Original papers: containing the secret history of Great Britain, from the restoration, to the accession of the House of Hannover. ... The whole arranged and published by James Macpherson, ... [pt.2]

APPENDIX.

THE Editor has thought proper to annex to this volume an Appendix, con∣taining a short review of such papers, in Nairne's collection, as were not deemed sufficiently important to be inserted. He has also subjoined some account of papers collected by Carte, relating to the affairs of this kingdom before the Re∣storation, in the year 1660. There are many letters, correspondences, memorials, and anecdotes concerning the reign of George the First, still in the Editor's hands. These he designed to have printed; but he finds that this volume has already swelled to a size that precludes him, at present, from executing his purpose. They shall, however, be soon given to the public. In this Appendix the order of time is not observed, as in the preceding collection. The papers omitted are marked as the volumes presented themselves to the Editor's hands.

* 1.1Life of James II. Written by himself.

KING James the Second was born, on the fourteenth of October, 1633, about twelve at night. He went out of London, with his father, the Queen, and the princess Mary, to Dover. He was sent back to St. James's; prince Charles only going to York. About Easter, the marquis of Hertford was ordered to bring the duke to him. The marquis had received an order from the parliament not to carry the duke of York out of town; yet he did. He went with the Palsgrave, and other lords and gentlemen, to Hull; the King intending to follow the next day. Sir L. Dyves came, the next day before dinner, and told the governor, that the King would dine with him. They were on a platform, by the water-side. The governor turned pale. He desired the duke and company to retire to their lodgings. The gates were shut and the garrison put in arms. The King came; and, seeing the gates shut, asked to speak with the governor, who excused himself from letting him enter, as trusted by the parliament. The King gave reasons, in vain. The governor had received advertisement from York, from William Mur∣ray* 1.2, one of the King's bed-chamber, as a friend, advising him not to let in the King; who was resolved, if master of the town, to secure him and cut off his head. Nothing was more false, yet it had effect on Hotham.

The King then desired, that his son and the rest might come out to him. They were, accordingly, sent out, one after another. He then went back to Beverly

and York. In Hull, there was a magazine of arms and amunition, for above twenty thousand men, and a train suitable. The King could not arm a hundred men. Had he not sent Sir L. Dyves before, he might, perhaps, have been ad∣mitted, and would then be master of the town, which was affectionate to him; and the gentry attending were too numerous for Hotham to resist. The soldiers of the garrison all threw down their arms, being called upon, by some of the King's train without, to do so; nor did they take them up again, till their officers, with their swords in hand, forced them. Some vigorous, bold men, that went with the duke of York, should have been trusted with the design, with an order on the rest to obey the duke. For it was in their power, several times after Hotham ordered the gates to be shut, to have secured him, or knocked him on the head: Either would have done the work. Hotham came into the duke's room without any officer with him, where he had before confined the duke; yet none seized the opportunity. Sir L. Dyves and William Murray, groom of the duke of York's bed-chamber, were the only ones for such a step; and were resolved to kill him. But they were confined, before they could do it, and a guard put upon them; yet they were let out with the rest.

The King wanted money and arms. The Queen sent captain J. Strahan, with arms and amunition and officers in the Providence, from Holland; else, the King could not have formed an army. Captain Strahan brought them into the Humber, where least expected; so run a-ground at a place appointed. He went from Brill to the Humber. The signal was not answered. He was forced to anchor, when the tide was spent. The parliament ship of fifty-four guns came down from Hull and anchored, with another from Grimsby, near him. They ordered him aboard. But, commanding one of the King's Ships, he refused. He waited till afloat, and then stood towards Hull, till near high-water. He passed over a sand, then but twelve feet water; and, when past it, ran a-ground. The parliament's ships drawing more water, were not able to follow. The Providence drew but eleven feet and a half water. He got into the other channel, by bearing up with all his sails. The parliament's ships, trying to follow, stuck fast. Strahan landed at Powle, some miles below Hull, on the same side of the Humber; and ran his ships ashore; so that it served for a battery to defend itself, whilst the arms were landed, and the seamen and officers were intrenched; so that Hull garrison durst not attack them. A convoy was sent from York. The King would not let the ship be burnt, after the guns were taken out and carried to York. The seamen were made gunners.

Essex's men were posted in the vale near Keynton.* 1.3 The King marched down the hill to fight them. Ruthen, who had served as major general under the King of Sweden, and the earl of Brentsord, being ordered to draw up the army, Lindsay

took it ill, and said he would serve as colonel; and put himself at the head of his regiment of foot posted against Essex. The King's army was above four thousand horse and eight thousand foot. The rebels were three thousand stronger in foot; but had not many more horse, and few cannon. It was three p. m. before the King's army were embattled; when they marched slowly, but with great resolution; re∣ceiving the rebels shot, till they came to push of the pike. Both sides retiring, as if by mutual consent, back a few paces, struck down their colours and stood firm, till both drew off, when it began to grow dark. The enemy's left wing fled, as soon as charged. They were pursued, without falling on the foot. The enemy's foot made the King's retire to their cannon; which, playing with success, stopt them. Prince Rupert could not stop his horse from pursuing, or make them charge the foot. Lord Willoughby's gallant behaviour over his father's* 1.4 body, who lay with his thigh broke by a musket-shot, and carried him to bs dressed. But he was taken, by some straggling horse, who came in the way. Sir Edmund Verney was killed and his standard taken. But it was recovered, by the means of Sir James Smith. Both armies retired to their former posts; and the King sent, early next morning, five hundred horse, which brought off his own cannon, and six of the enemy's. Sir Faithful Fortescue had given notice of his intention, some days be∣fore. There were not full one thousand, on both sides, slain; as the parson, who buried and counted them, said. Lord Aubigny and lieutenant-colonel Monro were among the number. The earl of Lindsey died of his wounds at Warwick. About sixty standards were taken from the rebels. The King marched to Edgert and Banbury, taking the castle; and so to Oxford. But it was of fatal conse∣quence, that he did not march to London; which, in the fright, would not have coil him a stroke.

Ruthen, the day after the battle, desired the King to send him, with most of the horse and three thousand foot to London, where he would get before Essex, seize Westminster, drive away the rebel part of the parliament, and maintain it, till the King came up with the rest of the army. But this was opposed, by the advice of many of the council. They were afraid that the King should return by conquest; and, said so openly. They persuaded the King to advance so slowly to London, that Essex got there before him; and the parliament, ready before to fly, took heart. All the King's old foot were lost in the siege of Gloucester and battle of Newbury.

The duke of York might have escaped from Oxford,* 1.5 if Sir George Ratcliff, his governor, would have suffered it, without a positive order from the King. He was carried to London, where the duke of Gloucester and the princess Elizabeth had been left, when the King went to the North. The earl of Northumberland was made his governor. All respect was used to him. George Howard, brother to the earl of Suffolk, and colonel Joseph Bampfield* 1.6 contrived his escape; the first carrying all the messages between the duke and Bampfield, which was all he had to do.

All things being prepared, the duke of York supped, at the usual hour, about seven, with his brother and sister, and after supper all played at hide and seek, with the rest of the young people of the house; having played at it constantly every night for above a fortnight before. The duke used to hide himself in a place where they could not find him, for half an hour or more; and then he would come out to them. To prevent suspicion of his being gone, when he really was, the duke lockt up a little dog, that used to follow him, into his sister's chamber, to prevent his coming after him, slipt down the back stairs, went into the inner∣most garden, and so into the Park, out of a back door of the said garden, of which he had a key, where Bampfield staid for him; having a footman with a cloak, which the duke put on, with a peruke he had ready, and went through Spring-Gardens, where one Mr. Trip staid with a hackney-coach, which carried them to Salisbury-house. Here the duke and Bampfield went out of the coach, as if going in there; and Trip went with the coach into the city, and kept it as long as he could, at the end of the town. But as soon as the coach was gone, they took boat and landed on the same side of the river, close to the bridge, and went to one Loo's, a surgeon, where they found Mrs. Murray, who had women's cloaths ready for him to put on. He was drest presently, and went with Bampfield to Lion-key, where there stayed a four-oared barge for them. They went in it down the river; the tyde serving them.

But they no sooner entered the barge than the master suspected something; Bampfield having told him to be there with his barge, and he should bring a friend with him, not saying it should be a woman. He thought something more was in it, and was so frightened, that, as they went down, he did nothing but talked with them, how impossible it was for them to pass by the Block-house at Graves∣end, without being discovered; and that they had no other way to get on board the ship that staid for them at the Hope, but to land at Gravesend, and get a pair of oars to carry them down. When they debated the distance, and shewed him the hazard of getting a boat to carry them to the ship, he objected, the light of the moon. He was soon satisfied fully, that his woman was some disguised body of great quality. For, peeping through a cranny of the door of the barge, where they then had a candle burning, he saw the duke put his leg upon the table and

pluck up his stockings, in so indecent a manner, as made him conclude what he had before suspected. This confounded him so, as he told them afterwards, that he hardly knew what he did or said; which they perceiving, thought it best to tell him the truth and trust him, knowing him to be an honest man. So the duke told him who he was, and assured him, that he would take care to provide for him; and, if it was not safe to return to London, to carry him to Holland. The man's mind was now settled. He resolved to pass by the Block-house, without going ashore; and, when they came near the town, he put out the light; let the barge drive down with the tyde; passed undiscovered by the Block-house, and got to the ship, a Dutch pink of seventy tons, lying for them, at the upper end of the Hope. She had been cleared at Gravesend, where Sir Nicholas Armourer, colonel Mayard, Richard Johnson, three gentlemen, with each a servant, expected them, whom Bampfield had trusted and sent before, that, by their help, he might master the vessel, if need.

They set sail, at break of day, with a fair wind, and anchored early next morn∣ing, before Flushing, where they staid, expecting the tyde to carry them up to Middleburg. The master, with two of his four hands, went ashore with the boat to Flushing, intending to be back, by the time the water was high enough to go to Middleburg. But before he came back, Owen, master of the barge, who came along with the duke, came down, in a great fright to the small cabbin, telling them that a parliament frigate was coming in to look for them, and would be with them presently; and that they must get their anchor on board and sail for Middleburg. He was positive it was a frigate. The two seamen would not get up anchor till the master came back. But they were forced by the gentlemen and servants to do it; though they said there was not water for it, and the ship would be lost. The ship proved only a merchantman. The vessel struck twice or thrice. But the master coming on board, and the tyde serving, they got to Middleburg, before the tyde was spent. The duke landed in women's cloaths, staid all night, went next morning to Dordrecht; and sent Bampfield, next day, to the Hague, to acquaint his sister and the prince of Orange of his arrival, and to desire cloaths. He was missed, in an hour's time, at St. James's. When he was not sound, on search, notice was given to Whitehall and general Fairfax.

