The life of Dr. George Abbot, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, reprinted with some additions and corrections from the Biographia Britannica; with his character, ... a description of the hospital, which he erected and endowed ... To which are added the lives of his two brothers, Dr. Robert Abbot, ... and Sir Morris Abbot,:

THE LIFE OF Archbishop ABBOT.

GEORGE ABBOT, was born October 29th, 1562, at Guildford, in Surrey, of very wor∣thy parents, remarkably distinguished by their steady zeal for the Protestant Religion, for their living long, and happily together, and for their singular felicity in their children.a 1.1

While his mother was pregnant with this son, she is said to have had a dream which proved at once an omen, and an instrument of his future fortunes. Her dream was this. She fancied she was told in her

sleep that if she could eat a Jack, or Pike, the child she went with would prove a son, and rise to great preferment. Not long after this, in taking a pail of water out of the river Wey, which ran by their house, she accidentally caught a Jack, and had thus, an odd opportunity of fulfilling her dream. This story being much talked of, and coming to the ears of some persons of distinction, they offered to be∣come sponsors for the child, which was kindly accept∣ed, and they had the goodness to afford many testi∣monies of their affection to their godson while at school, and after he was sent to the university. Such was the good effects of his mother's dream.

When he was grown up to an age proper for re∣ceiving the first tincture of learning, he was sent with his elder brother Robert to the free school, erected in their native town of Guildford, by K. Edward VI; and having passed thro' the rudiments of Literature, under the care of Mr. Francis Taylor, who had then the direction of that school, he was in 1578 removed to the university of Oxford, and entered a student in Baliol College. On November the 29th, 1583, being then bachelor of arts, he was elected probationer fellow of his college; and afterwards proceeding in the faculty of arts, he entered into holy orders, and became a celebrated preacher in the university. He commenced bachelor of divinity in 1593, and pro∣ceeded doctor in that faculty, in May, 1597: and in the month of September, of the same year, he was elected master of University College. About this time it was, that the first differences began between him and Dr. Laud, which subsisted as long as they lived, and was the cause of great uneasiness to both. On March 6, 1599, he was installed dean of Win∣chester, in the room of Dr. Martin Heton, who was

preferred to the bishoprick of Ely: Dr. Abbot be∣ing then about thirty-seven years of age.

In 1600, he was vice-chancellor of the Universi∣ty of Oxford, and distinguished himself while in that high office, by the opinion he gave with respect to the setting up again the cross in Cheapside, about which there were great disputes, but in the end he carried his point against Dr. Bancroft, then Bishop of London, and afterwards Archbishop of Canter∣bury; which gained him great reputation as appears by a tract published on that subject.b 1.2

In 1603, he was again chosen vice-chancellor of the university, and discharged that office a second time with general approbation. In 1605, he was a third time vice-chancellor. In the succeeding year, he is said to have had a great share in the troubles of Laud, who was called to an account by the vice-chan∣cellor, Dr. Ayry, for a Sermon of his preached before the university; and that year likewise, he lost his father and mother.

In 1608, died his great patron Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorset, Lord High Treasurer of England, and Chancellor of the University of Oxford, sudden∣ly at the council table, at whose funeral, Dr. Abbot preached a sermon, which was afterwards printed, and generally commended. After his decease, Dr. Abbot became chaplain to George Hume, Earl of Dunbar, and Treasurer of Scotland, one of King James's early favourites, and who had all along had

a very high share in his esteem, and with him he went this year into Scotland, in order to assist in the exe∣cution of a very important design, for establishing an union between the Churches in that kingdom, and this, wherein he behaved with so much prudence and moderation, as gained him a very high character, and is thought to be the first step to all his future preferments.c 3.1

While he was at Edinburgh upon this occasion, a

prosecution was commenced against one George Sprot, Notary of Aymouth, for having been con∣cerned in Gowry's conspiracy eight years before, for which he was tried before Sir William Hart, Lord Justice General of Scotland, condemned and execu∣ted. A large account of this affair was drawn up by the judge, and a narrative prefixed thereto, by Dr. Abbot, who had been eye-witness of all that passed, and this was published at London, in order to settle the minds of the people, with regard to that conspiracy; which had hitherto been looked upon as a very mysterious affair, and about the reality of which there had been very great doubts.d 3.2

The King knew so well the difficulties that were

to be encountered in this northern nation, that it gave

him very high ideas of the abilities of the man, who

was able to overcome them; and therefore, when

another set of men filled the King's head and heart with apprehensions, he had recourse to Dr. Abbot, as

the fittest person, to put things again into the right channel. The case was this, his majesty being en∣gaged in the mediation of peace between the crown of Spain, and the United Provinces; by which the sovereignty of the latter, was to be acknowledged by the former: he demanded the advice of the con∣vocation then sitting, as to the lawfulness of espou∣sing the cause of the States. Upon this opening, they launched at once into the wide sea of politicks, and instead of satisfying the King's Scruples, excited new jealousies and apprehensions, as appears by a very singular letter written by him to Dr. Abbot, upon this subjecte 3.3.

It does not appear what effect this letter of the

King's produced, but in all probability it answered his majesty's end in writing it, as it is an incontest∣able proof of the confidence he had in the person it was written to. At least thus much is certain, that Dean Abbot, stood so high in the King's favour, that on the death of Dr Overton, Bishop of Litchfield and Coventry, which happened the latter end of April, 1609, his majesty thought of Dr. Abbot for his suc∣cessor, and he was accordingly consecrated Bishop of those united sees, on December 3, in the same year.

But this it seems did not appear in the King's eyes a sufficient recompence, for the services rendered him by so able a man; and therefore, before he had set a month in this bishoprick, he was translated to Lond∣on, that see becoming void by the death of Dr. Tho∣mas Ravis, and he was accordingly removed thither on the 20th of January following. It was but a short time that he possessed both these bishopricks, and yet in that short time, he so remarkably distin∣guished himself by the diligent performance of his function, by constant preaching, and by expressing the utmost readiness to promote learning, and learned men, that he obtained a general good character, as appears from several memorials of those timesf 4.1.

While the good Bishop was thus employed, a new opportunity offered of the King's testifying his esteem of, and confidence in, this worthy person, by the Archiepiscopal See of Canterbury's becoming vacant as it did, on the 2d of November, 1610, by the death of Dr. Richard Bancroft.

The court Bishops immmediately cast their eyes upon the celebrated Dr. Lancelot Andrews, then Bishop of Ely, and pointed him out to the King, as one sufficiently qualified to take upon him the go∣vernment of the Church; and they thought this re∣commendation

joined to the King's known regard for the parts and piety of this eminent man, enough to secure his promotion to the Primacy; but either the King himself thought of the Bishop of London, or he was proposed to him by his old friend and patron, the Earl of Dunbar; and therefore, without taking the advice of those prelates, his majesty prefer∣red Bishop Abbot to the throne of Canterbury, in which he was seated on the 9th of April, 1611; and on the 23d of June following, was sworn of his ma∣jesty's most honourable privy council.

Thus we see him, before he had arrived at the age of fifty, exalted to the highest dignity of the Church, and celebrated by one of his con-tempora∣ries, and a bishop too, [Godwin] for his learning, eloquence, and indefatigable diligence in preaching and writing, notwithstanding the great burthen that lay upon him, from the necessary attendance on the duties of his high office; especially presiding in the high commission court, which sat weekly at his pa∣lace, and his regular assisting at council, which, while his health permitted, he never failed.

At this time, he was in the highest favour both with Prince and people; and appears to have had a principal hand in all the great transactions in Church and State; he was never esteemed excessively fond of power, or desirous of carrying his Prerogative, as Primate of England, to an extraordinary height; yet as soon as he had taken possession of the archbishoprick, he shewed a steady resolution in the maintainance of the rights of the high commission court, and would not submit to Lord Coke's prohibitions.

He likewise shewed his concern for the interest of the Protestant Religion abroad, by procuring his majesty's application to the States General, against

Conrade Vorstius, whom they called to the Profess∣orship of Leyden; in which affair Sir Ralph Win∣wood was employed: and when it was found diffi∣cult to obtain from the States that satisfaction which the King desired, his Grace, in conjunction with the Lord Treasurer, Salisbury, framed an expedient for contenting both parties.

In all probability this alarmed some of the warm churchmen at home, who were by no means pleased with the King's discountenancing abroad, those opi∣nions which themselves favoured in both universities; but, whatever their sentiments upon this matter might be, Archbishop Abbot seems to have had as great concern for the Church, as any of them, when he thought it really in danger, as appears by a short and plain letter of his to Sir Ralph Winwood, about one Mr. Amias, who had been appointed preacher in the English congregation at the Hague, of whom the Bishop says, that he was a fit person to breed up the captains and soldiers there in mutiny and faction, and, consequently, very unfit for his office.

His great concern for the true interest of religion, made him a zealous promoter of the match between the Elector Palatine, and the Princess Elizabeth; and that Prince being here in the beginning of the year 1612, his Grace thought fit to invite the nobi∣lity that attended him to an entertainment, at his ar∣chiepiscopal palace at Lambeth, where, though un∣invited and unexpected, the Elector himself resorted, to shew his great respect for the Archbishop, and was so well pleased with his welcome, that when he feast∣ed the members of the privy council at Essex House, he shewed particular respect to the Archbishop, and th••se who attended him.

On the fourteenth of February following, the

marriage was solemnized with great splendor, the Archbishop performing the ceremony on a stage e∣rected in the middle of the royal chapel; and on the tenth of April, his Electoral Highness returned to Germany; but before his departure, he made a pre∣sent of plate to the Archbishop, of the value of a thousand pounds, as a mark of the just sense he had of the pains his Grace had taken in the accomplish∣ing his marriage; and as an additional mark of his confidence, he wrote to him from Canterbury, in relation to the causes of that discontent, with which he left Englandg 4.2

The concern his majesty had shewn for removing Arminius first, and then Vorstius, had given their favourers in Holland so much uneasiness, that the famous Hugo Grotius, the great champion of their cause, was sent over to England, to endeavour to mitigate the King's displeasure, and if possible, to give him a better opinion of the Remonstrants, as they began then to be called; and we have a very singular account of the man, and of his negotiation, from the pen of the Archbishoph 5.1.

In the spring of the year 1613, the affair of the Charterhouse was settled, and at the close of the month of June, his Grace, and the rest of the trus∣tees, took possession of that place, pursuant to the will of Mr. Sutton; and if this gave the Archbishop,

as no doubt it did, great satisfaction, an affair that happened about the same time, disturbed him not a little.

This was the famous case of divorce between the Lady Frances Howard, daughter to the Earl of Suf∣folk, and Robert, Earl of Essex, her husband; which has been always considered as one of the great∣est blemishes of King James's reign, though the part acted therein by the Archbishop of Canterbury, added much to the reputation he had already acqui∣red, for unshaken and incorruptible integrity.i 6.1

The circumstances that attended this affair, might

possibly leffen the King's favour to him in some res∣pects, but he still retained a great share of it, as ap∣pears by the raising his brother to the see of Salisbury, in the year 1615; but with Queen Anne, he stood always on the best terms possible, as we learn from himself, in a passage of a work of his transcribed in the following note.

He made use of his interest with her majesty, when all other applications had failed, to engage her to recommend Mr. George Villiers, so well known af∣terwards in the world, to his majesty's favour, for which at that time, the young man was so grateful as to call him father, and to desire his advice as to his behaviour, which the Archbishop very freely

gave him; and it had been very happy for him if he had always followed those councilsk 7.1.

