishops shall sequestrate the profits of vacant livings; that penance shall never be exchanged for

money; that no tithes be alienated; that clergymen abstain from pluralities, especially such as are posses|sed without dispensation or institution; that no be|nefices be held in commendam; that no patrons be allowed annual sums for their grant of presentations.

Edward I. having ascended the throne in A. D. 1272, his parliament, about two years after, enact|ed a number of salutary laws for both church and state. Meanwhile, the general council of Lyons im|posed a new tax on the whole Western church.— None but Peckham deacon of Lincoln opposed it. Having dared to hint, that the English clergy had been already so impoverished by taxations, that they had scarcely whereon to live, Pope Gregory X. de|prived him of his preferments. Not long after, he rejected Burnell, whom the Canterburian monks had unanimously elected their archbishop, and himself chose and consecrated another Peckham a learned Franciscan. Peckham quickly held a council at Lam|beth, which confirmed the constitutions of Otho and Ottobon; and further enacted, That priests should carefully instruct their ignorant people; that the bread in the Lord's supper was both his body and blood; that unconsecrated wine merely rendered the swallowing of the bread the easier; and that which was consecrated belonged only to the priests, who celebrate divine service in the less important chur|ches; that baptism by lay persons is valid; that the most necessary points of religion should be plainly explained to the people once every quarter of an year.

As notwithstanding former prohibitions, many continued devoting their estates to the church, to the hurt of the nation, and the impoverishment of the king's exchequer,—The Parliament, by the sta|tute of Mortmain enacted, That if any person should dispone of any heritable property to the church with|out the will of his immediate superiors, of whom he held that property, these, or higher superiors, might immediately seize on said disponed houses or lands,

for themselves, as their undoubted property, in all time coming.—Edward, being bent on limiting the power of the clergy, he and archbishop Peckham had several warm contests. The citizens and bur|gesses, now beginning to be called, as members of Parliament, along with the lower clergy, as a natio|nal council. In this, Edward demanded from the clergy an half year's revenue. Finding them reluc|tant, he charged the opposers of his motion to stand forth and take their trial as disturbers of the peace of the kingdom. This obliged them to comply with his harsh demands. Accounting it an unsupportable burden to attend parliaments, the inferior clergy, by degrees, accustomed themselves to make their grants in convocations. Next year, Edward demanded a new supply from the clergy. After procuring a bull from Pope Boniface VIII. prohibiting their payment of it, they pretended, their terror of this bull as a reason of declining it. Edward sealed up their stores, and gave them till next parliament to deliberate on the affair. Peckham caused publish the Pope's bull prohibiting collectors to levy it, in all the cathedral churches. Next year, Edward called a parliament without the spiritual members, which enacted, That all the goods of such clergymen, as refused the royal tax formerly imposed, should be confiscated, and themselves outlawed; and prohibited judges to do them justice in any suit. The clergy threatened to excommunicate all such as should seize their goods, without their consent; but finding, that Edward would not be trifled with, they, after some confe|rence, yielded the point, consented to pay a fine for their contumacy, and to deposit a fifth part of their revenues, to be employed in defence of the kingdom, when needful. Winchelsea, archbishop of Canter|bury, alone remained obstinate. But Edward's or|der to seize his whole property, made him willing to part with a fourth part of it. In consequence of this submission, Edward and his parliament confirmed to the clergy all their wonted privileges.

Not long after, Boniface prohibited Edward's fur|ther attempts upon the betrayed and disjointed king|dom of Scotland. But he and his barons little re|garded his Holiness' mandates. Boniface also pre|sumed to put the new bishop of Worcester in posses|sion of his temporalities as well as his spiritual juris|diction. But Edward obliged him to renounce that clause, and pay a 1000 marks sterling, for ever ac|cepting it. About the same time, by a large present of gold plate, he persuaded Pope Clement to absolve him from his coronation oath to preserve his subjects liberties secured to them by Magna Charta and Char|ter of forests, and to give him a bull declaring all ex|communication for the breaches of it null and void. After humbling some of the seditious nobles, he at|tacked the archbishop of Canterbury, and by the Pope's assistance got him suspended, and his see se|questered in the hands of the Nuncio. Just before his death, he held a parliament of laics and clergy|men at Carlisle, which enacted, That none of the principal preferments should be granted to any fo|reigners; that the rents of religious houses should not be given to the Pope for his college of cardinals, nor should he have any title to the first fruits of va|cant benefices; that Peter-pence ought never to be demanded to a triple extent; that no legacies dispon|••ed to pious uses, should ever be converted from their original design.

During the 12th and 13th centuries, the wealth of the Templar knights had exceedingly increased.— It is said, they had 16,000 lordships in Europe.— Envy of their greatness, and covetousness of their wealth, varnished over with pretended discoveries of ••heir horrid enormities, brought them to ruin in England, and every where else, in the beginning of ••he 14th. Not without opposition, archbishop Win|••helsea submitted to the calling of the clergy for mem|••ers of parliament; and himself summoned the in|••erior sort. Reynolds, his successor, probably by his ••resents, obtaining the uncommon favour of Clement,

was empowered to visit his provincial charge fo•• three years successively, and to suspend the jurisdic+tion of all his suffragans, during that time;—to visi•• places ordinarily exempted;—to restore 200 clergy+men, who had been deposed for scandal;—to dispen•••• with 100, that by reason of non-age were unfit fo•• holding benefices;—to absolve 100 laymen, wh•• had laid violent hands upon clergymen;—to allow 40 clergymen to hold plurality of benefices annexe•• to charge of souls, notwithstanding all laws to th•• contrary;—and, in fine, to pardon, on profession o•• repentance, all crimes committed within 100 day•• before.—During the weak and disorderly reign o•• Edward II. we find little relative to the church, but some clerical subsidies to the king; the elections o•• the bishops of Durham, Winchester, London, and Hereford by the Pope, without regarding their res|pective chapters of monks; and at last many cler|gymen assisting the barons to depose him, and insta•• his son Edward III.

Mepham succeeded Reynolds in the archbishoprick of Canterbury. In his provincial council, he fixed the number of holy days, and the manner of observ|ing each. He had not proceeded far in his provin|cial visitation, when the bishop of Exeter stopt him with an armed force. Edward prevented a bloody contention between them, by recalling Mepham, who soon after died. Notwithstanding Edward's spirited remonstrances and other efforts, his Holiness still supplied the ecclesiastical vacancies, without regard|ing either king or wonted manner of election. Arch|bishop Stratford having, on account of their pover|ty, refused Edward a clerical subsidy for carrying on his war with the French, occasioned a terrible con|test between him and his no less haughty sovereign, who scorned to yield. To prevent the Pope's filling up the vacant livings with foreigners, Edward's par|liament, in their statute of provisors, enacted, That all such as should be convicted of bringing Papal provisions or fore-grants of ecclesiastical livings into

••he kingdom, should ly in prison till they paid a fine ••or his majesty's use, and made satisfaction to the ••arty injured. Next year, the clergy having pleased Edward with their large subsidy, they had their pri|••ileges further explained and confirmed against all ••ncroachment of the secular courts. In his next ••arliament held at Westminster, the famous statute ••f PREMUNIRE enacted, That whoever should ap|••eal any cause of property to the Pope, should be ••utlawed from the king's protection; their estates ••nd moveables confiscated for his use; and their per|••ons imprisoned till ransomed to his content. These ••tatutes, with that of Mortmain above mentioned, were calculated to restrain the growing power of the Roman court: but, unwilling to break with his Ho|••iness, Edward never put them into execution.

Urban V. having commenced Pontiff in 1362, he, ••n the haughtiest manner, required the English to ••ay their annual tribute promised by king John.— Edward's parliament declared, That John had no ••ower to bring any such servitude upon his king|dom, without their own consent; and that the whole nation was determined to oppose all pretensions of ••he Pope to it. This spirited resolution for ever de|••ivered England from this infamous tribute. Com|plaints being presented to this parliament, That cler|gymen had almost the whole management of the state in their hands, they supplicated Edward, That no clergyman should be held admittable to the offices of chancellor, privy seal, treasurer, baron of exchequer, and other places of the civil list. Edward had scarce removed them from the first three o••••ices, when he died in 1377, and was succeeded by Richard II. his grandson, under whose weak government, both church and state were almost ruined.—In the Parlia|ment 1390, the statute of premunire was ratified, and it was further enacted, That whoever went beyond sea to procure himself any clerical benefice without the king's leave, should be excluded from the pro|tection of the lawes; and that it should be held trea|sonable

to bring into the kingdom any sentence o•• excommunication on account of the making of thes•• statutes. The bishops protested, and the Pope ra+ged, against these restrictions of their power. Th•• Nuncio was required to do nothing contrary to th•• laws of the kingdom, and prerogatives of the king▪ and to export no money without special warrant from him and his council.

MEANWHILE, the nation was not a little en+lightened with the knowledge of the truths of Christ About 1360, John Wickliff principal professor o•• divinity at Oxford, boldly defended the statutes o•• that university against the Mendicant friars, and e+ven threw out hints against their Pontifical protector▪ For this, Langham archbishop of Canterbury de+prived him of his wardship, and substituted a mon•••• in his place. About the same time, Langham con|demned thirty opinions, and king Edward comman|ded the heads of the university to search out, an•• expel all such as were tainted with them. Wicklif•• appealed from the archbishop's sentence to the judg|ment of Pope Urban: but, provoked with his con|firmation of it, he began more openly to attack the scandalous behaviour of the monks and Popes;—to expose the absurd superstitions which prevailed;— and to urge people to acquaint themselves with the word of God as the Rule of their religious conduct•• and for their assistance he translated the Bible into English. The clergy furiously opposed him; and the monks commenced a violent prosecution of him▪ before Pope Gregory XI. But the Papal schism▪ and the influence of the duke of Lancaster and other noblemen, that favoured him, retarded the execu|tion of it about eight years. About 1383, William Courtney archbishop of Canterbury, revived the pro|cess, in the councils of Lambeth and London. Wic|kliff was accused of ten heresies, and thirteen othe•• errors; the principal of which were, That the en+charistical

bread is not, by the priest's consecration of it, turned into the real body of Christ; that no more power was given to Peter, than to the other apostles; that the church of Rome is no more the head of the universal church than any other; that the Pope hath no more power of jurisdiction than any other priest; that if church-men scandalously misbelieve, they may be deprived of their temporali|ties; that the gospel of Christ is a sufficient Rule of a Christian life; that monastical and other additio|nal rules add no real excellence to Christianity; that clergymen ought not to have prisons for punishing men's bodies. Not long after, he died peaceably in his rectorship of Lutterworth, without any appear|ance of either recanting or explaining away his tenets. But about thirty years after, his bones were digged up, solemnly judged, condemned and burnt.

Notwithstanding Courtney excommunicated mul|titudes of Wickliff's followers, who were nick-named Lollards, they mightily increased. Taking the op|portunity of Richard's absence in Ireland, they at|tempted to have their doctrines approven by the Parliament A. D. 1395. They presented a spirited remonstrance, in which they averred, That the church of England's imitation of the Romists in the use of her temporalities, had banished faith, hope, and charity; that the English priesthood derived from Rome, and pretending power over angels, is not that which Christ settled on his apostles; that the restraint of clergymen from marriage occasioned many scandalous immoralities; that the pretended miracle of transubstantiation renders the greatest part of Christians idolaters; that exorcisms or clerical benedictions of wine, bread, water, oil, wax, in|cense, stones for the altar, church walls, holy vest|ments, mitres, crosses, &c. have more of necro|mancy than of religion in them; that the junction of the office of prince and bishop, prelate and secular judge, in the same person, is improper and hurtful; that prayer for the dead is a wrong foundation of

charity and religious endowments; that pilgrimages, prayers, and offerings to images and crosses, are near of kin to idolatry; that auricular confession makes priests proud, admits them into the secrets of peni|tents, and gives them opportunities for intrigues, and other great offences; that women's vows to live unmarried betrays them into infamous corresponden|ces, tempts them to procure abortions, and murder their children unbaptized; that unnecessary trades occasion pride and luxury. This remonstrance so alarmed the clergy, that some of the bishops posted to Ireland, to bring home the king to their assist|ance; while Arundel, who had just obtained the archbishoprick, assembled a council for condemning such heretical doctrines.

In 1399, the barons deposed the weak, and in some things tyrannical, Richard,—and Henry IV. duke of Lancaster, ascended the throne as nearest heir.—His parliament of 1400, revived the statutes of provisors and premunire: but as he, for his own security on the throne, courted the favour of the clergy, they continued asking, and the Pope in col|lating of benefices. The parliament also enacted, That the purchasers or executors of bulls prohibiting payment of tithes, or exempting from the jurisdicti|on of bishops, should incur the penalties mentioned in the statute of provisors. The bishops, by royal warrants, had formerly imprisoned multitudes of the followers of Wickliff. Henry, to please them and their Pope, now procured a statute for burning of heretics; in consequence of which, these bishops, who, under Richard, would not assist in condemning traitors and notorious oppressors, greedily claimed the sole power of judging and committing to the flames such as they called relapsed heretics. Saw|tra, a pious priest of London, was almost immedi|ately condemned and burnt, because he could not be|lieve transubstantiation.

When the parliament met, A. D. 1408, Arun|del, instigated by Henry, assembled his clerical

council at Oxford to extirpate heresy from the uni|versity and nation. They enacted, That none should preach without licence from a bishop; that sermons should only touch upon moral subjects, and such things as had been formerly taught by the church; that no books of Wickliff or his followers should be read in schools or colleges; that no person, without authority, should translate any part of the Bible into English; that no propositions or conclusions tending to the corruption of men's faith or practice should be mentioned; that none should dispute concerning the worship of images, holy relicks, or pilgrimages, or any other point fixed by the church; and that the Heads of the university should, once every month, enquire into the principles of the students; admo|nish them, if found in an error, and expel them, if obstinate. Nevertheless, the doctrines of Wickliff still prevailed.—When Henry demanded a pecuniary aid from his parliament, the Commons insisted for favour to the Lollards, and represented, That the clergy squandered away their enormous wealth in vain grandeur and unnecessary pomp; that, if he would take away their temporal estates, the nation would be more able and ready to defend itself, the poor better supplied, and themselves more attentive to the duties of their station. In a second remon|strance, they insisted, That the statute for burning of heretics should be either repealed or amended. The clergy loudly reproached the Commons as heretics themselves; and Henry haughtily rejected their re|quests, and wished the rigour of that statute heigh|tened. Not long after, he refused his assent to an act of parliament for the trial of clergymen in civil courts; but cheerfully signed a warrant for the bur|ning of one Bad by a blacksmith, who could not be|lieve transubstantiation.

Wickliff's tenets still spreading, were again con|demned at Oxford; and every one was prohibited, under pain of degradation, to teach them. The convocation of London having urged the archbishop

to visit the university of Oxford, the Heads appoint|ed twelve of their principal doctors, along with the delegates of the archbishop, to examine the books of Wickliff, and transmit an extract of the condem|nable propositions to him and his suffragan bishops. He and Henry had resolved not to leave one Lollard in the kingdom: but death cut them both off in 1413, lamented by almost none, but the abandoned clergy. Just before his death, Arundel had laboured to persuade young Henry V. to prosecute Sir John Cobham or Oldcastle, and other heretical lords.— Finding him averse to such cruelty, Arundel and his agents pretended that Sir John had assembled 20,000 of his party to massacre his whole royal family. Per|suaded hereof, Henry assembled an army, and was, at midnight, conducted to a place, where he found about an hundred of the poor persecuted Lollards, assembled for worshipping God, with arms about them for their own defence from murderers. Some were killed: others, instigated by promises and threa|tenings, falsely confessed a plot, and that Sir John was at the head of it. A price being set upon his head, he was soon apprehended, hanged by the mid|dle, and then burnt. He endured his sufferings as a couragious martyr for Christ. While Arundel answered to God for his treacheries and murders, Henry seemed to have been convinced that he had been imposed on, and granted the Lollards an act of indemnity.

After the council of Constance, A. D. 1416, Pope Martin began to display his absolute power over the English church. He often disposed of vacant bisho|pricks in the form of provisions, and annulled the e|lections of the chapters of monks. Within the pro|vince of Canterbury, he, in two years, appointed thirteen bishops. He was extremely lavish of his grants for consolidating and appropriating parish churches, or of dispensations with clergymen's non|residence, or laymen's enjoyment of ecclesiastical be|nefices. King Henry's bold remonstrance checked

his presumption a little.—The parliament enacted, That none should be admitted to benefices, upon Papal provisions, contrary to the right of the patron; and the clause non obstante in Papal bulls should have no effect. Henry further demanded, that his Holi|ness should dispose of no preferments in England; and that himself should enjoy the Pontifical revenues of that country, whenever he should be employed in defending the holy see. When Martin laboured to evade these demands, Henry's ambassadors protested, That their master would therein use his own prero|gative. Martin, at his own hand, translated the bi|shop of Lincoln to the archbishoprick of York: but Henry commanded the dean and chapter not to ad|mit him; and so he was forced to return to Lincoln and the Pope to acquiesce. Perceiving that the French monks had marked their disaffection to him and his conquests in their country, Henry turned them out of some monasteries, and put Englishmen in their room.

Henry VI. an infant, was scarce enthroned in 1423, when Chichely archbishop of Canterbury re|newed the furious persecution of the Lollards. Two priests were accused before the first convocation, but got off with their life. In the following parliament, the Commons grievously complained, That want of due clerical instruction tempted the subjects to Lol|lardism, the sacraments not being duly administered, —many dying without the privilege of religious cere|monies,—and hospitality being neglected through clergymen's non-residence at their charges. And they insisted, That if any priest should absent himself from his flock six weeks in a year, he should forfeit his claim to his benefice. Russel a Franciscan, hav|ing taught, That the payment of personal tithes to the clergy was not commanded by the word of God; and that they might be better laid out upon some pi|••ous uses, as the givers found meet, was warmly per|secuted for his detestable doctrine. He escaped out of the kingdom: but all those of his order were com|manded

to preach up the contrary: and the univer|sity of Oxford required all their students, before re|ceiving any degrees, to swear, That they would ne|ver maintain Russel's opinion, or any wise assist in defending it.

Archbishop Chichely having, in his first convoca|tion, moved for an annulment of Papal exemptions and having advised Henry V. to refuse the bishope o•• Winchester for pontifical legate, had rendered him|self obnoxious at Rome, Martin, being now freed from the entanglements of his immediate predeces|sors, charged him, under pain of excommunication, to labour to his uttermost to have the statutes of pro|visors and premunire repealed; and to inform the council and parliament, that every one that obeyed them, lay under excommunication at Rome; and to require all his clergy to teach the same;—and, finally, to report his diligence herein, attested by two credible witnesses. Chichely's excuse not being sustained at Rome, he was suspended from the ex|ercise of his legantine powers. He appealed to the next general council, and to the tribunal of God, if that should not meet. Martin repeated his demands in other two missives, in the last of which he put the archbishop of York first in order; pretended to an|nul the statutes by his own power; prohibited the bishops to act upon them; and declared all the obey|ers of them excommunicated, not to be absolved by any but the Pope, except at the point of death. At last Chichely promised to do his utmost for the re|peal of these acts. Martin represented to the king and to Bedford the regent, that they were obliged it conscience to repeal them; and to the parliament that they could not be saved, unless they voted their repeal. The English rulers had learned to dissemble with his Holiness. When the parliament met, Chi|chely, with great appearance of zeal, insisted with the Commons, for a repeal of the criminal statutes, pretending to argue from scripture, reason, and the common consent of Christians, and then, with the

rest of his episcopal brethren, withdrew. The com|mons with great solemnity entered on the debate; but, after all, refused either to repeal or amend these obnoxious acts; and formed an address to his ma|••esty, to procure from the Pope a purgation of the archbishop, who, they thought, had been hardly used by the Roman court. The privy council would not allow the cardinal bishop of Winchester to exer|cise his legantine powers. Nor would the duke of Gloucester, who was regent, allow him to officiate as prelate of the order of the garter. Nor was it without manifold limitations, that the council would permit him to publish the Papal croisade against the Bohemian heretics, for a levy of 2,750 men, or to collect voluntary donations for supporting them.

In the convocation of London, several clergymen and others were accused of heretical hints against the worship of images; and that the Pope was Anti|christ; and for holding some of Wickliff's opinions. Such as would not recant, were thrown into prisons and dungeons, to teach them repentance. This cle|rical meeting cheerfully granted a tenth part of their incomes to his majesty. But neither the Pope's own demands, nor all the solicitations of his Nuncio, could persuade them to grant as much to him, nor even a twentieth part, without the king's consent. Not long after, the Nuncio himself was imprisoned for collecting money from the subjects contrary to law. The convocation, which had been originally accustomed to do nothing but give aids, had, per|haps in archbishop Courtney's time, begun to tran|sact ecclesiastical affairs, as the bishops permitted. They now appointed delegates to attend the general Council of Basil, which met in 1431; and instructed them to insist for a check to his Holiness' dispensa|tions with clergymen's pluralities of charges and non-residence at them; and his collation of dignities and benefices upon persons ignorant or under age.—King Henry espoused the cause of Pope Eugenius, against the council of Basil, and acknowledged the schisma|tical

conventicle of Ferrara, afterward translated to Florence: but the lower house of convocation refused to contribute towards the expence of sending any delegates to it. When Eugenius granted the bisho|prick of Ely in cominendam to the archbishop of Rhoan, Henry, at first, rejected the bull; and when the candidate's good services made him consent, Chi|chely opposed his claim to the temporalities.—The convocation enacted, That none but graduates in u|niversities should be capable of any benefice; and thus empowered the seminaries of learning to pre|vent the admssion of ignorant wretches.

After Chichely and his clergy had made several ineffectual attempts for repealing the above mention|ed statutes, he, worn out with age, that he could not perform his episcopal work, begged of his Holi|ness to instal Stratford the bishop of Bath in his place. Stratford and his clergy still insisted for a repeal of these acts, which so much bridled their power. Not|withstanding their master's silly complaisance, Hen|ry's ministers refused to yield. Meanwhile, Henry Beaufort, his grand uncle, cardinal bishop of Win|chester, died, famed for nothing but sordid avarice and pride. Peacock of Chichester was a kind of deist, who extolled the light of nature above revela|tion; and, which was reckoned more unpardonable, he espoused some of Wickliff's tenets. After he had twice recanted, he was deprived of his see; and all students who embraced his tenets were excommuni|cated, and expelled the university.

After he had reigned thirty eight years, Henry was dethroned for his weakness, and Edward IV. earl of March, eldest branch of the line of York, which had been set aside by Henry IV. was made king. To establish his dignity, he granted the cler|gy every thing they asked. He screened them from the statutes of provisors and premunire, freed them from the jurisdictions of the civil courts; and, un|der pain of excommunication, prohibited all his

judges or officers to arrest or imprison any of them. He pretended to grant them these favours from a terror of the excommunication denounced by the holy canons; and that he was persuaded, that the miseries under which the nation had long groaned, were the judgments of God for avenging the disre|spect, which had been shewed to his servants. In 1466, Nevil archbishop of Canterbury held a coun|cil at York, which appointed every priest, four times a year, to explain to his hearers the fourteen articles of faith; ten commandments; two gospel precepts of love to God and our neighbour; seven works of mercy—feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, entertaining strangers, visiting the sick, clothing the naked, comforting prisoners, and bu|rying friendless dead;—seven deadly sins of pride, envy, anger, hatred, aversion to religion and virtue, covetousness, and epicurism;—the seven principal virtues of faith, hope, charity, prudence, tempe|rance, justice, and fortitude; and the seven sacra|ments of baptism, Lord's supper, confirmation, pe|nance, extreme unction, marriage, and ordination. This was materially the same with the tenth canon of Lambeth in 1281.—After Edward's dethrone|ment, restoration, and death; and about two or three months reign of his son Edwatd V. Richard Crookback, duke of Gloucester, his uncle, took the throne. But, after two years, he was driven out by Henry VII. duke of Richmond, heir of the line of Lancaster, who had married Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV. and heiress of the house of York.— He had several contests with the ambitious clergy; but his principal care was to hoard up money, and so died hated or feared by all his subjects. Under his reign, Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury, brought over the first Printing press from Harleim in Holland to Oxford in England, in 1494.

Henry VIII. succeeded his father in 1509. Divi|nity, as then taught in the universities, was his favou|rite study. While many of his subjects were plotting

the destruction of his father's two most rapacious mi|nisters, Empson and Dudley, he and his council were occupied in settling his marriage with Cathe|rine, aunt to Charles V. emperor of Germany and king of Spain. She had been married to Arthur his elder brother, when he was about fifteen years of age. He slept with her for a time, but was said to leave her a virgin. Upon his death, Henry VII. unwilling to lose her portion, or to allow her a pro|per dowry on receipt of it, procuring a dispensation from the Pope, got her betrothed to Henry his se|cond son, in the 14th year of his age. But, perhaps repenting, he made young Henry enter a solemn se|cret protestation against it. As Catherine affirmed herself a virgin, and had an agreeable and virtuous temper, Henry VIII. moved by some reasons of state, and reckoning his conscience sufficiently protected by his Holiness' dispensation, took her to his bed a|bout two months after his father's death; and they were conjunctly crowned.

Henry and his courtiers having abandoned them|selves to pleasure, Wolsey, from the rank of a chap|lain, pushed himself into almost the whole manage|ment of the kingdom. A law had been made in the late reign, That clergymen convicted should be burnt in the hand; another was now made, That murde|rers and robbers, not being priests or deacons, should be denied the benefit of clergy. Highly offended, the clergy insisted, That all their orders being sacred, none of them could lawfully be judged by any civil court. Standish risked both his dignity and life, in honestly opposing his brethren. And Henry sup|porting the statutes, Wolsey thought fit to yield.— But, animated by his cardinal's hat, and his arch|bishoprick of York, he, with great zeal, promoted a clerical contribution for his Holiness to defray the expence of the Turkish war. But the clergy had both wit and zeal to retain their own money. Wol|sey was made the Pope's legate a latere, and appoint|ed to visit all the monasteries in the kingdom; and

empowered to visit all the monasteries in the king|dom; and empowered to dispense with all ecclesiastical laws for a whole year. The clergy were high|ly offended; especially as the Pope's bulls granting him these powers, had represented them as very ig|norant and profligate. They thought it very impro|per, that Wolsey should pass such a censure upon when, when his own vices were so remarkable. But observing, that their ignorance and profligacy would inevitably render them contemptible, he was willing to endeavour the reformation of the inferior clergy by every tenable method, except the drudgery of giving them a good example. He also expected that the abominable practices found in monasteries would justify his suppression of them, and converting of them into cathedrals, colleges, or collegiate chur|ches. But his friends advised him to suppress them by the less invidious method of Papal authority.

The enormous wealth and power of the clergy had made many of them think, that they might do what they pleased, without reproach or controul. Under pretence of a Turkish war to be carried on by all the Christian princes of Europe, Pope Leo X. published an Indulgence which extended to both the quick and he dead; and promised forgiveness of all their sins, and a complete redemption from both hell and pur|gatory, at fixed prices, for carrying on the war. The subordinate disposers of these indulgences acted in the most profligate manner. It is said, the power of releasing souls was sometimes plaid for in taverns. Zuinglius of Switzerland and Luther of Germany boldly decried this abominable merchandise. Lu|ther's books spread into England, and were the more eagerly read, that his doctrines appeared like to those of Wickliff. The Lollards were therefore the more furiously persecuted. The least word, however in|advertently dropt, against any ecclesiastical law, was enough to found a prosecution; and parents teaching their children the Lord's prayer and the ten command|ments, according to Wickliff's English translation,

was thought a sufficient ground of burning them as heretics. Puffed up with his own theological learn|ing, and highly offended, that Luther had so freely handled T. Aquinas, his favourite doctor, Henry published a pretended refutation of his books. This procured him high flattery from Rome, with a new title of Defender of the faith, which his successors or the throne still retain. But Luther, in his reply, treated him with very unceremonious freedom. To promote the salvation of his countrymen, William Tindal published an English translation of the New Testament with short notes. Sir Thomas More, so famed for his mildness, learning, and Popish piety, published a virulent confutation of it. The bishops poured forth their proclamations against it, as a book infinitely dishonourable to God, and ruinous to the souls of men; and, from all the pulpits in the nati|on, charged all that had any copies of it, to bring them to the Vicar general, within thirty days, under pain of excommunication, and of being suspected of heresy. Some were prosecuted as heretics, but re|canted,—while Wolsey's oppression of the nation, particularly his clerical brethren, with taxes, divert|ed men's minds to other objects.

AFTER Henry had lived almost twenty year•• with his queen, and had several children born by her, her frequent miscarriages, and the improbability of her having any sons, provoked his dislike of her▪ Perhaps, the French and Spaniards questioning the legitimacy of his daughter Mary, when proposed for marriage with their princes, awakened his suspicion of the unlawfulness of his own; while Anne of Bo|leyn, his queen's maid of honour, had begun to cap|tivate his capricious affections. He first intimated his scruple to cardinal Wolsey, and required him to declare his mind concerning his divorcing of Cathe|rine. Wolsey, having had his attempt on the Pope|dom defeated by Charles her nephew, was bent enough to do her a disservice; but was wise enough to be

leave to consult the learned men of the kingdom. The bishops and others, being assembled, advised Henry to consult all the universities in Europe, and procure their determinations under their respective seals. Messengers were immediately dispatched with proper instructions to consult the foreign universities. In more than a year, not one, but that of Orleans, had returned their opinion,—when Dr. Cranmer, then tutor to the children of a gentleman, in whose house Henry happened to lodge a night, suggested the propriety of obtaining and publishing the de|cision of the universities, which, if done, his Ho|liness would scarce dare to pronounce a contrary sentence. Highly pleased with the hint, Henry pushed for the foreigners resolution of his two questions, Whether the law of God allowed of a man's marrying his brother's wife? and, Whether the Pope could dispense with the laws of God? All the universities, except those of Rome, and most of the learned in Europe, Papists, Lutherans, and Zu|inglians, declared themselves in the negative of both questions. With much difficulty, and little unani|mity, the universities of Oxford and Cambridge de|clared the marriage unlawful. Having obtained the opinions of so many learned men, Henry assembled the bishops; who all, except Fisher of Rochester, declared it unlawful, and put their name and seal to their decision. Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, put Fisher's name and seal to it: but Fisher stedfastly maintained, that he never empowered him to do so.

Having removed Catherine from his bed, Henry applied to Pope Clement VII. for a divorce. How|ever willing Clement would have been, that Henry had sued out his divorce in England, and married a|nother, and got a legantine confirmation of his mar|riage, he was very unwilling to displease Charles the emperor, whose favour he needed against the Pro|testants; and shifted off the affair the best way he could. Campegius was at last dispatched for Eng|land with legantine powers, and a bull of divorce to

be shown to Henry and Wolsey, but with secret in|structions to spin out the affair as long as possible. The matter was begun in the legantine court by Cam|pegius and Wolsey. Catherine, who had absolutely refused to retire into a monastery, or to consent to her own divorce, and had employed the interest of the emperor and other friends abroad to prevent it, appeared once and again before the legates, but ap|pealed the cause to the Pope himself. Campegius adjourned the court till the ensuing October. Mean|while, the Pope called the cause before himself, and cited Henry to his bar. Henry commanded the earl of Wiltshire to protest against the citation as contra|ry to his royal prerogative; and, in a letter signed by cardinal Wolsey, four bishops, two dukes, two marquisses, thirteen earls, two viscounts, twenty-three barons, twenty two abbots, and eleven com|moners, the Pope was intreated to confirm the judg|ment of so many learned men. Henry disdained to send any to represent him as a pannel: but he sent some to excuse his non-compearance; and if possible to draw the cardinals to his side. While Henry was fretted with delays, Wolsey's enemies, and even Anne of Boleyn, his former friend, represented him to his majesty as a treacherous conniver with Campe|gius, and a betrayer of his master's interests. They prosecuted him for accepting his legantine powers; and in other different forms. As Henry had given him warrants for many things charged upon him as criminal, he sometimes pretended to protect him. But, when he thought his danger over, he was a|rrested for high treason, and poisoned himself in his way to the tower, confessing, That if he had served his God as faithfully as he had done his king, he would not have abandoned him in his old age.

In September 1530, Henry published a proclama|tion, prohibiting all purchasing of any thing from Rome under the severest penalties, and declaring his intention to annex the ecclesiastical supremacy to his crown. Foreseeing, that the clergy would startle

at the last, he indicted them all as guilty of acknow|ledging and submitting to Wolsey's legantine powers, and by the statute of premunire, declared them to be out of his protection, and to have forfeited all their estates and goods to his use. Finding themselves at his mercy, they gladly submitted to a fine of 118,840 pounds sterling for his exchequer; and to acknow|ledge him their spiritual Head. They readily ad|vanced the money; and promised never more to meet ••n convocation, or to make any canons without his majesty's allowance. But they thought a layman's headship over the church so absurd in itself, and so inconsistent with their allegiance to the Pope, that they insisted to add this clause, as far as agreeable to the laws of Christ, in their acknowledgment of it. Henry for the present admitted their clause.

The parliament meeting in 1532, the Commons thought it a proper season for securing themselves and their people against ecclesiastical oppressions; and even the clergy, finding that their prosecutions of men without any accuser; causing them accuse themselves on oath; or obliging them to abjure what opinions they pleased, or be burnt, were very dis|agreeable,—resolved to amend their customs. The parliament restricted the protection of clerical crimi|nals; explained and inforced the statute of Mort|main, which prohibited the alienation of lands to the church without consent of his majesty and other im|mediate superiors. They prohibited the payment of ••nnats and first fruits to Rome. They declared, that no excommunication on account of adherence to these laws should be regarded. Henry at first con|sented to these laws only for a year. But when the convocation besought him to preserve the liberties of the church, he replied, That no ecclesiastical consti|tutions should hereafter be made or executed, with|out his consent; that, as some of the provincial ones already enacted, were inconsistent with his preroga|tive, he intended to have them all examined by a committee of 32 persons, half of them clergymen,

and the rest members of parliament, that such •• were found improper might be abrogated, and those that agreed with the law of God and his prerogative might be confirmed with his royal assent. The cler|gy were obliged to submit. Sir Thomas More seeing whither matters were tending, resigned the Great Seal, and Warham archbishop of Canterbury died.

Cranmer's book against Henry's marriage with his brother's widow, and his manful disputing against i•• in the foreign universities, procured him Henry's pe|culiar favour, and therewith the archbishoprick o•• Canterbury. Apprehensive of the critical nature of the times, and having his affections fixed upon a young lady, he accepted the charge with the utmost reluctance. At an interview, Francis, the French king, pretending great friendship for Henry, advised him neither to go himself to Rome, nor send any agents to prosecute his divorce, but secretly to mar|ry Anne of Boleyn, now duchess of Pembroke, and he would stand by the marriage. Henry did so a|bout the 14th of November 1532: but it is scarcely possible that Cranmer could be present. Notwith|standing the contest relative to the divorce, Clemen•• readily granted to Cranmer the bulls and pall for hi•• archbishoprick. Fearing that his oath of obedien•• to the Pope might interfere with his majesty's autho|rity, or bind him up from necessary reformation▪ Cranmer took it with a protestation against tha•• which he thought wrong in it. Meanwhile, Clemen•• instigated by the emperor, would neither grant Hen|ry his divorce, nor allow it to be judged in England The English convocation, at Cranmer's instalment by a great majority, determined, as the foreign uni+versities had done; but committed the question o•• Catherine, consummation of her marriage with Ar+thur, to the canonists, who determined, that th•• presumptions she had done it, were very strong All the upper house of convocation, except the bi+shop of Bath and Wells, confirmed this. The con|vocation

of York determined in the same manner Hereupon, Henry avowed his marriage with Anne of Boleyn; and appointed Cranmer to call a court ••o judge of the nullity of his marriage with Cathe|rine.

The tidings of these transactions had provoked Clement to consign Henry into the hands of the de|vil, had not his moderate cardinals urged him to de|••ay it. While Henry was on the point of a rupture with the Pope, the French king persuaded him to submit his cause to him and his cardinals, exclusive of the Imperialists, upon the condition of obtaining ••ull satisfaction. Henry would not trust Clement's ••romise, unless he had it under his hand in writ; ••or would Clement trust Henry on any lower terms. Belley, bishop of Paris, was dispatched from Rome with Clement's engagement to Henry; and a day was fixed for the return of Henry's submission of his ••ause. Four Frenchisied cardinals were added, to ••verbalance the friends of the emperor. Meanwhile, ••he emperor's agents so assiduously laboured with the Pope, that he promised to revoke his engagement, if Henry's return should not come on the very day ap|pointed. As, perhaps, through the bearer's mistake ••f his way, the return had not come up within that ••••me, Clement brought the affair before his consis|••ory of cardinals; and notwithstanding Belley's ear|••est pleadings for a delay, and contrary to common ••rder, concluded it in their first sederunt, declaring Henry's marriage with Catherine valid, and requir|••ng him to take her back to his bed, under pain of ••he highest ecclesiastical censure. Within a day or ••wo, the English courier came up with Henry's sub|••ission: but Clement could not, with honour to his ••fallibility, immediately revoke his decision. Thus ••rovidence shut up Henry to a breach with the Ro|••ish court. Altogether enraged with his disappoint|••ent; and that he had debased his supremacy in ••aking his unfruitful submission, Henry resolved to ••ake the Romish see feel the weight of his resent|ment.

He had already restricted the clerical prero|gatives; and for some years his learned subjects had been examining the foundations of the Pope's autho|rity; and all, except Fisher of Rochester, were per|suaded, that it had nothing to support it from Scrip|ture, Reason, Fathers, or Decrees of antient coun|cils.

When the parliament met in January 1534, a bi|shop preached every Lord's day at Paul's cross, pre|paring the minds of the subjects for the intended change; and teaching, That the Pope had no right to authority in England. The parliament confirmed their former act, prohibiting the payment of Annats; prohibited the presentation of candidates for bisho|pricks to the Pope, or asking his instalment; appointed bishops to be elected by the chapter of the see, upon a licence from the king nominating the candidate,—who, after swearing faithful allegiance to his majesty, should have a commission granted for his consecration, and be invested with a right to the temporalities of the bishoprick. They rendered the laws against heretics more agreeable to those of the kingdom. They ap|pointed, that thirty-two persons should examine all the ecclesiastical canons of England, and abrogate such as they found contrary to his majesty's prero|gative and the laws of the land, or good of the sub|jects,—till the finishing of which, the present canons were to be held binding, unless they were plainly de|rogatory to the royal pterogative and established laws and customs of the nation. As this uncertain state of the canons, left Henry full power to explain them, or allow them to be executed or not, these commis|sioners never met. Elizabeth Barton, the holy maid of Kent, instigated by the Pope's agents, pretended inspiration; and, to animate his subjects against Hen|ry, for opposing the Pontifical power, predicted his shameful death within a month, if he divorced his queen, and married another. She was attainted, and five of her accomplices lost their lives.

When the parliament received the news of Cle|ment's decision against Henry their sovereign, they, especially such as favoured the Reformation, resolv|ed to tear up his authority in England by the roots. They declared the whole kingdom freed from all de|pendence on Rome; they ordered all payments to the apostolic chamber of provisions, bulls and dispen|sations for ever to cease; that all dispensations not contrary to the law of God should be hereafter gran|ted by the two archbishops; and that no licence in any matter not formerly dispensed with should be granted, till it should be examined by his majesty and his council. They empowered the king to visit and correct the abuses of the monasteries. They suggested, that the Old and New Testaments were considered as the rule of faith. They declared Hen|ry's marriage with Anne valid; settled the crown on the issue of it; and prohibited all, under pain of misprision of treason, to slander said marraige, or its issue, or this solemn approbation of it. They took an oath of allegiance to Henry as Head of the church, instead of the Pope; and to maintain the succession of the crown to the issue of his presenc marriage; and to renounce all allegiance to the Pope. Not long after, this oath was imposed on the clergy and many other subjects. They required clergymen to preach nothing but what was agreeable to scripture and ca|tholic tradition. Sir Thomas More and bishop Fi|sher, who had before so zealously promoted the burning of all such as could not believe transubstan|tiation, now lost their lives, because they scrupled at Henry's marriage with Anne, and at the oath relative to his ecclesiastical supremacy. In November this year, the parliament confirmed Henry's supreme headship over the church, particularly in correcting errors and heresies; and, to the no small grief of the clergy, granted him the annats and tithes of all ecclesiastical preferments; which had been formerly given to the Pope. They framed an oath concerning the succession of the crown, and required persons of

all ranks to take it. They declared it high treason to speak against his majesty, or his present queen, or to call him an heretic, schismatic tyrant, or usurper. And they made provision for the suffragan bishops.

When Paul III. was made Pope, Henry, by his minister Cassils, applied to him for his re-considering his cause. Paul was exceedingly desirous of a recon|ciliation with England; but the news of some friars and of Sir Thomas More and bishop Fisher being ex|ecuted for refusing to renounce their allegiance to the Roman see, made him lose all hopes of it. He there|fore delivered Henry into the hand of the devil and his angels, absolved all his subjects from their alle|giance to him, commanded all ecclesiastics to leave the kingdom, and all the nobles to take up arms a|gainst him; prohibited all other Christians to have any dealings with the English; laid the kingdom under an Interdict of divine service, annulled all trea|ties made with Henry by foreign princes since his marriage with Anne of Boleyn; and declared the is|sue of it spurious, and incapable of succeeding to the crown.

The oath, approving of his majesty's marriage, and the succession of the issue of it to the crown, and renouncing the Papal authority, had been ad|ministered by commissioners all over the nation. The spread of Tindal's New Testament, and of the Beg|gar's supplication, which was chiefly directed against the lazy monks as devourers of that which belonged to the poor, had contributed to the conviction of se|verals. But the bulk of the nation still continued zealous for Popery. Such as dared to oppose it were in danger of being burnt or otherwise persecuted. But the queen, lord Cromwel, afterwards earl of Essex, archbishop Cranmer, Shaxton of Salisbury, and Latimer of Worcester, who studied to promote the reformation, had influence with Henry, while bishop Gardiner, the duke of Norfolk, and others, did their utmost to oppose it. None were more a|verse to it than the cloistered monks, who openly

declared against the king's procedure, begged the people to take up arms against him, and laboured to embroil him with foreign princes. To humble their pride, Henry appointed lord Cromwel, who had once been Wolsey's servant, but was now made his majesty's vicegerent in spiritual affairs, instead of the Pope's legate, and others, to visit their monasteries in the manner which he prescribed. To prevent a ••rial of their behaviour, some voluntarily surrendered their monasteries into his hand. Others, upon ex|amination, were found guilty of the most abominable frauds. Multitudes of pretended relicks were ex|posed and destroyed. Images of pretended saints were taken down and burnt, and the rich oblations made to their shrines converted to the king's use.— Faction, and lewdness of the most unnatural kind, were every where found. Having considered the reports of the Commissioners for the visitation, the Parliament agreed to suppress 376 of the smaller mo|nasteries, and to give their plate and other furniture to the value of about 100,000 pounds sterling, and their rents amounting to 32,000 pounds per annum to the king. About ten thousand monks were turn|ed out, each of them with forty-five shillings, equal to about the value of 27 pounds at present, to carry them beyond sea, or to live on till he could work; and their governors had yearly pensions granted them. To ease the nation, these pensionaries were thrust into vacancies, as fast as possible; and hence most of the inferior clergy became inveterate enemies to the Re|formation. In 1537 and 1539, the greater monaste|ries were surrendered into his majesty's hand, to pre|vent an examination of their manners. The clear rents of all the suppressed hous•• amounted to 131, 607 pounds six shillings and four pence: but their true value was at least ten times more. With 18000 pounds of this revenue, Henry intended to erect 18 small bishopricks; but no more than those of West|minster, Chester, Peterborough, Oxford, Glouces|ter, and Bristol, were actually founded. To prevent

the ecclesiastics resumption of their property, mo•••• of the abbey lands were given to courtiers, or fol•••••• to the gentry at an easy rate. In 1545, the parlia+ment complimented Henry with the chanteries, co••+leges, free chapels, hospitals, fraternities, and guilds with their manors and estates, together with 70 ma+nors and parks, which had belonged to the archbi+shop of York, and 12 pertaining to his Lordship o•• Canterbury.

Tindal's New Testament had been prohibited i•• 1530. By the money with which the copies of i•• were bought up for destruction, he was enabled t•• translate the Old, and publish it along with the New corrected. This, corrected by Cranmer, was, con|trary to all the solicitations of Gardner and his party published by authority. But, to avoid the odiou•• name of Tindal, who had been burnt for an hereti•••• in Flanders, it was called Matthew's, or Cranmer•• Bible. Meanwhile, notwithstanding her piety an•• virtue, queen Anne, by her airy and imprudent be|haviour, and by the accusations of her Popish ene|mies, fell under a suspicion of infidelity, about three years after her marriage. Inwardly burning with lust after another, Henry was highly offended with her, for bearing him a dead son, as Catherine ha•• done. She was quickly attainted; and, to please Henry, condemned without any shadow of proof and beheaded May 19, 1536, as guilty of a pre|contract of marriage with some other man, and o•• plotting Henry's death. She died solemnly protest|ing her innocence. Next day, Henry married Jean Seymour, the object of his outragious lust. Soon after, Anne's daughter, Elizabeth, was declared a bastard, as Mary ••••e daughter of Catherine had been a little before. Both parliament and convocation declared Anne's marriage null and void.

Complaints of different doctrines delivered from pulpits being transmitted to court, Henry, whose spiritual headship rendered bishops and all their un|derlings and offices mere creatures of his crown, by

circular letter to the former, prohibited all preaching or about three months, till proper articles of faith were published by his direction and authority, and ••••gned by Cranmer and 17 other bishops, 40 abbo••••, ••o archdeacons, besides proctors. In these, the Old and New Testaments, the Creeds attributed to ••he apostles,—Council of Nice, and Athanasius, were ••ade the standard of faith, without any regard to ••he decrees of the Popes. Justification through the ••ighteousness of Christ alone is asserted: but the re|••ovation of our nature is represented as a part of it. The sacraments of confirmation, marriage, ordination, ••nd extreme unction are omitted. Baptism is repre|••ented as necessary to salvation, and the washing a|••ay of original sin. Transubstantiation, auricular ••onfession, and penance, along with the worship of ••••ints and images, are retained. Prayer for the dead •• commended, and Purgatory left doubtful. Cran|••er consented, in hopes of obtaining better articles ••fterward. But few, either Papists or Protestants, ••ere pleased.