Rising in Kent.—Rainsborough commanded a squadron in the Downs of one second rate,* 1.7 three or four fourth, one fifth, and three or four sixth rates, and some ketches; the Constant-Reformation, Convertin, Antelope, Swallow, Satisfaction, Hind, Roebuck, Pelican, Constant-Warwick. These, on notice of the three castles being surprized and seized, by the insurgents, declared for the King. Rainsborough seeing that they of Deal had been instrumental in it, went on board a ketch to go nearer to the shore, the better to see what was doing there, and thence sent orders to his ship to get under fail, and stand as near as they could to the

shore, in order to batter the town. Accordingly, they worked to get their anchors on board; and in doing which, in the Constant-Reformation, Rainsborough's ship, and heaving out the capstern, one of the boatswain's mates, Robert Lindale, thought it the proper time to execute the resolution, which he had taken some time before, of doing something to serve the King. Having opened himself to three more common seamen, whom he had found to be of his principles, he proposed, as all Kent had declared for the King, to get some of the ships to do so. They, now, as heaving the capstern, began to grumble at the orders received; saying, they had no reason to batter Deal, which was full of their wives, children, and relations, to destroy it and them. This working on the men, they ventured further to say, that it would be better to join with them for the King. On cry∣ing, one and all, for the King, Lindale told them, he believed that the lieute∣nant and some other officers of the ship would be against it, and they must imme∣diately possess the gun-room and arm themselves; and then they might seize their officers and those that would not join them. They did so; secured their officers, telling them they would declare for the King; and, as they would not comply, they put them in the hold, till they let them go ashore, and such as had a mind to go with them. The officers were forced to submit. This done, he got under fail, and, passing along the broad-side of the next ship, told them what they had done, and bid them seize their officers, in like manner, else they would sink them; and thus, from ship to ship, till every one had declared for the King.

Rainsborough, seeing his ship had got under sail, and yet not come up to him, as he ordered, but speaking to one another, went to them with his ketch, and asked his own ship what they were doing. They told him, he must not put his foot in it, they having declared for the King; but would send him his servants and some of his officers. They did so; and, on his beginning to talk with them to return to obedience, bid him hold his tongue or they would fire on him. So he went away in his ketch up the river to acquaint the parliament. The other ships turned out all their commanders, then came ashore to tell the Kent gentry what they had done; and to desire some that were seamen to come on board and command them, as Sir William Palmer, captain Bargrave, captain Foy, and others did, and put in other officers. Before they got out of the Downs, the earl of Warwick came down in a ketch from the parliament, to get them to return to their duty, and desired to come on board of them. They sent to know first what his business was. He offered pardon, redress of grievances, if they would declare for the parliament. Their answer was, they valued not the promises of parliament: that they had declared for the King, and would be loyal. The earl shewed a letter, by which he had been invited down by some. All these were sent to him. He desired one of the ships, for his better accommodation, to carry him up the river; promising, on his honour, to send it back. They let him have the Nico∣demus, a sixth rate, but he did not keep his word.

They then went to Holland, where the duke of York was, to receive the prince's commands, and arrived at Helveotsluys. The duke went and staid on board with them, till the prince came by sea from France. He took the command and failed for the Downs; leaving the duke in Holland, and having first discharged Bampfield, an unquiet, intriguing head, from his brother's service. His tamper∣ing with the seamen, and driving on a presbyterian interest, so offended the duke, that he would never take him again into his service, whatever application was made. Yet he supplied him with what he was able, in his condition, till the Re∣storation.

The prince, about the end of summer, came with the fleet to Helveotsluys. The earl of Warwick, with the parliament-fleet, followed to the same port. The Dutch would suffer no hostilities; and Warwick returned. Prince Rupert, who was made commander of the King's ships went with prince Maurice to Ireland, Portugal, the Streights, and the West Indies, where prince Maurice and some ships were lost. Prince Rupert returned to Europe, in 1653, and landed at Nantz. The duke of York went to Paris, a few days before his father's murder. The King came thither, in his way to Ireland, where nothing considerable remained in the rebels hands, but Dublin. But he staid all the summer at St. Germains, or in Jersey, till the end of September, where he landed on the twenty-sixth of Sep∣tember, and received an account of the rout near Rathmines. All thoughts of Ireland were laid aside; and the two ships sent by the prince of Orange to trans∣port him, were sent back to Holland. Addresses were made there from Scotland, by one Windram, an honest gentleman. The King resolved to return to Holland to treat with the Scots. The Queen-mother met him at Beauvois. After some days stay, he proceeded to Holland. He agreed with the Scots commissioners, and went to Scotland. The duke of York staid at Jersey, till the September of 1650. He went to Paris, by the King's orders, on the seventeenth. But he left it on the fourth of October, and came to Brussels on the thirteenth of the same month, where he staid till the middle of December. The prince of Orange died of the small pox on the sixth of November; and the princess was delivered of a son on the fourteenth, eight days after his death.

He went to the Hague, and staid till the twelfth of January, 1651, when the English ambassador was there received; and then went to Breda. But, some days after, he returned to the Hague. In June he was ordered, by the King, to return to Paris, and follow the Queen-mother's advice. He arrived there in the end of June. The King landed about the middle of October, at Fescamp in Normandie; and coming to Paris, cardinal de Retz brought him a vast sum of money in his coach, which the King would not receive, not knowing when he should be able to pay it. The cardinal shewed himself very affectionate to him. He proposed his marriage with the duke of Orleans'a daughter. The King visited

her often. But she grew cool; being put in the head of marrying the King of France, and that the Queen-mother would be forced to consent to it. So the match was broke off Mademoiselle, only daughter of the duke of Longueville, by his first wife, sister of the cardinal Soissons, was, at the same time, proposed for the duke of York; the greatest match, next to Mademoiselle, in France. But the court of France would not consent. The duke went a volunteer in the campaign of 1652.

* 1.8King Charles the Second's Letters in Manuscript.

Charles II. when prince,* 1.9 sends Sir J. Berkley from St. Germains to attend the duke of York in lord Byron's absence.

Captain P. was in the Downs.* 1.10 He came thither from Yarmouth Road; and expected Battin hourly, with the fleet from Brest, where he had gone two days before his arrival.

The Queen desired the duke of York to be advised by Sir J. Berkley,* 1.11 who had her's and the chief president's confidence.

George Howard had assisted the duke of York in his escape from England;* 1.12 and had been promised, by the Queen, the post of master of the horse to the duke of York. But William Crofts having been sworn into it, Howard was made gentle∣man of the bedchamber, with a pension.

Charles the Second would,* 1.13 pursuant to his father's desire, have put the duke of York in the admiral's place, as soon as the great seal was ready, on the twenty∣fifth of May.

Breda.—He sent lord Byron to acquaint the Queen-mother with the way he intended to take for Ireland,* 1.14 and to ask his brother's, company.

The Queen-mother invited the duke of York back to France;* 1.15 the Queen of France desiring he might be sent for, and assuring him of twelve thousand crowns pension, for his subsistence.

The King to the Duke of York.

Cologne, Nov. 10th, 1654.

"The news I have received from Paris, of the endeavours used to change my brother Harry's religion, troubles me so much, that if I have any thing to answer to any of your letters, you must excuse me if I omit it this post. All that I can say, at this time is, that I conjure you, as you love the memory of your father, and if you have any care for yourself, or kindness for me, to hinder, all that lies in your power, all such practices, without any consideration of any person whatever. I have written very home, both to the Queen and my brother, about it; and I expect that you should second it, as I have said to them, with all the

arguments you can. For neither you nor I were ever so much concerned, in all respects, as we are in this. I am able to say no more at this time, but that I am yours* 2.1."

Cologne, Nov. 10th.

"I have commanded this bearer, my lord of Ormonde, to speak with you at large, concerning my brother Harry. Therefore, I desire you to give him credit, in all that he shall say to you from me, and to do all that he shall desire you. In the mean time, I have nothing more to add to this, but to conjure you to behave yourself as you ought to do, in a thing that concerns both you and me so much. I am yours."

Cologne, Jan. 19th, 1655.

Count de Brienne had notified to lord Jermyn, that French affairs suffered by the retreat of King Charles's ships into the French ports. King Charles sends the duke of York directions, without which the French governors would have had orders not to suffer them to enter the ports, to order the captains, that had the King's or the duke of York's commissions not to retire thither, but rather to the north of Scotland, where they might do service.

The King bids the duke of York be ready to come to him,* 4.1 expecting every hour to hear out of England, that there is something adoing.

He invites the duke to Holland;* 4.2 and to pass by Cologne, if France made peace with Cromwell.

Cologne.—King Charles had particular assurances of the good dispositions of Spain to his service; [year 1656] and he desired the duke of York to be ready to come to him,* 4.3 when he should call for him.

Brussels.—King Charles was treating there,* 4.4 in private, with Spanish ministers, He desired the duke of York not to take any employment in the field that year.

Bruges.—He desires to know how the duke's stay at Paris comes to be allowed of.* 4.5

The duke of York sent Charles Berkeley to the King,* 4.6 to learn his resolutions about him and his own business.

Bruges.—The King was not ready to send his final resolution.* 4.7

Bruges.—The King complained that the duke of York engaged to serve the cam∣paign in France.* 4.8 The friends that advised it, consulted only the duke's humour, without regard for the consequences to King Charles, who could make no other

judgment of their extraordinary civility, in offering him what is unfit for him to accept; and who had made such a difficulty to grant it, when it was a reasonable thing in him to desire it. All public reasons made all he consulted think it very unfit for the duke of York to serve again, as he had done; and private ones ren∣dered it still more unfit. So he desired him to put it quite out of his mind. That must convince him, with his own desires, to be ready to come to him. The duke of Ormonde was executing at Brussels.

The duke of York excuses his serving in France;* 4.9 not seeing ought likely to be done, by Spain or in England. Cromwell had consented to his stay in France; but opposed his serving in Flanders. Mazarine had augmented his pension, and ordered the payment of his arrears.

Bruges.—King Charles had received the ratification of the treaty with Spain,* 4.10 as fully as he could wish. He did not doubt but effects would follow very quickly. He desires the duke of York to prepare for a journey; being confident they should have something to do soon; especially since the great work of Valenciennes was over. Few of the Mareshal la Torcey's men escaped.

He desires the duke to consult with him about particulars.* 4.11 August 18th, Condé taken.

He desires him to make all the haste he can,* 4.12 without staying to pay debts.

The King had wrote yesterday, [year 1657] by the duke of Ormonde;* 4.13 and in one conjures the duke of York not to proceed in the course he was going; which if he did, he would be the ruin of Charles the Second, of the duke of York, and of their whole family. He conjures him, by the memory of their father, and all the commands he gave the duke of York; and if he had any duty for him to come to him im∣mediately.

Paris.—The Queen-mother invites the duke of York to return thither;* 4.14 and the Queen of France and the cardinal would welcome him.

Bruges.—The King,* 4.15 by the duke of Ormonde, pressed the duke of York to come back. He assured him nobody should behave undutifully to him.

