The history of Great Britain, from the Restoration, to the accession of the house of Hannover: By James Macpherson, in two volumes. ... [pt.2]

WILLIAM AND MARY.

CHAP. I.

Observations.—Discontents.—Intrigues with the Whigs.—Views of James's friends.—Correspondence of Marlborough and Russel.—Project of an invasion.—Preparations of William.—James at La Hogue.—Vigorous measures.—French defeated.—Observations.—Affairs at sea.—Campaign of 1692.—Namur taken.—Battle of Steinkirk.—Conspiracy against William.—Campaign in Savoy.—Young's forgeries.—Discontents.—Parliament meets.—Ill humour in both houses.—Remonstrance against foreigners.—Proceedings.—A place bill rejected by the lords.—Bill for shortening parliaments rejected by the King.—Affairs of Ireland.—Grievances of that kingdom.—A remonstrance.—Parliament prorogued.—Affairs of Scotland.—Obsequiousness of the Scots.—Ill-requit|ed by William.—Intrigues of James.—His declara|tion.—Legal severities.—Campaign of 1693.—Bat|tle of Landen.—Reflections.—Campaign on the Rhine—In Piedmont—In Spain—In Hungary.—Smyrna fleet taken.—Discontents.—Intrigues of King James.—Whigs and Tories promiscuously in his interest.—The clergy favour him.—Parliament meets.—Pro|ceedings of both houses.

[year 1692] * 1.1 WILLIAM had obtained the crown, through the folly of his predecessor. He was now in danger of losing it, by his own negligence. Disappointments in their views, had estranged from him the minds of the Whigs. He disgusted the Tories with the coldness of his manner, even when he distinguished them most with his favour. The dissolution of the convention-parliament, had di|minished

the influence of the former, to a degree that offended their pride. They saw a Prince, who had ascended the throne upon their own principles, throw|ing himself into the hands of their political oppo|nents, from an avowed affection for those prerogatives which he was called to circumscribe. The same con|duct which deprived the King of the attachment of his first friends in England, destroyed his interest with the party which had accomplished the revolution in Scot|land. In both kingdoms, the seeds of discontent had been sown with a lavish hand; and they gradually rose to maturity, in the progress of events. The people in general, inflamed by disappointment, misled by design|ing men, or from levity, fond of change, began to show a manifest dislike to the behaviour of the King, and the measures of the crown. They became jealous of foreigners. They complained of an expensive war, where victory itself could produce no advantage to Bri|tain. They murmured against a standing army. They repined at the little use made of the navy, the great and natural bulwark of England.

* 1.2 Though the enemies of William exaggerated his mismanagements, it must be allowed, that men who judged of causes by events, had just reason to com|plain. The expences of England, from the landing of the Prince of Orange, on the fith of November 1688, to the twenty-ninth of September 1691, had amounted to near eighteen millionsA 1.3. Besides, great arrears were owing to the army in Ireland, the navy was destitute of stores, and the ships were out of re|pair. The service done in the intermediate time, ex|clusive of the change made in the person of the Mo|narch, was far from being adequate to that enormous sum. The war in Ireland had been at first strangely neglected. It was afterwards prosecuted with little judgment, and it terminated in no honour. The inha|bitants of a few parishes in the Highlands of Scotland, without any aid from abroad, and destitute of the means of war at home, remained in arms against the King, for more than two years. They had once to|tally defeated his army in the field. The checks which

they had received, were neither splendid nor decisive; and he owed the pacification which ensued, to the in|fluence of his rival, and his own moneyB 1.4, and not to the terror of his power. England had been, in the mean time, wounded in her pride. Her fleet had been twice defeated. Her enemy rode in triumph in the channel. Her coasts were insulted. She was left naked of troops, and exposed to invasionC 1.5.

