The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire: By Edward Gibbon, Esq; ... [pt.5]

CHAP. XXXI. Invasion of Italy by Alaric.—Manners of the Roman Senate and People.—Rome is thrice besieged, and at length pillaged, by the Goths.—Death of Alaric.—The Goths evacuate Italy.—Fall of Constan|tine.—Gaul and Spain are occupied by the Bar|barians.—Indepenaence of Britain.

THE incapacity of a weak and distracted government may often assume the appear|ance, and produce the effects, of a treasonable * 1.1 correspondence with the public enemy. If Alaric himself had been introduced into the council of Ravenna, he would probably have advised the same measures which were actually pursued by the ministers of Honorius 1 1.2. The king of the Goths would have conspired, perhaps with some reluctance, to destroy the formidable adversary, by whose arms, in Italy as well as in Greece, he had been twice overthrown. Their active and in|terested hatred laboriously accomplished the dis|grace and ruin of the great Stilicho. The valour of Sarus, his fame in arms, and his personal, or hereditary, influence over the confederate Bar|barians, could recommend him only to the friends of their country, who despised, or detested, the worthless characters of Turpilio, Varanes, and Vigilantius. By the pressing instances of the new

favourites, these generals, unworthy as they had shewn themselves of the name of soldiers 2 1.3, were promoted to the command of the cavalry, of the infantry, and of the domestic troops. The Gothic prince would have subscribed with pleasure the edict which the fanaticism of Olympius dictated to the simple and devout emperor. Honorius excluded all persons, who were adverse to the catholic church, from holding any office in the state; obstinately rejected the service of all those who dissented from his religion; and rashly dis|qualified many of his bravest and most skilful officers, who adhered to the Pagan worship, or who had imbibed the opinions of Arianism 3 1.4. These measures, so advantageous to an enemy, Alaric would have approved, and might perhaps have suggested; but it may seem doubtful, whe|ther the Barbarian would have promoted his in|terest at the expence of the inhuman and absurd cruelty, which was perpetrated by the direction, or at least with the connivance, of the Imperial ministers. The foreign auxiliaries, who had been attached to the person of Stilicho, lamented his death; but the desire of revenge was checked by a natural apprehension for the safety of their

wives and children; who were detained as host|ages in the strong cities of Italy, where they had likewise deposited their most valuable effects. At the same hour, and as if by a common signal, the cities of Italy were polluted by the same horrid scenes of universal massacre and pillage, which in|volved, in promiscuous destruction, the families and fortunes of the Barbarians. Exasperated by such an injury, which might have awakened the tamest and most servile spirit, they cast a look of indignation and hope towards the camp of Alaric, and unanimously swore to pursue, with just and implacable war, the perfidious nation, that had so basely violated the laws of hospitality. By the imprudent conduct of the ministers of Hono|rius, the republic lost the assistance, and deserved the enmity, of thirty thousand of her bravest sol|diers: and the weight of that formidable army, which alone might have determined the event of the war, was transferred from the scale of the Ro|mans into that of the Goths.

In the arts of negociation, as well as in those of war, the Gothic king maintained his superior * 1.5 ascendant over an enemy, whose seeming changes proceeded from the total want of counsel and de|sign. From his camp, on the confines of Italy, Alaric attentively observed the revolutions of the palace, watched the progress of faction and dis|content, disguised the hostile aspect of a Barbarian invader, and assumed the more popular appear|ance of the friend and ally of the great Stilicho; to whose virtues, when they were no longer formidable, he could pay a just tribute of sincere

praise and regret. The pressing invitation of the malcontents, who urged the king of the Goths to invade Italy, was enforced by a lively sense of his personal injuries; and he might speciously com|plain, that the Imperial ministers still delayed and eluded the payment of the four thousand pounds of gold; which had been granted by the Roman senate, either to reward his services, or to appease his fury. His decent firmness was supported by an artful moderation, which contributed to the success of his designs. He required a fair and reasonable satisfaction; but he gave the strongest assurances, that, as soon as he had obtained it, he would immediately retire. He refused to trust the faith of the Romans, unless Aetius and Jason, the sons of two great officers of state, were sent as hostages to his camp: but he offered to de|liver, in exchange, several of the noblest youths of the Gothic nation. The modesty of Alaric was interpreted, by the ministers of Ravenna, as a sure evidence of his weakness and fear. They disdained either to negociate a treaty, or to assemble an army; and with a rash confidence, derived only from their ignorance of the extreme danger, irretrievably wasted the decisive moments of peace and war. While they expected, in sullen silence, that the Barbarians should evacuate the confines of Italy, Alaric, with bold and rapid marches, passed the Alps and the Po; hastily pillaged the cities of Aquileia, Altinum, Concordia, and Cremona, which yielded to his arms; increased his forces by the accession of thirty thousand

auxiliaries; and, without meeting a single enemy in the field, advanced as far as the edge of the morass which protected the impregnable resi|dence of the emperor of the West. Instead of attempting the hopeless siege of Ravenna, the prudent leader of the Goths proceeded to Rimini, stretched his ravages along the sea-coast of the Hadriatic, and meditated the conquest of the ancient mistress of the world. An Italian her|mit, whose zeal and sanctity were respected by the Barbarians themselves, encountered the vic|torious monarch, and boldly denounced the in|dignation of heaven against the oppressors of the earth: but the saint himself was confounded by the solemn asseveration of Alaric, that he felt a secret and praeternatural impulse, which directed, and even compelled, his march to the gates of Rome. He felt, that his genius and his fortune were equal to the most arduous enterprises; and the enthusiasm which he communicated to the Goths, insensibly removed the popular, and al|most superstitious, reverence of the nations for the majesty of the Roman name. His troops, animated by the hopes of spoil, followed the course of the Flaminian way, occupied the un|guarded passes of the Apennine 4 1.6, descended into the rich plains of Umbria; and, as they lay en|camped on the banks of the Clitumnus, might

wantonly slaughter and devour the milk-white oxen, which had been so long reserved for the use of Roman triumphs 5 1.7. A lofty situation, and a seasonable tempest of thunder and lightning, preserved the little city of Narni; but the king of the Goths, despising the ignoble prey, still ad|vanced with unabated vigour; and after he had passed through the stately arches, adorned with the spoils of Barbaric victories, he pitched his camp under the walls of Rome 6 1.8.

During a period of six hundred and nineteen * 1.9 years, the seat of empire had never been vio|lated by the presence of a foreign enemy. The unsuccessful expedition of Hannibal 7 1.10, served only to display the character of the senate and people; of a senate degraded, rather than en|nobled, by the comparison of an assembly of kings; and of a people, to whom the ambassador of Pyrrhus ascribed the inexhaustible resources of the Hydra 8 1.11. Each of the senators, in the time

of the Punic war, had accomplished his term of military service, either in a subordinate or a su|perior station; and the decree, which invested with temporary command all those who had been consuls, or censors, or dictators, gave the repub|lic the immediate assistance of many brave and experienced generals. In the beginning of the war, the Roman people consisted of two hundred and fifty thousand citizens of an age to bear arms 9 1.12. Fifty thousand had already died in the defence of their country; and the twenty-three legions which were employed in the different camps of Italy, Greece, Sardinia, Sicily, and Spain, re|quired about one hundred thousand men. But there still remained an equal number in Rome, and the adjacent territory, who were animated by the same intrepid courage; and every citizen was trained, from his earliest youth, in the discipline and exercises of a soldier. Hannibal was asto|nished by the constancy of the senate, who, with|out

raising the siege of Capua, or recalling their scattered forces, expected his approach. He en|camped on the banks of the Anio, at the distance of three miles from the city: and he was soon informed, that the ground on which he had pitch|ed his tent, was sold for an adequate price at a public auction; and that a body of troops was dismissed by an opposite road, to reinforce the legions of Spain 10 1.13. He led his Africans to the gates of Rome, where he found three armies in order of battle, prepared to receive him; but Hannibal dreaded the event of a combat, from which he could not hope to escape, unless he de|stroyed the last of his enemies; and his speedy retreat confessed the invincible courage of the Romans.

From the time of the Punic war, the uninter|rupted * 1.14 succession of senators had preserved the name and image of the republic; and the dege|nerate subjects of Honorius ambitiously derived their descent from the heroes who had repulsed the arms of Hannibal, and subdued the nations of the earth. The temporal honours, which the devout Paula 11 1.15 inherited and despised, are care|fully recapitulated by Jerom, the guide of her

conscience, and the historian of her life. The genealogy of her father, Rogatus, which ascend|ed as high as Agamemnon, might seem to betray a Grecian origin; but her mother, Blaesilla, num|bered the Scipios, Aemilius Paulus, and the Grac|chi, in the list of her ancestors; and Toxotius, the husband of Paula, deduced his royal lineage from Aeneas, the father of the Julian line. The vanity of the rich, who desired to be noble, was gratified by these lofty pretensions. Encouraged by the applause of their parasites, they easily im|posed on the credulity of the vulgar; and were countenanced, in some measure, by the custom of adopting the name of their patron, which had al|ways prevailed among the freedmen and clients of illustrious families. Most of those families, however, attacked by so many causes of external violence or internal decay, were gradually extir|pated: and it would be more reasonable to seek for a lineal descent of twenty generations, among the mountains of the Alps, or in the peaceful solitude of Apulia, than on the theatre of Rome, the seat of fortune, of danger, and of perpetual revolutions. Under each successive reign, and from every province of the empire, a crowd of hardy adventurers, rising to eminence by their talents or their vices, usurped the wealth, the honours, and the palaces of Rome; and oppress|ed, or protected, the poor and humble remains of consular families; who were ignorant, per|haps, of the glory of their ancestors 12 1.16.

In the time of Jerom and Claudian, the sena|tors unanimously yielded the pre-eminence to the Anician line; and a slight view of their history * 1.17 will serve to appreciate the rank and antiquity of the noble families, which contended only for the second place 13 1.18. During the five first ages of the city, the name of the Anicians was unknown; they appear to have derived their origin from Praeneste; and the ambition of those new citizens was long satisfied with the Plebeian honours of tribunes of the people 14 1.19. One hundred and sixty-eight years before the Christian aera, the family was ennobled by the Praetorship of Anicius, who gloriously terminated the Illyrian war by the conquest of the nation, and the captivity of their king 15 1.20. From the triumph of that general, three consul|ships, in distant periods, mark the succession of the Anician name 16 1.21. From the reign of Diocle|tian

to the final extinction of the Western em|pire, that name shone with a lustre which was not eclipsed in the public estimation, by the majesty of the Imperial purple 17 1.22. The several branches, to whom it was communicated, united, by mar|riage or inheritance, the wealth and titles of the Annian, the Petronian, and the Olybrian houses; and in each generation the number of consulships was multiplied by an hereditary claim 18 1.23. The Anician family excelled in faith and in riches: they were the first of the Roman senate who em|braced Christianity; and it is probable that Anicius Julian, who was afterwards consul and praefect of the city, atoned for his attachment to the party of Maxentius, by the readiness with which he accepted the religion of Constantine 19 1.24. Their ample patrimony was increased by the in|dustry

of Probus, the chief of the Anician fa|mily; who shared with Gratian the honours of the consulship, and exercised, four times, the high office of Praetorian praefect 20 1.25. His immense estates were scattered over the wide extent of the Roman world; and though the public might suspect, or disapprove, the methods, by which they had been acquired; the generosity and mag|nificence of that fortunate statesman deserved the gratitude of his clients, and the admiration of strangers 21 1.26. Such was the respect entertained for his memory, that the two sons of Probus, in their earliest youth, and at the request of the se|nate, were associated in the consular dignity: a memorable distinction, without example, in the annals of Rome 22 1.27.

The marbles of the Anician palace," were * 1.28 used as a proverbial expression of opulence and splendour 23 1.29; but the nobles and senators of Rome

aspired, in due gradation, to imitate that illus|trious family. The accurate description of the city, which was composed in the Theodosian age, enumerates one thousand seven hundred and eighty houses, the residence of wealthy and ho|nourable citizens 24 1.30. Many of these stately man|sions might almost excuse the exaggeration of the poet; that Rome contained a multitude of pa|laces, and that each palace was equal to a city: since it included within its own precincts, every thing which could be subservient either to use or luxury; markets, hippodromes, temples, foun|tains, baths, porticos, shady groves, and artificial aviaries 25 1.31. The historian Olympiodorus, who represents the state of Rome when it was besieged by the Goths 26 1.32, continues to observe, that seve|ral of the richest senators received from their estates an annual income of four thousand pounds of gold, above one hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling; without computing the stated provision of corn and wine, which, had they been sold, might have equalled in value one third of

the money. Compared to this immoderate wealth, an ordinary revenue of a thousand or fifteen hun|dred pounds of gold might be considered as no more than adequate to the dignity of the sena|torian rank, which required many expences of a public and ostentatious kind. Several examples are recorded in the age of Honorius, of vain and popular nobles who celebrated the year of their praetorship, by a festival, which lasted seven days, and cost above one hundred thousand pounds sterling 27 1.33. The estates of the Roman senators, which so far exceeded the proportion of modern wealth, were not confined to the limits of Italy. Their possessions extended far beyond the Ionian and Aegean seas, to the most distant provinces; the city of Nicopolis, which Augustus had found|ed as an eternal monument of the Actian victory, was the property of the devout Paula 28 1.34; and it is

observed by Seneca, that the rivers, which had divided hostile nations, now flowed through the lands of private citizens 29 1.35. According to their temper and circumstances, the estates of the Ro|mans were either cultivated by the labour of their slaves, or granted, for a certain and stipulated rent, to the industrious farmer. The oeconomi|cal writers of antiquity strenuously recommend the former method, wherever it may be practi|cable; but if the object should be removed, by its distance or magnitude, from the immediate eye of the master, they prefer the active care of an old hereditary tenant, attached to the soil, and interested in the produce, to the mercenary ad|ministration of a negligent, perhaps an unfaith|ful, steward 30 1.36.

The opulent nobles of an immense capital, * 1.37 who were never excited by the pursuit of military glory, and seldom engaged in the occupations of civil government, naturally resigned their leisure to the business and amusements of private life. At Rome, commerce was always held in con|tempt:

but the senators, from the first age of the republic, increased their patrimony, and mul|tiplied their clients, by the lucrative practice of usury; and the obsolete laws were eluded, or violated, by the mutual inclinations and interest of both parties 31 1.38. A considerable mass of trea|sure must always have existed at Rome, either in the current coin of the empire, or in the form of gold and silver plate; and there were many side|boards in the time of Pliny, which contained more solid silver, than had been transported by Scipio from vanquished Carthage 32 1.39. The great|er part of the nobles, who dissipated their for|tunes in profuse luxury, found themselves poor in the midst of wealth; and idle in a constant round of dissipation. Their desires were continually gratified by the labour of a thousand hands; of the numerous train of their domestic slaves, who were actuated by the fear of punishment; and of the various professions of artificers and merchants, who were more powerfully impelled by the hopes of gain. The ancients were destitute of many of the conveniencies of life, which have been in|vented or improved by the progress of industry; and the plenty of glass and linen has diffused more

real comforts among the modern nations of Eu|rope, than the senators of Rome could derive from all the refinements of pompous or sensual lux|ury 33 1.40. Their luxury, and their manners, have been the subject of minute and laborious disqui|sition: but as such enquiries would divert me too long from the design of the present work, I shall produce an authentic state of Rome and its inha|bitants, which is more peculiarly applicable to the period of the Gothic invasion. Ammianus Marcellinus, who prudently chose the capital of the empire, as the residence the best adapted to the historian of his own times, has mixed with the narrative of public events, a lively representa|tion of the scenes with which he was familiarly conversant. The judicious reader will not always approve the asperity of censure, the choice of circumstances, or the style of expression: he will perhaps detect the latent prejudices, and personal resentments, which soured the temper of Am|mianus himself; but he will surely observe, with philosophic curiosity, the interesting and original picture of the manners of Rome 34 1.41.

"The greatness of Rome (such is the lan|guage of the historian) was founded on the rare, and almost incredible, alliance of virtue * 1.42 and of fortune. The long period of her in|fancy was employed in a laborious struggle against the tribes of Italy, the neighbours and enemies of the rising city. In the strength and ardour of youth, she sustained the storms of war; carried her victorious arms beyond the seas and the mountains; and brought home triumphal laurels from every country of the globe. At length, verging towards old age, and sometimes conquering by the terror only of her name, she sought the blessings of ease and tranquillity. The VENERABLE CITY, which had trampled on the necks of the fiercest na|tions; and established a system of laws, the perpetual guardians of justice and freedom; was content, like a wise and wealthy parent, to devolve on the Caesars, her favourite sons, the care of governing her ample patrimony 35 1.43. A secure and profound peace, such as had been once enjoyed in the reign of Numa, succeeded to the tumults of a republic: while Rome was still adored as the queen of the earth; and the subject nations still reverenced the name of the people, and the majesty of the senate. But

this native splendour (continues Ammianus) is degraded, and sullied, by the conduct of some nobles; who, unmindful of their own dignity, and of that of their country, assume an un|bounded licence of vice and folly. They con|tend with each other in the empty vanity of titles and surnames; and curiously select, or invent, the most lofty and sonorous appella|tions, Reburrus, or Fabunius, Pagonius, or Tarrasius 36 1.44, which may impress the ears of the vulgar with astonishment and respect. From a vain ambition of perpetuating their memory, they affect to multiply their likeness, in statues of bronze and marble; nor are they satisfied, unless those statues are covered with plates of gold: an honourable distinction, first granted to Acilius the consul, after he had subdued, by his arms and counsels, the power of king An|tiochus. The ostentation of displaying, of magnifying perhaps, the rent-roll of the estates which they possess in all the provinces, from the rising to the setting sun, provokes the just resentment of every man, who recollects, that their poor and invincible ancestors were not distinguished from the meanest of the soldiers, by the delicacy of their food, or the splendour

of their apparel. But the modern nobles mea|sure their rank and consequence according to the loftiness of their chariots 37 1.45, and the weighty magnificence of their dress. Their long robes of silk and purple float in the wind; and as they are agitated, by art or accident, they oc|casionally discover the under garments, the rich tunics, embroidered with the figures of various animals 38 1.46. Followed by a train of fifty servants, and tearing up the pavement, they move along the streets with the same im|petuous speed as if they travelled with post|horses; and the example of the senators is boldly imitated by the matrons and ladies, whose co|vered carriages are continually driving round the immense space of the city and suburbs. Whenever these persons of high distinction condescend to visit the public baths, they as|sume, on their entrance, a tone of loud and

insolent command, and appropriate to their own use the conveniencies which were design|ed for the Roman people. If, in these places of mixed and general resort, they meet any of the infamous ministers of their pleasures, they express their affection by a tender embrace; while they proudly decline the salutations of their fellow-citizens, who are not permitted to aspire above the honour of kissing their hands, or their knees. As soon as they have indulged themselves in the refreshment of the bath, they resume their rings, and the other ensigns of their dignity; select from their private ward|robe of the finest linen, such as might suffice for a dozen persons, the garments the most agreeable to their fancy, and maintain till their departure the same haughty demeanour; which perhaps might have been excused in the great Marcellus, after the conquest of Syracuse. Sometimes, indeed, these heroes undertake more arduous atchievements; they visit their estates in Italy, and procure themselves, by the toil of servile hands, the amusements of the chace 39 1.47. If at any time, but more especially on a hot day, they have courage to sail, in their painted gallies, from the Lucrine lake 40 1.48

to their elegant villas on the sea-coast of Pu|teoli and Cayeta 41 1.49, they compare their own expeditions to the marches of Caesar and Alex|ander. Yet should a fly presume to settle on the silken folds of their gilded umbrellas; should a sun-beam penetrate through some un|guarded and imperceptible chink, they deplore their intolerable hardships, and lament, in af|fected language, that they were not born in the land of the Cimmerians 42 1.50, the regions of eternal darkness. In these journies into the country 43 1.51, the whole body of the household marches with their master. In the same man|ner

as the cavalry and infantry, the heavy and the light armed troops, the advanced guard and the rear, are marshalled by the skill of their military leaders; so the domestic officers, who bear a rod, as an ensign of authority, dis|tribute and arrange the numerous train of slaves and attendants. The baggage and ward|robe move in the front; and are immediately followed by a multitude of cooks, and inferior ministers, employed in the service of the kit|chens, and of the table. The main body is composed of a promiscuous crowd of slaves, increased by the accidental concourse of idle or dependent plebeians. The rear is closed by the favourite band of eunuchs, distributed from age to youth, according to the order of se|niority. Their numbers, and their deformity, excite the horror of the indignant spectators, who are rèady to execrate the memory of Se|miramis, for the cruel art which she invented, of frustrating the purposes of nature, and of blasting in the bud the hopes of future gene|rations. In the exercise of domestic jurisdic|tion, the nobles of Rome express an exquisite sensibility for any personal injury, and a con|temptuous indifference for the rest of the human species. When they have called for warm wa|ter, if a slave has been tardy in his obedience, he is instantly chastised with three hundred lashes: but should the same slave commit a wilful murder, the master will mildly observe, that he is a worthless fellow; but that, if he repeats the offence, he shall not escape punish|ment.