Bruges.—The King,* 4.16 by a letter from the duke of York, brought by H. Jermin, was assured of the duke's coming to him.

Paris.—The Queen-mother advises the duke of York to stand firm for Sir J. Berkeley.* 4.17

Paris.—She was surprized,* 4.18 that Sir J. Berkeley was not returned with him; and imagines it a loss to his reputation. She desires him not to serve against France.

The King's instructions to the duke,* 4.19 empowering him to pardon all but regicides.* 4.20

The Queen-mother tells the duke,* 4.21 that Turenne would go to Amiens, to have a private conference with him there, at Abbeville or Montreuil, as he passed.

Turenne's proposal was rejected.* 4.22 He was master of no port. Irish troops could not be sent from Flanders to France to embark. But Charles, Dillon, and Tho∣mas Howard were ready to come with their regiments.

The King,* 4.23 at Rochelle, going to Spain, had sent Ormonde to the cardinal.

Fontarabie.—Had received all imagineable demonstration of Don Louis's kind∣ness to him,* 4.24 at his reception. He had broke his business to him, and was con∣fident of success, if it only depended on him.

Peace signed.* 4.25

The King was at Colombé,* 4.26 in his way to Brussels.

"List of the commissioned officers of the forces in Ireland,* 4.27 in the service of King James the Second, after the Revolution."

There were seven regiments of horse, seven of dragoons, forty-four of infantry, and five independent companies.

"Commissions and orders for the King's army in Ireland,* 4.28 from May the eigh∣teenth, to the twenty-first June, and some in August, 1689."

The beginning of a copy-book of daily orders. It contains nothing material.

"Memorial concerning the deanery of Christ Church in Dublin,* 4.29 and his Ma∣jesty's right to nominate the dean."

Christ Church in Dublin was a convent of regular canons. King Henry VIII. by letters patent under the Great Seal of Ireland, erected it into a corporation of dean and chapter, reserving to himself the right of nomination to the deanery. This right was exercised by him and by Queen Mary: therefore, "his Majesty conceives it is his right to name to his Holiness a fit clergyman to be dean of Christ Church."

"Letter of Mr. Tempest to his brother,* 4.30 urging motives to adhere to King James. Dublin, 29th March, 1689."

It appears that the brother had espoused the interest of King William. Mr. Tempest repeats to him the arguments so frequently used by the Non-jurors, and by the abettors of passive obedience, and of the indefeasible right of Kings. He vindicates Tyrconnel's conduct, and James's government in Ireland; and seems to think that he must, in the end, triumph over his rival.

"Mareschal Schomberg to" (Kirk),* 4.31 "the commander of the fleet before Derry. Whitehall, July 3d, 1689."

Orders to relieve Derry, and promises of a reinforcement.

"Memoire des choses que le Roy de la Grande Bretagne manque en Irelande.* 4.32"

An account of the musquets, swords, powder, ball, &c. which James demanded from Lewis XIV. when he sent lord Dover to France. Tres necessaires is marked in his own hand, on the margin of several articles in this memorial; and he is some∣times more particular, as follows.

Des musquets 4000.* 4.33

De la mesche.* 4.34

Des gens qui sachent faire de la mesche.* 4.35

Des outils pour remuer la terre,* 4.36 et raccommoder les chemins, par ou l'on passera quand on sera arrivé en Irelande.

James's genius extended to the minutiae of business. An article which had been forgot, is marked in his hand at the end of this memorial. De la toile pour faire des chemises aux soldats 100,000 aulnes pour le moins.

This list is followed by other two.

"Memoire de ce que sa Majesté souhaite luy etre envoyé incessament par sa Majesté Tres Chrestienne; et memoire de ce que le Roy croit necessaire luy etre envoyé par sa Majesté Tres Christienne, pour son dessein en Angleterre."

"Establishment in Scotland,* 4.37 as to civil and military employments, 1690."

This paper is indorsed "For the Queen." It contains the names of persons in office.

"Order of sequestration of loyalists estates in Scotland,* 4.38 1690."

A copy of the order of council in Scotland, for sequestrating the estates of those who were then in rebellion against their Majesties.

"A list of the forces in the prince of Orange's service in Scotland.* 4.39"

"Copy of the King's letter to Sir William Ashurst,* 4.40 lord mayor of the city of London, to be communicated to the court of aldermen and common council of the same city."

James intended this letter by way of declaration,* 4.41 upon his landing in England, in 1692.* 4.42 It is followed by a preamble to a declaration, and by a draught of a de∣claration, at length.

"Heads of a capitulation to be made with his Most Christian Majesty,* 4.43 as well for the forces belonging to the King of Great Britain, now expected from Ireland, as also for the troops sent from thence into France, in the year 1690; and for all other his subjects, who now are, or shall be hereafter employed in the French ser∣vice. December, 1692."

They were to serve in one body, under the command of James, and of such ge∣neral officers as he should appoint. All the officers were to receive their commis∣sions from him, and the troops were to be subject only to such rules and discipline

of war as he should appoint. He was to have a secretary at war, a judge-advocate general, a provost marishal general, and a chaplain general, with six priests, two able physicians, and six surgeons, all with suitable appointments. The pay of officers and soldiers was stipulated; and the last article of the capitulation was in the fol∣lowing terms: "That the King of Great Britain be at liberty, at any time here∣after, to bring all or such part of the said forces, as he shall think fit, into any of his Majesty's dominions, or elsewhere, as he shall judge necessary or convenient."

"Memoire touchant des moyens pour avoir des recrues d'Irelande,* 4.44 1693."

An agent was to be established at Dublin, who was to have agents to act accord∣ing to his directions in the several counties. They were to enlist recruits, and to facilitate their escape from Ireland. Irish officers were to be established on the fron∣tiers of Flanders; and two Louis d'Ors were to be given to every soldier that they could engage to desert from the allied army.

"Pope Innocent the Eleventh's faculties to Roman Catholic bishops in England,* 4.45" (original) "December 16, 1693."

"Pope Clement the Eleventh to Lewis XIV.* 4.46" (copy) "October 4, 1761."

Compliments of condolence on the death of the late King James the Second, and thanks for acknowledging his son.

"List of the commissions required by,* 4.47 and to be sent to colonel Parker by Standish. February, 1692."

"Names of the officers of six regiments of horse, and three of dragoons.* 4.48"

"Copies of earl Middleton's letters to England,* 4.49 when carl Melford parted from St. Germains, June and July, 1693."

They contain nothing material. They are only the beginning of Middleton's correspondence with his friends in England, on Melfort's resignation. He signs them "J. Dorrell." The names of those to whom he wrote are, Jackson, Mrs. Harbert, South, Jonson. Nairne enters the dates of letters he wrote at the same time to Ferguson, Berry, Sackfield, &c.

"Traduction de la relation que le Sieur Wall a donné en écrit à sa Majesté Britannique,* 4.50 signée de sa main, à St. Germain en Laye, le 1re Septembre 1695."

Wall was employed as a spy by the English ministry, but he was secretly in correspondence with the court of St. Germains. A great part of this account is wanting.

"Reflections on the state of England.* 4.51 October 15th, 1695."

Tedious, insipid and superficial.

"A letter from Amsterdam to a friend in London,* 4.52 1695."

It gives an account of a conversation supposed to have passed between some Eng∣lish merchants at a tavern meeting in Amsterdam. It is in Nairne's hand; and was probably written by Caryll, as it is marked Mr. C. on the top. Some seeble attempts to be witty; and such reasonings as the advocates of passive obedience have often employed.

"A copy of Mr. Charnock's letter,* 4.53 written to a friend after his condemnation."

The contents of this letter are well known.

"Memoire presenté au Roy de la Grande Bretagne par le sieur Fontaine au nom de plusieurs des fidels sujets de sa Majesté en Angleterre.* 4.54 A St. Germain en Laye cc 23 Avril, 1695."

A proposal to purchase bullion in England to be coined into light specie in France, and then returned to England without any risque or expence to James, who was to have 20 per cent, upon all the silver, and 5 per cent, upon all the guineas coined in this manner. They were to begin with a capital of 30,000l. sterling; but they expected to raise it to 50,000l. in a few months; and they hoped that James's pro∣fits would amount to 100,000l. sterling a-year. They were to coin the bullion into the money of the two last reigns. They promised to make it of weight suffi∣cient to secure its circulation; and with a mark known only to those who were in the secret, and by which James might distinguish it after his restoration, when he could call in this light coin, and indemnify those who might suffer by it. The whole plan appears to have been well-concerted; and would have soon drained England of a great deal of its specie.

"Copie de la lettre du prince de Conti au cardinal Radioski.* 4.55 30 Juilliet, 1697."

"A faithful account of King James's expedition,* 4.56 together with some reflections thereupon, by an English gentleman in Amsterdam, to his friend in London."

Dry speculative reasonings on the state of Europe in general, and of England and Holland in particular. Dull and unimportant. The expedition mentioned is James's expedition to Calais, 1696.

"James the Third's discharge to his mother,* 4.57 as executrix of his father's will.—The beginning of James the Second's last will and testament, dated September 8, 1701.—Rough draught of the King's will, in 1698-9.—Brouillon de la tra∣duction du testament du Roy Jaques II."

Copies in Nairne's hand. They are of no consequence.

"Preambles to patents of creation;* 4.58" viz. of the following peers created by King William, Normanby, Bradsord, Romney, Caermathen, Newcastle, and Devon∣shire.

Resolution des Seigneurs Etats de Frise,* 4.59 touchant Holstein Plawen, servant de replique sur la reponce de LL. HH. PP."

"Reflections on the coins and monies of England, by Sir Philip Meadows,* 4.60 with a supplement to the memorial delivered the twelfth of November, 1695;" marked on the back "Doctor Davenant's memorial."

"April 2d, 1696.* 4.61 Copy of a letter from the honourable colonel Bernard How∣ard, of Norsolk, to King William, sent in a letter to the lord Portland, to be given the 3d of this instant April, 1696."

This copy is in Nairne's hand; but signed, "a true copy, examined by me, B. Howard of Norfolk." After the above title on the back, the following note, in Nairne's hand, is likewise signed by Howard: "April 29th, 1696, memoran∣dum: the lord Portland told the lord Chesterfield, that the King and his lordship had read this letter; and that his Majesty gave it to the duke of Shrewsbury, and I cannot get an answer to it."

Colonel Howard appears to have been a bigotted Roman Catholic, and a weak, though perhaps honest, enthusiast in his own system of religion and politics.

NAIRNE'S PAPERS, D. N. VOL. II. FOLIO.

"SUndry letters from Sir Toby Bourke, during his embassy at Madrid,* 4.62 from June 19th, 1705, to December 27th, 1706, to lord Caryll, secretary of state."

In one of the quarto volumes of Mr. Nairne's papers, there are "sundry letters from Sir Toby Bourke, envoy extraordinary from the King of England to Spain; beginning with one from Paris, before his setting out, the 17th of May, 1705, and continued from Madrid, &c. to the 19th of October, 1706."