Provoked with these articles, but especially with ••he suppression of the monasteries, in which many ••eceived alms, many got places for their idle friends, ••nd prayers and masses were carried on night and day or their deceased relations deliverance from Purga|••ory;—and, animated by the Pope's bull above men|••••oned, and the incendiary declamations of the monks, multitudes of Papists took arms against the govern|ment. In Lincolnshire, a monk headed 20,000 of ••hem: but a proclamation of pardon dispersed them. The duke of Norfolk headed a more formidable par|••y in the north. The heads of this conspiracy, a|••ong which were sundry abbots and priests, were ••pprehended and executed. These insurrections pro|••••ked Henry against the remaining monasteries, as ••urseries of rebellion. He resumed 31, which be ••ad before given back to the monks. The shrine ••f St. Becket, to which the English devotees had ••arked infinitely more regard than to Jesus Christ,

in their annual devotions, having given to it, in one year, about a 1000 pounds sterling, when they had not given one farthing to its rival altar of Jesus Christ, —was demolished.

Meanwhile, Henry, by virtue of his spiritual su|premacy, published certain Injunctions for regulating the behaviour of the clergy, bearing, That they should every quarter of a year preach twice against the Pope's supremacy, and in defence of the king's; that they should publish his late articles of saith, and proclamation for the abolishment of some holy days in harvest; that they should instruct their people to make no pilgrimages to saints, or their relicks; but stay at home and mind their family, keep God's com|mandments, and teach them, and the Creed, and Lord's prayer in English, to their children; that they should carefully dispense the sacraments in their parishes; that they should not frequent taverns, not sit long at gaming, but apply themselves to the study of the scriptures, and of a good life; that every one, who had 20 pounds a year, and did not reside at his charge, should pay five pounds to the poor, and eve|ry one that had a 100 pounds should maintain a stu|dent at the university, or as many students as they had hundreds a year; that a 5th part of the livings should be applied for repairing the vicar's houses, if decayed. Thus Henry commanded the very things, for which Wickliffites and Lutherans had been burnt.

Much about the same time, Cranmer, Latimer, and other eight bishops and some divines published the Instruction of a Christian man. It maintains, That our Saviour descended into the local hell; that all articles of faith are to be interpreted according to the scriptures, and the decrees of the first four general councils. It maintains the doctrine of seven sacr|aments, and of transubstantiation. It restricts the clergy to two orders, bishops and deacons; and af|firms, that, according to the word of God, no bishop hath authority over others. It restricts the invoca|tion

of saints to a desire of their intercession with God for us. It maintains, That churches ought to be dedicated to none but God. It allows handy la|bour on saints days, especially during the harvest. It maintains the doctrine of justification by the impu|ted righteousness of Christ, and of passive obedience to the king. Not long after, lord Cromwel procur|ed Henry's allowance for all his subjects to read the Bible published by Cranmer, and an order to have a copy of it set up in every church, that it might be re••d between sermons, or at other times, by the peo|ple.

Queen Jean's death in child-bed of prince Edward; Henry's breach with the German Protestants, who refused to receive him as the Head of their league, unless he abandoned transubstantiation, and allowed the people the cup in the eucharist; the umbrage which he conceived against Cranmer and other re|forming bishops for not consenting in parliament to his appropriation of the suppressed monasteries, or cheap sale of them to his favourite courtiers; the hand which lord Cromwel and other reformers had in his disliked and almost immediately annulled mar|riage of Anne of Cleves; the artifices of bishop Gardner, Bonner, and other Papists;—together with his own peevish humour,—proved a remarkable check to every attempt toward further reformation. From henceforth to his death, Henry prohibited all im|porting of foreign books, or printing any part of scripture, before they were examined by him and his council, or the bishop of the diocese. He comman|ded, that all decriers of the old Popish ceremonies, should be punished; and that such as argued against ••ransubstantiation should be put to death. On this ••oot, pious Lambert, whose last words were, None ••ut Christ▪ none but Christ, was condemned and burnt.

In 1539, the parliament made the state of religion ••till worse by their act of the Six Artieles, which esta|••lished transubstantiation; the withholding of the ••acramental cup from the people; the celibate of the

clergy; vows of single life in others; private mass; and auricular confession: and enacted, That whoso|ever should speak, preach, or write against transub|stantiation, should be burnt as heretics, and their estates be forfeited to the king; and such as should dispute against the other points mentioned, should suffer death as felons, without the benefit of clergy; that such as merely spoke or wrote against them, should for the first fault forfeit all they had to the king, and ly in prison during his pleasure, and for the second suffer death.—All the clergy were appoin|ted to read this act from their pulpits once every quarter of a year. Cranmer opposed the making of it for three days. Bishop Shaxton and Latimer were cast into prison for speaking against it. Latimer continued there till Henry's death. But Shaxton recanted; and under Mary became a most furious persecutor. Henry, having granted commissions to the bishops and their commissaries to hold quarterly meetings for prosecuting of offenders against said act five hundred were immediately imprisoned. But his pardoning of Cranmer and lord Cromwel, discourag|ed the Popish zealots, till they had got the latte•• destroyed. This parliament also enacted, That pro|clamations of the king, or under his ••eal, should b•• held of equal authority with an act of parliament, •• they were consistent with the standing laws and cus|toms of the realm, and did not extend to loss of estate liberty, or life. They also appointed the remainin•• monasteries and religious houses to be suppressed which was quickly done. Thus, in a few years, 64 monasteries, 90 colleges, 110 hospitals, and 23•• chantries and free chapels, were empried of their in|habitants and furniture; and many of them demoli|shed. Their valuable libraries were, through igno|rance, often sold to bookbinders for a trifle.

Lord Cromwel's hand in Henry's marriage wit•• the immediately disliked princess of Cleves, lost hi•• his wonted favour. The duke of Norfolk feared hi•• opposing of Henry's marriage with miss Howard

queen Anne's cousin, who was executed about a year after for lewdness. The Papists hated him for his activity in promoting reformation. He was there|fore attainted of high treason in much the same man|ner he had done some relations of cardinal Pole, sometime before. As it is probable he had Henry's order for doing what was laid to his charge, he was condemned without being allowed to speak in his own vindication. Almost immediately after his ex|ecution, two Lutheran ministers, who had been con|demned unheard, were burnt for hints against Po|pery in their sermons; while four Papists, who had denied Henry's supremacy, were hanged. About this time, Henry, having corrected a tract called the Erudition of a Christian man, drawn up by some di|vines, and approved by the parliament, published it as the standard of the saith of his subjects. Its mat|ter and plan were much like to those of the Institu|tions above mentioned. An order for reading the English Bible seems to have been issued about this time.

About this time, bishop Bonner of London pu|blished some Injunctions for his clergy, which, from their nature, seem to have been imposed on him by Henry, probably at the request of Cranmer. They required clergymen to read every day a chapter of the Bible with some gloss upon it, and to study the book compiled by the bishops; that no curate should be employed without being first examined by the bi|shop or his officers; that they should instruct their people in English, how to believe, pray, and live according to the will of God; that they should en|deavour to reconcile such as were at variance, and be good examples of love and forgiveness to their flock; that they should permit none to go to taverns or ale|houses, or to use unlawful games on Sabbaths or holy days, in time of divine worship; that they should perform the duties of their office decently and dili|gently; use no unlawful games; and never go to ale-houses or taverns without urgent necessity; that

no plays or interludes should be acted in their chur|ches; that, in preaching, they should explain the whole gospel and epistle for the day, according to the opinion of some learned doctor, and insist chiefly on such places as may best stir up their hearers to prayer and good works; that none below a bishop should preach without a licence from his majesty, or the bishop of the diocese.—When Popery prevailed, few sermons were preached, but in Lent; and in these, scarce any care was taken to acquaint hearers with the mind of God, but to extol the ceremonies of the church, and stir up men to an enthusiastic devotion. —Cranmer did what he could to provide proper prea|chers, and to leave the most eminent to labour in an itinerant manner. But so few could be had, that the most of the nation continued in gross ignorance. To help the weak, and restrain the wicked and erro|neous from misleading the people, a Book of Homilie•• on the epistles and gospels for the year, containing plain paraphrases on, and practical exhortations from them, was published, which were to be read to con|gregations, by persons not licensed to preach.— Meanwhile, the licensed preachers having frequent complaints brought to his majesty against them, be|gan, for their own security, to read their sermons; and so introduced that lifeless and absurd custom, now so common in the British dominions.

In 1543, the parliament indirectly established the contents of the Erudition of a Christian man. Henry was submitted to as an infallible Pope, having the faith and consciences of his subjects at his disposal. Even Cranmer and his reforming brethren believed the whole government of the church to depend on the magistrate's will; and hence took out their commis|sions to hold their bishopricks only during his majes|ty's pleasure, and to exercise authority by his directi|on and allowance. In 1544, a faint attempt was made to reform the ecclesiastical worship. Henry published an Exhortation to prayer, and a Litany, in which the Virgin Mary, angels, archangels, and all

the orders of blessed saints were invoked. The rest of it was much the same with that which is still used in the English church. No doubt, Cranmer had a hand in the composition; but as his power with Henry was now much sunk, it was little regarded by the subjects. He also obtained some mitigation of the bloody statute of the Six Articles, That none ••hould be convicted upon it, but by the oaths of twelve persons; and that all information against preaching should be within forty days, and the pro|secution within a year. Nevertheless, Belenian, A|dams, Liscals, Anne Askew, and others, were burnt, because they were not able to believe transubstantia|tion. All the books published by Tindal, Frith, Joy, Barnes, and other Protestants, were ordered to be burnt. The Parliament appeared in earnest to re|duce the nation to their wonted darkness of Popery. They declared the catholic church judge of all con|troversies in religion; they appointed Tindal's Bibles, and all books contrary to the Six Articles set forth, or to what may be set forth by his majesty, to be de|stroyed; they condemned all writings against tran|substantiation; they prohibited all annotations upon, or preambles to English Bibles, or New Testaments; they prohibited all reading of the Bible in churches, —or of the English New Testament by husbandmen, artificers, apprentices, servants, women, or any o|ther of weak capacities, or low stations; they enac|ted, that whoever should be convicted of preaching or maintaining any thing contrary to his majesty's Instructions made or to be made, should for the first offence recant; for the second bear a faggot; and for the third be burnt. Thus stood matters respec|ting religion, when the proud, peevish, and corpu|••ent Henry VIII. died of an ulcer in his leg, Janu|ary 28, A. D. 1547.

HIS son EDWARD, an hopeful youth of nine years of age, succeeded him. His father, in his last will, had named sixteen persons to govern the king|dom,

till he should be eighteen years of age, to whom other twelve were added, as privy counsellors. The earl of Hartford, uncle of Edward, and afterward duke of Sommerset, was chosen Protector. King Edward himself, the archbishops Cranmer and Hol|gate, the bishops Holbeach, Goodric, Latimer, and Ridley, with secretary Paget and admiral Lisle, were the most noted on the Protestant side. The princess Mary, the earl of Southampton, and bishops Ton|stal, Gardner, and Bonner, supported the Popish. —Power being chiefly in the hands of the Protestants, all prosecution upon the statute of the Six Artieles was stopt; and such as had been imprisoned for reli|gion were liberated. Miles Coverdale, afterward bishop of Exeter, Hooper of Gloucester, John Ro|gers, and many other exiles for truth came home, and served in the church. Immediately after Ed|ward's coronation, Protestants began to preach against the use of images in churches, and of masses for souls departed.

Having begun their administration, the Regents and Counsellors, as in the former reign, required the bishops to take out new commissions, bearing their subjection to his majesty, and that they held their offices and privileges only during his pleasure. This▪ Cranmer and his fellow reformers hoped would bri|dle such as inclinced to Popery. As the inferior cler|gy, and even most of the bishops were intolerably ignorant, Cranmer, assisted by some others, com|posed a second book of Homilies, or plain discourses o•• the fundamental articles of the Christian religion, to be read where none was able to preach. These, is the number of twelve, related to the use of scripture; the misery of mankind by sin; salvation by Christ; true faith; good works; Christian love; oaths; a|postacy; fear of death; obedience to superiors •• whoredom; and religious contention. To procur•• the consent of Gardner, Cranmer shewed them first to him; but he would hear of no alteration in doc|trine,

till Edward should be major. Nevertheless, the greater part of the Regents approved them.

As Henry, by one of his last acts of parliament, had empowered his son's council to issue forth pro|clamations of equal authority with those of the king, the Regents resolved to begin with a general visitati|on of the church; a letter was dispatched in Edward's name to all the bishops, suspending their jurisdiction, during the time of visitation; and prohibiting the other clergy to preach without his licence any where, but in their own churches. This was intended to restrain the Popish priests from spreading mischief, while Protestant preachers could obtain licence to preach, wherever they had opportunity. In this vi|sitation, the kingdom was divided into six circuits, and two gentlemen, a civilian, a divine, and a re|gister were appointed for each. As the divines were intended for the instruction of the people, as well as for examination of ecclesiastical affairs, six of the most grave and popular, Ridley, Madew, Briggs, Cottisford, Joseph, and Farrar, were appointed for this work. Along with the late Homilies, these visi|tors carried with them 36 Instructions from Edward, to be distributed among the bishops and parochial clergy, many of them the same with these formerly prescribed by lord Cromwel, when he visited the churches as vicar general under Henry VIII. They principally required, That all ecclesiastical persons should observe the laws relative to the king's prero|gatives; should preach once every quarter of a year against pilgrimages and prayers to images, and ex|hort to works of faith and charity: that such images as had been abused to superstition, should be taken down by the clergy only; that where no sermon is, the Lord's prayer, the creed, and ten commandments, be repeated from the pulpit to the people; that, within three months, every church be provided with a Bible, and, within twelve, with Erasmus' para|phrase upon the New Testament; that none, who cannot repeat the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the

ten commandments, or, who are at enmity with their neighbours, be admitted to the Lord's supper; that the gospel and epistle at high mass, and the first and second lesson for every Sabbath and holy day be read in English; that one chapter of the New Testament be read at Mattins, and another of the Old at Even|song; that clergymen often visit the sick, and instruct them with passages of scripture in English; that for avoiding disputes about precedence, there be no more processions around churches or church yards; that all shrines, tables, candlesticks, trindills, or rolls of wax, pictures, paintings, and other monuments of idolatry, or feigned miracles, be removed from churches, &c.: that the people be instructed not to despise the ceremonies still retained; but to beware of sprinkling their beds with holy water, ringing o•• bells, or using of consecrated candles for driving away devils; that patrons who dispose of livings by simo|niacal pactions, shall for that time forfeit their righ•• of presentation to the king; that the Book of homilie•• be read; that dignified clergymen, below bishops shall at least preach twice a year; that priests shal•• be reverently and charitably used for their works sake▪ These and some others respecting instruction and or+der, were enjoined under pain of excommunication sequestration, or deprivation, as their Ordinarie should answer to the king. The Injunctions for bi+shops required, That they should see to their clerg•• and people's exact observation of the preceding in|junctions; should preach four times a year, withi•• their own diocese, unless they had a reasonable ex|cuse; that their chaplains should be able and diligen•• preachers of God's word; that they should ordai•• none but such as would preach the doctrine set fort•• in the Homilies. Gardiner and Bonner refused t•• comply with these injunctions; and on that accoun•• were imprisoned, but soon after liberated.

The parliament having met, repealed all the law which made any thing treasonable, but what ha•••• been specified in the act of the 25th of Edward III▪

They repealed the act of the Six Articles, and what depended on it, together with the acts that made the royal proclamations of equal authority with acts of parliament, or declared any thing felony, which was not held such before. They enacted, That whoever should own the Pope's supremacy, or write against that of the king, or should burlesque the administra|tion of the Lord's supper, now to be in both bread and wine, should be punished; that all private mas|ses should be disused; that all bishops shall be ap|pointed by his majesty's letters patent, and continue in office only during his pleasure; that all processes in spiritual courts be carried on in his name, and seal|ed with his seal, excepting some courts belonging to the archbishop of Canterbury. Contrary to the so|licitations of Cranmer, and his fellow bishops, they bestowed on Edward all the lands of chantries, which had not been granted to his father, with all the o|blations pertaining to them for obits, anniversaries, and lamps, together with the guild lands enjoyed by any fraternities on like accounts. They also com|manded monks to remain in their places, and apply themselves to handy labour: but this act was soon after repealed. The convocation, which chiefly consisted of Papists, did little more than allow the lawfulness of priests marriage, and of giving the sa|cramental cup to the people. The lower house pe|titioned the upper, That the commission of 32 for reforming the ecclesiastical laws might be revived; that what the bishops and divines had done, for cor|recting the offices for divine service, might be laid before them, and that the inferior clergy might be re-admitted into the house of commons, or at least no act relative to religion or the clergy, be made wi|thout their consent.

The Protestants abroad, labouring under terrible distress, several of them fled into England.— Of these Peter Martyr was made professor of divinity at Ox|ford, and Bucer at Cambridge. Ochinus, who af|terwards prepared the way for Socinianism, and Fa|gius,

had pensions granted them, and were of excel|lent use in the universities. Meanwhile, the com|mon people of England continued mad upon their old heathenish rites, processions, wakes, carrying of candles, &c. The pulpitary contentions between Popish and Protestant preachers was exceeding great All preaching without licences from his majesty, or the primate, was therefore prohibited, till an unifor|mity in worship should be got established. Two archbishops, and sixteen or seventeen bishops, and six divines, were appointed to examine and reform the offices of the church. They began wich the Eu|charist, and left it much the same as in the mass book, and only added what was necessary to corres|pond with the communion in both kinds. They left auricular confession as a matter indifferent. Af|ter receiving the Lord's supper, the priest was di|rected to turn himself to the people, and read the exhortation, and then require the impenitent to withdraw, left the devil should enter into them with the elements. After a little pause, followed the con|fession of sins and absolution. At the end of this of|fice, was hinted his majesty's intent to proceed to further reformation. In correcting the other offices of worship, they overlooked the word of God, and composed the evening and morning service, as it now stands, from the Popish missals of Sarum, York, Hereford, Bangor, and Lincoln. Only there was no confession or absolution. From the same mate|rials, they formed the Litany as at present. Only Elizabeth caused strike out the prayer for deliverance from the detestable enormities of Popery. Before that time, it was common for preachers, after read|ing of their text, to BID prayers, directing the peo|ple for whom, and what they should pray, that eve|ry one might then pray silently by himself. In the office of baptism, the child's forehead and breast was to be marked with the sign of the cross, the devil to be expelled by exorcism, and the child thrice dipt in the font on its sides and breast, unless it was very

weak. It was then to be wrapped in white vest|ments, and to be anointed with oil on the head, with a short prayer for the descent of the Holy Ghost. In confirmation, the children, being catechized, the bishop signed them with the sign of the cross, and laid his hands upon them in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. In the office for burial, the soul of the deceased was recommended to the mercy of God; and forgivenness of sin, ready admission to heaven, and a happy resurrection at the last day, prayed for. To the grief of Hooper, Rogers, and other foreign divines, who reckoned them appenda|ges of the idolatrous mass, and badges of Antichrist, the Romish habits of clergymen were too earnestly retained by Cranmer and Ridley, for fear of too much displeasing the Papists.

This Book of common prayer was never laid before the convocation. The Popish bishops of Norwich, Hereford, Chichester, and Westminster, protested against it. But the parliament, in January 1549, appointed it to be used through the whole kingdom, under pain of six months imprisonment, and loss of a year's salary, for the first fault,—forfeiture of all ••heir preferments, and a year's imprisonment for the ••econd,—forfeiture of all their goods, and imprison|ment for life for the third. This parliament per|mitted the marriage of priests, and, for the encou|••agement of fishing, prohibited eating of flesh in Lent. The princess Mary absolutely refused com|••••iance with this new Liturgy. The most of the people were highly displeased with it, being excee|••ingly sorry to lose their wakes, processions, many ho|••idays, censing of images, church ales, &c. Peter Martyr was molested for his theological instructions ••t Oxford. He offered to defend his doctrine.— Not long after, a public disputation was held. Rid|••ey had another at Cambridge. The Popish dispu|••ants deeply entrenched themselves in the unintelli|gible jargon of the schoolmen, while Martyr and

Ridley placed their principal dependence on the o|racles of God. Both parties claimed the victory.

Not content with words, the Popish clergy roused their votaries to arms. The rebels in Devonshire amounted to 10,000 strong. They demanded of Edward a restoration of the Six Articles; the per|formance of Mass in Latin; the elevation and adora|tion of the sacred wafer in the Eucharist; the with|holding of the sacramental cup from the people; the re-erection of images in churches; the renewal of supplications for souls in Purgatory; the calling in, and prohibiting of all English Bibles; the rejection of the new service book; and restoration of the old forms of worship. The court returned them a soft answer: but only the edge of the sword could bring them to reason. In Norfolk, the rebels, headed by one Ket a tanner, amounted to 20,000: but the ear•• of Warwick, with scarce 8,000, dispersed them.— Meanwhile, Bonner of London, being suspected of disloyalty, was appointed to preach a sermon, in which he should declare his persuasion of the king's supre|macy: but having hated, or forgotten to do so, he was deposed and imprisoned, and Ridley of West|minster was also made bishop of London.—Some A|nabaptists, having fled hither from Germany, were hunted out and prosecuted for their enthusiastical nonsense and blasphemy. Joan Bocker, a woman plainly delirious, was burnt for some whimsical ex|pressions concerning our Saviour's not being con|ceived of the substance of Mary. Cranmer, to his lasting reproach, instigated the reluctant prince to sign the warrant for her execution. George Vann▪ a poor harmless devotee of the same sect, was also committed to the flames, for perhaps very igno|rantly affirming, That only the Father is the tru•• God.

In A. D. 1550, the parliament revived Henry's ac•• for appointing 32 commissioners to reform the eccele+siastical canons, and named the persons for this work They finished their work in fifty-one sections. Ed+ward

dying before it received his confirmation, it never had the royal sanction annexed to it: but archbishop Parker published a copy of it under the title of Reformatio legum Anglicanarum, &c. in which no punishment is mentioned for heretics. The par|liament also authorized a Book of ordination compiled by six bishops and six divines, which is much the same with that now in use. In consequence of all these reformations in worship, the council ordered all clergymen to deliver up their Mass-books and other Formulas to proper persons appointed by the king.

Ridley, now bishop of London, began to visit his diocese. Besides the above-mentioned Injunctions, the council now appointed him and his episcopal bre|thren to remove all altars out of churches, and pro|vide communion tables in their stead,—that so peo|ple might no more imagine the Lord's supper a sa|crifice. Day, bishop of Chichester, and Heath of Worcester, insisted, that Christians have an altar,— and refused to obey the council, and on that account were deprived of their office. Popular preachers were sent through the country, to remove men's prejudices against the removal of the altars, which had no contemptible effect. As the people imagined that the priestly apparel added superior virtue and sanctity to their ministrations, it would have been proper to correct their mistake. Hooper, who had resided at Zurich in Switzerland, during the debates concerning the unlawfulness of compliance with things indifferent in themselves, when abused to su|perstition, occasioned by the emperor's Interim form of religion, having returned home, and preached with great applause, was appointed bishop of Glou|cester by Edward's letters patent. He declined ac|cepting it, as he abhorred the swearing by saints, even before the Holy Ghost, in the oath or supremacy. Convinced of the justness of his objection, Edward struck out that phrase. Hooper also looked on the use of the Popish vestments as sinful. Edward and his council were inclined to dispense with the habits;

but Cranmer, and especially Ridley and Goodric, in|sisted, that as the things were indifferent in them|selves, they ought to be retained in obedience to the law. Hooper consulted Peter Martyr, Bucer, and the Genevan and Swiss divines, on this point. They were all of opinion, that these relicks of Popery ought to be removed from the church; but thought that Hooper might comply rather than be rendered useless, and breed a schism in a reforming church, His case was truly pitiable. His brethren would nei|ther suffer him to live without being a bishop, nor admit him in the manner his conscience approved. After suffering confinement, imprisonment, and o|ther hardships, he, at last, consented to permit o|thers to put on the vestments at his consecration, and once at court. Being admitted, he laboured be|yond his strength preaching, sometimes twice or thrice a-day, to the poor people, that hungered af|ter the word of God. Most of the reforming cler|gy, particularly Latimer, Coverdale, Taylor, Phil|pot, Bradford, Samson, &c. were of the same mind with Hooper concerning the habits. Nay, even Cranmer and Ridley seem to have relaxed their bi|gotry; and, to increase the friends of reformation, admitted Samson and others without them, if they did not also intend to procure an act for their abolish|ment. It is certain, that when they died martyrs, they contemned them. And indeed, it was strange for men of such piety and sense, to mark such im|moderate zeal for trifles, in a country, where John a Lasco and other foreigners were allowed to worship God in their own manner.

Gardiner and his other Popish clergy did not rec|kon the deeds of the governing council valid, nor themselves bound to obey them. After he had been imprisoned for his disobedience, Gardiner still be|haved contemptibly, and was therefore deprived of his bishoprick, and sent to the Tower, in which he continued prisoner till Q. Mary relieved him. As he and his brethren had taken out commissions for their

office, only during his majesty's pleasure, they could scarcely complain of such severities. His deprivation and Vesay's resignation on account of his old age, making way for Scory and Coverdale to fill their sees, the balance of the episcopal power was in the hand of the Reformers. They therefore proceeded to correct the doctrines of the church. Cranmer and Ridley drew up forty-two articles, the same in substance with the Thirty-nine now used. After these had been corrected by some bishops, and again by Cranmer, they were ratified by the privy council, without being presented to either convocation or parliament. Along with them, was printed a short Catechism, composed, it is said, by Poinet, bishop of Winchester, translated by Cranmer, and autho|rized by the kind's letters patent.

The Reformers proceeded to a second amendment of their Book of common prayer. A short confession of sins and absolution of the penitent introduced the daily service; and a rehearsal of the ten command|ments with a short pause between each, while the people kneel, along with a declaration, That this posture did not import any adoration of the elements, ••ntroduced that of the Communion. To please the Papists, Elizabeth caused the last to be erazed; but it was restored at the restoration of Charles II. The use of oil in confirmation; extreme unction; prayer ••or the dead in the office for burial; auricular con|fession; crossing in confirmation and the Lord's sup|per, were laid aside. The parliament appointed this Liturgy alone to be used through the whole king|dom, after All-hallow 1552. They declared mar|riages of priests valid, and their children capable of heirship. They re-united the bishopricks of Lon|don and Westminster. Alas! that we should find ••hem permitting fishers, reapers, and the like to la|bour on the Lord's day.

Day, bishop of Chichester, Heath of Worcester, ••nd Tonstal of Durham, being deprived of their of|fice, on account of disobedience to the laws, Edward

appointed a visitation of all the churches, and to bring in all superfluous plate, &c. into the exchequer, or dispose of it for the benefit of the poor. Notwith|standing all this reforming care, many of the courti|ers were grasping at the church's property, while not a few clergymen were almost starved, and obliged to become kitchen clerks, surveyors, receivers, &c. for a livelihood. While many Protestants adorned their profession, others were a disgrace to it. Some prin|cipal Reformers were too much inclined to stretch the laws in their own favour, and to persecute such as were not of their opinion. Their progress in re|formation, notwithstanding their many powerful and crafty opponents, and so deep rooted customs, is an admirable display of the interposing power of the Lord.

Both Edward and they intended to have proceeded further in removing the remains of Popery, and in settling the government and discipline of the church. In his Diary, he laments, that the ignorance, scan|dalous lives, and Popish inclinations of some of his bishops, hindered his restoring of the primitive dis|cipline, in the manner he wished. Bucer presented to him a PLATFORM of discipline, bearing, That scandalous persons should be excluded from the sa|craments; that the old Popish vestments should be laid aside; that there should be no half communion service; that god-fathers should not answer in name of children to be baptized; that the Lord's day should be strictly sanctified, and frequent fasts, but not Lent, observed; that bishops should apply themselves only to their spiritual employment; that co-adjutors should be added to some of them, and each of them have a council of presbyters; that country bishops should be set over twenty or thirty parishes, who should often conveen their clergy, and strictly inspect them; that provincial Synods be held twice a-year, and have commissioners from the king to observe their conduct. Cranmer was much of the same mind. He disliked the government of the church by convo|cations,

in which deans, archdeacons, and cathedral clergy, have more influence than the representatives of the real pastors of the church. He appears to have drawn up a more perfect Book of common prayer, but could not get it introduced, on account of the Popish inclinations of his subordinate bishops and clergy.

The reformation of the English church being now at its heighth, it may be proper to observe, that in their doctrine of original sin, predestination, justifica|tion, effectual grace, and good works, they correspon|ded with Augustine and Calvin; that they were not satisfied with the discipline they had obtained, tho' they thought they might submit to it, till it could be rectified by authority; that they believed but two orders of clergy, viz. bishops and deacons, and that bishops and priests were but different ranks of the same order; and that they acknowledged fellow|ship with other Protestant churches, which had no bishops; and hence, till the end of Elizabeth's reign, they never urged any re-ordination of their presby|ters.

AS his sister MARY, as well as the queen of Scots, were Papists, and Elizabeth had been declared •• bastard by the parliament, the Regents, or rather ••he duke of Northumberland, advised Edward, still •• minor, as he lay dying in 1553, to bequeath his ••rown to Jean Gray, eldest daughter to Lady Fran|••es his cousin, and the duke of Suffolk, a lady of ex|••raordinary qualities, piety and zeal, and next in ••lood after the three princesses above mentioned. The council, and Cranmer himself, after much op|••osition to it, signed this disposal of the crown. To ••er great grief, Jean was proclaimed queen immedi|••tely after Edward's death, and an army raised to maintain her claim. But Mary having, by her per|••••dious promises to the Suffolkers and others, to make ••o change relative to religion, deceived the people, ••aised an army, and, without any bloodshed, made

her entrance into London, four weeks after the death of her brother. Bonner, Gardiner, and other Papists were immediately liberated from prison. In council, she solemnly declared, that notwithstand|ing her fixedness in her own religion, she would compel none to it, but by the preaching of God's word. Next day, by his inveighing at St. Paul's a|gainst the late reformation, Dr. Bourne so provoked his audience, that his life was in danger. But Ro|gers and Bradford, at the hazard of their own, car|ried him off safe. He and his Popish friends quick|ly rewarded their kindness with imprisonment and burning.

To prevent like tumults for the future, Mary prohibited all preaching without special licence, de|claring that she would not compel her subjects to receive her religion, till further order should be ta|ken for it. Alarmed by this universal prohibition of Protestant preaching, while Papists got licences, the Suffolkers, depending on their merit in her enthrone|ment, and her solemn promise to them, deputed some to represent their grievances to Mary. She rebuked them as insolent. One of them, having put her in mind of her promise, had for his reward three days on the pillory, and his ears cut off as a defamer. Bonner of London, Gardiner of Winchester, Ton|stal of Durham, Heath of Worcester, and Day of Chichester were restored to their sees. Hooper, who had, with great zeal, supported the rights of Mary against Jean Gray, along with Coverdale, Tay|lor, and Rogers, were imprisoned for preaching af|ter she had prohibited it. Cranmer, who had saved her life from her father's intended destruction of it and had contended for her claim to the crown, and Holgate archbishop of York, soon after shared th•• same fate. The foreign Protestants were command|ed to leave the kingdom. Bishops Poynet, Barlow Scory, Coverdale, and Bale, Deans Cox, Haddon Horn, Turner, and Samson, together with Grindal Javel, Sandys, Rainolds, Pilkington, Whitehead

Fox, Rough, Knox, and about forty other prea|chers, and eight hundred principal professors of the Protestant religion sled into foreign countries. To prevent their escape, the council sent orders to all sea ports to permit none to leave the kingdom with|out passports.

On the first of October 1553, Mary was crowned by bishop Gardiner, assisted by ten of his diocesan brethren, dressed in their Romish mitres, copes, and ••rosiers. In a parliament procured to her mind by bribery and every other shameful method, the laws of Edward concerning religion, after a tedious de|••ate of six days, were wholly repealed. Severe pu|nishments were enacted against those that should ••are to disturb the restored Popish worship, or break down altars or images. Upon the 3d of November, ••rchbishop Cranmer, lord Guildford, Jean Gray, and ••he two sons of Northumberland were indicted of high treason, in attempting to set up another for queen. They all confessed the charge; but Cran|mer appealed to his judges with what reluctance he had signed Edward's exclusion of Mary. By means of 150 new presentations to ecclesiastical livings, and other methods, the convocation, of which Bonner was president, was entirely to her majesty's taste.— They all agreed to subscribe the doctrine of transub|stantiation, except Philpot, Philips, Haddon, Che|••ey, Aylmer, and Young, who disputed against it ••hree days, being answered with little more than ••hreatenings and reproach. Weston the prolocutor ••old them, that though they had the scripture on ••heir side, he and his friends had the sword on theirs. Most of the common people were zealous, even to madness, for the restoration of their old idolatry and ••uperstition.

Provoked by Mary's apparent intention to marry Philip heir to the Spanish crown, Wyat, a trusty Papist, in 1554, raised an army of four thousand forces against her, and attempted an entrance into London. His army being quickly dispersed, himself

was taken and executed. Pretending, that his re|bellion was raised by Protestant influence, lady Jean Gray, and lord Guildford her husband, were exe|cuted. The princess Elizabeth narrowly escaped. Wyat, to save his own life, once accused her; but when he saw that he must die, he declared her inno|cent. Gardiner procured a warrant from some privy counsellors for her execution; but the lieutenant of the Tower would not make use of it, till he had con|sulted queen Mary her sister. She disowned it; but continued her favours to Gardiner.

Having got the nation somewhat settled, Mary appointed her bishops to visit it, and rectify disor|ders. Her instructions for their procedure were drawn up by Gardiner. After an angry recital of the innovations of Edward, they were charged to ex|ecute the laws, which were in force under king Hen|ry VIII. but not to proceed in her majesty's name, nor exact the oath of supremacy, these encroaching on the Papal authority;—to separate clergymen from their wives;—to re-ordain such as had entered by the Form prescribed under Edward, or supply the defects of their ordination by the unction, priestly vestments, &c;—to compel all persons to attend the church. The archbishop of York, and bishops of St. David's, Chester, and Bristol, were deprived of their sees on account of their marriage; and those of Lincoln, Gloucester, and Hereford, by her ma|jesty's pleasure. Soon after, the sixteen vacant bi|shopricks were filled up with candidates to her taste Multitudes of Protestant preachers were turned ou•• for being married, even though they were willing to leave their wives, and for non-appearance,—and without being heard.

Philip's Spanish gold having reconciled almost at the Papists to Mary's marriage with him, she has the more opportunity to persecute the Protestants As they had complained of their usage in the dis+putes of the late convocation, the court resolved to mortify them with a repetition of it, at a second dis+pute,

before the university of Oxford. Cranmer, and Ridley, and Latimer, were taken from their prison, to manage it on the Protestant side. In the debate, which turned upon transubstantiation, and the propitiatory sacrifice of the Mass, they behaved with great modesty and presence of mind; but their enemies bore them down with continual shouting, noise, and derision, sometimes four or five of them speaking all at once. After all, they were required to subscribe the articles of debate, as if they had been vanquished. They refused; and, on this ac|count, to their great satisfaction, were declared he|retics. The Papists intended to have exposed them in like manner before the university of Cambridge; but the three bishops above mentioned, with seven others, published from their prison a declaration, That since they had met with so much abuse and misrepre|sentation at Oxford, they would dispute no more unless in writing, and before her majesty or council, or her parliament. At the same time, they emitted a sum|mary confession of their faith, That the holy scrip|tures are the sole supreme judge of all religious de|bates; that justification is by faith alone through the imputed righteousness of Christ; that holiness of nature is necessary in order to produce good works; that there is no purgatorial state after this life; that baptism and the Lord's supper ought to be administered according to Christ's institution; that the denial of the sacramental cup to the people,— transubstantiation, and adoration of the elements, and the sacrifice of the Mass, ought to be condem|ned; that marriage is lawful to all men. And in the conclusion, they charge the subjects not to rebel against the queen, but to obey her cheerfully, in all points not forbidden by the law of God.

Gardiner's intrigues with Charles the German em|peror, had long kept cardinal Pole from returning to his native country; but his attainder being re|pealed, he now came home, papally invested with legantine powers; and in his speech to the parlia|ment,

Nov. 27, he warmly invited them and the nation to reconcile themselves with their spiritual fa|ther, and return to the catholic church. They readily acquiesced, and had prescribed for their pe|nance their annulment of all laws made against his Holiness' authority since the 20th year of Henry VIII. They received the Pope's pardon of all their sins during that period, on their knees, and then went to the chapel royal in solemn procession, and sung Te Deum; and spent the rest of the day in revelling and mirth, because the lost children were now reco|vered to the Pope. The parliament supplicated his Holiness to confirm some marriages, judicial proces|ses, settlements of lands, and erections of bishopricks, cathedrals, and colleges. The cardinal legate ad|mitted their requests, but denounced the heavy judg|ment of God against all such as did not restore all the ecclesiastical goods, which they had in their hands. The Pope refused to confirm Pole's restrictions, and published a bull excommunicating all those who did not restore whatever they had pertaining to the church. Terribly afraid of Papal damnation, Mary delivered up all that was in her power. Some of her subjects were not so timerous, but threatened to de|fend their claims by the edge of their sword. Mary repaired the old monasteries, and erected new ones as fast as she could;—made inquiry who had pillag|ed them under her father and brother; and com|manded Bonner to craze from the public registers whatever had been done against the Pope or monks, as a terrible scandal to the nation. To the great joy of the Popish clergy, the statute of Richard confirm|ed by Henry IV. for burning of heretics, was restored to its wonted vigour.

It seems cardinal Pole lost the favour of the Pope, for proposing to bring back the English heretics by instructions and arguments. Gardiner, enraged by the re-printing of his book, which inculcated sub|jection to Henry's ecclesiastical supremacy, and Ma|ry, were furiously bent upon severities, and thought

that a few examples would terrify the rest into their will. Hooper, Rogers, Sanders, and Taylor, were burnt in the beginning of February 1554, and eleven more in March and April. Their triumphant cou|rage and constancy confirmed their Protestant bre|thren, and made some Papists think better of their cause. The English bishops attempted to throw the odium of these executions upon king Philip,—who, to return it on themselves, caused his Spanish con|fessor preach against such severities. Gardiner craf|tily turned over the management of them upon Bon|ner, who, brutish as he was, pretended to be sick of them. About this time, the exiles abroad, by a printed paper, called her majesty to remember, that during her brother's reign, no Papists had been put to death, and even Jews were tolerated; and they urged the nobles and commons to interceed with her to forbear shedding the blood of her Protestant sub|jects, or at least allow them to leave the country. This had no good effect. As if Bonner had been too mild, Philip and Mary, by a letter, quickened him to his pastoral work of extirpating heretics.— Accordingly, in the months of June, July, August, and September, no less than twenty-four were burnt, of whom holy Bradford was one. Not long after, Ridley, Latimer, and Philpot shared the same fate. After being decoyed and terrified into a recantation, Cranmer publicly professed his repentance of it, and suffered the slames in the most couragious manner, marking his grief for his fall by first burning his un|worthy hand, which had signed his recantation. Cardinal Pole, now archbishop of Canterbury, on account of his mildness was deprived of his legantine powers. Gardiner had died, miserable in both body and mind; but Bonner continued his murderous fury. The year 1556 exhibited one continual series of cruel persecutions. Numbers were burnt at a time, because they could not believe transubstantia|tion, and such things as are equally absurd. In i|mitation of the Spanish Inquisition, Mary erected a

court of twenty-one commissioners, most of them clergymen, for the trial of heretics; and prohibited all her subjects to pray for the persecuted Protestants, or to wish that God would bless them. In her reign, according to Warner, 284 were burnt for re|ligion, of whom four were bishops and twenty-one inferior clergymen. Fifty-four others were prose|cuted for heresy, seven of whom were whipt, and sixteen perished in prison. Lord Burleigh says, that four hundred suffered publicly, besides those that were murdered in prison. The bones of Bucer and Fagius were digged up, called to give an account of their faith, and not compearing at the bar, were condemned to be burnt for heresy. Peter Martyr's wife having once been a nun, had her bones dug up, and buried in a dunghill.

Meanwhile, the contentions among the Reformed added to their misery. While some at the peril of their lives preached to such as would attend them in the night, and one congregation in London had five preachers, of whom Rough the martyr, and Scam|bler and Bentham, afterward Protestant bishops, were a part,—others troubled their fellow prisoners with their disputes. Some of them, being Arians in opinion, were so troublesome in the King's bench, that the Marshal was obliged to shut them up by themselves. Harry, Hart, Trew, and Abingdon declaimed against all learning and Fathers, and la|boured to infect their companions with Pelagian er|rors. Ridley wrote them a letter, and Bradford a|nother, in order to convince them of their mistakes. Careless had much conference with them for the same end. They even wrote against one another, in the prison. I do not find that any of these Arians or free-willers dared to risk a martyrdom for truth. But the contentions they raised, drew reproach on the Protestant religion, and made the Papists to tri|umph over it.

Those that fled to foreign parts, were no less plagued with contentions. The Lutheran clergy,

except Melancthon and a few others of his mild tem|per, opposing their having shelter among them, most of them fixed their residence at Embden, Strasburgh, Zurich, Basil, and some other places in Flanders, Switzerland, and Germany, especially at Frankfort on the Mein. There Whittingham, Williams, Sut|ton, and Wood, with their families and friends, took up their abode in 1554, and were allowed by the magistrates to meet for public worship, in the French church, but at different hours. They and the French exiles agreed to subscribe the Confession of the French Protestants, and to make no quarrel one with another about rites of worship. The En|glish also agreed among themselves to forbear an|••wering aloud after the minister, and to drop the li|tany and the surplice; and that, after a general con|fession of sins, they should sing a psalm, and then the minister pray, preach, and again pray, subjoin|ing the Lord's prayer, sing another psalm, and dis|miss the congregation with a solemn blessing. Hav|ing agreed to choose a minister and deacon, they in|vited their scattered brethren to share of their hap|piness. As the principal preachers and students of divinity had settled at Strasburgh, Zurich, and Ba|••il, for their instruction or employment by printers, the Frankforters begged them to send some of their number to be pastors, and gave them an account of their platform of worship and discipline. The Stras|burgh divines demurring on their request, they invit|ed John Knox from Geneva, Haddon from Strasburgh, ••nd Lever from Zurich. The students at Zurich re|••used to come, unless they would follow the service ••ook prescribed by K. Edward. The Frankforters ••eplied, That they were ready to comply with it, as far as the word of God required; but they did not choose to practise indifferent ceremonies in a coun|••ry, where they were disliked; and especially as Edward had altered many things to the better, and ••ntended to have laid aside more of these rites. Soon ••fter, Grindal and Chambers brought a letter from ••ixteen learned exiles at Strasburgh, insisting for full

conformity to the service book, as neglect of it would infer a condemnation of the English martyrs▪ Knox, Bale, and Fox, now at Frankfort, and four|teen others, replied, That they had omitted as few ceremonies as possible; that the martyrs in England were not dying for the ceremonies, but believed, they might be altered to the better; and that the divines of Strasburgh had better not come, than at|tempt to reduce the congregation to the use of the service book. The Frankforters having consulted Calvin, he replied, That there were in the English liturgy many intolerable fooleries, which godly men ought to reform, as they had opportunity; and that he knew not what they could mean, who were so fond of the dregs of Popery, where they had full liberty to establish whatever was most for edification. They therefore agreed to retain their own order.

About the end of April 1555, Dr. Cox, who had been tutor to king Edward, a man of great pride, and of no small credit with his countrymen, and some of his friends, coming to Frankfort, disturbed the worship of God, by answering aloud after the mini|ster. Next Lord's day, one of them, without the consent of the congregation, mounted the pulpit▪ and read the liturgy. Knox, in his sermon, taxed them with breach of agreement, and affirmed, that some things in the service book were superstitious. Cox prevailed with the magistrates to forbid Knox preaching any more in that place. Knox's friends applying to the magistrates, they appointed the con|gregation to unite with the French church in both discipline and ceremonies, according to their first agreement. Provoked by this, Cox and his friends, in a manner superlatively base, accused Knox of high treason against the emperor, on account of some strong expressions in his English admonition, published about four years before. Unwilling to risk the em|peror's resentment, the senate of Frankfort respect|fully desired Knox to leave the place. Cox and his party, strengthened by the arrival of other divines▪

procured the magistrates permission to use the ser|vice book. Knox's friends offered to submit the dispute to the arbitration of foreign divines: but they refused, and solicited Calvin to countenance their ceremonialism. He absolutely refused, and told them, That he saw no reason for burdening the church with such offensive and hurtful things; and that their conduct toward Knox was neither bro|therly nor pious;—and besought them to study peace among themselves. This missive having no effect upon these ceremonialists, the old congregati|on were obliged to yield and leave the place. Some of them went with Fox to Basil, others to Geneva, where they chose Knox to be their pastor, and for|med their church after the model of that place.— They published their plan in English, directed to their brethren at home; and hinted, that finding some rites of the service book apt to do hurt, they had laid them aside, as Hezekiah did the brazen serpent, and the primitive church their love feasts. In a few months after they had forced out their brethren, Horn, pastor of the new Frankforters, fell into a contest with Ashby, one of the principal members. The elders gave judgment against Ashby. He appealed to the people. After the most furious and shameful contention, the magistrates were ob|liged to interpose, and order them to draw up a more perfect plan of discipline, which might regu|late their affairs. The congregation did so, and most of them subscribed it. But Horn, and about twelve others dissented, and appealed to the magistrates.— After patient hearing of both parties, the magistrates decided in favour of the congregation. Upon which Horn and his friends left the place.