Hospitality was formerly the virtue of the Romans; and every stranger, who could plead either merit or misfortune, was relieved, or rewarded, by their generosity. At present, if a foreigner, perhaps of no contemptible rank, is introduced to one of the proud and wealthy senators, he is welcomed indeed in the first audience, with such warm professions, and such kind enquiries, that he retires, enchanted with the affability of his illustrious friend, and full of regret that he had so long delayed his journey to Rome, the native seat of man|ners, as well as of empire. Secure of a favour|able reception, he repeats his visit the ensuing day, and is mortified by the discovery, that his person, his name, and his country, are already forgotten. If he still has resolution to perse|vere, he is gradually numbered in the train of dependents, and obtains the permission to pay his assiduous and unprofitable court to a haugh|ty patron, incapable of gratitude or friendship; who scarcely deigns to remark his presence, his departure, or his return. Whenever the rich prepare a solemn and popular entertainment 44 1.52; whenever they celebrate, with profuse and per|nicious

luxury, their private banquets; the choice of the guests is the subject of anxi|ous deliberation. The modest, the sober, and the learned, are seldom preferred; and the nomenclators, who are commonly swayed by interested motives, have the address to insert in the list of invitations, the obscure names of the most worthless of mankind. But the fre|quent and familiar companions of the great, are those parasites, who practise the most use|ful of all arts, the art of flattery; who eagerly applaud each word, and every action of their immortal patron; gaze with rapture on his marble columns, and variegated pavements; and strenuously praise the pomp and elegance, which he is taught to consider as a part of his personal merit. At the Roman tables, the birds, the squirrels 45 1.53, or the fish, which appear

of an uncommon size, are contemplated with curious attention; a pair of scales is accurately applied, to ascertain their real weight; and, while the more rational guests are disgusted by the vain and tedious repetition, notaries are summoned to attest, by an authentic record, the truth of such a marvellous event. Another method of introduction into the houses and society of the great, is derived from the pro|fession of gaming, or, as it is more politely styled, of play. The confederates are united by a strict and indissoluble bond of friendship, or rather of conspiracy; a superior degree of skill in the Tesserarian art (which may be in|terpreted the game of dice and tables 46 1.54) is a sure road to wealth and reputation. A master of that sublime science, who in a supper, or assembly, is placed below a magistrate, displays in his countenance the surprise and indignation, which Cato might be supposed to feel, when he was refused the praetorship by the votes of a capricious people. The acquisition of know|ledge

seldom engages the curiosity of the no|bles, who abhor the fatigue, and disdain the advantages, of study; and the only books which they peruse are the satires of Juvenal, and the verbose and fabulous histories of Marius Maxi|mus 47 1.55. The libraries, which they have inhe|rited from their fathers, are secluded, like dreary sepulchres, from the light of day 48 1.56. But the costly instruments of the theatre, flutes, and enormous lyres, and hydraulic organs, are constructed for their use; and the harmony of vocal and instrumental music is incessantly repeated in the palaces of Rome. In those palaces, sound is preferred to sense, and the care of the body to that of the mind. It is allowed as a salutary maxim, that the light and frivolous suspicion of a contagious malady, is of sufficient weight to excuse the visits of the most intimate friends; and even the servants, who are dispatched to make the decent enqui|ries, are not suffered to return home, till they have undergone the ceremony of a previous ablution. Yet this selfish and unmanly deli|cacy occasionally yields to the more imperious passion of avarice. The prospect of gain will

urge a rich and gouty senator as far as Spoleto; every sentiment of arrogance and dignity is subdued by the hopes of an inheritance, or even of a legacy; and a wealthy, childless, citizen is the most powerful of the Romans. The art of obtaining the signature of a favour|able testament, and sometimes of hastening the moment of its execution, is perfectly under|stood; and it has happened, that in the same house, though in different apartments, a hus|band and a wife, with the laudable design of over-reaching each other, have summoned their respective lawyers, to declare, at the same time, their mutual, but contradictory, inten|tions. The distress which follows and chastises extravagant luxury, often reduces the great to the use of the most humiliating expedients. When they desire to borrow, they employ the base and supplicating style of the slave in the comedy; but when they are called upon to pay, they assume the royal and tragic declama|tion of the grandsons of Hercules. If the de|mand is repeated, they readily procure some trusty sycophant, instructed to maintain a charge of poison, or magic, against the insolent cre|ditor; who is seldom released from prison, till he has signed a discharge of the whole debt. These vices, which degrade the moral character of the Romans, are mixed with a puerile super|stition, that disgraces their understanding. They listen with confidence to the predictions of haruspices, who pretend to read, in the en|trails

of victims, the signs of future greatness and prosperity; and there are many who do not presume either to bathe, or to dine, or to appear in public, till they have diligently consulted, according to the rules of astrology, the situa|tion of Mercury, and the aspect of the moon 48 1.57. It is singular enough, that this vain credulity may often be discovered among the prophane sceptics, who impiously doubt, or deny, the existence of a celestial power."

In populous cities, which are the seat of commerce and manufactures, the middle ranks * 1.58 of inhabitants, who derive their subsistence from the dexterity, or labour, of their hands, are com|monly the most prolific, the most useful, and, in that sense, the most respectable, part of the com|munity. But the plebeians of Rome, who dis|dained such sedentary and servile arts, had been oppressed, from the earliest times, by the weight of debt and usury; and the husbandman, during the term of his military service, was obliged to abandon the cultivation of his farm 49 1.59. The lands of Italy, which had been originally divided among the families of free and indigent proprietors, were insensibly purchased, or usurped, by the

avarice of the nobles; and in the age which pre|ceded the fall of the republic, it was computed, that only two thousand citizens were possessed of any independent substance 50 1.60. Yet as long as the people bestowed, by their suffrages, the honours of the state, the command of the legions, and the administration of wealthy provinces, their conscious pride alleviated, in some measure, the hardships of poverty; and their wants were sea|sonably supplied by the ambitious liberality of the candidates, who aspired to secure a venal ma|jority in the thirty-five tribes, or the hundred and ninety-three centuries, of Rome. But when the prodigal commons had imprudently alienated not only the use, but the inheritance, of power, they sunk, under the reign of the Caesars, into a vile and wretched populace, which must, in a few generations, have been totally extinguished, if it had not been continually recruited by the manu|mission of slaves, and the influx of strangers. As early as the time of Hadrian, it was the just com|plaint of the ingenuous natives, that the capital had attracted the vices of the universe, and the manners of the most opposite nations. The in|temperance of the Gauls, the cunning and levity of the Greeks, the savage obstinacy of the Egyp|tians and Jews, the servile temper of the Asiatics,

and the dissolute, effeminate prostitution of the Syrians, were mingled in the various multitude; which, under the proud and false denomination of Romans, presumed to despise their fellow|subjects, and even their sovereigns, who dwelt beyond the precincts of the ETERNAL CITY 51 1.61.

Yet the name of that city was still pronounced with respect: the frequent and capricious tumults * 1.62 of its inhabitants were indulged with impunity; and the successors of Constantine, instead of crush|ing the last remains of the democracy, by the strong arm of military power, embraced the mild policy of Augustus, and studied to relieve the poverty, and to amuse the idleness, of an innu|merable people 52 1.63. I. For the convenience of the lazy plebeians, the monthly distributions of corn

were converted into a daily allowance of bread; a great number of ovens were constructed and maintained at the public expence; and at the appointed hour, each citizen, who was furnished with a ticket, ascended the flight of steps, which had been assigned to his peculiar quarter or divi|sion, and received, either as a gift, or at a very low price, a loaf of bread of the weight of three pounds, for the use of his family. II. The fo|rests of Lucania, whose acorns fattened large droves of wild hogs 53 1.64, afforded, as a species of tribute, a plentiful supply of cheap and whole|some meat. During five months of the year, a regular allowance of bacon was distributed to the poorer citizens; and the annual consumption of the capital, at a time when it was much declined from its former lustre, was ascertained, by an edict of Valentinian the Third, at three millions six hundred and twenty-eight thousand pounds 54 1.65. III. In the manners of antiquity, the use of oil was indispensable for the lamp, as well as for the bath; and the annual tax, which was imposed on Africa for the benefit of Rome, amounted to the weight of three millions of pounds, to the mea|sure, perhaps, of three hundred thousand English gallons. IV. The anxiety of Augustus to provide

the metropolis with sufficient plenty of corn, was not extended beyond that necessary article of human subsistence; and when the popular clamour ac|cused the dearness and scarcity of wine, a procla|mation was issued, by the grave reformer, to re|mind his subjects, that no man could reasonably complain of thirst, since the aqueducts of Agrippa had introduced into the city so many copious streams of pure and salubrious water 55 1.66. This rigid sobriety was insensibly relaxed; and, al|though the generous design of Aurelian 56 1.67 does not appear to have been executed in its full ex|tent, the use of wine was allowed on very easy and liberal terms. The administration of the public cellars was delegated to a magistrate of honourable rank; and a considerable part of the vintage of Campania was reserved for the for|tunate inhabitants of Rome.

The stupendous aqueducts, so justly celebrated * 1.68 by the praises of Augustus himself, replenished the Thermae, or baths, which had been constructed in every part of the city, with Imperial magnifi|cence. The baths of Antoninus Caracalla, which were open, at stated hours, for the indiscriminate service of the senators and the people, contained above sixteen hundred seats of marble; and more

than three thousand were reckoned in the baths of Diocletian 57 1.69. The walls of the lofty apart|ments were covered with curious mosaics, that imitated the art of the pencil in the elegance of design, and the variety of colours. The Egyp|tian granite was beautifully incrusted with the precious green marble of Numidia; the per|petual stream of hot water was poured into the capacious basons, through so many mide mouths of bright and massy silver; and the meanest Ro|man could purchase, with a small copper coin, the daily enjoyment of a scene of pomp and luxury, which might excite the envy of the kings of Asia 58 1.70. From these stately palaces issued a swarm of dirty and ragged plebeians, without shoes, and without a mantle; who loitered away whole days in the street or Forum, to hear news, and to hold disputes; who dissipated, in extravagant gaming, the miserable pittance of their wives and children; and spent the hours of the night in obscure taverns, and brothels, in the indulgence of gross and vul|gar sensuality 59 1.71.

But the most lively and splendid amusement of the idle multitude, depended on the frequent ex|hibition of public games and spectacles. The * 1.72 piety of Christian princes had suppressed the in|human combats of gladiators; but the Roman people still considered the Circus as their home, their temple, and the seat of the republic. The impatient crowd rushed at the dawn of day to se|cue their places, and there were many who passed a sleepless and anxious night in the adjacent por|ticos. From the morning to the evening, care|less of the sun, or of the rain, the spectators, who sometimes amounted to the number of four hun|dred thousand, remained in eager attention; their eyes fixed on the horses and charioteers, their minds agitated with hope and fear, for the success of the colours which they espoused: and the hap|piness of Rome appeared to hang on the event of a race 60 1.73. The same immoderate ardour inspired their clamours, and their applause, as often as they were entertained with the hunting of wild beasts, and the various modes of theatrical re|presentation. These representations in modern capitals may deserve to be considered as a pure and elegant school of taste, and perhaps of vir|tue. But the Tragic and Comic Muse of the Ro|mans,

who seldom aspired beyond the imitation of Attic genius 61 1.74, had been almost totally silent since the fall of the republic 62 1.75; and their place was unworthily occupied by licentious farce, ef|feminate music, and splendid pageantry. The pantomimes 63 1.76, who maintained their reputation from the age of Augustus to the sixth century, expressed, without the use of words, the various fables of the gods and heroes of antiquity; and the perfection of their art, which sometimes dis|armed the gravity of the philosopher, always ex|cited the applause and wonder of the people. The vast and magnificent theatres of Rome were filled by three thousand female dancers, and by three thousand singers, with the masters of the respective chorusses. Such was the popular fa|vour which they enjoyed, that, in a time of scarcity, when all strangers were banished from the city, the merit of contributing to the public

pleasures exempted them from a law, which was strictly executed against the professors of the liberal arts 64 1.77.

It is said, that the foolish curiosity of Elaga|balus attempted to discover, from the quantity of * 1.78 spiders webs, the number of the inhabitants of Rome. A more rational method of enquiry might not have been undeserving of the attention of the wisest princes, who could easily have re|solved a question so important for the Roman go|vernment, and so interesting to succeeding ages. The births and deaths of the citizens were duly registered; and if any writer of antiquity had condescended to mention the annual amount, or the common average, we might now produce some satisfactory calculation, which would destroy the extravagant assertions of critics, and perhaps confirm the modest and probable conjectures of philosophers 65 1.79. The most diligent researches have collected only the following circumstances; which, slight and imperfect as they are, may tend, in some degree, to illustrate the question of the populousness of ancient Rome. I. When the capital of the empire was besieged by the

Goths, the circuit of the walls was accurately measured, by Ammonius, the mathematician, who found it equal to twenty-one miles 66 1.80. It should not be forgotten, that the form of the city was almost that of a circle; the geometrical figure which is known to contain the largest space within any given circumference. II. The archi|tect Vitruvius, who flourished in the Augustan age, and whose evidence, on this occasion, has peculiar weight and authority, observes, that the innumerable habitations of the Roman people would have spread themselves far beyond the nar|row limits of the city; and that the want of ground, which was probably contracted on every side by gardens and villas, suggested the common, though inconvenient, practice of raising the houses to a considerable height in the air 67 1.81. But the loftiness of these buildings, which often consisted of hasty work, and insufficient materials, was the cause of frequent and fatal accidents; and it was repeatedly enacted by Augustus, as well as by Nero, that the height of private edifices, within the walls of Rome, should not exceed the mea|sure of seventy feet from the ground 68 1.82. III. Ju|venal 69 1.83

laments, as it should seem from his own experience, the hardships of the poorer citizens, to whom he addresses the salutary advice of emi|grating, without delay, from the smoke of Rome; since they might purchase, in the little towns of Italy, a cheerful commodious dwelling, at the same price which they annually paid for a dark and miserable lodging. House-rent was there|fore immoderately dear: the rich acquired, at an enormous expence, the ground, which they co|vered with palaces and gardens; but the body of the Roman people was crowded into a narrow space; and the different floors, and apartments, of the same house, were divided, as it is still the custom of Paris, and other cities, among several families of plebeians. IV. The total number of houses in the fourteen regions of the city, is ac|curately stated in the description of Rome, com|posed under the reign of Theodosius, and they amount to forty-eight thousand three hundred and

eighty-two 70 1.84. The two classes of domus and of insulae, into which they are divided, include all the habitations of the capital, of every rank and condition, from the marble palace of the Anicii, with a numerous establishment of freedmen and slaves, to the lofty and narrow lodging-house, where the poet Codrus, and his wife, were per|mitted to hire a wretched garret immediately under the tiles. If we adopt the same average, which, under similar circumstances, has been found applicable to Paris 71 1.85, and indifferently allow about twenty-five persons for each house, of every degree, we may fairly estimate the inha|bitants of Rome at twelve hundred thousand: a number which cannot be thought excessive for the capital of a mighty empire, though it ex|ceeds the populousness of the greatest cities of modern Europe 72 1.86.

Such was the state of Rome under the reign of * 1.87 Honorius; at the time when the Gothic army formed the siege, or rather the blockade, of the city 73 1.88. By a skilful disposition of his numerous

forces, who impatiently watched the moment of an assault, Alaric encompassed the walls, com|manded the twelve principal gates, intercepted all communication with the adjacent country, and vigilantly guarded the navigation of the Tyber, from which the Romans derived the surest and most plentiful supply of provisions. The first emotions of the nobles, and of the people, were those of surprise and indignation, that a vile Barbarian should dare to insult the capital of the world: but their arrogance was soon humbled by misfortune; and their unmanly rage, instead of being directed against an enemy in arms, was meanly exercised on a defenceless and innocent victim. Perhaps in the person of Serena, the Romans might have respected the niece of Theo|dosius, the aunt, nay even the adoptive mother, of the reigning emperor: but they abhorred the widow of Stilicho; and they listened with cre|dulous passion to the tale of calumny, which ac|cused her of maintaining a secret and criminal correspondence with the Gothic invader. Actu|ated, or overawed, by the same popular frenzy, the senate, without requiring any evidence of her guilt, pronounced the sentence of her death. Serena was ignominiously strangled; and the infatuated multitude were astonished to find, that this cruel act of injustice did not immediately produce the retreat of the Barbarians, and the deliverance of the city. That unfortunate city * 1.89

gradually experienced the distress of scarcity, and at length the horrid calamities of famine. The daily allowance of three pounds of bread was reduced to one-half, to one-third, to nothing; and the price of corn still continued to rise in a rapid and extravagant proportion. The poorer citizens, who were unable to purchase the neces|saries of life, solicited the precarious charity of the rich; and for a while the public misery was alleviated by the humanity of Laeta, the widow of the emperor Gratian, who had fixed her resi|dence at Rome, and consecrated, to the use of the indigent, the princely revenue, which she annually received from the grateful successors of her husband 74 1.90. But these private and temporary donatives were insufficient to appease the hunger of a numerous people; and the progress of famine invaded the marble palaces of the senators them|selves. The persons of both sexes, who had been educated in the enjoyment of ease and luxury, discovered how little is requisite to supply the demands of nature; and lavished their unavail|ing treasures of gold and silver, to obtain the coarse and scanty sustenance which they would formerly have rejected with disdain. The food the most repugnant to sense or imagination, the aliments the most unwholesome and pernicious to the constitution, were eagerly devoured, and fiercely disputed, by the rage of hunger. A dark suspicion was entertained, that some desperate wretches fed on the bodies of their fellow-crea|tures,

whom they had secretly murdered; and even mothers (such was the horrid conflict of the two most powerful instincts implanted by nature in the human breast), even mothers are said to have tasted the flesh of their slaughtered infants 75 1.91! Many thousands of the inhabitants of Rome ex|pired in their houses, or in the streets, for want of sustenance; and as the public sepulchres with|out the walls were in the power of the enemy, the stench, which arose from so many putrid and un|buried carcasses, infected the air; and the mise|ries of famine were succeeded and aggravated by the contagion of a pestilential disease. The assur|ances * 1.92 of speedy and effectual relief, which were repeatedly transmitted from the court of Raven|na, supported, for some time, the fainting reso|lution of the Romans, till at length the despair of any human aid tempted them to accept the offers of a praeternatural deliverance. Pompei|anus, * 1.93 praefect of the city, had been persuaded, by the art or fanaticism of some Tuscan diviners, that, by the mysterious force of spells and sacri|fices, they could extract the lightning from the clouds, and point those celestial fires against the

camp of the Barbarians 76 1.94. The important secret was communicated to Innocent, the bishop of Rome; and the successor of St. Peter is accused, perhaps without foundation, of preferring the safety of the republic to the rigid severity of the Christian worship. But when the question was agitated in the senate; when it was proposed, as an essential condition, that those sacrifices should be performed in the Capitol, by the authority, and in the presence of, the magistrates; the ma|jority of that respectable assembly, apprehensive either of the Divine, or of the Imperial, displea|sure, refused to join in an act, which appeared almost equivalent to the public restoration of Paganism 77 1.95.

The last resource of the Romans was in the clemency, or at least in the moderation, of the king of the Goths. The senate, who in this * 1.96 emergency assumed the supreme powers of go|vernment, appointed two ambassadors to nego|ciate with the enemy. This important trust was delegated to Basilius, a senator, of Spanish ex|traction, and already conspicuous in the admini|stration of provinces; and to John, the first tri|bune of the notaries, who was peculiarly qualified, by his dexterity in business, as well as by his for|mer intimacy with the Gothic prince. When they were introduced into his presence, they de|clared, perhaps in a more lofty style than became their abject condition, that the Romans were resolved to maintain their dignity, either in peace or war; and that, if Alaric refused them a fair and honourable capitulation, he might sound his trumpets, and prepare to give battle to an innu|merable people, exercised in arms, and animated by despair.

"The thicker the hay, the easier it is mowed,"

was the concise reply of the Barbarian; and this rustic metaphor was accom|panied by a loud and insulting laugh, expressive of his contempt for the menaces of an unwarlike populace, enervated by luxury before they were emaciated by famine. He then condescended to fix the ransom, which he would accept as the price of his retreat from the walls of Rome: all the gold and silver in the city, whether it were the property of the state, or of individuals; all the rich and precious moveables; and all the

slaves who could prove their title to the name of Barbarians. The ministers of the senate presum|ed to ask, in a modest and suppliant tone,

"If such, O King, are your demands, what do you intend to leave us?"

"YOUR LIVES;"

replied the haughty conqueror: they trembled, and retired. Yet before they retired, a short sus|pension of arms was granted, which allowed some time for a more temperate negociation. The stern features of Alaric were insensibly relaxed; he abated much of the rigour of his terms; and at length consented to raise the siege, on the im|mediate payment of five thousand pounds of gold, of thirty thousand pounds of silver, of four thou|sand robes of silk, of three thousand pieces of fine scarlet cloth, and of three thousand pounds weight of pepper 78 1.97. But the public treasury was exhausted; the annual rents of the great estates in Italy and the provinces, were intercepted by the calamities of war; the gold and gems had been exchanged, during the famine, for the vilest sustenance; the hoards of secret wealth were still concealed by the obstinacy of avarice; and some remains of consecrated spoils afforded the only resource that could avert the impending ruin of the city. As soon as the Romans had satisfied the rapacious demands of Alaric, they were re|stored,

in some measure, to the enjoyment of peace and plenty. Several of the gates were cautiously opened; the importation of provisions from the river, and the adjacent country, was no longer obstructed by the Goths; the citizens resorted in crowds to the free market, which was held during three days in the suburbs; and while the merchants who undertook this gainful trade, made a considerable profit, the future sub|sistence of the city was secured by the ample magazines which were deposited in the public and private granaries. A more regular discipline, than could have been expected, was maintained in the camp of Alaric; and the wise Barbarian justified his regard for the faith of treaties, by the just severity with which he chastised a party of licentious Goths, who had insulted some Roman citizens on the road to Ostia. His army, en|riched by the contributions of the capital, slowly advanced into the fair and fruitful province of Tuscany, where he proposed to establish his win|ter-quarters; and the Gothic standard became the refuge of forty thousand Barbarian slaves, who had broke their chains, and aspired, under the command of their great deliverer, to revenge the injuries, and the disgrace, of their cruel ser|vitude. About the same time, he received a more honourable reinforcement of Goths and Huns, whom Adolphus 79 1.98, the brother of his wife,

had conducted, at his pressing invitation, from the banks of the Danube to those of the Tyber; and who had cut their way, with some difficulty and loss, through the superior numbers of the Imperial troops. A victorious leader, who unit|ed the daring spirit of a Barbarian with the art and discipline of a Roman general, was at the head of an hundred thousand fighting men; and Italy pronounced, with terror and respect, the formidable name of Alaric 80 1.99.

At the distance of fourteen centuries, we may * 1.100 be satisfied with relating the military exploits of the conquerors of Rome, without presuming to investigate the motives of their political conduct. In the midst of his apparent prosperity, Alaric was conscious, perhaps, of some secret weakness, some internal defect; or perhaps the moderation which he displayed, was intended only to deceive and disarm the easy credulity of the ministers of Honorius. The king of the Goths repeatedly declared, that it was his desire to be considered as the friend of peace, and of the Romans. Three senators, at his earnest request, were sent ambas|sadors to the court of Ravenna, to solicit the exchange of hostages, and the conclusion of the treaty; and the proposals, which he more clearly expressed during the course of the negociations, could only inspire a doubt of his sincerity, as they might seem inadequate to the state of his fortune. The Barbarian still aspired to the rank

of master-general of the armies of the West; he stipulated an annual subsidy of corn and money; and he chose the provinces of Dalmatia, Nori|cum, and Venetia, for the seat of his new king|dom, which would have commanded the impor|tant communication between Italy and the Da|nube. If these modest terms should be rejected, Alaric shewed a disposition to relinquish his pe|cuniary demands, and even to content himself with the possession of Noricum; an exhausted and impoverished country, perpetually exposed to the inroads of the Barbarians of Germany 81 1.101. But the hopes of peace were disappointed by the weak obstinacy, or interested views, of the minister Olympius. Without listening to the salutary remonstrances of the senate, he dismissed their ambassadors under the conduct of a military es|cort, too numerous for a retinue of honour, and too feeble for an army of defence. Six thousand Dalmatians, the flower of the Imperial legions, were ordered to march from Ravenna to Rome, through an open country, which was occupied by the formidable myriads of the Barbarians. These brave legionaries, encompassed and betray|ed, fell a sacrifice to ministerial folly; their gene|ral Valens, with an hundred soldiers, escaped from the field of battle; and one of the ambas|sadors, who could no longer claim the protection of the law of nations, was obliged to purchase his freedom with a ransom of thirty thousand pieces of gold. Yet Alaric, instead of resenting this act of impotent hostility, immediately renew|ed

his proposals of peace: and the second embassy of the Roman senate, which derived weight and dignity from the presence of Innocent, bishop of the city, was guarded from the dangers of the road by a detachment of Gothic soldiers 82 1.102.