Sir Toby was a vain, heavy, and prolix correspondent. He wrote upwards of sixty long letters to lord Caryll, during the above period; containing nothing but compliments from their Catholic Majesties to the Queen at St. Germains, and her son, with assurances of their attachment and friendship; the opposition which had been made to Sir Toby's being received in a public character at Madrid, with the difficulties of settling his rank; and a confused account of the military operations in Spain.

"List of the English and Dutch fleet before Gibraltar,* 4.63 or laying in the Bay, as communicated to the Spanish government by John Fitzgerald."

"Mr. Power's draught of a patent for Mr. David Nairne to be Clerk of the council,* 4.64 with a copy of d••••to for Mr. Blaithwaite's being in that post in England, under Queen Anne. June, 1706."

Two letters from Sir Toby Bourke to lord Caryll,* 4.65 one in May, 1709, and the other in September, 1710; containing military news from Spain.

"Memorial about raising a regiment for lord Clermont,* 4.66 in Flanders."

A proposal to form a regiment for him of deserters from the British troops.

"Memorial about Scotch ships trading to France.* 4.67"

It is demanding peculiar privileges and exemptions for the Scottish nation, in order to keep up a correspondence between it and the court of St. Germains.

"Copy of a letter sent to Queen Anne,* 4.68 November 9th, 1708."

Methodistical nonsense, written by a woman, and sent to the Queen upon the death of the prince of Denmark.

Letters from count Mahony,* 4.69 from the Spanish army, in 1710 and 1711, to the earl of Middleton; containing an uninteresting account of military operations.

"Relation de l'affaire de Denain.* 4.70"

Differs in nothing from the received accounts.

"Two letters to the King,"* 4.71 (the chevalier de St. George) "from the mares∣chal de Villars, from the camp at Spyre, the 7th and 10th of June, 1713;" giving news of his operations.

"List of general officers in Scotland,* 4.72 1716."

"Paper in French and English,* 4.73 about a legacy left by Sir William Godolphin, to the colleges, at St. Omers and Liege."

"Brouillon du placet de major-general Buchan au Roi pour avoir un regiment Ecossois au service de S. M. Cath. en Flanders."* 4.74

"Colonel Rateray's memorial,* 4.75 or petition to the Queen, for a pension to his wife, &c."

"Copy of a deed to John Caryll."* 4.76

A conveyance "of a free-farm rent of 20 l. per annum, issuing out of the par∣sonage of Horseham, in the county of Sussex," to lord Caryll's second son, by one of his relations.

"Memoire à M. de Chamillard touchant les fils de milord Middleton."* 4.77

Lord Clermont and his brother, sons to the earl of Middleton, were taken on board the Salisbury in the year 1708. They were now (1709) prisoners in Lon∣don; and, in the absence of their father, who had followed his master to Flanders, the Queen applied to M. de Chamillard to claim them as French officers.

"Raisons,* 4.78 que M. Johnston á donné de sa conversion á la Foi Catholique."

Quibbles, which have been repeated times innumerable.

"Warrant for erecting seignor Andrea Virgilio Davia,* 4.79 senator of Boulogna, earl of Almond, viscount Moneydie, lord Davia, and a peer of Scotland, with the copy of his patent. April 9th, 1698."

Seignora Donna Victoria Davia Montecuculi, his wife, had attended the Queen from her infancy, and shared in all her good and bad fortunes.

"Draft of a bill for licence to the duke of Berwick to be naturalized in France,* 4.80 1703."

"Memoire et placet de Madame Dunkeld epouse de milord Dunkeld,* 4.81 1705."

A petition to M. de Chamillard, for a pension to lord Dunkeld's widow.

The remaining numbers of this volume, i. e. from No. 78. to No. 148. con∣tain either printed papers, or petitions and memorials from the needy dependents of the court of St. Germains, with some other private business, equally insigni∣ficant.

D. N. VOL. I. QUARTO.

"A Latin paper,* 4.82 concerning the oaths to the P. of O."

It is addressed to Roman Catholics, and suited to their prejudices.

"A memorandum about bishops regulating the missions."—A memorial con∣cerning the college of St. Isidore at Rome;—and the state of the Irish students in that college."* 4.83* 4.84

Trifling particulars concerning the Roman Catholics and clergy of Ireland.* 4.85

"The archbishop of Mechline's confirmation of the statutes of the Benedictine Nuns at Brussels,* 4.86 1612; and the Pope's bull to the Nuns of Ghent, 1658."

"Copy of the King's warrant,* 4.87 appointing Dr. Betham preceptor, and Dr. In∣gleton under-preceptor to the prince of Wales, in 1695."

"A list of all those who lodge in the castle at St. Germains."* 4.88

A letter from colonel Macaulife,* 4.89 about raising a regiment in Spain, 1709.— Complaint from the captains in Macaulife's regiment; both addressed to lord Mid∣dleton.

"Mr. Dicconson's declaration,* 4.90 that the rents in the hotel de Ville, (at Paris) in his name, in 1708, belonged to the King."

The sum was 63,275 livres, which he had placed there at the desire of the late Queen.

"Authenticated copies of two letters wrote to the grand master of Malta;* 4.91 one by King Charles the Second, in 1678, the other by Queen Anne, in 1713."

"King's power to the honourable James Murray,* 4.92 to open letters during his ab∣sence from Rome, in 1719; and to solemnize his nuptials with the princess So∣bieski."

"Doctor Wood's relation of the princess's case annalized."* 4.93

Doctor Wood's defence of his treatment of the princess, during her illness, is here examined and censured through nine and twenty pages. This is followed by

observations on his state of the case to some French physicians, an don their an∣swers.

Printed papers.* 4.94

D. N. VOL. II. QUARTO.

"COunsellor Robert Power's opinion about the licence the duke of Berwick wanted of the King,* 4.95 to be naturalized in France, sent to lord Caryll, the King and Queen's principal secretary of state; with a draft of a warrant from the King, to make abovesaid Power his counsel at law in Ireland. Jan. 18th, 1704."

"Draft of licence to the duke of Berwick,* 4.96 to be naturalized in France. Jan. 29th, 1704"

Papers which passed between the earl of Melfort and M. de Legny,* 4.97 director-general of the commerce of France, about passports for six Scotch ships, in Febru∣ary, 1692.

"A rough sketch and orders,* 4.98 about complaints and calumnies against the King's servants." This order was probably obtained through the influence of the earl of Melfort, who had become very disagreeable to many of James's friends in England. There is a paper in his own hand, after he had retired from St. Germains, enti∣tuled, Memoire justificatif du comte de Melfort,* 4.99 17 Mai, 1694. This paper con∣sists of twenty-four pages. Melfort begins with observing that he had been in great favour with Charles, and with James; and that neither the changing his religion, nor his rising so high in office, had procured him any enemies, "before the prince of Orange's arrival, which he had always foretold, without being believed: but that he had drawn upon himself hatred, and many enemies, for the following reasons, viz. for having advised the King to accept of the assistance of France, to send the prince of Wales into a place of safety, and to seize the most considerable of his enemies before the prince of Orange's arrival."

When the earl of Sunderland was dismissed, King James's business with the court of France was committed to Melfort. He says he persuaded his master to accept of the assistance of France; and having, by his orders, made the proposals to Barillon, he received, for answer, that there were no troops now on the coast of France, nor vessels to transport them. This gave great offence to the English, particularly to the earl of Middleton, one of the secretaries of state. Melfort was in danger of being assassinated; such were the prejudices of the people against the French. He was obliged to retire to France, and had their Majesties orders to meet the prince of Wales at Dieppe, where the prince would have landed, if he had been sent, according to their Majesties orders, from Portsmouth. Upon James's arrival at St. Germains, Melfort was made secretary of state for England; and, against his will, was obliged to attend his Majesty to Ireland. He dreaded

lord Tyrconnel's temper and pride. He claims great merit to himself, for having saved that kingdom, by his invention of copper currency, and from his other ser∣vices and fatigues. He left Ireland, and exposed himself to be suspected of having been in disgrace with his master; until it was seen, that he was employed to exe∣cute a particular commission at Rome. But still he says, Sir Theophilus Ogle∣thorp and his lady, who is very intriguing and cunning, continued to do him ill offices. They thought it impossible that he should pardon them; and therefore, they retained their malice against him.

Melfort was recalled from Rome, where he acquitted himself to the satisfaction of the French ministry, to act again as secretary of state. He carried on the corre∣spondence with England. James's friends increased. The King of France was induced to attempt an invasion, and communicated his intentions to Melfort alone. James, from thenceforward, never called to his council five Roman Ca∣tholic servants, with whom he used to consult while Melfort was at Rome. This step, which Melfort opposed, in vain, created him many enemies.

While Melfort was absent, Montgomery, whose father and grandfather were great enemies to the crown of Scotland, proposed to the King and to the Queen, by his emissaries, and particularly by one Jones, to seize the government. The papers, which concern this affair, were delivered up to the ministry, though Mont∣gomery and Jones maintained the contrary; as Melfort had foretold from Rome, from his knowledge of the men who were to conduct it. Montgomery, on ac∣count of his hatred to the prince of Orange, having gained credit with two or three of the King's friends, began again to make proposals to the King, and to give him information of some men of quality who were in his interest. As these men, in whose name Montgomery had advanced several things, were for the prince of Orange and Whigs at bottom, the King had reason to distrust him, and ask an explanation. Jones was sent over by Montgomery; and, when he arrived at St. Germains, instead of shewing who these men of quality were, the King saw that he had nothing to expect from Montgomery; and the correspondence was inter∣rupted until Melfort returned from Rome, except some letters which Montgomery wrote from time to time to Strafford, soliciting money. A person who was so at∣tached to the King, that he suffered the torture with great firmness, without mak∣ing any discovery, was sent, in the mean time, by one of the King's loyal subjects from Scotland, to inform him, that Montgomery had declared, at the table of the marquis of Montrose, who is the King's great enemy, that he also would be his enemy to his death.

The correspondence was interrupted. Jones, at the instance of the King's friends in England, was thrown into the Bastile. Abbé Renaudot complained, that Melfort received few letters from England, and furnished him with no materials for his Gazette. He went to see Jones in the Bastile, Jones promised to renew

the correspondence, and, by Renaudot's means, was allowed to make his escape. When he arrived in England, he blamed Melfort for his imprisonment.

Melfort, in the remaining part of this long memorial, enlarges upon the pre∣judice done to him, by the misrepresentations of Montgomery and Jones in Eng∣land; the intrigues of Abbé Renaudot in France; his own difference of opinion with the Marquis de Croiffy, about the terms of a letter, proposed to be written by 〈…〉〈…〉 two houses of parliament; and with the earl of Middleton, about the conc••ss•••••• to be promised in declarations to be addressed to his subjects in general.