* 1.6 But William ought not, in common fairness, to be blamed for all these misfortunes. He reigned over a divided people. His title was disputed by one party. He lost the other, by not yielding to their claims upon his exclusive favour. His rival, in the mean time, supported by a powerful Monarch, either maintained war against him, within his kingdoms, or hovered over the coast, with threatened invasions. Deprived by his unhappy manner, and avowed attachment to foreigners, of the affection of the English, he had no friends among his servants. His councils were betray|ed, his orders neglected, his person hated, his autho|rity despisedD 1.7. His only safety lay ultimately in the folly of his enemies; and that invincible aversion to the French nation, which the people of England had derived from their ancestors. James had scarce land|ed in France, when many of those, by whose deser|tion he had lost his throne, began secretly to favour his return. Men, who apparently had the chief hand in the revolution, admitted his agents into conferences, and encouraged their hopesE 1.8. The unprepared state of France, in the beginning of the year 1689, render|ing an immediate invasion of England impracticable; James, contrary to his own opinionF 1.9, was induced to sail to Ireland. He knew that it was impossible to hold that exhausted kingdom, against the wealth and power of the English nation. To render his rival uneasy in the possession of his throne, and to furnish France with an opportunity of aiding him with effect in England, was all that he expected from his expedi|tionG 1.10.

* 1.11 While James was on the worst terms with his fa|vourite sect, the Catholics of Ireland, William, by the coldness of his manner, and his exertion of the prerogative, lost his influence with the Whigs in Eng|land and Scotland. Discontented friends are frequent|ly the most dangerous enemies. A plot was formed in Scotland, by the Presbyterians, in favour of James. Many of the Whigs in England were privy to a con|spiracy, which threatened the subversion of their for|mer principles. In both kingdoms, those inferior agents of the party, who had ruined the late King, were now busy in procuring his restoration. Sir John Cochran, Ferguson, Wildman engaged themselves deeply with JamesH 1.12 The leaders of the party, though they had not avowedly espoused the cause of that Prince, became very indifferent concerning the fate of William. The very secrets of the cabinet were said to have been betrayed, by the Earl of Mon|mouth to Wildman; and by the latter to the late KingI 1.13 The Duke of Bolton, the Marquis of Win|chester, the Earl of Devonshire, the Lord Montague were suspectedK 1.14 The party in general made no se|cret of their disappointment, in the Prince whom they had raised to the throne. Those who came over with him from Holland, and such as first joined him on his arrival, hated his person and his government the mostL 1.15

* 1.16 The retreat of James from Ireland, though unad|vised, precipitate and weak, neither lessened his influ|ence nor increased the interest of William. The To|ries, urged by their principles, favoured the former. The Whigs, swayed by their resentment, still conti|tinued adverse to the latter. The agents of James were, in the mean time, extremely active. The Co|lonels Bulkely and Sackville sounded the Marquis of Halifax and the Lord Godolphin. The Earl of Marl|borough, inflamed by recent injuries from William, and, perhaps, remembering his former obligations to James, began, as shall hereafter appear, to correspond

with the latter. Admiral Russel, disappointed in his own private views, as well as in his public expectati|ons from William, entered into the cabals, in favour of the late King. The Marquis of Caermarthen, in all his avowed zeal for the revolution, listened, in se|cret to proposals for the restoration of JamesM 1.17. While the great offered their service to the late King, that Prince neglected not to support his interest with conspiracies among the inferior ranks. He correspond|ed with Ferguson. He informed him of his intentions. He asked his adviceN 1.18. A party was formed in the city in his favour. The Tower was to have been sur|prized. The guards were to be attacked, on the first news of his landing. The persons of William and Mary were to be seizedO 1.19.