Towards the close of the next year, the famous Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalato, took shelter here, from the persecution with which he was threatened by the Pope, for discovering his dislike both of the doctrine and discipline of the Church of Rome, and was very kindly received by his majesty, who was pleased to order the Archbishop to entertain him, which he did with generous hospitality, till he was otherways provided for by the King. His Grace

however thought himself sufficiently recompenced for the trouble given him in this affair by this stran∣ger's procuring for him the manuscript of Father Paul's excellent history of the council of Trent.

In the spring of the year 1618, viz. on the second of March, our good Archbishop lost his brother the Bishop of Salisbury, and before his grief was well over for so near a relation, he met with fresh disturb∣ances from the King's declaration for permitting sports and pastimes on the Lord's day, which was dated at Greenwich, May 24, 1618l 7.2.

This declaration was ordered to be read in church∣es, and the Archbishop being accidentally at Croy∣don in Surrey when it came thither, had the courage to forbid it's being read, which however the King winked at, notwithstanding there were some about him, who let no opportunity slip of irritating him against this prelate.

The council of Dort set this year, to which were sent from hence in the beginning of the month of

October four commissioners, and amongst them Dr Hall, Dean of Winchester, with whose health the climate of Holland disagreeing, he returned, and Dr Goad, the Archbishop's chaplain, was sent in his place.

The end of this year proved as disagreable to the Archbishop as it's beginning; in Autumn, the Queen, his gracious mistress, falling ill of that dis∣temper, which, after a tedious sickness, brought her to her end on the first of March following.

The Archbishop himself began also to grow in∣firm, and finding himself less fit for the affairs of the world than he had been, resolved, while he had still strength, to enter upon a great and good design, which he had long meditated as a testimony of affection to his native town of Guildford, where on the fifth of April, 1619, he laid the first stone of his hospital, and afterwards nobly endowed it; a par∣ticular account of which will be given.

It was towards the end of this year, that the Elector Palatine accepted of the crown of Bohemia, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 occasioned great disputes in King James's 〈◊〉〈◊〉 some desiring that his majesty should not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in this matter at all, from a foresight that ••t would produce a war in Germany; others again believing that both natural affection to his son and daughter, and a just concern for the Protestant in∣terest, ought to have engaged his majesty warmly to support the new election. The Archbishop agreed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ntiment with the last mentioned party, and not being able at that time to attend the privy council, he wrote his mind with great plainness and freedom

the Secretary of Statem 7.3

The next year was in a great measure spent in de∣bates

and negotiations upon this subject, in which the King took a great deal of pains with little effect.

The Archbishop's declining state of health, ma∣king exercise a thing not only convenient but necess∣ary for him, he was wont in the summer to make a tour into Hampshire for the sake of recreation, and being invited by the Lord Zouch to hunt in his park at Bramzil upon the edge of Berkshire, and not far from Hartford Bridge, his Grace met there with the greatest misfortune that befel him in the whole course of his life; for hunting in this park on the twenty∣fourth of July, he let fly a barbed arrow from a cross-bow at one of the deer; which unfortunately struck one Peter Hawkins, my Lord Zouch's keep∣er, who was quite out of the Bishop's sight, and had been warned more than once to keep out of the way, in the left arm, by which wound a large blood-ves∣sel being pierced, he bled to death in an hour's time. This unforeseen accident threw the Archbishop into a deep melancholy, tho' he was not conscious to him∣self of the least inadvertency or indiscretion, neither did this wear off in time, but throughout his whole life he observed a monthly fast on a Tuesday, the day on which this fatal mischance fell out, and settled an annuity of twenty pounds on the widow, which soon procured her another husband.

This affair made a very great noise, and there wanted not some to represent it in a sinister light to King James, but his majesty gave his judgment of matter in a short and clear sentence, An angel, said he, might have miscarried in this sort. When he was afterwards informed of the legal penalties which his grace had incurred by this accident, he wrote him a consolatory letter with his own hand, in which a∣mongst

other things he told him, that he would not add affliction to his sorrow, or take one farthing from his chattels or moveables which were forfeited by law.

The Archbishop immediately on this misfortune retired to his own hospital at Guildford, there to wait the decision of the great point as to the irregu∣larity, which some imagined he had incurred, for it happened very unluckily that at this juncture, there were four Bishops elected but not consecrated, viz. Dr John Williams, lord keeper of the great seal, to the see of Lincoln; Dr John Davenant, to that of Salisbury; Dr Valentine Cary, to that of Exeter; and his old antagonist Dr William Laud, whose preferment, on this occasion, he had warmly oppo∣sed, to that of St David's; and all, except Dr Da∣venant, scrupled the Archbishop's capacity to lay hands on them till he was cleared from all imputa∣tion as to this fact. The King being informed of this, directed, in the beginning of October follow∣ing, a commission to the ten following persons, viz. the Lord Keeper; the Bishops of London, Winch∣ester, and Rochester; the Elects of Exeter and St Davids; Sir Henry Hobart, Lord Chief Justice of the common pleas; Sir John Dodderidge, one of the justices of the King's bench; Sir Henry Mar∣tin, Dean of the Arches; and Dr. Steward; to consider and resolve the three following questions. 1. Whether the Archbishop was irregular by the fact of involuntary bomicide? The Bishop of Winchester, the two Judges, and the two Civilians, were very clear that he was not irregular; the other five thought he he was. 2. Whether that act might tend to scandal in a churchman? The Bishop of Winchester, the Lord Chief Justice Hobart, and Dr Steward, doubted; all the rest agreed, that a scandal might be taken tho'

not given. 3. How his Grace should be restored, in case the King should follow the decision of those commission∣ers, who had found him irregular? All agreed that it could not be otherwise done than by restitution from the King, but they varied in the manner. The Bishop of Winchester, the Lord Chief Justice, and Dr Steward, thought it should be done by the King, and by him alone, in the same patent with the par∣don. The Lord Keeper, and the Bishops of Lond∣on, Rochester, Exeter, and St David's, were for a commission from the King directed to some Bishops. Judge Dodderidge, and Sir Henry Martin, were desirous it should be done both ways, for abundant caution. This return was made to his majesty on the tenth of November 1621, and accordingly a pardon and a dispensation both bearing date at West∣minster, the twenty-second of November, passed the great seal, by which his majesty assoiled the Arch∣bishop from all irregularity, scandal, or infamation, (if any was incurred) and declared him capable of all metropolitical authority, as if this accident had never happened. Such was the close of this business, after a great variety of proceedings, and many ar∣guments published on both sidesn 8.1.

Yet all this could not satisfy the minds of those who had scrupled the power of laying on hands, and therefore they petitioned the King, that they might not be compelled to wound their consciences by sub∣mitting to such a consecration; and, in compliance with their desire, the Bishop of Lincoln was conse∣crated in King Henry VII's chapel, on the eleventh of November, by the Bishops of London, Wor∣cester, Ely, Oxford, and Llandaff; and the Bish∣ops of Sarum, Exeter, and St David's, in the chapel of the Bishop of London's palace, on the eighteenth of November, by the same reverend Prelates.

It does not appear, that his Grace was at all lessened, by the suggestions of his enemies, in the King's favour, or his courage in any degree abated, by the troubles he had met witho 8.2. On the con∣trary,

we find him, in the year 1622, opposing the Spanish match, which was a thing the King had set his heart upon, with the greatest firmness and spirit, and even venturing, under his hand, to give his sentiments on that subject in terms so vigorous and pathetick, that no pen can properly represent them but his ownp 8.3. The King however remained

fixed in his resolution, and the articles agreed on for

the said marriage, were sworn to, in the presence of the Archbishop, and other great officers of state, notwithstanding which they never took effect.

The Archbishop thenceforward assisted but seldom at council, being hindered chiefly by his infirmities, but in the King's last sickness he was called for, and attended with great constancy, and received the highest marks of the King's confidence, to the very last moment of his life, and was near him when he expired, on the twenty-seventh of March 1625.

At the coronation of King Charles I, the Arch∣bishop, as his office required, set the crown upon his majesty's head, tho' he was extremely weak, and much troubled with the gout, but thenceforward he visibly declined in the King's favour, and the Duke of Buckingham, who was his declared enemy, watched for an opportunity to make the Archbishop

feel the weight of his displeasure.

This was at last taken, for his refusing to license a sermon, preached by one Dr Sibthorpe, Vicar of Brackley in Northamptonshire, to justify and pro∣mote a loan, which the King had demanded. This sermon was preached at Northampton, in the Lent assizes 1627 before the Judges at Northampton, and it was transmitted to the Bishop, with the King's directi∣on, to license it, which he refused to do, and gave his reasons for it; notwithstanding which, the sermon was licensed by the Bishop of London, (Dr Moun∣taigne) after many things had been corrected therein, from the lights given by the Archbishop's objections, for which however it was resolved that he should suffer. Discourses of this nature were so loud at court, that some of his Grace's friends overheard and reported them to him, upon which he thought fit to retire to his palace at Croydon; a month before his usual time. On the fifth of July, Lord Con∣way, who was then Secretary of State, made him a visit, and intimated to him, that the King expected he should withdraw to Canterbury, which the Arch∣bishop declined, because he had a law-suit at that time with that city, and desired he might rather have leave to go to his house at Ford, five miles beyond Canterbury, which was yielded to; and on the ninth of October following, the King granted a commission to the Bishops of London, Durham, Rochester, Oxford, and Bath and Wells, to execute archiepiscopal authority, the cause assigned being no more than this, That the Archbishop could not at that time, in his own person, attend those services, which were otherwise proper for his cognizance and jurisdiction. Some writers have pretended, that his supposed irre∣gularity, occasioned by the Death of Peter Hawkins,

was revived; but the commission which is extant on record shews the contrary, nor indeed was that affair ever thought of afterwards; but the Archbishop did not remain long in this situation, for the necessities of the times rendering a parliament necessary, his Grace was sent for about Christmas, and not only restored to his authority aad jurisdiction, but, on his coming to court from his palace at Lambeth, was received when he quitted his barge, by the Archbishop of York and the Earl of Dorset, who conducted him to his majesty, where, having kissed the King's hand, he was desired not to fail the coun∣cil chamber twice a week. His Grace sat in that parliament which began on the seventeenth of March following, and continued in the full exercise of his office ever after, of which it may not be amiss to take notice in this single instance. On the twenty-fourth of August 1628, he consecrated Richard Montagu, to the see of Chichester, a man who had been remarkably busy in supporting th•• pretence of his irregularity, and at this consecration Dr Laud, then Bishop of London, assisted, which is the clearest proof that can be, that no doubts stuck longer as to his irregularity, even with those who loved him least.

In parliament, the Archbishop maintained his credit in as high a degree as any of his predecessors, and it is more than probable, that the knowledge of this procured him such marks of respect, as were at this time afforded him by the court. When the Petition of Right, that great pillar of the English liberty, was under consideration, the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury delivered the sense of the house of Lords thereupon, at a conference with the house of Commons, and at the same time, laid

before them such propositions as their Lordships had agreed upon, for which, thanks were returned, in set speech, by Sir Dudley Diggs.