Olympius 83 1.103 might have continued to insult * 1.104 the just resentment of a people, who loudly ac|cused him as the author of the public calamities; but his power was undermined by the secret in|trigues of the palace. The favourite eunuchs transferred the government of Honorius, and the empire, to Jovius, the Praetorian praefect; an unworthy servant, who did not atone, by the merit of personal attachment, for the errors and misfortunes of his administration. The exile, or escape, of the guilty Olympius, reserved him for more vicissitudes of fortune: he experienced the adventures of an obscure and wandering life; he again rose to power; he fell a second time into disgrace; his ears were cut off; he expired under the lash; and his ignominious death afford|ed a grateful spectacle to the friends of Stilicho. After the removal of Olympius, whose character was deeply tainted with religious fanaticism, the Pagans and heretics were delivered from the im|politic proscription, which excluded them from the dignities of the state. The brave Gennerid 84 1.105,

a soldier of Barbarian origin, who still adhered to the worship of his ancestors, had been oblig|ed to lay aside the military belt: and though he was repeatedly assured by the emperor himself, that laws were not made for persons of his rank or merit, he refused to accept any partial dispen|sation, and persevered in honourable disgrace, till he had extorted a general act of justice from the distress of the Roman government. The conduct of Gennerid, in the important station, to which he was promoted or restored, of master|general of Dalmatia, Pannonia, Noricum, and Rhaetia, seemed to revive the discipline and spirit of the republic. From a life of idleness and want, his troops were soon habituated to severe exercise, and plentiful subsistence; and his private generosity often supplied the rewards, which were denied by the avarice, or poverty, of the court of Ravenna. The valour of Gen|nerid, formidable to the adjacent Barbarians, was the firmest bulwark of the Illyrian frontier; and his vigilant care assisted the empire with a rein|forcement of ten thousand Huns, who arrived on the confines of Italy, attended by such a con|voy of provisions, and such a numerous train of sheep and oxen, as might have been sufficient, not only for the march of an army, but for the

settlement of a colony. But the court and coun|cils of Honorius still remained a scene of weak|ness and distraction, of corruption and anarchy. Instigated by the praefect Jovius, the guards rose in furious mutiny, and demanded the heads of two generals, and of the two principal eunuchs. The generals, under a perfidious promise of safe|ty, were sent on ship-board, and privately exe|cuted; while the favour of the eunuchs procured them a mild and secure exile at Milan and Con|stantinople. Eusebius the eunuch, and the Bar|barian Allobich, succeeded to the command of the bed-chamber and of the guards; and the mu|tual jealousy of these subordinate ministers was the cause of their mutual destruction. By the insolent order of the count of the domestics, the great chamberlain was shamefully beaten to death with sticks, before the eyes of the astonished emperor; and the subsequent assassination of Allobich, in the midst of a public procession, is the only circumstance of his life, in which Ho|norius discovered the faintest symptom of courage or resentment. Yet before they fell, Eusebius and Allobich had contributed their part to the ruin of the empire, by opposing the conclusion of a treaty which Jovius, from a selfish, and per|haps a criminal, motive, had negociated with Alaric, in a personal interview under the walls of Rimini. During the absence of Jovius, the em|peror was persuaded to assume a lofty tone of inflexible dignity, such as neither his situation, nor his character, could enable him to support: and a letter, signed with the name of Honorius,

was immediately dispatched to the Praetorian praefect, granting him a free permission to dis|pose of the public money, but sternly refusing to prostitute the military honours of Rome to the proud demands of a Barbarian. This letter was imprudently communicated to Alaric himself; and the Goth, who in the whole transaction had behaved with temper and decency, expressed, in the most outrageous language, his lively sense of the insult so wantonly offered to his person, and to his nation. The conference of Rimini was hastily interrupted; and the praefect Jovius, on his return to Ravenna, was compelled to adopt, and even to encourage, the fashionable opinions of the court. By his advice and example, the principal officers of the state and army were obliged to swear, that, without listening, in any circumstances, to any conditions of peace, they would still persevere in perpetual and implacable war against the enemy of the republic. This rash engagement opposed an insuperable bar to all future negociation. The ministers of Hono|rius were heard to declare, that, if they had only invoked the name of the Deity, they would con|sult the public safety, and trust their souls to the mercy of Heaven: but they had sworn, by the sacred head of the emperor himself; they had touched, in solemn ceremony, that august seat of majesty and wisdom; and the violation of their oath would expose them to the temporal penalties of sacrilege and rebellion 85 1.106.

While the emperor and his court enjoyed, with sullen pride, the security of the marshes and fortifications of Ravenna, they abandoned Rome, * 1.107 almost without defence, to the resentment of Alaric. Yet such was the moderation which he still preserved, or affected, that, as he moved with his army along the Flaminian way, he suc|cessively dispatched the bishops of the towns of Italy to reiterate his offers of peace, and to con|jure the emperor, that he would save the city and its inhabitants from hostile fire, and the sword of the Barbarians 86 1.108. These impending calamities were however averted, not indeed by the wisdom of Honorius, but by the prudence or humanity of the Gothic king; who employed a milder, though not less effectual, method of conquest. Instead of assaulting the capital, he successively directed his efforts against the Port of Ostia, one of the boldest and most stupendous works of Ro|man magnificence 87 1.109. The accidents to which

the precarious subsistence of the city was con|tinually exposed in a winter-navigation, and an open road, had suggested to the genius of the first Caesar the useful design, which was executed under the reign of Claudius. The artificial moles, which formed the narrow entrance, ad|vanced far into the sea, and firmly repelled the fury of the waves, while the largest vessels securely rode at anchor within three deep and capacious basons, which received the northern branch of the Tyber, about two miles from the ancient colony of Ostia 88 1.110. The Roman Port insensibly swelled to the size of an episcopal city 89 1.111, where

the corn of Africa was deposited in spacious gra|naries for the use of the capital. As soon as Alaric was in possession of that important place, he summoned the city to surrender at discretion; and his demands were enforced by the positive declaration, that a refusal, or even a delay, should be instantly followed by the destruction of the magazines, on which the life of the Roman peo|ple depended. The clamours of that people, and the terror of famine, subdued the pride of the senate; they listened, without reluctance, to the proposal of placing a new emperor on the throne of the unworthy Honorius; and the suffrage of the Gothic conqueror bestowed the purple on Attalus, praefect of the city. The grateful mo|narch immediately acknowledged his protector as master-general of the armies of the West; Adol|phus, with the rank of count of the domestics, obtained the custody of the person of Attalus; and the two hostile nations seemed to be united in the closest bands of friendship and alliance 90 1.112.

The gates of the city were thrown open, and * 1.113 the new emperor of the Romans, encompassed on every side by the Gothic arms, was conducted, in tumultuous procession, to the palace of Augustus and Trajan. After he had distributed the civil and military dignities among his favourites and followers, Attalus convened an assembly of the senate; before whom, in a formal and florid speech, he asserted his resolution of restoring the

majesty of the republic, and of uniting to the empire the provinces of Egypt and the East, which had once acknowledged the sovereignty of Rome. Such extravagant promises inspired every reasonable citizen with a just contempt for the character of an unwarlike usurper; whose ele|vation was the deepest and most ignominious wound which the republic had yet sustained from the insolence of the Barbarians. But the popu|lace, with their usual levity, applauded the change of masters. The public discontent was favour|able to the rival of Honorius; and the sectaries, oppressed by his persecuting edicts, expected some degree of countenance, or at least of toleration, from a prince, who, in his native country of Io|nia, had been educated in the Pagan superstition, and who had since received the sacrament of bap|tism from the hands of an Arian bishop 91 1.114. The first days of the reign of Attalus were fair and prosperous. An officer of confidence was sent with an inconsiderable body of troops to secure the obedience of Africa; the greatest part of Italy submitted to the terror of the Gothic powers; and though the city of Bologna made a vigorous and effectual resistance, the people of Milan, dissatisfied perhaps with the absence of Honorius, accepted, with loud acclamations, the choice of the Roman senate. At the head of a formidable army, Alaric conducted his royal cap|tive

almost to the gates of Ravenna; and a so|lemn embassy of the principal ministers, of Jovius, the Praetorian praefect, of Valens, master of the cavalry and infantry, of the quaestor Potamius, and of Julian, the first of the notaries, was intro|duced, with martial pomp, into the Gothic camp. In the name of their sovereign, they consented to acknowledge the lawful election of his, competitor, and to divide the provinces of Italy and the West between the two emperors. Their proposals were rejected with disdain; and the refusal was aggravated by the insulting cle|mency of Attalus, who condescended to promise, that, if Honorius would instantly resign the pur|ple, he should be permitted to pass the remainder of his life in the peaceful exile of some remote island 92 1.115. So desperate indeed did the situation of the son of Theodosius appear, to those who were the best acquainted with his strength and resources, that Jovius and Valens, his minister and his general, betrayed their trust, infamously deserted the sinking cause of their benefactor, and devoted their treacherous allegiance to the service of his more fortunate rival. Astonished by such examples of domestic treason, Honorius trembled at the approach of every servant, at the arrival of every messenger. He dreaded the secret ene|mies,

who might lurk in his capital, his palace, his bed-chamber; and some ships lay ready in the harbour of Ravenna, to transport the abdi|cated monarch to the dominions of his infant nephew, the emperor of the East.

But there is a Providence (such at least was the opinion of the historian Procopius 93 1.116) that watches * 1.117 over innocence and folly; and the pretensions of Honorius to its peculiar care cannot reasonably be disputed. At the moment when his despair, incapable of any wise or manly resolution, medi|tated a shameful flight, a seasonable reinforcement of four thousand veterans unexpectedly landed in the port of Ravenna. To these valiant strangers, whose fidelity had not been corrupted by the fac|tions of the court, he committed the walls and gates of the city; and the slumbers of the empe|ror were no longer disturbed by the apprehension of imminent and internal danger. The favour|able intelligence which was received from Africa, suddenly changed the opinions of men, and the state of public affairs. The troops and officers, whom Attalus had sent into that province, were defeated and slain; and the active zeal of Hera|clian maintained his own allegiance, and that of his people. The faithful count of Africa trans|mitted a large sum of money, which fixed the attachment of the Imperial guards; and his vigi|lance, in preventing the exportation of corn and oil, introduced famine, tumult, and discontent, into the walls of Rome. The failure of the

African expedition, was the source of mutual complaint and recrimination in the party of At|talus; and the mind of his protector was insen|sibly alienated from the interest of a prince, who wanted spirit to command, or docility to obey. The most imprudent measures were adopted, without the knowledge, or against the advice, of Alaric; and the obstinate refusal of the senate, to allow, in the embarkation, the mixture even of five hundred Goths, betrayed a suspicious and distrustful temper, which, in their situation, was neither generous nor prudent. The resentment of the Gothic king was exasperated by the mali|cious arts of Jovius, who had been raised to the rank of patrician, and who afterwards excused his double perfidy, by declaring, without a blush, that he had only seemed to abandon the service of Honorius, more effectually to ruin the cause of the usurper. In a large plain near Rimini, and in the presence of an innumerable multitude of Romans and Barbarians, the wretched Attalus was publicly despoiled of the diadem and purple; and those ensigns of royalty were sent by Alaric, as the pledge of peace and friendship, to the son of Theodosius 94 1.118. The officers who returned to their duty, were reinstated in their employments, and even the merit of a tardy repentance was graciously allowed: but the degraded emperor of

the Romans, desirous of life, and insensible of disgrace, implored the permission of following the Gothic camp, in the train of a haughty and ca|pricious Barbarian 95 1.119.

The degradation of Attalus removed the only * 1.120 real obstacle to the conclusion of the peace; and Alaric advanced within three miles of Ravenna, to press the irresolution of the Imperial ministers, whose insolence soon returned with the return of fortune. His indignation was kindled by the report, that a rival chieftain, that Sarus, the per|sonal enemy of Adolphus, and the hereditary foe of the house of Balti, had been received into the palace. At the head of three hundred followers, that fearless Barbarian immediately sallied from the gates of Ravenna; surprised, and cut in pieces, a considerable body of Goths; re-entered the city in triumph; and was permitted to insult his ad|versary, by the voice of a herald, who publicly declared, that the guilt of Alaric had for ever excluded him from the friendship and alliance of the emperor 96 1.121. The crime and folly of the court of Ravenna was expiated, a third time, by the calamities of Rome. The king of the Goths, who no longer dissembled his appetite for plun|der

and revenge, appeared in arms under the walls of the capital; and the trembling senate, without any hopes of relief, prepared, by a des|perate resistance, to delay the ruin of their coun|try. But they were unable to guard against the secret conspiracy of their slaves and domestics; who, either from birth or interest, were attached to the cause of the enemy. At the hour of mid|night, the Salarian gate was silently opened, and the inhabitants were awakened by the tremen|dous sound of the Gothic trumpet. Eleven hun|dred and sixty-three years after the foundation of Rome, the Imperial city which had subdued and civilised so considerable a part of mankind, was delivered to the licentious fury of the tribes of Germany and Scythia 97 1.122.

The proclamation of Alaric, when he forced his * 1.123 entrance into a vanquished city, discovered, how|ever, some regard for the laws of humanity and religion. He encouraged his troops boldly to seize the rewards of valour, and to enrich them|selves with the spoils of a wealthy and effeminate people: but he exhorted them, at the same time, to spare the lives of the unresisting citizens, and

to respect the churches of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, as holy and inviolable sanctuaries. Amidst the horrors of a nocturnal tumult, several of the Christian Goths displayed the fervour of a recent conversion; and some instances of their uncommon piety and moderation are related, and perhaps adorned, by the zeal of ecclesiastical writers 98 1.124. While the Barbarians roamed through the city in quest of prey, the humble dwelling of an aged virgin, who had devoted her life to the service of the altar, was forced open by one of the powerful Goths. He immediately demand|ed, though in civil language, all the gold and silver in her possession; and was astonished at the readiness with which she conducted him to a splendid hoard of massy plate, of the richest ma|terials, and the most curious workmanship. The Barbarian viewed with wonder and delight this valuable acquisition, till he was interrupted by a serious admonition, addressed to him in the following words:

"These, said she, are the con|secrated vessels belonging to St. Peter; if you presume to touch them, the sacrilegious deed will remain on your conscience. For my part, I dare not keep what I am unable to

defend."

The Gothic captain, struck with reverential awe, dispatched a messenger to inform the king of the treasure which he had discovered; and received a peremptory order from Alaric, that all the consecrated plate and ornaments should be transported, without damage or delay, to the church of the apostle. From the extre|mity, perhaps, of the Quirinal hill, to the distant quarter of the Vatican, a numerous detachment of Goths, marching in order of battle through the principal streets, protected, with glittering arms, the long train of their devout compa|nions, who bore aloft, on their heads, the sacred vessels of gold and silver; and the martial shouts of the Barbarians were mingled with the sound of religious psalmody. From all the adjacent houses, a crowd of Christians hastened to join this edify|ing procession; and a multitude of fugitives, without distinction of age, or rank, or even of sect, had the good fortune to escape to the se|cure and hospitable sanctuary of the Vatican. The learned work, concerning the City of God, was professedly composed by St. Augustin, to justify the ways of Providence in the destruction of the Roman greatness. He celebrates, with peculiar satisfaction, this memorable triumph of Christ; and insults his adversaries, by challeng|ing them to produce some similar example, of a town taken by storm, in which the fabulous gods of antiquity had been able to protect either them|selves, or their deluded votaries 99 1.125.

In the sack of Rome, some rare and extraor|dinary examples of Barbarian virtue had been * 1.126 deservedly applauded. But the holy precincts of the Vatican, and the apostolic churches, could receive a very small proportion of the Roman people: many thousand warriors, more especially of the Huns, who served under the standard of Alaric, were strangers to the name, or at least to the faith, of Christ; and we may suspect, without any breach of charity or candour, that, in the hour of savage licence, when every passion was inflamed, and every restraint was removed, the precepts of the gospel seldom influenced the behaviour of the Gothic Christians. The writers, the best disposed to exaggerate their clemency, have freely confessed, that a cruel slaughter was made of the Romans 100 1.127; and that the streets of the city were filled with dead bodies, which re|mained without burial during the general con|sternation. The despair of the citizens was some|times converted into fury; and whenever the Barbarians were provoked by opposition, they extended the promiscuous massacre to the feeble, the innocent, and the helpless. The private

revenge of forty thousand slaves was exercised without pity or remorse; and the ignominious lashes, which they had formerly received, were washed away in the blood of the guilty, or ob|noxious, families. The matrons and virgins of Rome were exposed to injuries more dreadful, in the apprehension of chastity, than death itself; and the ecclesiastical historian has selected an example of female virtue, for the admiration of future ages 101 1.128. A Roman lady, of singular beauty and orthodox faith, had excited the impatient desires of a young Goth, who, according to the sagacious remark of Sozomen, was attached to the Arian heresy. Exasperated by her obstinate resistance, he drew his sword, and, with the anger of a lover, slightly wounded her neck. The bleeding heroine still continued to brave his re|sentment, and to repel his love, till the ravisher desisted from his unavailing efforts, respectfully conducted her to the sanctuary of the Vatican, and gave six pieces of gold to the guards of the church, on condition that they should restore her inviolate to the arms of her husband. Such in|stances of courage and generosity were not ex|tremely

common. The brutal soldiers satisfied their sensual appetites, without consulting either the inclination, or the duties, of their female captives: and a nice question of casuistry was seriously agitated, Whether those tender victims, who had inflexibly refused their consent to the violation which they sustained, had lost, by their misfortune, the glorious crown of virginity 102 1.129. There were other losses indeed of a more sub|stantial kind, and more general concern. It can|not be presumed, that all the Barbarians were at at all times capable of perpetrating such amorous outrages; and the want of youth, or beauty, or chastity, protected the greatest part of the Ro|man women from the danger of a rape. But avarice is an insatiate and universal passion; since the enjoyment of almost every object that can afford pleasure to the different tastes and tempers of mankind, may be procured by the possession of wealth. In the pillage of Rome, a just prefer|ence was given to gold and jewels, which con|tain the greatest value in the smallest compass and weight: but, after these portable riches had been removed by the more diligent robbers, the palaces of Rome were rudely stripped of their splendid

and costly furniture. The side-boards of massy plate, and the variegated wardrobes of silk and purple, were irregularly piled in the waggons, that always followed the march of a Gothic army. The most exquisite works of art were roughly handled, or wantonly destroyed: many a statue was melted for the sake of the precious materials; and many a vase, in the division of the spoil, was shivered into fragments by the stroke of a battle|axe. The acquisition of riches served only to stimulate the avarice of the rapacious Barbarians, who proceeded, by threats, by blows, and by tor|tures, to force from their prisoners the confession of hidden treasure 103 1.130. Visible splendour and ex|pence were alleged as the proof of a plentiful fortune: the appearance of poverty was imputed to a parsimonious disposition; and the obstinacy of some misers, who endured the most cruel tor|ments before they would discover the secret object of their affection, was fatal to many un|happy wretches, who expired under the lash, for refusing to reveal their imaginary trea|sures. The edifices of Rome, though the da|mage has been much exaggerated, received some injury from the violence of the Goths. At their entrance through the Salarian gate, they fired the adjacent houses to guide their march, and to distract the attention of the citizens: the flames,

which encountered no obstacle in the disorder of the night, consumed many private and public buildings; and the ruins of the palace of Sal|lust 104 1.131 remained, in the age of Justinian, a stately monument of the Gothic conflagration 105 1.132. Yet a contemporary historian has observed, that fire could scarcely consume the enormous beams of solid brass, and that the strength of man was in|sufficient to subvert the foundations of ancient structures. Some truth may possibly be conceal|ed in his devout assertion, that the wrath of Heaven supplied the imperfections of hostile rage; and that the proud Forum of Rome, decorated with the statues of so many gods and heroes, was levelled in the dust by the stroke of lightning 106 1.133.

Whatever might be the numbers, of equestrian, or plebeian rank, who perished in the massacre of Rome, it is confidently affirmed, that only one * 1.134 senator lost his life by the sword of the enemy 107 1.135. But it was not easy to compute the multitudes, who, from an honourable station, and a prosper|ous fortune, were suddenly reduced to the miser|able condition of captives and exiles. As the Barbarians had more occasion for money than for slaves, they fixed, at a moderate price, the re|demption of their indigent prisoners; and the ransom was often paid by the benevolence of their friends, or the charity of strangers 108 1.136. The captives, who were regularly sold, either in open market, or by private contract, would have le|gally regained their native freedom, which it was impossible for a citizen to lose, or to alienate 109 1.137. But as it was soon discovered, that the vindication of their liberty would endanger their lives; and that the Goths, unless they were tempted to sell, might be provoked to murder, their useless pri|soners; the civil jurisprudence had been already qualified by a wise regulation, that they should be

obliged to serve the moderate term of five years, till they had discharged by their labour the price of their redemption 110 1.138. The nations who in|vaded the Roman empire, had driven before them, into Italy, whole troops of hungry and affrighted provincials, less apprehensive of servi|tude than of famine. The calamities of Rome and Italy dispersed the inhabitants to the most lonely, the most secure, the most distant places of refuge. While the Gothic cavalry spread ter|ror and desolation along the sea-coast of Cam|pania and Tuscany, the little island of Igilium, separated by a narrow channel from the Argen|tarian promontory, repulsed, or eluded, their hostile attempts; and at so small a distance from Rome, great numbers of citizens were securely concealed in the thick woods of that sequestered spot 111 1.139. The ample patrimonies, which many

senatorian families possessed in Africa, invited them, if they had time, and prudence, to escape from the ruin of their country; to embrace the shelter of that hospitable province. The most il|lustrious of these fugitives was the noble and pious Proba 112 1.140, the widow of the praefect Petronius. After the death of her husband, the most power|ful subject of Rome, she had remained at the head of the Anician family, and successively supplied, from her private fortune, the expence of the con|sulships of her three sons. When the city was besieged and taken by the Goths, Proba sup|ported, with Christian resignation, the loss of im|mense riches; embarked in a small vessel, from whence she beheld, at sea, the flames of her burning palace, and fled with her daughter Laeta, and her grand-daughter, the celebrated virgin, Demetrias, to the coast of Africa. The benevo|lent profusion with which the matron distributed the fruits, or the price, of her estates, contributed to alleviate the misfortunes of exile and captivity. But even the family of Proba herself was not ex|empt from the rapacious oppression of Count Heraclian, who basely sold, in matrimonial pro|stitution,

the noblest maidens of Rome, to the lust or avarice of the Syrian merchants. The Italian fugitives were dispersed through the provinces, along the coast of Egypt and Asia, as far as Con|stantinople and Jerusalem; and the village of Bethlem, the solitary residence of St. Jerom and his female converts, was crowded with illus|trious beggars of either sex, and every age, who excited the public compassion by the remembrance of their past fortune 113 1.141. This awful catastrophe of Rome filled the astonished empire with grief and terror. So interesting a contrast of greatness and ruin, disposed the fond credulity of the people to deplore, and even to exaggerate, the afflictions of the queen of cities. The clergy, who applied to recent events the lofty metaphors of Oriental prophecy, were sometimes tempted to confound the destruction of the capital, and the dissolution of the globe.

There exists in human nature a strong propensity * 1.142 to depreciate the advantages, and to magnify the evils, of the present times. Yet, when the first emotions had subsided, and a fair estimate was made of the real damage, the more learned and judicious contemporaries were forced to confess, that infant Rome had formerly received more es|sential injury from the Gauls, than she had now sustained from the Goths in her declining age 114 1.143.