* 1.20 The affairs of James wore a like favourable aspect in Scotland, toward the end of the preceding year. The cessation of arms made by Breadalbin with the Highlanders, had been begun and finished by his con|sent. His firm friend the Earl of Arran had promised

"body for body,"

to use his own expression, for the Earl of Argyle and the Marquis of Athol. The High|landers were again prepared to take the field. Ten thousand men, under the Duke of Berwick and the Earl of Dumbarton, were to have been sent to Scot|land. The Marquis of Athol, the Earls of Argyle and Home, were to have received commissions, as lieute|nant-generals, from James. The intrigues of James extended, in England, to the projected measures of parliament, and even to the very appointment of Wil|liam's servants. The delay, at first, in granting the supply, the facility with which it was afterwards ob|tained, proceeded from the secret machinations of the late King's friends. Some of them wished to leave the kingdom naked to an invasion, by refusing money. Others to vote the excise, that their old master might enjoy the benefit, without the odium, of that unpo|pular tax. Under the mask of patriotism, they propos|ed to attack his enemies. The Bishops of Salisbury

and St. Asaph were to be impeached, for persuading the clergy to take the oaths to William, as a conqueror. The Marquis of Caermarthen, though he might not obstruct a restoration, was not, from his temporizing character, to be trusted. He was, therefore, to be terrified from office by an impeachment, for declaring that no King could reign in England, as long as the act of habeas corpus should remain in force. The choice of his successor, as minister, was left to James; and the contest, for preference, lay between the Mar|quis of Halifax and the Earl of RochesterP 1.21. To keep alive the spirit of discontent in the kingdom, Fer|guson employed, for King James, that very private press, with which he had, some years before, so much annoyed the Duke of YorkQ 1.22.

* 1.23 Though the Whigs, by their leaders, and the most of the Tories, in their own names, had made engage|ments with the late King, he relied chiefly upon Marl|borough and Russel. Marlborough had asked, in the most abject terms, and obtained forgiveness for his for|mer conduct, from James and his QueenR 1.24. He even became an agent for that Prince. He gained the Earl of Shrewsbury. He tampered with Caermarthen. He promised to bring back the Princess of Denmark to her duty to her fatherS 1.25. He undertook, in some degree, for the army. He requested James to invade England, with twenty thousand men. Though he was not trusted by James, he was, perhaps, sincere in his professions, and he effected what he promised. The Princess of Denmark, gained by his solicitations, warm|ed with a returning affection for her father, or urged by resentment for personal injuries received from Wil|liam and her sister, made her peace with the late King. She wrote to him a letter full of contritionT 1.26. She asked his forgiveness, and promised to join him whenever he should land in EnglandU 1.27. Marl|borough, judging it vain to corrupt the captains of men of war, as they durst not communicate the secret to the sailors, was the person who advised James to

accept of the services of RusselV 1.28. To avoid an ac|tion with the French fleet, should they fall in his way, would have been impossible. But it always was in the admiral's power to carry the fleet from the course held by the enemy, under the specious pretence of orders. The conspiracy was so great and general, that William seemed to have no friend to apprize him of his dan|ger. Though he dismissed the earl of Marlborough from all his employments, in the month of January, though he disgraced and deprived of her guards the Princess of Denmark, his resentment seems to have rather proceeded from a renewal of private quarrels, than from any discovery of their secret negociations with the court of St. Germains.

* 1.29 James himself had taken all the precautions, which prudence or the advice of his friends could suggest, to render his return agreeable to the nation. He endea|voured to awaken the feelings of his former subjects, with a detail of the injustice of his rival and his own misfortunes. He hoped to rouze their resentment, by representing, in a strong light their grievances. He dwelt, in his proposed declaration, on the tyranny of foreigners. He reminded the people of the enormous expences of government, the weight of taxes, the pro|fusion of William, his glaring partiality to his country|men the Dutch. He yielded to all the requisitions of the Whigs in favour of the subject. He satisfied the church of England, with regard to religion. The non|jurors were his determined friends. The clergy who had taken the oaths offered to return to their allegiance, and they were, with chearfulness, received. To satis|fy the world that the Protestant religion was in no dan|ger, five hundred clergymen had engaged to join the late King upon his landing; and to attend him in his progress to preach to the people. The deprived bishops, the most of those prelates, who had temporized with William, by taking the oaths, were busy in inculcat|ing, upon the inferior clergy, the propriety of restor|ing

James; while they, at the same time, assured that Prince of their zeal and fidelityW 1.30.