"Mr. Sheridan's account,* 4.100 at his return from Germany, Nov. 1695."

A whimsical proposal to unite several princes in a confederacy against what some chose to call the Protestant League,* 4.101 contained in a discourse held by J. A. T. T. N. at C. probably Cologne.

"Lettre de Mons.* 4.102 le Comte Savenberg à M^lle. Clement, du 6 Septbre. 1695."

These appear to be feigned names; and the letter is unintelligible, there being no key to the cant names used in it.

"Translation of the Dutch answer to the King's manifesto," i. e. of an answer,* 4.103 published in Holland, not only to James's manifesto, but likewise to memoire sommaire contenant les raisons qui doivent obliger les princes confederes catholiques, de contribuer au retablissement de sa majesté Britannique. And to memoire sommaire qui doivent obliger les princes, et les etats protestans, de contribuer au retablissement de S. M. B.

A draught,* 4.104 in Nairne's hand, of an attestation, by John lord Carryl, baron of Dunforde, concerning the late King James the Second's Will.

"Project d'une descente,* 4.105 avec la liste des rades, &c. les plus commodes pour un debarquement." It is addressed to the court of France, and in the same strain with the other papers, which are published, on this subject.

"Paper concerning father Cosmo Clark,* 4.106 a sort of factotum to Russel at Rome, and pretending a commission from the King." A loose paper, in the earl of Perth's hand, and probably a part of one of the letters he wrote, during his embassy at Rome. It is in the following terms: "I suppose you have heard of the great doings here, with the principe Inglese, as they call him (Russel). Here he passes for duke of Bedford. The cardinals and ambassadors themselves make court to him. His defects are supplied by father Cosmo Clark, who is every thing to him, except his divine; which office is supplied by a parson. But the father is inter∣preter, maestro di camera, major domo; and I pray God he be not somewhat be∣sides. To speak freely, but with secrecy, there are great abuses in this matter; this father pretending to every body, by way of secret, that he has a sort of com∣mission from the King to treat with the English nobility, who may come hither; and says, that the King has, by Mr. Carryl, writ to this lord, and given him the title of marquis of Tavistock. Whether all this be real or supposed, is not the

question: that is not my business, &c. But it seems very improper, that one who has no better guard upon his tongue, should be trusted in affairs of consequence; one whose glory and vanity would make him not only boast of what is, but invent what is not: of the which I'll give you a considerable instance. At Torre de Specchi, very lately, he gave himself out for a person of a great family, and related to the King. (By the by, he is grandson to a taylor, and his father was a contemptible advo∣cate.) By this lie, he got a considerable present of Agnus Deis, finely wrought and set into cases, from a nun of the house of Massimi. Mrs. White told me, this enquiring into his birth being asked by the said nun if what he said was true. His keeping company with Protestants does not pass, without giving great scandal: and, if he has any such commission, as pretended, he makes no other use of it, but to satisfy his worldly satisfactions and appetites; which his habit would not allow him to do, without this pretext of the royal countenance, he says he has▪ If you would be informed of him, ask—, who had, from an eye-witness, an account of his atheistical wickedness. Monseigneur Caprara and the two Rectors are too much imposed upon by him. I have no quarrel at him, and only tell you this to prevent scandal to religion and disservice to his Majesty, &c."

"An anonymous letter about Mr. Pigott,* 4.107 his conversation at a tavern near the palace at Paris; intimating as if he was a spy. Paris, 29th June, 1696."

"Intelligence from Lawrence Dupuy,* 4.108 from Brest, 19th June, 1694." News of Talmash's attempt against that place.

"Verses on various subjects."* 4.109

The Laureats of the court of St. Germains appear to have been bad poets. The following anecdote is found in a loose piece of paper, before one of their birth-day odes. "In Lincoln's church-yard there is an inscription on a tomb∣stone, thus: Here lieth the body of Mitchel Honeywood, D. D. who was grand∣child, and one of the three hundred and sixty-seven persons that Mary the wife of Robert Honeywood did see, before she died, lawfully descended from her, i. e. six∣teen of her own body, one hundred and fourteen grand-children, two hundred and twenty-eight of the third generation, and nine of the fourth."

"A note of the Queen's charities;" that is,* 4.110 of the money she distributed to the Irish bishops and monks, and to the English, Scotish and Irish seminaries and convents abroad.

"A note of the King's Sickness." A boulletine of James's sufferings in his last illness.* 4.111

"Copy of the King's certificate of nobility,* 4.112 to Nicholas Geraldin, 1691: Ditto of the bishop of Ossory's, 1677; and of the duke of Ormond's, 1679."

"Copy of the Nuncio of Madrid's complaint of Sir Toby Bourke's not visit∣ing him,* 4.113 15th July, 1705."

Sundry letters from Sir Toby Bourke,* 4.114 &c.

VOL. III. QUARTO.

"THE dutchess of Tyrconnel's letters to Mr. Nairne,* 4.115 &c."

This article contains several letters from lady Tyrconnel and others, to Mr. Nairne, Abbé Innes, &c. Many of them are on private business, viz. the management of her ladyship's jointure, &c. The intrigues of the times are men∣tioned in others: but these letters are allegorical; and there is no key to the cant∣names. Some of them were written from Brussels; and it appears that her ladyship, while she was in Flanders, had frequent access to her brother-in-law, the duke of Marlborough, and assisted to carry on the correspondence between that nobleman and the court of St. Germains.

"Three letters from Sir Toby Bourke,* 4.116 envoy extraordinary to Spain, Ja∣nuary, 1708."

Unimportant, as usual.

"Copie du certificat de M. de Pontchartrain touchant les prisonniers faits à la descente de Camarets,* 4.117 le 6 Juin, 1708; et un autre du due de Berwick touchant les prisonniers en Cevennes, le 4 Juin, 1708."

"Ordre de la marche de l'armée partant du camp D'Aguy pour aller sur l'armée des ennemis."* 4.118

"Two letiers to L. Middleton,* 4.119 by J. S. about the King's leaving the camp in August and Sept, 1710."

"1st, You know friends in England, who would be glad the King were out of the camp. 2dly, His indisposition, not so naturally to be recovered where he is, at any other time, might justify his return. 3dly, Villars himself leaves the camp. This last article is as big-bellied as the Dutch countess. I am quite con∣founded at the prodigious fwiftness of affairs in England. Pray God they do not ••avish you, before you have time to squeak out."

"Letter to L. Middleton from Barklay,* 4.120 about the King of France's pension to him. Yssudun en Berry, 22d Arpil, 1710."

"A letter from John Maxwell to L. Middleton,* 4.121 about a pension he was allowed by the late K. James II. from Madrid, 9th March, 1710."

"Ditto from M. Bromfield,* 4.122 about her pension, Paris, 12th March, 1710."

Ditto from Jⁿ. Orme,* 4.123 Dinan in Bretagne, to borrow some money of lady Middle∣ton, February, 1710."

"Letter from—Browne,* 4.124 Sens en Bourgoyne, to lord Middleton, about some intelligence he had had from England; with copy of the letter he had re∣ceived from Portsmouth, 20th July, 1710."

"Letter from one M. Cook,* 4.125 recommending a Mr. Ward to his charity, Ver∣sailles, 21st July, 1710."

"D. Boyd to lord Middleton,* 4.126 about his and companion's consinement, for some misdemeanour about the castle of St. Germains."

"A father Johnson to the Queen,* 4.127 about a spy; and extract of a letter from one father Kennedy, Louden, May, 1710."

"L. Middleton's letter to cardinal Noailles,* 4.128 about his lordship's daughter, Mrs. Gifford, wanting to marry without his consent, and the cardinal Noailles's answer, February 20th, 1710."

"Three letters from count Mahony,* 4.129 in Spain, to lord and lady Middleton; with an account of the King of Spain's affection, &c. to the King of England, June, 1710."

"Two letters from a Richard Barry to lord Middleton,* 4.130 from Bayonne, 17th and 20th Sept, 1710."

An account of affairs in Spain.

"Account of a political conversation between a Roman Catholic and a Whig,* 4.131 upon the Hannover succession, in a letter I dated as from Leyden, 7th August, 1712, and sent some copies of it into England; one particularly to Mr. St. Amand* 4.132."

The letter is signed Jo. Newman, Middleton and Caryll amused themselves frequently with writing a jeu d'esprit of this kind, which was probably well re∣ceived by their friends, but could make very little impression on such as differed from them in political opinions.

VOL. IV. QUARTO.

THIS volume consists almost entirely of original letters concerning the intrigues of the courts of St. Germains and Barleduc, during the years 1712 and 1713. It consists of 77 numbers; and almost every one of these numbers contains several letters. But extracts have been made from them all, as they occurred in the or∣der of time; consequently there is no occasion to take any notice of them here.

Lettres et Memoires du Cardinal Gualterio. 2 Vols. 4to.

THESE two volumes contain Gualterio's correspondence and negociations during the years 1716, 1717, 1718, and 1719. They are almost all in Ita∣lian, and consist of memorials to the Pope, letters to Nairne, and a few to the Chevalier de St. George himself. The cardinal was the Chevalier's agent at Rome. The subjects of his letters and memorials are the severity of the oaths of allegiance on the English Roman Catholicks—An application to the Pope for a dispensation to take them—Lord Peterborough's arrest at Bologna—Secret negociations about

the Chevalier's marriage—Negociations with the court of Spain, and an offer of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon, providing that court placed the Chevalier on the British throne—Difficulties attending the Chevalier's marriage and place of abode—Cold∣ness of the court of Rome—Various negociations and correspondences.

Gualterio's letters are mostly in cyphers, but the cant-names are easily explained. Neither his letters nor his memorials are of much importance; and accordingly few extracts have been made from them.

VOLUMES VII. VIII. and IX. QUARTO.

THE first of these volumes is "a copy-book of the earl of Middleton's letters begun at St. Germains, 19th April, 1693, to 28th March, 1695." The second is, "Entrys of some letters of the earl of Middleton's, most of them writt by M. from the 14th June, 1713, to the 13 Juillet, 1712, with some letters of 1700." And the third is, "Entries of some letters writt to England to Abram and Berry, &c. from 1709 to 1713; some by earl Middleton, and most by N." (Nairne.)

These letters throw considerable light on the intrigues of the times, and every thing has been extracted from them, that was any ways connected with the general history, or with the private conduct and characters of individuals. They are mostly allegorical and in cyphers, and are often without a key: but every thing of importance in them hath been explained by a careful attention to trace the chain of the correspondence, and an unwearied application in comparing them with one another, and in discovering the views, connexions, &c. of the several persons concerned. Access to the letters, to which these volumes contain answers, would have greatly abridged this labour, but perhaps have brought but few important facts to light.