In 1558, Mary died, after a short reign, unhappy to herself and her subjects. The capture of Calais by the French, bloody persecution, contagious dis|tempers, excessive storms and inundations, had ren|dered most of the nation absolutely miserable. Ma|ry was the object of her husband's contempt. She

was grosly ignorant, melancholy, cruel, and revenge|ful. Her conscience being blindly directed by her Confessor, she never but once pardoned a person ac|cused of heresy. Her parliament hated her cruelty, and unwillingly granted her supplies. None but the Popish clergy lamented her death.

UNDER her sister, ELIZABETH had run no small hazard of her life, and had met with no small abuse and hardship in her imprisonment. Gardiner had often moved for her death. King Philip had befriended her, intending, it is iike, to make her his queen, after Mary's death. She had scarcely ascended the throne, when she manifested too much of her father, and that she affected pompous worship, and as much of the Popish religion as could con|sist with the maintenance of her own legitimacy and supreme headship over the church. She was crown|ed in the Popish manner, and notified her accession to his Holiness. But he claimed England as a fief of the Romish see, and declared it high presumption in her, a bastard, to think of taking the crown wi|thout his consent. This produced her immediate breach with Rome. As some Protestant preachers began to make use of the service book without li|cence, the Papists took the alarm. To prevent dis|putes, she prohibited all preaching, till the parlia|ment should meet, and allowed the clergy only to read the gospels and epistles for the day, and the ten commandments in English, and to repeat the Lord'•• prayer, and the Creed.

The exiles abroad prepared to return home, and reconciliatory letters passed betwixt them. These of Geneva insisted for an entire and mutual burial of all offences; and that their brethren of Basil, Strasburgh, Frankfort, Worms, &c. would unite with them in labouring to obtain a settled form o•• worship, like to that of the best reformed churches▪ which they had seen. They promised to join in re|questing her majesty, That nothing burdensome to

tender consciences might be imposed. After such preparation, the exiles returned home, with nothing but their learning and experience. Their friends a|broad wrote after them, beseeching them to labour to have their reformation as complete as possible at first, and to lay aside all relicks of Popery, otherwise they might afterward find all struggling to remove them, to no purpose. Jewel, Cox, Grindal, Pil|kington, and others, in their answers, professed their concern to do so; and complained that the nation were so careless about the purity of worship; and that Elizabeth retained crucifixes, crosses, light|ed consecrated candles, and Popish vestments in her family and chapel, and was bent to have the scrip|tures received upon the authority of the church, But they had not courage to act up to their views, or to stand by one another. Such as supplely com|plied with her majesty's will, were promoted to bi|shopricks, &c. and such as did not, after a tempo|rary permission to preach, were suspended, and re|duced to their former depth of poverty.

The ordinary methods of procuring a parliament to the sovereign's will being taken, they resumed for the crown all the first fruits and tithes, which Mary had restored to the church. They repealed some of the penal laws. They appointed public worship in a known tongue. They empowered her majesty to nominate bishops to all the vacant sees;—and re|stored to her the supremacy over the church, which had been claimed by her father and brother; and required all in public employments, civil or sacred, to swear an oath acknowledging the same. By this supremacy, the sovereigns did not claim a power of preaching or administering sacraments; but the acts establishing and explaining it, make them judges of what doctrine is to be preached: they, by their de|legates in spiritual courts, are supreme judges in points of discipline; they have power to ratify canons rela|tive to church discipline and government, without consent of either convocation or parliament; and to

appoint whatever ceremonies they think proper for advancing the glory of God and the edification of his church; they have the sole power of nominating bishops, who must be chosen, and no other,—and who cannot act but by royal commission. No con|vocation can meet or act without royal indiction, and appointment of their business. All appeals formerly made to Rome, fall into the king's chancery, to be judged by his delegates. Thus, excepting clerical ministrations, the kings of England have the same power as the Pope once had.

It was next resolved to establish an uniformity of worship and ceremonies. To prepare the way, Eli|zabeth appointed nine Popish bishops to dispute in writing against as many Protestants, before herself, her council, and houses of parliament,—Whether the use of an unknown tongue in the public worship of God be not contrary to scripture, and the custom of the primitive church? Whether every particular church hath power to alter her own ceremonies, as appears most conducive to the general edification of her members? and, Whether the word of God re|presents the mass as a propitiatory sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead? But the Popish doctors gave up the debate on the very first day, pre|tending, That the catholic cause ought never to be submitted to such a laical arbitration. The Refor|mers themselves were not of one mind relative to the ceremonies and the service book. Some were for in|troducing the Form drawn up by the Genevan exiles. Others, among whom Elizabeth was chief, inclined to retain all the ceremonies, which could possibly consist with the purity of doctrine, and the indepen|dence of the church on the Pope. She even appoin|ted Parker, Grindal, Cox, Pilkington, Whitehead, and some others, to review Edward's second Book of common prayer, and to strike out of it all passages that might offend the Pope or his friends; and to make every body easy with respect to the corporal presence of Christ in his supper,—but to alter no|thing

in favour of scrupulous Protestants. This Book thus purged, or rather made worse, was esta|blished by law. In Edward's time, kneeling or stan|ding at the Lord's supper were held indifferent, and only the surplice was at last retained. Now kneeling was commanded; copes and other Popish vestments, as well as festivals, and their eves, were re-appointed. In these modes of worship, the parliament required an exact uniformity; and that whosoever unneces|sarily absented from church, should pay a fine of twelve pence for each fault. Nor had Elizabeth been content with all this, unless the parliament had em|powered her to appoint what further ceremonies she found necessary. Upon this rock of uniformity the still remaining corruptions and the almost perpetual divisions and often repeated persecutions of the best in the nation were founded. In the convocation, the Popish doctors made a considerable stand for their religion; and, for disburdening their consciences, presented to the Lord privy seal, a Remonstrance in support of transubstantiation, the propitiatory sacrifice of the Mass, the Pope's supremacy, and clergymen's ••ole power to judge of matters of faith or discipline.

No sooner was the parliament dissolved, in 1559, than all the bishops were required to swear the oath of supremacy, acknowledging the queen supreme go|vernor of the church in all causes. Death having of ••ate seasonably cut off many of them, only fifteen ••emained, all of whom, except Kitchin of Lundaff, obstinately refused to take it, and were therefore de|prived of their sees. Three of them retired to the continent, and the rest were kindly treated in Eng|••and. Even Booner, White, and Watson, whose hands had been most remarkably stained with Prote|stant blood, though imprisoned, had a sufficient maintenance allowed them by the queen. Most of ••he monks returned to secular employments, while ••he nuns and many others went beyond sea. After ••he bishopricks had remained vacant about a year, in ••opes of the Popish bishops conforming, Whitehead,

Gilpin, Coverdale, Knox, and Samson, had offers of them, but they refused to accept, on account of the ceremonies and vestments. Grindal, Parkhurst, San|dys, and some others, accepted them with trembling, in hopes of an after correction of the settlement. As none of the Marian bishops would concur in the con|secration of Parker to be archbishop of Canterbury, it was performed at Lambeth by Barlow bishop elect of Chichester, and Scorey elect of Hereford, who officiated in their surplice and chimere; and Cover|dale once bishop of Exeter, and Hodgkins suffragan of Bedford, in their long gowns. The ceremony was performed by prayer and laying on of hands, without gloves, sandals, ring, slippers, mitre, pall, or any other of the Aaronical vestments. How Par|ker, such a zealous stickler for Romish apparel, could be content with suth plainness, I know not. As the Papists terribly exclaimed against this ordination, the parliament, about seven years after, confirmed it.— At first Elizabeth's bishops were poor and somewhat moderate; but as their wealth increased, so did their pomp, and their lording it over their clerical bre|thren.

The English reformation was now fixed; but nei|ther clergy nor people were uniform in their views. The court party believed, That all power of reform|ing the church was lodged in the sovereign, who might model the doctrine, worship, and discipline of the church, in every thing not contrary to the ex|press statutes of the realm; that the church of Rome was a true, though much corrupted, spouse of Christ, of which the Pope was the lawful bishop in his own diocese; that Christ had appointed no particular form of government in his church, but had left it to ma|gistrates to model it as best comported with the laws of their state; that the pattern of the first five cen|turies of the Christian church was a more proper standard of church government than that of the apo|stles, in whose time she was in a poor and infant con|dition; and that the religious observation of things

indifferent in themselves becomes a divinely com|manded duty, when required by magistrates.—The strict party believed it unscriptural and unreasonable to have the religion of a nation subjected to the will of any mere man; that the Pope is Antichrist, the man of sin, and son of perdition; that the church of Rome is not a true church, but an idolatrous sy|nagogue of Satan; that the validity of clerical ordi|nations cannot safely be suspended on an uninterrupt|ed succession of bishops in the church all along from ••he apostles; that the holy scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, exclusive of the Apocrypha, are ••he standard of discipline and government, as well ••s of doctrine, and that no regard ought to be paid ••o the primitive church, but what corresponds with ••he Bible; that nothing left indifferent by Christ, ought to be imposed in God's worship by human laws; ••hat such rites as have been abused to idolatry, or ••re calculated to render men superstitious, ought ••ot to be reckoned indifferent, but unlawful in these ••ircumstances. These however took the oath of su|premacy, in consequence of her majesty's explaining ••t to mean no more than That she was head over all persons in the church, to the exclusion of the Pope ••nd his agents.

By virtue of the act establishing her supremacy, E|••izabeth erected an High Commission court, and gave ••hem 52 articles of Injunctions for visiting the chur|••hes, much the same as those emitted in the begin|••ing of Edward's reign, which were to be read in e|••ery church once every quarter of a year. A rule was added concerning bidding of silent prayers in the ••hurch, and another for taking away the altars, and placing communion tables in their stead. The ob|••ervation of these injunctions was required under pain ••f suspension, deprivation, sequestration, excommu|••ication, &c. The most of the commissioners were ••aymen; and any two of them were appointed to ex|••mine the state of churches, suspend, or deprive, ••nworthy clergymen, and put others in their place;

—to proceed against the obstinate by imprisonment, church censures, and other legal methods;—and to rectify all disorders relative to religion and benefices. —As Elizabeth retained in her chapel, her altar, crucifix, and lighted candles by day,—the service was sung not only with organs, but with cornets and sackbuts on the solemn festivals, and could not be easily distinguished from that of the Popish cathe|drals, the commissioners displeased her by their de|stroying of images and other relicks of Popery. In their visitation they found, that though scarcely 200, or 240 of the Popish clergy had quitted their livings, their places could not be supplied, many of the re|formed exiles scrupling at the terms of uniformity required by the Injunctions, and Elizabeth choosing rather to damn her subjects through ignorance, than dispense with a relick of Popery.

As her majesty was not fond of the doctrinal arti|cles of Edward, and it was yet unsafe to permit the convocation to judge of them, eleven articles con|cerning the nature of God; the sufficiency of the scriptures; the nature of the church; the power of civil magistrates; the power of the Pope; the recti|tude of the newly corrected service book; the nulli|ty of the propitiatory sacrifice of the mass; the com|munion in both bread and wine; the unprofitable|ness of images, relicks, and feigned miracles; the advantages of true holiness, &c.—an assent to this Confession of faith, full compliance with the service book, and swearing the oath of allegiance, were the terms of ministerial communion. Such was the ob|stinate bigotry of Elizabeth, archbishop Parker, and their agents, that rather than admit a learned and godly preacher, that scrupled at a Romish habit or ceremony, they admitted numbers of a naughty practice, and who could scarcely read prayers, or sometimes an homily. A third Book of Homilies, con|sisting of 21 plain discourses concerning the church▪ peril of idolatry; good works; fasting; gluttony and drunkenness; excess in apparel; prayer; pub+lic

worship in a known language; reverence of God's word; alms; Christ's birth, passion and resurrecti|on; worthy receiving of the Lord's supper; gifts of the Holy Ghost; marriage; repentance; idleness; rebellion, &c. was published for their assistance. Some congregations had not a sermon in seven years, and others scarcely one in twenty. The translation of the Bible by the exiles at Geneva was published with a dedication to Elizabeth; but as in their notes they had allowed of disobeying tyrannical magistrates, and had represented bishops and archbishops as the apocalyptical locusts, so much offence was taken at it, that for fifteen years, it could not be got re-prin|ted. In some following years, about thirty editions of it were dispersed. Tindal's Bible was for the pre|sent permitted, till the bishops should publish a new translation. The Dutch and German Protestants under John Lasco returned to London; but the queen disallowing their foreign superintendent, they were obliged to choose Grindal bishop of London for their head.

The Popish bishops behaved rudely enough to E|lizabeth; but nothing could make her detest their religion. She still loved images and ceremonies in the worship of God, and had prohibited clergymen's marriage, if Cecil, afterward lord Burleigh, her re|nowned secretary, had not interposed his nervous solicitations. Pope Pius IV. by his nuncio, offered to confirm the English Liturgy, allow the people the sacrament in both bread and wine, and annul the decree against her mother's marriage, if she would return to the Romish church; but she could not think of parting with her ecclesiastical supremacy.— Ferdinand the German emperor, and others, inter|ceeded with her to allow the Papists the free exer|cise of their religion; but she had too much policy to trust them, especially as long as Mary of Scotland, her rival, and their favourite, lived.

When archbishop Parker visited his diocese in 1561, he found that most of the beneficed clergy

were either ignorant mechanics or disguised Papists, —many churches shut up, and in several counties not a sermon preached, or even a homily read, with|in twenty miles, for several months. But Parker, who, before his advancement, was humble and mo|dest, now, like his mistress, chose rather to have millions of souls perishing in ignorance, than that a pious and learned scrupler at some relicks of Po|pery required by the act of uniformity, should be allowed to instruct them. Having finished his visi|tation, Parker fixed the lessons of scripture for all the holy days in the year, that preachers might no longer have liberty to read what they thought most edifying to their hearers, or to read the oracles of God instead of apocryphal fables.

To confirm the royal supremacy, the parliament, in 1562, appointed the oath, acknowledging it, to be carefully imposed on all the clergy, judges, and advocates; and that the first refusal of it should ren|der them outlaws, the second render them traitors. (But Elizabeth and Parker protected most of the Pa|pists from having occasion to refuse it.) They also appointed the Bible and Book of common prayer to be translated into the Welsh tongue, and a copy of it provided for every cathedral and parish church in their country. In the convocation many clergymen were so ignorant, that they could not write their own names. They agreed upon and subscribed the Thir|ty-nine Articles, which were afterward in part con|firmed by the parliament 1571. Bishop Sandys brought in an address to her majesty, beseeching her to remove out of the service or prayer book, the warrant for private baptism, and for baptism by wo|men,—disallow the crossing in baptism; and to ap|point commissioners for reforming the ecclesiastical laws. Another paper subscribed by about 32 mem|bers requested, That the whole congregation should sing the psalms, and organs be laid aside; that none but ministers should baptize, and they be allowed to forbear signing the baptized with the cross; that

kneeling at the Lord's supper be held indifferent; that the use of copes, surplices, and other Popish vestments be removed; that that which relates to the punishment of non-conformists in the articles be mitigated; that all holy days dedicated to the ho|nour of creatures be abrogated, or at least people have liberty to attend their ordinary work immedi|ately after public worship. This not pleasing, ano|ther paper was presented, requesting, That all holy days, except Sabbath days and festivals relating to Christ, be abolished; that, in reading the prayers, ministers turn their face to the people, that they may hear and be edified; that the cross in baptism be o|mitted, as tending to superstition; that many being unable to kneel at the sacrament, and others kneel and knock superstitiously, the order of kneeling may be left to the discretion of every ordinary; that no more but the surplice be imposed in the apparel of ministers in executing their office; that the use of organs be omitted. After much warm disputation, this paper was approved by 43 of the most learned, a|gainst 35 of present members; but 24 absents by proxy voting against it, and only 15 for it, it was lost by one vote of an absent, who had heard nothing of the debate.

Almost all the noted English divines had testified their dislike of the Popish vestments imposed on the clergy. Sundry foreigners, and particularly the Ge|nevans, had declared against them, and advised to a more perfect reformation. But so zealous were E|lizabeth, Parker, and their agents, that the great Martyrologist Fox, and Coverdale, could have no preferment, and scarcely liberty to preach, on ac|count of their scrupling at such relicks of superstition or idolatry. Parker, who directed his clergy not to tender the oath of supremacy to Papists, except in cases of necessity, for fear of distressing them,—by Elizabeth's order, drew up some advertisements, which obliged every preacher to take out a new li|cence, which could not be had, without declaring

their full consent to the habits and ceremonies. Ma+ny of the best still scrupling, he cited them to hi•• court at Lambeth, admonished some, and threaten|ed others. Samson and Humphreys, remarkabl•• for piety and learning, offered to subscribe with som•• limitations; but could obtain none. After their im+prisonment, Samson was deprived of all clerical of+fice, and Humphreys durst not return to Oxford Elizabeth craftily refused to annex her royal confir+mation to Parker and his brethren's advertisement concerning habits; but ordered that all refusers o•• them should be punished with suspension and depri|vation from their office. To prepare the way for re+ducing the puritan clergy about London, John Fo•• was prosecuted; but, it seems, they were ashame•• to deprive him. Parker begged Cecil and some o+ther noblemen to attend him in his dealing with th•• London nonconformists: but they refused, being a+shamed of such work. Of an hundred clergymen 61 were, by threatenings and otherwise, made to subscribe the terms of Conformity. Thirty-seven among whom Parker acknowledged were some of th•• best preachers, absolutely refused, and gave in thei•• reasons; but were immediately suspended, and threa+tened with deprivation, if they did not conform with in three months.

The commissioners for visitation of the churche•• cruelly obliged every clergyman, having charge o•• souls, to swear obedience to all royal injunctions letters of the lords of privy council, articles and in junctions of their metropolitans, and mandates o•• their bishops and other superiors. To gird these in junctions fast upon the Puritans, spies were appoint+ed in every parish to watch their conduct,—that ren+dered it impossible for them to escape the High com+mission. By such means, even London was render+ed most miserable for want of preachers. Bisho•• Grindal indeed prosecuted the Puritans or scruple•• with the utmost reluctance, and wished to indulg•• them; but could not, for Elizabeth, and especiall••

for Parker. Several Heads and others of the uni|versity of Cambridge once and again besought Cecil their chancellor, That they might be dispensed with as to the habits; which gave great offence at court. Nevertheless, that university was long a nest and re|fuge of Puritans. They retained their right of sen|ding forth twelve preachers yearly, who might preach for life, without any licence from the bishop; which contributed to the edification of many thousand souls. Meanwhile, the other Puritan preachers partly fled ••nto foreign countries, partly betook themselves to ••ecular employments, or to be chaplains to persons of rank; and many, who had large families, were ••educed to beggary.

When the refusers of the habits and ceremonies found themselves extremely traduced by their ene|mies, they began to publish tracts for their own vin|dication. The High Commissioners procured a deed of the privy council prohibiting the printing or vend|••ng of them. Provoked with this restraint, and with the silencing, sequestration, and imprisonment of so many of their faithful pastors and preachers, for mere scruples at the robes and ceremonies of Anti|christ, many of the people began so separate from the conforming clergy, and meet for worship by themselves; in doing which, they laid aside the li|turgy, and followed the plan of Geneva. It ought to be remembered, that though the Robes were most readily spoken of amidst these contentions, yet the Puritans complained of many things beside. They did not allow of the office of bishops to be superior to that of presbyters; or of bishops temporal digni|ties and secular trusts; they disliked the titles and offices of archde••••ons, deans, chapters, and other of|ficials in cathedral churches; they condemned the exorbitant power and oppressive conduct of the bi|shops and their chancellors, and their spiritual courts; the putting of excommunication and absolution into the hands of laymen; promiscuous admission of peo|ple to the Lord's table, however ignorant or licen|tious;

they lamented the total want of Christian dis|cipline; they disliked restriction of ministers to set forms of prayer and the vain repetitions prescribed in the common prayers; they disliked several expressions in the office of marriage, burial, &c. and the read|ing of so much of the Apocrypha, to the exclusion of a large part of the word of God; they complain|ed, That there were so many unpreaching pastors, so many pluralities and non-residents; and that mi|nisters were intruded by patronage, without regard to the choice of the people: they detested the ob|servation of so many holy days of human appoint|ment, while buying and selling on the Lord's day were permitted: they disapproved instrumental mu|sic, singing of prayers, and other relicks of Papal forms in cathedral churches; they scrupled the use of the cross in baptism, and the officiating of godfa|thers and godmothers in place of the true parents: they disliked the manner of confirmation upon so easy terms, as well as the pretence, that imposition of the bishops hands certified persons of their real saintship: they disliked the obliging of communicants to kneel at the Lord's supper,—or to bow at the pronunciati|on of the name JESUS; they disliked the use of the ring in marriage as a sacramental symbol; nor could they believe, that the use of Popish robes or ceremo|nies in divine service promoted the edification of men's souls.

Coverdale, Samson, Fox, Humphreys, and others of the Puritan clergy, continued in the church, and became itinerant preachers, lecturers, or chaplains, as they had opportunity. But Coleman, Button, Halingham, Benson, White, Rowland, and Haw|kins, ministers of London, looking upon the esta|blished church as obstinate in her adherence to many dregs of Popery, and in persecuting the faithful fol|lowers of Christ, separated from her, and privately preached in houses and woods. Informed of this, Elizabeth published a proclamation, That whoever

did not attend their own churches, but attended conventicles, should for the first offence be deprived of the freedom of London, and afterward abide the punishment directed by law. One of these private meetings being detected, many were apprehended, who, before bishop Grindal and other judges, be|haved in a most bold and Christian manner. After lying a year in prison, twenty-four men and seven women were set free. Neither the remarkable piety, nor the nervous arguments, nor the sufferings of these Puritans could move the High commissioners. They had their spies in all suspected places, to pre|vent their assembling for worship, and prohibited all preaching in London, without special licence, from the bishop or archbishop.

In 1568, the bishops published their Bible, which was merely that of Tindal somewhat corrected, and with some maps, cuts, and notes: but they little re|garded it in dealing with their scrupulous brethren. Protestants being terribly prosecuted in France and the Netherlands, many of them fled into England, and settled in London and other trading places.— Regard to the erection of manufactures, and care to weaken her neighbouring princes, moved Elizabeth to permit them their own modes of worship. She and Parker had been extremely kind to her Popish subjects, and had issued directions to prevent bring|ing them under hardships by the imposition of the oath of supremacy. To reward her kindness, they now raised two rebellions against her; and the Pope delivered her and all her adherents to the devil and his angels, and dissolved all oaths of allegiance to her or contracts with her. These things occasioned a penal statute against Papists, and requiring them so|lemnly to protest their innocence to her. But to keep them in countenance, and render the Puritans equally odious, the same protestation of allegiance was, without the smallest shadow of reason, required of them, and the prosecutions chiefly carried on a|gainst them, which Popish priests by counterfeiting

them sometimes promoted. By oaths and interro|gations, they made them their own accusers. And such was their candour, that they made it a point to deny nothing of the truth, and to declare their principles before their judges. If nothing could be found chargeable upon them, they were ruined by the charges of a dilatory procedure, and then dis|missed under obligations to appear whenever their judges should call them.

In 1570, Cartwright, a most learned professor of divinity at Cambridge, extended the field of disputa|tion between the Puritans and their persecuting bre|thren. In his theological lectures, he, with great modesty and caution, insinuated, That the names and functions or archbishops and archdeacons ought to be abolished, as not warranted in scripture; that the scripture only warrants preaching bishops and deacons, who take care of the poor; that every church ought to be governed by its own minister and elders, not by chancellors and officials; that every minister ought to have the charge of some flock; that none should solicit admission to the ministry; that bishops ought not to be created by the civil ma|gistrate, but chosen by the church; that in reform|ing churches all things ought to be reduced to the a|postolic pattern; that none incapable of preaching ought to be admitted to the ministry; that none but ministers can lawfully administer the sacraments; that Popish ordination is not valid; that only cano|nical scripture ought to be read in the public worship of God; that in public prayer all the people ought to join with the words of the minister, and not pray or read each by himself; that the care of interring the dead pertains not to the ministerial office; that all the words and names of God being equally divine, there is no reason for standing at the reading of the gospels, or bowing at the mention of the name JESUS; that sitting at the Lord's table is as lawful as kneel|ing or standing; that baptism by women or laymen is unlawful; that parents ought to present their own

children in baptism, and not be obliged to answer in name of the child; that women and persons under age ought not to be allowed to stand sponsors for children; that the sign of the cross in baptism is superstitious; that the Lord's supper ought not to be administered in private; that the prohibition of marriage at certain seasons of the year is Popish, and then to give licences to it for money is intolerable; that clandestine marriages are inconvenient; that the observation of Lent and other holy days of human ap|pointment is superstitious and unlawful; that mar|kets and merchandize on the Lord's day are unlaw|ful; that in ordination, it is sinful and ridiculous for the bishop to say, Receive thou the Holy Ghost, as if he could confer him; and that kings and bishops ought not to be anointed to their office. For occa|sional hints of this nature, notwithstanding much in|tercession in his favour, he was deprived of his office, expelled the university; and for two years retired to the Netherlands.

Grindal being translated to the archbishoprick of York, Sandys was made bishop of London. Per|haps contrary to his convictions, he deprived his old fellow Puritans of the poor remains of indulgence which Grindal had left them, and insisted for the most rigid uniformity. When the parliament met in 1571, in which Strickland and Wentworth were principal speakers, some relief was intended for the Puritans. Having had the Thirty-nine articles pre|sented to them, in order to their legal establishment, they waved the three articles which related to cere|monies and government, and ratified such only as belonged to doctrinal points, requiring all that pos|sessed ecclesiastical livings to declare their consent to these; and such as should teach any thing contrary to them, to be deprived. It is probable, that the chuse of 20th article, bearing, That the church hath power to decree concerning rites and ceremonies of wor|ship, and hath authority in controversies of faith, was not in the copy, which they approved; and it is

certain, their act admitted ordination by presbyters to be valid.

Though it be notoriously certain, that but a small part of the episcopalian clergy did, or do, subscribe these articles with honesty and candour, yet, to dis|tress the Puritans, the convocation, which sat dur|ing this parliament, requested the bishops to recall all former licences to preach, and to require not only a subscription of the articles, but of the Book of com|mon prayer, and of the ordinal for consecration of bi|shops, priests, and deacons, as containing nothing contrary to the word of God,—as the condition of every new licence. Contrary to law, this act, tho' never confirmed by the queen, was violently execut|ed by most of the bishops. Meanwhile, contrary to Elizabeth's inclination, the Commons presented a petition for supplying a multitude of parishes desti|tute of preaching, and for checking abounding pro|faneness and atheism. The Elector Palatine appoin|ted Zanchy to write to her in behalf of the Puritans. But it seems archbishop Grindal durst not deliver his letter. It is certain, that uniformity was more and more urged. Scambler and some other bishops, not|withstanding their consciences were much at her ma|jesty's will, being sensible of the bad consequences of the great want of preaching, and total want of church discipline, permitted their clergy to enter into asso|ciations or presbyteries, for promoting of both. At Northampton the clergy, the mayor, and the justi|ces of peace, agreed upon several Rules for promot|ing Christian knowledge, regulating divine services, and sanctifying the Sabbath. The clergy agreed up|on private exercises of preaching at their meetings, in order to their mutual improvement in gifts and grace.

Parker still laboured at his persecuting work. He sent for the principal men of the suspected clergy, and told them, that they must take out new licen|ces, in which they must subscribe to all the articles imposed by the late convocation. The bishops of

Ely and Winchester assisted him. But Grindal re|fused, alledging, that it might bring them under a ••remunire. Goodman, Lever, Samson, Walker, Brown, Field, Johnson, and others, were called to ••he episcopal bar, and told, that they must either come up to the queen's Injunctions, or be deprived. Beza of Geneva, by letters, besought the bishops to ••bate their rigour, and besought the Lord Treasurer ••o endeavour procuring some further reformation in ••he church discipline. The parliament having met, began to form a Bill for regulating the procedure of ••he rigid bishops, and for granting some relief to the ••istressed Puritans. Elizabeth and her bishops pre|••ented them, and Wentworth the principal advo|••ate for religion and liberty, was thrown into prison ••or his parliamentary freedom. And in 1572, Dee|••ing, Brown, Brownrig, Millain, Clark, and about ••5 other Puritan ministers, were deprived, for scru|••ling the episcopal impositions.

Meanwhile, Field, Wilcox, and others, drew up ••n Admonition to the parliament, consisting of twen|••y-three chapters relative to the superiority of bishops ••ver presbyters; the authority of the church in ••hings indifferent; the election, ordination, resi|••ence, preaching, ability, and apparel of clergy|men; the Book of common prayer and subscription ••f it; holy days of human appointment; right prea|••hing; reading of the scriptures; deans preaching ••nd ministring the sacraments; the pertinents of ••aptism and the Lord's supper; ruling elders and ••hurch discipline; deacons and widows; magistra|••y; cathedral churches; civil offices of clergymen. —For presenting this Book to the parliament, the ••uthors of it were imprisoned, more than a year. They published a Confession of their faith, to refuse ••he calumnies of Whitgift.

About the same time, Cartwright published a se|••ond Admonition, supplicating redress of the Puritans ••rievances, and representing the injustice of punish|••ng men for warning the parliament, without drop|ping

one treasonable hint. Several pamphlets bein•• published in defence of the Admonition, the bishop•• were obliged to answer it. Whitgift, chancellor o•• the university of Oxford, was chosen for that pur+pose, and was answered once and again by Cartwright Whitgift scarcely pretended to argue from scripture but from the dictates of Fathers in the first five cen|turies of the Christian church; while Cartwright in|sisted to have all things in religion regulated by scrip|ture. Having the court and bishops on his side Whitgift hunted down his antagonist with force an•• calumny, and obliged him to conceal himself, fle•• his country, and live in distress and poverty. Eve•• when he was rewarded with his bishoprick, he coul•• not forbear persecuting him: a shrewd evidence that his evil conscience knew, that he had not ratio|nal or scriptural arguments to support his cause.

While France was socked with the blood of massa+cred Protestants, the state of the Protestant religio•• in England was most wretched. Pleasing Parker i•• their ready compliance with surplices, copes, squar•• caps, &c. the Papists had easy access to ecclesiastica•• functions. The clergy busied themselves in addin•• to the number of their livings; but almost utterl•• neglected their duty, and alienated the church pro+perty for their own private gain. The court was a•• harbour of atheism, profaneness, and every kind o•• licentiousness. Many of the subjects were absolut•• atheists or heathens in their practice. The Lord▪ day was generally little regarded, and some live▪ without any appearance of worship at all on it. But •• was not against these heaven-daring crimes, but again•••• Puritans disconformity to things which themselve•• allowed to be intrinsically indifferent, that Elizabet•• and her darling bishops burned with zeal. On •• Burchet, a madman, who was but called a Puritan having struck one, and killed another, whom his de+lirious brain fancied to be Hatton a Papist, the odium of the deed was charged on the whole body of Puri+tans. Provoked with their application to parliamen••

••or redress of their terrible oppression, and with ••heir holding of secret presbyteries among themselves, ••e commanded to prosecute them with unrelenting ••gour. Field, Wilcox, and five others, were de|rived for scrupling to subscribe promises of confor|••ity drawn by the commissioners. Outlandish men, ••ho could scarce read the English tongue, were ••aced in their stead, and their poor people, who ••ad enjoyed two sermons every Sabbath, had scarce|•••• one in a quarter of a year. Johnson was thrown ••nto prison, where he died amidst poverty and hun|••er Notwithstanding the reluctance of Parkhurst, ••ishop of Norwich, Parker's commissioners deprived ••bout 300 Puritan pastors in his diocese alone.

Nor were the clergy alone plagued with subscrip|••••ons. One was devised for such as deserted their ••hurches, in which they engaged to full conformity. ••pies were placed in every suspected parish, to inform ••gainst such as did not punctually attend their chur|••hes, in order to have them punished. Nay, spies ••ere placed upon the Puritan prisoners, in order to ••ring them into more trouble. When the Puritans ••ppeared before the High commissioners, they were ••bused as if they had been dogs or devils, which, no ••oubt, sometimes provoked them to some unadvised ••ords. The candid Warner justly observes, That ••he cruelties exercised by the court bishops against ••heir worthy brethren of the same faith, fell little ••hort of these exercised by bloody Bonner against the Protestants. Some of the persecuted offered to dis|••ute the points which they held; and, for that crime, were the more readily deposed and imprisoned. As ••he presbyteries, prophesyings, or meetings of cler|••ymen to exercise their preaching talents for mutual ••mprovement, were thought to have a puritanical ••ppearance, Elizabeth and Parker, contrary to the will of the privy council, resolved to stop them. To ••he great grief of the pious Parkhurst, they were first ••uppressed in his diocese. Some of the Puritans rec|••oning it better to meet together on holy days and

other occasions, for joint prayer and reading of th•• scripture, than to spend the time idly, or in drinking and playing at cards,—Parker being informed of it, applied himself to suppress that supercriminal con|duct. As he readily believed every reproach he could hear of the Puritans, his steward, and one Undertree, forged letters in name of Benham, Stonden, and o|thers, importing a plot against lord Burleigh the treasurer; and that the earls of Bedford, Leicester and other noblemen were in it. Parker began to prosecute the Puritans with great fury. But, upon examination, Undertree confessed, that the whole was a sham intended to disgrace the Puritans. This not a little sullied the honour of Parker: but hi•• impudence preserved him from blushing; and nei|ther of the villains, who had been guilty of such e|normous forgery, were punished. To the great hur•• of the isle of Wight, and hindering of foreign Pro+testants to dwell, or trade in it, Parker visited it▪ turned out the nonconformists, and shut up thei•• churches. Jersey and Guernsey lying out of hi•• reach, and having no fixed form of church govern|ment, the people caused Cartwright and Snape to draw up a plan, which they observed till James I▪ obliged them to receive the episcopal yoke, and th•• ceremonies attending it. It appears to have bee•• much like to that of the Westminster Assembly.

While Elizabeth and her favourites carried on thei•• persecution of the pious and peaceable Puritans, sh•• marked an astonishing kindness to Papists, who sough•• the ruin of herself and her kingdom. They wer•• frequently released from prison. About 500 of thei•• meetings for idolatrous worship were connived at.— Nine foreign colleges being erected for the Popis•• education of English youth, one at Rome, and eigh•• in the Spanish dominions, swarms of Romish missio+naries poured themselves into England. In a few years, that of Rome and of Douay in Flanders fur+nished three hundred, all of them deep sworn to la+bour, to their uttermost, in reducing their heretica••

countrymen to the religion of their ancestors. A|bout this time, Henry Nicolas founded his Family of ••ove, whose enthusiasm rendered them almost deliri|••us. Their opinions were somewhat like to these of ••he Popish Quietists, or the Quakers. They had ••heir private meetings for worship, on account of which they sometimes tasted of Elizabeth and Parker's wholsome severities. Some German Anabaptists ••aving fled into England, twenty-seven of them were apprehended, nine banished, and two burnt, ••bout the time that Parker himself was dragged by ••eath before the tribunal of God.

In the beginning of A. D. 1576, pious Grindal ••as translated to Canterbury, Sandys to York, and ••ylmer, once an half Puritan, but now a cruel per|••ecutor, to London. In parliament, an unsuccess|••ul attempt to lay a tax on such as did not attend the ••hurches and receive the sacraments, was made.— ••he convocation framed articles of admission to the ••inistry, thirteen of which were published with Eli|••abeth's leave, though they had not her seal; one ••f them declaring, That all licences to preach, dated ••revious to Feb. 8, 1575, had become void, but might ••e renewed without any expence. Thus, for the ••ird or fourth time, Elizabeth had disqualified all ••e preachers of her kingdom, chiefly in order to ••••rge out Protestant scruplers at Popish vestments ••••d ceremonies. Had all the bishops been equally ••••rict in the renovation of licences, the church had ••••d scarce any preaching that deserved the name,— any of those who had the charge of souls being in|••••pable even to read an homily aright; and they were ••••ly obliged to read the service, and administer the ••••craments in person once in the half year, under the ••••nalty of five pounds to the poor. But it was a ••ercy, that many of them employed Puritans as ••••eir curates and lecturers, who, with great earnest|••••ss, laboured in the work of the Lord. Notwith|••••••nding all attempts to root them out, the Puritans ••••ll continued, if not increased, under their hard|ships.

Many of them held secret meetings for dis|cipline. Informed hereof, Elizabeth commanded archbishop Grindal to hunt them out. Some of their chiefs were apprehended. Others, chiefly in the diocese of Norwich, of which Freke was now bishop, were suspended. Nor could the distinguish|ed piety and peacefulness of Greenham, prevent hi•• going with the rest.

In order to preserve the useful meetings for mu|tual improvement among his established clergy, Grin|dal drew up for them the following regulations:— That they should only be held in churches appointed by the bishop of the diocese; that the archdeacon or some other appointed by the bishop, should mo|derate in them; that the bishop should have a list o•• all clergymen fit for attending them, and should ap|point the passages of scripture to be handled in them •• that the moderators should appoint such clergymen as could not yet preach, some other useful task; tha•• if any in his discourse touched the affairs of state, th•• moderator should immediately stop him, and delat•• him to his bishop; that if any inveigh, against th•• ceremonies, he shall be suspended from preaching •• till his bishop give him a new admission; that n•• minister, once suspended or deprived, be suffere•• to speak in these meetings, till by subscription an•• daily practice for a time, he conform to the order o•• the church; and that no laymen should be permi••+ted to speak in public. By these regulations, h•• thought, they would be innocent enough. But E••••+zabeth sending for him, exclaimed against all suc•• meetings as illegal in themselves, and infinitely dang••+rous to both church and state; for the advantage •• both which, she said, it would be, to have but thr•••• or four preachers in a whole county; and she pe|remptorily commanded him to suppress them wholl•••• As, with the most evident marks of high disple••+sure, she refused to hear his reply, Grindal wrote h•••• a most sensible letter, representing the usefulness •• these meetings, on account of which he had n••

••reedom to suppress them; and begging, that her majesty would not interpose her prerogative in eccle|••••astical affairs without the advice of her bishops, or ••ronounce so peremptorily in religious, as in secular matters. Quite infuriated by this meek Remon|••••rance, she, by a deed of her Starchamber, confin|••d him to his house, sequestrated him from his ju|••isdiction for half a year. Before this elapsed, Grin|••al made a kind of submission; but as he could not ••etract his opinion, nor profess his sorrow for the ••dvice which he had given her majesty, she conti|••ued his sequestration; and so the exercises for ••rophesying went down,—Elizabeth being terrified, ••est knowledge should make her clergy less disposed ••o an absolute submission to her arbitrary will.

Cartwright being preacher to the English factory ••t Antwerp, got Fenner, Travers, Ashton, and others ••rdained to the ministry, who could not obtain it at ••ome, where, in 1578, Whitingham and Laurence were deprived for their want of episcopal ordination. The woful condition of England was almost inex|••ressible. In Cornwal, there were 140 incumbents, ••ot one of which could preach a sermon, and most of them pluralists, non-residents, fornicators, adul|••erers, drunkards, gamesters on the Lord's day; and ••et people were prosecuted, if they attended a Puri|••an sermon.

When the parliament met in 1580, the Commons ••greed to observe a fast by themselves on a Lord's ••ay, to supplicate his direction in their work, and ••he preservation of her majesty and the realm, now when the Popish powers were forming leagues for the ••tter destruction of Protestants; but they referred ••he nomination of the preachers to the privy council. Elizabeth was terribly offended, that they had dared ••o do this, without her consent asked and obtained. The Commons submitted themselves, and begged her pardon. The parliament enacted, That all Ro|mish priests who attempted to seduce Protestants, ••nd these seduced by them into a change of their

religion, should be liable to the pains of high treason•• —and the saying of mass be punishable with a year's imprisonment, and a fine of 200 marks sterling, and the hearing of it with a year's imprisonment, and a forfeiture of 100 marks: And that every person who did not attend churches in which the common prayer is regularly used, shall forfeit to her majesty 20 pound•• a month, and ly in prison till it should be paid; and schoolmasters forfeit 10 pounds, and be imprisoned for a year, and be perpetually incapable of teaching a school: And as some Puritans, provoked with their terrible oppression, had published some satyri|cal pamphlets against unpreaching clergymen, &c they enacted, That all such as wrote or published any ballad or letter, containing any thing scandalou•• against the queen, should suffer death without benefi•• of clergy.

By his questions and demands of subscription Aylmer made terrible havock among the clergy abou•• London. Such as did not answer to his satisfaction were immediately suspended and silenced. Whil•• the bishops drove the Puritans from their pulpit•• many of the nobility and gentry took them into thei•• families to teach their children, which, by the ble••+sing of God, prepared them to make such a stan•• for religion and liberty about the middle of the nex•• century. Violent methods but drove the dissente•• further from the establishment. Robert Brown, •• schoolmaster, having published a tract intituled, T•••• life and manners of true Christians, was prosecuted o•• account of it. After a little rest, he and Harriso•• travelled through the country, preaching again•••• bishops and ceremonies, for which he was impriso••+ed above thirty times. He and his followers forme•• themselves into a particular sect; but they we•••• quickly obliged to retire to Holland. After offic••+ating for some years as their pastor, Brown himse•••• returned to England, and became an idle dissolu•••• conforming rector at Northampton. His aposta•••• dissolved his congregation at Middleburg: but th••

friends of his scheme gradually multiplied. They held much the same doctrine as the church of Eng|land; but they denied her to be a true church, on account of her many corruptions, and renounced all communion with her, and every other church, not of their own model; they placed the whole power of church government equally in all the brotherhood. They chose and ordained their own officers, and de|prived them of their office at pleasure. Their parti|cular congregations lived as sister churches; but none had any jurisdiction over another; nor had their church officers any power of office without the bounds of the congregation in which they were last chosen and ordained. They hated all prescribed forms of prayer. Every brother had liberty of prophesying or exhorting in their religious assemblies. After a ser|mon, the brethren ordinarily conferred upon the subject of it.—Tyler, Coppington and Hacket, lead|ing Brownists in England, were imprisoned several years, and the two last hanged.

About 1582, multitudes of Jesuits pouring into England, preached openly against Elizabeth's title and authority, and dispersed their books. Campian and two others, were apprehended and hanged: but the zeal of the courtiers ran out chiefly against the Puritans. The remarkably pious Wright was de|prived and imprisoned, because he had received presbyterial ordination at Antwerp. To extend their oppression, Elizabeth employed some hungry cour|tiers to examine the claims of lands and livings be|longing to the church, and granted every thing, for which church-men could not produce legal titles, to them. By examination of parsons, wardens, and others, they bade fair to find means to sequestrate most of the church lands for her majesty's use. The bishops were therefore obliged to beg her supersed|ing of their commission. The Suffolk justices of peace ventured again to supplicate her indulgence to|ward the Puritans, and complained. That they were reckoned with the vilest malefactors. Some conform

clergy also wrote in their favour. But Elizabeth, Aylmer, and other court bishops, who connived at, or encouraged profane swearing, and the most open drunkenness, revelling, and gaming on the Lord's day, panted for their ruin.

Notwithstanding his further submission and remo|val of his sequestration, Grindal continued the object of Elizabeth's dislike; and hence lived in a dejected manner till he died in 1585. Whitgift of Worces|ter, who had distinguished himself by his hatred of the Puritans, was placed in his stead. He had scarcely received his archbishoprick, when Elizabeth solemnly charged him to restore the discipline of the church, and the established uniformity, which had lost its credit under his predecessor. Prepared for obedience, he the very first week dispatched his man|dates to all the bishops of his province, That no preaching, catechising, or prayer be allowed in fa|milies, in which more than the members are present; that none preach and catechize, unless he read the whole service, and administer the sacrament four times a year; that all preachers and others in eccle|••iastical orders wear the prescribed habits at all times; that none be allowed to preach but such as have been regularly ordained; that none preach unless he have taken the oath of supremacy, subscribed the Books of common prayer and of ordination of bishops, priests and deacons, and all the Thirty-nine articles, and use said books in all their ministrations. Several lawyers thought that he exceeded his legal powers, and might have been brought into a premunire, for tendering articles, and requiring subscriptions not warranted by parliament. But having her majesty on his side, he insisted on them at pleasure; and for refusing of them, 233 preachers were suspended in the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Sussex, Essex, Kent, and Lin|colnshire, besides great numbers in London, the dio|cese of Peterborough, and other counties,—some of whom were dignitaries in the church, and most of them graduates in the university. Forty-nine of

them were immediately deposed from their office. No doubt, multitudes twisted their conscience to make it submit, rather than render them and their families outwardly miserable. The bulk of the infe|rior clergy, who had any sense, wished for amend|ments in the service book, that the many valuable men thereby disqualified, might be of use in the church. But Whitgift was deaf to all they could say, being terrified lest amendments might make people think the church had once been in a mistake.

The ejected clergymen and others that pitied them, presented a supplication to the privy council for some relief in the affair of subscription. But Whitgift, who, by turning Papist under queen Mary, had re|tained his place, was firmly resolved to display his power and execute his fury against all such as had not consciences as flexible as his own. Not content with archi-episcopal jurisdiction, he besought her majesty for the sixth time to erect an High Commission, whose power might extend to the whole kingdom, and might apply wholsome severities, not becoming bishops as such, she readily granted his request.— This court consisted of 44 members, 12 of which were bishops, and three a quorum. They had power to call before them all ecclesiastical causes; to exa|mine persons upon oath concerning their own con|duct; and to suspend, deprive, imprison, or excom|municate them, as they found cause; and to amend the statutes of colleges, cathedrals, grammar schools, and other public foundations. They borrowed the examination of men upon oath touching their own principles or conduct, from the Spanish Inquisition, and their powers were manifestly inconsistent with the laws of the land. But who durst contradict her majesty and the archbishop, who composed twenty-four articles directing this court how to examine the Puritans upon oath. Shocked with a sight of them, lord Burleigh wrote to the archbishop, That they favoured strong of the Romish Inquisition, if they were not more ensnaring. Whitgift returned him

some pitiful pretences, in support of his oath ex offices. The privy council represented to him and Aylmer, and by naming the persons, That they connived at pluralists, non-residents, and multitudes of ignorant and scandalous clergymen, drunkards, whoremon|gers, gamesters at cards, and the like, and only ex|ercised their inquisitorial diligence against such as were laborious and diligent preachers. Whitgift attempted to vindicate his conformists, while he car|ried on his furious career against such as had scrupu|lous consciences. Beale, the clerk of the privy coun|cil, had his own share of harrassment for exposing the illegality and injustice of his inquisitorial proce|dure.