The interest of Bishop Laud was now so great at court, that he drew up a scheme of instructions, which having the King's name at the head of them, were, in the month of December, 1629, transmitted to his Grace, under the pompous title, His Majesty's instructions to the most reverend father in God, George, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, containing certain orders to be observed and put in execution, by the several Bishops in his province. These instructions his Grace com∣municated to his suffragan Bishops, in which, as Heylin observes, he acted ministerially; but to shew that he still meant to exercise his own authority in his own diocese, he restored Mr Palmer and Mr Udnay to their lectureships, after the Dean and Archdeacon of Canterbury had suspended them; and, in other respects, softened the rigour of those instructions, which were contrived to enforce the particular no∣tions of a prevailing party in the Church, which the Archbishop thought a burden too hard to be borne by the tender consciences of those who made the fundamentals of religion their study, and were not so zealous for forms.

His conduct in this and other respects, is said to have made his presence unwelcome at court, and ••o indeed it seems to have been, for upon the birth of Charles, Prince of Wales, (afterwards King Charles II,) which happened on the 29th of May, 1630, Laud, then Bishop of London, had the honour to baptize him as D••an of the chapel, notwithstanding that the Archbishop of Canterbury is the Ordinary of the court, and the King's houshold, wherever it is, are regarded as his parishioners; so this was

visibly as much a slight upon the Archbishop, as an act of favour towards his antagonist.

The Archbishop however was proof against all such accidents as these, and went on doing his duty without fear or favour, and yet one of the last acts of his life plainly shews, that he was very far from being so indifferent towards the discipline and cere∣monies of the Church of England, as some have represented him. This act of his was an order dated the third of July 1633, requiring the parish∣ioners of Crayford in Kent, to receive the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, on their knees, at the steps ascending to the communion table.

We may well stile this one of his last acts, since a month a••terwards, viz. on the fourth of August in the same year, he deceased at his palace of Croydon, worn out with cares and infirmities, at the age of seventy-one.

He was buried according to his own express direction, in the chapel of our Lady, within the church dedicated to the holy Trinity, in his native town of Guildford in Surrey. Soon after his de∣cease, a noble monument was erected over his grave with the effigies of the Archbishop in his Episcopal robes, and over that his Parliament Robes, in white marble, lying under the Arch supported by six black marble pillars of the Dorick Order, raised on pedestals of books piled up. In niches, at the East end of the Monument, are two figures, over their heads, thus, Hinc Lumen [Hence Light], Hic Gratia [Here Grace]. On the top prettily disposed are nine small figures, one of which has the following in∣scription, Fidit & Patitur [he Trusts and Suffers.] On the West end, below the cushion, is a representa∣tion

of a sepulchre filled with skulls and bones, with an iron grate before it: and on several parts of the monument, are the arms of Abbot.

On the west end is this Inscription in capitals

Sacrum
Memoriae

Honoratissimi Archi-Praesulis, Doctoris Georgii Abbot, qui hanc natalibus Guilfordiam, studiis literarum Oxoniam decoravit, ubi Socius primo Collegii Baliol, dein Collegii Universitatis Praefectus, et Academiae Pro∣cax••eliarius laudatissimus, Prudentiae, Pietatis, Erudi∣tionis aestimatione adeo gratiam pientissimi Regumque om••ium doctissimi, Jacobi, Magnae Britanniae Monar∣c•••• promeruit ut post Decanatum Winton. ad Episco∣patum Covent: & Lichfield. mox ad London. statim ad Cant. Archiepiscopatum, et totius Angliae Pri∣matum, et Sacratissimi Concilii Regii Senatum cito sub∣volaret: Cum{que} inde altius in terris non posset, coelos pe••••it, d••erum, honorum plenus. Fratri, eid••m{que} Patri summe venerando, Mauricius Abbot Eques Auratus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 m••••rent••ssimus hie aeviternum parentat.

IN ENGLISH THUS

Sacred to the Memory

Of the most Honourable Archbishop Doctor George Abbot, who graced this Town of Guildford with his Birth, and Oxford with his Studies, where first he was Fellow of Baliol College, then Master of University College, and worthy Vice-Chancellor of the University. By his great Prudence, Piety, and Learning, he so ••erited the favour of the most pious and learned of all Kings, James King of Great-Britain, that from the Dean'r•• o•• W••nchester, ••e was translated to the Bishop∣rick

of Coventry and Litchfield, soon after to London, and then to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury, and Primacy of all England, and one of his Majesty's Privy Council. When he could go no higher on the earth he ascended to Heaven, full of Years and Honour. Maurice Abbot, full of sorrow, a Knight of the gilt Spurs, eternally pays the Funeral Obsequies to his de∣serving Brother, and the same his [ghostly] Father, greatly to be revered.

At the East end, at his feet, is this inscription.

AETERNAE
Memoriae Sacrum

Magni hic (Hospes) Hospitis Monumenta vides, s••d Mortui videsis viventis etiam viventia. Quod pagum ••unc utrius{que} sexus Ptocho-Trophio sumptuoso, Provin∣ciae suae Metropolin Aquaeductu specioso ornavit. Quod primas Annos 22 praesederit duorum optimorum R. R. Conciliis inservierit, Carolum pium D••ademate et Unct••∣one sacravit: Quod R. Jacobi jussu Ecclesias olim Scotiae perlustravit, quod curà ipsius eundem R. erud••∣tiss. Academia Oxon. allubescentiâ mirâ exceperit, sibi{que} tum Burgenses Parliamenti, tum Auctiores Professorum reditus impetravit; Quanti haec! sed quod pie, patienter, ••••benter tanta liquerit; hoc un••m in ultimis recensen∣dum, in primis censendum censeas Hospes, et valeas.

IN ENGLISH THUS

Sacred to Eternal Memory.

Reader, here you see the Monument of a great Man, now dead, you may see also the memorable Deeds of his Life, which now remain. He adorn'd this Town ••

a sumptuous Hospital, for both Sexes; and the Metropo∣lis of his Province with a spa••ious Aqueduct. He pre∣sided as Primate 22 Years; was in the Privy-Council of two emin••••t Kings; and crown'd and an••inted Charles 〈…〉〈…〉 By the ord r o•• K. James, he surveyed for∣merly the Church of Scotland; by his care, the Univer∣sity of Oxford receiv'd the same learned King with si••gu••••r sat ••••••ction; ••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 likewise for it Members to s••r••e in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a ••r••e•• Salary for the Pro∣fessors. How 〈…〉〈…〉 this one thing is to be accounted 〈…〉〈…〉 that he left such great Things, 〈…〉〈…〉 and willingly, but you, Reader, may ••e 〈…〉〈…〉 as to think it of great con••••quence. ••a••ewel.

On the cushion under his head, thus;

〈◊〉〈◊〉 A^o D. 1633. Augusti d •• IV^to. Anno Aeta••i•• XXXI.

The facts related in the ••••••••ription, sufficiently prove that ••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a man of great natural parts, and those 〈◊〉〈◊〉 improved, ••or the worthy perform∣ance 〈…〉〈…〉 h s high station in the Church 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

••e shewed h mself in many circumstances of his life, a man of great moderation towards all parties, 〈…〉〈…〉 to the Prote••tant religion, an honest 〈…〉〈…〉 not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 humble courtier, and one 〈…〉〈…〉 should have attracted the 〈…〉〈…〉 laity, by the sanct∣ity of 〈…〉〈…〉 and the uprightness of their behaviour, rath•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 have claimed them as ne∣ce••••ari••y annexed to their function. These notions of his, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 little with the humour of some

writers, has drawn upon him many reflections that he did not deserveq 9.1.

The general historians of those times ran much into writing of characters, and that which Hammond l'Estrange bestowed upon the Archbishop, has been copied into various works. Dr. Heylin, in his life of Abp. Laud, makes use of it to express what he did not care should fall from his own pen, though upon other occasions, he has treated this writer in his history very freely. Lloyd, in his State Worthies, has copied that character without naming his author,

and to say the truth, it is from thence, that most of the strokes of satire bestowed upon the memory of this great man have been stolen; [see the notes [q] and [r] and yet how little suitable that character is to the person for whom it was drawn, the reader will easily perceive from the piece itselfr 9.2. He

has not met with much better quarter from the noble historian, tho' there is more of decency preserved in his animadversions, as the reader will perceive from the picture of our Archbishop drawn by his pens 9.3. A later writer justly esteemed for his

perfect knowledge of the English history, and not

so much addicted to party, has done much more justice to the virtues and abilities of this great Prelate, and therefore we held it reasonable to annex his testimony to these memoirst 9.4.

His charity and publick spirit ought certainly to have been set in a clearer light, than hitherto they have been, by the friends to the Church; the rather, because a writer, remarkable for his keenness, [Heylin] has been pleased to assert, that marks of his∣benesaction we find none, in places of his breeding and preferment; which is at once an unjust and unchristi∣an aspersion, as will be made appearu 9.5.

In regard to his learning, succeeding ages may judge thereof, from his writings upon various sub∣jects, of the most remarkable of which, we have, for the reader's satisfaction, added a succinct ac∣countx 9.6

It may not be amiss to observe here, that there was

another writer of both his names, who flourished somewhat later. This George Abbot wrote a paraphrase on Job, a vindication of the Sabbath, and a paraphrase on the Psalms. This last was printed in 1650, and it appears from thence, that the author was lately dead, and had been, while living, a member of the parliament then sitting. Another George Abbot, fellow of Merton college in Oxford,

in 1622, and who took the degree of Bachelor of Law, in 1630, was our Prelate's nephew, and the son of Sir Maurice Abbot, but it does not appear that he was a writer.

FINIS.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Mr. Maurice Abbot, was by trade a Clothworker, and settled at the town of Guildford, in Surrey, where he married his wife Alice March, and suffered for his stedfastness in the Protestant Religion, through the means of Dr. Story, who was a great persecutor of such persons in the reign of Queen Mary. But these storms being blown over, they passed the remainder of their days quietly, living together fifty-eight years. She deceased September 15, 1606, and he September 25, the same year, the former being eighty, and the latter eighty-six years of age. They left behind them six sons, of whom Robert the eldest, was then one of the King's chaplains, George, had been thrice vice-chancellor of Oxford, and their youngest son Mau∣rice, was at this time an eminent merchant of the city of London.
• b 1.2

  The cross at Cheapside was taken down in the year 1600, in order to be repaired, and upon this occasion, the citizens of London desired the advice of both universities on this question; Whether the said cross should be re-erected or not? and Dr. Abbot, as vice-chancellor of Oxford, gave it as his opinion, that the crucifix with the dove upon it should not be again set up, but approved rather of a pyramid, or some other matter of mere ornament, for the reasons assigned in his letter. In this determination he acted consistently with his own practice, when in his said office he caused several superstitious pictures to be burnt at the market-place of Oxford, and among the rest, one in which was the figure of God the Father, over a crucifix, ready to receive the Soul of Christ; and he professes in this letter, that he was moved to such proceedings by his own ob∣servation and experience.

  I remember, says he, in that col∣lege (Baliol) where I first lived, a young man was taken pray∣ing, and beating his breast, before a crucifix in a window; which caused the master and fellows, to pull it down, and set up other glass. Which example, makes me nothing doubt, but that the cross in Cheapside hath many in the twilight and morning early, who do reverence before it, besides Cam∣pian, whose act is famous, or rather infamous, for it. And, I am informed, that so much hath been signified by the neighbours, or inquest, making presentments concerning the circumstances of this cause. By all which, I do conclude, that it is a monument of their superstition; a great induce∣ment, and may be a ready way to idolatry; and that there can be no tolerable use of this matter, which may be able to countervail the dangers and obloquy arising upon the retain∣ing of it; and so much the rather, because it is perceived that many evil affected men do make their advantage from hence, to insinuate into the minds of their credulous hearers, that it is a token of the return of their faith again into this land, since their monuments are not extinguished in the chief street of our greatest city.