The late Mr. Thomas Carte was a great collector of anecdotes. From one 8vo. and three 4to. volumes of his memorandum-books, and a bundle of loose papers, such of them have been inserted in the preceding volumes as were sup∣ported by collateral evidence, and connected with the history of the period to which Mr. Nairne's papers extend. But as many of the papers collected by him in a large solio volume, marked A. L. were not comprehended within this period it is necessary to give a more particular account of them. He himself made some use of them to the year 1654, where his history ends. It will be sufficient to give a list of those to which he has not referred, and a short account of their contents, where they are of any importance.

"Letter of King Charles I.* 4.133 to the president (Henry marquis of Worcester) and council of Wales, 24th July, 1631."

"Letter of J. de Sacrabosco to the marquis of Worcester,* 4.134 with news, foreign and domestic, July 4th, 1683."

"Letter of Sir George Cartwright to the King (Charles II.) 9th Feb. 1649."* 4.135

Enumerates his own services and the services of his family to the late King, and makes a demand of 8000 pistoles, which he had laid out to supply the island of Jersey, &c.

Saumaise [Salmasius] to the King.* 4.136 Leyden, June 8th, 1649.

He agrees to publish desensio regis, &c.

Instructions to Sir William Boswell to oppose Walter Strictland,* 4.137 the parlia∣ment's agent in Holland. St. Germains, September 4th, 1649.

Lord Byron's proceedings in Cheshire,* 4.138 from the 20th of February to the middle of September, 1648.

"An account of my proceedings since my coming into Cheshire, and of what happened in those parts, from February 20th, 1648, till the middle of Septem∣ber following." This account is very particular and was never published: but all the important facts are well known.

"Sir John Cockrane's relation of the particulars that lately occurred in his ne∣gotiations since his coming to Hamburgh.* 4.139" The state of the town, disposition of the magistrates, and an uninteresting account of his own reception, disappoint∣ments, &c.

"Sir William Boswell to secretary Long;* 4.140 with a memorial concerning Strict∣land and Mac Doual, and the papers in p. 82, 83, and 86. Hague, October 12th, 1649." William Mac Doual was one of the deputies from the province of Groningen, and had a considerable estate in Groningen and Frisland. Boswell petitioned the States to refuse an audience to Strictland.

Answer of the provinces of Guilderland,* 4.141 Utrecht, Frisland, &c. to a protest of Holland, on their not admitting Strictland. September 30th, 1649.

Protest of Holland,* 4.142 exhibited the 4th September.

Sir William Boswell's memorial against Strictland,* 4.143 and order thereon. October 1st, 1649.

Walter Strickland's memorial,* 4.144 desiring an audience. (Copy.)

King Charles the Second's declaration about Wales.* 4.145 Jersey, October ••••/••••, 1649.

Sir Robert Stuart to the King.* 4.146 Delft, November 4th, 1649. An account of affairs in Ireland.

Lord Colpepper to lord Jermyn,* 4.147 at the Louvre at Paris. Hague, Nov. 9th, 1649. Sent by Mr. Windram, commissioner from the Scots to the King. His opinion of the treaty with that nation.

Sir William Boswell to Mr. secretary Long at Jersey.* 4.148 Hague, Nov. 30th, 1649. "Many able and active Presbyterians have showed me their desires of tempering the demands of Scotland; and for better effects thereof, hope that the King will not give unto Wyndram any final or sudden answer."

Sir Richard Brown to lord Jermyn.* 4.149 Private business.

Sir John Berkley to Mr. secretary Long.* 4.150 Louvre, Dec. 7th, 1649. Scotish affairs.

Sir William Boswell's memorial to the States.* 4.151 Dec. 18th, 1649. Desiring that no English merchants, settled in the territories of the States, should be obliged to sign the engagement proposed by the parliament.

A list of such Merchants in Rotterdam,* 4.152 as subscribed and refused to subscribe the new engagement.

Mr. Mac Donald's memorial to the King.* 4.153 Affairs of Scotland.

A memorial for the marquis of Newcastle.* 4.154 He mentions proposals to be made to the princes of the Empire, and proposes to be employed, as ambassador to the King of Denmark.

"Rough draught of instructions (in Sir Robert Long's hand) to the lord viscount Bellamont,* 4.155 as ambassador extraordinary to the Emperors of Persia and Morocco."

"Letter,* 4.156 by way of memorial, from one Hogia Padre to the Sultana of Persia, for collecting duties, &c. at Ormis, for the benefit of the King of England, and pre∣venting the parliament's agents from taking them.

Answer of the Grand Duke of Tuscany to Mr. Thomas Killegrew's memorial.* 4.157 Jan. 10th, 1650.

Sir John Berkley to Mr. secretary Long.* 5.1

Paris, Sept. 11th, 1649.

—"The Queen hath not been in good humour of late, speaking with more earnestness than heretofore, of her going to remain in the Carmelites§ 5.2. The great want she is in for want of money to sustain her houshold hath somewhat disposed her M. thereunto. She hath been, this two last days, in debate about the reduc∣ing and regulating her family, and hath not made any considerable alteration, Though her Majesty expressed, in her last to his Majesty, her opinion for his go∣ing into Ireland; yet she is a little troubled to find his Majesty hath taken his resolution to go thither before it came to him. Mr. Montague hath been heer this four days, and returns to Pontoize to-morrow. He is very much with the Queen, and I believe we shall be able to know what her Majesty intends, before she goes into the Carmelites convent, which will be five days hence, to remain there for ten days.

I sent, as soon as I came thither, my lord duke of Buckingham's commission into Flanders, as judging it the safest conveyance. His Grace is expected here the next week. I think I did not inform you, in my last, that my lord duke Hamil∣ton hath written to a consident friend of his heer, that, by no means, his Majesty ought not to acknowledge the parliament of Scotland, but in a full conclusion with them, in which case there can be little sayd for the contrary; only, I am still of opinion, that Windram is not to have a refusal; but that his Majesty should send his answer into Scotland, by deputies of his own, instructed as amply towards their satisfaction as will stand with a good conscience, voyd of scruples, and without doing any prejudice, either to his hopes of Montrose or to his present possession in Ireland; and, since the Scots have, in a manner, appeared for the crown Swedeland, methinks it should be of no ill consequence, that his deputies, in case of disagreement in the treaty, should provoke them to a decision, by an arbitration of that crown. But I am not ignorant how unlikely any such propo∣sition is to take effect, without the expedient you know of; without which I must and do despayre of it. I shall endeavour it still to the utmost of my power. My most humble service to my lord Wilmot, and am yours,

J. B."

M. de Marsys to secretary Long. Nov. 10th, 1649:* 5.3

He was translating King Charles the First's works.

Lord Colpepper to Mr. secretary Long. Anchuisen, January 11, 1650.* 5.4

The following paragraph of this letter is in cyphers. "The Emperor of Russia hath, you know, banished all English trade, and the merchants are making up their packs as fast as they can. But before they go, I intend to demand of the Emperor of Muscow the custom unpaid for the English goods, since they submitted to the new authority in England; and if the Emperor will comply with the King's desire in any thing, it will more probably be in this demand, which is so notori∣ously grounded on his Majesty's right, and which will not cost the said Emperor any thing out of his own purse. This shall not slacken my endeavours in the rest (literally in my instructions) but shall only be a reserve.—The duke of Courland, as his agent at Amsterdam told me, will lend his Majesty three good ships; the least of twenty-five guns. They are now in these parts; but it ought to be con∣cealed, if accepted, until they shall be at sea, for many reasons. M. Wicford, at the Hague, will negotiate any thing with the agent who had orders to comply with the King's desire therein, that you shall intimate. He himself has a design to send two or three good ships to the East Indies, with the King's commission, and likewise with goods to trade, if his Majesty thinks fit; paying a good pro∣portion of the value of the prizes to him. I only propounded for you to judge of it as I do the raising of a very round sum, upon the islands of Scilly, upon a treaty to be made with these States. Think well of this latter, and whether the

King will be able to defend and relieve them this next summer. But, if he might receive 50,000 l. and they be put into the States' hands, as caution only for the money, whereby they should be defended by them, and possibly they thereby insen∣sibly engaged in the King's quarrel, it might be no ill bargain."

A copy of King Charles the Second's letter to lord Loudon.* 5.5 Jersey, January 13/22 1650.

The letter was sent by Mr. Wyndram. Charles appoints commissioners from Scotland to meet him at Breda. Along with it was sent a letter to the clergy of Scotland.* 5.6 Charles, in these letters, promised to submit to the conditions which were proposed to him, and particularly to acknowledge the convention of estates, then assembled in Scotland, to be a parliament. At the same time he wrote a letter to the marquis of Montrose, assuring him, that he would make no concessions, in∣consistent with the powers he had given him in his commission; and declaring, that, though he called them a committee of estates, he was determined not to ac∣knowledge them to be legally so. This letter was intercepted, and was of infinite prejudice to the King. Abram Cowley, on the 13th of March, writes about it to secretary Long,* 5.7 in the following terms: "No doubt it has done the King a great deal of hurt; but it is very happy, that it has missed of the chief end, for which I conceive it was published, which was to hinder the treaty. That danger is now over; and the only doubt remaining is, whether the treaty will produce an agree∣ment; and I dare say, all the world, besides a few of our nation, believe it so great a madness not to agree, that they think it impossible to happen."

* 6.1Anonymous letters, with news from Leghorn, April 9th and 13th, 1650.

The Queen-mother to the King. Paris, May 26th, 1650.

Original.

"Monsieur mon Fils,

J'ay veu par la copie du traité avee les Eccossois que vous m'avez envoyé, comme vous avez consenty á tout ce qu'ils ont desiré touchant le covenant. Je confesse que cela m'a surprise extremement de voir que vous avez fait ce que vous protestiez ne vouloir jamais faire: et quoique vous ne le preniez pas presentement, neamoins s'est le prandre en une autre espesse, que ce sermant que vous avez promis de prandre, et aussi des advantageux pour vous, et autant contre ce que je vous ay ouy declarer. Vous savez ases comme j'ay soueste (souhaité) sette accomodement, mais aussy sur quells termes, qui sont elloygnees de ce qui s'est fait, vous ayant tou∣jours dit, qu'il ne faloit jamais prandre ce covenant, et* 6.2 encore je vous dis, hors se covenant, et§ 6.3 et le soing de vos amis, vous ne deviez pas desputer sur le reste. Je suis obligeé devant Dieu, et envers vous, de vous faire congnoistre que ce n'a pas estté de mon advis, ce qui a estte fait, et que je crois vous

y avez estté surpris: etant une chose encore laquelle je vous ay ent a ndu tant pro∣tester, et que le feu Roy votre pere avoit en sy grande horeur. Mais s'en est fait. Il nia plus de remede. I1 n'an fault plus parler, puisque l'affaire est conclue: ce que j'ay à vous dire davantage, est sur mon particulier. Le cove nant estant si vio lant contre moy et ma Religion, il peut estre que les Eccossois ne voudront plus, que je me mesle de vos affaires. Vous seavez qu'il y a longtems que je l'avois soueste (souhaité) et vous l'avois demandé. Mais vous m'aviez toujours com∣mandé le contraire, et jugiez, que mes services vous pourroit estre utilles. Ce que j'ay à dire est, que sy ils sents dans cette opinion, et vous ossy, que je suis toute preste à me retirer. Pour vous faire voir que je n'ay point d'austres de seings que pour votre service, quoique je croye que je vous peus servir à cette heure plus que je n'ay fait auparavant. Car ser taine mant tout les princes Catoliques sonts alarmes de la maniere de ce traité, et il y a aparance qu'ils oront plus de croyance en moy, qu'en personne pour les rassurer: et sy les Eccossois pretandent de vous restablir tout seuls, je crains qu'ils ce trompe, ou vous tromperont: l'affair n'estant pas sy aysee que cela: et sans assistance des Princes de dehors, vous ne feres jamais rien. Jc voudrois me tromper moymesme. Mais je crains beaucoup. Mes prieres ne man∣queront jamais, et rien ne me puis osster la tandresse, qui est dans mon coeur pour vous. Dieu vous done toute ses benedictions en se monde ysy, et dans l'autre que ja∣mais personne ont eu; sest l'ar dant priere de

Monsieur mon Fils

Votre tres affectionnee Mere, HENRIETTE MARIE R."