With no small difficulty, the Puritans obtained a kind of conference on the disputed points between the archbishop and his brother of Winchester on the one side, and Messrs. Sparke and Travers on the o|ther, before the earl of Leicester, and lords Gray and Walsingham. They conferred concerning the reading of the Apocrypha instead of the word of God and as equivalent to it;—the administration of bap|tism in private and by women; the usefulness of Po|pish vestments; the allowance of insufficient clergy|men, non-residence, and pluralities. Neither party were satisfied: but the noblemen were so far con|vinced, that they solicited favour for the nonconfor|mist ministers. Meanwhile Aylmer prosecuted them with unrelenting fury. Without the smallest shadow of a crime, and after abusing them at his bar with the vilest reproaches, he suspended thirty-eight of them in summer 1584, and afterwards prosecuted o|thers. Being turned out of their livings and hinder|ed to keep schools, some of them were reduced to beggary. While Cartwright was correcting a plan of regular discipline among themselves, which Travers had drawn up about eight years before,—they applied to the parliament,—to the convocation, to Whitgift, •• and again to the parliament for redress of their

grievances. In their last supplication, they shew, that the ten thousand parishes in England had no more than about two thousand preachers to supply them. On both occasions, the parliament shewed willingness to relieve them. But Elizabeth and Whitgift carried all before them; and Wentworth and other, who boldly inveighed against the bish|ops arbitrary procedure, were sent prisoners to the Tower.

In 1584, the parliament appeared exceedingly de|sirous to grant them liberty;—to restrain the High Commission;—to prohibit pluralities and non-resi|dence of clergymen: and some bills were presented ••ur limiting the power of bishops;—allowing of per|sons to marry at any time of the year;—and for the better observation of the Lord's day, which was now ••erribly profaned. But the zeal of Elizabeth and ••er bishops, and Whitgift's fears, that alterations would make people think the church had been in an ••rror, prevented all such endeavours from having ••ny effect. An act was made against Jesuits and traf|••icking priests, and such as supported or concealed ••hem.—In 1586, the parliament appeared still ••ore zealous to relieve the supplicating Puritans; ••nd some members proposed a farther reformation ••f the church. Not only did Elizabeth commit the ••armest speakers to the Tower; but, in her plan of ••eneral pardon, she excepted all such as offended a|••ainst the act of uniformity, or published seditious ••••bels, i. e. tracts, which represented the arbitrary ••rocedure of the bishops.—About this time, the 3d ••art of the preachers in England were suspended o•• ••eprived; about five hundred of whom agreed to ••bserve the plan of government and discipline, which ••artwright had corrected, which is pretty similar to ••••at agreed upon by the Assembly of Westminster; ••nd they agreed to meet in classical presbyteries, once •• six weeks;—in synods once every half year; and •• a general synod or assembly, once every year.— ••fter Sandys, archbishop of York, had, for several

years, cruelly persecuted the scruplers, he died A. D. 1588, declaring in his latter will, That he was, and had alway been persuaded, that the ceremonies were not expedient for the church, but ought to be disused by little and little. Much about the same time, died Fox, Samson, and Humphreys, noted Puritans.

While the Spaniards were preparing to invade and conquer the kingdom, the Puritans, who had alway distinguished themselves for the Protestant and na|tional interests, again supplicated the parliament for relief. But Elizabeth, who was flattered as a goddess by the convocation, reprimanded the commons for considering, whether they should grant it; and how they might correct the fearful profanation of the Sabbath. When the fears of the Spanish invasion were over by means of a storm and sea fight, some less serious Puritans published some scurrilous tracts against the bishops, and their procedure and ceremo|nies, under the titles of Martin Mar Prelate, &c. which were answered by churchmen in an equally ludicrous and abusive manner. At last the noncon|formists press was discovered, and Sir Richard Knight|ly and Sir — Wigston, who had entertained it, and the Printer, and Newman the disperser, were deeply fined in the Starchamber. Others were put to death, of whom Udal, a pious and learned minister, was one, who had no hand in the scurrilous pamphlets but in a demonstration of the discipline of the Christian church, in which the character of the bishops was thought to be touched; at least he acknowledged a•• great part of that book to be true. Notwithstanding much intercession in his behalf, he was terribly per|secuted, and condemned as a traitor, without either shadow or proof of his disloyalty, and died in prison. Meanwhile Whitgift commenced a new visitation, and framed twenty-two articles, on which the war|dens of every parish were to be examined upon oath, and which were remarkably calculated to distress the Puritans, and set every one at odds with his neigh|bour.

In his letter to Burleigh, Sir Francis Knolles calls them Articles of Inquisition highly prejudicial to the royal prerogative.

The Puritans associations for government and dis|cipline among themselves exposed them to further persecution. Cartwright and fifteen others were apprehended, and imprisoned in the Fleet jail.— Their first answer not being to the taste of the ma|nagers, they had 31 articles exhibited against them; and were required, upon oath, to declare how far they were chargeable or not. For having enough of common sense to refuse being self accusers, they were punished with several years imprisonment.— James king of Scotland interceeded with Elizabeth, Dr. Goad and Whitaker, noted clergymen, with lord Burleigh, and nine of the imprisoned ministers with Whitgift, for relief. As the archbishop refused to favour them, unless they renounced their discipline, and engaged themselves to complete conformity with the church, they applied to her majesty, and largely vindicated themselves from the reproaches cast upon them. What effect this application had, I know not; but Cartwright was liberated, and restored to his hospital in Warwick, while Fenner, Field, Tra|vers, and many others continued in prison, and their families were starving.—Stone, Perkins, Johnson, and too many other Puritan clergy, answered upon oath, and informed their persecutors of their assem|blies and discipline, thus purchasing their own ease at the hazard of their brethren.—To render the Pu|ritans odious, Hacket, who imagined himself to be Jesus Christ, and Coppinger and Arthington his prophets, with every other enthusiast, were repre|sented as of their number; but Cartwright vindicat|ed them from all connection with such.

When the parliament met in 1592, Elizabeth no|tified to them, That every thing relative to the church was to be left to her. Attorney Morrice, who had just before published Reasons against the oath ex officio, and proved it contrary to scripture,

the practice of heathen persecutors, the laws of the land, and her majesty's prerogative, ventured to pro|pose an Enquiry into the bishops procedure in their spiritual courts, in compelling men to their inquisi|tions and subscriptions, and to take an oath for ac|cusing themselves,—or in degrading, depriving, and imprisoning people at their pleasure; and he offered two bills, one against the oath ex officio, and another against illegal imprisonments. Sir Francis Knolle•• seconded him. For this presumption, both of them were banished from the court. Morrice was deprived of his chancellorship in the duchy of Lancaster, and of all power to act as a lawyer, and was for several years detained in prison. Elizabeth told the parlia|ment, That her power over them was absolute, and she would allow no such bills to be exhibited. Ter|rified by the sate of Morrice and Knolles, the parlia|ment submitted; and to pacify her, enacted, Tha•• all persons above sixteen years of age, that refused to attend their established churches, or who had a|ny hand in promoting nonconformity should, with|out allowance of bail, be imprisoned till they made a proper confession of their fault, and engaged to uni|formity; that if they did not so within three months they should be for ever banished the kingdom; and that if they did not leave it within the time prescrib|ed, or did ever return, they should suffer death without benefit of clergy. Meanwhile, the Papist were condemned to banishment, or to confinemen•• within five miles of their residence.

To evade the cruel force of this terrible act, th•• moderate Puritans came to church, when the com+mon prayers were over, and received the Lord's sup+per in churches, in which some latitude with respec•• to the table posture, was allowed. The Brownist fell under the whole weight of it. One of their con+gregations being discovered, about sixty or sevent•• of them, after manifold harrassments, were throw•• into different prisons. After a most cruel imprison+ment, Barrow, a gentleman, Greenwood and Penry

ministers, all remarkable for piety, were hanged as traitors. But their dying professions of their loyalty, and the total want of evidence to the contrary, made their most effronted adversaries, even Elizabeth her|self, almost ashamed of their groundless calumny and murder. About seventeen or eighteen other Brow|nists died in their prisons.—Meanwhile, though the Papists had raised several insurrections against her,— though they had supported Mary of Scotland's right to her crown, and after her death, that of the In|fanta of Spain,—and had concurred with the Spanish invaders in 1588, Elizabeth, either from love, or from fear, generally used them as her dear children. During the first eleven years of her reign, not one of them was capitally prosecuted. During the next e|leven, notwithstanding the Pope's excommunication above mentioned, and repeated rebellions, no more than twelve priests were executed, almost every one for crimes relating to the state. For the next ten, not|withstanding multitudes of Jesuits laboured to their uttermost in seducing the subjects to join the Spa|niards, no more than fifty priests were executed, and fifty-five banished. During the last twelve years of her reign, they had almost as much freedom to profess, practise, and propagate their idolatries and superstitions, as they could have wished.

Till about A. D. 1588, the English Protestants had all believed, That the superiority of diocesan bi|shops above presbyters was merely founded on the laws and inclinations of men. Bancroft, now chap|lain to archbishop Whitgift, to the great offence of the Puritans and others, in a sermon, pled for the divine right of it. About 1594, he, Bilson, Bridges, Cosins, and Saravia published their Defences of epis|copal powers, and notwithstanding the restraint of the Press, were answered by Bradshaw, Fenner, Mortice the attorney, and Beza. The learned, but poor, Hooker published the first four books of his ecclesiastical polity, in which he chiefly attempts to prove, That the scriptures are not the rule of church

discipline and government; and that therefore she may appoint whatever forms or ceremonies she judg|eth most conducive to edification.—In 1595, Flet|cher succeeded Aylmer in the bishoprick of London. In his first visitation of his diocese, he set out with twenty seven articles of Enquiry for church wardens, concerning their preachers, by means of which he quickly replenished the prisons, which, for a little, had been tolerably emptied, with Puritan preachers. It happened well, that his marriage drew upon him Elizabeth's displeasure, suspension of him from his office, and banishment from the court. These break|ing his proud heart, he was succeeded by the still more unmerciful Bancroft.

The learned Ainsworth, Johnson, Smith, Robin|son, and Jacob, principal leaders among the Brown|ists, having before fled to Holland, multitudes fol|lowed them, and erected churches according to their own plan, at Amsterdam, Arnheim, Middleburg, Leyden, and other places.—About this time, Dr. Bound published a tract on the due sanctification of the Lord's day. All the Puritans relishing his sentiments, distinguished themselves by their Sabbath behaviour. —Hereon the customary shooting, fencing, bowling, interludes, and May-games, and Morris-dances on it, began to be disused and disliked. This exceed|ingly galled the clerical managers, and their agents, who hated every appearance of strict piety. Arch|bishop Whitgift and judge Popham called in the co|pies of Bound's book, and prohibited the reprinting of it. This made it more read than ever, not with|out remarkable success.

Meanwhile, Barret, a fellow of the university o•• Cambridge, in a discourse to the clergy, declared himself against the Calvinistical doctrines of predesti|nation and perseverance in grace. The heads of the university obliged him to retract, and Whitgift Hutton of York, and some others, drew up the articles of Lambeth, 'which bear, That God, not mov|ed by any foreseen faith or good works of men, bu••

of his mere good pleasure, hath chosen some parti|cular persons to everlasting life; all of whom, and no other, certainly obtain it; that saving grace is not bestowed upon all men; that no man can by the power of his free will come to Christ and be saved; that justified persons have assurance of remission of sins and of eternal salvation; that true saints never fall totally nor finally from their state or exercise of grace. Had not Whitgift and his friends, for their own sake, implored Elizabeth's forbearance, she had brought the formers of these articles, which she dis|liked, or who required the students to assent to them, under the statute of premunire. She was nevertheless highly offended with Dr. Baro, a Frenchman, for con|tinuing the debate in favour of Barret; and at last obliged him to resign his professorship. The univer|sity of Oxford harmonized in sentiment with that of Cambridge, and Calvin's Institutions were publicly read by order of the convocation. About the same time, the learned Broughton, Bilson, and others, had a warm dispute, Whether Christ suffered the wrath of God in his soul? and, Whether he descended to the local hell? After the disputants had fatigued themselves, the controversies were dropt in both the universities.

Towards the latter end of Elizabeth's reign, hopes of approaching redress from the apparent heir to the crown, somewhat quieted the Puritans. Afraid of having their cruelties returned on their own heads by a Puritan sovereign, the ruling clergy delivered over the prosecuted into the hands of the civil judges, some of whom handled them in a furious and brutal manner. During her very last years, the dispute seemed almost hushed, and the Puritans increased to about fifteen hundred preachers.—The Popish missi|onaries also, notwithstanding their furious conten|tions between the seculars and the Jesuits, laboured with great diligence, and no inconsiderable success. —The parliament which met in 1601, renewed their attacks upon the power of the spiritual courts. Plu|ralities,

non-residences, procedure ex mero ossi••••••▪ exchange of penance for money, and other clerical corruptions. But Elizabeth interposing, prohibited them to debate the cause, and referred it to the arch|bishop, who was at some pains to render the clerical courts more circumspect.—At last she died in 1603. She was extremely haughty, and took a pleasure in manifesting her power and authority, especially over the consciences of her subjects. She never appears to have struck at any dissimulation, which served her own purposes. Regard for her own supremacy chief|ly hindered her from being a Papist. She was not much more mercifully disposed to Protestants of a tender conscience, than Mary her sister. Her im|provement of the great abilities of some of her states|men, so as to make their suggestions seem her own, was the principal ornament of her reign. Pomp and power, not the glory of God, or the welfare of souls, appear to have been the governing motives of her darling clergy. Many of her ruling bishops were no less truly persecutors, than the Popish ones under Mary had been. It however grieved them much, that Elizabeth was no friend to the clerical wealth.

JAMES VI. of Scotland, had no sooner suc|ceeded as nearest heir to the crown of England, than all the different parties courted his favour. Whit|gift, and his fellow bishops, dispatched Henry Nevil dean of Canterbury, to assure him of their unfeigned loyalty,—and to recommend their church to his care, —and to beg his command relative to their spiritual courts. He returned them answer, That he intend|ed to support their government as Elizabeth had left it. The Papists welcomed him to England; and put him in mind, that he had been born and baptized a member of their catholic church, which he had cal|led his spiritual mother,—and for whose religion his royal mother had died a martyr. The foreign Pro|testants had a kind reception, and his promise of

maintaining their religious liberty. As in Scotland, ••ames had long professed himself a Presbyterian, and ••n some occasions, had extolled the Scotch form of worship and government to the highest, the Puritans ••oped for remarkable relief under his shadow. A|bout eight hundred of their ministers, out of twen|ty-five counties, presented to him that which was called the Millenary petition, in which they begged, That the cross in baptism, the interrogations put to infants, and their confirmation by bishops might be ••aid aside; that the use of the cap and surplice might be no more urged; that persons should be examin|ed before admission to the Lord's supper; that the use of the ring in marriage might be omitted; that the common prayer might be abridged; that the sing|••ng in churches might be modified to better edifica|••ion; that the profanation of the Sabbath might be restrained, and the observation of other holy days ••ess strictly urged; that none but canonical scripture might be read in the public worship of God; that ministers may not be charged to direct their people ••o bow at mentioning of the name JESUS; that none be admitted to any charge of souls but such as are able, and obliged to preach on the Lord's day; that such present incumbents, as cannot preach, be either removed, or obliged to maintain preachers in their stead; that pluralities and non-residence be prohi|bited; that clergymen's marriage be declared lawful; and that they be only required to subscribe the arti|cles of religion and the oath of supremacy; that bishops give up their commendams; that impropriations an|nexed to bishopricks and colleges be only bestowed upon incumbent preachers; that a sixth or seventh part of the impropriation be assigned for a mainte|nance to the preacher; that no church censures be administered by mere laymen, chancellors, &c; that none be excommunicated for Twelve pence-matters, or without consent of their pastor; that ecclesiastical processes be abridged, and some Popish canons abro|gated; that the oath en officio, requiring men to be

their own accusers, be more sparingly used; that licences for clandestine marriages be more rarely granted; &c.

Stung to the very heart by this reforming petition, and terribly afraid of losing their impropriations, the university of Cambridge enacted, That all such as, in any matter or manner, opposed the established doctrine or discipline, should, ipso facto, be suspend|ed from whatever degrees they had obtained, and be for ever incapable to receive any. The university of Oxford published a vindication of the corruptions complained of in this petition; and tho', exclusive of Puritans and dignified clergy, not any great num|ber of the incumbents were much removed from gross ignorance, or even capable of a regular admission to the Lord's table, they boasted, that all the other Protestant churches could not afford so many learned men as England alone. Other petitions like to the above mentioned were presented to his majesty, and several papers enforcing them published, to which their opponents quickly returned answers. The con|formists much dreaded the ensuing parliament — Whitgift wished rather to account to God for hi•• conduct, than to it; and actually died before it met

James heartily hated these Puritans and their re|formations. But, that he might more plausibly par•• with them, he appointed a conference between them and their opponents at Hampton court, in the mid+dle of January, 1604. Archbishop Whitgift, eigh•• other bishops, and eight or ten other learned digni+taries, were appointed to defend the cause of th•• conformists,—while no more than John Reynolds whom his brother William had converted from I'd pery, while himself became a Papist, and Spark,— doctors of the university of Oxford, and Chadderto•• and Knewstubs of Cambridge, were allowed to main+tain the cause of the Puritans. James himself wa•• moderator; and his courtiers were witnesses. O•• the first day, the Puritans were not admitted, bu•• his majesty represented to the bishops, what he ap+prehended

wrong in their service book. Bancroft, falling on his knees, begged, that nothing in it might be altered, lest the Papists and Puritans should tri|umph over them, as acknowledging, that they had formerly been in an error. Nevertheless, to satisfy James, they added some words in the office of con|firmation and absolution. And they agreed to consi|der, Whether the administration of baptism should be restricted to lawful ministers and midwives, who were ordinarily known to administer it in a due man|ner. On the second day, the Puritan doctors being admitted, Reynolds was their principal speaker. He insisted, that some few words in the Thirty-nine ar|ticles might be added, explained, or omitted; that the confirmation of children by the bishop be consi|dered; that plurality of benefices might be disallow|ed, and preaching ministers every where settled; that the reading of the Apocrypha in the public wor|ship of God instead of his own word,—the baptismal interrogation relative to the infant,—the sign of the cross in baptism,—the superstitious vestments,—the symbolical ring in marriage,—and the purification of child-bearing women, ought to be abolished, because relicks of Popery. He also complained of excom|munications by lay chancellors, and intreated, that clergymen be allowed to meet together every three weeks for their mutual improvement.

During this conference, Bancroft again fell upon his knees, and begged, that schismatics might not be suffered to speak against their bishops; and that his majesty would provide a ministry, which could read prayers and homilies; for they had too much preaching already, in which many dared to vent their malice against their superiors. The conformist dis|putants scarcely needed to open their mouths.— Proud of his theological abilities, James, chiefly with hectoring and bluster, so confounded the Puritan doctors, that even Reynolds, that miracle of learn|ing, sunk far below his ordinary dignity, reckoning i•• vain to oppose the torrent of royal, though often

pitiful, abuse. At the end, James told them, that since they had no other objections, he would make them conform, or drive them out of his kingdom. To his inconceivable satisfaction, he had his labour extolled by Bancroft and others, as if in wisdom he had almost exceeded Solomon himself, and had ne|ver had a royal equal since our Saviour's birth. On the third day, the conformists satisfied him concern|ing the High Commission, and the oath ex officio; which was the more easy, as they appeared to be|long to his own prerogative. When he extolled the wisdom of their institutions, Whitgift cried out, that undoubtedly his majesty spoke by the direction o•• the Spirit of God.

In consequence of this conference, a committee was appointed to devise regulations for lessening the charges of the High Commission, and for planting schools, and for settling proper ministers in Ireland in which the Popish party had been lately reduced and on the borders of Scotland and England, wher•• theft, robbery, and other disorders exceedingly pre|vailed.—The Puritans refused to be concluded by thi•• mock conference. The disputants on their side had not been chosen by them, nor thought many thing sinful, which their brethren did,—nay, had refused to represent these to his majesty,—nor had they been permitted to debate the points which they had men+tioned, in any proper manner. They complained that Barlow, in his narrative, published without th•• knowledge of his Puritan opponents, had given •• most unfair account of the conference, and modestl•• confuted whatever the bishops had said, in a Repre+sentation directed to his majesty. But, for their ef+fectual conviction, James, without consulting eithe•• parliament or convocation, by his royal proclamation commanded their complete uniformity in the use •• the Service Book, as now corrected. Whitgift die•• about six weeks after this conference, and tw•• months after, Cartwright, his more valuable anta+gonist.

James being naturally fond of absolute power, the flatteries of his conforming clergy tempted him to exercise it. Before the parliament met, he, by a proclamation, charged all the Jesuits and Popish priests to leave the kingdom; but carefully informed the world, that it was not on account of their reli|gion, but for their maintaining the Pope's power o|ver princes.—And by another, he commanded all the Puritans to conform immediately, or underly the ex|tremities of law. In his speech to his first English parliament, he acknowledged the Popish to be his mother church, though defiled with some infirmities and blots, and declared himself ready to indulge the Popish clergy, if they but renounced the Pope's su|premacy, and his pretended power to dispense with the murder of sovereigns; and that he would be glad to meet Papists half way in order to union; but ea|gerly declared Puritans unsupportable in any well governed state. He moreover informed the parlia|ment of his hereditary right to the crown; and that he was answerable to none but God for his conduct. The parliament quickly perceived, that they had no longer to deal with the sagacious and determined Eli|zabeth, and so took their own course. To the great vexation of the bishops, they appointed all processes in ecclesiastical courts to be wholly issued in the name of the sovereign, and under his seal of array.—They also annulled all grants of church lands, which had been made to the crown for twenty years immediate|ly preceding. They legitimated the marriage of cler|gymen, by reviving the act of Edward VI. for that effect; for under Elizabeth their marriages had been merely tolerated, and their children were bastards in law-reckoning.—In the convocation, Egerton, Fleet|wood, Wotton, Clark, and other Puritans petitioned for a correction of the service book: but they and their brethren were commanded to conform before Midsummer, or underly the censures of the church. In the upper house, Rudd bishop of St. Asaph, in|sisted at considerable length for some indulgence to

their scrupulous brethren: But he was obliged to drop it.

In this convocation, the Book of canons was approv|ed by the clergy, and was afterward ratified by his majesty's letters patent. It consisted of 141 articles, collected from the Injunctions and other episcopal o•• synodical acts under Edward VI. and Elizabeth. it enacted, That whoever should affirm the church of England not a true apostolical church,—or that her established form of worship was in any respect corrupt or superstitious,—or that any of her Thirty-nine arti|cles could not be subscribed with a safe conscience, —or that any of her ceremonies were wicked, and not to be used, when commanded by authority,—or her government by archbishops, bishops, deans, &c. was antichristian, and contrary to the word of God, —or that any thing in the ordinal for consecration of bishops, priests, and deacons, was contrary to the word of God,—or that persons consecrated accord|ing to it, needed any other call or ordination to their office:—And that whoever separated from the communion of the church of England, or set up any other communion in opposition to it,—or that affir|med, that any such was a lawful church,—or affir|med, that ministers or laymen might, without the king's authority, make any rules for church govern|ment,—or who submitted to such rules,—should, ipso facto, be excommunicated, not to be absolved but by the archbishop, after proper evidence of their repentance, and a public recantation of their wicked errors.—It further enacted, That no appeal from any ecclesiastical judge shall be sustained, unless the appellant solemnly promise conformity to the church of England according to the service book, and subscribe an approbation of it, and of the Thirty-nine articles, and the king's supremacy; that none be allowed to preach, lecture, or catechize without such engage|ment;—that people bow at the mention of the name JESUS; that all clergymen officiate in the surplice and other sacred robes; that all communicants kneel

in receiving the Lord's supper; that not parents, but godfathers and godmothers, present children to baptism; and that ministers baptize all children so presented, unless their parents were excommunicated.

Bancroft, being advanced to the archbishoprick of Canterbury, and encouraged by the Lawyers de|cision of the king to be absolute governor of the church, persecuted the Puritans with such unrelent|ing rigour, that, burning excepted, they were much about as miserable as under Mary the bigotted Papist. Of above 1500 such preachers, 300 were quickly deprived for scrupling to subscribe the articles of uni|formity,—some excommunicated, some imprisoned, and others driven from their country. The king and Starchamber court assisted him in denying them the common privileges of subjects secured by law. By a second demand of subscription, Bancroft re|newed his persecution. So many of the London clergy refused to subscribe again, that a great part of the churches were in danger of being laid desolate for want of preachers,—had not the prodigious num|bers of scruplers, which now appeared, alarmed the court, and made them, for a time, to relax their prosecutions. Such as insisted for a total separation from the establishment, were especially distressed; hence the moderate Dr. Ames, and Parker, the au|thor of the Ecclesiastical policy, and several Brownists, retired to Holland, where these soon fell by the ears, and excommunicated one another. This, together with the other Puritans debates among themselves, relative to the propriety of separation from the church, occasioned no small joy to their conformist opposers.

Notwithstanding king James' boasting, that the Papists might be good subjects, while Puritans could not be safely tolerated in any well regulated state, they, in 1605, attempted to blow up him and his whole parliament by the force of gunpowder, intend|ing to lay the blame on the Puritans. Their enter|prize being seasonably discovered and prevented,

James, in a few days after, told his parliament, That the Puritans deserved to be burnt for denying the salvation of Papists. The parliament enacted, That whosoever came not to church, should pay twelve pence for every Sabbath they were absent, unless they could give a satisfying excuse to the Justices of peace. This fell especially on the Puritans, as means were used for protecting the Papists. The Puritan clergy offered a public disputation concerning the lawfulness of the ceremonies, particularly officiating in the surplice, crossing in baptism, and kneeling at the Lord's supper; but it was refused them. Here|upon, these in Lincolnshire drew up an Apology, in which they offered to subscribe to his supremacy; but could not subscribe their unlimited assent to the Book of common prayer and the Thirty-nine articles, as they thought some things in them contrary to the word of God. They objected, That the Book of common prayer or service book leaves out a great part of scripture, and often the most edifying, never to be read in public; and prescribes the reading of 104 out of 172 chapters of the Apocrypha, in their room; thac a bad translation of the Bible is appointed to be read in public service; that surplices, crossing in baptism, and kneeling at the Lord's supper, ought not to be used, as they have been abused to idolatry by the Papists, and have a mystical signification an|nexed to them; and because God alone hath power to appoint ceremonies in his own worship, &c.— These Objections received an answer from bishop Moreton and Dr. Bourges.—Downham, Sparkes, Covel, Hutton, Rogers, and Ball wrote in favour of the ceremonies, and were answered by Bradshaw, Baynes, Ames, and others.

The scruplers being intolerably reproached as he|retics, schismatics, fanatics, precisians, enemies to God and their king, Bradshaw published his English Puri|tanism, which is a kind of Confession of faith con|cerning religion in general; pastors; elders; church censures; and civil magistracy,—for the information

of foreigners, by means of Dr. Ames, now professor of divinity at Francker in Holland. Some others published a declaration of their principles concerning ••he power of magistrates about sacred matters, some|what of an Independent taste. The ministers of Devonshire and Cornwall published a vindication of ••hemselves and friends on the head of loyalty to his majesty. About three years before, James had assur|••d the inhabitants of Jersey, that he would not make ••ny change upon their forms of worship: but Ban|••roft persuaded him to violate his promise, and abo|••ish their order of Geneva, and force them to an u|••iformity with the English church. This occasion|••d no small trouble to both ministers and people; ••nd made not a few of them flee into other places.

When the parliament met in 1610, and a mem|••er had very boldly inveighed against the ambition and tyranny of the ecclesiastical rulers, and against ••he king's arbitrary imposition of taxes,—James, en|couraged by Bancroft, and by a royally licensed pu|••lication of his vicar general, bearing, That kings were not bound by laws or oaths, or to regard the ••onsent of their subjects in raising of taxes,—called ••oth Houses to Whitehall, and told them, that it was seditious for them to dispute what kings may do; —and prohibited them to touch upon any principal ••oints of his government. Regardless of his high words, they asserted their rights, petitioned for a ••trict execution of the laws against Papists,—a prohi|••ition of pluralities,—and an indulgence of Puritan ••reachers, without obliging them to subscribe the ••erms of uniformity. They also remonstrated against ••he High Commission, and their tyrannical proce|••ure.—About this time, died Bancroft, and was ••ucceeded in the archbishoprick by the pious, and moderate, and almost half Puritan, Abbot.—In ••611 the new, and still authorized translation of the Bible was published, in consequence of the Puritans ••bjections to that of the bishops, in the conference ••t Hampton court. It is a most valuable translation,

but a little marked with Episcopalian zeal. Hence come vestry, vestments, bishops, bowing at the name of Jesus, &c. In 1612, Legat and Wightman, who, I suppose, had been seduced by the then dispersed So|cinian missionaries, were burnt for denying the true godhead of Jesus Christ, and the Holy Ghost, and a third languished in prison till he died. What pro|per pains were taken to convince them of their er|rors, I know not.—About this time died prince Hen|ry, a virtuous youth, from whose happy succession to his father, deliverance from spiritual oppressions was expected. It was even suspected, that Jame•• caused him to be poisoned on account of the grea•• regard paid to him by his subjects. But while he•• and his agents were labouring to subvert the true Protestant religion and liberty in Britain, God laid the foundation of a far distant deliverance in the mar|riage of his daughter Elizabeth to Frederic, Electo•• Palatine of the Rhine, in whose issue the British royalty hath been long established. It is remarkable how heartily the Puritans were attached to, and pray|ed for this alliance and its issue, when there appear|ed no prospect of their being our sovereigns.

About A. D. 1616, Henry Jacob having adopted Robinson's plan of mild Brownism, and returning from Holland, did, with solemn fasting, found th•• first congregational church in England. The Inde|pendents claim him for their parent, rather than th•• scandalous Brown.—Not long after, James took •• journey to Scotland, to introduce his darling cere+monies into the worship of God there. As he re+turned through England, particularly through Lan+cashire in 1617, he was exceedingly grieved to se•••• the country so deeply infected with Puritanical ob+servation of the Lord's day; in consequence of which the holy seasons of Lent and other festivzls were let regarded. To check this growing sanctification o•• the Sabbath, and thereby confute the Popish argu+ments against the Protestant religion, he, contrar•• to his own proclamation in the first year of his reign••

and contrary to the Irish Confession of faith, which ••ad just passed under his great seal, issued a procla|mation, bearing, That, after divine service on the Lord's day, his subjects should be allowed their law|ful diversions of dancing, archery, leaping, vaulting, ••lay-games, Whitsuntide-ales, Morris-dances, erec|••ion of May-poles, &c. and women be allowed to ••dorn the churches with rushes, &c. before sermon, —and pretending to prove the lawfulness of such ••ports;—but forbidding bull-baiting, interludes, and such like, as unlawful;—and prohibiting common people to play at bowls, which was reserved for per|sons of rank at anytime. Papists and Puritans were deprived of these diversions, because they came not ••o their parish churches. Had not archbishop Abbot ••nd others interceeded, he had caused this procla|mation to be read from all the pulpits in the king|dom; but it was only done in Lancashire, where Papists now so much abounded. Nothing better could be expected from a king, in whose court scarce ••ny thing could be heard but oaths, and language ••ordering on blasphemy.

The Dutch Synod of Dort, consisting of 38 divines, •• professors of divinity, and 21 ruling elders from the United Provinces,—with 28 foreign divines, met in 1618. As James had been a furious opposer of the Arminians, and violently opposed the admission of Vorstius to be professor of divinity at Leyden, he was glad to have an opportunity of sending Carleton, Davenant, Hall, Ward, and Balcanquel to Dort.— Dr. Goad succeeded Hall, whose health could not endure that climate. They all assented to every ar|ticle of the Dutch Confession, except that which re|••ates to parity of ministers, and to church discipline. They heartily agreed with the Synod in their decisi|ons against the Arminian doctrines, except that Davenant and Ward held some kind of universality of redemption, and that some not elected might be saved. But Davenant, as well as Hall, afterward declared, that the Arminian tenets could not be a|dopted

in a consistence with the doctrine of the church of England.—Meanwhile, to the great joy of foreign Protestants, English Puritans, and archbishop Abbot, the Elector Palatine was chosen king of Bohemia. But James, who hated all elective royalty, and was loth to displease the Spanish court, from which he expected a wife to Charles his son, disliked his son-in-law's advancement, and, notwithstanding the ea|gerness of his subjects, shifted his assistance, till his daughter and her family were reduced to an almost permanent beggary.

In 1620, the congregation of Robinson, a pious and moderate Brownist, at Leyden, being on the de|cline, thro' the death of old members, and marriage of the young into Dutch families, they resolved to re|move to some part of America, under the protection of England, where they might preserve their religion. They sold their estates, and bought two ships; and after solemn fasting and prayer for God's blessing and protection, set sail for that country. One of their ships sailing, they all embarked in the other, and arrived safe at Cape Cod, Nov. 9th. Notwithstand|ing innumerable hardships, especially during the first winter, they laid the foundation of the New Eng|land colony, which hath since proved a remarkable refuge for many persecuted fearers of God, and in which multitudes have been converted to Christ.

Buckeridge, Harsnet, Neile, and Laud, having embraced the Arminian errors,—by their flattering of James in his notions and practice of arbitrary go|vernment, made him their hearty friend, and were advanced to some of his principal bishopricks. Th•• Calvinists zeal to preserve the liberties of the natio•• made him heartily hate them. In consequence here of, he reckoned all that opposed his arbitrary ma+nagements to be Puritans, who began to be distin+guished into State Puritans, who contended for a li+mited monarchy, and Church Puritans, who main+tained the doctrines of the Reformation in oppositio•• to Arminius. When the parliament met in 1621

the Commons drew up a large Remonstrance, in which they complained of the danger of the Prote|stant religion from the increase of Papists, their nu|merous conventicles, the remission of the fines im|posed on them by law, the education of many chil|dren of rank in Popish seminaries abroad, and the spread of Popish books; and they besought his maje|sty to assist his son-in-law, in recovering his Electo|rate; and to break off all attempts toward a marriage of his son Charles with the Spanish Infanta, and marry him to some Protestant princess. James, hear|ing of this, prohibited them to meddle with his go|vernment, or his son's marriage; and, because they were not as pliable as he wished, he dissolved them.

Having thus got rid of his troublesome houses of parliament, he commanded the Popish prisoners to be liberated. About four thousand Jesuits and others obtained their release. Informed of this, multitudes of Jesuits and other Papists flocked into England.— Mass was openly celebrated in the country. In Lon|don, their private meetings were so crowded, that in 1622, the floor sunk under one of them, and kil|led the preacher, and about 93 others. Meanwhile, the established pulpits were carefully filled with zea|lots for arbitrary power; and such as dared to assert the rights of the subjects, were punished. Mr. Knight, having, in a sermon before the university of Oxford, taught, That subordinate magistrates may defend themselves against their sovereign, if he become a tyrant, and attempt to force their compliance with idolatry or blasphemy. Being prosecuted and inter|rogated, What authority he had for such an assertion, he quoted Paroeus on Rom. xiii. but chiefly his ma|jesty in assisting the Protestants of Rochelle against their French sovereign. Himself was imprisoned. Paroeus' commentaries were publicly burnt at London and Oxford, and his assertion condemned as seditious. —The university of Oxford declared, that it was un|lawful for subjects, upon any account, to take arms against their king; and all graduates were obliged to

subscribe it, and to swear, That they would alway continue in that opinion.—To distress the Puri|tans still more effectually, James commanded his bi|shops to prohibit clergymen's touching in their ser|mons any thing not contained in the Thirty-nine articles;—to put down all afternoon sermons, and substitute an explication of the Catechism, Creed, and ten commandments in their place;—and that such as only catechized the children be chiefly countenanced and preferred;—that none below a bishop or dean should touch on the deep points of predestination, or the universality, efficacy, or resistableness of God's grace; that no preacher should dare to set bounds to the royal prerogative, or touch any matter of state; that no preacher should rail against Papists or Puri|tans (who were added for a sham);—that bishops and archbishops be more cautious in licensing of preachers;—and that all disobeyers of these injuncti|ons shall be punished with suspension from office and benefice, till the archbishops, with advice of their convocation, prescribe some further punishment.— Formerly the Puritans had only offended by scrupling Popish ceremonies or forms of government. Now, their faithful adherence to what they had been re|quired to subscribe in the Thirty-nine articles, con|trary to Arminianism, rendered them offenders, and excluded them from preferment. Nay, in many places, bishops and their officials restricted preachers to the express words of the Catechism, in their after|noon work.

Having, to his inexpressible grief, accidentally killed a man in hunting, archbishop Abbot with|drew himself from the privy council, in which his advice had been little regarded, on account of his tenderness to pious and conscientious scruplers.— Having lost their friend, many of these Puritans re|tired to America, and Popery came in like a flood. To promote the marriage of Charles with the Spa|nish Infanta, it was agreed, That she, and all her servant, children, and descendents, should have li|berty

to profess the Popish religion; that she should have a church, oratory, and chapel, furnished with all necessary ornaments and utensils; that she should have a bishop and 24 priests to officiate with full ju|risdiction; that she and her servants should have full liberty to procure dispensations, indulgences, jubi|lees, &c. from Rome; that no English laws against Papists shall, in the least, affect the Popish descen|dents of this marriage, or stop their succession to the crown; that the Infanta shall educate her children in her own religion, till they be ten years of age.— To these articles James swore before two Spanish ambassadors and twenty-four privy counsellors, who subscribed the treaty. He and his son swore also to some private articles, That there should be no future execution of the laws against Papists, nor any new ones made; that there should be a perpetual tolera|tion of the Popish religion in private houses; that the Infanta should never be solicited to change her religion; that they should deal with the parliament to rescind the laws against Papists.—Charles further swore, That he would deal with his father to allow the Infanta to have the education of her children till they were twelve years of age; and that he would diligently hearken to such priests as she would em|ploy to confer with him on points of religion. The Papists began to triumph, and the Protestants to tremble. Archbishop Abbot, by a letter, earnestly remonstrated against the match. After all, James solemnly called God to witness, that he sincerely detested Popery, and that the increase of it was a heavy burden on his soul. Meanwhile, his parliament presented him with a list of 57 Popish lords and knights in office, while scarcely any that was but suspected of Puritanism could be admitted to be a Justice of peace. And, after finishing the French match for his son, he allowed ten thousand Papists to be confirmed at the French ambassador's lodging.

In 1625, James died, not without suspicion of poison. He was possessed of some learning, deeply

tinctured with pedantry and self-conceit. He ap|pears to have been void of all religion or common honesty, and remarkable for silly cowardice, base dissimulation, presumptuous perjury, profane swear|ing, lewd speech or behaviour, ambition of arbitrary power, and rage against Puritans. During his reign, Papists, but especially the Puritans, exceedingly in|creased, while the high churchmen, by their igno|rance, error, and impiety, became the detestation of all sober Protestants. Their doctrine became at last high Arminianism. While himself, if he had any profession, was half or wholly a Papist. Bent on reconciling the Popish and Protestant faith, James' new bishops were almost perfectly similar. They maintained the Romish to be a true church, and the Pope the principal bishop in Christendom; they contended for the lawfulness of images in churches; and for the real presence of Christ in the sacrament; and that transubstantiation was but a scholastic nice|ty; they pled for auricular confession, and priestly absolution, and the merit of good works: they gave up with the morality of the Christian Sabbath: they claimed an uninterrupted succession of the episcopal character from the apostles: they were mad on the imitating of Papists in rich furniture of chapels and gawdy pomp of worship. While they flamed with zeal in compromising matters with Rome, they were notoriously negligent of instructing their people in the truths of God. Almost every practical writer of note, as Willat, Dyke, Preston, Sibbs, Byfield, Bolton, Hildersham, Dod, Ball, Whatley, &c. were Puritans.

CHARLES I. ascended his throne, a hearty enemy to the Puritans, looking on them as a kind of seditious and treacherous persons, who would take their first opportunity of revolting from the tempo|ral jurisdiction, as they had done from the spiritual. His queen, whom he almost adored, was a bigotted French Papist, and had the education of her children

secured to her till they should be thirteen years of age. Her conscience was directed by her Confessor, assisted by the Pope's nuncio, and a secret cabal of Jesuits and priests. Bishop Laud was of a rough temper, prone to severities, especially against the Paritans, impatient of contradiction, very arbitrary and superstitious; and though not an absolute Pa|pist, extremely fond of near approaches to Popery, and of being Patriarch of Britain and Ireland. The privy council and the Starchamber, in which the same persons were members, and the High Commis|sion managed almost every thing. In some respects the last was worse than the Spanish Inquisition, as they punished people without any breach of law.— Arminianism daily gained ground with all such as coveted preferment. Laud had attempted to have it approved by the convocation, had not bishop An|drews persuaded him, that it was too soon to put it to the trial.

Henrietta, the Popish queen, had scarcely arrived in England, when a plague followed her, and cut off above forty thousand in London and places about. A solemn fast was appointed, to supplicate God for the removal of it. When the parliament met, the Commons earnestly remonstrated against the increase of Popery, and the several causes of it; and begged, that the preaching of God's word might be increased, and the labours of pious, peaceable, and learned scruplers at the ceremonies used;—and that plurali|ties, non-residences, and commendams might be mo|derated. Charles promised, in the fairest manner. But be had already begun to believe, that no faith is to be kept with parliaments. Upon the very day after he had wrote to archbishop Abbot, to proceed against the Papists, and had, by a proclamation, re|quired all English youth to be recalled from the Po|pish seminaries abroad, he appointed eleven Popish priests to be liberated. Fifty-nine Popish nobility and gentry were in places of power and trust. The titular bishop of Chalcedon was appointed the Pope's

vicar general, and archdeacons all over England.— Charles sent eight of his war ships to attack Rochelle. The rough sailors and soldiers, being more pious than the royal martyr, refused to fight for Papists against their Protestant brethren, but were betrayed into the hands of French officers.

Montague, one of his majesty's chaplains, publi|shed his Gag for an old goose; which contained seve|ral principles calculated to disturb the church or state. The House of Commons condemned it, and the archbishop prohibited him to write any more on such subjects. But, encouraged by the court, he quickly published his Appeal to Cesar; the tendency of which was to promote Arminianism, and reconciliation with Rome, and to advance the king's prerogative above the laws of the land. After examination, the Commons condemned it, as contrary to the doctrine of the church of England, and bound Montague in recognizance of two thousand pounds for his appear+ance at their bar, when called. Apprehending, o•• pretending, this to be an invasion of his majesty'•• prerogative, and a dangerous precedent, Laud and other two bishops, through Buckingham, persuaded Charles to take the cause into his own hand; an•• soon after, to still the noise about the increase o•• Popery and his assisting of his Popish brother-in law against the Protestants of Rochelle, he dissolved th•• parliament. Notwithstanding his extraordinary ca•• to prevent the return of any Puritan members, b•• marking them out for sheriffs, the parliamentar•• Commons, next year, fell directly upon Montague errors. He was accused of maintaining, That th•• church of Rome is, and alway was, a true church which had stood firm on the foundation of the sacra+ments and doctrine instituted by Christ; that a•• doctrine of faith, hope, or charity is controverted be+tween Papists and Protestants, that images are use+ful for instructing the people, and as an excitemen•• to devotion; that some saints and angels have a p••+culiar patronage over certain persons and countries

that justified persons may fall from grace:—and of branding Puritans, and even exact conformists with odious names;—of scoffing at preaching, lecturing, and all other appearances of serious religion;—and that the scope of his book was to reconcile the Eng|lish church to the Roman see. Charles again took the cause into his own hand, and dissolved the par|liament.

Nevertheless, Montague's Arminian errors were refuted from the press by bishop Carleton, doctors Sutliff, Featly, and Goad, and Messrs. Ward, Bur|ton, Yates, Wotton, Prynne, Rouse, &c. Several conferences for debating the Arminian errors having happened, Charles, perhaps instigated by Laud and Neile, prohibited all further deputing on these points. Laud and his friends having the management in their hands, turned the edge of this proclamation wholly against the Puritans. They could not have their books printed, if they contained any thing against Arminianism or Popery, while their opponents were allowed full liberty, and had no small encouragement. Archbishop Abbot was suspended from his office, for refusing to concur in betraying the liberties of church and state into his majesty's hand, and for his Christian moderation towards such as scrupled at the ceremonies, or even the government of the church. And for much the same reason, Williams bishop of Lincoln fell under the displeasure of the court. But Montague, Sibthorp, and Manwaring, Arminian stretchers of the royal prerogative, were caressed and preferred. When the parliament met in 1628, they again remonstrated against the increase of Pope|ry in England and Ireland, in which last, Papists had boldly refused to concur in the defence of the king|dom, unless they were allowed a legal toleration, and to have houses for religious worship in Dublin, and other places. But so impudent, in uttering falshood, were Charles and Laud, that they pretended all these clamours about Arminianism and Popery to be groundless.