* 1.31 Encouraged by favourable accounts from Britain, and eager to turn the scale of the war, by placing that kingdom in the hands of a friend, Lewis the Four|teenth began to think seriously of an invasion. James possessed of his native subjects an army almost equal to the purpose of the expedition. The transports which had carried to Ireland five thousand French, in the year 1690, had brought back to France as many Irish. The English government had been at the expence of sending fourteen thousand more troops to James, after the capitulation of Limeric. Lewis promised to trans|port to Britain ten thousand of this army, with a like number of French troops, under the convoy of his whole fleet, early in the year 1692. He began, in the month of January, to equip squadrons of men of war, at Toulon, Brest, Rochfort, and Port-Lewis. An embargo was laid upon all merchantmen. All pri|vateers were recalled to man the fleet. An army, un|der the Mareschal de Bellefons, filed off toward the coast of Normandy. Transports were prepared. James had concerted his measures with his friends in England. He had settled his concessions to the nation. To se|cure the Earl of Marlborough, already in disgrace, from the further resentment of William, he agreed, at his own request, to except that nobleman from par|don, in his projected declaration to his peopleX 1.32.

* 1.33 Though so many persons were privy to the de|signs of James, though every channel of intelligence brought news of the preparations of France, William was still a stranger to his own danger. He, however, made all necessary preparations for manning the fleet. Press-warrants continued to be executed, throughout the month of February. All sailors fit for service, were forced to enter on board the navy. The utmost expedition was used in the docks and yards. In the first week of March, all the ships of force had come round from Portsmouth. Many had fallen down from

Deptford, Woolwich, and Chatham, to the Nore. William, upon his arrival in Holland, hastened the Dutch fleet to sea. The Amsterdam, the Maese, the North-Holland, the Zealand squadrons were ordered to proceed successively to the Downs. The combined fleets formed a greater naval force than had ever covered the sea. They consisted of ninety ships of the line, with many frigates and fire-ships. They carried more than forty thousand men, with near six thousand guns. Russel, in the Britannia, a first rate, command|ed in chief the whole. He resolved to adhere to his engagements with James. But time and accident broke through all his designsY 1.34.

* 1.35 The late King had concerted with his friends in England, that the French fleet should sail early in the year. Had the preparations of Lewis answered his ex|pectations, he proposed to put to sea in the middle of March. He, however, left not St. Germains until the eleventh of April. He had, even then, sufficient time to carry his army to England, before the junction of Russel with the Dutch-fleet. Besides that officer continued his correspondence, and assured him of his firm intention to serve his cause. He proposed one of two alternatives. That James should suspend his ex|pedition till winter; or that he himself should, under the pretence of making a descent on the coast of France, permit the French fleet to pass. He accordingly ap|plied, but in vain, to the court of England, for per|mission to attack St. Maloes. He advised James, by all means, to prevent the meeting of the fleets. None of his officers was trusted with the secret; and he would, therefore, find himself under a necessity to fight. A contrary wind, which blew incessantly for four weeks, hindered the French from sailing, and prevented James from conveying his instructions to Russel. The Toulon squadron was kept, by the same adverse wind, from passing the Streights. Tourville, with the Brest squadron, was, after repeated efforts, driven back to his port. During this interval, the Dutch joined the English in the DownsZ 1.36. Russel proceeded immediately to St. Helens, and ordered

two small squadrons, that cruized on the coast of France, to join him in that place.

* 1.37 During this time of suspence, the government of England were not remiss in their duty. Several of the servants of the crown were in correspondence with the late King. But they endeavoured, by a shew of ala|crity against him, to prevent every suspicion of infide|lity. Some imperfect insinuations of a plot had been carried to William in Flanders. The Earl of Port|land arrived, with secret instructions for the Queen. The Earls of Huntington and Marlborough were sent to the Tower, with others of lesser name. A procla|mation was issued, for apprehending several other per|sons of rank, who had absconded. A camp was form|ed between Petersfield and Portsmouth. Six regi|ments, under orders to embark for Flanders, were countermanded. The lieutenancy were commanded to raise the militia. The same precautions were used in Scotland. But Ireland was left to its fate. Orders were sent to the fleet to sail in quest of the enemy. A declaration, issued by James before he left St. Ger|mains, was published and answered, by authority. Activity and spirit prevailed every where; and that terror, which commonly precedes danger, was lessen|ed by the bustle of preparationA 1.38.