There is a postscript of eight lines to this letter; but the pen is drawn through it in such a manner as to make it totally illegible.

The several papers concerning Sir Robert Long,* 6.4 Sir Richard Greenville, and Peter Massonet's accusation of Sir Edward's Hyde's correspondence with Cromwell, and of Hyde's accusation of Long's corresponding with Ireton, are preserved in this volume. All the particulars of this affair, which made a great noise, at the time, and was afterwards, the tenth article in the impeachment against the Earl of Clarendon, are already well known.

* 7.1King Charles II. to Sir Robert Long. Paris, Nov. 11th, 1651.

Original.

"Robin Long, I forgot last weeke to write to you, to give you notice of my being heere. This is now to that purpose; and I can yett give you no further account either of myselfe or my busines; I know not whether I shall stay here, or to what other place I may be caled, by the condition of my bussines. Pray, there∣fore,

bee very carefull to advertice as many of my servants as are in the Low Countries, that they doe not come this way, till they heare from me. It would bee very inconvenient to me and themselves, if they should. This is all I have at present to say, more than to assure you, that I am,

Your most affectionate friend, CHARLES R."

"Pray excuse me to my sister and to the Queen of Bohemia, that I did not write this post: for really, I did not thinke the post had gone away so soone; for I had searce time to write this."

* 8.1The Queen-mother to secretary Long.

Original.

SIR,

Jully the 4th.

"The King will be upon his remove within forteen days after the date of this. I give you this notis too prevent your removal, and that you may the better pre∣pare your applications you would make to the King for a just trial. Other things that I will not mention, will fall accours. If you have had any thoughts of the King's beusines for the prokewring of hors, foot or transportation, it is well. If not, let that little time, before we see you here, be alike occupied in that. The duke of Yorke has taken the seeld with verry good equipage. I shall trouble you no more, till I assure you of my servise. Adcu."

Sundry letters to Mr. secretary Long; of no consequence.* 8.2

"Draughts of letters to count Magnus de la Garde, the father, and to the chancellor of Sweden, on sending an extraordinary embassy to that court."

A letter from the general assembly of the kirk of Scotland to the King,* 8.3 about his consenting to the covenant. July 6th, 1650.

Letters from Mr. John Simpson and Mr. Mason. Hague,* 8.4 July and August, 1650.

The Prince of Orange's ill reception at some towns in Holland; his disputes with the States of Holland, &c. &c.

"A letter from the general assembly of the kirke of Scotland to the King. August 19th, 1650."* 8.5 Thanks for his signing the covenant, and for omitting, in his declaration, the name of the queen-mother, on account of her idolatry.

"Copy of King Charles II. d's letter to the Emperor of Morocco, by his am∣bassadour, lord Bellamont; written from Scotland, in the year 1651."* 8.6 He noti∣fies the murder of his father, and desires the Emperor's assistance to recover his dominions.

"J. Webster to the King. Amsterdam, Sept. 2d, 1650.* 8.7 He endeavours to raise 30,000 pounds in Holland. But was disappointed by the Prince of Orange's attempt upon Amsterdam. He gives an account of the sale of the crown jewels at Rotterdam.

"Considerations worthy to be weighed,* 8.8 in the case of the English gentlemen now in prison." These gentlemen were imprisoned in Spain, for killing the agent of the commonwealth of England. All the particulars of this affair, which are well known, are at full length, in letters to the King from lord Cottington and Sir Edward Hyde, his Majesty's ambassadours to the court of Spain, in this volume, p. 174-—177.

Abbé Salmonet to the King and to Queen Christina of Sweden.* 8.9 He writes to the King about his history, and asks materials for the second part of it, which related to the death of King Charles I. He writes in the same subject, to Queen Christina, to whom he had addressed his book.

King Charles ll.'s original letter to the marquis of Montrose.* 8.10 He desires him to disband the troops, on concluding the treaty of Breda with the Scots.

Account of William duke of Somerset's death and funeral,* 8.11 October 24, 1660, aetatis 74, and of his successor, William duke of Somerset's death, December 12, 1671, aetatis 19.

Original letter from the privy council to "our very good lord, the lord Herbert,* 8.12 lord-lieutenant of the county of Hertford," about defaulters in musters, December 14, 1660.

The same to "our very good lord Herbert,* 8.13 of Ragland, lord-lieutenant of the county of Gloucester. January 8, 1660." Directions about disarming the dis∣affected, &c.

Sir John Talbot to lord Herbert,* 8.14 at Bodmington, Wiltshire, July 11th, 1663. News of the earl of Bristol's impeachment of the earl of Clarendon.

Original letters to the lord Herbert;* 8.15 one to him, as lord-lieutenant of the county of Gloucester, about the militia, &c. on August 19th, 1661; another to him, as lord-lieutenant of the county of Hereford, on the same subject, August 5th, 1663.

Original of a letter from the privy council to the marquis of Worcester,* 8.16 lord-lieutenant of the county of Hereford, September 29th, 1668; enjoining mayors and bailiffs of burroughs to take the oaths.

Sir Leoline Jenkins to the marquis of Worcester.* 8.17 Doctor's Commons, Sept. 8th, 1675. He writes about the disposal of an estate, and gives his opinion, at full length.

Copy of the duke of Ormond's letter to the earl of Rochester. Dublin, Decem∣ber 30th, 1684; written to that lord when he was appointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland.

Godfrey Harcourt to the duke of Beaufort,* 8.18 May 9th, 1685. News of Otes's being convicted of perjury.

Copy of a letter from the duke of Ormond to Sir Robert Southwell.* 8.19 Windsor, August 17th, 1685, on family business.

"I am not certain, but there may be some attempts to trim the settlement of Ireland; and some neate-handed barbers of the law may contrive how it must be done, if they are back't with force. Yet I should think there are but two ways; either by commission or by parliament. That of commission has bin tried and laid aside: but it may be reassumed, and this thought to be a more favourable conjuncture for it than 1670. To shake the settlement by parliament requires more preparation; sheriffs to favour elections must be named; and the house of lords must be filled with peers, that will concur. In short, I know not what is designed, or by what means.

I believe you will shortly heare, that the earl of Macklesfield is prisoner in the Tower, as well as his sonne. I am certain they both deserve it. Time will pro∣duce what may prove fatal to them. I am, with reality, Sir,

Your most affectionate humble servant, ORM."

Account from Edinburgh of the earl of Argyle's defeat.* 9.1 June 18th, 1685.

It is an account of facts which are well known.

Extract of a letter from Sir John Percival,* 9.2 July 14th, 1685.

He writes about the affairs of Ireland; the hardships of the act prohibiting the Irish to trade directly to the plantations; and the consequences of the proclama∣tion calling in the arms of the militia.

"This proclamation doth disquiet the minds of the militia, especially of the common sort, who are all fearful, left endeavours should have been used to re∣present them to his Majesty, as persons disaffected to his service, and not fit to be trusted with arms, though they are all English, and universally, in those parts, Protestants of the church of England, and have all taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, a little before King Charles the Second's death (such being then turned out as refused); and the officers have all produced certificates of their hav∣ing taken the sacrament, as required by the church of England, upon an order from the government of this kingdom, about 12 months since. And many of the Irish gentlemen of this country openly spread abroad reports, and tell the English themselves, that their arms are thus called in to be given to them, as the King's best subjects; and that, they say, is the meaning of the proclamation, in the ex∣pression used therein, viz. that the captains are to keep the arms, for the use of the militia, or such other uses as his Majesty may have for them. This serves to disquiet the minds of the common people: but the officers, and all others of better sense, are so well satisfied with his Majesty's gracious and royal opinion, declared to the advantage of all the church of England principles, that no such idle fear enters their thoughts; but they wholly rely upon, and acquiesce in, the assurances given by his Majesty, whose word, they know, is sacred and inviolable.

People's fears of troubles here are very great, especially if the rebel Monmouth should have any success; which disturbance breeds a great deal of ill blood here between the English and the Irish; the latter charging this rebellion on the whole body of the English, and telling them, that now their turn is come, and that they will make the English of this country good subjects: and the English, on such occasions, justifying themselves, and telling them, that though this be a rebellion in England, yet it is only by the worst of the King's subjects there; and that there are none, but his subjects of England, that: appear in the King's service against them; with abundance of other hot discourses of this kind that run about the country; the Irish charging all the English universally, hardly three excepted in all this country, as devoted to Monmouth, and not fit to be trusted by the King: which language gives great offence and provocation to such of the English as hear it, and administers greater occasion of jealousy between the Irish and them than formerly; insomuch as each say they are afraid the others will cut their throats. And some, more fearful or disaffected than others, speak of sermons being in many places preached, by the friars of this country, upon the 5th, 6th, and 7th verses of the ninth chapter of Ezekiel; and though I cannot find any such sermon any where, by them preached, yet it serves to amuse and disquiet the ignorant sort of people, and to prejudice the little trade that is going about the country; nobody buying any thing of the countrymen: insomuch that I have not been able to re∣ceive the sixth part of my rent in money, and am fain to receive the rest in beef or corn, or to go without it.—The most apprehensive of my friends, on this side the water have been advising me, upon score of security, to cross the sea, and to go live privately in England; and, though I see not so much cause to fear, or ex∣pectation of disturbance, as they pretend to see, yet, because they desired me to move it to you, I desire the favour, of your advice about it. It is upon the advice of our friends, that we have thoughts of sending part of our stocke of children, &c."

Letters from Robert (afterwards baron) Price to the duke of Beaufort, 15, 22, 24, 27, 29 Nov. 1688.* 9.3

He gives an account of occurrences previous to, and at the time of the Revo∣lution. Extracts have been made from some of these letters in the preceding volumes.