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conformity to the rules of the church; that the mat|ter preached by lecturers be carefully observed;— that none but noblemen and others qualified in law, be allowed to keep chaplains; that care be taken to have reading of prayers and catechising as well atten|ded as the sermons. Laud caused to transmit a copy of these Instructions to every parson, for the due ob|servation of them; and by his archdeacons, made search for all lecturers and chaplains. These lectu|rers so much suspected, were chiefly of the Puritan stamp, who scrupling at full conformity, only prea|ched in the afternoon, having no legal benefice, but chosen and maintained by the people. Being men of a remarkably holy practice, strict observers of the Lord's day, warm preachers, and staunch Calvinists, Laud accounted them the great plagues of church and state. When a fast was observed in London for the removal of the raging pestilence, prayers were appointed to be read in all the churches; but not one sermon was allowed, lest the people should have wandered after some of these lecturers. The two Rogers, Dod, Hildersham, Ward, and many other of the more noted in the diocese of London, were suspended. For some hints against Arminianism and Popish ceremonies, Bernard, Chauncey, and Smart were prosecuted before the High Commission, Ber|nard till he was ruined with poverty; Chauncey till he recanted; and Smart lay eleven years in prison, till the parliament liberated him. Affected with the constant persecution of their party, and the reducti|on of their families to beggary, without any prospect of deliverance, Messrs. Higginson and Skelton, with about 350 private persons, retired to America, and settled in the Massachussett-bay, as their friends had formerly done at Plymouth. After landing, they entered into a solemn covenant to walk together in the fear of the Lord, and in church fellowship with one another. About seventy ministers and four thou+sand planters are said to have retired to that conti+nent from the tyrannical rage of Laud and his agents

The persecutors vented their fury on as many as they could. In 1630, the learned bishop Davenant, though a friend to universal redemption, was brought before the council for some Calvinistical hints con|cerning predestination, in his sermon before the king. He was dismissed upon his submission, but never more favoured at court. Mr. Leighton, a Scotch divine, and father to the bishop of that name, for some expressions against bishops, canons, ceremonies, and a Popish queen, in his Zion's plea against Prelacy, was condemned to prison for life, fined in ten thou|sand pounds sterling, and to be whipt, and after that fixed on the pillory at Westminster, have one ear cut off, and side of his nose slit up, and his face branded with S S. to mark him a Sower of Sedition; and after a few days, to be again whipt and pilloried at Cheapside, and have the other ear cut off, and side of his nose slit. When this inhuman sentence was pronounced, Laud took off his hat, and thank|ed God for it. It was completely executed, except that the parliament, ten years after, released him from prison.

The church of St. Catherine Creed, London, be|ing lately repaired, was suspended from divine ser|vice till it should be again consecrated. On January 16th, 1630, bishop Laud, attended by several of the High Commissioners and some civilians, went to it. As he approached the west door, some appointed for that purpose, cried with a loud voice, Open-ye the e|verlasting doors, that the king of glory may enter in. The doors bursting open, Laud and his companions entered, and falling on his knees, with eyes lifted up to heaven, and his arms spread to form himself like a crucifix▪ he pronounced the place HOLY, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Then walking through the middle of the Aile, toward the chancel, he took up dust several times, and threw it into the air. Approaching toward the rail of the communion table, he bowed himself five or six times towards it. Returning thence, he and his atten|dents

went in procession round about the church, re|peating the hundredth, and the nineteenth psalms▪ He then read some short prayers, beseeching God to accept of that beautiful building; and that a•••• that should ever be buried in it, might rest in peace till Christ's second coming, and then rise to eterna•• life. Returning to the Aile, and sitting under a sin•• canopy of cloth, near the communion table, he, from a written book, read a number of curses against a•• such as should profane that holy place, by musters o•• soldiers, or by holding of civil courts in it, or b•• bearing of burdens through it; at the end of each curse bowing toward the East, and saying, Let al•• the people say Amen. He next pronounced an equa•• number of blessings upon all that had any hand i•• planning or building it, or that should bestow orna+ments or utensils upon it; at the end of each, bow+ing toward the East, and saying, Let all the peopl•• say Amen. After a sermon suited to the occasion, h•• then approached the altar, with five or six lowl•• bows. Coming up to that side of it, on which brea•• and wine stood covered, he bowed himself seve•• times. After reading a number of prayers, he dre•••• near to the bread, and gently lifting the corner o•• the napkin, which covered it, he retired a step o•• two, and made other three lowly bows towards it Again advancing, he uncovered the bread, an•• bowed himself thrice more toward it. After layin•• his hand on the covered cup, he retired a little, an•• gave it three humble bows; and again approachin•• it, he stepped back and gave it three more: (Q. Di•• he believe the elements transubstantiated before the•• consecration?) After blessing of the bread and wine Laud himself received the sacrament, and gave it •• some principal clergymen, who assisted him in the•• surplices, hoods, and tippets. A number of mo•• prayers being read, the consecration was finished The church of St. Giles, after it had been used fo•• three or four years, and several others after sti••

longer use, were suspended from holy service, and shut up, till they were re-admitted by a like conse|cration. When the cathedral churches of London, Canterbury, Durham, and the chapel of Lambeth, were repaired, the Popish ornaments, images of di|vine persons not excepted, were carefully preserved, and new ones were procured, to render the places more comely and sacred. As the Puritans inveighed against these Popish fooleries or wickedness, the High Commission took care to punish them for their presumption.

In 1631, Laud, being made chancellor of the uni|versity of Oxford, expelled several of the fellows for preaching or teaching anti-arminian doctrine, and appointed others to be sharply admonished. For his singular appearances of piety, and for preaching twice every Lord's day, Mr. Crowder was deposed and imprisoned by the High Commission.—About four years before, Drs. Gouge, Sibbs, and other cler|gymen, had formed a scheme to buy up all the ec|clesiastical impropriations, that were in the hands of laymen, and not in the service of the church, in or|der to bestow the profits thereof as salaries upon faithful and diligent preachers. Pretending, that they chiefly bestowed them upon Puritans, Laud got them stripped of all that they had bought, and sined to boot. For speaking against images in churches, Hayden, a workman, was scourged, imprisoned, and forced to live on bread and water; and two ministers were suspended and excommunicated. Sherfield, a justice of peace, having understood that some igno|rant people religiously bowed to seven images of God the Father, in the form of a little old man, in a blue and red coat, working at the creation of the world, in the painted glass windows of the old church of Salisbury, did, with consent of the wardens, take out these panes, and put new ones in their room. For this he was deprived of his recordership, sined in 500 pounds sterling, and committed to close pri|son, till he paid it. Meanwhile, Laud inspected the

Press, and expunged out of every book, for which licence was granted, every passage, which disallowed of religious pictures, or of erecting, bowing, or pray|ing to images. Because the English churches in Holland and Hamburgh refused to conform to his ceremonies, he harrassed the foreign Protestants in England. He had scarcely returned from assisting his majesty to promote conformity in Scotland, 1633, when he was made archbishop of Canterbury, instead of the now deceased, but long ago disgraced and hated Abbot; and in Charles' name remitted ARTI|CLES for the royal chapel at Edinburgh, to be a pattern to the rest that kingdom.

Great complaints having been presented to Lord Chief Justice Richardson and Baron Denham, in their western circuit, of manifold mischiefs arising from revels, church-ales, clerk-ales, * 1.1 &c. upon the Lord's day,—conform to many precedents under Eli|zabeth and James, and even one of 1629, they made an order for suppressing them, and required every minister to read it on three different Sabbaths every year, before Easter; and at their return punished some who had been guilty of disobedience. Laud, having complained of their invading the rights of bi|shops, they were cited before the privy council, sharply reprimanded, and required to recall their injunctions. Pierce, bishop of Bath and Wells, in|formed Laud, how much the people disliked the suppression of their Sabbath revels; and what blessed means they were of bringing people to church, and

of promoting mutual affection. Seventy-two of his clergy signed this information. Meanwhile, the justices of the county represented these meetings as a remarkable source of profanation of the Sabbath, riotous tippling, contempt of authority, quarrels, murders, whoredom, and very prejudicial to the peace, plenty, or order of the country; and there|fore begged, that they might be suppressed. No less zealous for supporting and encouraging them, Laud caused Charles to re-publish his father's Book of sports, adding a particular allowance of the revels above mentioned, along with an order to all the bi|shops to see that it should be read from every pulpit in the several parish churches of the kingdom, that all the subjects might know what liberties were al|lowed them. Laud thought the Puritans would refuse to read it from their pulpits on Sabbath, and so expose themselves to prosecutions, while his fashi|onable clergy, who reckoned the Sabbath of no more than ecclesiastical appointment, and no more but the time of public worship holy, would readily read it.

While the courtiers held their balls, masquerades, interludes, and plays on the Lord's day, and the country people, especially the youth, their revels, dances, wakes, May-games, church-ales, clerk-ales, bid-ales, and other recreations,—many hundreds of the pious clergy were prosecuted before the High Commission, suspended, deprived, excommunicated, and forced to leave the kingdom, for refusing to read this Book of sports. Laud and his party reckoned murder, adultery, and the like, almost no crimes in respect of this. To render the Book of common prayer more agreeable to the Papists, and more distressful to the Puritans, Laud, at his own hand, made some alterations in it. In the collect for the royal family, Elizabeth of the Palatinate and her distressed family were expunged. The prayer against the Papists for the 5th of November was turned against the Puri|tans. An order was given to turn the communion

tables into altars, and to compass them about with rails. Bowing at the name of Jesus was perempto|rily required. Dreadful was the ferment which these alterations occasioned, particularly that which re|lated to the communion table. Many ministers and church wardens were fined and excommunicated, be|cause they scrupled to obey.

Prynne, a noted lawyer, having published a book against stage plays, masquerades, and dancing, it was ordered to be publicly burnt by the hands of the hangman. He was deprived of his degrees in Lin|coln's-inn and the university of Oxford: he was pil|loried at Westminster and Cheapside, at each of which places he had one of his ears cut off. He was fined in five thousand pounds, and committed to perpetual imprisonment. Dr. Bastwick, a physician, having published a tract against the Romish bishops, in which he had denied the divine warrant for the superiority of bishops above presbyters, he was deprived of his office, excommunicated, fined in a thousand pounds, and condemned to ly in prison till he should recant. Burton, a minister, was imprisoned for several years, because, in his published sermons, he had dropt some hints against Laud's innovations.—While the terrible procedure of the High Commission forced Elliot, Cotton, Davenport, Hooker, Shepherd, and Nor|ton, all of them remarkable Puritan ministers, to slee into New England, Laud, having become chan|cellor of the university of Dublin, and having lord deputy Wentworth, afterward earl of Strafford, on his side, he excluded the Puritan articles which arch|bishop Usher had established in Ireland, and intro|duced the Thirty-nine English articles in their stead, —denouncing an excommunication against all such as should affirm any of them to be superfluous or erro|neous. The Dutch and French Protestants in Eng|land, consisting of ten congregations, and about 6000 communicants, had their pastors suspended, and their churches shut up, because they would not agree that their children in the 2d descent, should be bound to

conformity. Many of these foreigners left the king|dom, to the great hurt of the manufactures, and the poor employed in them. The English ambassador at Paris, was prohibited to attend public worship with the French Protestants, but got a chapel of his own furnished to the liking of Laud, who declared, that he did not look upon the Hugonots as a part of the English's brethren in Christ. Provoked with these things, few of the foreign Protestants pitied the Eng|••ish Episcopalians in their subsequent distress. Soli|cited by his sister Elizabeth, Charles granted a Brief for a general collection through England, for the Protestant ministers of the Palatinate, which had been subdued and terribly distressed by the Popish troops of the emperor. But Laud prevented its suc|ess, by excepting, that in the Brief Papists were called Antichristians, and the religion of the Palatine Protestants said to be the same with that of the church of England.

In summer A. D. 1635, Laud performed his me|tropolitical visitation; and had his spies every where, that no precentor, or even private person, was safe to speak in public companies, or even converse with his neighbours. Terrible were the prosecutions rais|ed for neglecting to change communion tables into altars, or for other disconformities to his injuncti|ons. Many broke up house-keeping, intending to go to America. Informed of their design, the coun|cil prohibited all but soldiers, mariners, merchants, and factors to leave the kingdom without a passport from his majesty. Notwithstanding this restraint, Peter Bulkly and Richard Math••••••••••ious clergymen, and many others, got off.—To ••••vance ecclesiastical power, Laud drew much of the business of Westmin|ster hall into the spiritual courts, which the king al|lowed him to hold in name of the bishops. Being allowed a right to visit the universities, he drew up a system of new statutes for that of Oxford, in the preface to which he severely reflected on the disor|dering government of Edward VI. and extolled the

reign of Mary, as producing a revival of discipline and making the university to flourish,—candour through the much desired felicity of the times, sup+plying the place of statutes. The other bishops were empowered to form new articles of visitation in their particular dioceses; and to administer an oath t•• church wardens, upon which they should answer •• very thing asked of them. By these means, Powe•• Calamy, Carter, Burroughs, Bridges, Greenhill, an•• about fifty other noted Puritan ministers, were sus|pended or otherwise punished, to the ruin of their families. Afternoon sermons on Sabbath wered espe+cially condemned, as they employed Puritan preach|ers, and hindered the revels.

Now the leading churchmen had attained their summit, grasping not only all ecclesiastical jurisdiction but also the highest preferments of the state. Juxo•• bishop of London, was made High Treasurer, th•• most lucrative office in the kingdom, and which claims precedence next to that of the archbishop.— The higher they were exalted, they became the mor•• unfaithful, indolent, and many of them intolerabl•• scandalous and proud. The sufferings of their op|ponents increased in the Starchamber and High Com|mission,—sticking at nothing cruel or illegal. A ca+talogue of God's judgments on Sabbath breakers, an apo+logy to the English bishops, and a new litany being pu+blished, in which some sentences were said to be se+ditious, schismatic, and libellous, Prynne, Bastwick and Burton, prisoners, were charged with them i•• the Starchamber. They prepared their answers; bu•• could get no lawyer to sign them, nor would the cour•• receive them from their own hands; but condemne•• them, as confessing what was laid to their charge▪ and because Burton, who had got one to sign hi•• would not acknowledge it after they had expunged a•• but nine or ten lines of it, he also was held to hav•• confessed. Notwithstanding their earnest solicitation to have their answers read, Burton was deprived o•• his ministry and benefice, and along with Bastwic••

was pilloried at Westminster, and had their ears cut off. Prynne had his stumps rooted out, and his cheeks marked with S. L. to denote him a Seditious Libeller; and each of them was fined in 5000 pounds, and sent to different prisons, where they lay without paper, pen, or ink, or access to friends, till the par|••iament relieved them in 1640. Nay, such as shew|ed them any kindness as they were carried to prison, were prosecuted. Laud laboured to vindicate him|self from the charge of attempting innovations in re|••igion, and thanked the court for their just and ho|nourable sentence, and for their zealous defence of ••he church. Multitudes in the nation, particularly ministers, lawyers, and physicians, did not so plea|••antly digest this sentence, and the execution of it.

Much about the same time, a process was carried ••n against Williams bishop of Lincoln, and Osbaldi|••on schoolmaster in Westminster. Williams had ••ad a principal hand in the primary advancement of ••aud: but he, having got himself fixed in the royal ••••vour, removed Williams from all his preferments •• court. Williams having attached himself to the ••••berties of church and state, and become pretty po|••ular, happened, among some of his clergy, to con|••emn Laud's innovations, and to say, that the Puri|••••ns were his majesty's best subjects; and that he had ••id, he would treat them more mildly. Informed ••f this, Laud got him cited before the Starchamber ••r revealing the king's secrets: but when that could ••ot be got proved, he was accused of tampering with ••s majesty's evidence, and without any proper proof, ••e High Commission fined him in 11,000 pounds, ••d condemned him to arbitrary imprisonment. As ••s goods were sold to pay his fine, and his books ••d papers seized by the court, they found among ••em two or three letters received from Osbaldiston, ••out five years before, and never shown to any per|••••n, in which there were some dark expressions, ••hich Laud applied to himself and Wes••on the Po|sh Treasurer. Upon this Williams was again char|ged

with seditious libelling of the king's privy coun|sellors, fined in 8,000 pounds more, which, because he could not pay, he was detained in prison till the parliament relieved him. Osbaldiston deserted hi•• school, and concealed himself, till the parliamen•• met. But thinking that they carried matters too far, he again quitted his school, and espoused hi•• majesty's cause.

Noblemen still retained Puritan chaplains, an•• pamphlets were still published against the oppressing managers. A proclamation was therefore issued prohibiting all books not licensed by the archbisho•• or Juxon of London. Multitudes still retiring to Holland or America, Charles and his council prohi+bited any to be allowed to depart without a testimo|nial of their conformity from their minister, or any minister without an attestation of his conformity b•• Laud or Juxon.—The court clergy represented th•• differences between the Popish and English churche•• as very unimportant; declared themselves for th•• invocation of saints,—the real presence of Christ i•• the eucharist,—the mass and its propitiatory sacrifice —images and crucifixes in churches,—auricular con+fession,—and merit of good works. The laws a+gainst Papists were suspended, and many of the•• were advanced to the highest places of power an•• trust, and had the ear of the queen, whenever the pleased. She had her agent at Rome; and the Pop•• had his nuncio in England. Cardinal Barbarini w•• constituted protector of the English nation; an•• Richard Smith, titular bishop of Chalcedon, exer+cised episcopal jurisdiction over the English Papists by commission from the Pope. Con the legate se+duced severals, and by presents of his beloved toy and pictures made attempts upon Charles himself.— The civil liberties of the nation were quite unhinged and all the judges, but Crook and Hutton, approve•• the methods of oppression, as agreeable to law.

Still proceeding in their persecuting work, th•• Starchamber and High Commission, in 1638, sus|pended

and imprisoned Wilkinson, Walker, Smith, ••mall, Cooper, Brewer, Foxely, and other Puritan ministers, while Ezekiel Rogers, Samuel Newman, Charles Chauncey, ministers, and multitudes of pri|••ate persons still flocked to New England. Eight ••hips were just ready to sail with such fugitives from ••ppression, in which, it is said, Cromwel, Hampden, ••nd other noted opponents of Charles afterward, were ••oard. But the privy council ordered all the pas|••engers ashore, and prohibited all masters and own|••s of ships to launch for New England, without ••pecial licence from the council. Shut out from New ••ngland, Thomas Goodwin, Philip Nye, Jeremiah ••••rroughs, William Bridges, and Sydrach Simson, ministers, with several gentlemen and merchants, ••••ving disposed of their effects, retired to Holland, ••here they were kindly entertained, and had the ••utch churches allowed them at different hours for ••heir public worship.

Notwithstanding all his pretences to friendship, ••harles, in 1639, was labouring to his utmost to ••epare for making war on his subjects and brethren •• Scotland, whom Laud's impositions had awakened •• assert their liberties, and restore their religion.— ••e found it necessary to call his English parliament, •• supply him with money for that purpose. Not|••ithstanding all their earnestness to oblige his maje|••••y, they, in their former manner, began with their ••rievances relative to religion. Highly provoked, ••harles dissolved them, when they had sat about ••••ree weeks, without passing one act,—and commit|••••d their leading members to prison. Meanwhile, ••ud and his convocation had been occupied in fram|••••g 17 new Canons relative to his majesty's suprema|•••• and birth-day; against Popery, Socinianism, and ••ctaries; an oath against attempting innovations in ••urch or state; a declaration concerning the cere|••onies; preaching up conformity; articles for pa|••chial visitations; conversation of clergymen; chan|••••llors; patents; and censures; excommunications;

commutations of penance; jurisdiction; licences to marry; vexatious citations. They also intended to compile a Pontificial, containing forms of consecra|ting churches, chapels, and church yards; of recon|ciling penitentiaries, and excluding apostates; arti|cles of episcopal visitation, and a short prayer before sermon. But the sudden dissolution of the parlia|ment prevented the accomplishment of their projects. When their Canons were published, they were gene|rally disliked. Multitudes could not admit the ab|solute power of the king, or the unlawfulness of de|fensive arms against him in any case. The Puritan•• disliked the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th. The most o•• the clergy disliked the 6th, as it required them spee|dily to swear an oath with an ETC. in the midst o•• it, after an approved list of Popish church officers▪ and that they would never consent to any alteration in the government of the church. Many ministers▪ schoolmasters, and physicians besought his majesty that this oath might not be imposed. Hall, bishop of Norwich, by a mitigating explication, induced hi•• clergy to take it. But Laud and his party had forced it down the throats of their underlings, if Charle•• had not restrained them by his letter.

Meeting with bad success in his war with the Scots and observing that many of the English either be friended them, or at least would not assist him agains•• them, till they got their own grievances redressed, h•• found himself obliged to call another parliament i•• 1640, when the condition of his court was truly mi+serable. By his ill usage of his parliaments, an•• taking upon himself the faults of his ministers, he ha•• much lost the affection of his subjects, and had bu•• few friends of credit and interest at home. Bot•• French and Spaniards were pleased with his distress Foreign Protestants abhorred the ruling bishops, an•• wished well to their oppressed brethren. The que•••• was hated by every body, who regarded either re••••+gion or liberty. The bishops could not but expe•• to have their late tyranny resented, and their pow••••

abridged. The Judges were contemned and hated, for betraying the laws of their country, and giving their sanction to almost all the illegal proceedings of the privy council and Starchamber. It is neverthe|less certain, that few members of weight in the par|liament, had any intention to subvert the Episcopa|lian government of the church, till the haughty be|haviour of the bishops and some other circumstances gradually led them to it.

Being met, the Commons immediately appointed a committee to receive grievances relative to religion. They soon attacked the late Canons, and, after warm reasonings, found, that the clergy have no power to make any binding canons without consent of parlia|ment; that the late canons, made by the convocati|on of London and York, are not obligatory on any of the subjects; that they contain many things in|consistent with his majesty's prerogative, laws of the ••and, rights of parliament, and liberties of the sub|••ects; that their grant of a tax or benevolence is ••ontrary to law, and not binding upon any of the ••lergy. It was pled, that they had no power to sit ••fter the parliament was dissolved, and therefore all ••heir Canons were, ipso facto, null and void;—that ••everal of them were bad in themselves; and that ••he oath which they had framed, was in some points ••mbiguous, and in others directly false and illegal.

The convocation met again along with this parlia|••ent; but having no commission from his majesty, ••hey transacted no business of importance; and after ••aud their great supporter was impeached, they lost ••ll heart, dwindled away, and broke up without ei+••her prorogation or adjournment. After he had, or many years, oppressed the conscientious part of ••he nation, Laud was now loaded with manifold ••imes. The Scotch commissioners accused him of ••aking divers alterations in religion contrary to their ••anding laws, and imposing upon them a book of ••mons and a service book, contrary to the discipline ••ad goovernment of their church; and that he had

composed a public prayer for their destruction as traitors and rebels, and had caused it to be read in all the churches in England. The House of Com|mons impeached him of attempting to subvert their constitution by an introduction of arbitrary power; —of procuring sermons to be preached, and pamph|lets printed, in which the authority of parliament is denied, and the absolute power of the king asserted; —of interrupting the course of justice by his messa|ges, threatenings, and promises to the judges;—o•• selling justice himself, and advising his majesty to sel•• places of judicature; of procuring the canons and oath imposed by the late convocation; of robbing his majesty of his ecclesiastical supremacy, and pre|tending that spiritual jurisdiction is not derived from the crown; of introducing Popish ceremonies, and cruelly persecuting such as opposed them; of pro|moting men of corrupt principles and practice to the principal stations in the church; of retaining chap|lains Popishly disposed, and committing to them the licensing of books, to the scandal of the Protestan•• religion; of attempting to reconcile the English church to the Romish; of discountenancing sermons and silencing, depriving, imprisoning, and banishing godly and orthodox ministers; of dividing the church of England from her sister Protestant churches abroad of being the author of all the late disturbances in Scot+land and England; of endeavouring to deprive th•• kingdom of its legislative power, by alienating hi•• majesty from his parliament. Upon this impeach+ment, Laud was imprisoned in the Tower, and soo•• after suspended from his archbishoprick. After h•• had lain in prison about four years, ten other arti+cles were exhibited against him, not much differen•• in matter from some of these mentioned. Notwith+standing his own and his advocates remarkable quib+bling, so much of his indictment was proved, as notwithstanding his majesty's pardon, brought him to lose his head on Tower-hill, Jan. 10, 1645.

Much about the time that Laud was sent to the Tower, bishop Williams was discharged; and Char|les, to gain him to his side, promised him satisfacti|on for all the loss he had sustained. Prynne, Bur|ton, and Bastwick, and Leighton were liberated, and indemnification of their losses out of the estates of Laud and his fellow members of the High Commissi|on and Starchamber, voted them. But I suppose the subsequent confusions prevented their obtaining much of it. A complaint was preferred against bi|shops Pierce, Montague, Owen, and Manwaring, and against several of the inferior clergymen for their zealously promoting Popish innovations, and cruelly persecuting such as opposed them: but the Com|mons had not leisure to prosecute them. While the parliament manifested their abhorrence of the late measures, the people could scarcely be restrained from tumultuously pulling down and destroying whatever, they were told, had been illegally set up. The bi|shops could scarcely officiate according to their late injunctions, or even walk in the streets in their robes, without being upbraided as Popish priests, &c.— Read prayers were decried as a lifeless quenching of the Spirit of God, and not suited to the times.

The moderate Brownists or Independents had still held their meetings as secretly as possible. Lathorp, having succeeded Jacob as their pastor, one of the members having had a child baptized in the episco|pal church, this occasioned a dispute in the congre|gation, Whether it ought to be re-baptized? The greater part holding the negative, such as insisted for a re-baptism, separated themselves, and chose one Jasse for their pastor, who laid the foundation of the first Baptist congregation that I meet with in Eng|land. The rest of the congregation renewed their covenant to walk together in the ways of the Lord; and notwithstanding manifold-hardships, continued remarkably stedfast. Dispirited by the rent of their congregation, Lathorp, and about thirty others, re|tired to New England. Canne, the author of the

marginal references on the Bible, succeeded him: but, after he had preached a year or two in private houses, Laud's persecution obliged him to flee to Holland, where he was pastor to the Brownists at Amsterdam. Samuel Howe supplied his room at London. But Laud's party having excommunicated and imprisoned him, his church chose Stephen More for their pastor. Finding how things went in this parliament, they ventured to hold their meetings more publicly. The marshal of the king's bench came upon about eighty of them assembled toge|ther, and threw the most of them into prison.— Next morning, five or six of them were carried be|fore the House of Lords, to whom they honestly de|clared, That they could own no other Head of the church than Christ; that no laws contrary to these of God ought to be obeyed; and they disowned the jurisdiction of the Pope and every other foreigner. Such a declaration, a few weeks or months before, would have cost them their ears: but now, the Lords dismissed them with a gentle reprimand; and three or four of them went to their meeting next Sabbath, and were not a little satisfied with their order in preaching and administering the Lord's supper.

Though the Commons could not yet rectify the old canon law, which had long been an unfathomable source of oppression in the spiritual courts, they vot|ed down the late innovations, and appointed com|missioners in all counties, to demolish and remove out of churches and chapels all images, crucifixes, superstitious pictures, and other relicks of idolatry, according to the injunctions of Edward and Elizabeth. They prohibited the imposing of the oath of unifor|mity upon the students of Cambridge and Oxford, at their matriculation. They made it their business to cut off illegal additions from the worship, discipline, and government of the church, and to punish such as had promoted the introduction of them, contrary to the laws of the land.

The freedom which the Commons used with the bishops and their canons, awakened the attention of the whole nation. The Press being now open, se|veral pamphlets, not in the most decent language, were published against these diocesan lords and their office. Archbishop Usher applied himself to defend the episcopal order as apostolical: but by BISHOP be meant no more than a stated president over pres|byters,—which most of the Puritans were willing to admit. His half Presbyterian scheme was far enough from pleasing his brethren. About a year before, bishop Hall, directed by Laud, had published a de|fence of hierarchical Episcopacy, in which he attempt|ed to prove, That it was an apostolical institution, and of perpetual obligation; that as the pious Chris|tian Fathers would not change the form of church government which they had received from the apo|stles, the universal practice of the primitive church, is the best rule of judging concerning the apostolical practice; and that presbyterian government, having no foundation in the word of God, or in the prac|tice of the Christian church for 1500 years, is alto|gether unjustifiable. As Laud, in revising it, had altered several passages, Hall could scarcely go the length of his own book. Nevertheless, he now pu|blished a Remonstrance to the parliament, and soon after a defence of it in vindication of liturgies and diocesan episcopacy. His performances were answer|ed by Messrs. Stephen Marshal, Edmund Calamy, Thomas Young, Matthew Newcomb, and William Spurstow, in their SMECTYMNUS, so called from the initial letters of their name, in which they shew|ed, That the scripture no where restricts men to set forms of prayer; that for 300 years after Christ, there were no set forms of prayer imposed by the church; and defy the bishop to produce one genu|ine liturgy within that time. They shewed, that the English liturgy is extracted from Popish models, and in many places offensive to tender Christians; that bishops and presbyters are represented as the same in

office in scripture; that both scripture and the anti|ent church allowed presbyters to ordain pastors with|out bishops, as archbishop Usher and all the English bishops for many years after the Reformation, thought they might; and that, for 400 years after Christ, bishops had no chancellories or commissaries. They shewed manifest differences between the bishops of the 3d and 4th century, and the diocesans in Eng|land. They concluded, beseeching the parliament to reduce Episcopacy to its primitive simplicity, if they retained it, and that the liturgy might be re|formed, if they continued it, and not at all imposed, but left to preachers discretion, how much of it should be read, where there was sermon. Had all the other bishops been as pious and moderate as Hall, with all his high flights, matters had readily been compromised. But the courtiers were too proud to stoop an hair breadth to their opponents; and so, to the great satisfaction of the Papists, the contenti|ons increased till both church and state were in flames.

The fate of the hierarchy being now in the hands of the parliament, petitions subscribed by multitudes, for, or against it, were presented to both Houses. Some, as that called the root and branch Petition, subscribed by 15,000 citizens, and other inhabitants of London, craved, that the whole fabric of Episco|pacy might be demolished. Another, subscribed by 1700 beneficed clergymen, only insisted for the refor|mation of it; in which they were joined by great multitudes in othet representations. Nineteen pe|titions signed in whole by about an hundred thou|sand, six thousand of whom were noblemen, gentry, and dignified clergy, insisted for the continuance of the establishment, as it had stood since the Refor|mation. These different petitions furnished the Commons with a large field of elaborate debates.— Sir Henry Vane younger, Thomas Bagshaw, and White, insisted for the total abolishment of the hierarchy. Lords Falkland and Digby, the most noted of the royalists, insisted for the continuance

and reformation of it, representing the present bish|ops and their agents, as a set of infernal oppressors, who had tried how much of the Papist they could bring in without Popery, and how much of the gos|pel they could destroy, without exposing themselves to punishment by the civil law. As the Papists who flocked about the court, being protected by the queen, sometimes insulted the courts of judicature, the Commons besought his majesty to issue forth a pro|clamation for executing the laws against Papists in ge|neral, and to remove them from his court; and all such as refused the oath of supremacy from the army and garrison, and to disarm their whole body, as their number was become dangerous to the nation, there being about 6000 of them in one parish of Westminster. These addresses did but provoke the Papists, the king and queen being determined to protect them as long as they could. Charles even reprived Goodman, a seminary priest under sentence of death in Newgate,—which occasioned warm re|monstrances from both Houses of parliament.

In 1641, Wentworth, now earl of Strafford, who had once been a most zealous asserter of the rights of the subjects, was attainted of high treason for endeavouring to subvert the government in England and Ireland, and to introduce arbitrary power of kings. Charles countenanced a plot to draw the army to London, and rescue him by force. This but enraged the parliament, and made his con|demnation the more harmonious. Even Falkland and Digby, who opposed his attainder, represented him as a most insupportable tyrant. His conduct, as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, too strongly verified it. With great reluctance, Charles signed his sen|tence of death, and perhaps not till himself had hy|pocritically desired him to do it for the peace of the kingdom. A design of Charles' dissolving the par|liament taking air, the citizens of London declared, that they would lend no money upon the parliament's security, if their sitting were so precarious. Money

being immediately needed to pay off the Scotch and English armies in the North, Charles was obliged to ratify an act, bearing, that the parliament should neither be dissolved nor adjourned without their own consent. Alarmed by the discovery of a Popish plot against them, and the flight of the conspirators, both Houses, bishops not excepted, entered into a solemn covenant, in the presence of Almighty God, to main|tain with life, power, and estate, as far as they law|fully might, the Protestant religion, against Papists and Popish innovations,—and his majesty's person, honour, and estate, and the privileges of the parlia|ment, and rights and liberties ef the nation, and of every one concurring in this protestation, in every thing they do in prosecution of it;—and by all pro|per methods to endeavour to bring to condign pu|nishment all that act contrary to the contents of it; —and by all just and honourable methods, labour to preserve the union and peace between the kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland;—and that nei|ther fear, hope, or any other motive, should make them relinquish this vow, promise, and protestation. This was subscribed by eighty lords, seventeen bish|ops, nine judges, and four hundred and thirty-eight members of the House of Commons; and it was im|mediately printed, and sent to all the sheriffs and justices, to be taken by the whole nation, the mini|ster reading and taking it himself, and then those of his congregation: the names of such as took or re|fused it, being entered in different registers, the Commons soon after voted the refusers of it unfit to bear office either in church or state. This protesta|tion, except what relates to the hierarchy, is mate|rially the same with the Solemn League.

The Commons next attempted to exclude the bi|shops from their seat in parliament, and to abolish deans, chapters, archdeacons, prebendaries, chantors canons, and their officers, and to bestow their salaries in supporting preachers for the instruction of the people. But both bills were lost in the House o••

Lords. Meanwhile, these peers had appointed ten earls, ten bishops, and ten barons, to examine what innovations needed to be removed. These appointed a sub-committee of bishops and divines on both sides. Several rectifications were proposed in the doctrine, worship, and discipline. Williams of Lincoln, who was chairman or moderator, presented a plan for re|gulating the power and conduct of bishops, but which almost nothing diminished their power. Archbishop Usher, who was then occasionally in England, offered another, bearing, That vicars and church wardens should have much the same power as presbyterial sessions; suffragans and their clergy should meet e|very month in the manner of Presbyteries; bishops and their clergy once or twice a year in the manner of Synods; archbishops, bishops, and suffragans, to|gether with duly chosen representatives of the infe|rior clergy, once in three years in provincial Synod••; —and both meet in one national Synod when the parliament should sit. This scheme was much the same with the Presbyterian, except that the bishops or their suffragans were constant moderators. But, when it appeared, that the bishops stuck together in the parliament against all alterations, the committee broke up without agreeing on any plan. This stiff|ness of the bishops provoked their opposers to rise in their demands. Meanwhile, the High Commission and Starchamber courts being abolished, and an act passed against their future erection, the Puritans de|clared their zeal for a Manifesto, which Charles s, he intended for the meeting of the German princes at Ratisbon, in favour of his sister Elizabeth, queen of Bohemia, and her children, bearing, That he in|tended to do his utmost to have them restored to their electorate.

Baffled in their former attempts to reduce the power of the bishops, the Commons impeached Laud and other twelve of them, of high crimes and mis|demeanors,—for making and publishing the late ca|nons, contrary to his majesty's prerogative and the

fundamental laws of the land, the rights of parlia|ment, and liberties of the subjects. They did not resign their seats as was expected, but craved time to prepare answers. As Charles intended to set off for Scotland to compleat the Pacification with that king|dom, the Treaty between the two nations, and Act of oblivion, excepting the Scotch bishops and four o|thers, were ratified and confirmed. In this Treaty, an endeavouring after an union and uniformity in religion and church government with the Scots, was approved by his majesty and his houses of parliament: and on the national Thanksgiving for the peace, the Scots, who had a little before been declared rebels, were, by order of parliament, declared good subjects from all the pulpits in England.—Scarcely had he returned from Scotland, when the English bishops severely reproached him for consenting to the abolish|ment of Prelacy, and ratification of Presbytery in that kingdom. This, together with his consenting to the condemnation of Strafford, lay heavy on his heart.—Complaints of want of sermon in churches being presented to the Commons, they appointed afternoon sermons in every church, either by the vi|car, or some other chosen by the parish in his room; and that people may, at their own charge, set up lecturers to preach on Sabbaths or other days, where sermon is wanting. Forty members were appointed as a committee to provide preachers and salaries for vacant congregations, and another committee to ex|amine complaints against scandalous clergymen, ma|ny of which had been presented. They also appoin|ted, that the Lord's day should be more carefully sanc|tified, and no sports be allowed on it; that all images of divine persons, or virgin Mary, should be abolished; and bowing at the name of Jesus, or towards the East, or the communion table, laid aside. As archbishop Laud, in his prison, still presumed to ordain clergy|men, the Lords suspended him from his office, and sequestrated his jurisdiction in the hand of inferior officers, till he should clear himself from his charge.

Notwithstanding all their zeal for reformation, the Commons severely punished such as pretended to promote it in a tumultuous manner, or dared to preach without orders.

The earl of Antrim and Sir Phelim O'Neal, heads of the Popish party in Ireland, having acquainted the queen, the nuncio and priests about her, how easily they could assume the Irish government, and assist his majesty against the English Puritans, she and Charles by letters authorized them to seize the government. They immediately took arms, and bound themselves by oath to maintain the catholic religion, and bear true and faithful allegiance to the king's majesty and his laws, and defend them with their lives and estates, against all opponents. They called themselves the Queen's army, and published a declaration, bearing, That they acted by his maje|sty's commission under the Great Seal, and a letter written by himself. Having assembled, to the num|ber of twenty or thirty thousand, they judged it pro|per first to massacre all the Protestants in Ireland, that they might afterwards with safety march against the English or Scots, as his majesty or queen direct|ed. Regardless of relation, neighbourhood, or hu|manity, they massacred about two hundred thousand of them in cold blood, and in the most barbarous forms. Notwithstanding all the pains taken to con|ceal and deny it, it now plainly appears from the ac|counts given by Burnet, Birch, and lately published papers of Clarendon, that Charles himself, as well as the queen and nuncio, were deeply chargeable with this bloodshed, though it is probable their agents overdid their orders. The news of this massacre struck the English with the utmost consternation; and the parliament devised methods for securing themselves and nation against the Papists, and for transporting an army to Ireland for the relief of the poor remains of their Protestant brethren. Charles insisted for sending over ten thousand forces from England; but the Commons dreading an insurrection

of Papists at home, insisted for sending the ten thou+sand which the Scots had generously offered. No•• were their suspicions groundless. Charles appeare•• extremely unwilling to act against his Popish friend•• He had deprived the parliament of their guard: h•• had turned out the earl of Leicester, Lieutenant o•• Ireland, and Parsons, one of the most active Prote+stant Justices in that kingdom. He intercepted tw•• hundred thousand pounds sent by the English parlia+ment to Ireland. He received deputations from th•• Irish Papists more respectfully than those from h•• Protestant subjects. Even during the pacification h•• could scarcely forbear calling the Scots Rebels t•• bu•• he had almost to be compelled to call the Irish cu•• throats such. After he had done it, no more tha•• forty copies of his declaration were allowed to b•• printed, and not one to be dispersed without furthe•• orders.

About eight days after his majesty returned fro•• Scotland, the Commons presented him with tw•• hundred grievances of the nation. They charged th•• origination of them on the Jesuited Papists, the cou•••• bishops, the corrupt clergy, and some corrupt coun+sellors, who had engaged themselves in the intere•• of foreign powers. They represented, That the•• had been carried on by oppressing the purity an•• power of religion,—by cherishing the Arminians i•• the points in which they agreed with the Papists,— by introducing such innovations in religion as pro+mote a reconcilement with Popery,—and by fomen+ing differences between him and his parliament, an•• encouraging him to illegal and arbitrary methods •• raising supplies. With respect to religion, they com+plained of the censuring of many pious, learned, an•• laborious ministers; the oppression of multitudes •• faithful subjects by the bishops; the almost Spani•••• inquisitorial severity of the High Commission, assiste•• by his privy council; the rigour of the bisho•• courts, which had driven many from the kingdom the preferring of those to ecclesiastical honours, wh••

were most active promoters of superstition, or viru|••ent railers against piety and honesty; the imposition ••f Popish innovations in Scotland and England, in ••rder to effect a reconciliation with the Romish ••hurch; the favour shown to Papists; the late Ca|••ens and conduct of the bishops in opposition to his supremacy. They represented their desire to have a synod of the most pious and learned divines assembled for giving advice how far it is proper to reform the church, and informed him of their care to promote ••earning, and provide for the support of faithful and preaching ministers;—and of their intention to have ••he two universities of Oxford and Cambridge purged of their corruptions.

As the Lords appeared to favour the bishops, and to shift off their trial, the people renewed their sup|plications to the Commons, whom they reckoned the support of religion and liberty. The mayor and al|dermen of London presented a petition, craving, that for the promoting of reformation, the bishops and Popish lords might be removed from the House of Peers. Soon after, the apprentices petitioned, That the Popish lords and other noted persons of that re|ligion might be taken into custody, and Prelacy root|ed out. The Puritan clergy besought the parliament speedily to rectify that which they found amiss in the church. Meanwhile, two petitions were presented in favours of Prelacy as the only government of apo|stolical institution, sealed with the blood of martyrs, and admirably suited to the civil government of the nation. About the time the apprentices presented their petition, some began to insult the bishops, as they went to, or returned from the Parliament-house. They remonstrated to Charles and the Lords, That, on account of danger to their persons, they absent|ed; and protested, That nothing enacted by the parliament during their involuntary absence, should be valid in law. The Lords immediately communi|cated their protest to the Commons, who, upon the footing of it, impeached the twelve bishops, who had

signed it, of High treason, in endeavouring to sub+vert the fundamental laws of the land, and the ver•• being of parliaments. The same evening they wer•• sequestred, and ten of them sent to the Tower. Ha•• of Norwich and his brother of Durham, on accoun•• of their former useful labours, were but committe•• to the custody of the Black Rod. Thus William•• now archbishop of York, and his brethren, by an ac•• of almost pure madness, entangled themselves. In+stead of prosecuting their impeachment, the parlia+ment voted them entirely out of the House, and too•• all temporal jurisdiction from persons in holy orders▪ and Charles, in hopes that it would satisfy the peo+ple and prevent all further demands, reluctantly ra+tified their deed. As the bishops were generally hat+ed, especially at London, the passing of this bill wa•• attended with bonefires and illumination of window••

Being resolved to pass no more particular acts rela+tive to religion, Charles retired from London, an•• his queen to Holland;—a plain signal of his intentio•• to break with his parliament. After he and they ha•• some altercation, the Scots, to his great offence an•• their satisfaction, offered to mediate between them▪ Once and again he rejected their offers, and applie•• to the Papists, and the not much better Collegian•• of Oxford and Cambridge. But the parliament pro+fessed their readiness to accept the Scots mediation•• and endeavoured to cultivate a good correspondenc•• with them. The Scotch General Assembly, by •• letter, solicited the English parliament to promot•• uniformity with them in church government an•• worship, and to extirpate Prelacy, as without tha•• they could not hope to have one Confession of Faith Catechism, or Form of worship. The parliament re+turned a kind reply, desiring that the Scots woul•• join them, in beseeching his majesty to call an Assem+bly of divines, and would send some of their own t•• it, for promoting the much desired uniformity. T•• encourage them to these things, they, with amazin••

harmony, abolished that form of Episcopacy which was established by the English laws. But as this act only appointed it to cease about a year after, and pro|vided nothing in its place, it is probable that some of the English managers hoped, before that time, to ob|tain peace with his majesty, and so retain Episcopacy with some modifications. And, indeed, the whole pertinents of Prelacy were never abolished till after he was reduced.

About this time, an uncommon seriousness and devotion prevailed among those that lived in places, to which the power of the parliament chiefly exten|ded. The Sabbath was sanctified with unusual strict|ness; the churches were crowded with attentive hea|rers three or four times a day; the officers of the peace walked in the streets, and shut up all public houses; nor did any travel on roads, or walk in fields, but in case of absolute necessity. Religious exercises were so universally set up in private families, that at certain hours, one might have traversed the streets of London, without seeing one idle person, or hear|ing any thing but the sound of prayers and praises from churches and houses. The parliament prohi|bited stage plays, as too often expressive of levity and wantonness,—and other diversions, as not suited to their afflicted circumstances. They commanded the monthly fasts, which had been appointed about a year before, with his majesty's consent, for bewailing the deplorable ciroumstances of Ireland, to be exact|ly observed. Morning exercises were set up in chur|ches to pray for persons in the army or otherwise in danger, and to administer proper exhortations.— Morning lectures were set up for the benefit of mem|bers of parliament. The laws against vice were so strictly executed, that no stews or gaming houses were to be found; nor was profane swearing, or like debauchery to be seen or heard in the streets. The like appearances of religion prevailed in the parlia|ment's army, the most of their soldiers not so much fighting for pay as for religion and liberty; and they

had the most noted preachers for chaplains to their regiments. Meanwhile, most of his majesty's parti|zans and warriors were remarkably profligate, ready to take every sober person for a Puritan, and to plun|der him on that account,—by means of which not a few were induced, or forced, into the parliament's side. Many of his preachers knew little more of their business than to rail at the Puritans and their doctrines of God's free grace.

In 1643, after a solemn fast, in which they and the nation bewailed their own and father's iniquities, the parliament warmly requested his majesty, That the laws should be strictly executed against the Pa|pists; and that they should be obliged to abjure the Pope's supremacy, transubstantiation, purgatory, and worship of images,—and their children trained up in the Protestant religion; and that he would give his assent to the five acts which they had made,—for suppressing innovations in God's worship; for strict observation of the Lord's day;—for the abolishment of Prelacy;—for the punishment of scandalous cler|gymen;—for the restraint of pluralities of church livings with charge of souls, and non-residences of clergymen at their charges;—and for calling an as|sembly of learned divines to advise them in settling the government and liturgy of the church. But he was far enough from any honest compliance with such demands.

The clergy of both sides had peculiar hardships to endure from both sides. Charles' partizans had hanged up some of the Puritan clergy, if the parlia|ment had not threatened to make reprisals. The committee, which the parliament appointed to purge out scandalous clergymen, was obliged to sub-divide•• itself, on account of the vast extent of their work. Shocking discoveries were made in the lives of not a few of the conforming clergy. Many insulted the committees and their witnesses, and threatened re|prisals. Notwithstanding the ejection of multitudes for their scandals, not a few, scarcely tolerable in

their practice, were allowed to retain their charges. The parliament supplied the place of the ejected the best way they could. Two congregations were some|times committed to one pastor, and some that were too weak were admitted to others. Meanwhile, they seized the bishops lands, to assist them in carrying on their war with his majesty, allowing considerable pensions to such of them as had been more decent and less wicked. They proceeded in appointing or|gans and monuments of superstition and idolatry to be removed from places of public worship. Besides their monthly fasts on Wednesdays, which Charles and his friends observed on holy Fridays, they ap|pointed several occasional fasts on account of their distressful circumstances. The war between the dif|ferent parties being carried on from the Press with almost as much fury as in the field, the parliament prohibited the printing of any book, which was not licensed by such as they appointed for that work,— different licensers being allotted to the different sci|ences to which books pertained.