The experience of eleven centuries has enabled posterity to produce a much more singular paral|lel; and to affirm with confidence, that the ra|vages of the Barbarians, whom Alaric had led from the banks of the Danube, were less destruc|tive, than the hostilities exercised by the troops of Charles the Fifth, a Catholic prince, who styled himself Emperor of the Romans 115 1.144. The Goths evacuated the city at the end of six days, but Rome remained above nine months in the pos|session of the Imperialists; and every hour was stained by some atrocious act of cruelty, lust, and rapine. The authority of Alaric preserved some order and moderation among the ferocious multitude, which acknowledged him for their leader and king: but the constable of Bourbon had gloriously fallen in the attack of the walls; and the death of the general removed every re|straint of discipline, from an army which con|sisted of three independent nations, the Italians, the Spaniards, and the Germans. In the begin|ning

of the sixteenth century, the manners of Italy exhibited a remarkable scene of the depravity of mankind. They united the sanguinary crimes that prevail in an unsettled state of society, with the polished vices which spring from the abuse of art and luxury: and the loose adventurers, who had violated every prejudice of patriotism and superstition to assault the palace of the Roman pontiff, must deserve to be considered as the most profligate of the Italians. At the same aera, the Spaniards were the terror both of the Old and New World: but their high-spirited valour was disgraced by gloomy pride, rapacious avarice, and unrelenting cruelty. Indefatigable in the pursuit of fame and riches, they had improved, by repeated practice, the most exquisite and ef|fectual methods of torturing their prisoners: many of the Castillans, who pillaged Rome, were familiars of the holy inquisition; and some vo|lunteers, perhaps, were lately returned from the conquest of Mexico. The Germans were less cor|rupt than the Italians, less cruel than the Spa|niards; and the rustic, or even savage, aspect of those Tramontane warriors, often disguised a simple and merciful disposition. But they had imbibed, in the first fervour of the reformation, the spirit, as well as the principles, of Luther. It was their favourite amusement to insult, or destroy, the consecrated objects of Catholic superstition: they indulged, without pity, or remorse, a devout hatred against the clergy of every denomination and degree, who form so considerable a part of

the inhabitants of modern Rome; and their fa|natic zeal might aspire to subvert the throne of Antichrist, to purify, with blood and fire, the abominations of the spiritual Babylon 116 1.145

The retreat of the victorious Goths, who eva|cuated * 1.146 Rome on the sixth day 117 1.147, might be the re|sult of prudence; but it was not surely the effect of fear 118 1.148. At the head of an army, encumbered with rich and weighty spoils, their intrepid leader advanced along the Appian way into the southern provinces of Italy, destroying whatever dared to oppose his passage, and contenting himself with the plunder of the unresisting country. The fate of Capua, the proud and luxurious metropolis of Campania, and which was respected, even in its decay, as the eighth city of the empire 119 1.149, is bu|ried in oblivion; whilst the adjacent town of Nola 120 1.150 has been illustrated, on this occasion, by

the sanctity of Paulinus 121 1.151, who was successively a consul, a monk, and a bishop. At the age of forty, he renounced the enjoyment of wealth and honour, of society and literature, to embrace a life of solitude and pennance; and the loud ap|plause of the clergy encouraged him to despise the reproaches of his worldly friends, who ascribed this desperate act to some disorder of the mind or body 122 1.152. An early and passionate attachment de|termined him to fix his humble dwelling in one of the suburbs of Nola, near the miraculous tomb of St. Faelix, which the public devotion had al|ready surrounded with five large and populous churches. The remains of his fortune, and of his understanding, were dedicated to the service of the glorious martyr; whose praise, on the day of his festival, Paulinus never failed to celebrate by a solemn hymn; and in whose name he erected a sixth church, of superior elegance and beauty, which was decorated with many curious pictures, from the History of the Old and New Testament. Such assiduous zeal secured the favour of the saint 123 1.153, or at least of the people; and, after

fifteen years retirement, the Roman consul was compelled to accept the bishopric of Nola, a few months before the city was invested by the Goths. During the siege, some religious persons were satisfied that they had seen, either in dreams or visions, the divine form of their tutelar patron; yet it soon appeared by the event, that Faelix wanted power, or inclination, to preserve the flock, of which he had formerly been the shep|herd. Nola was not saved from the general de|vastation 124 1.154; and the captive bishop was pro|tected only by the general opinion of his inno|cence and poverty. Above four years elapsed from the successful invasion of Italy by the arms of Alaric, to the voluntary retreat of the Goths under the conduct of his successor Adolphus; * 1.155 and, during the whole time, they reigned with|out controul over a country, which, in the opinion of the ancients, had united all the various excel|lencies of nature and art. The prosperity, in|deed, which Italy had attained in the auspicious age of the Antonines, had gradually declined with the decline of the empire. The fruits of a long peace perished under the rude grasp of the Barbarians; and they themselves were incapable of tasting the more elegant refinements of luxury, which had been prepared for the use of the soft and polished Italians. Each soldier, however, claimed an ample portion of the substantial plenty,

the corn and cattle, oil and wine, that was daily collected, and consumed, in the Gothic camp; and the principal warriors insulted the villas, and gardens, once inhabited by Lucullus and Cicero, along the beauteous coast of Campania. Their trembling captives, the sons and daughters of Roman senators, presented, in goblets of gold and gems, large draughts of Falernian wine, to the haughty victors; who stretched their huge limbs under the shade of plane-trees 125 1.156, artificially disposed to exclude the scorching rays, and to admit the genial warmth, of the sun. These delights were enhanced by the memory of past hardships: the comparison of their native soil, the bleak and barren hills of Scythia, and the frozen banks of the Elbe, and Danube, added new charms to the felicity of the Italian climate 126 1.157.

Whether fame, or conquest, or riches, were the object of Alaric, he pursued that object with an indefatigable ardour, which could neither be * 1.158 quelled by adversity, nor satiated by success. No sooner had he reached the extreme land of Italy, than he was attracted by the neighbouring pro|spect of a fertile and peaceful island. Yet even the possession of Sicily, he considered only as an intermediate step to the important expedition, which he already meditated against the continent of Africa. The streights of Rhegium and Mes|sina 127 1.159 are twelve miles in length, and, in the narrowest passage, about one mile and a half broad; and the fabulous monsters of the deep, the rocks of Scylla, and the whirlpool of Charib|dis, could terrify none but the most timid and un|skilful mariners. Yet as soon as the first division of the Goths had embarked, a sudden tempest arose, which sunk, or scattered, many of the trans|ports; their courage was daunted by the terrors of a new element; and the whole design was de|feated by the premature death of Alaric, which fixed, after a short illness, the fatal term of his conquests. The ferocious character of the Bar|barians was displayed, in the funeral of a hero, whose valour, and fortune, they celebrated with mournful applause. By the labour of a captive multitude, they forcibly diverted the course of

the Busentinus, a small river that washes the walls of Consentia. The royal sepulchre, adorned with the splendid spoils, and trophies, of Rome, was constructed in the vacant bed; the waters were then restored to their natural channel; and the secret spot, where the remains of Alaric had been deposited, was for ever concealed by the inhuman massacre of the prisoners, who had been employed to execute the work 128 1.160.

The personal animosities, and hereditary feuds, * 1.161 of the Barbarians, were suspended by the strong necessity of their affairs; and the brave Adolphus, the brother-in-law of the deceased monarch, was unanimously elected to succeed to his throne. The character and political system of the new king of the Goths, may be best understood from his own conversation with an illustrious citizen of Narbonne; who afterwards, in a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, related it to St. Jerom, in the presence of the historian Orosius.

"In the full confidence of valour and victory, I once aspired (said Adolphus) to change the face of the uni|verse; to obliterate the name of Rome; to erect on its ruins the dominion of the Goths; and to acquire, like Augustus, the immortal fame of the founder of a new empire. By re|peated experiments, I was gradually convinced, that laws are essentially necessary to maintain and regulate a well-constituted state; and that the fierce untractable humour of the Goths was incapable of bearing the salutary yoke of

laws, and civil government. From that mo|ment I proposed to myself a different object of glory and ambition; and it is now my sincere wish, that the gratitude of future ages should acknowledge the merit of a stranger, who em|ployed the sword of the Goths, not to subvert, but to restore and maintain, the prosperity of the Roman empire 129 1.162."

With these pacific views, the successor of Alaric suspended the ope|rations of war; and seriously negociated with the Imperial court a treaty of friendship and alliance. It was the interest of the ministers of Honorius, who were now released from the obligation of their extravagant oath, to deliver Italy from the intolerable weight of the Gothic powers; and they readily accepted their service against the tyrants and Barbarians, who infested the pro|vinces beyond the Alps 130 1.163. Adolphus, assuming the character of a Roman general, directed his march from the extremity of Campania to the southern provinces of Gaul. His troops, either by force or agreement, immediately occupied the cities of Narbonne, Thoulouse, and Bourdeaux; and though they were repulsed by Count Boni|face from the walls of Marseilles, they soon ex|tended

their quarters from the Mediterranean to the Ocean. The oppressed provincials might exclaim, that the miserable remnant, which the enemy had spared, was cruelly ravished by their pretended allies; yet some specious colours were not wanting to palliate, or justify, the violence of the Goths. The cities of Gaul, which they attacked, might perhaps be considered as in a state of rebellion against the government of Ho|norius: the articles of the treaty, or the secret instructions of the court, might sometimes be alleged in favour of the seeming usurpations of Adolphus; and the guilt of any irregular, un|successful, act of hostility, might always be im|puted, with an appearance of truth, to the un|governable spirit of a Barbarian host, impatient of peace or discipline. The luxury of Italy had been less effectual to soften the temper, than to relax the courage, of the Goths; and they had imbibed the vices, without imitating the arts and institutions, of civilised society 131 1.164.

The professions of Adolphus were probably sin|cere, and his attachment to the cause of the re|public * 1.165 was secured by the ascendant which a Ro|man princess had acquired over the heart and un|derstanding of the Barbarian king. Placidia 132 1.166,

the daughter of the great Theodosius, and of Galla, his second wife, had received a royal edu|cation in the palace of Constantinople; but the eventful story of her life is connected with the re|volutions which agitated the Western empire un|der the reign of her brother Honorius. When Rome was first invested by the arms of Alaric, Placidia, who was then about twenty years of age, resided in the city; and her ready consent to the death of her cousin Serena, has a cruel and un|grateful appearance, which, according to the cir|cumstances of the action, may be aggravated, or excused, by the consideration of her tender age 133 1.167. The victorious Barbarians detained, either as a hostage or a captive 134 1.168, the sister of Honorius; but, while she was exposed to the disgrace of fol|lowing round Italy the motions of a Gothic camp, she experienced, however, a decent and respect|ful treatment. The authority of Jornandes, who praises the beauty of Placidia, may perhaps be counterbalanced by the silence, the expressive silence, of her flatterers: yet the splendour of her birth, the bloom of youth, the elegance of man|ners, and the dexterous insinuation which she condescended to employ, made a deep impression on the mind of Adolphus; and the Gothic king aspired to call himself the brother of the emperor. The ministers of Honorius rejected with disdain the proposal of an alliance, so injurious to every

sentiment of Roman pride; and repeatedly urged the restitution of Placidia, as an indispensable condition of the treaty of peace. But the daugh|ter of Theodosius submitted, without reluctance, to the desires of the conqueror, a young and va|liant prince, who yielded to Alaric in loftiness of stature, but who excelled in the more attractive qualities of grace and beauty. The marriage of Adolphus and Placidia 135 1.169 was consummated be|fore the Goths retired from Italy; and the solemn, perhaps the anniversary, day of their nuptials was afterwards celebrated in the house of Ingenuus, one of the most illustrious citizens of Narbonne in Gaul. The bride, attired and adorned like a a Roman empress, was placed on a throne of state; and the king of the Goths, who assumed, on this occasion, the Roman habit, contented himself with a less honourable seat by her side. The nuptial gift, which, according to the custom of his nation 136 1.170, was offered to Placidia, consisted

of the rare and magnificent spoils of her country. Fifty beautiful youths, in silken robes, carried a bason in each hand; and one of these basons was filled with pieces of gold, the other with precious stones of an inestimable value. Attalus, so long the sport of fortune, and of the Goths, was ap|pointed to lead the chorus of the Hymenaeal song; and the degraded emperor might aspire to the praise of a skilful musician. The Barbarians enjoyed the insolence of their triumph; and the provincials rejoiced in this alliance, which tem|pered, by the mild influence of love and reason, the fierce spirit of their Gothic lord 137 1.171.

The hundred basons of gold and gems, pre|sented * 1.172 to Placidia at her nuptial feast, formed an inconsiderable portion of the Gothic treasures; of which some extraordinary specimens may be se|lected from the history of the successors of Adol|phus. Many curious and costly ornaments of pure gold, enriched with jewels, were found in their palace of Narbonne, when it was pillaged, in the sixth century, by the Franks: sixty cups, or chalices; fifteen patens, or plates, for the use of the communion; twenty boxes, or cases, to hold the books of the gospels; this consecrated

wealth 138 1.173 was distributed by the son of Clovis among the churches of his dominions, and his pious liberality seems to upbraid some former sa|crilege of the Goths. They possessed, with more security of conscience, the famous missorium, or great dish for the service of the table, of massy gold, of the weight of five hundred pounds, and of far superior value, from the precious stones, the exquisite workmanship, and the tradition, that it had been presented by Aetius the patrician, to Torismond king of the Goths. One of the successors of Torismond purchased the aid of the French monarch by the promise of this magnifi|cent gift. When he was seated on the throne of Spain, he delivered it with reluctance to the am|bassadors of Dagobert; despoiled them on the road; stipulated, after a long negociation, the inadequate ransom of two hundred thousand pieces of gold; and preserved the missorium, as the pride of the Gothic treasury 139 1.174. When that treasury, after the conquest of Spain, was plun|dered by the Arabs, they admired, and they

have celebrated, another object still more re|markable; a table of considerable size, of one single piece of solid emerald 140 1.175, encircled with three rows of fine pearls, supported by three hun|dred and sixty-five feet of gems and massy gold, and estimated at the price of five hun|dred thousand pieces of gold 141 1.176. Some por|tion of the Gothic treasures might be the gift of friendship, or the tribute of obedience: but the far greater part had been the fruits of war and rapine, the spoils of the empire, and perhaps of Rome.

After the deliverance of Italy from the oppres|sion * 1.177 of the Goths, some secret counsellor was per|mitted, amidst the factions of the palace, to heal the wounds of that afflicted country 142 1.178. By a wise and humane regulation, the eight provinces which had been the most deeply injured, Cam|pania, Tuscany, Picenum, Samnium, Apulia,

Calabria, Bruttium, and Lucania, obtained an indulgence of five years: the ordinary tribute was reduced to one fifth, and even that fifth was destined to restore, and support the useful institu|tion of the public posts. By another law, the lands, which had been left without inhabitants or cultivation, were granted, with some diminution of taxes, to the neighbours who should occupy, or the strangers who should solicit them; and the new possessors were secured against the future claims of the fugitive proprietors. About the same time, a general amnesty was published in the name of Honorius, to abolish the guilt and me|mory of all the involuntary offences, which had been committed by his unhappy subjects, during the term of the public disorder and calamity. A decent and respectful attention was paid to the restoration of the capital; the citizens were en|couraged to rebuild the edifices which had been destroyed or damaged by hostile fire; and extra|ordinary supplies of corn were imported from the coast of Africa. The crowds that so lately fled before the sword of the Barbarians, were soon recalled by the hopes of plenty and pleasure; and Albinus, praefect of Rome, informed the court, with some anxiety and surprise; that, in a single day, he had taken an account of the arrival of fourteen thousand strangers 143 1.179. In less than

seven years, the vestiges of the Gothic invasion were almost obliterated; and the city appeared to resume its former splendour and tranquillity. The venerable matron replaced her crown of laurel, which had been ruffled by the storms of war; and was still amused, in the last moment of her decay, with the prophecies of revenge, of victory, and of eternal dominion 144 1.180.

This apparent tranquillity was soon disturbed * 1.181 by the approach of an hostile armament from the country which afforded the daily subsistence of the Roman people. Heraclian, count of Africa, who, under the most difficult and distressful cir|cumstances, had supported, with active loyalty, the cause of Honorius, was tempted, in the year of his consulship, to assume the character of a re|bel, and the title of emperor. The ports of Africa were immediately filled with the naval forces, at the head of which he prepared to invade Italy: and his fleet, when it cast anchor at the mouth of the Tyber, indeed surpassed the fleets of Xerxes and Alexander, if all the vessels, including the royal galley, and the smallest boat, did actually amount to the incredible number of three thou|sand

two hundred 145 1.182. Yet with such an arma|ment, which might have subverted, or restored, the greatest empires of the earth, the African usurper made a very faint and feeble impression on the provinces of his rival. As he marched from the port, along the road which leads to the gates of Rome, he was encountered, terrifled, and routed, by one of the Imperial captains; and the lord of this mighty host, deserting his for|tune and his friends, ignominiously fled with a single ship 146 1.183. When Heraclian landed in the harbour of Carthage, he found that the whole province, disdaining such an unworthy ruler, had returned to their allegiance. The rebel was be|headed in the ancient temple of Memory; his consulship was abolished 147 1.184; and the remains of his private fortune, not exceeding the moderate sum of four thousand pounds of gold, were granted to the brave Constantius, who had already defended the throne, which he afterwards shared with his feeble sovereign. Honorius viewed, with supine indifference, the calamities of Rome

nd Italy 148 1.185; but the rebellious attempts of At|talus and Heraclian, against his personal safety, awakened, for a moment, the torpid instinct of his nature. He was probably ignorant of the causes and events which preserved him from these impending dangers; and as Italy was no longer invaded by any foreign or domestic enemies, he peaceably existed in the palace of Ravenna, while the tyrants beyond the Alps were repeatedly van|quished in the name, and by the lieutenants, of the son of Theodosius 149 1.186. In the course of a busy and interesting narrative, I might possibly forget to mention the death of such a prince: and I shall therefore take the precaution of observing, in this place, that he survived the last siege of Rome about thirteen years.

The usurpation of Constantine, who received * 1.187 the purple from the legions of Britain, had been successful; and seemed to be secure. His title was acknowledged, from the wall of Antoninus to the columns of Hercules; and, in the midst

of the public disorder, he shared the dominion, and the plunder, of Gaul and Spain; with the tribes of Barbarians, whose destructive progress was no longer checked by the Rhine or Pyrenees. Stained with the blood of the kinsmen of Hono|rius, he extorted, from the court of Ravenna, with which he secretly corresponded, the ratifica|tion of his rebellious claims. Constantine en|gaged himself, by a solemn promise, to deliver Italy from the Goths; advanced as far as the banks of the Po; and after alarming, rather than assisting, his pusillanimous ally, hastily returned to the palace of Arles, to celebrate, with intemperate luxury, his vain and ostentatious triumph. But this transient prosperity was soon interrupted and destroyed by the revolt of count Gerontius, the bravest of his generals; who, during the absence of his son Constans, a prince already invested with the Imperial purple, had been left to com|mand in the provinces of Spain. For some rea|son, of which we are ignorant, Gerontius, instead of assuming the diadem, placed it on the head of his friend Maximus, who fixed his residence at Tarragona, while the active count pressed for|wards, through the Pyrenees, to surprise the two emperors, Constantine and Constans, before they could prepare for their defence. The son was made prisoner at Vienna, and immediately put to death; and the unfortunate youth had scarcely leisure to deplore the elevation of his family; which had tempted, or compelled him, sacrile|giously to desert the peaceful obscurity of the mo|nastic life. The father maintained a siege within

the walls of Arles; but those walls must have yielded to the assailants, had not the city been unexpectedly relieved by the approach of an Ita|lian army. The name of Honorius, the procla|mation of a lawful emperor, astonished the con|tending parties of the rebels. Gerontius, aban|doned by his own troops, escaped to the confines of Spain; and rescued his name from oblivion, by the Roman courage which appeared to ani|mate the last moments of his life. In the middle of the night, a great body of his perfidious sol|diers surrounded, and attacked his house, which he had strongly barricaded. His wife, a valiant friend of the nation of the Alani, and some faith|ful slaves, were still attached to his person; and he used, with so much skill and resolution, a large magazine of darts and arrows, that above three hundred of the assailants lost their lives in the attempt. His slaves, when all the missile weapons were spent, fled at the dawn of day; and Gerontius, if he had not been restrained by conjugal tenderness, might have imitated their example; till the soldiers, provoked by such ob|stinate resistance, applied fire on all sides to the house. In this fatal extremity, he complied with the request of his Barbarian friend, and cut off his head. The wife of Gerontius, who conjured him not to abandon her to a life of misery and disgrace, eagerly presented her neck to his sword; and the tragic scene was terminated by the death of the count himself, who, after three ineffectual strokes, drew a short dagger, and sheathed it in

his heart 150 1.188. The unprotected Maximus, whom he had invested with the purple, was indebted for his life to the contempt that was entertained of his power and abilities. The caprice of the Barbarians, who ravaged Spain, once more seated this Imperial phantom on the throne: but they soon resigned him to the justice of Honorius; and the tyrant Maximus, after he had been shewn to the people of Ravenna and Rome, was publicly executed.

The general, Constantius was his name, who * 1.189 raised by his approach the siege of Arles, and dissipated the troops of Gerontius, was born a Roman: and this remarkable distinction is strongly expressive of the decay of military spirit among the subjects of the empire. The strength and majesty which were conspicuous in the per|son of that general 151 1.190, marked him, in the po|pular opinion, as a candidate worthy of the throne, which he afterwards ascended. In the familiar intercourse of private life, his manners were cheerful and engaging: nor would he sometimes disdain, in the licence of convivial mirth, to vie

with the pantomimes themselves, in the exercises of their ridiculous profession. But when the trumpet summoned him to arms; when he mounted his horse, and, bending down (for such was his singular practice) almost upon the neck, fiercely rolled his large animated eyes round the field, Constantius then struck terror into his foes, and inspired his soldiers with the assurance of victory. He had received from the court of Ra|venna the important commission of extirpating rebellion in the provinces of the West; and the pretended emperor Constantine, after enjoying a short and anxious respite, was again besieged in his capital by the arms of a more formidable enemy. Yet this interval allowed time for a successful negociation with the Franks and Ale|manni; and his ambassador, Edobic, soon re|turned, at the head of an army, to disturb the operations of the siege of Arles. The Roman general, instead of expecting the attack in his lines, boldly, and perhaps wisely, resolved to pass the Rhône, and to meet the Barbarians. His measures were conducted with so much skill and secrecy, that, while they engaged the infantry of Constantius in the front, they were suddenly at|tacked, surrounded, and destroyed by the cavalry of his lieutenant Ulphilas, who had silently gained an advantageous post in their rear. The remains of the army of Edobic were preserved by flight or submission, and their leader escaped from the field of battle to the house of a faithless friend; who too clearly understood, that the head of his

obnoxious guest would be an acceptable and lu|crative present for the Imperial general. On this occasion, Constantius behaved with the magna|nimity of a genuine Roman. Subduing, or sup|pressing, every sentiment of jealousy, he publicly acknowledged the merit and services of Ulphilas: but he turned with horror from the assassin of Edobic; and sternly intimated his commands, that the camp should no longer be polluted by the presence of an ungrateful wretch, who had violated the laws of friendship and hospitality. The usurper, who beheld, from the walls of Arles, the ruin of his last hopes, was tempted to place some confidence in so generous a conqueror. He required a solemn promise for his security; and after receiving, by the imposition of hands, the sacred character of a Christian Presbyter, he ven|tured to open the gates of the city. But he soon experienced, that the principles of honour and integrity, which might regulate the ordinary conduct of Constantius, were superseded by the loose doctrines of political morality. The Ro|man * 1.191 general, indeed, refused to sully his laurels with the blood of Constantine; but the abdicated emperor, and, his son Julian, were sent under a strong guard into Italy; and before they reached the palace of Ravenna, they met the ministers of death.