The same to the same,* 9.4 from the 20th of January, 1690, to the 16th of Decem∣ber, 1699.

These letters contain the occurrences of the times; a particular account of what passed in the two houses of parliament; trials of persons who adhered to King James II.; a list of the members who would not subscribe the association. Among Price's letters, there are two letters from Henry Morgan to the duke of Beaufort, giving a particular account of Dr. Oldis's plea in favour of those who acted as privateers under a commission from King James II.

"Rights of the master of the horse" An account of his privileges, per∣quisites, &c.* 9.5

Settlement of the Somerset estate on lord Bruce's marriage.* 9.6

Petition of Sir Edward Walker,* 9.7 knight-garter, principal king at arms to King Charles II. at Breda (1650), about the right of garter, to carry the order to foreign princes, with a report thereon, and the King's confirmation of the said right.

"Sundry papers" of no consequence.* 9.8

Letters and commissions to colonel Robert Ellice,* 9.9 communicated by his grand∣son, Mr. P. Ellice, to Mr. Thomas Carte, about raising a regiment for the King's service, 1642 and 1643.

Copies of,* 9.10 and extracts from, papers which are printed.

Treaty with Portugal,* 9.11 in 1703; journey from England to France, by a spy, 1704; orders from the admiralty about foreign ships, 1704; letters from Mr. Harley, 1703 and 1706; instructions to lord Peterborough, 1706; official letters and papers, 1706, 1707, 1709. These papers contain nothing that is not very well known.

Extracts from different books of Mr. Thomas Carte;* 9.12 letters written to him; and some papers, which contain nothing material, collected by him.

Introduction to the history and antiquities of Durham.* 9.13

It consists of fifty-three folio pages; and is rather a collection of materials for the history of Durham, than an introduction to it.

Extracts and papers,* 9.14 which contain nothing material.

Besides the papers of which a list is given in this Appendix, and those few which are published in the preceding volumes, or to which Mr. Carte himself ro∣sers in his history, this volume contains extracts by him from Rymer's Foedera; from the first duke of Beaufort's letters, from 1644 to 1658; from letters of the privy council to ditto, from 1660 to 1697; from O. Cromwell's letters and papers, published 1742, by Nicholas; E. Strafford's letters and dispatches, in two vo∣lumes, and Sir George Radcliff's Essay on his Life, 1739; and from other books, particularly lord Clarendon's tracts, 1727; from the ambassade de Noailles, from 1553 to 1557, about Mary, Queen of Scots; from Wavrias's history in MS. of England, in 2 vols. in Bibl. Reg. in Paris, about the death of Hen. VI.; with the value of peers estates in the counties of Gloucester, Monmouth, and Here∣ford, and of the rectory of St. Petherton in Somerset, and of the manor of Halberton in Devon; Thompson, dean of Bristol's vindication from a charge of rebaptizing, &c. &c.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Bundle of loose papers.
• * 1.2

  He was, afterwards, created earl of Dysert.
• * 1.3

  1642. Oct. 23.
• * 1.4

  The earl of Lindsey, who died, soon after, of his wounds at Warwick. He was an officer of experience. He served with great reputation, under Maurice and Henry, princes of Orange.
• * 1.5

  1648. April 20.
• * 1.6

  His real name was Bamford; an Irishman.
• * 1.7

  May, 1648.
• * 1.8

  In the Scotch College.
• * 1.9

  June 8th 1648.
• * 1.10

  July 28th.
• * 1.11

  Aug. 1••th.
• * 1.12

  Oct. 24th.
• * 1.13

  1649. April 1st.
• * 1.14

  June 16th.
• * 1.15

  1651. May 20th.
• * 2.1

  The duke of York, it ought to be remarked, was, now, as vehement a Protestant, as James the Second was afterwards as violent a Roman Catholic. He did not begin to be staggered in his faith till after the Restoration.
• * 4.1

  Jan. 26th.
• * 4.2

  May 25th.
• * 4.3

  Feb. 15th. 1656.
• * 4.4

  April 8th.
• * 4.5

  28th.
• * 4.6

  May 3d.
• * 4.7

  5th.
• * 4.8

  19th.
• * 4.9

  May 26th.
• * 4.10

  July 21st.
• * 4.11

  Aug. 11th.
• * 4.12

  25th.
• * 4.13

  Jan. 6th.
• * 4.14

  ••2th.
• * 4.15

  22d.
• * 4.16

  Feb. 9th.
• * 4.17

  23d.
• * 4.18

  March 1st.
• * 4.19

  1659.
• * 4.20

  July 19th.
• * 4.21

  Aug. 27th.
• * 4.22

  Sept. 8th.
• * 4.23

  24th.
• * 4.24

  31st.
• * 4.25

  Nov. 9.
• * 4.26

  Dec. 7.
• * 4.27

  D. N. vol. i. fol. No. 1.
• * 4.28

  7.
• * 4.29

  8.
• * 4.30

  1••.
• * 4.31

  28.
• * 4.32

  35.
• * 4.33

  Tres necessaires.
• * 4.34

  Tres necessaire.
• * 4.35

  Ou de mo••strer la maniere ou la faite, en cas qu'on n'en peut pas envoyer.
• * 4.36

  Pour eplanir les chemins depuis le port ou les troupes François meteront pied à terre, et les quar∣tieres qui leur seront assig∣née.
• * 4.37

  D. N. vol. i. fol. No. 50.
• * 4.38

  51.
• * 4.39

  52.
• * 4.40

  93.
• * 4.41

  94.
• * 4.42

  95.
• * 4.43

  10••.
• * 4.44

  D. N. vol. i. fol. No. 108.
• * 4.45

  11••.
• * 4.46

  114.
• * 4.47

  115.
• * 4.48

  116.
• * 4.49

  121.
• * 4.50

  126.
• * 4.51

  127.
• * 4.52

  131.
• * 4.53

  D. N. vol. i. fol. No. 1••4.
• * 4.54

  135.
• * 4.55

  146.
• * 4.56

  148.
• * 4.57

  149, 150, 151, 152.
• * 4.58

  154.
• * 4.59

  155.
• * 4.60

  D. N. vol. i. fol. No. 156.
• * 4.61

  158.
• * 4.62

  D. N. vol. ii. fol. N. 14.
• * 4.63

  15.
• * 4.64

  16.
• * 4.65

  17, 18.
• * 4.66

  1••.
• * 4.67

  D. N. vol. ii. fol. No. 20.
• * 4.68

  24.
• * 4.69

  31.
• * 4.70

  40.
• * 4.71

  41.
• * 4.72

  46.
• * 4.73

  53.
• * 4.74

  54.
• * 4.75

  55.
• * 4.76

  59.
• * 4.77

  60.
• * 4.78

  63.
• * 4.79

  66, 67, 68.
• * 4.80

  D. N. vol ii. fol No. 69.
• * 4.81

  77.
• * 4.82

  D. N. vol. i. 4to. No. 7.
• * 4.83

  8, 9.
• * 4.84

  13.
• * 4.85

  10, 17.
• * 4.86

  29.
• * 4.87

  32.
• * 4.88

  34.
• * 4.89

  37, 38.
• * 4.90

  44.
• * 4.91

  45.
• * 4.92

  47.
• * 4.93

  58.
• * 4.94

  D. N. vol. i. 4to. No. 59, ••.
• * 4.95

  D. N. vol. ii. 4to. No. 3.
• * 4.96

  4.
• * 4.97

  13, 14.
• * 4.98

  22.
• * 4.99

  23.
• * 4.100

  D. N. vol. ii. 4to.
• * 4.101

  No. 29—37.
• * 4.102

  30.
• * 4.103

  39.
• * 4.104

  4••.
• * 4.105

  56.
• * 4.106

  57.
• * 4.107

  D. N. vol. ii. 4to. No. 63.
• * 4.108

  64.
• * 4.109

  65.
• * 4.110

  6••.
• * 4.111

  67.
• * 4.112

  68.
• * 4.113

  73.
• * 4.114

  74.
• * 4.115

  D N. vol. iii. 4to. No. 1.
• * 4.116

  2.
• * 4.117

  4.
• * 4.118

  7.
• * 4.119

  10.
• * 4.120

  11.
• * 4.121

  12.
• * 4.122

  13.
• * 4.123

  14.
• * 4.124

  15.
• * 4.125

  16.
• * 4.126

  D. N. vol iii. 4to. No. 20.
• * 4.127

  21.
• * 4.128

  22.
• * 4.129

  24.
• * 4.130

  25.
• * 4.131

  28.
• * 4.132

  i. e. The Duke Marlborough's friend Berry.
• * 4.133

  A. L. folio. page 44.
• * 4.134

  A. L. folio. page 45.
• * 4.135

  48.
• * 4.136

  50.
• * 4.137

  52.
• * 4.138

  56.
• * 4.139

  74.
• * 4.140

  80.
• * 4.141

  82.
• * 4.142

  83.
• * 4.143

  84.
• * 4.144

  86.
• * 4.145

  89.
• * 4.146

  92.
• * 4.147

  95.
• * 4.148

  A. L. folio. page 9••.
• * 4.149

  99.
• * 4.150

  101.
• * 4.151

  103.
• * 4.152

  104.
• * 4.153

  124.
• * 4.154

  125.
• * 4.155

  126.
• * 4.156

  127.
• * 4.157

  129.
• * 5.1

  130.
• § 5.2

  Sir John certainly meant the Carmelitesses.
• * 5.3

  A. L. folio, page. 132.
• * 5.4

  137.
• * 5.5

  A. L. folio, page 138.
• * 5.6

  139.
• * 5.7

  140.
• * 6.1

  142. 145.
• * 6.2

  A word illegible.
• § 6.3

  A word illegible.
• * 6.4

  A. L. I folio, page 144—166 and 189—201.
• * 7.1

  167.
• * 8.1

  A. L. folio, page 168.
• * 8.2

  169, 170, 171, 172.
• * 8.3

  Qr. 179.
• * 8.4

  180, 182, and 184.
• * 8.5

  Qr. 183.
• * 8.6

  185.
• * 8.7

  186.
• * 8.8

  A. L. folio, page 188.
• * 8.9

  201—204.
• * 8.10

  205.
• * 8.11

  208.
• * 8.12

  209.
• * 8.13

  210.
• * 8.14

  212.
• * 8.15

  213—214.
• * 8.16

  215.
• * 8.17

  216.
• * 8.18

  223.
• * 8.19

  A. L. folio, Page 224.
• * 9.1

  277.
• * 9.2

  229.
• * 9.3

  A. L. folio, P. 231—239.
• * 9.4

  2••3—286.
• * 9.5

  A. L folio, P. 288.
• * 9.6

  289.
• * 9.7

  290—291.
• * 9.8

  292—3••8.
• * 9.9

  309—314
• * 9.10

  315—322.
• * 9.11

  324—33••.
• * 9.12

  310—354.
• * 9.13

  355.
• * 9.14

  356—360.