  He afterwards desires, that the reader would observe, he says, the magistrates are to redress such enormities:

  For, continues he, I do not permit inferior men to run headlong about such matters; and to rend, break, and tear, as well within, as without the churches; which was that which Luther reprehended, but the advice and consent of superior powers is to be had herein, that all things may be done decently and in order.

  He held it therefore necessary, that they should apply to the Archbishop of Canterbury (Whit∣gift) and to the Bishop of London (Bancroft) for instructions. The issue of the matter was, that the cross only was erected again, without either the body, or the dove, which was agree∣able in the main to the sentiments of the vice-chancellor, and the heads of houses at Oxford.
• c 3.1

  There is no point in which all the writers who mention this Prelate, more clearly agree, than in this, that his journey to Scotland, brought him into that height of favour with the King, which so suddenly raised him in little more than three years, from Dean of Winchester, to Archbishop of Canterbury; yet it has so fallen out, that hitherto, his transactions in Scotland have lain so much in the dark, that it is a very difficult thing to discern how he merited by them, so high a share of the Royal favour. To explain therefore this hitherto untouched point, and set this matter in a clear light, shall be the business of this note, the rather because it will shew how unjustly this great man has been charged with unfriendliness to the establishment of the Church of England, and coldness in regard to the Hie∣rarchy. King James had suffered so much before his accession to the Crown of England, from the spirit and power of the Presbyterians in Scotland, that he was greatly set on restoring the ancient form of government by Bishops in that kingdom; the care of which was principally entrusted to the Earl of Dun∣bar, to whom Dr. Abbot was now chaplain. That noble Lord, who is by all writers allowed to have been both the wisest and best man of all the favourites of that nation, had proceeded so far in this matter two years before, as to obtain an act for the restitution of the estates of Bishops, but the Presbyterians made so steady a resistance, that the consequences which were hoped from the restoring of that order, were in the utmost danger of being disappointed. But by the skill and prudence, the sound sense, and great moderation of Dr. Abbot, these difficu••ties were removed, and the clergy of Scotland, who had refu••ed to admit the Bishops for their moderators in their church synods, were brought to a better temper, and things put into such a train, as afterwards produced the entire establishment of the Episcopal Order in Scotland; for which the King had been so long struggling, and to so little purpose. The account given by the famous historian of the Church of Scotland, (David Calderwood) sufficiently proves the truth of what has been ass∣erted.

  'About the end of June, (1608) says he, the Earl of Dunbar came from court, and with him two English Doctors, Abbot and Higgins. Dr. Maxy, one of the King's chaplains came by sea. It was reported that no small sums of money were sent down with him, to be distributed among the minist∣ers and some others. The English doctor seemed to have no other direction, but to persuade the Scots that there was no substantial difference in religion, between the two realms, but only in things indifferent, concerning government and ceremonies: and to report, that it was his majesty's will, that England should stand as he found it, and Scotland as he l••ft it. But when he came to St. Andrews, Mr. Robert Howie, a man of a seditious and turbulent spirit, declaimed against the discipline and government of our Kirk; and then they utter∣ed their mind in plain terms: no order was taken with so manifest a breach, after the last conference. This was the policy of the aspiring Bishops, to cry peace, peace, and to crave silence of their opposites; when, in the mean time, they minded not to be silent themselves, when they found occasion.'

  This very clearly proves, that it was by a kind and moderate, not a haughty and severe, behaviour, that the English doctor, as he calls Dean Abbot, won so much upon the Scots ministers, as to bring them into a compliance with the King's desires; so that in two years afterwards, the Lord High Treasurer, Dunbar, who was entirely governed in this matter by the advice of his able chaplain, procured an act in the Ge∣neral Assembly, by which it was provided.

  'That the King should have the Indiction (or calling) of all General Assemblies. That the Bishops, or their deputies should be perpetual Mo∣derators of the diocesan synods. That no excommunication, or absolution, should be pronounced without their approbation. That all presentations of benefices should be made by them; and that the deprivation or suspension of ministers should be∣long to them. That every minister at his admission to a be∣nefice, should take the oath of supremacy, and canonical o∣bedience. That the visitation of the diocese, shall be per∣formed by the Bishop or his deputy only. And finally, that the Bishop should be moderator of all conventions, for exer∣cisings or prophesyings, which should be held within their bounds.'

  All which were afterwards ratified and confirmed by authority of the parliament of that kingdom. Such were the merits of Dr. Abbot in this respect, and so great justice was there done to them by his noble patron, the Treasurer, in the report he made to his majesty, of the Dean's behaviour in this respect, that, in conjunction with the service rendered his majesty, by giving his unquestioned testimony in the affair of Gowry's conspiracy, (of which a full account shall be given in the succeeding note) he was raised so high, and so firmly fixed in the esteem of his royal master, as that no opposition could prevent his arriving at the supreme dignity in his profession. As a proof of his advancing his fortune by this means, and not otherwise, it may not be amiss to transcribe the observation of a contemporary historian, (Speed) after Dr. Abbot was raised to the archiepiscopal dignity, who tells us,

  'That the first preacher, and the first in that embassage, which King James sent into Scotland, to establish those neighbouring Churches, was he, whose eminency both for place and piety, is now worthily foremost in guiding our own; and whose blessed travels in that service, as they were acceptable to God, his majesty, and that nation; so are they a document to others, how powerful and admirably successful true learning is, where it is guided with true prudence; and where piety and the love of God's glory, is linked with charity and zeal of man's good.'
• d 3.2

  There had been very great doubts.] It is a difficult thing to give a clear account of this matter, within the short compass of a note; and yet the importance, as well as curiosity of the subject, very obscurely treated by most of our historians, as well as its close connection with the history of Dean Abbot's life, render it absolutely necessary. The conspiracy was framed by John, Earl of Gowry, son to that Earl of Gowry, who had been executed for surprizing the King's person at Ruthen Cast∣le, in 1584; and carried on with great diligence and seerecy. The Scheme was to invite the King, upon some pretence or other, to the Earl's house at Perth, and there to make sure of him. This design was executed on Tuesday August 5, 1600, when the King was brought thither by Mr. Alexander Ruthen, brother to the Earl, accompanied by some persons of quality, under pretence of seeing some chymical experiment; and for this purpose after dinner, being brought to a chamber at the top of the house, Mr. Alexander Ruthen shut the door, and suddenly fell to upbraiding the King with the death of his father, for which he was now to make satisfaction; and, after this speech, left him for some time to the mercy of the execu∣tioner, who refused to do that office, though Alexander return∣ing had, if this man had not hindered him; but the King with much struggling got at last to a window, and cried out so loud, that the lords and gentlemen of his retinue heard him, and came to his assistance; the Earl himself was killed by Sir Thomas Ereskine, the captain of the King's guard, as he was going to help his brother, and Alexander Ruthen was dispatch∣ed by Ramsay, one of the King's pages, who being well ac∣quainted with the house, came by the back-stairs time enough to preserve his master. When the ministers of Edinburgh were desired to assemble the people, and give God thanks for this deliverance, they excused themselves, as not acquainted with the particulars; and when they were pressed only to make known to the people, that the King had escaped a great danger, and to excite them to thanksgiving:—they answered, that they were not very well satisfied, as to the truth of the matter; and that nothing was to be uttered in the pulpit, but that which might be spoke in faith. Upon this, the council order∣ed the Bishop of Ross to assemble the people, to declare the whole affair, and to make a prayer of thanksgiving, which was done accordingly. In November following, a parliament was held at Edinburgh, in which the estate of Gowry was confis∣cated, the whole family attainted; and the 5th of August esta∣blished by act of parliament, for a day of thanksgiving in all succeeding times. After King James's accession to the throne of England, he appointed a weekly commemoration, by a Tuesday's sermon at court: and now, on the execution of this Sprot, an account of his share in the conspiracy was published, with a preface to the reader, subscribed by Dr. Abbot, and full as large as the account itself. As this little tract is become very scarce, it may not be amiss to give some passages from it, in order to set this matter in a clearer light.