At a time when it was universally confessed, * 1.192 that almost every man in the empire was superior in personal merit to the princes whom the acci|dent of their birth had seated on the throne, a

rapid succession of usurpers, regardless of the fate of their predecessors, still continued to arise. This mischief was peculiarly felt in the provinces of Spain and Gaul, where the principles of order and obedience had been extinguished by war and rebellion. Before Constantine resigned the pur|ple, and in the fourth month of the siege of Arles, intelligence was received in the Imperial camp, that Jovinus had assumed the diadem at Mentz, in the Upper Germany, at the instigation of Goar, king of the Alani, and of Guntiarius, king of the Burgundians; and that the candidate, on whom they had bestowed the empire, ad|vanced, with a formidable host of Barbarians, from the banks of the Rhine to those of the Rhône. Every circumstance is dark and extraor|dinary in the short history of the reign of Jovinus. It was natural to expect, that a brave and skilful general, at the head of a victorious army, would have asserted, in a field of battle, the justice of the cause of Honorius. The hasty retreat of Constantius might be justified by weighty rea|sons; but he resigned, without a struggle, the possession of Gaul: and Dardanus, the Praetorian praefect, is recorded as the only magistrate, who refused to yield obedience to the usurper 152 1.193.

When the Goths, two years after the siege of Rome, established their quarters in Gaul, it was natural to suppose that their inclinations could be divided only between the emperor Honorius, with whom they had formed a recent alliance, and the degraded Attalus, whom they reserved in their camp for the occasional purpose of acting the part of a musician or a monarch. Yet in a moment of disgust (for which it is not easy to as|sign a cause, or a date), Adolphus connected himself with the usurper of Gaul; and imposed on Attalus the ignominious task of negociating the treaty, which ratified his own disgrace. We are again surprised to read, that, instead of con|sidering the Gothic alliance as the firmest support of his throne, Jovinus upbraided, in dark and ambiguous language, the officious importunity of Attalus; that, scorning the advice of his great ally, he invested with the purple his brother Se|bastian; and that he most imprudently accepted the service of Sarus, when that gallant chief, the soldier of Honorius, was provoked to desert the court of a prince, who knew not how to reward, or punish. Adolphus, educated among a race of warriors, who esteemed the duty of revenge as the most precious and sacred portion of their in|heritance, advanced with a body of ten thousand Goths to encounter the hereditary enemy of the house of Balti. He attacked Sarus at an un|guarded moment, when he was accompanied only by eighteen or twenty of his valiant followers. United by friendship, animated by despair, but

at length oppressed by multitudes, this band of heroes deserved the esteem, without exciting the compassion, of their enemies; and the lion was no sooner taken in the toils 153 1.194, than he was in|stantly dispatched. The death of Sarus dissolved the loose alliance which Adolphus still maintained with the usurpers of Gaul. He again listened to the dictates of love and prudence; and soon sa|tisfied the brother of Placidia, by the assurance that he would immediately transmit, to the pa|lace of Ravenna, the heads of the two tyrants, Jovinus and Sebastian. The king of the Goths executed his promise without difficulty or delay: the helpless brothers, unsupported by any per|sonal merit, were abandoned by their Barbarian auxiliaries; and the short opposition of Valentia was expiated by the ruin of one of the noblest cities of Gaul. The emperor, chosen by the Roman senate, who had been promoted, de|graded, insulted, restored, again degraded, and again insulted, was finally abandoned to his fate: but when the Gothic king withdrew his protec|tion, he was restrained, by pity or contempt, from offering any violence to the person of At|talus. The unfortunate Attalus, who was left without subjects or allies, embarked in one of the ports of Spain, in search of some secure and so|litary

retreat: but he was intercepted at sea, con|ducted to the presence of Honorius, led in tri|umph through the streets of Rome or Ravenna, and publicly exposed to the gazing multitude, on the second step of the throne of his invincible conqueror. The same measure of punishment, with which, in the days of his prosperity, he was accused of menacing his rival, was inflicted on Attalus himself: he was condemned, after the amputation of two fingers, to a perpetual exile in the isle of Lipari, where he was supplied with the decent necessaries of life. The remainder of the reign of Honorius was undisturbed by rebel|lion; and it may be observed, that, in the space of five years, seven usurpers had yielded to the fortune of a prince, who was himself incapable either of counsel or of action.

The situation of Spain, separated, on all sides, * 1.195 from the enemies of Rome, by the sea, by the mountains, and by intermediate provinces, had secured the long tranquillity of that remote and sequestered country; and we may observe, as a sure symptom of domestic happiness, that, in a period of four hundred years, Spain furnished very few materials to the history of the Roman empire. The footsteps of the Barbarians, who, in the reign of Gallienus, had penetrated beyond the Pyrenees, were soon obliterated by the return of peace; and in the fourth century of the Chris|tian aera, the cities of Emerita or Merida, of Corduba, Seville, Bracara, and Tarragona, were numbered with the most illustrious of the Roman

world. The various plenty of the animal, the vegetable, and the mineral kingdoms, was im|proved and manufactured by the skill of an in|dustrious people; and the peculiar advantages of naval stores contributed to support an extensive and profitable trade 154 1.196. The arts and sciences flourished under the protection of the emperors; and if the character of the Spaniards was enfee|bled by peace and servitude, the hostile approach of the Germans, who had spread terror and de|solation from the Rhine to the Pyrenees, seemed to rekindle some sparks of military ardour. As long as the defence of the mountains was en|trusted to the hardy and faithful militia of the country, they successfully repelled the frequent attempts of the Barbarians. But no sooner had the national troops been compelled to resign their post to the Honorian bands, in the service of Constantine; than the gates of Spain were trea|cherously betrayed to the public enemy, about ten months before the sack of Rome by the Goths 155 1.197. The consciousness of guilt, and the

thirst of rapine, prompted the mercenary guards of the Pyrenees to desert their station; to invite the arms of the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Alani; and to swell the torrent which was poured with irresistible violence from the frontiers of Gaul to the sea of Africa. The misfortunes of Spain may be described in the language of its most eloquent historian, who has concisely ex|pressed the passionate, and perhaps exaggerated, declamations of contemporary writers 156 1.198.

"The irruption of these nations was followed by the most dreadful calamities: as the Barbarians exercised their indiscriminate cruelty on the fortunes of the Romans and the Spaniards; and ravaged with equal fury the cities and the open country. The progress of famine re|duced the miserable inhabitants to feed on the flesh of their fellow-creatures; and even the wild beasts, who multiplied, without controul, in the desert, were exasperated, by the taste of blood, and the impatience of hunger, boldly to attack and devour their human prey. Pes|tilence soon appeared, the inseparable compa|nion of famine; a large proportion of the peo|ple was swept away; and the groans of the dying excited only the envy of their surviving friends. At length the Barbarians, satiated with carnage and rapine, and afflicted by the contagious evils which they themselves had introduced, fixed their permanent seats in the

depopulated country. The ancient Gallicia, whose limits included the kingdom of Old Castille, was divided between the Suevi and the Vandals; the Alani were scattered over the provinces of Carthagena and Lusitania, from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic Ocean; and the fruitful territory of Boetica was allotted to the Silingi, another branch of the Vandalic nation. After regulating this partition, the conquerors contracted with their new subjects some reciprocal engagements of protection and obedience: the lands were again cultivated; and the towns and villages were again oc|cupied by a captive people. The greatest part of the Spaniards was even disposed to prefer this new condition of poverty and bar|barism, to the severe oppressions of the Roman government: yet there were many who still asserted their native freedom; and who refused, more especially in the mountains of Gallicia, to submit to the Barbarian yoke 157 1.199."

The important present of the heads of Jovinus and Sebastian, had approved the friendship of * 1.200 Adolphus, and restored Gaul to the obedience of his brother Honorius. Peace was incompatible with the situation and temper of the king of the Goths. He readily accepted the proposal of turn|ing his victorious arms against the Barbarians of

Spain: the troops of Constantius intercepted his communication with the sea-ports of Gaul, and gently pressed his march towards the Pyrenees 158 1.201: he passed the mountains, and surprised, in the name of the emperor, the city of Barcelona. The fondness of Adolphus for his Roman bride, was not abated by time or possession; and the birth of a son, surnamed, from his illustrious grand|sire, Theodosius, appeared to fix him for ever in the interest of the republic. The loss of that in|fant, whose remains were deposited in a silver coffin in one of the churches near Barcelona, af|flicted his parents; but the grief of the Gothic king was suspended by the labours of the field; and the course of his victories was soon inter|rupted by domestic treason. He had imprudently received into his service one of the followers of Sarus; a Barbarian of a daring spirit, but of a diminutive stature; whose secret desire of reveng|ing the death of his beloved patron, was conti|nually irritated by the sarcasms of his insolent * 1.202 master. Adolphus was assassinated in the palace of Barcelona; the laws of the succession were vio|lated by a tumultuous faction 159 1.203; and a stranger to the royal race, Singeric, the brother of Sarus himself, was seated on the Gothic throne. The

first act of his reign was the inhuman murder of the six children of Adolphus, the issue of a for|mer marriage, whom he tore, without pity, from the feeble arms of a venerable bishop 160 1.204. The unfortunate Placidia, instead of the respectful compassion, which she might have excited in the most savage breasts, was treated with cruel and wanton insult. The daughter of the emperor Theodosius, confounded among a crowd of vul|gar captives, was compelled to march on foot above twelve miles, before the horse of a Bar|barian, the assassin of an husband whom Placidia loved and lamented 161 1.205.

But Placidia soon obtained the pleasure of re|venge * 1.206; and the view of her ignominious suffer|ings might rouse an indignant people against the tyrant, who was assassinated on the seventh day of his usurpation. After the death of Singeric, the free choice of the nation bestowed the Gothic sceptre on Wallia; whose warlike and ambitious temper appeared, in the beginning of his reign, extremely hostile to the republic. He marched, in arms, from Barcelona to the shores of the At|lantic Ocean, which the ancients revered and dreaded as the boundary of the world. But when he reached the Southern promontory of

Spain 162 1.207, and, from the rock now covered by the fortress of Gibraltar, contemplated the neigh|bouring and fertile coast of Africa, Wallia re|sumed the designs of conquest, which had been interrupted by the death of Alaric. The winds and waves again disappointed the enterprise of the Goths; and the minds of a superstitious people were deeply affected by the repeated disasters of storms and shipwrecks. In this disposition, the successor of Adolphus no longer refused to listen to a Roman ambassador, whose proposals were enforced by the real, or supposed, approach of a numerous army, under the conduct of the brave Constantius. A solemn treaty was stipulated and observed: Placidia was honourably restored to her brother; six hundred thousand measures of wheat were delivered to the hungry Goths 163 1.208; and Wallia engaged to draw his sword in the service of the empire. A bloody war was in|stantly excited among the Barbarians of Spain; and the contending princes are said to have ad|dressed their letters, their ambassadors, and their hostages, to the throne of the Western emperor, exhorting him to remain a tranquil spectator of their contest; the events of which must be favour|able to the Romans, by the mutual slaughter of

their common enemies 164 1.209. The Spanish war was obstinately supported, during three campaigns, with desperate valour, and various success; and the martial atchievements of Wallia diffused through the empire the superior renown of the Gothic hero. He exterminated the Silingi, who had irretrievably ruined the elegant plenty of the province of Boetica. He slew, in battle, the king of the Alani; and the remains of those Scy|thian wanderers, who escaped from the field, in|stead of chusing a new leader, humbly sought a refuge under the standard of the Vandals, with whom they were ever afterwards confounded. The Vandals themselves, and the Suevi, yielded to the efforts of the invincible Goths. The pro|miscuous multitude of Barbarians, whose retreat had been intercepted, were driven into the moun|tains of Gallicia; where they still continued, in a narrow compass, and on a barren soil, to exer|cise their domestic and implacable hostilities. In the pride of victory, Wallia was faithful to his engagements: he restored his Spanish conquests to the obedience of Honorius; and the tyranny of the Imperial officers soon reduced an oppressed people to regret the time of their Barbarian ser|vitude. While the event of the war was still doubtful, the first advantages obtained by the

arms of Wallia, had encouraged the court of Ra|venna to decree the honours of a triumph to their feeble sovereign. He entered Rome like the an|cient conquerors of nations; and if the monu|ments of servile corruption had not long since met with the fate which they deserved, we should pro|bably find that a crowd of poets, and orators, of magistrates, and bishops, applauded the fortune, the wisdom, and the invincible courage, of the emperor Honorius 165 1.210.

Such a triumph might have been justly claimed * 1.211 by the ally of Rome, if Wallia, before he repassed the Pyrenees, had extirpated the seeds of the Spanish war. His victorious Goths, forty-three years after they had passed the Danube, were established, according to the faith of treaties, in the possession of the second Aquitain; a maritime province between the Garonne and the Loire, under the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Bourdeaux. That metropolis, advantageously situated for the trade of the ocean, was built in a regular and elegant form; and its numerous in|habitants were distinguished among the Gauls by their wealth, their learning, and the politeness of their manners. The adjacent province, which has been fondly compared to the garden of Eden, is blessed with a fruitful soil, and a temperate

climate; the face of the country displayed the arts and the rewards of industry; and the Goths, after their martial toils, luxuriously exhausted the rich vineyards of Aquitain 166 1.212. The Gothic li|mits were enlarged, by the additional gift of some neighbouring dioceses; and the successors of Alaric fixed their royal residence at Thoulouse, which included five populous quarters, or cities, within the spacious circuit of its walls. About the same time, in the last years of the reign of Honorius, the GOTHS, the BURGUNDIANS, and * 1.213 the FRANKS, obtained a permanent seat and do|minion in the provinces of Gaul. The liberal grant of the usurper Jovinus to his Burgundian allies, was confirmed by the lawful emperor: the lands of the First, or Upper, Germany, were ceded to those formidable Barbarians; and they gradually occupied, either by conquest or treaty, the two provinces which still retain, with the titles of Duchy and of County, the national appel|lation of Burgundy 167 1.214. The Franks, the valiant and faithful allies of the Roman republic, were soon tempted to imitate the invaders, whom they had so bravely resisted. Treves, the capital of

Gaul, was pillaged by their lawless bands; and the humble colony, which they so long main|tained in the district of Toxandria, in Brabant, insensibly multiplied along the banks of the Meuse and Scheld, till their independent power filled the whole extent of the Second, or Lower Ger|many. These facts may be sufficiently justified by historic evidence: but the foundation of the French monarchy by Pharamond, the conquests, the laws, and even the existence, of that hero, have been justly arraigned by the impartial seve|rity of modern criticism 168 1.215.

The ruin of the opulent provinces of Gaul * 1.216 may be dated from the establishment of these Bar|barians, whose alliance was dangerous and op|pressive, and who were capriciously impelled, by interest or passion, to violate the public peace. A heavy and partial ransom was imposed on the surviving provincials, who had escaped the cala|mities of war; the fairest and most fertile lands were assigned to the rapacious strangers, for the use of their families, their slaves, and their cattle; and the trembling natives relinquished with a sigh the inheritance of their fathers. Yet these do|mestic misfortunes, which are seldom the lot of a vanquished people, had been felt and inflicted

by the Romans themselves, not only in the in|solence of foreign conquest, but in the madness of civil discord. The Triumvirs proscribed eighteen of the most flourishing colonies of Italy; and distributed their lands and houses to the ve|terans who revenged the death of Caesar, and op|pressed the liberty of their country. Two poets, of unequal fame, have deplored, in similar cir|cumstances, the loss of their patrimony; but the legionaries of Augustus appear to have surpassed, in violence and injustice, the Barbarians, who invaded Gaul, under the reign of Honorius. It was not without the utmost difficulty that Virgil escaped from the sword of the Centurion, who had usurped his farm in the neighbourhood of Mantua 169 1.217; but Paulinus of Bourdeaux received a sum of money from his Gothic purchaser, which he accepted with pleasure and surprise; and, though it was much inferior to the real value of his estate, this act of rapine was disguised by some colours of moderation and equity 170 1.218. The odious name of conquerors, was softened into the mild and friendly appellation of the guests

of the Romans; and the Barbarians of Gaul, more especially the Goths, repeatedly declared, that they were bound to the people by the ties of hospitality, and to the emperor by the duty of allegiance and military service. The title of Honorius and his successors, their laws, and their civil magistrates, were still respected in the pro|vinces of Gaul, of which they had resigned the possession to the Barbarian allies; and the kings, who exercised a supreme and independent autho|rity over their native subjects, ambitiously soli|cited the more honourable rank of master-gene|rals of the Imperial armies 171 1.219. Such was the in|voluntary reverence which the Roman name still impressed on the minds of those warriors, who had borne away in triumph the spoils of the Ca|pitol.

Whilst Italy was ravaged by the Goths, and * 1.220 a succession of feeble tyrants oppressed the pro|vinces beyond the Alps, the British island sepa|rated itself from the body of the Roman empire. The regular forces which guarded that remote province, had been gradually withdrawn; and Britain was abandoned, without defence, to the Saxon pirates, and the savages of Ireland and Caledonia. The Britons, reduced to this extre|mity, no longer relied on the tardy and doubtful aid of a declining monarchy. They assembled in arms, repelled the invaders, and rejoiced in the

important discovery of their own strength 172 1.221. Afflicted by similar calamities, and actuated by the same spirit, the Armorican provinces (a name which comprehended the maritime countries of Gaul between the Seine and the Loire 173 1.222) re|solved to imitate the example of the neighbour|ing island. They expelled the Roman magis|trates, who acted under the authority of the usurper Constantine; and a free government was established among a people who had so long been subject to the arbitrary will of a master. The independence of Britain and Armorica was soon confirmed by Honorius himself, the lawful em|peror of the West; and the letters, by which he committed to the new states the care of their own safety, might be interpreted as an absolute and perpetual abdication of the exercise and rights of sovereignty. This interpretation was, in some measure, justified by the event. After the usurpers of Gaul had successively fallen, the ma|ritime provinces were restored to the empire. Yet their obedience was imperfect and precari|ous: the vain, inconstant, rebellious disposition of the people, was incompatible either with free|dom

or servitude 174 1.223; and Armorica, though it could not long maintain the form of a republic 175 1.224, was agitated by frequent and destructive revolts. Britain was irrecoverably lost 176 1.225. But as the em|perors wisely acquiesced in the independence of a remote province, the separation was not em|bittered by the reproach of tyranny or rebellion; and the claims of allegiance and protection were succeeded by the mutual and voluntary offices of national friendship 177 1.226.

This revolution dissolved the artificial fabric * 1.227 of civil and military government; and the inde|pendent

country, during a period of forty years, till the descent of the Saxons, was ruled by the authority of the clergy, the nobles, and the mu|nicipal towns 178 1.228. I. Zosimus, who alone has pre|served the memory of this singular transaction, very accurately observes, that the letters of Honorius were addressed to the cities of Britain 179 1.229. Under the protection of the Romans, ninety-two consi|derable towns had arisen in the several parts of that great province; and, among these, thirty|three cities were distinguished above the rest by their superior privileges and importance 180 1.230. Each of these cities, as in all the other provinces of the empire, formed a legal corporation, for the pur|pose of regulating their domestic policy; and the powers of municipal government were distributed among annual magistrates, a select senate, and the assembly of the people, according to the ori|ginal model of the Roman constitution 181 1.231. The management of a common revenue, the exercise of civil and criminal jurisdiction, and the habits of public counsel and command, were inherent to these petty republics; and when they asserted

their independence, the youth of the city, and of the adjacent districts, would naturally range them|selves under the standard of the magistrate. But the desire of obtaining the advantages, and of escaping the burthens, of political society, is a perpetual and inexhaustible source of discord; nor can it reasonably be presumed, that the re|storation of British freedom was exempt from tu|mult and faction. The pre-eminence of birth and fortune must have been frequently violated by bold and popular citizens; and the haughty nobles, who complained that they were become the subjects of their own servants 182 1.232, would some|times regret the reign of an arbitrary monarch.

II. The jurisdiction of each city over the adjacent country, was supported by the patrimonial in|fluence of the principal senators; and the smaller towns, the villages, and the proprietors of land, consulted their own safety by adhering to the shelter of these rising republics. The sphere of their attraction was proportioned to the respective degrees of their wealth and populousness; but the hereditary lords of ample possessions, who were not oppressed by the neighbourhood of any powerful city, aspired to the rank of indepen|dent princes, and boldly exercised the rights of peace and war. The gardens and villas, which exhibited some faint imitation of Ita|lian elegance, would soon be converted into

strong castles, the refuge, in time of danger, of the adjacent country 183 1.233: the produce of the land was applied to purchase arms and horses; to maintain a military force of slaves, of peasants, and of licentious followers; and the chieftain might assume, within his own domain, the powers of a civil magistrate. Several of these British chiefs might be the genuine posterity of ancient kings; and many more would be tempted to adopt this honourable genealogy, and to vin|dicate their hereditary claims, which had been suspended by the usurpation of the Caesars 184 1.234. Their situation, and their hopes, would dispose them to affect the dress, the language, and the customs of their ancestors. If the princes of Britain relapsed into barbarism, while the cities studiously preserved the laws and manners of Rome, the whole island must have been gra|dually divided by the distinction of two national parties; again broken into a thousand subdivisions of war and faction, by the various provocations of interest and resentment. The public strength, instead of being united against a foreign enemy, was consumed in obscure and intestine quarrels;

and the personal merit which had placed a suc|cessful leader at the head of his equals, might enable him to subdue the freedom of some neigh|bouring cities; and to claim a rank among the tyrants 185 1.235, who infested Britain after the disso|lution of the Roman government. III. The British church might be composed of thirty or forty bishops 186 1.236, with an adequate proportion of the inferior clergy; and the want of riches (for they seem to have been poor 187 1.237) would compel them to deserve the public esteem, by a decent and exemplary behaviour. The interest, as well as the temper of the clergy, was favourable to the peace and union of their distracted country: those salutary lessons might be frequently incul|cated in their popular discourses; and the epis|copal synods were the only councils that could pretend to the weight and authority of a national assembly. In such councils, where the princes and magistrates sat promiscuously with the bishops, the important affairs of the state, as well as of the church, might be freely debated; differences reconciled, alliances formed, contributions im|posed, wise resolutions often concerted, and some|times

executed; and there is reason to believe, that, in moments of extreme danger, a Pendragon, or Dictator, was elected by the general consent of the Britons. These pastoral cares, so worthy of the episcopal character, were interrupted, how|ever, by zeal and superstition; and the British clergy incessantly laboured to eradicate the Pela|gian heresy, which they abhorred, as the peculiar disgrace of their native country 188 1.238.