* 1.39 The communication between France and England was, in the mean time, completely interrupted. James, during all the time he had remained at La Hogue, received no intelligence from his friends in LondonB 1.40. Captain Lloyd, who had been dispatched to him by his adherents, with an important message, and a letter from the princess of Denmark, was detained two months on his way. Tourville, upon a change of wind, sailed at length from Brest, with forty-four ships of the line. He directed his course to La Hogue. Un|fortunately for that admiral, the combined fleet of the enemy, consisting of many more than double his num|ber of ships, arrived, at the same instant, in the neigh|bourhood of that place. The weather, in the mean time, was extremely hazy. On the nineteenth of May, about four of the clock in the morning, the sun

having cleared a little the weather, admiral Russel des|cried the enemy holding, with a very small gale at west and by south, their course southward, on the same tack with himself. They began on both sides to form the line. Tourville, who had been irritated by a re|flection thrown on his courage, by de Seignelay, re|solved to fight the enemy, though he was not ignorant of their force. He bore down upon the combined fleets at ten of the clock. The Dutch were in the van. The French admiral threw out the signal of battle, as he advanced on Russel, who lay to receive him, with his fore top-sail to the mastC 1.41.

* 1.42 At half an hour after eleven, Tourville, in the Roy|al Sun, of one hundred and four guns, brought to, within three quarters of a musket shot, of the Britan|nia of one hundred guns, commanded by Russel. The rest of the French admiral's division fell in with the English line. A smart engagement ensued. The two commanders plied their guns very warmly, till one of the clock. The weather, during the engagement, fell almost calm. Tourville was disabled. His rigging, sails, and yards were shot. His fire began to slacken. He ordered his boats to tow him to windward. Five fresh ships of the squadron, with a furious fire, cover|ed their admiral's retreat. About four of the clock, a thick fog fell on the battle; and the firing ceased. At half after five, a small breeze of wind arose at East. The weather cleared up a little. The French were running on every side. Russel gave the signal for the fleet to chase. The fog returned and night came on. The French stood to the West, with all their sails. The breeze was so light that little way could be made. The fog continued the greatest part of the next day. Toward the evening, Russel took in the signal for the line of battle; and ordered each ship to make the best of her way, in pursuit of the enemy. The tide of ebb being done, both fleets came to an anchor; both resolving to take advantage of the next return of the tideD 1.43.

* 1.44 In the morning of the twenty first of May, all the French ships were far advanced toward the Race of Alderney. One and twenty however were driven eastward, from the entrance of the Race, by the tide of flood, toward Cape La Hogue. Three of that number endeavoured to tack to the westward, against the current. But one of them, after two or three short boards ran ashore. The other two were wea|thered by the sternmost ships of Russel's squadron. Sir Ralph Delaval, rear admiral of the red, was or|dered to destroy the three ships. Russel himself stretch|ed after the remaining eighteen, who hauled in for La Hogue. Five made their escape eastward, in the night. Thirteen were observed, on the twenty-second, hauled in close with the shore. On the twenty-third, rear-admiral Rooke was ordered, with several men of war, the fire-ships and boats of the fleet, to destroy the enemy's ships. The men of war could not ap|proach. He, however, burnt six ships in the night. The remaining seven were destroyed in the same man|ner, the next day. Little resistance was made by the French. Their officers had retired, and the men fled, upon the approach of the English sailors. James him|self is said to have been a spectator of this last action, but Tourville refused to receive his advice. The ar|my intended for the invasion were near; but they had the mortification to behold a destruction which they could not preventE 1.45.