  'There are few in this island, says he, of any understanding, but have heard of the traiterous, and bloody attempt of the Earl Gowrie and his brother, against the person and life, of our most blessed Sovereign. Wherein albeit there were such evidences, and arguments, as that any man who would have taken notice thereof, might have been sufficiently informed therein, even at the very first, and afterward, by the clear depositions (for most pregnant circumstances) and ample attestations of many persons of honour, and quality; the parliament of that king∣dom took full knowledge thereof, and accordingly proceeded to the forfeiting of the whole estate of that Earl, and of his heirs for ever: yet some humorous men, whom in that respect, I may justly term unthankful unto God, and undutiful to their King, out of fond imaginations, or rather, if you will, se∣ditious suppositions of their own, did both at home and abroad, by whisperings and secret buzzings into the ears of the people, (who were better persuaded of them than indeed there was cause) employ their wits and tongues, to obscure the truth of that matter, and to cast an imputation where it was least deserved. Which, when God had permitted, for the space of some years to ranckle and fester in the bowels of those who were the authors of it; the same God, in his wis∣dom, at last meaning to cure them, if they would be cured, of that malady, discovered that in the same treason, although carried never so secretly, there were other confederates, of whom hitherto the world had taken no kind of knowledge. And albeit two of the persons interested in that business, were lately dead, and departed unto far greater torment, than all the earth could lay upon them, (unless they died repentant) yet it was apprehended, that a third party remained, who had foreknowledge of that conspiracy, and was able to utter much of the secrets of it: one George Sprot, a notary, inhabiting at Ayemouth, a place well known in that county. Which matter, or some part thereof, being made known to an honour∣able person, [the Earl of Dunbar] a most faithful servant to His Majesty: first, by some words that fell from Sprot himself, and afterwards, by some papers found upon him; it was so wisely carried, and so prudently brought about, by the great care and diligence of that nobleman (God Almighty blessing the business) that so much was revealed, as followeth in this treatise, upon the acts to be seen, which are here set down at large, word for word, as they agree with the process origi∣nal, and other examinations, that such as have been averse, may at last receive satisfaction. Touching all which I shall say nothing, but only report that which befel upon the day of his death, when he suffered for that treason. Having then the sentence passed on him, upon Friday, August 12, 1608, in the forenoon, and publickly being warned to prepare him∣self to his end, which must be that day after dinner, he most willingly submitted himself unto that punishment, which (as he then acknowledged) he had justly deserved. And being left to himself, till dinner time was expired, then came to him into that private place where he remained, some of the reve∣rend bishops, diverse lords of the Session, two of the English ministers there employed by his majesty, with diverse other ministers of the town of Edinburgh. Before whom he first acknowledged and avouched his former confession to be true, and that he would die in the same; and then falling on his knees, in a corner of that room where he and they then were, in a prayer to God uttered aloud, he so passionately deplored his former wickednesses, but especially that sin of his, for which he was to die, that a man may justly say, he did in a sort, deject and cast down himself to the gates of Hell, as if he should there have been swallowed up in the gulf of des∣peration: yet presently laying hold upon the mercies of God in Christ. he rai••ed himself, and strangely lifted up his soul unto the throne of grace, applying joy and comfort to his own heart so effectually, as cannot well be described. In the com••••ting of this coafolation into his inward man, he burst out into tears, so plentifully flowing from him, that for a time they stopped his voice. The sight, and hearing whereof, wrought so forcible an impression in those persons of honour, and learned men, who beheld him, that there was scarce any one of them, who could refrain tears in the place, as diverse of themselves that day did witness unto me.—After∣ward being brought to the scaffold where he was to die, he uttered many things, among which, I observed these: He acknowledged to the people, that he was come thither to suf∣fer most deservedly; that he had been an offender against Al∣mighty God, in very many respects; but that none of his sins were so grievous unto him, as that, for which he must die; where in, notwithstanding he was not an actor, but a conceal∣er only. That he was ingyred (involved) in it by the Laird of Rastalrig, and his servant, the Laird of Bour, both which, he said, were men that professed not religion. Whereupon, he exhorted men to take heed, how they accompanied with such as are not religious; because, said he, with such as make not profession of religion, there is no faith, no truth, no holding of their word, as himself had tried and found. But touching the treason, for the concealing whereof he was condemned, he added, that he was preserved alive to open that secret mystery which so long had lain hid. That God had kept him since that attempt of the Earl Gowrie, from very many dangers, but notedly from one, when being in appa∣rent hazard of drowning, he was strangely delivered; which, said he, was God's work, that I might remain alive unto this happy and blessed day, that the truth might be made known. And now I confess my fault, to the shame of myself, and to the shame of the devil; but to the glory of God. And I do it not either for fear of death, or for any hope of life (for I have deserved to die, and am unworthy to live) but because it is the truth, which I shall seal with my blood. My fault, saith he, is so great, that if I had a thousand lives, and could die ten thousand deaths, yet I might not make satisfaction, that I shou'd conceal such a treason against so gracious a King. These, and the like words, when he had spoken upon one side of the scaffold, he turned him to the second side, and afterward to the third (that all the people might hear) where he spake to the same purpose as formerly he had done.—And here, being told by the said ministers, and other persons of quality, that being so near his departure out of the world, it concerned him to speak nothing but the truth, and that upon the peril of his soul: he answered, that to the end that they should know that he had spoken no∣thing but the verity, and that his confession was true in every respect, he would (at the last gasp) give them some ap∣parent token for the confirmation of the same. Then fitting himself to the ladder, the executioner cometh to him, and as the manner is, asking forgiveness of him; with all my heart, saith he, for you do but your office, and it is the thing I desire; because, suffering in my body, I shall in my soul be joyned to my Saviour. Ascending up to the ladder, he desired the people to sing a psalm with him, which they did with many a weeping eye. He named the 6th psalm, and beginning, or taking it up himself, in every verse or line thereof, he went before the people, singing both loud and tunably unto the very end. Then once again confirming and avowing his former confession, he covered his own face, and, commending his soul to God, he was turned off the ladder; where hanging by the neck some little while, he three several times, gave a loud clap with his hands, that all the standers-by might hear, which was the sign or token (as it seemeth) which he a little before had said, that he would give at the last gasp, for the rati ication and avowing of those things, which by his con∣fession he had so many times declared and delivered. These things were done in the open sight of the sun, in the King's capital town, at the market-cross in Edinburgh, in the pre∣sence os diverse thousands of all sorts; of the nobility, of the clergy, of the gentry, of the burgesses, of women and children, myself, with the rest of the English ministers, stand∣ing by, and looking on, and giving God the glory, that after so long a space as eight years and eight days (for so it was by just computation, after the attempt of Gowrie) he was pleased to give so noble a testimony unto that, which by some maligners, hath been secretly called in question, without any ground or reason. I have reported at length those particu∣lars, which I heard and saw; which that honourable person∣age who wrote this treatise following, doth somewhat more bric••y deliver, but yet both of us very truly, as thousands can witness.'
• e 3.3

  A very singular letter written by him to Dr. Abbot, upon this subject.] This Letter from the King, to Dr. Abbot, was first published on occasion of the famous dispute between Dr. Sher∣lock, Dean of St. Paul's, and his adversaries, on his taking the oaths to King William III, after some hesitation, and ground∣ing the defence of his conduct on (Bishop) Overall's Convoca∣tion Book. It is not necessary here, to enter at all into the merits of that dispute; but as the letter has a close connection with the history of the Archbishop's life, the reader will not be displeased to see it.

  Good Dr. Abbot,

  I Cannot abstain to give you my judgment of the proceed∣ings in the convocation, as you will call it; and both as rex in solio, and unus gregis in ecclesia, I am doubly concerned. My title to the crown, nobody calls in question, but they that neither love you nor me, and you may guess whom I mean; all that you, and your brethren, have said of a king in pos∣session (for that word, I tell you, is no more, than that you make use of in your canon) concerns not me at all: I am the next heir, and the crown is mine by all rights you can name, but that of conquest; and Mr Solicitor, has sufficiently expressed my own thoughts, concerning the nature of kingship; and concerning the nature of it, ut in mea persona, and, I believe you were all of his opinion, at least none of you said any thing contrary to it, at the time he spoke to you from me: but you know all of you, as I think, that my reason of calling you together, was to give your judgments; how far a christian, and a protestent King, may concur to affist his neighbours to shake off their obedience to their own sovereign? Upon the account of oppression, tyran∣ny, or what else you like to name it. In the late Queen's time, this kingdom was very free in assisting the Hollanders, both with arms and advice, and none of your coat ever told me, that any scrupled at it in her reign. Upon my coming to England, you may know that it came from some of your∣selves, to raise scruples about this matter; and albeit, I have often told my mind concerning jus regium insubditos, as in May last, in the star chamber, upon the occasion of Hales's pamph∣let; yet I never took any notice of these scruples, till the affairs of Spain and Holland forced me to it. All my neigh∣bours call on me to concur in the treaty between Holland and Spain, and the honour of the nation will not suffer the Hol∣landers to be abandoned, especially after so much money and men spent in their quarrel; therefore, I was of the mind to call my clergy together, to satisfy not so much me, as the world about us, of the justness of my owning the Holland∣ers at this time. This I needed not to have done, and you have sorced me to say, I wish I had not; you have dipped too deep, in what all kings reserve among the arcana imperii; and whatever aversion you may profess against God's being the author of sin, you have stumbled upon the threshold of that o∣pinion, in saying, upon the matter, that even tyranny is God's authority, and should be remembered as such. If the King of Spain should return to claim his old pontifical right to my kingdom, you leave me to seek for others to fight for it, for you tell us upon the matter beforehand, his authority is God's authority, if he prevail.

  Mr Doctor, I have no time to express my mind further on this theory business; I shall give you my orders about it by Mr Solicitor, and until then, meddle no more in it, for they are edge tools; or rather like that weapon that is said to cut with one edge, and cure with the other: I commit you to God's protection, good Dr. Abbot, and rest

  Your good friend, JAMES R.
• f 4.1

  As appears from several memorials of those times.] While he was Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, it appears, that he sollicited Abp. Bancroft, to bestow a prebend upon Dr. Thomas James, who was Sir Thomas Bodley's Librarian at Oxford. In the year 1610, Thomas Tisdale, of Glimpton, in Oxfordshire, Esq bequeathed five thousand pounds to Dr. George Abbot, then Bishop of London, Sir John Bennet, and Dr. Aray, to purchase lands for the maintainance of seven fellows and six scholars; which money was laid out in the purchase of two hun∣dred and fifty pounds a year. Afterwards, Richard Wightwick, B. D. rector of East-Isle, in Berkshire, gave lands to the yearly value of one hundred pounds, for the maintenance of three fellows, and four scholars; upon which, the trustees before∣mentioned, having repaired, and, in a manner, rebuilt Broad-Gate-Hall, in Oxford, procured in the reign of King James, upon their petition setting forth these facts, a charter of Mort∣main, for seven hundred pounds per annum, to this new founda∣tion, which was called Pembroke College, in respect to William, Earl of Pembroke, then Chancellor of the University; and for our Prelate's activity in accomplishing this affair, Dr. Thomas Clayton, who was the first master of the new college, wrote him a very handsome letter of acknowledgement, which is still extant. See Ward's Lives of the Professors of Gresham Col∣lege, fol. 1740. p. 210. in August, 1610, he consecrated the new church-yard, on the west side of Fleet-Ditch, the around of which had been given to the inhabitants of St. Bride's parish, by the Earl of Dorset. His zeal, and indefatigable diligence, in the publick exercise of his function, were so remarkable, and the conduct of his private life so exemplary, as well as irre∣proachable, that we find him celebrated by an eminent poet. [J. Davis of Hereford, in his Scourge of Folly, &c. in honour of many noble and worthy Persons,] for uniting the wisdom of the serpent, with the innocency of the dove: which was not only true of him then, but in the whole succeeding course of his life; wherein it may be truly said, that as his abilities raised him to preferment, so nothing but his rigid virtue and incorruptible probity, exposed him to those storms of envy and malice, which, however they might affect his fortune, could never shake his constancy or prejudice his reputation.
• g 4.2

  To the causes of that discontent, with which he left Eng∣land.] The Prince Elector Palatine, a little before he left Eng∣land, addressed himself to the King, in hopes of obtaining the enlargement of the Lord Gray, who had been a long time a prisoner in the tower; but this application so little pleased the King, that he told him roundly in answer, he marvelled, how he should become a suitor for a man whom he neither knew, or ever saw; to which the Prince Elector answered, that this was true, but that he was recommended to him by his uncles, the Duke de Bouillon, Prince Maurice of Nassau, and Count Hen∣ry, who were well acquainted with him. In all probability, this, instead of giving the King satisfaction, filled him with new apprehensions; for his reply was in a very quick stile, Son, said he, when I come into Germany, I promise you not to im∣portune you for any of your prisoners. This was so far from operating favourably in behalf of Lord Gray, that he was soon after more closely restrained, upon pretence of some private conversation he had with one of Lady Arabella's women, which proved after all to be no more than an amorous intrigue. These particulars we learn from a letter written by Mr. Chamberlaine to Sir Ralph Winwood, dated May 6, 1613, and he adds,

  It is thought the Prince Palatine, went not away so well satisfied, being refused in diverse suits and requests: and I hear that from Canterbury he wrote to the Archbishop, complaining, That the King did not use him like a son, but rather like a young∣ling, or childish youth, not to he regarded.
• h 5.1

  Of the man, and of his negotiation, from the pen of the Arch∣bishop.] This is contained in a letter from his Grace to Sir R. Winwood, dated June 1, 1613, from Lambeth: it contains a great variety of curious particulars, some of which follow.