It is somewhat remarkable, or rather it is ex|tremely * 1.239 natural, that the revolt of Britain and Armorica should have introduced an appearance of liberty into the obedient provinces of Gaul. In a solemn edict 189 1.240, filled with the strongest assurances of that paternal affection which princes so often express, and so seldom feel, the emperor Honorius promulgated his intention of conven|ing an annual assembly of the seven provinces: a name peculiarly appropriated to Aquitain, and the ancient Narbonnese, which had long since exchanged their Celtic rudeness for the use|ful and elegant arts of Italy 190 1.241. Arles, the seat of government and commerce, was appointed for the place of the assembly; which regularly

continued twenty-eight days, from the fifteenth of August to the thirteenth of September, of every year. It consisted of the Praetorian praefect of the Gauls; of seven provincial governors, one consular and six presidents; of the magistrates, and perhaps the bishops, of about sixty cities; and of a competent, though indefinite, number of the most honourable and opulent possessors of land, who might justly be considered as the re|presentatives of their country. They were im|powered to interpret and communicate the laws of their sovereign; to expose the grievances and wishes of their constituents; to moderate the excessive or unequal weight of taxes; and to deliberate on every subject of local or national importance, that could tend to the restoration of the peace and prosperity of the seven provinces. If such an institution, which gave the people an interest in their own government, had been uni|versally established by Trajan or the Antonines, the seeds of public wisdom and virtue might have been cherished and propagated in the em|pire of Rome. The privileges of the subject would have secured the throne of the monarch; the abuses of an arbitrary administration might have been prevented, in some degree, or correct|ed, by the interposition of these representative assemblies; and the country would have been defended against a foreign enemy, by the arms of natives and freemen. Under the mild and gene|rous influence of liberty, the Roman empire might have remained invincible and immortal; or if its excessive magnitude, and the instability

of human affairs, had opposed such perpetual continuance, its vital and constituent members might have separately preserved their vigour and independence. But in the decline of the empire, when every principle of health and life had been exhausted, the tardy application of this partial remedy was incapable of producing any important or salutary effects. The emperor Honorius ex|presses his surprise, that he must compel the reluctant provinces to accept a privilege which they should ardently have solicited. A fine of three, or even five, pounds of gold, was imposed on the absent representatives; who seem to have declined this imaginary gift of a free constitution, as the last and most cruel insult of their op|pressors.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Weakness of the court of Ravenna, A. D. 408, Sept.
• 1 1.2

  The series of events, from the death of Stilicho, to the arrival of Alaric before Rome, can only be found in Zosimus, l. v. p. 347—350.
• 2 1.3

  The expression of Zosimus is strong and lively, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sufficient to excite the contempt of the enemy.
• 3 1.4

  Eos qui catholicae sectae sunt inimici, intra palatium militare prohibemus. Nullus nobis sit aliquâ ratione conjunctus, qui a nobis fide et religione discordat. Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. v. leg. 42. and Godefroy's Commentary, tom. vi. p. 164. This law was applied in the utmost latitude, and rigorously executed. Zosimus, l. v. p. 364.
• * 1.5

  Alaric marches to Rome, A. D. 408, Oct. &c.
• 4 1.6

  Addison (see his Works, vol. ii. p. 54. edit. Baskerville) has given a very picturesque description of the road through the Apen|nine. The Goths were not at leisure to observe the beauties of the prospect; but they were pleased to find that the Saxa Intercisa, a narrow passage which Vespasian had cut through the rock (Cluver. Italia Antiq. tom. i. p. 618.), was totally neglected.
• 5 1.7

  Hinc albi Clitumni greges, et maxima Taurus Victima; saepe tuo perfusi slumine sacro Romanos ad templa Deum duxere Triumphos.

  Besides Virgil, most of the Latin poets, Propertius, Lucan, Silius Italicus, Claudian, &c. whose passages may be found in Cluverius and Addision, have celebrated the triumphal victims of the Clitum|nus.
• 6 1.8

  Some ideas of the march of Alaric are borrowed from the jour|ney of Honorius over the same ground. (See Claudian in vi Cons. Hon. 494—522.) The measured distance between Ravenna and Rome, was 254 Roman miles. Itinerar. Wesseling. p. 126.
• * 1.9

  Hannibal at the gates of Rome.
• 7 1.10

  The march and retreat of Hannibal are described by Livy, l. xxvi. c. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11.; and the reader is made a spectator of the interesting scene.
• 8 1.11

  These comparisons were used by Cyneas, the counsellor of Pyrrhus, after his return from his embassy, in which he had dili|gently studied the discipline and manners of Rome. See Plutarch in Pyrrho, tom. ii. p. 459.
• 9 1.12

  In the three census which were made of the Roman people, about the time of the second Punic war, the numbers stand as follows (see Livy, Epitom. l. xx. Hist. l. xxvii. 36. xxix. 37.), 270, 213, 137, 108, 214,000. The fall of the second, and the rise of the third, appears so enormous, that several critics, notwithstanding the unanimity of the MSS. have suspected some corruption of the text of Livy. (See Drakenborch ad xxvii. 36. and Beaufort, Republique Romaine, tom. i. p. 325.) They did not consider that the second census was taken only at Rome, and that the numbers were diminished, not only by the death, but likewise by the absence, of many soldiers. In the third census, Livy expressly affirms, that the legions were mustered by the care of particular commissaries. From the numbers on the list, we must always deduct one twelfth above threescore, and in|capable of bearing arms. See Population de la France, p. 72.
• 10 1.13

  Livy considers these two incidents as the effects only of chance and courage. I suspect that they were both managed by the admi|rable policy of the senate.
• * 1.14

  Genealo|gy of tho senators.
• 11 1.15

  See Jerom, tom. i. p. 169, 170: ad Eustochium; he bestows on Paula the splendid titles of Gracchorum stirps, soboles Scipionum, Pauli haeres, cujus vocabulum trahit, Martiae Papyriae Matris Afri|cani vera et germana propago. This particular description supposes a more solid title than the surname of Julius, which Toxotius shared with a thousand families of the Western provinces. See the Index of Tacitus, of Gruter's Inscriptions, &c.
• 12 1.16

  Tacitus (Annal. iii. 55.) affirms, that, between the battle of Actium and the reign of Vespasian, the senate was gradually filled with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 families, from the Municipia and colonies of Italy.
• * 1.17

  The Ani|cian fa|mily.
• 13 1.18

  Nec quisquam Procerum tentet (licet aere vetusto Floreat, et claro cingatur Roma senatû) Se jactare parem; fed primâ sede relictâ Aucheniis, de jure licet certare secundo.

  Claud. in Prob. et Olybrii Coss. 18.

  Such a compliment paid to the obscure name of the Auchenii has amazed the critics; but they all agree, that whatever may be the true reading, the sense of Claudian can be applied only to the Anician family.
• 14 1.19

  The earliest date in the annals of Pighius, is that of M. Ani|cius Gallus. Trib. Pl. A. U. C. 506. Another tribune, Q. Ani|cius, A. U. C. 508. is distinguished by the epithet of Praenestinus. Livy (xlv. 43.) places the Anicii below the great families of Rome.
• 15 1.20

  Livy, xliv. 30. 31. xlv. 3. 26. 43. He fairly appreciates the merit of Anicius, and justly observes, that his fame was clouded by the superior lustre of the Macedonian, which preceded the Illyrian, triumph.
• 16 1.21

  The dates of the three consulships are, A. U. C. 593, 818, 967: the two last under the reigns of Nero and Caracalla. The second of these consuls distinguished himself only by his infamous flattery (Tacit. Annal. xv. 74.): but even the evidence of crimes, if they bear the stamp of greatness and antiquity, is admitted, with|out reluctance, to prove the genealogy of a noble house.
• 17 1.22

  In the sixth century, the nobility of the Anician name is men|tioned (Cassiodor. Variar. l. x. Ep. 10. 12.) with singular respect by the minister of a Gothic king of Italy.
• 18 1.23

  —Fixus in omnes Cognatos procedit honos; quemcumque requiras Hâc de stirpe virum, certum est de Consule nasci. Per fasces numerantur Avi, semperque renatâ Nobilitate virent, et prolem fata sequuntur.

  (Claudian in Prob. et Olyb. Consulat. 12, &c.). The Annii, whose name seems to have merged in the Anician, mark the Fasti with many consulships, from the time of Vespasian to the fourth cen|tury.
• 19 1.24

  The title of first Christian senator may be justified by the autho|rity of Prudentius (in Symmach. i. 553.), and the dislike of the Pagans to the Anician family. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 183. v. p. 44. Baron. Annal. A. D. 312. No 78. A. D. 322. No 2.
• 20 1.25

  Probus . . . . claritudine generis et potentiâ et opûm mag|nitudine, cognitus Orbi Romano, per quem universum poene patri|monia sparsa possedit, juste an secus non judicioli est nostri. Am|mian. Marcellin. xxvii. 11. His children and widow erected for him a magnificent tomb in the Vatican, which was demolished in the time of pope Nicholas V. to make room for the new church of St. Peter. Baronius, who laments the ruin of this Christian monument, has diligently preserved the inscriptions and basso-relievos. See Annal. Eccles. A. D. 395. No 5—17.
• 21 1.26

  Two Persian Satraps travelled to Milan and Rome, to hear St. Ambrose, and to see Probus. (Paulin. in Vit. Ambros.) Claudian (in Cons. Probin. et Olybr. 30—60.) seems at a loss, how to ex|press the glory of Probus.
• 22 1.27

  See the poem which Claudian addressed to the two noble youths.
• * 1.28

  Wealth of the Roman nobles.
• 23 1.29

  Secundinus, the Manichaean, ap. Baron. Annal. Eccles. A. D. 390. No 34.
• 24 1.30

  See Nardini, Roma Antica, p. 89. 498. 500.
• 25 1.31

  Quid loquar inclusas inter laquearia sylvas; Vernula quae vario carmine ludit avis.

  Claud. Rutil. Numatian Itinerar. ver. 111.

  The poet lived at the time of the Gothic invasion. A moderate pa|lace would have covered Cincinnatus's farm of four acres (Val. Max. iv. 4.). In laxitatem ruris excurrunt, says Seneca, Epist. 114. See a judicious note of Mr. Hume, Essays, vol. i. p. 562. last 8vo edi|tion.
• 26 1.32

  This curious account of Rome, in the reign of Honorius, is found in a fragment of the historian Olympiodorus, ap. Photium, p. 197.
• 27 1.33

  The sons of Alypius, of Symmachus, and of Maximus, spent during their respective praetorships, twelve, or twenty, or forty, cen|tenaries (or, hundred weight of gold). See Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 197. This popular estimation allows some latitude; but it is dif|ficult to explain a law in the Theodosian Code (l. vi. leg. 5.), which fixes the expence of the first praetor at 25,000, of the second at 20,000, and of the third at 15,000 folles. The name of follis (see Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 727.) was equally ap|plied to a purse of 125 pieces of silver, and to a small copper coin of the value of 1/2625 part of that purse. In the former sense, the 25,000 folles would be equal to 150,000 l. in the latter to five or six pounds sterling. The one appears extravagant, the other is ridiculous. There must have existed some third, and middle value, which is here understood; but ambiguity is an inexcusable fault in the language of laws.
• 28 1.34

  Nicopolis . . . in Actiaco littore sita possessionis vestrae nunc pars vel maxima est. Jerom. in praefat. Comment. ad Epistol. ad Titum, tom. ix. p. 243. M. de Tillemont supposes, strangely enough, that it was part of Agamemnon's inheritance. Mem. Ec|cles. tom. xii. p. 85.
• 29 1.35

  Seneca, Epist. lxxxix. His language is of the declamatory kind: but declamation could scarcely exaggerate the avarice and lux|ury of the Romans. The philosopher himself deserved some share of the reproach; if it be true, that his rigorous exaction of Qua|dringenties, above three hundred thousand pounds, which he had lent at high interest, provoked a rebellion in Britain. (Dion Cassius, l. lxii. p. 1003.) According to the conjecture of Gale (Antoni|nus's Itinerary in Britain, p. 92.), the same Faustinus possessed an estate near Bury, in Suffolk, and another in the kingdom of Naples.
• 30 1.36

  Volusius, a wealthy senator (Tacit. Annal. iii. 30.), always preferred tenants born on the estate. Columella, who received this maxim from him, argues very judiciously on the subject. De Re Rusticâ, l. i. c. 7. p. 408. edit. Gesner Leipsig, 1735.
• * 1.37

  Their manners.
• 31 1.38

  Valesius (ad Ammian. xiv. 6.) has proved, from Chrysostom and Augustin, that the senators were not allowed to lend money at usury. Yet it appears from the Theodosian Code (see Godefroy ad l. ii. tit. xxxiii. tom. i. p. 230—289.), that they were permitted to take six per cent. or one half of the legal interest; and, what is more singular, this permission was granted to the young senators.
• 32 1.39

  Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 50. He states the silver at only 4380 pounds, which is increased by Livy (xxx. 45.) to 100,023: the for|mer seems too little for an opulent city, the latter too much for any private side-board.
• 33 1.40

  The learned Arbuthnot (Tables of Ancient Coins, &c. p. 153.) has observed with humour, and I believe with truth, that Augustus had neither glass to his windows, nor a shirt to his back. Under the lower empire, the use of linen and glass became somewhat more common.
• 34 1.41

  It is incumbent on me to explain the liberties which I have taken with the text of Ammianus. 1. I have melted down into one piece, the sixth chapter of the fourteenth, and the fourth of the twenty-eighth, book. 2. I have given order and connection to the confused mass of materials. 3. I have softened some extravagant hyperboles, and pared away some supersluities of the original. 4. I have developed some observations which were insinuated, rather than expressed. With these allowances, my version will be found, not literal indeed, but faithful and exact.
• * 1.42

  Character of the Ro|man no|bles, by Ammia|nus Mar|cellinus.
• 35 1.43

  Claudian, who seems to have read the history of Ammianus, speaks of this great revolution in a much less courtly style:

  Postquam jura ferox in se communia Caesar Transtulit; et lapsi mores; desuetaque priscis Artibus, in gremium pacis servile recessi.

  De Bell. Gildonico, 49.
• 36 1.44

  The minute diligence of antiquarians has not been able to ve|rify these extraordinary names. I am of opinion that they were in|vented by the historian himself, who was afraid of any personal satire or application. It is certain, however, that the simple denomina|tions of the Romans were gradually lengthened to the number of four, five, or even seven, pompous surnames; as for instance, Mar|cus Maecius Maemmius Furius Balburius Caecilianus Plaeidus. See Noris Cenotaph. Pisan. Dissert. iv. p. 438.
• 37 1.45

  The carrucae, or coaches of the Romans, were often of solid silver, curiously carved and engraved; and the trappings of the mules, or horses, were embossed with gold. This magnificence continued from the reign of Nero to that of Honorius; and the Appian way was covered with the splendid equipages of the nobles, who came out to meet St. Melania, when she returned to Rome, six years before the Gothic siege (Seneca, epistol. lxxxvii. Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 49. Paulin. Nolan. apud Baron. Annal. Eccles. A. D. 397. No 5.). Yet pomp is well exchanged for convenience; and a plain modern coach, that is hung upon springs, is much preferable to the silver or gold carts of antiquity, which rolled on the axle-tree, and were ex|posed, for the most part, to the inclemency of the weather.
• 38 1.46

  In a homily of Asterius, bishop of Amasia, M. de Valois has discovered (ad Ammian. xiv. 6.) that this was a new fashion; that bears, wolves, lions, and tygers, woods, hunting-matches, &c. were represented in embroidery; and that the more pious coxcombs substituted the figure or legend of some favourite saint.
• 39 1.47

  See Pliny's Epistles, i. 6. Three large wild boars were allur|ed and taken in the toils, without interrupting the studies of the philosophic sportsman.
• 40 1.48

  The change from the inauspicious word Avernus, which stands in the text, is immaterial. The two lakes, Avernus and Lucrinus, communicated with each other, and were fashioned by the stupendous moles of Agrippa into the Julian port, which opened, through a nar|row entrance, into the gulph of Puteoli. Virgil, who resided on the spot, has described (Georgic ii. 161.) this work at the moment of its execution; and his commentators, especially Catrou, have de|rived much light from Strabo, Suetonius, and Dion. Earthquakes and volcanos have changed the face of the country, and turned the Lucrine lake, since the year 1538, into the Monte Nuovo. See Ca|millo Pellegrino Discorsi della Campania Felice, p. 239. 244, &c. Antonii Sanfelicii Campania, p. 13. 88.
• 41 1.49

  The regna Cumana et Puteolana; loca caeteroqui valde expe|tenda, interpellantium autem multitudine poene fugienda. Cicero ad Attic. xvi. 17.
• 42 1.50

  The proverbial expression of Cimmerian darkness was originally borrowed from the description of Homer (in the eleventh book of the Odyssey), which he applies to a remote and fabulous country on the shores of the ocean. See Erasmi Adagia, in his works, tom. ii. p. 593. the Leyden edition.
• 43 1.51

  We may learn from Seneca, epist. cxxiii. three curious circum|stances relative to the journies of the Romans. 1. They were pre|ceded by a troop of Numidian light-horse, who announced, by a cloud of dust, the approach of a great man. 2. Their baggage mules transported not only the precious vases, but even the fragile vessels of chrystal and murra, which last is almost proved, by the learned French translator of Seneca (tom. iii. p. 402—422.) to mean the porcelain of China and Japan. 3. The beautiful faces of the young slaves were covered with a medicated crust, or ointment, which secur|ed them against the effects of the fun and frost.
• 44 1.52

  Distributio solemnium sportularum. The sportulae, or sportellae, were small baskets, supposed to contain a quantity of hot provisions, of the value of 100 quadrantes, or twelve-pence halfpenny, which were ranged in order in the hall, and ostentatiously distributed to the hungry or servile crowd, who waited at the door. This indelicate custom is very frequently mentioned in the epigrams of Martial, and the satires of Juvenal. See likewise Suetonius, in Claud. c. 21. in Neron. c. 16. in Domitian. c. 4. 7. These baskets of provisions were afterwards converted into large pieces of gold and silver coin, or plate, which were mutually given and accepted even by the per|sons of the highest rank (see Symmach. epist. iv. 55. ix. 124. and Miscell. p. 256.), on solemn occasions, of consulships, marriages, &c.
• 45 1.53

  The want of an English name obliges me to refer to the com|mon genus of squirrels, the Latin glis, the French loir; a little ani|mal who inhabits the woods, and remains torpid in cold weather (See Plin. Hist. Natur. viii. 82. Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. viii. p. 158. Pennant's Synopsis of Quadrupeds, p. 289.). The art of rearing and fattening great numbers of glires was practised in Roman villas, as a profitable article of rural oeconomy (Varro, de Re Rus|ticâ, iii. 15.). The excessive demand of them for luxurious tables, was increased by the foolish prohibitions of the Censors; and it is reported, that they are still esteemed in modern Rome, and are fre|quently sent as presents by the Colonna princes (See Brotier, the last editor of Pliny, tom. ii. p. 458. apud Barbou, 1779.).
• 46 1.54

  This game, which might be translated by the more familiar names of trictrac, or backgammon, was a favourite amusement of the gravest Romans; and old Mucius Scaevola, the lawyer, had the re|putation of a very skilful player. It was called ludus duodecim scrip|torum, from the twelve scripta, or lines, which equally divided the alveolus, or table. On these, the two armies, the white and the black, each consisting of fifteen men, or culculi, were regularly placed, and alternately moved, according to the laws of the game; and the chances of the tesserae, or dice. Dr. Hyde, who diligently traces the history and varieties of the nerdiludium (a name of Persic etymology) from Ireland to Japan, pours forth, on this trifling subject, a copi|ous torrent of classic and Oriental learning. See Syntagma Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 217—405.
• 47 1.55

  Marius Maximus, homo omnium verbosissimus, qui, et my|thistoricis se voluminibus implicavit. Vopiscus, in Hist. August. p. 242. He wrote the lives of the Emperors, from Trajan to Alex|ander Severus. See Gerard, Vossius de Historicis Latin. l. ii. c. 3. in his works, vol. iv. p. 57.
• 48 1.56

  This satire is probably exaggerated. The Saturnalia of Ma|crobius, and the Epistles of Jerom, afford satisfactory proofs, that Christian theology, and classic literature, were studiously cultivated by several Romans, of both sexes, and of the highest rank.
• 48 1.57

  Macrobius, the friend of these Roman nobles, considered the stars as the cause, or at least the signs, of future events (de Somn. Scipion. l. i. c. 19. p. 68.).
• * 1.58

  State and character of the people of Rome.
• 49 1.59

  The histories of Livy (see particularly vi. 36.) are full of the extortions of the rich, and the sufferings of the poor debtors. The melancholy story of a brave old soldier (Dionys. Hal. l. vi. c. 26. p. 347. edit. Hudson, and Livy, ii. 23.) must have been frequently repeated in those primitive times, which have been so undeservedly praised.
• 50 1.60

  Non esse in civitate duo millia hominum qui rem haberent. Cicero. Offic. ii. 21. and Comment. Paul. Manut. in edit. Graev. This vague computation was made A. U. C. 649. in a speech of the tribune Philippus; and it was his object, as well as that of the Gracchi (see Plutarch); to deplore, and perhaps to exaggerate, the misery of the common people.
• 51 1.61

  See the third Satire (60—125.) of Juvenal, who indignantly complains, —Quamvis quota portio faecis Achaei! Jampridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes; Et linguam et mores, &c.

  Seneca, when he proposes to comfort his mother (Consolat. ad Helv. c. 6.) by the reflection, that a great part of mankind were in a state of exile, reminds her how few of the inhabitants of Rome were born in the city.
• * 1.62

  Public dis|tribution of bread, bacon, oil, wine, &c.
• 52 1.63

  Almost all that is said of the bread, bacon, oil, wine, &c. may be found in the fourteenth book of the Theodosian Code; which expressly treats of the police of the great cities. See particularly the titles iii. iv. xv. xvi. xvii. xxiv. The collateral testimonies are produced in Godefroy's Commentary, and it is needless to transcribe them. According to a law of Theodosius, which appreciates in money the military allowance, a piece of gold (eleven shillings) was equivalent to eighty pounds of Bacon, or to eighty pounds of oil, or to twelve modii (or pecks) of salt (Cod. Theod. l. viii. tit. iv. leg. 17.). This equation, compared with another, of seventy pounds of bacon for an amphora (Cod. Theod. l. xiv. tit. iv. leg. 4.), fixes the price of wine at about sixteen pence the gallon.
• 53 1.64

  The anonymous author of the Description of the World (p. 14. in tom. iii. Geograph. Minor, Hudson) observes of Lucania, in his barbarous Latin, Regio obtima, et ipsa omnibus habundans, et lar|dum multum forus emittit. Propter quod est in montibus, cujus aescam animalium variam, &c.
• 54 1.65

  See Novell. ad. 〈◊…〉〈◊…〉 Cod. Theod. D. Valent. l. i. tit. xv. This law was publishe•• 〈…〉〈…〉 ••ome, June the 29th, A. D. 452.
• 55 1.66

  Sueton. in August. c. 42. The utmost debauch of the emperor himself, in his favourite wine of Rhaetia, never exceeded a sextarius (an English pint). Id. c. 77. Torrentius ad Loc. and Arbuthnot's Tables, p. 86.
• 56 1.67

  His design was to plant vineyards along the sea coast of Hetru|ria (Vopiscus, in Hist. August. p. 225.); the dreary, unwholesome, uncultivated Maremme of modern Tuscany.
• * 1.68

  Use of the public baths.
• 57 1.69

  Olympiodor. apud Phot. p. 197.
• 58 1.70

  Seneca (epistol. lxxxvi.) compares the Baths of Scipio Afri|canus, at his villa of Liternum, with the magnificence (which was continually encreasing) of the public baths of Rome, long before the stately Thermae of Antoninus and Diocletian were erected. The quadrans paid for admission was the quarter of the as, about one-eighth of an English penny.
• 59 1.71

  Ammianus (l. xiv. c. 6. and l. xxviii. c. 4.), after describing the luxury and pride of the nobles of Rome, exposes, with equal indignation, the vices and follies of the common people.
• * 1.72

  Games and spec|tacles.
• 60 1.73

  Juvenal. Satir. xi. 191, &c. The expressions of the historian Ammianus are not less strong and animated than those of the satirist; and both the one and the other painted from the life. The numbers which the great Circus was capable of receiving, are taken from the original Notitiae of the city. The differences between them prove that they did not transcribe each other; but the sum may appear incre|dible, though the country on these occasions flocked to the city.
• 61 1.74

  Sometimes indeed they composed original pieces.