Despairing of Charles' concurrence with them in calling an Assembly of divines, the parliament by themselves called one, not to be an independent ju|dicatory of Jesus Christ, but a committee for advising them in religious matters proper to be considered and established by civil authority. Having had lists of the best qualified persons in the several counties tran|smitted to them by knights and burgesses, they se|lected an hundred and twenty-one divines, to which they added ten Lords and twenty Commoners, with equal power of debating and voting. When any of these died, the parliament chose his successor. Mest. Alexander Henderson, George Gillespy, Samuel Ru|therfoord, and Robert Bailie, ministers, lord Mait|land, the earl of Lowdon, and Archibald Johnston, afterward lord Warriston, ruling elders, commissio|ners from the Scotch General Assembly, were, not without some reluctance, admitted as members. No more than about ninety-six of the English divines

gave any proper attendance. Archbishop Usher, bishop Brownrig, Henry Hammond, John Hacket, George Morley, Robert Sanderson, and William Ni|colson, the four last of whom after the restoration were bishops of Litchfield, Winchester, Lincoln, and Gloucester, never took their seats. Though the parliament had appointed Episcopalians, as well as Presbyterians and Independents, members, few of the first kind ever took their seats, and those that did, quickly withdrew, when Charles prohibited their meeting, because the members had not been chosen by the clergy, and many of them were either laymen or Puritans. They that continued in it were gene|rally men of eminent piety, learning, and faithful|ness to God and their country. Their meeting was opened July 1, with a sermon by Dr. Twisse their prolocutor or moderator. They agreed upon a so|lemn vow, to be taken by every member at his ad|mission, That he should maintain no doctrine, but what he believed most agreeable to the word of God; and no|thing in points of discipline, but what he believed to be conducive to the glory of God, and the peace and wel|fare of his church. This their solemn vow or oath was read to them every Monday morning, to render it deep and fresh in their minds. After fixing the order of their procedure, they petitioned the parlia|ment to appoint a solemn fast for divine direction in their important business; and that they would take still more effectual methods for rooting out the igno|rance, profanation of the Sabbath, profane swearing, cursing, drunkenness, and uncleanness still found in the land; that they would speedily purge out igno|rant and scandalous clergymen, and substitute pro|per ministers in their stead;—that they would exert themselves for the relief of those ministers, whom his majesty's party retained in distressful imprison|ment at Oxford. A committee of the Assembly was appointed to revise the Thirty-nine articles, and render them more plain and pointed, particularly in opposi|tion to Arminianism. But, after a review of fifteen

••rticles, this was dropt, and it was resolved to draw up a more full Confession of Faith. To mark their ••eal against Antinomianism, they condemned some notions of Crisp, Eaton, and Saltmarsh, and labour|ed, sometimes not very circumspectly, to confute them ••n their sermons and writings.

The parliament's affairs being reduced to a low ebb, they deputied the earl of Rutland, Sir Henry Vane, and Messrs. Stephen Marshal, and Philip Nye, and three others, to negotiate with the Scotch Con|vention of Estates and General Assembly for some assistance in this critical hour. The Assembly consi|dering, That the English had befriended them in their distress; and that the Protestant religion in Britain was in danger; and that by this means their own religion might be the better secured, and an uniformity with their English brethren promoted,— earnestly advised to grant their request on proper terms. A draught of a solemn league with one an|other, and covenant with God, approved by the Scotch Assembly and Convention of Estates, being brought up to London, the parliament referred it to the Assembly of divines, where it met with no small opposition. Gataker and others refused to subscribe it, till they got that which related to Prelacy so cir|cumscribed, as, in their view, not to exclude arch|bishop Usher's scheme of primitive Episcopacy. The Scotch divines insisted to have Prelacy abjured as sin|ful. But most of the English opposed this: the In|dependents, Erastians, and half Episcopalians thought that the words according to the word of God, sufficient|ly protected them against the inroads of Scotch Pres|bytery; and the Scots thought the following words, according to the practice of the best reformed churches, necessarily meant their own government and disci|pline. When Coleman, the noted Erastian, read it to the Lords, in order to their swearing and sub|scribing it, he openly declared, that by abjuring Prelacy, they did not abjure all kinds of Episcopacy, but only that kind particularly described in this oath.

After this covenant had been sworn by both Hou|ses of parliament, the Assembly of divines, and the inhabitants of London, the parliament appointed it to be taken by the rest of the nation above eighteen years of age, and transmitted along with it an exhor|tation by the Assembly to take it,—and directions re|gulating the manner of doing it. Great numbers took it chearfully, and with a good conscience. O|thers did so, because the parliament and their cir|cumstances required it. When it was imposed upon the English in Holland, the Elector Palatine of the Rhine, and who afterward sat for a time with the Westminster Assembly, took it. Not long after|ward, the parliament enacted, That none should be counsellors in burghs, or have the power of electing one, unless they took it. Ministers were required to take it at their ordination. None were to be conti|nued in trust, civil or military, who obstinately re|fused it. These mandates of the parliament were not very punctually executed. Richard Baxter and some other Puritan ministers much prevented the imposi|tion of this covenant in the corners where they resi|ded. At Oxford and many other places, it was little urged, unless upon such as were suspected, or rather well known, to favour the king's party, and not so properly as a religious vow, as an oath of obedience to the parliament. After the war, it was imposed on the royalists with much the same intent.

The committee for purging out scandalous mini|sters, sometimes made use of the covenant for disco|vering malignant clergymen,—which occasioned a report, That they were turned out for refusing it. But their immoralities and disaffection to the parlia+ment were ordinarily, if not alway, the true cause•• of their sequestration. Nay, I do not know of on•• single person punished for his simple refusal of thi•• covenant. Charles, by a proclamation, declared i•• traiterous and seditious; and prohibited all his sub|jects to give or take it. About the same time, h•• agreed to a cessation of arms with the Irish Papists

••hose hands were so deeply dipt in murder. But ••he Scotch troops refused to adhere to it; and for ••everal years stood their ground against these bloody ••ut-throats, the best way they could. He then cal|••ed over, not only part of the duke of Osmond's ar|my, but also some thousands of these Popish murde|••ers to assist him against his parliament. Fifteen ••undred of them perished at sea. Such of them as came and served under himself, or under Montrose his agent in Scotland, brought their savage dispositi|on along with them, killing people in cold blood, spoiling the country, and burning what they could not carry off. This alienated the earls of Holland, Bedford, Clare, and Carlisle,—Sir Henry Deering, and others of his best friends from him, as they saw him regardless of the welfare of his kingdom. The parliament ordered the Assembly to inform the so|reign Protestants of his artifices, and of the tokens of his disregard of the Protestant religion, notwithstan|ding his solemn declarations of attachment to it.— Charles pursued their representation at the heels with a contrary declaration. But his manifest obstinacy ••n supporting the Hierarchy, and dissimulation, even ••n receiving the sacrament from archbishop Usher, made it little regarded. About this time died Chil|••ingworth, who, after revolting to the Jesuits, re|turned to the Protestants, and seemed to be an Arian or Socinian,—and also the two famous commoners, Hampden and Pym.

In 1644, Charles held a small parliament at Ox|ford, while the majority of the Peers, and three hun|dred and eighty of the Commons adhered to the par|liament. But their proposals were too pacific to please him. Meanwhile, twenty-one thousand Scots having entered England for their assistance, the par|liament at Westminster took heart, and resolved to proceed in their intended reformation, and to esta|blish a new Form of discipline and government. The earl of Manchester, with two ministers, were ap|pointed to purge the university of Cambridge, which,

though under the power of the parliament, had hi+therto proved a sanctuary for their enemies. Man|chester proceeded with great mildness. And, though he tendered the covenant to many, yet such as be|haved peaceably were allowed to keep their places notwithstanding they declined taking it. About a•• hundred and fifty of the Fellows kept their places Most of the other two hundred had before gone of to the royal army, which was now commanded by Rupert, prince Palatine's brother, and almost wholl•• composed of furious banditti. J. Cosins, Tho. Pa••k•• B. Laney, S. Collins, E. Martin, R. Stern, W. Beale•• T. Comber, R. Holdsworth, S. Ward, R. Brown|rigg, who had zealously taught their students, Tha•• it was unlawful on any account to resist the king were turned out, and L. Seaman, R. Chudworth, R▪ Vines, B. Whichcot, H. Palmer, T. Young, J▪ Arrowsmith, T. Hill, R. Minshul, W. Spurstow•• and afterward J. Lightfoot were put in their place•• The vacant fellowships were filled up with men lear|ned and pious, as fast as they could. The Assembly examined the candidates before their admission. I•• consequence of this change, not only learning, bu•• sanctification of the Sabbath, and other branches o•• piety, prevailed in the colleges.—The purgation o•• the scandalous clergy still continued. Near tw•• thousand were turned out, of whom 1800 wer•• proved guilty of scandal, by the oath of habile wit|nesses.—Unless they retired to his majesty's quarters the parliament allowed them a fifth part of their sa|lary for the support of their wives and children, an•• these that laboured in their stead were allowed th•• other four parts. These were admitted by the choic•• of the congregations, and examination by a commit|tee of the Assembly, consisting of twenty-two mem|bers.

Finding his forces unable to resist the united strength of the parliament and their Scotch allies Charles professed himself ready to hearken to term

of accommodation. A treaty was for a time prose|cuted at Uxbridge, in which there was perhaps too little sincerity on either side, and each suspected the other. Charles professed chiefly to scruple at allow|ing or establishing of any other form of worship or government than had been long used. To enlighten his conscience, Messrs. A. Henderson of Edinburgh, S. Marshal and R. Vines held a solemn conference before him, with Dr. Stewart and others of his par|ty, concerning Episcopacy and its attendent ceremo|nies. Neither party appeared convinced by their op|ponents. But Charles, perhaps without any inten|tion of performance, promised that he would admit of the reduction of Prelacy, almost to archbishop U|sher's plan. Before the Scots came to assist them, the parliament would have been glad of his offer; but now they would accept of nothing less than the compleat abolishment of Prelacy.

Meanwhile, the work of the Assembly proceeded but slowly, on account of the different parties in it, each of which had their supporters in parliament.— The Presbyterians were the most numerous, having the Scotch divines and London ministers for their principals, and Denzil, Hollis, W. Waller, Philip Stapleton, J. Clotworthy, B. Rudyard,—Maynard Massey, Harley, Glyn, and some others, for their chief supporters in the House of Commons. Selden, Whitlock, Lightfoot, Coleman, and some others, like the English reformers and other Erastians, belie|ved the government and discipline of the church to depend on the will of the magistrate,—and had St. John, Widdrington, Crew, Hipsley, and others, to support them in parliament. Thom. Goodwin, Ph. Nye, Syd. Simson, Jer. Burroughs, and W. Bridge, supported the cause of Independency, allowing the magistrate little power about ecclesiastical affairs,— placing the government of the church in the com|munity of the faithful, and denying the authority and subordination of sessions, presbyteries, or synods of church officers. No Anabaptists were members

of the Assembly; but their number mightily increas|ed without doors. They sent one Blunt to Holland for re-baptism to himself. Having obtained it, he returned and re-baptized Blacklock their teacher, who re-baptized all the rest. Tombes and Corn|wal, learned divines, joining them, added to their credit. Not long after, they published their Con|fession of faith, consisting of fifty-two articles. Num|bers of them appear to have been serious Christians: but they were exceedingly given to rail at ministers having stated salaries for their support, and not work|ing with their hands. They had no sooner become very numerous, than they split into two parties of general and particular, or Arminian and Calvinist Baptists.

As the bishops refused to ordain the candidates, that were not in the king's interest, the Assembly considered how such might be ordained before they had finished their Directory. Notwithstanding the warm opposition of the Independent brethren, it was carried, That a number of ministers, in the present circumstances, might ordain ministers, till church judicatories could be got established. Ten of the members, with thirteen others, seven of whom were a quorum, were appointed by the parliament for that purpose. A similar committee of twenty-one was appointed to ordain for the county of Lancashire.— The Directory for worship being, with much unani|mity, agreed upon by the Assembly, the parliament soon after appointed the observation of it in the kingdom instead of the Book of common prayer, under the penalties mentioned in the act; and all that preached, wrote, or printed any thing against it, were subjected to a fine between five and fifty pounds sterling. In opposition to this, Charles, by a pro|clamation, prohibited the use of the Directory, and requiring the observation of the Book of common prayer, under pain of being held disaffected to both church and state.

When the Assembly proceeded to form stated Rules for ordination of ministers, they had hot contention with the Erastians on the one hand, and Independents on the other. For ten days, the In|dependents contended for the right of every congre|gation to ordain their own pastors. When it carried, That no single congregation, which could unite with others, ought to assume the right of ordination,— Goodwin, Nye, Simson, Burroughs, Bridges, Car|ter, and Greenhill, entered their dissent.—They no less warmly disputed, That no minister ought to be ordained, without fixing him to a particular charge. But this was got compromised, and the proposition made to run, That it is agreeable to the word of God, and very expedient, that those, who are to be ordain|ed ministers, should be designed to some particular charge. The Independents consented to imposition of hands in ordination, providing it should be atten|ded with a declaration, that it was not intended as the conveyance of office power.—The Directory for ordination being finished, the parliament established it for the space of a year, to try how it would answer. After that, they established it for three years longer.

When the Assembly entered upon the government of the church, both Presbyterians and Independents heartily agreed against the Erastians, That Jesus Christ had fixed a particular form of government in his New Testament church. But when they proceeded to enquire, What that particular form of church government was? and, Whether it was perpetually binding? the Presbyterians had hard struggling with the Independents on the one hand, and the Erastians on the other. The Erastians were content to allow Presbyterian government to be most agreeable to the word of God, and most proper to be settled in Eng|land; but they warmly opposed the divine right of it. —For fifteen days, the Independents combatted the divine appointment of Presbytery, and for as many more contended for the divine right of their own form of church government. Here, the primitive

order of the Christian church, the scripture warrant for ruling elders, the subordination and power of church courts were largely disputed; and Selden and Lightfoot helped the Independents in times of need. The Presbyterians having carried their point, the Independents entered their dissent, and com|plained that they had been ill used, and some of their papers refused a hearing. The Erastians reserved their principal effort for the House of Commons, in which they were sure to be joined by all the Inde|pendents against the divine right of Presbytery. In|formed of their design, the Presbyterians studied to have their whole strength in the House very early, that they might get their point carried before their opponents came fully up. Perceiving their intent, Glyn and Whitlock spake at great length upon di|vine right, till the House was quite full, and then it was carried not, That Presbytery is founded on the word of God,—but as it still stands, That it is lawful and agreeable to the word of God, That the church be governed by congregational, classical, and synodi|cal Assemblies. Pierced with grief, that the Erasti|ans had carried this point against them, the Scotch commissioners and other Presbyterians instigated the council, and afterward the ministers, of London, to beseech the Commons to establish Presbyterian go|vernment, as the government of Jesus Christ. This drew the frowns of the House upon the supplicants. The Presbyterian ministers next applied to the Lords, —and soon after, with the mayor and aldermen of London at their head, gave in a second petition to them. These applications occasioned a misunder|standing between the city and parliament, which at last issued in the ruin of the Presbyterians cause.

The Assembly's lodging of the power to rebuke, suspend from sacraments, excommunicate the scan|dalous, and to absolve the penitent, in the hand of the Presbytery or eldership, as theirs by divine right, occasioned a warm debate between them and the parliament. While the Independents claimed this

power for the Christian brotherhood in every con|gregation, and pled, that no civil sanction or penalty should attend it,—Selden, Whitlock, and other E|rastians, contended, That church communion ought to be left quite open, and crimes be cognizable and punishable only by the magistrate. But as pastors want of power to restrain scandalous persons from the Lord's table, had been one of the late popular complaints, the parliament did not think it proper to reject excommunication altogether: but to render it a mere cypher, they required the Assembly to fix What degrees of knowledge were necessary to ad|mission to the Lord's table? and, What sorts of scandal deserved suspension or excommunication?— After no small litigation among themselves, the As|sembly represented, That such as did not know and believe the being of a God; the Trinity of persons in the Godhead; the doctrine of original sin; of Christ's being God-man, and our only Mediator;— and that he and his benefits are applied by faith, which is the gift of God; the nature and importance of the sacraments; the immediate entrance of de|parted souls into heaven or hell; the resurrection of the body, and the future judgment of men,—should be excluded for their ignorance or error.—And that all incestuous persons, adulterers, fornicators, drun|kards, profane swearers, and cursers, murderers, worshippers of images or relicks, saints or angels, all that make images of divine persons, or that are at variance with their neighbours; all duellers or car|riers of messages between them; profaners of the Sabbath by sports or civil labour; keepers of stews; —pimps;—such as marry their children with Pa|pists; consulters of witches or fortune tellers;— assaulters of parents, or of magistrates or their offi|cers in the legal execution of their office; and per|sons regularly attainted of barratry, forgery, extor|tion, or bribery,—should be secluded as scandalous. The parliament allowed this representation, and en|grossed it into their act; but, by securing an appeal

from the highest church courts, to the parliamen•• they, to the great grief of the Scotch commissioner•• and many others, effectually kept the power in thei•• own hands. They also appointed, That churc•• courts should take no cognizance of civil rights, an•• that no confession or proof before the eldership b•• made use of before civil courts.

Not long after, the parliament suspecting that th•• Presbyterians intended to render the church altoge+ther independent on the state,—enacted, That ther•• should be liberty of appeal from every classical pre••+bytery to the civil commissioners of the county.— They next appointed rules for the election of rulin•• elders, and for division of the kingdom into classica•• Presbyteries and provincial Synods. They appoint+ed two elders for each minister to attend Presbyteries two ministers, and from four to nine elders, from each Presbytery, to attend provincial Synods; an•• two ministers and four elders, from each Synod, t•• attend the National Assembly. Thus the power o•• government was chiefly lodged in the hand of th•• ruling elders.—In this form, was Presbyterian go+vernment settled in 1646, for the space of a year, ti•• it might be discerned what further alterations wer•• necessary. It pleased no party concerned. The E+piscopalians and Independents were offended, tha•• they were shut out, without so much as a toleration Such as reckoned Presbyterian government founde•• on the word of God, were offended that the powe•• was so much reserved for the civil magistrate, espe+cially in the exclusion of persons from the Lotd's ta+ble.—When this scheme was laid before the Scotc•• parliament and General Assembly, they insisted fo•• sundry amendments, That no godly minister shoul•• be excluded from sitting as a member of Presbyte+ries, Synods, or Assemblies; that the ordinary tim•• for the meeting of the National Assembly should b•• fixed, allowing a power for both church and state t•• conveen it upon any necessary occasion; that congre+gational elderships be allowed to determine concern+••ng

scandals not expressed; that the act for the or|••ination of ministers be made perpetual; that the ar|••icles respecting the subjection of church judicatories ••o the parliament,—the exemption of persons of high ••ank from church censures, and obliging of church ••ulers to admit persons to the Lord's table, contrary ••o their conscience, be altered to general satisfaction; ••nd that the article respecting perpetual offices and ••fficers in the church, the order and power of church ••ourts, and the directions for public penance and ex|••ommunication, be fixed. The English parliament ••eplied with some warmth, That they had done what ••hey could, and therefore thought it strange, to find ••hemselves suspected of unwillingness to establish ••resbyterian government, because they did not, in •• manner inconsistent with the laws of their land, ••stablish near ten thousand unlimited and arbitrary ••ourts of parochial sessions in the kingdom. The ••resbyterian ministers in England seconded the Re|••resentations from Scotland, and refused to accept ••f the parliament's establishment of the church, till ••hey should part with the key of discipline, and go|••ernment. Highly offended with their address, the Commons threatened them with a Premunire, for ••resuming to dispute with their superiors, who had ••alled their Assembly merely for advice, not to allow ••hem to be judges upon any point.—To embarrass, •• not divide, the Assembly, and at least to gain time, ••ll they should see the issue of the Treaty with his ••ajesty, who had thrown himself into the Scotch ••rmy, they delivered to them a sett of captious ques|••••ons, relative to the divine right of church govern|ment and its several circumstances; and required, ••hat the scriptures, proving or disproving each par|••••cular should be set down at large, and every mem|••er sign his opinion on each point. After solemn ••••sting and prayer for God's special direction, when ••••en had laid such an entangling snare for their feet, ••••e Assembly applied themselves to their task.

Before this establishment of Presbyterian govern|ment, the Independents had hoped for one to com|prehend them. But finding themselves disappoint|ed, they would no more listen to any proposals o•• comprehension with the Presbyterians; but pled fo•• such an authoritative toleration as should allow them to set up by themselves, and gather churches of al•• such as, in the Presbyterian parishes, chose to join with them. And this they required, not only fo•• themselves, but for the sober Anabaptists, and al•• such others as held the fundamental principles of th•• Christian religion, though they did not seem capable to point out these principles in a precise manner.— The Presbyterians, who already found what multi|tudes of sectaries had started up during the few pre|ceding years broken state of the church, and wha•• trouble the Assembly had got with a few of them represented to them, the danger, schism, and con|fusion, that would be occasioned by this toleration which they requested,—and offered to allow them t•• abstain from communion with them in the Lord'•• supper, without being censurable. The Independent replied, That they did not intend any total separati+on from the church, while they held the most o•• these things which the Presbyterians did, in worship|ing according to the Directory,—in retaining the sam•• church officers, and requiring the same qualificati|ons, in order to admission to the sacraments, and using the very same censures; that they would hold occasional communion with them in the Lord's sup|per, and in like manner admit Presbyterians with them; that their ministers should sometimes preac•• for one another, and they would call Presbyteria•• ministers to attend as companions at their ordinati|ons; that they will consent to have their congrega|tions restricted to a certain number, which may b•• receptacles for tender consciences. The Presbyteri|ans insisted on the obvious mischiefs of tolerations and that if their Independent brethren could hold occasional communion with them in sealing ordinan+••es,

it would be schismatical in them to separate.— As the Presbyterians insisted for close conjunction ••nd uniformity, and the Independents rather exten|ded their terms of toleration, the committee of Lords ••nd Commons and Assembly of divines broke up wi|thout effecting any accommodation between them. Meanwhile, the Scotch parliament transmitted to the English one a declaration against the toleration of ••ectaries. Many pamphlets were published, and ser|mons preached, particularly before the parliament, ••n this point. In a letter to the Assembly, the Lon|don ministers beseech them to oppose such a lawless ••oleration, as would strangle their church establish|ment in its very birth. A smart answer to it openly ••led for the toleration of ALL opinions; and that ••o man is answerable to civil magistrates, for his opi|nions, any farther, than they interfere with the state. ••t is certain, the Presbyterians' opposition to the to|••eration lost them the favour of many, especially of ••he army. But when one considers the spawn of ••errors and blasphemies, and the almost unnumbered ••orms of sectaries, which then appeared in England, ••he will the less wonder at their dislike of the desired ••oleration. During these contentions, Charles offer|ed T. Goodwin and P. Nye large terms of liberty, if ••hey would oppose the Presbyterian government: ••ut they informed their Presbyterian brethren, and ••o Charles dropt all correspondence with them.

The parliament's ordinance for introduction of Presbyterial classes never took effect, but in London ••nd Lancashire. In other places, the ministers had ••oluntary associations, but without legal jurisdiction. While both Scotch and English Presbyterians insist|ed, That the parliament would compleat their settle|ment of the desired uniformity engaged to in the so|••emn league, and declare such as were disaffected to church and state incapable of places of power and ••rust, the parliament gave them fair words, and pre|••ended that the delay of the Assembly's answers to ••heir late questions hindered it, and nothing else.—

Meanwhile, the Independents and the sectarians in the army boldly pled for a toleration, and got a num|ber of the citizens of London to supplicate the parlia|ment in their favours. It is probable that the roy|alists, in order to ruin the parliament, helped forward these divisions. After the Erastians had not a little harrassed the Assembly on the divine right of the se|veral pertinents of Presbyterian government, Cole|man died, and all the rest, except Lightfoot, slipt off, and left the Presbyterians and some few Inde|pendents to manage matters as they pleased. At last, the Assembly finished their answers to the par|liament's questions; but, for fear of a Premunire, they never presented them. The London divines therefore took up the controversy, and published their learned view of the divine right of church go|vernment.

The parliament still continued to treat with his majesty. But his concluding a peace with the Irish Papists, who had but lately massacred some hundred thousands of his Protestant subjects, and his passing an act of oblivion of all that they had done, in the course of their rebellion,—and his flight into the Scotch army, made them to suspect him; and as he fell in his demands, they rose in theirs; and both seemed rather intent on outwitting, than on amicably treating with one another.—When he fled from Ox|ford, as it was on the point of being blocked up by Fairfax, the parliament's general, he, with two or three attendants, came within ten miles of London. Finding it unsafe to enter the city, he first directed his course toward the sea, as if he had intended to leave this country, and then turning northward, he to their astonishment, threw himself into the Scotc•• army at Newcastle, without previously acquainting them. On his first arrival, he seemed disposed to+ward peace with his parliament; and on May 18th 1646, wrote them to that effect, and assured them that he had recalled all commissions granted by hi•• for making war on his subjects, and had ordered th••

disbanding of all his forces; and that he cordially intended to join with his parliament in establishing religion according to the advice of his English and Scotch Parliaments. But some Episcopalian bigots, getting access to him, he changed his mind. The Scotch army and their Committee of Estates at Edin|burgh beseeching him to satisfy his English parlia|ment concerning religion, as without his doing it, they could not, according to their conscience or co|venant, protect him against them; and indeed they could not have attempted to do it, without ruining their own country,—Charles professed his willingness to confer with any, whom they should appoint, con|cerning the lawfulness of abolishing Prelacy, and e|stablishing Presbytery, contrary to his coronation oath. Mr. A. Henderson was brought from Edin|burgh for that purpose. But Charles had been so ••iutoxicated with the divine right of Prelacy, the su|perlative excellence of the Book of common prayer, the uninterrupted succession of bishops from the apostles, the right of the antient Christian doctors to be judges in controversies, and the standard of interpreting scripture; princes sole right to reform any thing in religion, and the unlawfulness of subjects, on any account, taking arms against their king, that Mr. Henderson's nervous reasoning had no effect upon him. His pretences of regard to his coronation oath, after he had spent the first fifteen years of his reign in a perpetual violation of it, marked him determined to receive no conviction.

While the parliament having, by new acts, rooted up the foundations of Prelacy; declared it for ever abolished; appointed the bishops lands and privile|ges to be sold for defraying the expences of the war, and supporting preaching clergymen,—they insisted with Charles, as the condition of peace, that he would ratify their deeds for the reformation of religion.— Notwithstanding the most importunate intreaties of his trusty and sensible friends, he still refused, and insisted, that at least bishops should be retained in

his quarters, the dioceses of Oxford, Winchester, Bath, Wells, and Exeter. He insisted with the Scotch army to protect him. But, as neither their church nor state would hear of his coming to Scot|land on his own terms, and they could not retain him in England without an immediate war with the parliament's forces, they surrendered him up to the English parliament, without either asking or receiv|ing a single farthing on that account.

In 1647, the English Lords and many others, in|tended, whenever the Scots marched home, to dis|patch a considerable body of their own troops to act against the Papists and their royal confederates in Ireland, and to retain at home no more than were necessary for the peace of the country, and to have these commanded by persons well affected to their covenanted reformation, by which means they hoped to treat with more advantage with his majesty. The Scotch army, who, on this consideration, hastened their departure, were scarcely at home, when the English parliament made an ordinance for the sup|pression of heresy and schism, and appointed a solemn fast for bewailing their increase. They enacted, That no member of the house, nor any who did not take the covenant, should command in the army or in garrisons, nor any drunkard, swearer, or other|wise scandalous person; and that ten thousand and six hundred foot forces should be sent to Ireland, and 5,300 horse; and the soldiers in garrisons be retain|ed at home, and all the rest disbanded on the 2d of June ensuing. In consequence of these things, Char|les sent them more satisfactory answers to their pro|positions.

Notwithstanding the above acts of parliament, the sectaries more and more increased. In the army, there were still many sober and serious: but things were hastening into a chaos of confusion in religion. The officers became fiery disputants, and often sup|plied the place of ministers to the regiments, and of|ficiated in the pulpits where they were quartered▪

Thomas Edwards, a zealous Presbyterian, in his Gangrene of heresies, reckons up sixteen different bodies of sectaries, and a multitude of rampant er|rors. But he is too keen to deserve intire credit.— And indeed, such was the disorder and licentiousness in religion, that it was scarcely possible to reduce them to either sects or opinions. We hear of En|thusiasts, Ranters, Seekers, &c. &c. many of which died in their infancy, or joined with these afterward called Quakers. It is said, that about an hundred Popish clergy were sent from abroad, to join the different parties, in order to increase and inflame the confusions.

Meanwhile, the Confession of Faith, which the Scotch divines had insisted for, instead of the Thir-nine articles, was finished, not without dissents rela|tive to the imputation of Christ's active obedience, church government and discipline, liberty of conscience,—and, along with the scripture proofs, transmitted to the parliament in May 1647, and, after about thirteen months, and many long debates, the most part of it was approved by both Houses. The 30th chapter, which relates to church censures; that part of the 31st, which relates to the calling and power of Sy|nods; great part of the 24th concerning marriage and divorce; and that part of the 20th concerning the punishment of such as vent opinions destructive to the peace of the church, were referred to further consideration, and at last laid aside. After the Con|fession and Catechisms were finished, the Scotch com|missioners went home, and the remaining part of the Assembly did almost nothing, but examine candidates for the ministry, and dispute concerning the divine right of Presbyterian government. After sitting five years, and almost seven months, and hold|ing 1163 sederunts, they intirely dissolved Febru|ary 22, 1649.

For some time before their dissolution, the ma|nagement of ecclesiastical matters was in the hands of the Provincial Synod of London, which met at

Zion college twice every week in 1648, and all the twelve following years, when they could. At the end of every six months, the members were changed, and the Synod renewed. The first having little op|portunity of sitting, did little besides agreeing upon some rules of order. The second published a solemn Testimony against the errors of the times, in which they declare their adherence to the Confession of Faith, and their abhorrence of the following tenets, That the scriptures of the Old and New Testament are not of divine authority, nor the only rule of faith; that God hath a bodily shape, and is the principal author of sin; that there is no Trinity of persons in the Godhead; that Christ is inferior to the Father, and the Holy Ghost but a ministring Spirit; that God hath equally elected all men to everlasting life; that no man eternally perisheth for Adam's first sin; that Christ died for all mankind, and the benefit of his death is intended by God for all; that every man hath a free will and power in himself to repent, obey the gospel, and do every thing necessary for his eter|nal salvation; that faith is not a supernatural grace; that faithful actions are the only ground of our justi|fication before God; that the moral law is not a rule of life to believers; that believers are as pure from sin as Christ, and so need not pray for the pardon of it; that God seeth no sin in his people, nor chastis|eth them for it; that there ought to be no churches, sacraments, or Sabbaths; that baptism ought not to be continued among Christians, nor the infants of believers baptized; that forswearing of one's self is the whole meaning of the 3d commandment; that brethren and sisters may lawfully marry together, and divorces be founded upon indisposition, unfit|ness, or contrariety of tempers; that human souls are mortal; and there is neither heaven nor hell till the day of judgment. They testify against the au|thoritative toleration of all religions, as the occasion and source of errors, heresies, and blasphemies.— They declare their adherence to the Solemn League

and Covenant, and to the divine right of Presbytery; and their dislike of Prelacy, Erastianism, Indepen|dency, Brownism, and their abhorrence of Anti|scripturism, Popery, Arminianism, Arianism, Soci|nianism, Antinomianism, Anabaptism, Libertinism, and Schism. This Testimony was subscribed by 58 of the principal clergy in London, and afterwards by 64 in Gloucestershire, 84 in Lancashire, 83 in De|vonshire, and 71 in Somersetshire.

This year, the army, mad for a toleration of all, or almost all, pretences to religion, assumed a supe|riority over the parliament, and turned out some of the Presbyterian members. Charles at once treated with the English parliament, now governed by the army, and with the discontented Scots, that were forming an Engagement, and raising an army to re|scue him. He altered his condescensions, as his cir|cumstances changed, and probably intended merely to amuse his subjects, with treaties relative to religion, which he never meant to fulfil. Notwithstanding refusal of submission, and the most scurrilous abuse from the heads and students of Oxford, the parlia|ment's commissioners visited that university, which, for some years before, had rather been a garrison, than a place of learning. It is hard to say, whether the patience of the parliament, or the insolence of the university was most remarkable, during the two years in which this affair was in agitation. Besides others, nineteen or twenty masters were turned out, and Edward Reynolds, Wilkins, Wslkinson, Palmer, Sethward, Wallis, L. Moulin, and others were put in their place. Holy-days and stage-plays being pro|hibited by the parliament, multitudes in some places were highly provoked, and abused such as dared to work on these holy, or rather revelling, seasons.— But they had no reason, as in place of them, the parliament allowed servants the first Tuesday of eve|ry month for recreation and visiting of friends.

In consequence of a treaty with his majesty, duke Hamilton and his party of Scots invaded England

with an army to rescue him from the Parliamentari|ans, while the English royalists took arms for the same purpose. Cromwel quickly routed them both. While he and his army were in the North, dealing with the Scots, the Presbyterian members resumed their seats in parliament, and became the majority. Knowing that the army were bent for a common|wealth in the state, and an authoritative toleration to attend any religious establishment in the church, they, instigated by the more zealous clergymen, en|acted, That whosoever should obstinately deny the existence or perfections of God, or his subsistence in three persons equal in power and glory; or the rea|lity of Christ's manhood, or his satisfaction to God's justice for sinful men; or the divine authority of the scriptures; or the resurrection of the dead; or the future judgment, should be punished with death:— That whosoever should obstinately maintain, That all men shall be saved; or that men can turn them|selves to God; or that God may be worshipped by images; or, that the souls of men either die with their bodies, or sleep till the resurrection; or that there is a purgatory; or that the revelations and wor|kings of God's Spirit are a rule of faith or practice, even when different from, or contrary to scripture; or that men are bound to believe no more in religion, than they can comprehend; or that the moral law is no rule of life to believers; or that believers need not repent of their sin or pray for its pardon; or that baptism and the Lord's supper are not appointed in scripture to be continued in the church; or that the baptism of infants is unlawful; or that the strict observation of the Lord's day is not agreeable to the word of God; or that public and family prayers, and teaching of children to pray, are unlawful; or that the present English form of magistracy by king and parliament is unlawful; or that all use of warlike arms is unlawful,—shall be obliged publicly to recant their error in the congregations, in which they had

spread it; and, in case of refusal, be imprisoned till they find security, that they will never more main|tain and publish any such error. They also made a new ordinance, in which all their former acts relative to Presbyterian government and discipline, were col|lected and ratified as the standing laws of the king|dom. But no penalty was denounced against such as should not submit.

The parliament also laboured to accommodate matters with his majesty, who had slipt off to New|port in the Isle of Wight, and were extremely fond to have the treaty concluded before their army re|turned from the North. But, notwithstanding all that their learned doctors could say to persuade him, that Prelacy had no divine warrant, and that he might consent to the abolishment of it, and to the use of the Directory for worship, without hurting his conscience, or violating his coronation oath, he, in|stigated by his bigotted Episcopalians, would make no concessions, but what were extorted from him. At last, he, in this manner, consented, that all the hierarchy, except the bishops, should be abolished; that they should not act but in concert with presby|ters; that Presbyterian government should continue three years; that after that no episcopal authority shall be exercised, but by authority of parliament; that, if in that time he be convinced, that Prelacy is not agreeable to the word of God, he will utterly abolish it. He soon after added, that for three years he would make no new bishops, and would use some other form of divine service than the Book of com|mon prayer in his chapel, and prohibit the saying of mass in the queen's. The Commons voted these concessions unsatisfactory, but in a few days voted otherwise. The parliament's commissioners did what they could to bring him a little further, and to per|suade him that no Prelacy was abolished, but what had been set up by human laws; that there was no difficulty in the reversion of the church lands to the crown; and that the Assembly's Directory pointed

out the matter of public prayers, though not the ex|press words. But notwithstanding all that they, and the Scotch commissioners from both church and state could do, he would promise no more, than to reduce Episcopacy to archbishop Usher's plan, and to license the Shorter Catechism.

Part of the army returning from the North, and finding, that no toleration of dissenters from the es|tablished religion was secured, by the negotiations between Charles and his parliament, they were en|raged at both. They concluded, that if he could obtain the use of the service book in his own chapel, Independents and sectaries need expect no liberty of conscience at all; and so they had been fighting to set up Presbytery, and get themselves banished the country, or driven into corners. In these views, they, after a solemn fast of several days, resolved to assume the government of the nation, cut off the king's head, and erect a Commonwealth. On Nov. 20th, 1648, they presented a petition to the parlia|ment, setting forth the miscarriage of Charles' go|vernment, and his dilatory and double dealing in treaties; and required, That he and other delin|quents be brought to justice for their conduct; that the prince of Wales and duke of York surrender themselves, and be declared incapable of govern|ment; that, for the future, no king be admitted, but by the free election of the people.

Shocked with these demands, the Commons shif|ted the consideration of them for ten days, till the treaty with his majesty was quite broken off. But the army detached a party to Newport, who, on the very next day, seized his person, and brought him to Windsor. Entering London, they apprehended sorty of the leading Commons, and refused entrance to an hundred more. None were left but about 150 or 200, most of them officers of the army, who carried every thing by direction from the council of military officers at St. Alban's. They made an ordinance, and erected a justiciary court for the trial of his ma|jesty,

as a traitor to his country. Because the Lords rejected their ordinance, they no move acknowledged them. None but Hugh Peters and John Goodwin of the Independent clergy had any hand in promot|ing his death. The bigotted Episcopalians encou|raged him in that obstinacy which occasioned it.— Some Episcopalians, as well as Presbyterians, were members of the House of Commons, when the or|dinance was made for his trial. But I know not whether any of them concurred in it. The Papists are said to have mightily promoted it, in order to throw the nation into confusion, and afford opportu|nity of introducing Popery under the Popishly edu|cated princes, or otherwise. But the most furious managers of the tragedy were Sectarians, Indepen|dents, Anabaptists, and Hobbists. They solicited the Presbyterian ministers of London to side with the army, or else be silent. Instead of this, forty-seven of them published a monitory address to the general and council of war, representing to them their per|jury and wickedness in invading the rights of parlia|ment, and seizing the king. As the Prelatic divines, to avert men's eyes from their own folly and guilt, reproached the Presbyterians as the cause of his ma|jesty's distress, the most of those who had subscribed this address, with 19 others, published a vindication of their own conduct, and a warning to all the sub|jects to avoid every thing tending towards the tole|ration of heresy or blasphemy,—or to divide the kingdoms of England and Scotland,—and calling them to bewail the sins which had thus reduced the nation, and to cry to God for his majesty's delive|rance. Nineteen clergymen about Oxford, mostly Presbyterians, but some Independents, addressed ge|neral Fairfax and his council of war, beseeching them to lay aside all thoughts against his majesty's life, and to endeavour to promote a right understan|ding between him and his parliament; and protesting, that they shall be free of their sovereign's death, and of all the miseries that shall follow on it. The Scots,

by remonstrances from both church and state, did what they could to save him. But nothing could stop the wild career of the furious officers, till they had condemned and beheaded him, Jan. 30th, 1649.

Charles was sober, temperate, and chaste; a kind husband, parent, and master. But his encouraging of sports on Sabbath, marks him no tender Christian. His favour to, and employment of Papists, while be hated and distressed his Puritan subjects, and his now well known hand in the Irish massacre, are but poor evidences of his being a sincere Protestant. In his treaties with his parliament, want of candour and fidelity appears every where. In politics, his whole government was one continued series of blunders.— Nothing more exalted his character than the publi|shing of the EICON BASILIKE in his name, which represented him as extremely pious and devout, a|midst his manifold troubles. It was printed soon af|ter his death, and had more than fifty editions. But it was at last discovered, that Dr. Gauden had wrote the whole of it, except the 16th and 24th chapters, which were written by Dr. Duppa. Since the resto|ration of his son in 1660, the 30th of January hath been, by law, observed in commemoration of his martyrdom, on which many thousand falshoods and fulsome flatteries are yearly retailed from Episcopalian pulpits, in the name of the Lord.

A commonwealth being erected, Cromwel and the army quickly, and with no small severity, reduced the Papists in Ireland. About an hundred thousand of them fled into France, and the rest were pent up in corners, in which they could scarcely find subsis|tence. Episcopacy was reduced; the university of Dublin was purged, and religion and learning flou|rished in it. The parliament having formed an en|gagement or oath of allegiance to the commonwealth, few Episcopalians scrupled at it. Many of the Pres|byterian clergy refused it, and left their parishes, which were filled up with Independents, who migh|tily relished the new form of government. For the

sake of peace, the parliament continued the establish|ment of Presbyterian government, and of the Di|rectory for worship, but abolished all penalties on ac||count of differences in religion. The Presbyterian ministers at their monthly fasts, being apt to throw out reflections against the new government and ma|nagers of it, the parliament abolished these meetings, and prohibited clergymen's meddling with politics. They also prohibited the publication or dispersion of seditious pamphlets. While the parliament provided ministers and school-masters for Wales, the Presby|terian and Independent clergy laboured fo incessantly in the instruction of their people, that sobriety pre|vailed almost every where in the kingdom. Amidst all the absurd fancies which prevailed in the army, such, was their strictness, that, when one of their quarter-masters was convicted of blasphemy, he had his tongue bored with an hot iron, his sword broken over his head, and was expelled from the troops, by order of the council of the army. The Papists were banished twenty miles from London, and excepted in the parliament's acts of indulgence and toleration. Though no penal laws were in force against the other parties, yet every one was required to attend some place of meeting on the Lord's day, and on days of fasting and thanksgiving, unless they had some rea|sonable excuse. Several ordinances were made to restrain uncleanness, profane swearing, public blas|phemy, or the encouragement of people to vice.— And for promoting the sanctification of the Sabbath, they appointed, that every thing cried or put to sale on it, or on days of humiliation and thanksgiving, should be seized. They appointed part of the mo|ney procured by the sale of bishops lands for the support of such bishops, deans, and other Episcopa|••ian clergy as stood in need of it. They appointed Justices of peace to marry people instead of ministers, and the banns to be proclaimed on three market days, not on the Sabbath.

Professing regard to their covenant, the Scots had admitted Charles II. as his father's successor to their crown. But, by defeating his forces at Dunbar and Worcester, Cromwel quite ruiued their affairs. Mr. Gibbons a gentleman, and Christopher Love a noted Presbyterian minister at London, and some other Presbyterians, having manifested some inclination towards the Scottish king, the two first were exe|cuted as traitors to the commonwealth. It doth not appear, that Mr. Love had any active hand, but only had forborn to accuse his friends: his death appear|ed to drown the curse of God and hatred of men, on the new government.

The managers finding it necessary to have a kind of sovereign, Cromwel, by his own instigation, was chosen to be their PROTECTOR, while he pretend|ed his great unwillingness to accept of the charge.— The Instrument of government, by which he obliged himself to govern the kingdom, declared, That the Christian religion contained in the scriptures, should be held forth and recommended as the public pro|fession of these nations; that none should be obliged by penalties to conform to the public religion; that all such as profess faith in God by Jesus Christ, how|ever much they differ from the public profession shall be protected in their religious exercises, excep•• Papists, Prelatists, and such as, under profession o•• Christianity, practise or encourage licentiousness.— Cromwel did what he could to make all the differen•• parties befriend him. As the Presbyterians had a shadow of establishment on their side, it was agreed▪ That no alteration should be made, unless in laying aside all penalties of nonconformity. Such bishop•• or other Episcopalians as behaved peaceably, were no•• pressed with the Engagement.

Much about the time that the London minister•• published their divine right of the gospel ministry, a•• a mean of restraining the disorderly preaching o•• laymen. Archbishop Usher, J. Owen, T. Good|win, Stephen Marshal, Ph. Nye, Sh. Simson, toge|ther

with Messrs. Vines, Manton, Jacomb, Cheynel, and Reyner, were, in 1654, appointed to fix the fundamental principles of the Christian religion, ac|cording to which the toleration might be limited. R. Baxter, who was put in the room of archbishop Usher, who declined the task, insisted for no more than an adherence to the Creed, Lord's prayer, and ten commandments. But the rest agreed upon 16 articles, That the scriptures of the Old and New Testament are the standard of men's faith and prac|tice; that there is one God in three persons; that Jesus Christ is God and man in one person, and the only Mediator between God and men, without the knowledge of whom there can be no salvation; that he made satisfaction for our sin, died, rose again, ascended to heaven, and for ever continues a person, distinct from angels and men; that all men are by nature dead in trespasses and sins, and must be born again, repent, and believe, in order to eternal salva|tion; that we are saved by the grace of God and faith in Christ, not by our works; that continuance in any known sin is damnable; that God must be worshipped according to his own will; that such as despise the duties of God's worship cannot be saved; that, at the last day, the dead shall be raised, the world judged, and some depart into everlasting pu|nishment, and others into life eternal. By these ar|ticles, Deists, Socinians, Arians, Papists, Quakers, and Antinomians are excluded from the benefit of the toleration. But, as Cromwel and his council were for protecting every one that lived peaceably, no use was made of this draught.