  You must take heed, how you trust Dr. Grotius too far, for I perceive him to be so addicted to some partialities in those parts, that he seareth not to lash, so it may serve a turn. At his first coming to the King, by reason of his good Latin tongue, he was so tedious, and full of tittle-tattle, that the King's judgment was of him, that he was some pedant, full of words, and of no great judgment. And I myself, dis∣covering that to be his habit, as if he did imagine that every man was bound to hear him, so long as he would talk, (which is a great burthen to men replete with business) did privately give him notice thereof, that he should plainly, and directly, deliver his mind, or else he would make the King weary of him. This did not so take place, but that afterwards he fell to it again, as was especially observed one night at supper at the Lord Bishop of Ely's, whither being brought by Mr. Ca∣sa••bon, (as I think) my Lord intreated him to stay to supper, which he did. There was present Dr Steward, and another Civilian, unto whom he flings out some question of that pro∣fession, and was so full of words, that Dr Steward afterwards told my Lord, that he did perceive by him, that, like a smatterer, he had studied some two or three questions, where∣of when he came in company he must be talking to vin∣dicate his skill; but if he were put from those, he would shew himself but a simple fellow. There was present also, Dr Richardson, the King's professor of divinity in Cam∣bridge, and another Doctor in that faculty, with whom he falleth in also about some of those questions, which are now controverted among the ministers in Holland. And being matters wherein he was studied, he uttered all his skill con∣cerning them: my Lord of Ely sitting still at the supper all the while, and wondering what a man he had there, who never being in the place or company before, could over-whelm them so with talk for so long a time. I write this unto you so largely, that you may know the disposition of the man, and how kindly he used my Lord of Ely, for his good entertainment.—You will ask me what is this to you? I must tell you therefore, that you shall not be without your part. At the same time that Sir Noel Caron was together with Grotius, being now to take his leave of the King, it was desired of his majesty, that he would not hastily give his judgment con∣cerning points of religion, now in difference in Holland, for that his majesty had information but of one side, and that his Ambassador did deal partially, making all reports in favour of the one side, and saying nothing at all for the other. For he might have let his majesty know, how factious a generation these contradicters are; how they are like to our Puritans in England; how refractory they are to the author∣ity of the civil magistrate, and other things of like nature, as I wrote you in my former letter. I doubt not but Grotius had his part in this information, whereout I conceive you will make some use, keeping these things privately to your∣self, as becometh a man of your employment. When his majesty told me this, I gave such an answer as was sit; and now upon the receipt of your letters, shall upon the first occasion give further satisfaction. All things rest there as they did, and I, as ready to do you all good offices, remain, &c.

  GEORGE Cant.
• i 6.1

  Unshaken and incorruptible integrity.] This affair of the divorce, was by the King referred to a court of delegates, consisting of his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Coventry and Litchfield, and Rochester, Sir Julius Caesar, Sir Thomas Parrey, Sir Daniel Dunn, Dr John Bennet, Dr Francis James, and Dr Thomas Edwards. This affair was drawn out into a great length, and many accidents happened in the course of it, which gave the Archbishop infinite disquiet. He saw plainly, that the King was very desirous the Lady should be divorced, and, on the other hand, he was in his judgment directly against the di∣vorce. He laboured all he could to extricate himself from these difficulties, by having an end put to the cause some other way than by sentence, but it was to no purpose; for those who drove on this affair, had got too great power to be restrained from bringing it to the conclusion they desired. The Archbi∣shop was told, that a predecessor of his, which was Archbishop Grindall, had suffered about Dr. Julio's divorce, and so might he; but this, however, did not at all move him; on the con∣trary, he prepared a speech against the nullity of the marriage, which he intended to have spoken in the court at Lambeth, Sep∣tember 25, 1613, but he did not make use of that speech, be∣cause the King ordered them to deliver their opinions in few words. He continued, however, inflexible, with regard to his opinion, and therefore, when sentence was pronounced, the court was divided in the following manner.

  The commissioners who gave sentence in the Lady Essex's behalf, were,

  • Bishops
    • Winchester,
    • Ely,
    • Litchfield and Coventry,
    • Rochester,
  • Doctors of Law.
    • Sir Julius Caesar,
    • Sir Thomas Parrey,
    • Sir Daniel Dunn,

  The commissioners dissenting,

  • Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishop of London.
  • Doctors of Law.
    • Sir John Bennet,
    • Francis James,
    • Thomas Edwards,

  To justify his conduct in this matter, the Archbishop drew up the reasons which induced him to be against the sentence, which King James thought fit to answer himself, and wrote also a letter to him upon that subject, in which there are some things that are very singular, and therefore worthy the reader's notice.

  After that I had fully perused and rightly considered of all your papers, I found your principles so strange, and your doubts so far sought, that I thought it necessary, as I have already said, to set down unto you my observations upon them. But to conclude my letter with that plainness that be∣cometh one of my quality; I must freely confess, that I find the grounds of your opposition so weak, as I have reason to apprehend, that the prejudice you have of the persons, is the greatest motive of breeding these doubts into you; which pre∣judice is the most dangerous thing that can fall in a Judge, for misleading of his mind. And the reason moving me to this apprehension, is partly grounded upon your last words to me at your parting from Windsor, and partly upon a line scraped out in your paper of doubts, for I am sure you think me not so blunt a secretary, but that I can read a line so scra∣ped out. In your last speeches with me, you remember you told me, what assurance you had of the Earl's ability out of his own mouth, which you said you could not but trust, be∣cause he was so religious a nobleman. But when I told you of the other party's contrary affirmation, you remember how you used the word of iniquity, and how far your interlined line seems to have a harmony with this word, yourself can best judge. Now then if I would ask you what proof you have of the one's religion more than the other's, you must answer me by judging upon the exterior; and how deceivable that guess is, daily experience teaches us: but with a holy protestation, that I never knew any thing but good in the young Earl. Was not this the ground of master Robert Bruse's incredulity, because he knew the Earl of Gowry to be truly religious, &c.

  This letter might and probably did trouble the Archbishop, however he persisted in the same conduct, and never could be brought to do any thing, that might appear so much as a tacit approbation of that sentence, as is most evident in the account given of this matter, and all the circumstances attending it, (at least in relation to the Archbishop) written by himself. See a further account of this treatise in the list of the Archbishop's writings.
• k 7.1

  If he had always followed those councils.] We have this very remarkable passage from the Archbishop's own pen, in the discourse he wrote upon his disgrace, under the reign of King Charles. In that discourse he observes, that it was one of King James's maxims, to take no favourite but what was recommend∣ed to him by his Queen, that if she afterwards complained of this Dear One, he might answer, it is long of yourself, for you were the party that commended him unto me. Our old master, says the Archbishop, took delight strangely in things of this nature. He says that Queen Anne was graciously pleased to give him more credit than ordinary, and therefore when others had sollicited her in vain, he was applied to; but for some time her majesty would not listen to his persuasions, or think of re∣commending Villiers, for which she often gave him those rea∣sons. My Lord, you and the rest of your friends know not what you do, I know your master better than you all, for if this young man be once brought in, the first persons that he will plague must be you that labour for him, yea, I shall have my part alfo; the King will teach him to despise and hardly in∣treat us all, that he may seem to be beholden to none but him∣self. Noble Queen (cries out the Archbishop after reporting this fact) how like a prophetess did you speak! The rest of the story being but short will appear best in the Archbishop's own words,

  'In the end, says he, upon importunity, Queen Anne condescended, and so pressed it with the King, that he assented thereunto; which was so stricken while the ••roh was hot, that in the Queen's bed-chamber, the King knighted him with the rapier which the Prince did wear. And when the King gave order to swear him of the bed-chamber, Somerset, who was near, importuned the King with a message, that he might only be sworn a Groom;—but myself and others that were at the door, sent to her majesty that she would per∣fect her work, and cause him to be sworn a Gentleman of the chamber. There is a lord or two living that had a hand in this atchievement; I diminish nothing of their praise for so hap∣py a work, but I know my own part best; and on the word of an honest man, I have reported nothing but truth. George went in with the King, but no sooner he got loose, but he came forth unto me in the privy-gallery, and there em∣braced me: he professed that he was so infinitely bound unto me that all his life long he must honour me as his father. And now he did beseech me that I would give some lessons how he should carry himself. When he earnestly followed this chace, I told him I would give him three short lessons, if he would learn them. The first was, that daily upon his knees he should pray to God to bless the King his master, and to give him (George) grace studiously to serve and please him. The second was, that he should do all good offices be∣tween the King and the Queen, and between the King and the Prince. The third was, that he should fill his master's ears with nothing but truth. I made him repeat these three things unto me, and then I would have him to acquaint the King with them, and to tell me when I met him again, what the King said unto him. He promised me he would; and the morrow after, Mr. Thomas Murrey, the Prince's tutor, and I standing together in the gallery at Whitehall, Sir George Villiers coming forth and drawing to us, he told Mr Murrey how much he was beholden unto me, and that I had given him certain Instructions, which I prayed him to rehearse, as indifferently well he did before us; yea, and that he had acquainted the King with them, who said, they were instruct∣ions worthy of an Archbishop to give to a young man. His countenance of thankfulness for a few days continued, but not long, either to me or any other of his well-wishers. The Roman historian Tacitus hath some-where a note, That be∣nefits while they may be requited seem courtesies, but when they are so high that they cannot be repaid, they prove mat∣ters of hatted.'
• l 7.2

  The King's declaration for permitting sports and pastimes.] The declaration runs thus,

  'That for his good people's lawful recreations his pleasure was, that after the end of Divine Service, they should not be disturbed, letted, or discouraged, from any lawful recreations: such as dancing, either men or women, archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any other such harmless recreations: nor from having of May-games, Whitsun-ales, or morrice-dances, and setting up of May-poles, or other sports therewith used; so as the same be had in due and convenient time, without impediment or let of Divine Service: and that women should have leave to carry rushes to the church, for the decoring of it, according to their old custom: withal prohibiting all unlawful Games to be used on the Sundays only, as bear-baiting, bull-baiting, enterludes, and at all times, in the meaner sort of people, by law pro∣hibited, bowling.'
• m 7.3

  He wrote his mind with great plainness and freedom to the Secretary of State.] This letter shall be here transcribed, not so much in proof of the matter of fact asserted in the text, as in respect to the work itself, for so it may be stiled, tho' no more than a letter, since it contains a compendious system of the Archbishop's sentiments in religion and politicks; so that if we were to spend ever so much in the enquiry after these points, we should never be able to point them out so clearly, fully, and in a manner so much to the reader's satisfaction, as they are here (and in another letter hereafter cited) represented by the Archbishop's own pen.

  To Secretary NAUNTON.

  Good Mr. Secretary,

  I HAVE never more desired to be present at any consult∣ation, than that which is this day to be handled, for my heart and all my heart goeth with it; but my foot is worse than it was on Friday, so that by advice of my physician I have sweat this whole night past, and am directed to keep my bed this day.

  But for the matter; my humble advice is, that there is no going back, but a countenancing of it against all the world; yea so far as with ringing of bells and making of bonsires in London, so soon as it shall be certainly understood, that the coronation is past, I am satisfied in my conscience that the cause is just, wherefore they have rejected that proud and bloody man; and so much the rather, because he hath taken a course to make that kingdom not elective, but to take it from the donation of another man. And when God hath set up the Prince that is chosen to be a mark of honour thro' all Christendom, to propagate his gospel, and to protect the op∣pressed, I dare not for my part give advice, but to follow where God leads.

  It is a great honour to the King our Master, that he hath such a son, whose virtues have made him thought fit to be made a King. And methinks I do in this and that of Hun∣gary, foresee the works of God, that by piece and piece the kings of the earth that gave their power unto the beast (all the word of God must be fulfilled) shall now tear the whore and make her desolate, as St. John in his Revel••tion has s••retold. I pray you therefore, with all the spirits you have to put life into this business; and let a return be made into Germany with speed, and with com••ort, and let it be really prosecuted, that it may appear to the world, that we are awake when God in this sort calleth us.