  —Vestigia Graeca Ausi deserere et celebrare domestica facta.

  Horat. Epistol. ad Pisones, 285. and the learned, though perplexed, note of Dacier, who might have allowed the name of tragedies to the Brutus and the Decius of Pacuvius, or to the Cato of Maternus. The Octavia, ascribed to one of the Senecas, still remains a very unfavour|able specimen of Roman tragedy.
• 62 1.75

  In the time of Quintilian and Pliny, a tragic poet was reduced to the imperfect method of hiring a great room, and reading his play to the company, whom he invited for that purpose (See Dialog. de Oratoribus, c. 9. 11. and Plin. Epistol. vii. 17.).
• 63 1.76

  See the Dialogue of Lucian, intitled, De Saltatione, tom. ii. p. 265—317. edit. Reitz. The pantomimes obtained the honour|able name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and it was required, that they should be con|versant with almost every art and science. Burette (in the Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. i. p. 127, &c.) has given a short history of the art of pantomimes.
• 64 1.77

  Ammianus, l. xiv. c. 6. He complains, with decent indig|nation, that the streets of Rome were filled with crowds of females, who might have given children to the state, but whose only occupa|tion was to curl and dress their hair, and jactari volubilibus gyris, dum exprimunt innumera simulacra, quae finxere fabulae theatrales.
• * 1.78

  Populous|ness of Rome.
• 65 1.79

  Lipsius (tom. iii. p. 423. de Magnitud. Romanâ, l. iii. c. 3.) and Isaac Vossius (Observat. Var. p. 26—34.) have indulged strange dreams of four, or eight, or fourteen millions in Rome. Mr. Hume (Essays, vol. i. p. 450-457.), with admirable good sense and scepticism, betrays some secret disposition to extenuate the populous|ness of ancient times.
• 66 1.80

  Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 197. See Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. tom. ix. p. 400.
• 67 1.81

  In eâ autem majestate urbis, et civium infinitâ frequentiâ in|numerabiles habitationes opus fuit explicare. Ergo cum recipere non posset area plana tantam multitudinem in urbe, ad auxilium alti|tudinis aedificiorum res ipsa coëgit devenire. Vitruv. ii. 8. This passage, which I owe to Vossius, is clear, strong, and comprehensive.
• 68 1.82

  The successive testimonies of Pliny, Aristides, Claudian, Ru|tilius, &c. prove the insufficiency of these restrictive edicts. See Lipsius, de Magnitud. Romanâ, l. iii. c. 4.

  —Tabulata tibi jam tertia fumant Tu nescis; nam si gradibus trepidatur ab imis Ultimus ardebit, quem tegula sola tuetur A pluviâ.

  Juvenal. Satir. iii. 199.
• 69 1.83

  Read the whole third satire, but particularly 166. 223, &c. The description of a crowded insula, or lodging-house, in Petronius (c. 95. 97.), perfectly tallies with the complaints of Juvenal; and we learn from legal authority, that, in the time of Augustus (Heineccius, Hist. Juris Roman. c. iv. p. 181.), the ordinary rent of the several caenacula, or apartments of an insula, annually produced forty thou|sand sesterces, between three and four hundred pounds sterling (Pan|dect. l. xix. tit. ii. No 30.); a sum which proves at once the large extent, and high value, of those common buildings.
• 70 1.84

  This sum total is composed of 1780 domus, or great houses, of 46, 602 insulae, or plebeian habitations (See Nardini, Roma Antica, l. iii. p. 88.); and these numbers are ascertained by the agreement of the texts of the different Notitiae. Nardini, l. viii. p. 498. 500.
• 71 1.85

  See that accurate writer M. de Messance, Recherches sur la Po|pulation, p. 175—187. From probable, or certain grounds, he as|signs to Paris 23, 565 houses, 71, 114 families, and 576, 630 inha|bitants.
• 72 1.86

  This computation is not very different from that which M. Brotier, the last editor of Tacitus (tom. ii. p. 380.), has assumed from similar principles; though he seems to aim at a degree of pre|cision, which it is neither possible nor important to obtain.
• * 1.87

  First siege of Rome, by the Goths, A. D. 408.
• 73 1.88

  For the events of the first siege of Rome, which are often con|founded with those of the second and third, see Zosimus, l. v. p. 350—354. Sozomen, l. ix. c. 6. Olympiodorus, ap. Phot. p. 180. Philostortius, l. xii. c. 3. and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 467—475.
• * 1.89

  Famine.
• 74 1.90

  The mother of Laeta was named Pissumena. Her father, fa|mily, and country are unknown. Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 59.
• 75 1.91

  Ad nefandos cibos erupit esurientium rabies, et sua invicem membra laniarunt, dum mater non parcit lactenti infantiae; et re|cipit utero, quem paullò ante effuderat. Jerom ad Principiam, tom. i. p. 121. The same horrid circumstance is likewise told of the sieges of Jerusalem and Paris. For the latter, compare the tenth book of the Henriade, and the Journal de Henri IV. tom. i. p. 47—83.; and observe that a plain narrative of facts is much more pathetic, than the most laboured descriptions of epic poetry.
• * 1.92

  Plague.
• * 1.93

  Supersti|tion.
• 76 1.94

  Zosimus (l. v. p. 355, 356.) speaks of these ceremonies, like a Greek unacquainted with the national superstition of Rome and Tus|cany. I suspect, that they consisted of two parts, the secret, and the public; the former were probably an imitation of the arts and spells, by which Numa had drawn down Jupiter and his thunder on Mount Aventine. —Quid agant laqueis, quae carmina dicant Quâque trahant superis sedibus arte Jovem Scire nefas homini.

  The ancilia, or shields of Mars, the pignora Imperii, which were car|ried in solemn procession on the calends of March, derived their ori|gin from this mysterious event (Ovid. Fast. iii. 259—398.). It was probably designed to revive this ancient festival, which had been suppressed by Theodosius. In that case, we recover a chronological date (March the 1st, A. D. 409.) which has not hitherto been ob|served.
• 77 1.95

  Sozomen (l. ix. c. 6.) insinuates, that the experiment was actually, though unsuccessfully made; but he does not mention the name of Innocent: and Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. x. p. 645.) is determined not to believe, that a pope could be guilty of such im|pious condescension.
• * 1.96

  Alaric ac|cepts a ransom, and raises the siege, A. D. 409.
• 78 1.97

  Pepper was a favourite ingredient of the most expensive Ro|man cookery, and the best sort commonly sold for fifteen denarii, or ten shillings, the pound. See Pliny, Hist. Natur. xii. 14. It was brought from India; and the same country, the coast of Malabar, still affords the greatest plenty: but the improvement of trade and navigation has multiplied the quantity, and reduced the price. See Histoire Politique et Philosophique, &c. tom. i. p. 457.
• 79 1.98

  This Gothic chieftain is called by Jornandes and Isidore, Athaulphus; by Zosimus and Orosius, Ataulphus; and by Olympio|dorus, Adaoulphus. I have used the celebrated name of Adolphus, which seems to be authorised by the practice of the Swedes, the sons or brothers of the ancient Goths.
• 80 1.99

  The treaty between Alaric and the Romans, &c. is taken from Zosimus, l. v. p. 354, 355. 358, 359. 362, 363. The additional circumstances are too few and trifling to require any other quota|tion.
• * 1.100

  Fruitless negocia|tions for peace, A. D. 409.
• 81 1.101

  Zosimus, l. v. p. 367, 368, 369.
• 82 1.102

  Zosimus, l. v. p. 360, 361, 362. The bishop, by remaining at Ravenna, escaped the impending calamities of the city. Orosius, l. vii. c. 39. p. 573.
• 83 1.103

  For the adventures of Olympius, and his successors in the mi|nistry, see Zosimus, l. v. p. 363. 365, 366. and Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 180, 181.
• * 1.104

  Change and suc|cession of ministers.
• 84 1.105

  Zosimus (l. v. p. 364.) relates this circumstance with visible complacency, and celebrates the character of Gennerid as the last glory of expiring paganism. Very different were the sentiments of the council of Carthage, who deputed four bishops to the court of Ravenna, to complain of the law, which had been just enacted, that all conversions to Christianity should be free and voluntary. See Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A. D. 409. No 12. A. D. 410. No 47, 48.
• 85 1.106

  Zosimus, l. v. p. 367, 368, 369. This custom of swearing by the head, or life, or safety, or genius, of the sovereign, was of the highest antiquity, both in Egypt (Genesis xlii. 15.) and Scythia. It was soon transferred, by flattery, to the Caesars; and Tertullian complains, that it was the only oath which the Romans of his time affected to reverence. See an elegant Dissertation of the Abbé Mas|sieu on the Oaths of the Ancients, in the Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. i. p. 208, 209.
• * 1.107

  Second siege of Rome by the Goths, A. D. 409.
• 86 1.108

  Zosimus, l. v. p. 368, 369. I have softened the expressions of Alaric, who expatiates, in too florid a manner, on the history of Rome.
• 87 1.109

  See Sueton. in Claud. c. 20. Dion Cassius, l. lx. p. 949. edit. Reimar. and the lively description of Juvenal, Satir. xii. 75, &c. In the sixteenth century, when the remains of this Augustan port were still visible, the antiquarians sketched the plan (see d'An|ville, Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxx. p. 198.), and declared, with enthusiasm, that all the monarchs of Europe would be unable to execute so great a work (Bergier, Hist. des grands Chemins des Romains, tom. ii. p. 356.).
• 88 1.110

  The Ostia Tyberina (see Cluver. Italia Antiq. l. iii. p. 870—879.), in the plural number, the two mouths of the Tyber, were separated by the Holy Island, an equilateral triangle, whose sides were each of them computed at about two miles. The colony of Ostia was founded immediately beyond the left, or southern, and the Port immediately beyond the right, or northern, branch of the river; and the distance between their remains measures something more than two miles on Cingolani's map. In the time of Strabo, the sand and mud deposited by the Tyber, had choked the harbour of Ostia; the progress of the same cause has added much to the size of the Holy Island, and gradually left both Ostia and the Port at a considerable distance from the shore. The dry channels (fiumi morti), and the large estuaries (stagno di Ponente, de Levante), mark the changes of the river, and the efforts of the sea. Consult, for the present state of this dreary and desolate tract, the excellent map of the ecclesiasti|cal state by the mathematicians of Benedict XIV.; an actual survey of the Agro Romano, in six sheets, by Cingolani, which contains 113, 819 rubbia (about 570,000 acres); and the large topographical map of Ameti, in eight sheets.
• 89 1.111

  As early as the third, (Lardner's Credibility of the Gospel, part ii. vol. iii. p. 89—92.) or at least the fourth, century (Carol. a Sancto Paulo, Notit. Eccles. p. 47.), the Port of Rome was an episcopal city, which was demolished, as it should seem, in the ninth century, by pope Gregory IV. during the incursions of the Arabs. It is now reduced to an inn, a church, and the house, or palace, of the bishop, who ranks as one of six cardinal-bishops of the Roman church. See Eschinard, Descrizione di Roma et dell' Agro Romano, p. 328.
• 90 1.112

  For the elevation of Attalus, consult Zosimus, l. vi. p. 377—380. Sozomen, l. ix. c. 8, 9. Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 180, 181. Philostorg. l. xii. c. 3. and Godefroy, Dissertat, p. 470.
• * 1.113

  Attalus is created emperor by the Goths and Romans.
• 91 1.114

  We may admit the evidence of Sozomen for the Arian baptism, and that of Philostorgius for the Pagan education, of Attalus. The visible joy of Zosimus, and the discontent which he imputes to the Anician family, are very unfavourable to the Christianity of the new emperor.
• 92 1.115

  He carried his insolence so far, as to declare, that he should mutilate Honorius before he sent him into exile. But this assertion of Zosimus is destroyed by the more impartial testimony of Olym|piodorus, who attributes the ungenerous proposal (which was abso|lutely rejected by Attalus) to the baseness, and perhaps the treachery, of Jovius.
• 93 1.116

  Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2.
• * 1.117

  He is de|graded by Alaric, A. D. 410.
• 94 1.118

  See the cause and circumstances of the fall of Attalus in Zosi|mus, l. vi. p. 380—383. Sozomen, l. ix. c. 8. Philostorg. l. xii. c. 3. The two acts of indemnity in the Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. xxxviii. leg. 11, 12. which were published the 12th of February, and the 8th of August, A. D. 410, evidently relate to this usurper.
• 95 1.119

  In hoc, Alaricus, imperatore, facto, infecto, refecto, ac de|secto. . . . Mimum risit, et ludum spectavit imperii. Orosius, l. vii. c. 42. p. 582.
• * 1.120

  Third siege and sack of Rome by the Goths, A. D. 410, Aug. 24.
• 96 1.121

  Zosimus, l. vi. p. 384. Sozomen, l. ix. c. 9. Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 3. In this place the text of Zosimus is mutilated, and we have iost the remainder of his sixth and last book, which ended with the sack of Rome. Credulous and partial as he is, we must take cur leave of that historian with some regret.
• 97 1.122

  Adest Alaricus, trepidam Roman obsidet, turbat, irrumpit. Orosius, l. vii. c. 39. p. 573. He dispatches this great event in seven words; but he employs whole pages in celebrating the devotion of the Goths. I have extracted from an improbable story of Proco|pius, the circumstances which had an air of probability. Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2. He supposes, that the city was surprised while the senators slept in the afternoon; but Jerom, with more au|thority and more reason, affirms, that it was in the night, nocte Moab capta est; nocte cecidit murus ejus, tom. i. p. 121. ad Princi|piam.
• * 1.123

  Respect of the Goths for the Christian religion.
• 98 1.124

  Orosius (l. vii. c. 39. p. 573—576.) applauds the piety of the Christian Goths, without seeming to perceive that the greatest part of them were Arian heretics. Jornandes (c. 30. p. 653.) and Isidore of Seville (Chron. p. 714. edit. Grot.), who were both attached to the Gothic cause, have repeated and embellished these edifying tales. According to Isidore, Alaric himself was heard to say, that he waged war with the Romans, and not with the Apostles. Such was the style of the seventh century; two hundred years before, the fame and merit had been ascribed, not to the apostles, but to Christ.
• 99 1.125

  See Augustin, de Civitat. Dei, l. i. c. 1—6. He particularly appeals to the examples of Troy, Syracuse, and Tarentum.
• * 1.126

  Pillage and fire of Rome.
• 100 1.127

  Jerom (tom. i. p. 121. ad Principiam) has applied to the sack of Rome all the strong expressions of Virgil:

  Quis cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando, Explicet, &c.

  Procopius (l. i. c. 2.) positively affirms, that great numbers were slain by the Goths. Augustin (de Civ. Dei, l. i. c. 12, 13.) offers Christian comfort for the death of those, whose bodies (multa corpora) had remained (in tantâ strage) unburied. Baronius, from the differ|ent writings of the Fathers, has thrown some light on the sack of Rome. Annal. Eccles. A. D. 410. No 16—44.
• 101 1.128

  Sozomen, l. ix. c. 10. Augustin (de Civitat. Dei, l. i. c. 17.) intimates, that some virgins or matrons actually killed them|selves to escape violation; and though he admires their spirit, he is obliged, by his theology, to condemn their rash presumption. Per|haps the good bishop of Hippo was too easy in the belief, as well as too rigid in the censure, of this act of female heroism. The twenty maidens (if they ever existed), who threw themselves into the Elbe, when Magdeburgh was taken by storm, have been multiplied to the number of twelve hundred. See Harte's History of Gustavus Adol|phus, vol. i. p. 308.
• 102 1.129

  See Augustin, de Civitat. Dei, l. i. c. 16. 18. He treats the subject with remarkable accuracy; and after admitting that there cannot be any crime, where there is no consent, he adds, Sed quia non solum quod ad dolorem, verum etiam quod ad libidinem, per|tinet, in corpore alieno perpetrari potest; quicquid tale factum fuerit, etsi retentam constantissimo animo pudicitiam non excutit, pudorem tamen incutit, ne credatur factum cum mentis etiam voluntate, quod fieri fortasse sine carnis aliquâ voluptate non potuit. In c. 18. he makes some curious distinctions between moral and physical virgin|ity.
• 103 1.130

  Marcella, a Roman lady, equally respectable for her rank, her age, and her piety, was thrown on the ground, and cruelly beaten and whipped, caesam fustibus flagellisque, &c. Jerom, tom. i. p. 121. ad Principiam. See Augustin, de Civ. Dei, l. i. c. 10. The modern Sacco di Roma, p. 208. gives an idea of the various methods of torturing prisoners for gold.
• 104 1.131

  The historian Sallust, who usefully practised the vices which he has so eloquently censured, employed the plunder of Numidia to adorn his palace and gardens on the Quirinal hill. The spot where the house stood, is now marked by the church of St. Susanna, sepa|rated only by a street from the baths of Diocletian, and not far dis|tant from the Salarian gate. See Nardini, Roma Antica, p. 192, 193. and the great Plan of Modern Rome, by Nolli.
• 105 1.132

  The expressions of Procopius are distinct and moderate (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2.). The Chronicle of Marcellinus speaks too strongly, partem urbis Romae cremavit; and the words of Philostor|gius (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, l. xii. c. 3.) convey a false and exaggerated idea. Bargaeus has composed a particular dissertation (see tom. iv. Antiquit. Rom. Graev.) to prove that the edifices of Rome were not subverted by the Goths and Vandals.
• 106 1.133

  Orosius, l. ii. c. 19. p. 143. He speaks as if he disapproved all statues; vel Deum vel hominem mentiuntur. They consisted of the kings of Alba and Rome from Aeneas, the Romans, illustrious either in arms or arts, and the deified Caesars. The expression which he uses of Forum is somewhat ambiguous, since there existed five principal Fora; but as they were all contiguous and adjacent, in the plain which is surrounded by the Capitoline, the Quirinal, the Esquiline, and the Palatine hills, they might fairly be considered as one. See the Roma Antiqua of Donatus, p. 162—201. and the Roma Antica of Nardini, p. 212—273. The former is more useful for the ancient descriptions, the latter for the actual topography.
• * 1.134

  Captives and fugi|tives.
• 107 1.135

  Orosius (l. ii. c. 19. p. 142.) compares the cruelty of the Gauls and the clemency of the Goths. Ibi vix quemquam inventum senatorem, qui vel absens evaserit; hic vix quemquam requiri, qui forte ut latens perierit. But there is an air of rhetoric, and perhaps of falsehood, in this antithesis; and Socrates (l. vii. c. 10.) affirms, perhaps by an opposite exaggeration, that many senators were put to death with various and exquisite tortures.
• 108 1.136

  Multi . . . Christiani in captivitatem ducti sunt. Augustin, de Civ. Dei, l. i. c. 14; and the Christians experienced no peculiar hardships.
• 109 1.137

  See Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman. tom. i. p. 96.
• 110 1.138

  Appendix Cod. Theodos. xvi. in Sirmond. Opera, tom. i. p. 735. This edict was published the 11th of December, A. D. 408. and is more reasonable than properly belonged to the ministers of Ho|norius.
• 111 1.139

  Eminus Igilii sylvosa cacumina miror; Quem fraudare nefas laudis honore suae Haec proprios nuper tutata est insula saltus; Sive loci ingenio, seu Domini genio. Gurgite cum modico victricibus obstitit armis Tanquam longinquo dissociata mari. Haec multos lacerâ suscepit ab urbe fugatos, Hic fessis posito certa timore salus. Plurima terreno populaverat aequora bello, Contra naturam classe timendus eques Unum, mira fides, vario discrimine portum! Tam prope Romanis, tam procul esse Getis.

  Rutilius, in Itinerar. l. i. 325.