Not chusing that Presbyterial classes should have the power of admitting clergymen chiefly in their hand, Cromwel and his council appointed a commit|tee of twenty-nine of the most eminent ministers in England, partly Presbyterians, partly Independents, three Anabaptists, and nine gentlemen, to try such as had entered the preceding year, or should after|ward enter to the ministry, with respect to their gifts

and graces. Five were stated a sufficient quorum to approve a man, and nine to reject him. As most of the members of this committee resided at London, such as could not come thither were tried by a sub|committee. No candidate was admitted to trial, un|less he produced a certificate signed by three persons of known integrity, attesting, upon their own know|ledge, that he was of an holy and good conversation. Finding that some sequestred Episcopalians stood the trial, and were admitted back to their charges, Crom|wel and his council appointed that none such should be admitted, till they were satisfied of their submissi|on to the present government. Such as were rejec|ted, and their friends, exclaimed terribly against the TRIERS proceedings. But Baxter, who was far e|nough from loving the chief men among them, says, They did much good to the church, saved many congregations from drunken, ignorant, and ungodly teachers, and admitted such as were learned, godly, and serious, be of what tolerable opinion they would; only they too much favoured the Independents, and were too apt to reject Episcopalians and Arminians. If the candidate's learning, orthodoxy, piety, and peaceableness were manifestly certain, as in the case of Fuller the historian, they made little enquiry into his gracious experiences. But when they knew him to be malignant, immoral, a Pelagian or Socinian, they, by examination of his experiences and the like, laboured to have him rejected.

As notwithstanding all former purgations, there still remained not a few scandalous or negligent pas|tors and teachers, Cromwel and his council appointed for every county a committee of laymen with ten or more ministers to purge them out, and allow them a 5th part of their salary for the support of their fami|lies.—In 1649, an ordinance had been made for the purgation and proper settlement of the churches in Wales. But though they had got 150 ministers, who laboured to their utmost, they were not nearly supplied. Some itinerant preachers were therefore

appointed to labour among them for the present.— Some of the lesser congregations were joined toge|ther, and others of the largest sort were divided.— New committees were appointed to visit the univer|sities of Cambridge and Oxford. These, as well as the Heads of the colleges, faithfully executed their offices, in consequence of which sobriety and godli|ness remarkably prevailed in these seminaries of learn|ing. Stillingfleet, Pearson, Patrick, Lowth, and others of the greatest men, that ever appeared in the English church, were bred up under these Puritan doctors; and nothing, but horrid impiety and ty|ranny, felt the exclusion of the royal bigots.—Mean|while, the Presbyterian Synod of London finding it impossible to establish their discipline among the English, and awakened by the spread of two Cate|chisms published by Biddle a Socinian, bestirred themselves to promote the religious education of youth, and published exhortations and directions for ministers and heads of families in their catechizing work. Animated by their example, the associated ministers in several counties published similar exhor|tations.

As the Royalists had threatened Cromwel with an assassination, and had published most dangerous li|bels against the present government, he, by a pro|clamation, ordered, that no ejected Episcopalians should be chaplains or schoolmasters, or preach, or teach any but their own families, under pain of pro|secution. But, he more secretly intimated, that those who, since their sequestration, had or should give proper evidence of their godliness and affection to the present government, should be used as kindly, as could consist with the safety of the state. About the same time, he threatened the Papists, not so much for their religion, as because he found them enemies to his government. The Protestants of Savoy and Piedmont being terribly persecuted, he, by applica|tion to the kings of Sweden and Denmark, the States of Holland, and the Reformed churches in Germany

and France, procured them large contributions. In England alone, 37,079 pounds were collected. He dispatched Moreland his envoy to the duke of Savoy, to intimate to him, that he intended to exert himself to his uttermost for the deliverance of his persecuted Protestant brethren. He wrote to Lewis XIV. and to cardinal Mazarine his minister to the same effect. Unwilling to have Cromwel and his troops so near him, Mazarine pressed the court of Turin to give the Protestants satisfaction. To strike terror into the Pope, and other Italian princes, he gave out, that as he understood, they had encouraged the per|secution, he intended that his fleet should visit their coasts, and cause the sound of his canons to be heard at Rome. He publicly declared, that he would al|low no Protestants to be any where insulted, and procured indulgence to those of Bohemia and France. How disgraceful to the Protestant powers, that they have ever since so little copied his example! Whether he had any hand in founding the charitable fund for the support of ministers widows and children, which took place about this time, I know not.

The indulgence of so many forms of religion in England drew the famous Manasseh ben Israel, and other rabbies of the Jewish nation thither, to solicit a freedom for their religion and traffick. As Crom|wel thought they might, by the pure preaching of the gospel, be converted to Christ, and might push the English into trade, he inclined to grant them their request. But, in order to do it peaceably, he conveened a council of lawyers, merchants and di|vines, to consider, whether it would consist with the laws of the land, the advantage of trade, and rule•• of the gospel? Some were altogether against their admission, lest they should seduce people to their re|ligion or customs of marriage and divorce; or their fraud hurt the trade of the subjects: Others though•• they might be admitted, providing they should speak or write nothing against the honour of Christ or hi•• religion; should hold no judicatory civil or ecclesias+tical;

should use no Christian servants; should bear no public office or trust; should discourage none from using means of conviction of the truth of the Christian religion; and that, if any should apostatize to Judaism, they should be severely punished. The opinions of these advisers being so different, the affair was dropt.

In 1656, the Quakers had become considerably troublesome and insolent, even to Cromwel himself, which drew upon them some severities. The Papists had an oath imposed upon them, abjuring the Pope's supremacy, transubstantiation, purgatory, worship of images and relicks,—the merit of human works,— the Pope's power to excommunicate or depose magi|strates, or give allowance to murder them,—and de|claring, that they believed him to have no power at all in Britain or Ireland; and that no power derived from him or the church of Rome could absolve from this oath. Two thirds of their estate, who refused this oath, were to be seized for public use; and all British subjects were prohibited to hear mass in the house of any foreign ambassador.

In 1657, Brian Walton, afterwards bishop of Chester, published his famous Polyglot Bible, in six large volumes folio; in the preparation and correcti|on of which he had employed not a few of the most learned Puritans and others. Dr. Owen highly com|mended the work, but blamed Walton for pretend|ing that the Hebrew points were not of divine autho|rity, and for collecting so many various readings from copies of no importance. About this time also, the Royal Society began to be founded.

In 1658, the Independents, by Cromwel's permis|sion, held an Assembly at the Savoy, and drew up their Confession of Faith. It differs but little from that of Westminster, unless that the 30th and 31st chapters relative to censures and Synods, and part of the 20th, 23d, and 24th, relative to the power of civil magistrates about religious matters, and to marriage and divorce, are left out. It hath a chapter

relative to the Gospel, and some expressions more plainly pointed against the then rampant errors: and at the end, it hath a chapter relative to the instituti|on of the church, and to ecclesiastical discipline.— At this meeting, in which there were ministers and members from 100 churches, tho' Dr. Owen, Mess. Goodwin, Nye, Bridges, Caryl, and Greenhill were the principal managers, it is the less wonder, that they formed their Confession in a few days. The difference between it, and that of Westminster, being so small, that the modern Independents have almost laid it aside, and use that of Westminster as well as the Presbyterians, excepting the portions above men|tioned.

Death having, that same year, cut off the bold, and crafty, and perhaps pious Protector, the govern|ment devolved on Richard his son, a young man of a candid and peaceable temper. Fleetwood his bro|ther-in-law, and Desborough, who had married his aunt, and Lambert, and other discontented spirits, resumed their courage, and quickly obliged him to resign his authority. A commonwealth, of a few weeks duration, ensued: but the officers finding, that the parliament intended to reduce the army, took the government into their own hands. The nation being quickly sick of these military lords, the Presbyteri|ans and Royalists agreed to bring home Charles of Scotland, who had been an exile abroad. Having invited General Monk from Scotland, he, by ways and means dishonourable enough, got to London, restored the Presbyterian members of parliament to their seats, from which they had been excluded in 1648, and placed guards about the House, which deterred the Independents from entering. Being now almost wholly Presbyterians, the Commons rati|fied the vote of 1648, bearing, that Charles I's con|cessions from the Isle of Wight were a satisfactory ground of a pacification with him. They annulled the engagement of 1649, to be faithful to the com|monwealth, and the late oath abjuring Charles Stew|art.

In consequence of a petition from the London ministers, they approved the Solemn League and Co|venant; they declared the Westminster Confession of Faith the public Confession of the church of Eng|land; but agreed that due liberty in religious mat|ters be secured according to the word of God. They approved as valid the ordinations of ministers accord|ing to the Directory, and gave Presbyterian ministers full possession of their benefices. In May 1660, they dissolved themselves, after they had, in divers forms, and with several interruptions, sat nineteen years, four months, and thirteen days.

Before their dissolution, they had enacted, That none, who had warred against the parliament si••ce 1641, and had not since manifested their affection to it, should be elected members for the next; and that all candidates should declare the parliament's war against king Charles to have been just and law|ful. But now, to avoid all choice of republicans, many Royalists and persons absolutely atheistical and profane were chosen. Meanwhile, Monk began to treat with Charles king of Scots, and several of the Presbyterian ministers repaired to him at Breda in Holland. His embracement of Popery beginning to make a noise, he decoyed several of the most eminent Protestant clergymen in France to give assurances of the contrary. He transmitted to London a DECLA|RATION, promising a general pardon of past offen|ces, and a liberty in religion to all his subjects, if he should be restored to his throne. Infatuated by his guileful prayers, and deceitful declarations, and by the fine promises of Episcopalians, of whose perfidious|ness they had had sufficient experience, the Presbyte|rians permitted the new parliament to invite him home without any terms. After this parliament had sat about eight months, they were dissolved, because the members had not been chosen by virtue of royal warrants, and many of them were Presbyterians; and they had declared the late war with his majesty's father to have been lawful.

CHARLES had no sooner arrived at White|hall, than, for a blind, he made Mess. Manton, Ca|lamy, Baxter, Bates, Reynolds, Spurstow, Ash, Case, and Woodbridge, all Presbyterians, his ordi|nary chaplains. But the old liturgy was restored in his chapel and elsewhere,—pretending that, the acts of the long parliament being in themselves null, for want of the royal assent, Episcopacy and the service book were still established by law. The members of parliament quickly set the nation an example, in the taking the sacrament in the ceremonious form. Be|fore the year ended, many parochial clergymen were prosecuted for not using the service book, the judges pretending, That the laws returned with the king; and that the breaches of them could not be dispensed with. The sequestred Episcopalians flocked about the court, magnified their own sufferings as a kind of martyrdom for his majesty's right, and, notwith|standing their most notorious scandals, were restored to their former places, and the pious, learned, and laborious Presbyterians or Independents turned out to make way for them. Within about six months, above 150 doctors of divinity, and as many of law, physic, &c. were formed out of the self-applauding Royalists. But as most of their names stand nowhere but in the registers of the university, they appear to have been generally of very little importance. A little before the Restoration, a fruitless attempt had been made to fill the vacant sees, lest the episcopal succession should be ruined: but deans and chapters being now restored to every cathedral, ten new bish|ops were added to the nine survivors. Other four were soon after added. Four or five sees were kept vacant, that they might be offered as a bait to the leading divines of the Presbyterian persuasion.

In the preceding period, which hath been so much reproached as an age of horrid rebellion, the univer|sities abounded with pious and learned Teachers and Students. Never did another produce so many or so

remarkable ornaments to the English church. Bet|ter laws were never made in England, nor good laws ever so well executed. The dress, the language and conversation of the people, were sober and virtuous. Scarcely one instance of bankruptcy was known, in a year; nor could bankrupts ever regain their cha|racter. Drunkenness, whoredom, profane swearing, and other debaucheries, were quite out of fashion. To live as beasts, without worshipping God in secret and in families, was held infamous. Not one stage play was acted for many years in the whole kingdom. Magistrates carefully suppressed gaming and other abuses in public houses. Ministers laboured in pray|ing, preaching, catechizing, and visiting their peo|ple, to the wasting of their strength. But no sooner had Charles ascended his throne, than debauchery and wickedness of every form, like an impetuous tor|rent, brake forth and overflowed all ranks in the kingdom. He set them a most brutish and infernal example. He did not believe there was any such thing as honour or virtue, but all men were guided by self interest. Atheism, profane scoffing and swear|ing, were his daily delight; drunkenness and whore|dom his principal business. He could scarcely spare an hour from them, to mind the affairs of the state. If we may believe his own bishops and doctors, he ordinarily came from the bed of his harlots to church, or even to the Lord's table. Two play-houses were erected in the neighbourhood of his court. Female actresses were introduced on the stage. Plays so lewd and obscene, as might have made Beelzebub to blush, were composed and acted. Scarcely any thing was to be seen at court, but feasting, hard drinking, re|velling, whoredom, and profane swearing. The fa|voured clergymen were taken with whores almost every week, or found, drunk in the streets, or even in the pulpits. All kinds of riot and debauchery prevailed among the people. Some, who had been Parliamentarians, to redeem their credit with the court and the clerical managers, threw off their for|mer

mask of religion, turned profane scoffers, and forged stories to render their old friends ridicu|lous. To appear serious, read the Bible, pray in se|cret, or in families, or to make conscience of speech or behaviour, characterized one a fanatic. Forbear|ing to extol the ceremonies, marked one a Presbyte|rian rebel.

Provoked with the Presbyterians for their siding themselves in the late wars, and for holding so many livings in the church, in which they laboured in win|ning souls to Christ, and for being capable to influence the election of members of parliament, (and why not also, for their mad zeal, in bringing home Charles, that plague of God, to the throne?) Clarendon and his bishops resolved to ruin them, and exclude them from all comprehension in the church, while James duke of York, and his Papists, inclined to have a toleration for them, that they might share in it.— Still the infatuated Presbyterians courted the favour of those managers that wished their ruin. They of|fered archbishop Usher's plan of church government, as a mean of accommodation,—and insisted, that the surplice, the crossing in baptism, and kneeling at the Lord's supper, should be left indifferent, and some corrections made upon the Thirty-nine articles. In June 1660, Messrs. Calamy, Reynolds, Ashe, Bax|ter, Wallis, Manton, and Spurstow, introduced by the earl of Manchester, besought his majesty to in|terpose his influence for the healing of their ecclesi|astical differences, hoping, as Baxter said, that he would outdo Cromwel the usurper, in promoting re|ligion. Charles bade them draw up their proposals relative to church government and ceremonies, as low as p••ssible, and then he would procure them a conference with the episcopal doctors. Having fini|shed it, they, along with their brethren in London, presented their proposals, bearing, That they agreed with their brethren in the doctrinal points of religion, and the substantial parts of divine worship; but hum|bly requested, That none of their serious people

might be reproached with abusive language; that no scandalous, negligent, or insufficient person, might be admitted pastor in any congregation; that none should be confirmed by the bishops, or admitted to the Lord's table, without a credible profession of faith and holiness; that effectual care should be ta|ken for the public and private sanctification of the Lord's day; that Episcopacy be reduced to the plan proposed by archbishop Usher in 1641; that suffra|gans be chosen by their respective Synods; that, in their visitations, bishops regulate their conduct by the appointments of parliament; that the Book of common prayer be either corrected and purged of that which is offensive, or a committee of moderate Epis|copalians and Presbyterians appointed to compile a new one, as much in scripture language as possible; —and ministers not be confined to precise forms;— and that crossing in baptism, kneeling at the Lord's supper, observation of holy days of human appoint|ment, officiating in surplices, altars in churches, bowing at the name JESUS, or towards altars, be a|bolished, or at least not imposed on such as scruple them. The answer given to this representation, by the Episcopalians, occasioned a short and somewhat warm answer, by the Presbyterians.

As many of the sober ministers began to be driven from their churches, on account of their not using the Book of common prayer, the chief Presbyterians besought his majesty to suspend these executions, till the issue of their attempts for an accommodation were known; and that he would revoke the ejection of such as had only succeeded to deceased Episcopalians, and prevent the return of scandalous clergymen to their former charges. But all was to little purpose. After hearing both parties, he corrected and publish|ed his second Declaration, in which he promised to reform Episcopacy, and have the Liturgy corrected; and that none should be questioned for differences in religion, not tending to disturb the peace of the kingdom. Not a few of the Presbyterian clergy were

pleased with this, thanked his majesty for it, and upon the foot of it, pious Edward Reynolds accepted the bishoprick of Norwich, and Dr. Manton, re|ceiving a living in Convent garden, submitted to e|piscopal ordination by Sheldon bishop of London, and to the use of the service book in his church. O|ther Presbyterians, still dissatisfied, again besought his majesty to establish archbishop Usher's scheme of church government, which they thought was consis|tent with their Solemn League and Covenant; and insisted for further alterations in the service book, than he appeared to have promised. They prevailed no|thing. When the last mentioned declaration was first read in parliament, Nov. 9th, both Houses agreed on an address of thanks for it; but being informed, that Charles and his courtiers never intended to stand to it, the Commons refused to give it a second read|ing.

By this time, the long infatuated Presbyterians had their eyes opened, and plainly perceived, that his majesty's declarations were but crafty expedients to keep them quiet, till their Episcopalian enemies could bid them defiance: and they had daily more and more evidence, that they had no favour at court.— If they spoke or wrote in favour of their covenant with God and one another; if they lamented the dreadful irruption of perfidy, apostacy, or vice, e|specially of courtiers; if they scrupled using of the surplice, service book, and ceremonies, they were prosecuted in the ecclesiastical courts, and hundreds of them turned out, to make way, even for the most scandalous Episcopalians, who had been formerly e|jected. Meanwhile, flocks of Papists came home, magnified their sufferings in the late times, and pu|blished a list of about 179 of their noblemen, knights, baronets, and other persons of rank, who had lost their lives in fighting for Charles and his father. His mother returned from France, with a crowd of Po|pish attendants. The priests, who had been in gaol, were liberated, and others came over from the col|lege

of Douay. More Papists appeared in England, than in all the twelve preceding years. In Ireland too, which, under the late troubles, had been not a little furnished with faithful, laborious, and success|ful ministers from England and Scotland, the Papists took possession of their old estates, and turned out the Protestant purchasers. Their priests sent over an Address, congratulating his majesty's restoration, and requesting the free exercise of their religion.— Their Address was graciously received, and they were encouraged to hope for a favourable answer.— Charles' marriage with the Infanta of Portugal also contributed to the promoting of their interests.

Venner a wine-hooper, and about fifty others of the Fifth-monarchy men, who imagined that the thousand years empire of Jesus Christ's personal reign on earth was just to be erected, took arms, resolving to overturn Charles' government, or perish in the attempt. This madness, crushed in a moment, gave the court an handle for emitting a proclamation, prohibiting all Anabaptists, Quakers, and Fifth-mo|narchy men, to meet for worship any where but in parish churches or chapels, or in their own houses. The Independents, Baptists, and Quakers, for their own vindication, published a declaration of their ab|horrence of Venner's insurrection. To provoke the Presbyterians to some like outrage, the Episcopalians or Papists insulted them in the streets, and disturbed them at their family worship, by blowing of horns at their windows, or the like. Amidst all this abuse, they maintained a quiet and inviolated loyalty, tho', from the Press, they honestly contended for their religious principles. Stillingfleet, a very learned, and as yet mild, Episcopalian, published his Irenicum, in which he pled, That no particular form of church government is exhibited in the New Testament, and, with great strength of argument, contended, that nothing ought to be imposed in religion, but what is clearly revealed in the scriptures; nothing required but what is plainly indifferent; nothing indifferent

required, as a part of worship, but only as a mean of duly performing it; that no penalty ought to be inflicted upon persons, who scruple at any thing not clearly revealed in the word of God, till they have sufficient time and means to be informed of the lawfulness of it; and that religion ought not to be clogged with ceremonies, as too many of them eat out the life and vigour of Christianity. But no rea|soning was able to restrain the fury of the Episcopa|lians against the Presbyterians, who had so kindly brought home their king, and put them into posses|sion of their power.

The new parliament, formed to the taste of the court, which kept about an hundred members in pay, to vote as they pleased, sat down May 8th, 1661. Besides advancing his majesty's absolute pow|er, they declared the solemn league and covenant illegal, and not binding upon such as had taken it, and ordered it to be publicly burnt by the hangman; they restored the bishops to their jurisdiction in par|liament or otherwise; the restored to the Episcopa|lian clergy all the power they had enjoyed under his majesty's father, except the use of the oath ex officio; they denounced a Premuniro against all such as should call his majesty a Papist; they enacted, that all in places of power and trust should declare upon oath, that they believed it unlawful to take up arms against the king on any pretence whatsoever, and give it un|der their hand, that they renounce the solemn league and covenant as an unlawful oath, imposed contrary to the standing laws of the kingdom; they appointed, that none should act in any civil office, who had not within a year received the Lord's supper, according to the service book; they appointed commissioners to visit all the corporations in the kingdom, and turn out of office all such as were suspected of disrelishing the measures of the court. A sham plot against the government, fathered upon captain Yarrington, Sparry, Mr. Baxter, and others, was trumpetted up, and reported through the nation, in order to

make the penal laws against the Presbyterians and other dissenters pass the more easily. Meanwhile, several of the French Protestant clergymen, who had persuaded the Presbyterians to receive Charles with|out any conditions, barefacedly congratulated the E|piscopalians upon their re-establishment, and the French pastor at the Savoy conformed himself to the English ceremonies.

By virtue of his majesty's last declaration, twelve bishops and nine assistants were appointed to meet with the Presbyterian chiefs at the Savoy, for fixing what alterations were proper for the satisfaction of tender consciences, and promoting of the good of the church. Calamy, Baxter, and their brethren, ex|cepted against eight things in the Book of common pray|er, as plainly sinful, viz. that no minister is allowed to baptize any without using the sign of the cross; that no minister is allowed to officiate in the public worship of God, without wearing the surplice; that none are allowed to receive the Lord's supper but on their knees; that ministers are obliged to administer the Lord's supper to unfit persons, whether in health or in sickness, and even to some who are unwilling to receive it; that ministers are obliged, without a|ny conditions, to absolve from scandal and guilt of sin, persons of whose repentance they have not the smallest evidence; that they are obliged at funerals to give thanks for all baptized and unexcommuni|cated persons deceased, as brethren, whom God hath taken to himself; and that none are allowed to preach the gospel, who do not, under their subscription, declare, that there is nothing in the Thirty nine ar|ticles, Books of common prayer and ordination, contrary to the word of God. They even presented a draught of a new liturgy drawn up by Mr. Baxter, the prayers in which were mostly in the express words of scrip|ture, which they begged, ministers might be allowed to use. The bishops took it as an horrid affront, to put a production of Baxter on a level with the long approved biturgy of their church. As the intention

of the leading Episcopalians in this dispute, was no•• to accommodate matters, but to discover the Presby|terians scruples, that they might so fix their term•• of communion, as effectually to exclude them, they did not allow them opportunity of fair, calm, and thorough reasoning; but by brow-beating, and by the hissing of their attendants, studied to throw them into confusion. When the conference was finished▪ a convocation was called to rectify what was amiss in the prayer book, and to supply deficiencies. Care was taken to have it composed of such as hated the Presbyterians, or were the obedient dupes of their superiors. They added prayers for the annual cele|bration of the martyrdom of Charles I. on the 30th of January; and of his present majesty's restoration on May 29th;—and for persons at sea; a form of baptism for adult persons. They added some new holy days, and some new lessons out of the Apocry|pha, as the stupid fable of Bel and the dragon, and so made the book still more exceptionable. They began to review the CANONS, but made no alterations.

Charles and his agents did not content themselves with prosecuting such of his father's condemnators as were still alive, but digged up the bodies of Brad|shaw and Ireton, and gave them a kind of execution. They also digged up the bodies of Cromwel's mother, and daughter, and of admiral Blake, Pym, Dr. Twisse, Stephen Marshal, and fourteen others of the Parlia|mentarians, to put a public stigma upon them.— These were but the most harmless pieces of their cruelty. By the instigation of the court, in May 1662, the Commons, with great readiness, and the Lords, with no small reluctance, passed the Act of uniformity, importing, That every minister that did not, before the feast of Bartholomew August 24th, before his congregation, when publicly assembled for religious worship, declare his unfeigned assent and consent to every thing contained in the Book of com|mon prayer as lately corrected, and in the Form of ordination of bishops, priests, and deacons, should be,

ipso facto, deprived of all his spiritual promotions;— that all ministers or teachers in colleges, schools, or families who did not before said day, declare under their hand, That it is not lawful, upon any pretence, to take arms against the king; and that they re|nounce the solemn league as unlawful, and not binding on the takers of it; and that they will conform to the church of England, as by law established, shall be deprived of their livings, if they have any, and ••eachers in colleges or schools shall, for every offence, suffer three months imprisonment; and that none wanting Episcopalian ordination shall administer the Lord's supper, under pain of 100 pounds for every offence; that no other form of common prayer shall be used in public worship; that none shall be admit|ted as lecturers, who are not approved and licensed by a bishop, and read the Thirty-nine articles, and declare their unfeigned assent and consent to the whole of them;—and, at their first lecture, and afterwards on the first lecture day of each month, before lectur|ing or preaching, read the common prayer and ser|vice.—It also ratified all the laws made for unifor|mity of prayer, &c.

As there were not quite three months of interval between the passing and the final execution of this act, it was impossible for the newly corrected Book of common prayer, to be got printed, dispersed through all the corners of England, and read and considered before the time elapsed. Nevertheless, seven thousand Episcopalian clergymen, of whom not one in forty, it is said, had seen it, believed as the church did, ••nd from their pulpits solemnly declared their un|feigned assent and consent to it. Meanwhile, the Pres|byterian and Independent ministers were so squeamish, that they could not solemnly declare their unfeigned assent and consent to every thing they knew not; and they had unconquerable scruples at all the new terms of the established uniformity. They could not, to the reproach of the foreign churches, and of all their own former ministrations, which God had remark|ably

blessed, renounce their former ordination; they could not allow themselves to lie concerning the Ho|ly Ghost, that he now moved them to take upon them the office of a deacon, in order to be ordained by a bishop. They could not give an unfeigned assent and consent to every thing in the service book; they could not believe that baptism, even of the infants of pa|rents notoriously wicked, produced real regeneration, and gave undoubted certainty of salvation to such as died before commission of actual sin; they could not give their assent and consent to the use of godfathers and godmothers, to the exclusion of the real parents from being sponsors for their own children in bap|tism; nor to the exclusion of Christian infants from baptism for the mere want of godfathers or godmo|thers; they could not consent to the use of the cross in baptism, or to deny baptism to their infants, who scrupled at the use of it. Most of them thought the consideration of that crossing as a representation o•• the cause and effects of redemption, according to the 30th canon, was to make it a superadded sacrament; they could not consent to kneel at the Lord's supper▪ at least to exclude from it all such as scrupled at it. They could not assent and consent, that bishops, priests, and deacons, are theee distinct orders by di|vine appointment, as the Book of ordination asserted. They could not consent, with the funeral service, to pronounce all those undoubtedly saved, who had it allowed them, viz. all except the unbaptized, ex|communicated, and self-murderers; they could no•• consent to read the legends of Bel and the dragon, or of Tobit, Judith, and Baruch, and other apocry|phal lessons, to the number of 106 chapters in the public worship of God, under the title and notion o•• holy scripture, for two months together, to the ex|clusion of the word of God; they could not approve the Popish translation of the Psalter, even when con|trary to the established translation of the Bible; they could not consent that none should be admitted to

the Lord's supper before they were confirmed, or de|sired to be so. No doubt, some of them scrupled at the reading of prayers, the priests and people saying them by turns, or the vain repetitions in them. Nor was it a recommendation of the 66 collects, or short prayers, that 47 of them had been taken out of the Mass book, and some of them made worse than even there. They could not take the oath of obedience to their superior clergy, according to the canons; nor, according to the import of that oath, swear, that they were ready to declare those excommuni|cated, who charged the Book of common prayer with containiog any thing contrary to the word of God, —or who affirmed that any of the Thirty-nine arti|cles cannot be subscribed with a safe conscience,—or affirmed, that the ceremonies of the church of Eng|land cannot be approved and used with a good con|science,—or affirmed, that the government of the church of England by bishops, deans, archdeacons, &c. as contrary to the word of God,—or who should affirm, that the English form of consecrating bishops, priests, and deacons, contains in it any thing contra|ry to the word of God,—or who should separate from the church of England, or hold separated societies to be true churches;—they could not assent and consent, that all should be excommunicated, who should affirm, that a convocation called by the royal authority is not a true representation of the church of England,—or should affirm, that absents are not bound by their decrees, when ratified by the king; and the rather, that the principal writers of the English church are far from being agreed concerning the seat of the supreme ecclesiastical power. They could not, under oath, submit to the suspension, de|privation, or excommunication of such ministers, as repenting of their engagements to uniformity, omit|ted some of the ceremonies, and kept private fasts. They could not swear to refuse the Lord's supper to one who scrupled to receive it kneeling, or belonged to another congregation, whose pastor was scanda|lous,

or did not preach; they could not swear to promote the excommunication of such as go to other parishes than their own to receive baptism and the Lord's supper,—or to suspend people from the Lord's table, because they do not provide surplices for their priests,—or to baptize all children offered without exception,—or to present to the bishop or his chan|cellor every year, all their parishioners above the age of sixteen, who did not communicate at the preced|ing Easter, that they may be prosecuted with excom|munication and imprisonment for life, if they after|ward neglect it. Moreover, they could not swear canonical obedience to their ordinary, as he not only means the bishop, but also his lay judges, deacons, officials, commissaries, surragates, &c. by whom church government is separated from the pastoral office, contrary to the injunctions of Christ. Tho' many of them had never taken the solemn league and covenant, yet they could not renounce it as null and void, and not binding upon the takers of it, in every thing not contrary to the word of God. They thought such a renunciation wicked in itself, and calculated to tempt the king, who had repeatedly taken it, and many thousands more, to harden themselves in per|jury. Besides the scruples which some of them had at the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, as then im|posed, they generally scrupled,—solemnly to declare, That it was unlawful and horrid to take arms against the king or any commissioned by him, upon any pre|tence whatsoever. For these and the like scruples, a|bout 2100 of the most pious and diligent ministers in England were turned out from their charges, withou•• the allowance of one farthing for the support of thei•• families.

Never had history witnessed such an extensive ex+clusion of church men, or so barbarous. At the re+formation, not above 200 of the Popish clergy wer•• deprived by Elizabeth, and even they had an allow+ance granted them for their subsistence. When th•• long parliament and Cromwel turned out the scan+dalous

Episcopolian clergy, they allowed them a 5th part of their salary to maintain them, even though they were in a state of war with them as royalists.— Now, above two thousand, who had laboured for his majesty's restoration, and were generally most pi|ous and diligent ministers, were forced from their charges, without the smallest allowance. Baxter and some other leading men quitted their churches be|fore the time, lest false reports of their intended compliance should seduce any of their brethren.— Reynolds, Wilkins, Hopkins, and Fowler complied, and were made bishops. Some, who had dissuaded their brethren, complied themselves. No doubt, the distressful circumstances, to which the ejected were quickly reduced, influenced them. Some of them applied themselves to civil business, and were sup|ported by donations from their friends. Many of them having no freedom to alienate themselves from the public service of God, to which they had solemn|ly devoted themselves in ordinations and otherwise, —unable to resist the calls of the people, who beg|ged their assistance in the salvation of their souls,— afraid of the curse of the unprofitable servant, who hid his Lord's money,—sensible of the insufficiency of those that were placed in their charges,—and con|vinced of the continuance of their office and mission from Christ, and of their duty to perpetuate a faith|ful ministry,—presumed to preach the gospel; for which, as fast as they could be apprehended, they were cast into prison, where many of them perished by hunger and cold,—their hearers sharing much the like persecution.

The condition of the English church was now ex|ceedingly deplorable. The old clergymen were ge|nerally despised and detested, because of their scan|dalous behaviour. Such as had been trained up un|der the Puritans did some service; but many of them had neither due age nor experience. A staunch but candid Episcopalian informs us, That about 3,000 were admitted, who were unfit to take charges, be|cause

of their youth; that 1500 clergymen were scandalous, and many of them ignorant;—and about 1350 factious;—that of 12,000 ecclesiastical livings, 3,000 were impropriated, and 4165 sinecures. Af|ter all these deductions, how little room is left for an honest and painful ministry?

Charles and his Popish courtiers and friends were glad, how many of them were turned out from the church, as they hoped it might occasion a toleration for the Papists along with others. When the Pro|testant nonconformists talked of retiring to Holland or New England, the courtiers or Papists dissuaded them by hints of a toleration,—and laboured to di|vide them from the established clergy as much as possible. Even the conform clergy were split into two parties. The court party, which furiously railed against the Presbyterians and their moderate breth|ren,—zealous bigots for the ceremonies and for pas|sive obedience to kings, let them be as tyrannical as they will; but careless of the instruction or morals of their people. They, for forty years, were most nu|merous, and stood fair for preferment. The country party, to which Reynolds, Wilkins, Cudworth, Whichcot, Tillotson, and for a time Stillingfleet, belonged, were much superior in sense, and grieved at the exclusion and persecution of the Presbyterians.

Encouraged by Charles and his courtiers, and dri|ven by persecution, the Presbyterians, through Man|ton, Baxter, and Calamy, besought him to devise some method of allowing them to teach his subjects obedience to him and to God. Clarendon and bi|shop Sheldon of London, who mortally hated them, opposed every degree of indulgence. Nevertheless, about four months after, when Clarendon was absent▪ and perhaps none but real Papists in the council▪ Charles declared his intentions to procure a parlia+mentary indulgence for his Protestant and other sub|jects, who could not in conscience comply with th•• established religion. When the parliament met, th•• Commons presented an address against any indul+gence.

So the Presbyterian ministers were left to shift for themselves. Baxter, Bates, Calamy, and some others attended as laymen on their parish chur|ches, before, or after they had exercised their mi|nistry in private houses. Others forbore all manner of conformity.

In 1663, Sheldon succeeded Juxon in the archbi|shoprick of Canterbury. The courtiers, which had procured the severity of the terms of conformity, as a mean of occasioning indulgence to the Papists, in|stigated the Protestant dissenters to apply for a tole|ration, hinting, that if they did not obtain it, they would be forced to the uniformity established. The Independents applied; but the Presbyterians know|ing that it was properly designed for the Papists, for|bore, and thus drew on themselves the frowns of both courtiers and persecuted brethren. Meanwhile, some republicans having talked too freely, it was pre|tended, that the Independents, Baptists, and Fifth-monarchists had formed a plot against the king.— This served for an handle of reviving the act of Eli|lizabeth condemning to banishment, and to death, in case of return, such as peremptorily refused atten|dance at their parish churches;—and further enact|ing, That every person, above sixteen years of age, that should be present at any dissenting meeting for the worship of God, in which above four more than the family were present, should, for the first offence, pay five pounds, or ly three months in prison,—for the second, pay ten pounds, or ly six months in pri|son,—and for the third, pay an hundred pounds, or suffer seven years banishment, not to return under pain of death. Married women were to ly two months in prison, unless their husbands paid two pounds for their redemption;—and the persons, in whose house the meeting was held, to be liable as other offenders. Dreadful was the execution of this act among the Protestant dissenters. If they did not immediately pay their fines, their goods were seized; and if these did not satisfy the law, their persons were hurried

to prison. To make the matter still worse, spies and informers were placed every where, who had part of the fines for their hire. To avoid the penalty of ob|stinate absenting from church, many Presbyterians occasionally attended. But the Independents, Bap|tists, and Quakers, looking upon persecution as an undoubted mark of a false church, utterly refused their attendance. Such was the severity of the Jud|ges, that some were afraid to pray in their families, or ask a blessing on their meals, if above four of their friends were present.

In 1665, the plague raging in London and places about, till eight or ten thousand died in a week, and about an hundred thousand were cut off, most of the established clergy fled, and left their people to die and be damned, as they pleased. But Messrs. Ches|ter, Janeway, Turner, Grimes, Franklin, Vincent, and other persecuted ministers, at the double hazard of their lives, from the pestilence and from their per|secutors, flew to the city, &c. and by preaching to multitudes, who looked for an almost immediate ap|pearance before the tribunal of God, had remarkable success in winning of souls to Christ, and preparing them for death. Instead of calling the nation to humble themselves under the mighty hand of God, the parliament, which had fled to Oxford, took this opportunity to rain down their vengeance on the Pu|ritan ministers, and enacted, That they should be obliged to swear, That it was unlawful to take up arms against the king, or any commissioned by him, on any account; and that they would never endea|vour any alteration in the government of either church or state. And further enacted, That if, be|fore taking of this oath, they should come within five miles of the places in which they had been pas|tors, or of any city, corporation, or borough, even in travelling the road, they should be fined of forty pounds for every offence; and that if they refused this oath, they should be incapable of teaching a private school, or of boarding or dieting any persons

to be instructed. No honest man, as Southamptch observed, could take this oath as it stood. But the Judges declaring, that by commissioned by the king, was meant legally commissioned; and by not endeavou|ring to alter the government, was meant not unlaw|fully endeavouring to alter it, Bates, Howe, and a|bout forty others of the Presbyterian clergy took it, in that sense, to avoid the charge of sedition. But most of the ejected ministers refused it altogether, and were exposed to the most terrible hardships.— Some refused them houses, unless at extravagant rents. Others were afraid to admit them into their houses, lest it should render them suspected. Some ministers boldly preached till they were cast into prison, choosing rather to perish in suffering for Christ, than to be starved. Some of them rode thir|ty or forty miles, and preached in the night to their flocks. Instigated by the informers, the soldiers committed terrible outrages on their families. Next year, a fire, kindled by the Papists, having burnt 13,200 dwelling-houses and eighty-nine churches in London, several Presbyterians and Independents ventured to set up meetings, the best way they could, for preaching the gospel.

Clarendon, having lost his credit at court, and be|ing soon after banished, could no more wreak his malice against the Protestant dissenters. But when Charles, in 1667, moved for a general toleration to nonconformists, the Commons begged him to put the penal laws in execution against the conventicles, or meetings of Protestant dissenters for worshipping of God. Charles grew sick of the tyrannical cruelty of Sheldon and other bishops, who adhered to the maxims of Clarendon; and blamed the indolence and misbehaviour of the established clergy▪ for provok|ing the Puritans to absent from the church, and set up conventicles. The miseries occasioned by the Dutch war, the decay of trade, and fears occasioned by the French invasion of the Low Countries, awake|ned such as had any conscience or consideration.—

Lord keeper Bridgeman, Judge Hale, bishops Rey|nolds and Wilkins, doctors Burton, Tillotson, Stil|lingfleet, and others, thought it high time to pro|mote the peace of the church and the union of Pro|testants in the nation; and devised a plan of compre|hension for moderate dissenters, and of toleration for others. Wilkins and Burton formed an overture of correction of the Books of common prayer and ordina|tion, with which Baxter, Bates, and Manton were almost pleased: and no doubt Dr. Owen and his brethren would have been glad of the three years to|leration proposed. Judge Hale prepared a Bill for the parliament answerable to their agreements: but the persecuting bishops prevented its appearance, and, contrary to his majesty's inclination, revived the prosecutions against the Protestant dissenters.— As the reasonableness of toleration began to be warm|ly disputed without doors, S. Patrick, afterward bi|shop of Ely, and many others, who courted prefer|ment, laboured by their publications to render the dissenters odious. Parker, afterward bishop of Ox|ford, abused them in the most false and virulent manner. Dr. Owen published a sober refutation. But Andrew Marvel's rehearsal transprosed, went more to the quick. Its delicate though keen satyre made almost every body read it. Nor do I know that it received any other reply, than by one of Parker's friends sending Andrew a letter, swearing, That if be printed it, his throat should be cut. But God's providence preserved him as an honour to the House of Commons and to his nation. The well known Sherlock abusively ridiculed the Calvinist principles and experiences founded on them, and was answered by Polhill and Alsop. Nay, the pious behaviour, edifying sermons, and even the texts of the Puritan ministers, became a leading topic of the abusive ridi|cule of the stage.

King, queen, and court, were altogether shame|less in wickedness. They went about masked, en|tered

into houses, and committed the vilest indecen|cies and maddest frolicks. Wilmot, afterwards earl of Rochester, and other uncommonly debauched profligates, were their principal favourites. What money the parliament bestowed upon Charles, he threw away upon his freaks and whores. Nor were the Commons niggardly of what was not theirs, but the nation's. Licentious profaneness prevailed in both universities. The harangues of the young cler|gy were stuffed with encomiums on the church, and satyres against the dissenters, while the truths of the gospel and practical religion were quite out of fashi|on. Regardless how many thousands or millions ran headlong to hell, in ignorance or impiety, the eccle|siastical managers directed all their zeal against the Puritans. A new act was made in 1670, bearing, That every such preacher should forfeit twenty pounds for the first offence, and forty for the second; that whoever knowingly suffered conventicles in their houses or yards, should forfeit twenty pounds for each offence;—that the fines should be levied by seizing and selling the offender's goods, and the third part of them given to the informer; that Justices of peace might break into any place where they were informed of a conventicle, and apprehend all the persons present;—that such Justices as refused to execute this act, should forfeit five pounds for each offence; that no defects or mistakes in the warrant for apprehending such conventiclers, should render them illegal; that all clauses in this act of parliament shall, to the utmost, be explained in opposition to conventicles, and such as attend them. Many Justi|ces of peace, who had any honesty or humanity, re|signed their office, rather than be concerned in exe|cuting this abominable act. Multitudes of the vilest miscreants commenced Informers, and what they gained by fines almost innumerable, they spent in drunkenness and whoredom. Archbishop Sheldon sent his bishops another circular letter, worthy of the Spanish Inquisition, in order to quicken their

persecution of every body concerned in conventicle•• —and copies of it were sent to the officers in ever•• parish. For not bringing in Pen and Mead, Quaker•• guilty of attending a conventicle in the streets •• London, the members of the jury were fined in fort•• marks sterling each, and thrown into prison till the•• paid it,—while these Quakers themselves were sine•• and imprisoned.

Assisted by the lords Clifford and Shaftsbury, wi•••• the earl of Arlington, and dukes of Buckingham and Lauderdale, commonly called the CABAL, Char+les made wide steps toward absolute power. Th•• exchequer was shut up, that no payment of pub+lic debt could be obtained. At the instigation o•• Lewis XIV. of France, who pensioned the king an•• his courtiers with a million sterling yearly, it wa•• resolved to destroy the Dutch, because they wer•• Protestants. In 1672, Charles published an indul+gence; but it was principally in favours of the Papists of whose increase the Commons had complained.— Though the dissenters mightily disliked an indulgenc•• founded on the king's arbitrary power to dispens•• with the laws, yet many of them took the opportu+nity of setting up meetings for public worship. A weekly lecture was set up at Pinner's Hall, in which four leading Presbyterians and two Independents a+greed to preach by turns, in defence of the doctrine•• of the Reformation, in opposition to Popery, Soci|nianism, and infidelity. Baxter, Bates, Manton▪ Jenkins, Drs. Owen and Collins, and afterwards Alsop, Howe, Cole, &c. chiefly distinguished them|selves at these meetings.—In the parliament 1673, Charles and Shaftsbury his chancellor, extolled this indulgence. But the Commons having become less tractable than their predecessors, held it as destruc|tive to the liberties of the kingdom. None were more zealous against it, than the dissenters. Alder|man Love, a member from the city of London, de|clared, that, notwithstanding all that they had suf|fered for the twelve preceding years, he and all his

fellow Protestant dissenters would rather want their own rightful liberties, than have them in a way de|structive of the liberties of the nation, and of the Protestant cause. Charles was therefore obliged to part with his indulgence, and to call in the licences which he had given for meeting-houses. The Com|mons, perhaps affected by Love's generosity, brought in a Bill for relieving Protestant dissenters from the penalties of not coming to church, and of holding conventicles. But by the influence of the court and bishops it miscarried.

Charles having refused to dismiss the Papists, whom he had openly admitted to places of power and trust, the Parliament, in 1675, enacted, That none, under the penalty of five hundred pounds, should hold any office of profit or trust, unless they had sworn the oaths of allegiance and supremacy,—and had received the Lord's supper in the manner of the English church, and solemnly renounced the doctrine of transubstantiation. This act, requiring the recep|tion of the Lord's supper before the minister, church wardens, and other two credible witnesses, as a con|dition of admission to civil offices under the crown, still remains in force, to the dishonour of Christ and reproach of religion. By the above act, the Cabal was dissolved, and Shaftsbury and Buckingham be|came advocates for the liberties of the kingdom.— Provoked with this exclusion of Papists from places of power and trust, Charles and his courtiers labour|ed to increase the severities against the dissenters.— Their clergy were imprisoned, plundered, and ruined. Sheldon, by another circular letter, quickened their persecution. But the Judges were become more mild, and shunned the informers, who had rendered themselves odious. Multitudes of lay conformists pitied their neighbours, when they saw them impri|soned and spoiled, for nothing but a scrupulous con|science, or an holy life. In vain, the court attemp|ted an act of parliament, requiring, That every voter in the election of members of parliament, and all

members of it, or of the privy council, should swear, That it is unlawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take up arms against the king or those commissi|oned by him; and that they should never endeavour any alteration of either church or state. Quite infu|riated with the loss of this arbitrary and enslaving bill, the courtiers, to their utmost, opposed all toleration of the dissenters, and a new encouraged the infamous informers, and inflamed the cruel persecution. Sir Roger L' Estrange, a most profligate scoundrel, was hired to expose them from the Press, and to encou|rage the severest treatment of them, as a people who had ruined the late king, and done every thing hor|rid. While the lower clergy retailed his calumnious abuse from their pulpits, the bishops opposed every motion for accommodation of differences with the Puritans, and applied to his majesty for a more vigo|rous prosecution of the penal laws against them.

In 1678, a Popish plot for rendering Charles and his successors absolute monarchs, and for introducti|on of the Popish religion, broke out. The parlia|ment committed five Popish Lords to the Tower; issued forth a proclamation against all Papists; and requested the king to remove James duke of York, his brother, who had for several years professed him|self a Papist, from his person and councils. The court did all, that in them lay, to stiffle the evi|dence of this Popish plot, and employed L' Estrange to represent it as ridiculous. The patriots employed one Carr to publish weekly discoveries of the frauds and superstition of the church of Rome. But he was quickly fined and his paper prohibited by the King's Bench. Nevertheless the parliament, by an act, disqualified from a seat with them, all such as refused to abjure the doctrine of transubstantiation and worship of saints. To avert the odium from themselves, the Papists pretended to discover a Pres|byterian plot. Dangerfield, the principal manager, having conveyed a number of seditious letters into one Marshal's house, sent the officers to search for

prohibited goods, who soon found the letters, he had laid fair for their hand. But they being proven counterfeits, he confessed, that the Popish Lords in the Tower and others, had hired him to forge them.