  If I had time to express it, I could be very angry at the shuffling which was used towards my Lord Doncaster, and the slighting of his embassage so, which cannot but touch upon our great master who did send him; and therefore I would never have a noble son forsaken for respect of them, who truly aim at nothing but their own purposes.

  Our ••triking in will comfort the Bohemians, will honour the P••l••g••ave, will strengthen the union, will bring on the States of the Low-Countries, will stir up the King of Denmark, and move his own uncles, the Prince of Orange and the Duke d•• Bouv••••l••••, together with Tre••••••ville (a rich Prince in France) to ca••t in their shares; and Hungary, as I hope, (being in that same cause) will run the same fortune. For the means to support the war I hope providebit Deus: the parliament is the old and honourable way, but how assured at this time I know not; yet I will hope the best: certainly if countenance be given to the action, many brave spirits will voluntarily go. Our great master, in sufficient want of money, gave some aid to the Duke of Sav••y, and furnished out a pretty army in the cause of Cleve. We must try once again what can be done in this business of a higher nature, and all the money that may be spared is to be turned that way. And perhaps God provided the jewels that were laid up in the Tower, to be gathered by the mother for the preservation of her daughter: who, like a noble Princess, hath professed to her husb∣and, not to leave herself one jewel, rather than not to main∣tain so religious and righteous a cause. You see that lying on my b••d I have gone too far; but if I were with you this should be my language, which I pray you humbly and heart∣ily re••re••ent to the King, my master, telling him, that when I can ••••••nd, I hope ••o do his majesty some service herein. So commending me unto 〈◊〉〈◊〉. I remain

  Your very loving friend, GEORGE Capt.

  Sept. 12. 1619.
• n 8.1

  And many arguments published on both sides.] As the case was absolutely new, and such a one as naturally afforded room for talkative and busy men to display their abilities; there was nothing surprizing in the noise this accident made, or the vari∣ous constructions put upon it by different people, according as their notions or their prejudices led them. The Archbishop being sensible of all this, either wrote himself, which is most probable, or caused to be written, a very short piece under this title,

  'An apology for Archbishop Abbot, touching the death of Peter Hawkins, the Keeper, wounded in the park at Bramzil, July 24, 1621, by an unknown hand.'

  It was sent on the eighth of October 1621 to Sir Henry Spelman, who, on t e nineteenth of the same month, returned an answer to it, which discovers full as much severity as learning. It is not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••ar to whom this apology was addressed, or for whose 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the answer to it was written; but it is very proba∣••••••, that both were intended for the use of the Commissioners, ••••pointed by the King, to enquire into the supposed irregula∣rity of the Archbishop, of which his Grace had notice on the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of October, and the Commissioners applied themselves ••ery closely to their business, from that time. Both these 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are extant, in the posthumous works of Sir Henry Spel∣••••••, but these do not seem to have been the only pieces that we•••• pe••••ed on this occasion; for we are told by a reverend prel••te. [••••. Hacket] that the fact was much discoursed of in foreign 〈◊〉〈◊〉, especially amongst our neighbours the Sorbonnists, who disputed it three several times in their schools, and concluded the accident to have amounted to a full irregula∣rity, which is an incapacity to exercise any ecclesiastical act of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• o 8.2

  〈…〉〈…〉 in any degree abated, by the troubles he had met with.] Bishop Hacket, in his Life of Archbishop Wil∣liams, p. 68. says, the Archbishop was wont to dissent from the King as often as any at the council board, and that his Majesty loved him the better for his courage and sincerity.
• p 8.3

  No pen can properly represent them but his own.] This letter from the Archbishop to King James is without date, but the subject points out plainly enough the time when it was written; and it is inserted here, to shew the Archbishop's prin∣ciples in religion, in regard to which there cannot be a fuller testimony.

  May it please your Majesty,

  I HAVE been too long silent, and am afraid, by my silence, I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me in: but now I humbly crave leave, I may discharge my conscience towards God, and my duty to your Majesty; and therefore I beseech you freely to give me leave to deliver myself, and then let your Majesty do with me what you please. Your Majesty hath propounded a Toleration of religion, I beseech you to take into your consideration what your act is, what the consequence may be; by your act, you labour to set up the most damnable and heretical doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon. How hateful it will be to God, and grievous to your good subjects, the professors of the Gospel, that your Majesty who hath often disputed, and learnedly written against those heresies, should now shew yourself a Patron of those wicked doctrines, which your pen hath told the world, and your conscience tells yourself, are superstiti∣ous, idolatrous, and detestable. And hereunto I add what you have done, in sending the Prince into Spain, without consent of your council, the privity and approbation of your people; and although you have a charge and interest in the Prince, as son of your flesh, yet have the people a greater, as son of this kingdom, upon whom, (next after your Majesty) are their eyes fixed, and welfare depends; and so tenderly is his going apprehended, as (believe it) however his return may be safe, yet the drawers of him into this action, so dangerous to himself, so desperate to the kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned, unpunished. Besides, this Toleration which you endeavour to set up by your proclama∣tion, cannot be done without a parliament; unless your Ma∣jesty will let your subjects see, that you will take unto your∣self, ability to throw down the laws of your land at your pleasure. What dreadful consequences these things may draw afterward, I beseech your Majesty to consider, and a∣bove all, lest by this Toleration, and discountenancing of the true profession of the Gospel, wherewith God hath blessed us. and this kingdom hath so long slourished under it, your Majesty do not draw upon this kingdom in general, and yourself in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation.

  Thus in discharge of my duty towards God, to your Ma∣justy, and the place of my calling, I have taken humble leave to deliver my conscience. Now, Sir, do what you please with me.

  [Rushworth's Collections, vol. 1, page 85.

  This letter is likewise printed by Arthur Willson in his hist∣ory, with this re••lection, both on the King and the Archbishop.

  'Thus did our Solomon in his latter time, (though he had fought with beasts at Ephesus, as one saith of him) incline a little too much to the Beast: yet he made his tale so good to the Archbishop of Canterbury, (what reservations soever he had) that he wrought upon the good old man, (afterwards) in conclusion of the work, to set his hand as a witness to the articles.'

  Upon this, another historian of the same reign [S••nderson] takes upon him to insinuate, that this long letter to the King, was penned to please his disciples, and copies given to publish in print after his decease; for, says he, we 〈…〉〈…〉 he••rd doings of it till now, in our last days;

  'for Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, was the first man that signed to the postcript, which attested those articles of the marriage, and so did all the privy council.'

  Then speaking of the excuse made by Mr Willson, for the Archbishop, this writer adds, I can tell him there were two other Bishops, John, Bishop of Lincoln, and Lancelot, Bishop of Win∣chester, men of far greater merit, and high esteem, and evener conscience, that subsigned with him. But in this fact he is mist∣aken, for Lancelot, Bishop of Winchester, did not sign, more willingly than the Archbishop. The apology of the other historian was also unnecessary, for the articles which the Arch∣bishop apprehended, and wrote against, were private articles, as appears plainly from the whole transaction printed in Rush∣worth's collection, vol. I, p. 85,—101. But another great writer, [Heylin] gives quite another turn to this whole affair, for he owns that the letter came abroad, not in these last times, as Sanderson calls them, but at the very time it was supposed to be written, yet he denies that the Archbishop was the author of it, and suggests, that it was only fathered upon him, that it might make the greater impression upon the people.
• q 9.1

  Ref••ections that he did not deserve.] Our old church hi••t∣orian [Fuller) tells us,

  'That he forsook the birds o•• his own feather to fly with others, genera••ly savouring the laity, more than the clergy, in causes that were brought bef•• e him.'

  One would imagine from hence, that this Archbi hop had been a man of great severity in his gover••ment; 〈…〉〈…〉 another writer [L'••••••range] censures his Gr••••e for 〈…〉〈…〉 in vi∣sitations: and as it is impossible that a man ou•••• b•• guil•••• of opposite offences at the same time, i m•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 that he was guilty of neither; but that 〈…〉〈…〉 upon immoral clergymen in the high 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and his ••••••erness for good men, who were 〈…〉〈…〉 ce••emo∣••ies, exposed the Archbishop to such 〈…〉〈…〉 loved the former too well, and had too 〈…〉〈…〉 Mr. Sander••on strikes much deeper at the A chbishop's cha∣racter, for in his history he tells us,

  'That his Grace grew so much out of humour with the court, on the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his regularity, upon the accident of 〈…〉〈…〉 death, that he refused, because he was not permitted ••o go to the altar, to attend the service of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••able; saying to our author, Since they will have it so, that I am incapable of the one, I shall spare myself the trouble of the other.'

  He adds to this charge a much higher. He says,

  'That the Archbishop fell upon down right Puritan principles, and had so many church and state male-contents vi••ited him, that it produced a new sect, who were stiled Nicodemi••es. and in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for which he gives this wise reason, That the Archbishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 constantly candle light in his 〈…〉〈…〉 night at noon-day.'

  The conclusion of h•••• ch••rge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 t••e ••••∣terest of all, and therefore I shall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ns••ribe his own words.

  'Here he began to be the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 m•••• of eminency ••n ••u•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a ring••eader of that faction, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I can name 〈…〉〈…〉 private disciples, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appeared 〈…〉〈…〉'

  These passages were first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in •• book called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 word for word, with that in 〈…〉〈…〉 and Death of King James, fr m whence it evidently 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that he wrote them both. Y••t wi h re••pect to th 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 assures us that Dr 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Archbish•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 and near relation, kn•••• not••••ng 〈…〉〈…〉 candle in his chamber and study; and as to the malecontents that resorted to him, the Archbishop has fully purged himself of that accusation in the narrative of his troubles. This hu∣mour of inveighing against the Archbishop, was not confined to his own times, but has prevailed even amongst later writers. Mr John Aubrey having transcribed what is said of this Pre∣late on his monument, adds immediately;

  'Notwithstanding this most noble character, transmitted to posterity on this Archbishop's monument, he was, though a benefactor to this place, no friend to the Church of England, whereof he was head, but scandalously permitted that poisonous spirit of Puritanism to spread all over the whole nation, by his in∣dolence at least, if not connivance and encouragement; which some years after broke out, and laid a flourishing Church and State in the most miserable ruins; and which gave birth to those principles, which, unless rooted out, will ever make this nation unhappy.'

  I might easily add more instances of the same sort, but that I am persuaded the reader will think these sufficient, and therefore I shall conclude this note, with an observation of Fuller's, in his Church History.

  'The truth is, says he, the Archbishop's own stiffness and averseness to comply with court designs, gave advantage to his adversaries against him, and made him more obnoxious to the King's displeasure. But the blame did most light upon ••ishop Laud, men accounting this a kind of filius ante diem, &c. As if not content to succeed, he endeavoured to supplant him, who might well have suffered his decayed old age to have died in honour: What needs the felling of a tree a falling?'
• r 9.2

  From the piece itself.] The historian writes thus.