  The island is now called Giglio. See Cluver. Ital. Antiq. l. ii. p. 502.
• 112 1.140

  As the adventures of Proba and her family are connected with the life of St. Augustin, they are diligently illustrated by Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 620—635. Some time after their arrival in Africa, Demetrias took the veil, and made a vow of virginity; an event which was considered as of the highest importance to Rome and to the world. All the Saints wrote congratulatory letters to her; that of Jerom is still extant (tom. i. p. 62—73. ad Demetriad. de ser|vandâ Virginitat.), and contains a mixture of absurd reasoning, spi|rited declamation, and curious facts, some of which relate to the siege and sack of Rome.
• 113 1.141

  See the pathetic complaint of Jerom (tom. v. p. 400.), in his preface to the second book of his Commentaries on the prophet Ezekiel.
• * 1.142

  Sack of Rome by the troops of Charles V.
• 114 1.143

  Orosius, though with some theological partiality, states this comparison, l. ii. c. 19. p. 142. l. vii. c. 39. p. 575. But, in the history of the taking of Rome by the Gauls, every thing is uncer|tain, and perhaps fabulous. See Beaufort sur l'Incertitude, &c. de l'Histoire Romaine, p. 356; and Melot, in the Mem. de l'Academie des Inscript. tom. xv. p. 1—21.
• 115 1.144

  The reader who wishes to inform himself of the circumstances of this famous event, may peruse an admirable narrative in Dr. Ro|bertson's History of Charles V. vol. ii. p. 283; or consult the Annali d'Italia of the learned Muratori, tom. xiv. p. 230—244. octavo edition. If he is desirous of examining the originals, he may have recourse to the eighteenth book of the great, but unfinished, history of Guicciardini. But the account which most truly deserves the name of authentic and original, is a little book, intitled, Il Sacco di Roma, composed, within less than a month after the assault of the city, by the brother of the historian Guicciardini, who appears to have been an able magistrate, and a dispassionate writer.
• 116 1.145

  The furious spirit of Luther, the effect of temper and enthu|siasin, has been forcibly attacked (Bossuet, Hist. des Variations des Eglises Protestantes, livre i. p. 20—36.), and feebly defended (Seckendorf, Comment. de Lutheranismo, especially l. i. No 78. p. 120. and l. iii. No 122. p. 556.).
• * 1.146

  Alaric evacuates Rome, and ravages Italy, A. D. 410, Aug. 29.
• 117 1.147

  Marcellinus, in Chron. Orosius (l. vii. c. 39. p. 575.) asserts, that he left Rome on the third day; but this difference is easily recon|ciled by the successive motions of great bodies of troops.
• 118 1.148

  Socrates (l. vii. c. 10.) pretends, without any colour of truth, or reason, that Alaric fled on the report, that the armies of the Eastern empire were in full march to attack him.
• 119 1.149

  Ausonius de Claris Urbibus, p. 233. edit. Toll. The luxury of Capua had formerly surpassed that of Sybaris itself. See Athe|naeus Deipnosophist. l. xii. p. 528. edit. Casaubon.
• 120 1.150

  Forty-eight years before the foundation of Rome (about 800 before the Christian aera), the Tuscans built Capua and Nola, at the distance of twenty-three miles from each other: but the latter of the two cities never emerged from a state of mediocrity.
• 121 1.151

  Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 1—146.) has com|piled, with his usual diligence, all that relates to the life and writings of Paulinus, whose retreat is celebrated by his own pen, and by the praises of St. Ambrose, St. Jerom, St. Augustin, Sulpicius Seve|rus, &c. his Christian friends and contemporaries.
• 122 1.152

  See the affectionate letters of Ausonius (epist. xix.—xxv. p. 650—698. edit. Toll.), to his colleague, his friend, and his dis|ciple Paulinus. The religion of Ausonius is still a problem (see Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 123—138.) I believe that it was such in his own time, and, consequently, that in his heart he was a Pagan.
• 123 1.153

  The humble Paulinus once presumed to say, that he believed St. Faelix did love him; at least, as a master loves his little dog.
• 124 1.154

  See Jornandes, de Reb. Get. c. 30. p. 653. Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 3. Augustin, de Civ. Dei, l. i. c. 10. Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A. D. 410. No 45, 46.
• * 1.155

  Possession of Italy by the Goths, A. D. 408—412.
• 125 1.156

  The platanus, or plane-tree, was a favourite of the ancients, by whom it was propagated, for the sake of shade, from the East to Gaul. Pliny, Hist. Natur. xii. 3, 4, 5. He mentions several of an enormous size; one in the Imperial villa at Velitrae, which Ca|ligula called his nest, as the branches were capable of holding a large table, the proper attendants, and the emperor himself, whom Pliny quaintly styles pars umbrae; an expression which might, with equal reason, be applied to Alaric.
• 126 1.157

  The prostrate South to the destroyer yields Her boasted titles, and her golden fields: With grim delight the brood of winter view A brighter day, and skies of azure hue; Scent the new fragrance of the opening rose, And quaff the pendent vintage as it grows.

  See Gray's Poems, published by Mr. Mason, p. 197. Instead of compiling tables of chronology and natural history, why did not Mr. Gray apply the powers of his genius to finish the philosophic poem, of which he has left such an exquisite specimen?
• * 1.158

  Death of Alaric, A. D. 410.
• 127 1.159

  For the perfect description of the Streights of Messina, Scylla, Charbydis, &c. see Cluverius (Ital. Antiq. l. iv. p. 1293. and Si|cilia Antiq. l. i. p. 60—76.), who had diligently studied the an|cients, and surveyed with a curious eye the actual face of the country.
• 128 1.160

  Jornandes, de Reb. Get. c. 30. p. 654.
• * 1.161

  Adolphus king of the Goths, concludes a peace with the empire, and marches into Gaul, A. D. 412.
• 129 1.162

  Orosius, l. vii. c. 43. p. 584, 585. He was sent by St. Au|gustin, in the year 415, from Africa to Palestine, to visit St. Jerom, and to consult with him on the subject of the Pelagian controversy.
• 130 1.163

  Jornandes supposes, without much probability, that Adolphus visited and plundered Rome a second time (more locustarum erasit). Yet he agrees with Orosius in supposing, that a treaty of peace was concluded between the Gothic prince and Honorius. See Oros. l. vii. c. 43. p. 584, 585. Jornandes, de Reb. Geticis, c. 31. p. 654, 655.
• 131 1.164

  The retreat of the Goths from Italy, and their first transactions in Gaul, are dark and doubtful. I have derived much assistance from Mascou (Hist. of the ancient Germans, l. viii. c. 29. 35, 36, 37.), who has illustrated, and connected, the broken chronicles and fragments of the times.
• * 1.165

  His mar|riage with Placidia, A. D. 414.
• 132 1.166

  See an account of Placidia in Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 72.; and Tillemont, Hist. des Emperours, tom. v. p. 260. 386, &c. tom. vi. p. 240.
• 133 1.167

  Zosim. l. v. p. 350.
• 134 1.168

  Zosim. l. vi. p. 383. Orosius (l. vii. c. 40. p. 576.), and the Chronicles of Marcellinus and Idatius, seem to suppose, that the Goths did not carry away Placidia till after the last siege of Rome.
• 135 1.169

  See the pictures of Adolphus and Placidia, and the account of their marriage in Jornandes, de Reb. Geticis, c. 31. p. 654, 655. With regard to the place where the nuptials were stipulated, or con|summated, or celebrated, the MSS. of Jornandes vary between two neighbouring cities, Forli and Imola (Forum Livii and Forum Cor|nelii). It is fair and easy to reconcile the Gothic historian with Olympiodorus (see Mascou, l. viii. c. 46.): but Tillemont grows peevish, and swears, that it is not worth while to try to conciliate Jornandes with any good authors.
• 136 1.170

  The Visigoths (the subjects of Adolphus) restrained, by sub|sequent laws, the prodigality of conjugal love. It was illegal for a husband to make any gift or settlement for the benefit of his wife during the first year of their marriage; and his liberality could not at any time exceed the tenth part of his property. The Lombards were somewhat more indulgent: they allowed the morgingcap imme|diately after the wedding-night; and this famous gift, the reward of virginity, might equal the fourth part of the husband's substance. Some cautious maidens, indeed, were wise enough to stipulate be|forehand a present, which they were too sure of not deserving. See Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xix. c. 25. Muratori, delle Anti|chitâ Italiane, tom. i. Dissertazion xx. p. 243.
• 137 1.171

  We owe the curious detail of this nuptial feast to the historian Olympiodorus, ap. Photium, p. 185. 188.
• * 1.172

  The Gothic treasures.
• 138 1.173

  See in the great collection of the historians of France by Dom. Bouquet, tom. ii. Greg. Turonens. l. iii. c. 10. p. 191. Gesta Regum Francorum, c. 23. p. 557. The anonymous writer, with an ignorance worthy of his times, supposes that these instruments of Christian worship had belonged to the temple of Solomon. If he has any meaning, it must be, that they were found in the sack of Rome.
• 139 1.174

  Consult the following original testimonies in the Historians of Francè, tom. ii. Fredegarii Scholastici Chron. c. 73. p. 441. Fredegar. Fragment. iii. p. 463. Gesta Regis Dagobert. c. 29. p. 587. The accession of Sisenand to the throne of Spain happened A. D. 631. The 200,000 pieces of gold were appropriated by Da|gobert to the foundation of the church of St. Denys.
• 140 1.175

  The president Goguet (Origine des Loix, &c. tom. ii. p. 239.) is of opinion, that the stupendous pieces of emerald, the statues and columns, which antiquity has placed in Egypt, at Gades, at Con|stantinople, were in reality artificial compositions of coloured glass. The famous emerald dish, which is shewn at Genoa, is supposed to countenance the suspicion.
• 141 1.176

  Elmacin. Hist. Saracenica, l. i. p. 85. Roderic. Tolet. Hist. Arab. c. 9. Cardonne, Hist. de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous les Arabes, tom. i. p. 83. It was called the Table of Solomon, ac|cording to the custom of the Orientals, who ascribe to that prince every ancient work of knowledge or magnificence.
• * 1.177

  Laws for the relief of Italy and Rome, A. D. 410—417.
• 142 1.178

  His three laws are inserted in the Theodosian Code, l. xi. tit. xxviii. leg. 7. L. xiii. tit. xi. leg. 12. L. xv. tit. xiv. leg. 14. The expressions of the last are very remarkable; since they contain not only a pardon, but an apology.
• 143 1.179

  Olympiodorus ap. Phot. p. 188. Philostorgius (l. xii. c. 5.) observes, that when Honorius made his triumphal entry, he en|couraged the Romans, with his hand and voice (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉), to rebuild their city; and the Chronicle of Prosper commends Hera|clian, qui in Romanae urbis reparationem strenuum exhibuerat mi|nisterium.
• 144 1.180

  The date of the voyage of Claudius Rutilius Numasianus, is clogged with some difficulties; but Scaliger has deduced from astro|nomical characters, that he left Rome the 24th of September, and embarked at Porto the 9th of October, A. D. 416. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom, v. p. 820. In this poetical Itinerary, Rutilius (l. i. 115, &c.) addresses Rome in a high strain of congra|tulation: Erige crinales lauros, seniumque sacrati Verticis in virides Roma recinge comas, &c.
• * 1.181

  Revolt and defeat of Heraclian, count of Africa, A. D. 413.
• 145 1.182

  Orosius composed his history in Africa, only two years after the event; yet his authority seems to be overbalanced by the im|probability of the fact. The Chronicle of Marcellinus gives Hera|clian 700 ships, and 3000 men; the latter of these numbers is ridi|culously corrupt; but the former would please me very much.
• 146 1.183

  The Chronicle of Idatius affirms, without the least appearance of truth, that he advanced as far as Otriculum, in Umbria, where he was overthrown in a great battle, with the loss of fifty thousand men.
• 147 1.184

  See Cod. Theod. l. xv. tit. xiv. leg. 13. The legal acts per|formed in his name, even the manumission of slaves, were declared invalid, till they had been formally repeated.
• 148 1.185

  I have disdained to mention a very foolish, and probably a false report (Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2.), that Honorius was alarmed by the loss of Rome, till he understood that it was not a fa|vourite chicken of that name, but only the capital of the world, which had been lost. Yet even this story is some evidence of the public opinion.
• 149 1.186

  The materials for the lives of all these tyrants are taken from six contemporary historians, two Latins, and four Greeks: Orosius, l. vii. c. 42. p. 581, 582, 583.; Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus, apud Gregor. Turon. l. ii. c. 9. in the historians of France, tom. ii. p. 165, 166. Zosimus, l. vi. p. 370, 371. Olympiodorus, apud Phot. p. 180, 181. 184, 185. Sozomen, l. ix. c. 12, 13, 14, 15.; and Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 5, 6., with Godefroy's Dissertations, p. 477—481.; besides the four Chronicles of Prosper Tyro, Prosper of Aquitain, Idatius, and Marcellinus.
• * 1.187

  Revolu|tions of Gaul and Spain, A. D. 409—413.
• 150 1.188

  The praises which Sozomen has bestowed on this act of de|spair, appear strange and scandalous in the mouth of an ecclesiastical historian. He observes (p. 379.), that the wife of Gerontius was a Christian; and that her death was worthy of her religion, and of immortal fame.
• * 1.189

  Character and victo|ries of the general Constan|tius.
• 151 1.190

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is the expression of Olympiodorus, which he seems to have borrowed from Aeolus, a tragedy of Euripides, of which some fragments only are now extant (Euripid. Barnes, tom. ii. p. 443. ver. 38.). This allusion may prove, that the ancient tragic poets were still familiar to the Greeks of the fifth century.
• * 1.191

  Death of the usurper Constan|tine, A. D. 411, Nov. 28.
• * 1.192

  Fall of the usurpers, Jovinus, Sebastian, and Atta|ius, A. D. 411—416.
• 152 1.193

  Sidonius Apollinaris (l. v. epist. 9. p. 139. and Not. Sir|mond. p. 58.), after stigmatising the inconstancy of Constantine, the facility of Jovinus, the perfidy of Gerontius, continues to observe, that all the vices of these tyrants were united in the person of Dar|danus. Yet the praefect supported a respectable character in the world, and even in the church; held a devout correspondence with St. Augustin and St. Jerom; and was complimented by the latter (tom. iii. p. 66.) with the epithets of Christianorum Nobilissime, and Nobilium Christianissime.
• 153 1.194

  The expression may be understood almost literally; Olympi|odorus say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) may signify a sack, or a loose garment; and this method of entangling and catch|ing an enemy, laciniis contortis, was much practised by the Huns (Ammian. xxxi. 2.). Il fut pris vif avec des filets, is the trans|lation of Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 608.
• * 1.195

  Invasion of Spain by the Suevi, Vandals, Alani, &c. A. D. 409, Oct. 13.
• 154 1.196

  Without recurring to the more ancient writers, I shall quote three respectable testimonies which belong to the fourth and seventh centuries; the Expositio totius Mundi (p. 16. in the third volume of Hudson's Minor Geographers), Ausonius (de Claris Urbibus, p. 242. edit. Toll.), and Isidore of Seville (Praefat. ad Chron. ap. Grotium, Hist. Goth. p. 707.). Many particulars relative to the fertility and trade of Spain, may be found in Nonnius, Hispania Illustrata, and in Huet, Hist. du Commerce des Anciens, c. 40. p. 228—234.
• 155 1.197

  The date is accurately fixed in the Fasti, and the Chronicle of Idatius. Orosius, (l. vii. c. 40. p. 578.) imputes the loss of Spain to the treachery of the Honorians; while Sozomen (l. ix. c. 12.) accuses only their negligence.
• 156 1.198

  Idatius wishes to apply the Prophecies of Daniel to these na|tional calamities; and is therefore obliged to accommodate the cir|cumstances of the event to the terms of the prediction.
• 157 1.199

  Mariana de Rebus Hispanicis, l. v. c. 1. tom. i. p. 148. Hag. Comit. 1733. He had read, in Orosius (l. vii. c. 41. p. 579.), that the Barbarians had turned their swords into plough|shares; and that many of the Provincials preferred, inter Barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam solicitudinem sustinere.
• * 1.200

  Adolphus, king of the Goths, marches into Spain, A. D. 414.
• 158 1.201

  This mixture of force and persuasion may be fairly inferred from comparing Orosius and Jornandes, the Roman and the Gothic historian.
• * 1.202

  His death, A. D. 415. August.
• 159 1.203

  According to the system of Jornandes (c. 33. p. 659.), the true hereditary right to the Gothic sceptre was vested in the Amali; but those princes, who were the vassals of the Huns, commanded the tribes of the Ostrogoths in some distant parts of Germany or Seythia.
• 160 1.204

  The murder is related by Olympiodorus; but the number of the children is taken from an epitaph of suspected authority.
• 161 1.205

  The death of Adolphus was celebrated at Constantinople with illuminations and Circensian games. (See Chron. Alexandrin.) It may seem doubtful, whether the Greeks were actuated, on this occasion, by their hatred of the Barbarians, or of the Latins.
• * 1.206

  The Goths conquer and resotre Spain, A. D. 415—418,
• 162 1.207

  Quòd Tartessiacis avus hujus Vallia terris Vandalicas turmas, et juncti Martis Alanos Stravit, et occiduam texêre cadavera Calpen.

  Sidon. Apollinar. in Panegyr. Anthem. 363. p. 300. edit. Sirmond.
• 163 1.208

  This supply was very acceptable: the Goths were insulted by the Vandals of Spain with the epithet of Truli, because, in their extreme distress, they had given a piece of gold for a trula, or about half a pound of flour. Olympiod. apud Phot. p. 189.
• 164 1.209

  Orosius inserts a copy of these pretended letters. Tu cum omnibus pacem habe, omniumque obsides accipe; nos nobis confli|gimus, nobis perimus, tibi vincimus; immortalis vero quaestus erat Reipublicae tuae, si utrique pereamus. The idea is just; but I can|not persuade myself that it was entertained, or expressed, by the Barbarians.
• 165 1.210

  Romam triumphans ingreditur, is the formal expression of Prosper's Chronicle. The facts which relate to the death of Adol|phus, and the exploits of Wallia, are related from Olympiodorus (apud Phot. p. 188.), Orosius (l. vii. c. 43. p. 584-587.), Jor|nandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 31, 32), and the Chronicles of Idatius and Isidore.
• * 1.211

  Their esta|blishment in Aqui|tain, A. D. 419.
• 166 1.212

  Ausonius (de Claris Urbibus, p. 257—262.) celebrates Bour|deaux with the partial affection of a native. See in Salvian (de Gu|bern. Dei, p. 228. Paris, 1608.) a florid description of the provinces of Aquitain and Novempopulania.
• * 1.213

  The Bur|gundians.
• 167 1.214

  Orosius (l. vii. c. 32. p. 550.) commends the mildness and modesty of these Burgundians, who treated their subjects of Gaul as their Christian brethren. Mascou has illustrated the origin of their kingdom in the four first annotations at the end of his laboricus History of the Ancient Germans, vol. ii. p. 555—572. of the Eng|lish translation.
• 168 1.215

  See Mascou, l. viii. c. 43, 44, 45. Except in a short and suspicious line of the Chronicie of Prosper (in tom. i. p. 638.), the name of Pharamond is never mentioned before the seventh century. The author of the Gesta Francorum (in tom. ii. p. 543.) suggests, probably enough, that the choice of Pharamond, or at least of a king, was recommended to the Franks by his father Marcomir, who was an exile in Tuscany.
• * 1.216

  State of the Barba|rians in Gaul, A. D. 420, &c.
• 169 1.217

  O Lycida, vivi pervenimus: advena nostri (Quod nunquam veriti sumus) ut possessor agelli Diceret: Haec mea sunt; veteres migrate coloni. Nunc victi tristes, &c.

  See the whole of the 9th eclogue, with the useful Commentary of Servius. Fifteen miles of the Mantuan territory were assigned to the veterans, with a reservation, in favour of the inhabitants, of three miles round the city. Even in this favour they were cheated by Alfenus Varus, a famous lawyer, and one of the commissioners, who measured eight hundred paces of water and morass.
• 170 1.218

  See the remarkable passage of the Eucharisticon of Paulinus, 575. apud Moscou, l. viii. c. 42.
• 171 1.219

  This important truth is established by the accuracy of Tille|mont (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 641.), and by the ingenuity of the Abbé Dubos (Hist. de l'Etablissement de la Monarchie Francoise dans les Gaules, tom. i. p. 259.).
• * 1.220

  Revolt of Britain and Ar|morica, A. D. 409.
• 172 1.221

  Zosimus (l. vi. p. 476. 383.) relates in a few words the revolt of Britain and Armorica. Our antiquarians, even the great Cambden himself, have been betrayed into many gross errors, by their imper|fect knowledge of the history of the continent.
• 173 1.222

  The limits of Armorica are defined by two national geo|graphers, Messieurs de Valois and d'Anville, in their Notitias of Ancient Gaul. The word had been used in a more extensive, and was afterwards contracted to a much narrower, signification.
• 174 1.223

  Gens inter geminos notissima clauditur amnes, Armoricana prius veteri cognomine dicta. Torva, ferox, ventosa, procax, incauta, rebellis; Inconstans, disparque sibi novitatis amore; Prodiga verborum, sed non et prodiga facti.

  Erricus, Monach. in Vit. St. Germani, l. v. apud Vales. Notit. Galliarum, p. 43. Valesius alleges several testimonies to confirm this character; to which I shall add the evidence of the presbyter Constantine (A. D. 488.), who, in the life of St. Germain, calls the Armorican rebels, mobilem et indisciplinatum populum. See the Historians of France, tom. i. p. 643.
• 175 1.224

  I thought it necessary to enter my protest against this part of the system of the Abbé Dubos, which Montesquieu has so vigorously opposed. See Esprit des Loix, l. xxx. c. 24.
• 176 1.225

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are the words of Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2. p. 181. Louvre edition) in a very important passage, which has been too much neglected. Even Bede (Hist. Gent. Anglican. l. i. c. 12. p. 50. edit. Smith) acknowledges that the Romans finally left Britain in the reign of Honorius. Yet our modern historians and antiquaries extend the term of their dominion; and there are some who allow only the in|terval of a few months between their departure and the arrival of the Saxons.
• 177 1.226

  Bede has not forgot the occasional aid of the legions against the Scots and Picts; and more authentic proof will hereafter he produced, that the independent Britons raised 12,000 men for the service of the emperor Anthemius, in Gaul.
• * 1.227

  State of Britain, A. D. 409—449.
• 178 1.228

  I owe it to myself, and to historic truth, to declare, that some circumstances in this paragraph are founded only on conjecture and analogy. The stubbornness of our language has sometimes forced me to deviate from the conditional into the indicative mood.
• 179 1.229

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Zosimus, l. vi. p. 383.
• 180 1.230

  Two cities of Britain were municipia, nine colonies, ten Lat•• jure donatae, twelve stipendiariae of eminent note. This detail is taken from Richard of Cirencester, de Sitû Britanniae, p. 36.; and though it may not seem probable, that he wrote from the MSS. of a Roman general, he shews a genuine knowledge of antiquity, very extraor|dinary for a monk of the fourteenth century.
• 181 1.231

  See Maffei Verona Illustrata, part i. l. v. p. 83—106.
• 182 1.232

  Leges restituit, libertatemque reducit, Et servos famulis non sinit esse suis.

  Itinerar. Rutil. l. i. 215.
• 183 1.233

  An inscription (apud Sirmond, Not. ad Sidon. Apollinar. p. 59.) describes a castle, cum muris et portis, tuitioni omnium, erected by Dardanus on his own estate, near Sisteron, in the second Narbonnese, and named by him Theopolis.
• 184 1.234

  The establishment of their power would have been easy indeed, if we could adopt the impracticable scheme of a lively and learned antiquarian; who supposes, that the British monarchs of the several tribes continued to reign, though with subordinate jurisdiction, from the time of Claudius to that of Honorius. See Whitaker's History of Manchester, vol. i. p. 247—257.
• 185 1.235

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Procopius, de Bell. Van|dal. l. i. c. 2. p. 181. Britannia fertilis provincia tyrannorum, was the expression of Jerom, in the year 415 (tom. ii. p. 255. ad Ctesi|phont.). By the pilgrims, who resorted every year to the Holy Land, the monk of Bethlem received the earliest and most accurate intelligence.
• 186 1.236

  See Bingham's Eccles. Antiquities, vol. i. l. ix. c. 6. p. 394.
• 187 1.237

  It is reported of three British bishops who assisted at the council of Rimini, A. D. 359. tam pauperes fuisse ut nihil haberent. Sul|picius Severus, Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 420. Some of their brethren, however, were in better circumstances.
• 188 1.238

  Consult Usher, de Antiq. Eccles. Britannicar. c. 8—12.
• * 1.239

  Assembly of the se|ven pro|vinces of Gaul, A. D. 418.
• 189 1.240

  See the correct text of this edict, as published by Sirmond (Not. ad Sidon. Apollin. p. 147.). Hincmar, of Rheims, who assigns a place to the bishops, had probably seen (in the ninth century) a more perfect copy. Dubos, Hist. Critique de la Monarchie Françoise, tom. i. p. 241—255.
• 190 1.241

  It is evident from the Notitia, that the seven provinces were the Viennensis, the maritime Alps, the first and second Narbonnese, Novempopulania, and the first and second Aquitain. In the room of the first Aquitain, the Abbé Dubos, on the authority of Hincmar, desires to introduce the first Lugdunensis, or Lyonnese.