In 1679, the parliament attempted to exclude the duke of York from succeeding to the crown, because he was a Papist. Baffled in this, they attempted a comprehension of the dissenters; the Papists being now almost able to balance all the Protestants in the kingdom. Baffled in this also, they, with no small opposition in the House of Lords, repealed the sta|tute of Elizabeth concerning the penalties of non-attendance upon established churches. But the clerk of the crown, by Charles' secret instructions, with|drew this act, when, along with others, it should have received the royal assent.—In imitation of the court, some conformist clergymen changed their wonted moderation into furious rage and persecution. Instead of an IRENICUM, Stillingfleet now publish|ed his Mischief of separation; and highly condemned all the dissenters, of the most criminal schism. He was answered by Owen, Baxter, Alsop, Howe, and Barret. Meanwhile, it seems, Charles hired Fitz-Harris, an Irish Papist, to forge a new Presbyterian plot. He sent letters to the Peers, who had protest|ed for the exclusion of the duke of York from the crown, reviling the king and his family as Papists, and calling them to take up arms against him. But the farce was discovered.

In 1681, the parliament again attempted to ex|clude the duke of York from the throne. But Charles dissolved them to prevent it; and notwith|standing his solemn promise, never called another.— The university of Cambridge and many others sent him flattering addresses in favours of arbitrary power; and some pressed the vigorous execution of the penal laws against Protestant dissenters. Hence they were now persecuted with uncommon fury. Not a few of the established clergy, in country places, who could drink and swear, as abandoned rakes, were

made Justices of peace. They readily judged in their own cause, and fined such dissenters as absent|ted from their churches but a single day. To speak against Popery, was enough to make one suspected and reproached as a Puritan. The very Quakers, from whose hostilities no body was in danger, were imprisoned and spoiled of their goods. Most of the clergy extolled passive obedience to sovereigns, let them act as wickedly and tyrannically as they could. By their published decree, the university of Oxford declared it impious, seditious, scandalous, damnable, heretical, blasphemous, and infamous to Christianity itself, to maintain, That there is any original contract between the king and his subjects; or, That kings may be resisted, when they subvert the constitution of the king|dom, and become absolute tyrants.

The imprudent talk of some persons in taverns, or the like, gave the courtiers an handle to pretend what they called the Rye-house plot. By witnesses bribed for the purpose, the earl of Essex, lord Rus|sel, Algernon Sidney, Rumbold, and Houblon, were impeached as guilty. Not content with the mur|dering of these innocent patriots, the court made their own farce a reason of new cruelties against the dissenters. Twenty young men at Newcastle, were imprisoned a year, for meeting together for private prayer and spiritual conference. Meanwhile, the clergymen published their three and twenty Cases against dissenters, in order to persuade the world, that all the severities used against them were just and reasonable. The dissenters were shut out from their own vindication by the restriction of the Press. More daring than some others, Tho. de Laune, an Anabaptist schoolmaster, when publicly challenged for an answer by Dr. Calamy, a furious conformist, published his sensible Plea for the nonconformists, and on that account, was cast into prison, where, notwith|standing all he could do for relief, he continued till he and his wife and two children perished of hunger and cold, or the like.

In 1685, Charles died, not without strong suspi|cious of poison from Popish hands, for the establish|ment of whose religion he was thought not suffici|ently zealous and active. James duke of York, a bigotted Papist, succeeded him, and solemnly engag|ed to preserve the government of both church and state. As if such a sovereign had been an inestima|ble blessing, the conformists pulpits, all over the nation, rang with thanksgivings; and all the coun|ties sent up their fulsome addresses. The university of Oxford, in the most unlimited manner, declared, That it was impossible to move them from an unli|mited subjection to all his commands. His parlia|ment procured to his liking by bribery and other too common arts, settled two millions sterling yearly up|on him, that he might never be embarrassed for want of money, as his brother and father had been; and they besought his vigorous execution of the laws a|gainst the Protestant dissenters. The persecution was revived; and occasion was taken from Monmouth Charles' bastard son-in-law's invading the kingdom, to make it more and more terrible. The royal army in the West lived on the people at free quarter.— Colonel Kirk caused a number of prisoners, without any trial, to be hung up for diversion, while he and his companions drank and danced beside the gibbets. Jefferies, now Chief Justice, whose savage temper had been sufficiently manifested, was appointed judge in the Western circuit. Alway drunk, or in a fury, he raged among the poor people as an absolute infer|nal. By repeated confinements, he forced juries to bring in people guilsy, whether they had proof, or believed them guilty, or not. He persuaded many of the prisoners to plead guilty, in hopes of a pardon, and then ordered them to be executed immediately, without having a moment for recommending their souls to God. About six hundred were hanged, and the quarters of two or three hundred were fixed on trees and gibbets by the way sides, to the great an|noyance of travellers. He sold a multitude of par|dons,

from the rate of ten to fourteen thousand gui|neas a piece. By such methods, some dissenters were forced into the church, and multitudes fled to Holland or America; and Spademan, Rastric, Bur|roughs, Scoffin, Quipp, and other conforming cler|gymen, were, by the power of conscientious convic|tions, forced from the church, to join the persecut|ed dissenters.

Meanwhile the Popish party mightily increased.— Multitudes of Jesuits and regular priests were invited from abroad. Jesuitical seminaries of learning were erected in London and in the country. Mass-cha|pels were erected in almost every considerable town. Four Popish bishops were consecrated in the royal chapel. Multitudes of tracts for seducing people to Popery were published. Multitudes frequented the Popish chapels, as that, and zeal for James' absolute power were the sole road to preferments. All the subjects were prohibited to speak disrespectfully of his majesty's religion. At last, some conformists o|pened their eyes, and began to preach against Popery. James prohibited the inferior clergy to touch upon controverted points of religion. Hereupon Drs. Til|lotson, Stillingfleet, Tennison, Patrick, Wake, Whit|by, Sharp, Atterbury, and others, began to copy the example, which the dissenters had set them, some years before, in their morning exercises, and pu|blished a number of sensible discourses against the principal corruptions of Popery. It seems, that Richard Baxter, and some other nonconformists, offered to assist them in writing on these points.— But their productions were not allowed to be print|ed. The established clergy did not appear fond of their help; nor had they proper access to the books necessary for such work; nor would it have been pru|dent to have provoked James beyond what they had done, in refusing to concur in the repeal of the Test Act. Provoked with the conformists opposition to his religion, James declared against the cruelty of

the church of England. And, encouraged by the Judges, who interpreted the laws, he, by his absolute dispensing power, granted an indulgence to the dissen|ters, courted their affection, and encouraged them to set up their conventicles. They improved this opportunity of preaching the gospel, but had no good opinion of his end in granting it.

After a constant persecution of twenty six years, the extremity of the Puritans sufferings now came to an end. About sixty thousand had suffered much on religious accounts. Five, if not rather about ten, thousand had perished in prisons. Of the Quakers alone, three hundred and fifty died in jail, and a|bout fourteen hundred were now released. Multi|tudes had retired to America, Holland, &c: never|theless, the number of remaining dissenters was much the same as at the beginning of the persecution.— Their firmness and constancy in sufferings convinced the world, that they were not governed by humour, but by conscience. Their sermons, being plain and practical, had no small success: their morals were remarkably answerable to the commandments of Christ: they had carefully trained up their children their own way, and laboured to impress their minds with a sense of religion. They studied to keep up a succession of faithful ministers. These things, to|gether with the persecuting rage and licentious be|haviour of the conformists, made the numbers of Pu|ritans continue amidst all their temporal discourage|ments.

James and his priests being thoroughly enraged a|gainst their conformist opposers, he appointed com|missioners all over the kingdom, to enquire into the ••oss sustained by the dissenters, that their persecutors might be obliged to refund it. The informers, jud|ges, and many others, laid their account with imme|diate ruin. But the Puritans generally concealed their injuries, when it was in their power to have them revenged, and their loss refunded. By the ad|vice of chancellor Jesseries, and contrary to a stand|ing

law of 1641, and to James' own subjection to the Pope, a new High Commission was erected to visit the nation, reform the disorders of the church, and pu|nish clerical offenders with suspension, deprivation, excommunication, &c. Sancroft, archbishop of Can|terbury, was afraid to act in this terrible work. But the bishops of Durham and Rochester, Jefferies him|self, the earl of Sunderland, Herbert, and Wright, chief Justices, and Fenner, recorder of London, some of them professed Papists, were not so squeamish.— The universities of Cambridge and Oxford were com|manded to fill up their vacancies with scandalous Popish fellows and governors; but they obstinately refused.

By his absolute power, James now published a de|claration of his intentions, or rather a promise to pro|tect the church of England, as by law established,— and to grant a toleration in religion to all his subjects, and to abolish all penal laws against dissenters,—or imposition of oaths or tests upon such as held public employments. The Baptists, Quakers, Independents, and Presbyterians, thanked him for his favour, but promised no absolute obedience. Notwithstanding the presence of two courtiers, most of the Presbyte|rian clergy, at their general meeting, seemed willing rather to forfeit their liberty granted, than declare for his majesty's power. Sir James Shorter mayor of London, declined his freedom from the Test, and from conformity to the English church, which displeased the king. Lobb an Independent minister, Penn the Quaker, and some few other dissenters, complied not a little with James and his courtiers measures: but the bulk of the dissenters stood off; and not|withstanding all that the court could do, refused to assist in the destruction of those that had so long per|secuted them. These persecutors now implored their assistance, and promised a redress of their grie|vances, as soon as their common danger from Po|pery should blow over. Some of the bishops waited upon the leaders of the dissenting clergy, and be|sought

them to use their influence with their party to stand aloof from the court; in doing which, they might assuredly expect redress of their burdens, as soon as possible. The Marquis of Halifax, by advice of the church dignitaries, represented to the dissen|ters, That they had no ground to trust the Papists, and that they ought not to prosecute their resentment at the expence of the public safety; and that they might see, how the conformists resentment had brought themselves to the brink of ruin. About twenty thousand copies of this letter were dispersed, and had a very good effect.

The rupture between James and the church of England having become quite open and manifest, both parties prepared for their own defence. By turning out magistrates and placing others in their room, according to the powers claimed by him in the new charters, and by displacing such officers in the kingdom as disliked his absolute power, and by a tour through the country to ingratiate himself with his people, James laboured to procure a parliament for repealing the penal statutes concerning religion. Mild methods not succeeding to his wish, he aban|doned himself to the direction of his furious Po|pish priests; made father Petre, one of them, his prime minister, intending to make him archbishop of York, and a cardinal of the Holy Conclave. — The earl of Castlemain was dispatched ambassador to Rome, and the Pope's nuncio received a solemn au|dience at Windsor, notwithstanding the law of Hen|ry VIII. still made it treason to correspond with his Holiness. Parker, bishop of Oxford, was employed to publish reasons of abrogating the Test. In his performance he said what he could to excuse tran|substantiation, and to clear the Papists from the charge of idolatry. But a smart reply by Dr. Bur|net, sunk the reputation of Parker. In Ireland, every thing was modelled for an immediate intro|duction of Popery. In England, James was busy at the like work. Protestant officers were turned out

of the army. Portsmouth and Hull, the principal ports of the kingdom, were committed to Papists. Irish Papists came over in multitudes. Some regi|ments being formed only of Papists, and scarcely a troop or company without some placed in them by order from court, the army was brought to Black-heath, to awe the city of London and the parliament.

There being still danger from a Protestant succes|sor, as Mary his eldest daughter had been married to William prince of Orange, son of Mary, daughter of Charles I. James wrote her a letter for persuading her to embrace his Popish religion, and employed one James Stewart a Scotch lawyer, to cause Fagel, William's principal confident, labour to promote his conversion to Popery, or at least his approbation of the repeal of the penal laws against it. William and Mary's answers giving James no ground to expect their conversion, he resolved to have a new heir to his crown, by his long barren queen. The Jesuits pretences, that she obtained this child by a vow to the virgin Mary of Loretto, and their predictions that it would be a prince,—together with the total neglect of the requisite proofs of the queen's pregnancy and delivery, and many other suspicious circumstances, made most of the Protestants in the nation believe it an imposture. Encouraged by the hopes of an un|born successor, James, in April 1688, by his absolute power over all laws, published his second declaration for liberty of conscience, and appointed the bishops to cause it to be read from every pulpit, during the time of divine worship. Crew of Durham, Barlow of Lincoln, Cartwright of Chester, Wood of Litchfield, Walters of St. David's, Sprat of Rochester, Parker of Oxford, and Herbert of Hereford complied; and all but Herbert returned their fulsom addresses of thanks to James. Eighteen bishops, and the chiefs of their clergy refused to publish it; so that it was ••ead in no more than about 200 churches, seven of them in London. Sancroft of Canterbury, Loyd of St. Asaph, Ken of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely, Lake of Chi|chester,

White of Peterborough, and Trelawney of Bristol, in an address to James, attempted to justify their not publishing his Declaration, as they could not but think the dispensing power contrary to the laws of the land. For their presumption they were sent to the Tower; which indeed they richly de|served on another account, as they had for twenty-seven years laboured to establish kings arbitrary pow|er and passive obedience to it, till it came to be turn|ed against themselves. Upon the 29th of June, af|ter a trial of ten hours, these bishops, to James' in|expressible vexation, but to the joy of the city and part of the army, were acquitted.

Finding that Mary his princess was now excluded from the British crown by an heir, whose royal birth was at best extremely doubtful, William began to listen more attentively to the many invitations he re|ceived from England, beseeching him to come over and deliver the nation from Popery and slavery.— Lewis XIV. of France informed James of his son-in-law's intention to invade his kingdom, and offered him fifteen thousand troops, or more, if necessary, to withstand him. But the earl of Sunderland, who had been lately converted to Popery, persuaded him not to accept of these offered troops, as it would make all the Protestants believe that he intended an overthrow of their religion and liberties. Persuaded of William's intentions to invade his kingdom, James, to regain the favour of his Protestant subjects, issued forth warrants for calling a parliament;—by advice of the bishops, took off the suspension of the bishop of London, which had been inflicted for his refusing to suspend Dr. Sharp for preaching against Popery, before he had tried him;—dissolved the ecclesiastical commission; restored the charter of London, and the fellows of Magdalen college at Oxford; and re|nounced several other illegal practices. But he no sooner heard, that William's sleet was dispersed by a storm, than he stopt his redressing of grievances.

UPON Nov. 1st, William again put to sea with fourteen thousand men; and on the 5th landed at Torbay in the south of England, the wind having almost miraculously favoured him, and restrained James' fleet. He published a Declaration, in which he enumerated the grievances of the nation, relative to religion and liberty, and the fruitless attempts which had been made to have them redressed;—and protested, that his intention in his expedition was to procure a free parliament, in which these grievances might be redressed, and an agreement established be|tween the church of England and the Protestant dis|senters.—Finding by this declaration, that William had been invited by not only nobles and others, but also by a number of the bishops, and that they re|fused to declare their detestation of his invasion, James placed all his hopes in his army, which he endeavour|ed to strengthen from Scotland, and especially from Ireland, in so much that many in Britain were afraid of a new Popish massacre. This fright being over, the London mob pulled down the Popish chapels.— Father Petre, with shoals of Jesuits and priests, who had flocked about the court, fled out of the king|dom. Several of James' ministers of arbitrary power left him, and concealed themselves. Jefferies was apprehended in a sailor's habit, and would have been torn to pieces by the mob, had not a strong guard e|scorted him to the Tower, where he died, before he came to his trial. When William came to Exeter, many of the nobility signed an association, in which they promised to assist him in the pursuance of his declaration, and to revenge whatever attempt should be made on his person. Finding that so many of his nobles and part of his army had gone over to his son-in-law; that Anne his younger daughter and her husband prince George of Denmark had left him; and that the university of Oxford, archbishop San|croft, and seven or eight other bishops, had signed the above mentioned association,—James, after not a

little perplexity, contempt, and abuse, followed his queen into France. When William came to London, many of the established clergy, and about ninety dis|senters in a body, presented their congratulatory ad|dresses to him, and were graciously received. When he and Mary his consort were enthroned, the dissen|ters presented an address to each of them, which were favourably accepted. And indeed, during their whole reign, the dissenters were their most hearty and stea|dy friends.

Many of the clerical conformists now behaved in a most shocking manner. After they had long prea|ched up the unlimited power of the king, and en|couraged the imposition of oaths acknowledging it, they plainly shewed, that they regarded it only so far as it was exercised to support themselves. After they had seduced James into his extravagancies, they left him to perish in his ruins. After they had solemnly engaged to support William, they almost constantly laboured to compass the ruin of his person and go|vernment. Sancroft of Canterbury, Loyd of Nor|wich, Turner of Ely, Frampton of Gloucester, Tho|mas of Worcester, Lake of Chichester, and White of Peterborough, refused to swear allegiance to him. Many, who did swear it, by their distinction between a king de facto and one de jure, plainly manifested, that they submitted to William and Mary as mere usurpers, whom they thought it their duty to pull down, if ever they could. No sooner was their dan|ger from the Papists over, than they cast all their kind promises to dissenters at their heels, and appear|ed as ready to persecute them as ever. The eight bishops above mentioned, pretended to move for a comprehension of some dissenters, and for a tolera|on of the rest, and meanwhile instigated their friends to oppose it, and to represent the promoters of it as enemies to the church. The bigotted clergy threa|tened their moderate brethren with a new separation, if any important mitigation of the terms of commu|nion were allowed to the dissenters; and by that

means deterred them from correcting the Book of common prayer, lest these zealots, by adhering to the old form of it, should draw over the body of the nation to their side.

When king William came to his first parliament, 1689, he recommended the exclusion of Papists from all places of power or trust, and the unhampered ad|mission of all his Protestant subjects. Some members moved, that the receiving of the Lord's supper, at least in the manner of the established church, should not be held a necessary qualification for a civil office: but the contrary was carried. The dispensing with kneeling at the Lord's supper, or crossing in baptism, and an allowance for persons to explain assent and consent, in their subscription of the Thirty-nine arti|cles, were refused in the House of Lords.—An act of toleration for all Protestants, except Socinians, by which they were exempted from the penalties of nonconformity, providing they take the oaths to the government, and subscribe the doctrinal articles of the English church, was got carried, but with great difficulty.

During the dependence of the above acts in parlia|ment, a motion was made in the House of Lords, for a comprehension of the moderate dissenters, and a removal of these things at which they principally scrupled. Some moved, that, as under Henry VIII. and Edward VI. a mixed committee of clergymen and laymen, should prepare the draught of correcti|ons and terms of agreement. This motion was re|jected by a small majority. Burnet laments, that he opposed it for fear of offending the established cler|gy. By the advice of Dr. Tillotson, king William referred it to a Synod of clergymen, that their body might the more readily receive it, and the Papists have less handle of objecting against it. Lamplugh archbishop of York, Loyd, Sprat, Burnet, and six other bishops,—Stillingfleet, Tillotson, Sharp, Be|veridge, Scot, Grove, Patrick, Kidder, Tennison, Fowler, and ten other divines, were appointed to

meet and prepare such alterations of the liturgy and canons,—and to frame overtures for the reformation of the ecclesiastical courts,—and to consider every other like matter, which might tend to the peace and welfare of the church. Bishops Mew and Sprat, and two divines withdrew, that they might have no hand in relieving the dissenters. Some who remain|ed, pled, That making of alterations upon the consti|tutions of the church for gratifying an obstinate and peevish party, would but render them more insolent, would occasion a rent in the church, and make peo|ple disesteem the liturgy, which needed correction. —Nevertheless, the committee finished their work, and agreed, That certain parts of canonical scripture be read in place of the apocryphal lessons; and that the Athanasian creed might be omitted, and that a|scribed to the apostles used instead of it. They drew up new collects more agreeable to the epistles and gospels. Kidder formed a new version of the Psalms from the Hebrew. They substituted more plain and safe expressions instead of those which had been ex|cepted against in the liturgy. They agreed, That the singing of God's praise by musical instruments in ca|thedrals, be laid aside; that legendary saints days should be omitted in the Calendar, and not observ|ed; that the use of the cross in baptism, and of god|fathers and godmothers be left to the option of pa|rents; that kneeling in the Lord's supper be left in|different; that the use of the surplice be left indiffe|rent, and at the discretion of the bishop of the dio|cese; that the re-ordination of such as have been ordained by presbyters be only conditional; that the name of priest be changed into that of minister, &c. &c. These alterations would have probably brought in three fourths of the dissenters to the established church. But the bulk of the clergy relished no such condescensions. While the committee were employ|ed in their work, many raised a terrible outcry, That king William and his agents, intended to pull down Episcopacy, and set up Presbytery. The universities

of Oxford and Cambridge furiously declared them|selves against all alterations; and that such as pro|moted them were undoubted enemies to the church.

Care was taken to appoint such members for the convocation, as would so judge of the work of the committee, as to put an end to all attempts of alte|rations. When they met, K. William desired them to consider what he had to lay before them, with due and impartial zeal for the welfare of the church. But the lower House at the first resolved to enter on no debate relative to the Book of common prayer and Constitutions of their church. They had scarce|ly temper enough to thank his majesty for his promi|sed protection of them and their church. Nor could the bishops bring them to acknowledge any Christian fellowship with the Protestant churches abroad, as had been done in the address of the upper House.— Finding the Lower House behave in this furious manner, William dissolved their meeting; and since they were in no temper to do good, he, by pro|roguing their assemblies, restrained them from doing any hurt for ten years to come. The settlement of Presbytery in Scotland was improved by these mad zealots, as an handle for calumniating his majesty, and opposing all condescension toward the dissenters.

Terrible was now the contention between the E|piscopalian clergy that took the oaths of allegiance and supremacy to K. William, and such as did not. The Nonjurants represented their opponents as men who had trampled on their consciences for the sake of preferment,—and pretended, That the imposition of the oath warranted them to separate from their brethren; that they had their spiritual authority from Christ, and could not be deprived of it by the civil powers,—and so were still bound to take care of the souls of their people. The Jurants replied, That they were schismatics, in separating from the church; that though the state had deprived them of their livings, they ought not to revenge it upon the church, in a schismatical withdrawment from her

communion; and that magistrates may lawfully de|prive clergymen of their extrinsical power of exer|cising their ministry. All along from the reformati|on, and especially for near 30 years past, the Episco|palian clergy had maintained the power of princes in ecclesiastical causes, and an unlimited passive obedi|ence to them. But now the High Church party re|fused to admit of his majesty's power in spiritual causes; and both they and the Williamites gave up with their doctrine of passive obedience.

Having now lost hopes of access to the established church, the bulk of the Presbyterians and Indepen|dents formed a plan of concord between themselves, bearing, That all who are united to Christ, are mem|bers of his catholic invisible church, and all visible believers and their children members of the visible; that societies of visible believers, who, under Christ, statedly join together for communion in all the ordi|nances of the gospel, are particular churches; that none ought to be admitted as members to all sealing ordinances, but such as know and believe the funda|mental truths of the gospel, and are of blameless lives, marked with visible godliness and honesty; that a competent number of visible saints become the subjects of stated church fellowship, upon their agreement to walk together according to gospel rules; that though parochial churches are not of divine institution, yet, for edification, the members of a particular church ought to live as contiguously as possible; that every particular church hath a right to choose their own pastors; and being furnished with them, hath authority from Christ for the exer|cise of government, and dispensation of ordinances within itself; that in administrating church power, it belongs to officers to rule, and to the brotherhood to consent; that all Christians, as they have oppor|tunity, ought to join, and stedfastly continue in com|munion with some particular church; that the mi|nisterial office is appointed by Jesus Christ, for the gathering, edification and government of his church,

till the end of the world; that such as are called or admitted to the ministerial office, ought to be marked with proper gifts, grace, and holy conversation;— that in ordinary cases, none ought to be ordained pastors, but in relation to some particular church; that it is proper, that the pastors of neighbouring congregations be consulted in the calling of ministers, and assist at their ordination; that it is proper, that the gifts of candidates for preaching the gospel be tried by pastors, and that they be sent forth with solemn approbation and prayer; that in every church admonitions and excommunications of scandalous persons ought to have place; that in order to pro|mote the communion of churches, all the members ought to walk Christianly towards one another,—no church ought to usurp authority over one another, nor to decoy members from another, or to blame the proceedings of another, till it hath had an opportu|nity of defending itself,—and every one ought rea|dily to give account of its procedure, in order to prevent offence; that deacons, who take care of the poor, are appointed by Christ; that no breach ought to be made with respect to the institution of ruling elders; that Synods ought to be held at least for consultation about church affairs, and their decisions to be received with reverence, and none to dissent from them, without apparent ground from the word of God; that all men ought to pray for, obey, and support civil magistrates.

They agreed pretty well in condemning the ex|pressions of Davis of Rothwel, sundry of which bor|dered on Antinomianism or Anabaptism; but soon fell into a terrible flame of contention relative to some of the distinguished truths of the gospel. For almost forty years preceding, Richard Baxter had been attempting to form a medley of Calvinistical and Arminian doctrines, particularly concerning our redemption by Christ and justification before God, and had been refuted by Dr. Owen, Crandon, Brown, and many others. Nevertheless, his fame of piety

and penetration had decoyed most of the English Presbyterians to his side. In 1690, the sermons of the eminently pious Dr. Crisp, who had flourished about fifty years before, and had been blamed for ap|proaching too near Antinomianism, were re-published by his son. Several ministers attested, that they be|lieved the additional sermons to be genuine. This attestation was pretended to be a countenancing of their contents. Mr. Williams published his Gospel truth stated and vindicated, in which he attempted to refute several positions laid down by Dr. Crisp. As he steered a middle course betwixt Baxterianism and Calvinism, or rather refined upon Baxter, it was not difficult to procure a solemn approbation of his book from clergymen of his acquaintance. But it was re|futed with great warmth by Isaac Chauncey, in his Neonomianism unmasked. Robert Trail also published a letter in vindication of the Protestant doctrine of justification through the imputed righteousness of Christ alone, and of the practisers and professors of it, from the unjust charge of Antinomianism.

Great pains were taken by some to heal this un|happy breach, which hindered the success of the gospel, and mightily pleased the conformist enemies of both parties. But by mutual reproaches it was more and more widened. A breach was made in the lecture at Pinner's Hall. Nothing less than the ex|clusion of Williams could satisfy his opponents.— Bates, Howe, and Alsop, who were all inclined to his sentiments, went off with him. Mead and T. Cole remained, and had four others added in place of those that went off. Mather, Lobb, Goodwin, and others, appeared in opposition to Williams' scheme of the gospel being a new law, and his de|nial of a legal change of person between the elect and Christ as their surety. Lobb appealed to Stilling|fleet, now bishop of Worcester, and to Dr. John Edwards, both of whom favoured Dr. Williams' scheme. After the two parties, by hot debates, of several years continuance, had rendered themselves

a reproach, they, in some sort, referred their diffe|rences to Herman Witsius, a Dutch professor of divinity. To compose them, he published his Ani|madversiones Irenicae, in which he, with great can|dour, meekness, and precision, pointed out the truth, and reproved the ill-guarded expressions of them that held it. He shewed, That all the sins of elect men, being laid upon, borne, and satisfied for, by Christ, as their surety, there behoved to be an exchange of persons between him and them in law-reckoning; that though Christ bore the sins of his people, not not only during his last sufferings, but in his whole state of humiliation, he ought not to be represented as a sinner, blasphemer, adulterer, &c. or as abomi|nable to, and abdicated by, his Father; that, tho' Christ absolutely and unconditionally purchased e|ternal redemption for all his elect, yet his righte|ousness is not imputed to their persons, till the mo|ment of their regeneration and spiritual unition to him; that though Christ and his elect were legally united together from all eternity, that their sins might be laid on him and satisfaction demanded from him in the fulness of time, yet their mystical union is not begun till he apprehend them by his Spirit, nor compleated till they receive him by faith; that Christ's holiness of nature and life under the law, as well as his satisfactory sufferings, are imputed by God to all believers, which constitute them perfectly holy and righteous in law-reckoning before him, as their infinitely exact Judge; that men's justification before God in no respect depends upon any kind of works of theirs, nor on faith, which is, and necessarily pro|duceth good works, as a work, as a condition or dis|posing cause, but merely as an instrument of receiv|ing Christ and his righteousness and justification thro' it; that though many true believers have not any bold confidence, that Christ and his salvation are theirs in possession, yet faith, in itself, is a most firm persuasion of one's own particular right to Christ and all his saving benefits; and this persuasion is weak

or strong, as faith itself is in the heart; that repen|tance, in the root of it, being coeval with the habit of faith, may be said to precede actual pardon of sin, as well as faith; that, though all the sins of believers, past, present, and to come, be fully and irrevocably pardoned in their justification, on account of which, God, as a legal judge, can see no sin in them, in order to condemnation, yet, as an omni|scient and holy Father, he sees much sin in them to be highly displeased with them, and which excee|dingly hurts and defiles them,—and therefore they ought to be burdened with, confess, and mourn o|ver it, and pray for the pardon of it; that though Christ's surety-righteousness be the only proper con|dition of the covenant of grace, yet the Lord hath appointed faith to be the mean of his elect's entrance into the actual enjoyment of the blessing of it; that though our graces and good works are of no avail as the condition of our justification before God, nay, as dwelling in our sinful nature, and proceeding from us, are but as loss, dung, and filthy rags before him as a judge, yet as proceeding from the Holy Ghost, and accepted through Christ, they are of great use as a preparation for heaven, and as means of averting God's judgments, and drawing his delights and be|nefits on us, as his friends and children in Christ; that the law of God, as a covenant of works, and as a Rule of life, and the gospel, particularly as strictly taken, ought to be carefully preached in their proper connexions with each other; and that, though the beginning of our spiritual life is produced by the gospel strictly taken, conveying God's grace into our heart, the progress and increase of it, is produced both by the gospel, and by the law as a rule of life.

These contentions had more abundantly exposed the dissenters concerned to the ridicule of their con|formist neighbours, had they not been as hotly en|gaged among themselves. Mr. Howe had publi|shed a letter, pleading with both conformists and nonconformists, that they would think of, and be|have

Christianly and charitably towaad each other, as the points in which they differed were of small im|portance, in respect of those in which they agreed. But whatever good effect this might have upon some dissenters, it had none upon most of the conformists. Stillingfleet and others exceedingly grudged at the late toleration. To allay their heats, Locke, so well known in the learned world, at different times, pu|blished his Letters on toleration, in which, amidst not a few loose hints, he hath exhausted his subject, and shewed that force is an improper mean of con|viction; and that men ought not to be compelled by it, into the faith, profession, and practice of religion.

After patient waiting for several years, the sees of the Nonjurant deprived bishops were filled up in 1691; and the rather, as Turner of Ely had been accused of having a hand in a conspiracy against king William. John Tillotson was made archbishop of Canterbury, Ed. Fowler bishop of Gloucester, Sam. Patrick of Ely, J. More of Norwich, Rich. Kidder of Bath and Wells, Rich. Cumberland of Peterbo|rough, Robert Grove of Chichester, and Edward Stillingfleet of Worcester. Tillotson died about three years after, greatly lamented by all the friends of in|genuity, charity, and moderation, and was succeed|ed by Tennison. Many of the inferior clergy refused to hold communion with these new bishops, but ad|hered to the old, and thus formed a church of Non|jurors. They maintained, That James still continu|ed the only lawful king of Britain; that all such as acknowledged another, were, by the 2d canon, ipso facto, excommunicated; that the deprivation of bi|shops by civil authority is utterly invalid, and ought not to be regarded; that the authority of the church of England, and consequently the church itself, re|sides in the Nonjurors and their successors, who have stedfastly adhered to her true constitutions; and that all that depart from them, or join the new schisma|tical bishops, are schismatics, and all such clergy as do so, forfeit their office, and cannot dispense the

ordinances of God to any edification. Hicks, Ket|tlewell, and Lesly, were principal supporters of this scheme. Hellier and others, but especially Hoadly, afterward bishop of Winchester, opposed them.

As king William had long restrained the convo|cation from meeting and transacting business at the same time with the parliament, a Remonstrance was published in 1697, bearing, That convocations were now as necessary, as ever they had been in the Chris|tian church; that William had sworn to maintain the rights of the English church; that the convo|cation ought to be called whenever the parliament sits; that they are a spiritual parliament, consisting of an Upper and Lower House,—and have power to proceed against such as are guilty of heresy, schism, or any other spiritual offences, without restriction by any act of parliament; and that their canons are binding, if agreeable to common sense, his majesty's prerogative, and the laws of the land. This kindled a new controversy, which was not soon, if ever ad|justed. Dr. Wake, afterward archbishop of Canter|bury, in several tracts, laboured to prove the power of Christian princes over ecclesiastical Synods, and was answered by Hill and Atterbury, in his Rights, powers, and privileges of an English convocation stated and vindicated, who, in their turn, were answered by Kennet, Burnet, &c.

The contests of the dissenters concerning the doc|trines of the gospel, and of the Episcopalians con|cerning church government, were not finished, when the convocation sat down in A. D. 1700. Bent up|on asserting their own independency of the Upper, the Lower House refused to adjourn, when required by the archbishop. Without any allowance from the king, they collected and read several books, and marked their errors. Some members complained with great warmth of Burnet's exposition of the Thirty-nine articles. They intended to have strength|ened the church with additional canons. But, as his majesty had given them no licence to proceed to bu|siness,

the archbishop prorogued their meeting till May, after they had sitten some months to no pur|pose. A new contest ensued, Whether the Lower House of convocation have power to adjourn or con|tinue themselves, as they please? Many tracts re|lative to this point were published. The Upper House laboured by all the expedients they could de|vise, to have peace and harmony with the Lower, till at last his majesty's death in March 1702, for a time hushed their debate.

ANNE had scarcely succeeded him, when the Presbyterian, Independent, and Baptist dissenters presented her with a joint address. Their conform|ing enemies already hoped to revive their former oppression. Before this, Clarkson had published his Account of the primitive bishops and liturgies, King his Constitution of the primitive church, James Owen his Plea for the validity of Presbyterian ordination, and Tong his Vindication of the dissenters,—none of which pleased the Episcopalian bigots. Sir Humphrey Ed|win, a dissenting mayor of London, about five years before, had carried the regalia, or badges of his of|fice, to the meeting at Pinner's Hall. Some tracts had been published for and against the occasional conformity of dissenters, bearing public office.— Having got rid of king William, whom they hear|tily hated, and got a queen of their own temper, their enemies resolved to hamper their toleration with additional restrictions and conditions, and to exclude them from all public office, unless they fully and constantly conformed to the church.

No sooner had the parliament met, than the Com|mons appeared chiefly bent for carrying a Bill for the exclusion of all occasional conformists from pub|lic offices under the crown, and bearing, That who|soever, after taking of the sacramental Test for offi|ces of trust or magistracy in corporations, frequented any meeting of dissenters for the public worship o•• God, should pay a fine of 500 pounds sterling; and

five pounds more for every day he retained his office after he had been at any such meeting. As the Lords would not agree to it, it was dropt. In 1703, the Commons altered their Bill a little, but the Lords again rejected it. In 1704, the Commons brought it in a third time, and many of them attempted to tack it to a money bill, that the one might not be got rejected without the other. But this miscarried, and the Lords refused the Bill a second reading. None opposed it more earnestly than bishop Burnet and his moderate Episcopal brethren.

This Bill occasioned a prodigious number of pub|lications for and against occasional conformity. The enemies of the dissenters pled, That, if they could occasionally conform for the sake of an office, their separation was not matter of conscience with them, but a real schism; that if occasional conformity was lawful, constant conformity must be so likewise; and that either their occasional conformity or their stated nonconformity must be hypocritical. The dissenters and other friends of occasional conformity pled, That though they thought it duty to maintain stated com|munion with such as they reckoned wrongfully ex|cluded from the national church,—as a testimony a|gainst such persecution;—with such as administered Christ's ordinances with least mixture of human in|ventions;—with such as asserted the liberty of Chris|tians from human impositions in the worship of God; —with such as denied admission of persons ignorant, or scandalous, to the seals of his covenant;—with such, whose principles most admitted of Christian charity;—and in whose administrations their souls experienced most spiritual edification:—Yet they reckoned occasional conformity lawful, that therein they might imitate the practice of John Baptist and of Jesus Christ and his apostles; that they might shew their charity and regard to those of different sentiments, and their readiness to join the established church, if they had but a proper opportunity afford|ed them. After both parties had written themselves

out of breath, an act against the admission of occa|sional conformists to any places of power and trust, passed in 1711.

Instigated by bishop Burnet, Anne, in 1704, re|mitted the arrears of the tithes to the poor clergy, and offered to allot her whole share of the first fruits and tithes for that end. The parliament passed an act for alienation of this branch of the revenue for said end, and for forming a corporation to see to the application of it accordingly; and they repealed the statute of Mortmain, so far as to allow persons to dispone what they pleased for the augmentation of benefices. This kindness did not reconcile the cler|gy to Burnet, whom they had long so heartily hated. The Lower House of convocation still contended with their superiors in the Upper. They besought her majesty to protect them, and take the point of de|bate between them into her own hand for decision. In 1705, the Upper House, having drawn up an address of thanks to her for her affectionate care of the church, which the parliament had lately declared to be in no danger, the Lower One, without offer|ing any reason, refused to concur in it, and formed one of their own, in a very different strain, which was rejected by the archbishop. In consequence of this, the address was dropt, and all communication between the two houses shut up. The queen, by a letter, signified to the archbishop, That she resolved to maintain her supremacy, and the due subordina|tion of presbyters to bishops, and hoped that he and his suffragans would act accordingly,—in doing which they might expect her protection; and she appointed him to impart this declaration to the bishops and clergy, and to prorogue the convocation to such time as should appear most convenient.

In 1707, the parliament readily agreed to make the perpetual security of the church of England a fundamental article of the incorporating union with the Scots. But the Lower House of convocation still continued to wrangle with their superiors.—

They resolved to remonstrate to the Commons against the union, as dangerous to their church. Apprized of their intentions, her majesty required the arch|bishop to prorogue them for three weeks,—before the expiration of which, the act for the union had passed in parliament. They remonstrated to the Upper House against the prorogation, and pretended, that the convocation had never been prorogued dur|ing the sitting of parliament. But from the records it appeared, that on several occasions it had been prorogued, while the parliament sat, and in some instances had sat after the parliament had been dis|solved. Informed of their behaviour, the queen wrote to the archbishop, that she looked on them as invading her supremacy; and that if they attempted any such thing for the future, she would take care to punish the offenders. About the same time, the French Protestants prosecuted Elias Marion, John Cavalier, and Durand Fage, before Compton bishop of London. They were declared impostors. Not|withstanding this sentence was confirmed by the bi|shops, these French prophets, or rather enthusiasts, held their assemblies in London, under the counte|nance of Sir Richard Bulkley and John Lacy;—re|viled the established clergy;—and denounced the judgments of God against London and the whole British nation. The French Protestants therefore again prosecuted them, and each of them was sined in twenty marks, and condemned to stand twice on a scaffold, with papers on their breast, exhibiting their offence.

For twenty years, multitudes of the English con|formists had continued reviling the Revolution. K. William had scarcely expired, when his character and conduct were most rudely abused. So loud were the outcries of the church being in danger, especially by those that lived more like brutes or devils, than like Christians, that the parliament, in 1705, had been obliged to take this matter into consideration, and had resolved, That the church was in a flourish|ing

condition; and that whoever attempted to per|suade people, that she was in danger, should be held an enemy to the queen, church, and kingdom. Not|withstanding all this, Dr. H. Sacheverel, in 1709, published two sermons, in which he pretended, that the necessary means of bringing about the Revoluti|on were odious and unjustifiable; that the act tole|rating Protestant dissenters was unreasonable and un|warrantable; that the established church of England was in great danger under her majesty's administra|tion; that the present administration of both church and state tended to destroy their constitution. The Commons declared his sermons scandalous and sedi|tious libels; and impeached himself of high crimes and misdemeanors before the Lords. The Commons too warm prosecution of him disgusted many that were of moderate principles. The Tories pretended, that the Whigs had formed a design to pull down the church, and by this prosecution meant to try their strength in the parliament, before they at|tempted their principal object. These reports were too readily credited and spread by many of the clergy, in order to inflame their people in favour of Sache|verel. During his trial, of three weeks continuance, her majesty every day attended in the House, though not in her royal appearances, and crowds of people attended him to and from it, and pressed to kiss his hand, as if he had been some famous Confessor.— They beset the queen's chariot, and cried, That they hoped, she was for Dr. Sacheverel. After his coun|cil had finished their defence, he, in a speech, so|lemnly justified his intentions toward her majesty and government, respectfully mentioned the Revolution, and Protestant succession to the crown; but main|tained the doctrine of passive obedience to sovereigns, as a maxim of the English church. As Anne se|cretly favoured his cause, her chaplains encouraged and extolled him as the champion of the church.— After much virulent altercation, he was found guilty, condemned to forbear preaching for three years, and

his sermons to be publicly burnt by the hangman of London. His friends considered the lenity of his sentence as a proof of their victory over his oppo|nents.—Being presented to a living in North Wales, he went thither with all the pomp and magnificence of a prince, was received by the university of Oxford, and the magistrates of several towns, in his way, in much the same manner as if a king, and was often attended by about a thousand horse, and nothing was heard, but the cry of The church and Dr. Sacheverel. No sooner was his sentence expired, in 1713, than the new House of Commons called him to preach be|fore them, and the queen presented him to the rich benefice of St. Andrews, London.

Q. Anne having turned out all her Whig mini|sters, except the duke of Marlborough, and dissolved her Whiggish parliament, great care was taken to provide members to her taste for the next. Such was the enthusiastical zeal for Dr. Sacheverel, that few were returned members, but such as had distin|guished themselves in opposition to the Whig admi|nistration. Being met in 1711, they appointed fifty new churches to be built in London, and excluded the dissenters from all civil offices or places of power and trust, unless they became constant conformists. The Lower House of convocation chose Dr. Atter|bury, a furious Tory, for their prolocutor and direc|tor, while the queen marked her contempt of the bishops, many of whom were too Whiggish for her new schemes of introducing a Popish pretender, and overturning the liberties of both church and state. She called the two houses of convocation to repress the attempts of profane persons against religion.— Atterbury drew up a representation of the state of religion ever since the Revolution, containing most severe strictures upon the administration. The bish|ops drew up one more moderate, and proposed seve|ral regulations. But the Houses could agree in almost nothing, but the censuring of the Arian tenets vented by Whiston, professor of mathematics in the univer|sity

of Cambridge. But, as they did not censure himself, and the queen did not ratify their censure on his doctrine, he continued publicly justifying and pleading, that the apostolical constitutions were not only canonical scripture, but in point of authority preferable to our Gospels. To prevent the growth of schism, the parliament, in 1714, notwithstanding great opposition in both houses, enacted, That no dissenters should be allowed to teach in any school or academy. But the queen dying on the very day on which the force of this statute commenced, it became null and void.

WHEN king George I. came to the throne, he marked an evident bias toward the Whigs, who had so earnestly laboured for his advancement. This provoked the Tories, and even the populace against him. Dangerous tumults were raised at Birming|ham, Bristol, Chippenham, Norwich, Reading, &c. The cry of the party was, Down with the Whigs, and up with Sacheverel for ever. As the disputes relative to the Trinity, which had been carried on about twenty years, still increased, his majesty required the bishops to see, that nothing should be taught on that head, but what is contained in the holy scripture; and that no clergymen should meddle with the affairs of state. The parliament, in 1717, repealed the act against admission of occasional conformists into places of power or trust, and the act prohibiting Protestant dissenters to teach in schools and academies. Hoadly, now bishop of Bangor, distinguished himself in plead|ing for the repeal, as he thought that no man ought to be deprived of civil privileges on account of his religious opinions. As he had published a Preserva|tive from the principles and practices of the Nonjurors, and a sermon on the nature of Christ's kingdom, the convocation appointed Drs. Moss, Sherlock, Friend, Sprat, Canon, and Bisse, to examine them. In their remarks, they represented both, as tending to subvert

all discipline and government in the church of Christ, and to reduce it to anarchy and confusion, and as im|pugning the royal supremacy in causes ecclesiastical, and the power of the parliament to enforce obedience in religious matters by civil sanctions. To restrain their heats, his majesty appointed the archbishop to prorogue them. Their publications afterward ex|posed them to the derision of moderate on lookers. Snape and Sherlock were Hoadly's principal antago|nists. Never since, hath the convocation been al|lowed to transact any business, besides complimentary addresses to the king.

The prosecution of Bisse for maintaining James to be lawful king of Britain, and George an usurper, and that for 30 years past, there had been neither king, laws, nor parliament;—and his condemnation to stand on the pillory at Charing-cross, and at the Royal Exchange, and to ly four years in prison, and pay a fine of 600 pounds:—the parliament's admissi|on of a solemn declaration from the Quakers instead of an oath; and their condemnation of Atterbury, bishop of Rochester, in 1722, as a traitor, to forfeit all his dignities and benefices, and to banishment from the kingdom, never to return under pain of death:—the attempt of the Quakers to get them|selves freed from payment of ecclesiastical dues:— the intended naturalization of foreign Protestants and Jews:—the proposal of correcting the Book of com|mon prayer: the act for the public solemnization of marriage: and the late attempt of Arians, Socinians, and others, to have the subscription of the Thirty-nine articles laid aside: and the act for toleration of Papists, are perhaps too late, or too unimportant for a place in this abridgment. It is more pleasant to observe, that within these fifty years past, the doctrines of the free grace of God reigning thro' the imputed righteousness of Jesus Christ, have, by Hervey and o|thers in the established church, as well as by dissen|ters of different denominations, been not a little re|vived,

and successfully spread, and are at present preached by hundreds, though too often with a re|striction of the gospel offer to sensible sinners.

Notes

• * 1.1

  N. B. To save their other time for labour, they ob|served their wakes and feasts of dedication on the Lord's day. In their Church-ales, they drank together, and some|times raised a stock for poor people. In their Clerk ales, they drank at the clerk's house, that by the profit of his ale, and their compliments, they might help his small sala|ry. Bid ales were drinking matches for setting up people, who had lost their substance. Their behaviour at these Sabbath meetings was much the same as at our penny wed|dings, drinking matches, &c.