  'Not long after his return from Scotland, aged and self-fear, George Abb••t the titular Archbishop of Canterbury, went to his everlasting home, August 4. A very learned man he was, his erudition all of the old stamp, stiffly principled in the doctrine of St. Augu••tine; which they who understand it not, call Calvinism, therefore disrelished by those who inclined to the Massilian and Armenian tenets. Pious, grave, and exemp∣lary in his conversation. But fome think a better Man than Archbishop, and that he was better qualified with merit for the dignity, than with a spirit answering the function, in in the exercise whereof he was conceived too facile and yield∣ing; his extraordinary remissness in not exacting strict con∣formity to the prescibed orders of the Church in point of ceremony, seemed to resolve those legal determinations to their first principle of indifferency, and led in such an habit of inconformity, as the future reduction of those tender conscienced men to long discontinued obedience, was inter∣preted an innovation. This was the height of what I dare report his failings reached to: that he was a ringleader of that sect which lately appeared desperate proselytes, loth I am with a late author [Sanderson] to affirm, warrant I have none to leave so ill a savour upon his fame, nor can it be infallibly inferred from these men, their being then in favour with him. Their principles perhaps were entertained since his death, or if before, not then declared, and until such secrets be discovered, men may be mistaken in those they favour; the greatest sufferer of these times was so.'

  L'Estrange's Reign of K. Charles. As injurious as this character is in some points, yet it is plain, that the author did not credit what Mr. Sanderson had asserted, and indeed, it is happy for this Arch∣bishop's memory, that almost all his censurers have contradicted each other, and thereby afforded just room to posterity, to question the truth of what they have all advanced, especially ••••en it is considered, that in all their censures, they enter into the se••rets of this Prelate's heart, and take upon them to publish to the world, what, if true, could be known only to God and himself.
• s 9.3

  Drawn by his pen.] The Earl of Clarendon speaks of him thus.

  'It was about the end of August in the year 1633, when the King (Charles I) returned from Scotland to Green∣wi••h, where the Queen kept her court; and the first acci∣dent of m••ment that happened after his coming thither, was the d••••th of Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, who had sat too many years in that se••, and had too great a jurisdiction ••ver the Church, tho' he was without any credit in the court ••rom the death of King James, and had not much in many y••••rs before. He had been master of one of the poorest ••••••••eges 〈◊〉〈◊〉 i•• Oxford, and had learning sufficient for that province. He was a man of very morose manners, and a very ••our aspect, which in that time was called gravity; and under the opinion of that virtue, and by the recommend∣ation of the Earl of Dunbar, the King's first Scotch favourite, he was preferred by King James to the bishoprick of Coventry and Litchfield, and presently after to London, before he had been Parson, Vicar, or Curate, of any parish-church in England, or Dean or Prebendary of any cathedral church; and was in truth, totally ignorant of the true constitution of the Church of England, and the state and interest of the clergy; as sufficiently appeared throughout the whole course of his life afterward.'

  'He had scarce performed any part of the office of Bishop in the diocese of London, when he was snatched from thence, and promoted to C••nterbury, upon the never-enough to be lamented death of Dr. Bancroft, that Metropoli••an, who understood the Church excellently, and had almost rescued it out of the Calvinian Party, and very much s••bdued the unr••ly spirit of the Nonconformists, by and after the confe∣rence at Hampton-Court, countenanced men of the greatest learning, and disposed the clergy to a more solid course of study than they had been accustomed to; and if he had lived, would quickly have extinguished all that ••ire in England, which had been kindled at Geneva, or if he had been succeeded by Bishop Andrews, Bishop Over••l, or any man who understood and loved the Church, that infection would easily have been kept out, which could not afterwards be so easily expelled.

  'But Abbot brought none of this antidote with him, and considered the Christian religion no otherwise, than as i•• abhorred and reviled Popery, and valued those men most, who did that most furiously. For the strict observation of the discipline of the Church, or the conformity of the articles or canons established, he made little enquiry, and took l••••s care; and having himself made a very little progre••s in the antient and solid study of divinity, he adhered only to the doctrine of Calvin, and for his sake, did not think so ill of the discipline as he ought to have done. But if men prudently forbore a publick reviling and railing at the hierarchy and ecclesiastical government, let their opinions and private judg∣ment be what it would, they were not only secure from any inquisition of his, but acceptable to him, and at least equally preferred by him: and tho' many other Bishops plainly discerned the mischiefs which daily broke in to the prejudice of religion, by his defects and remissness, and prevented it in their own dioceses as much as they could, and gave all their countenance to men of other parts and other principles; and tho' the Bishop of London, (Dr. Laud) from the time of his authority and credit with the King, had applied all the remedies he could to those defections, and from the time of his being Chancellor of Oxford, had much discountenanced and almost suppressed that spirit, by en∣couraging another kind of learning and practice in that university, which was indeed according to the doctrine of the Church of England; yet that temper in the Archbishop, whose house was a sanctuary to the most eminent of that factious party, and who licensed their most pernicious writings, left his successor a very difficult work to do, to reform and reduce a Church into order, that had been so long neglected, and that was fo ill filled, by many weak, and more wilful churchmen.'

  History of the Rebellion, Oxon. 8vo. p. 88, 89.
• t 9.4

  Testimony to these memoirs.]

  'Archbishop Abbot, says he, was a person of wonderful temper and moderation; and in all his conduct, shewed an unwillingness to stretch the act of uniformity, beyond what was absolutely necessary for the peace of the Church; or the prerogative of the crown, any farther than conduced to the good of the state. Being not well turned for a court, tho' otherwise of considerable learn∣ing, and genteel education, he either could not, or would not, stoop to the humour of the times; and now and then by an unseasonable stiffness, gave occasion to his enemies to represent him, as not well inclined to the prerogative, or too much addicted to a popular interest; and therefore not fit to be employed in matters of government.'

  Dr. Welwood's Memoirs 8vo. 1700, p. 38
• u 9.5

  As will be made appear.] The Archbishop loved hospi∣lity, and living as became a man of his rank, he tells us himself, in his narrative, that this was recommended to him by King James, and that he never forgot his majesty's in∣junctions upon that head, neither is it the Archbishop alone that mentions this, but even some who did not wish him very well, and who plainly intimate, that among the rest of his faults, he was thought to live too high, to have too much company, and to become thereby too popular. Life of Abp. Laud. p. 245. This hospitality of his, together with the troubles he met with, must have hindered him from growing rich, and consequently, put it in some measure out of his power to shew his publick spirit in other respects, how much soever it might be his inclination. Yet some instances we find of his generosity in this way, at least enough to falsify Heylin's reflection; for besides his noble and well-contrived charity at Guildford, he gave to the school of arts in Oxford, one hundred pounds at one time, and fifty pounds at another. In 1619, he bestowed a large sum of money on the library of Baliol college, for augmenting the number of books, and re∣pairing the building. He built a fair conduit in the city of Canterbury, for the convenience of the inhabitants. He like∣wise intended to have left a yearly revenue for the support of that conduit, if he had not been deterred by the ungratesul usage he met with from the Mayor and corporation, as may be seen in the will. In 1624, he contributed to the founding of Pembroke college in Oxford. He discharged a debt of three hundred pounds owing from Baliol to Pembroke College. About the year 1632, he gave one hundred pounds to the library of University college. For the other, see the Arch∣bishop's will.
• x 9.6

  Added a succinct account.] As to his works, we shall endeavour to give a list of them in the order of time in which they were written. 1. Quaestiones sex, totidem praelectionibus in Schola Theologica Oxoniae, pro forma habitis, discussae et discep∣tatae anno 1597, in quibus è sacra Scriptura et Patribus, quid statuendum sit definitur. Oxoniae 1598, 4to. This work was after∣wards printed in Germany, and published by the famous Abraham Scultetus, 1616, 4to. It did the Archbishop great honour. 2. Exposition on the Prophet Jonah, in certain Sermons preached at St. Mary's Church in Oxford, London, 4to. 1600. And again 1613 3. His answer to the Question of the Citizens of London, In January 1600, concerning Cheapside Cross, London 1641. See a particular account of this treatise, in p. ••. 4. The Reasons which Dr. Hill hath brought for the upholding of Papistry, unmasked and ••••••wed to be very weak, &c. Oxon. 4••. 1••••4. This Thomas Hill quitted the Church of England for that of Rome, and wrote this book to vindicate that change, the title of it was, A Quartron of Reasons of Roman Catholick Religion, &c. 5. A Preface to the Examination of George Sprot, &c. Of which a large account is given in p. 8. 6. A Sermon pre••••••ed at Westminster, May 26. 1608, at the Funeral of Thomas, Earl of Dorset, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lord High T••••asurer of England, on Isaiah 〈…〉〈…〉 by George Abbot, Dr. of Divinity, and Dean of Win∣chester, one of his Lordship's Chaplains, London, 4to. 1608. 7. In the year 1••04. that translation of the Bible which is now in use, was made by the direction of King James, and Abbot was the second of eight learned divines in the university of Oxford, to whom the care of translating the whole New Testament (excepting the 〈◊〉〈◊〉) was committed. It was printed in ••••••••. 8. 〈…〉〈…〉 the Nullity between the Earl of Essex and his Lady 〈…〉〈…〉 September 25, 1613, at Lam∣••••••••, and 〈…〉〈…〉 in the same. This treatise makes 〈…〉〈…〉 pages in twelves, and has the following remarkable attestation at the end of it.

  This narration is wholly written with mine own hand, and was finished October 2, 1613, being the eighth day after giving the sentence. And I pro∣test before Almighty God, that I have not willingly wrote any untruth therein; but have delivered all things fairly to the best of my understanding, helping myself with such memorials and notes, as I took from time to time, that if there was occasion, I might thus set down at large the truth to posterity; when this case shall be rung from Rome gates, o•• the ••••ct hereafter be questioned.

  GEORGE Cant.

  To this is added Some observable things since September 25, 1615, 〈…〉〈…〉 sentence was given in the cause of the Earl of Essex, continued unto the day of his marriage, December 26, 1613, which appears also to have been penned by his Grace, or by his direction, and to it is annexed, The speech intended to be spoken at Lambeth September 25, 1613, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, when it came to his turn to declare his mind concerning the nullity of marriage between the Earl of Essex and the Lady Frances Howard. These were printed all together, under the title of, The Case of Impotency as debated in England, &c. Lond. 12mo. 1719. 9. A brief Description of the whole World; wherein is particularly described all the Monarchies, Empires, and Kingdoms of the same, with their Academies, &c. by the Most Reverend Father in God, George, late Archbishop of Canterbury, with a curious frontispiece by Marshall, London, 8vo. 1634. Of which work there have been many editions. 10. A short Apology for Archbishop Abbot, touching the Death of Peter Haw∣kins, dated October 8, 1621; of which an account is given in p. 33. 11. Treatise of perpetual Visibility and Succession of the true Church in all Ages. London, 4to. 1624. His name is not to this book, only his arms impaled by those belonging to the see of Canterbury, are put before it. Dr. Heylin in his Life of Abp. Laud, p. 53, acquaints us with the reason of his writing it, but does not tell us why he did not own it. 12. A Narrative containing the true Cause of his Sequestration, and Disgrace at Court. In two Parts. Written at Ford in Kent 1627, Printed in Rushworth's Collections, Vol. I, p. 438-461, and in the Annals of K. Charles, from p. 213, to 224. Bishop Hacket, in his Life of Abp. Williams, p. 68. assures us, that he had seen this manuscript in the Bishop's own writing, and had several of the facts contained in it from the Archbishop's own mouth. 13. History of the Massacre of the Valtoline. Printed in the third volume of Fox's Acts and Monuments, edit. 1631. 14. His Judgment of bowing at the Name of Jesus. Hamburgh, 1632. 8vo. Besides many instructions to the Bishops of his diocese, speeches in parliament, letters, and other occasional compositions.