* 1.46 The French owed their misfortunes in the battle, or rather in the affair of La Hogue, as it has been more justly called, to their presumption, at first, and after|wards to their want of spirit and skill. Tourville sup|ported with little courage and less conduct, the battle into which he had wantonly entered. The superior skill of the English, in managing light breezes of wind and impetuous tides, gave them a great advan|tage over an enemy, who were manifestly conquered in their own minds. The French suffered little in the engagement. Tourville's ship was the only one in any degree disabled. None was taken, none sunk, few even suffered in their rigging. Russel himself,

though a man of too much courage not to fight with spirit, owed his success more to accident and the folly of his enemies, than his own conduct. Had the Dutch shewed the same alacrity in fighting, which they had exhibited upon a former occasion against Tourville, the ruin of the French fleet might have been render|ed complete. But the haziness of the weather; the very fears of the French, upon perceiving themselves much outnumbered; the consusion and want of plan which prevail in all naval engagements, ought to have saved the victors from the censure which some writers have thrown on their conduct. The chief loss of the French consisted in that of their ships. Sixteen men of war, between fifty-six and one hundred and four guns, were burnt. Twenty transports shared the same fate. Few were killed on either side. Among the slain, on the part of the victors, the most re|gretted were admiral Carter and captain HastingsF 1.47.

* 1.48 Russel, it is certain, meant nothing less than to ob|struct the service for which the French fleet were to sail. His loitering at St. Helens, for ten days after he had passed through the Downs; his applying, in con|cert with the late King, to the ministry for leave to attack St. Maloes; his calling in the squadrons that observed under Carter and Delaval the motions of the enemy; seem all to have been calculated to accom|modate the intended invasion. He knew that the same winds which carried himself out of the river, would have favoured Tourville, in leaving Brest. A few days would have brought the French fleet to La Hogue. A few hours would have wafted the invaders to the coast of Sussex. When James should land, he was determined to throw off the mask and declare for that Prince. The prudence, or perhaps, the terrors of the government defeated his measures. They re|fused to agree to the proposed descent, They ordered him to take the advice of a council of war. The re|sult was, that the fleet stretched over to La Hogue. But with a design to return to St. Helen's in four days. The fate of the British kingdoms depended upon ac|cident.

Had Tourville arrived on the coast of Nor|mandy a few days before, or had the winds detained him till Russel's proposed return to his old station, the crown of England would have been transferred to the late King, without contestH 1.49.

* 1.50 James was rather disappointed than rendered despe|rate, by the success of the English fleet. He laid the blame upon accident. He continued his correspon|dence with Russel. He held his former communica|tion with his friends in England. Though the object of his restoration was rendered a little more distant, he kept it still in view. His agents were busy. The discontented caballed in his favour. Men in office be|trayed to him the secrets of the cabinet; and some|times, guided their conduct by his adviceI 1.51. He retired to St. Germans, where his queen had borne a daughter in his absence. The English fleet remained in a state of inaction, during the rest of the summer. The ministry proposed to carry into execution a de|scent on the French coast, which had been projected in the preceding winter. Russel, discontented with government, and provoked by some orders sent to him by the queen, which he deemed the the effect of ig|noranceK 1.52, rendered ineffectual a scheme which promised no great success. The French fleet retired to their ports. They had lost but a very few men in their late misfortune. They filled the whole channel with their privateers. The merchants sustained much loss. The great expectations which the nation de|rived from the late victory, were damped with its want of beneficial consequences. The ministry com|plained of Russel, and Russel of the ministry. Cla|mour, disappointment, and ill humour prevailed, after an event which promised general satisfaction and joyL 1.53.

* 1.54 Though the fate of England seemed to depend on the operations at sea, William turned his his prin|cipal attention to the war by land. He was the chain of union between the heads of the grand confederacy,

the life and spirit of their councils and armies. The force of the allies had however been, in some degree, diminished, by the intrigues of Lewis the Fourteenth, and misunderstandings between themselves. Disputes between the Emperor and the Elector of Saxony, had induced the latter to recal his troops to his own domi|nions. Sweden and Denmark continued their neutra|lity. The Helvetic body discovered an inclination to favour the cause of France. To supply the place of the Saxons, the Emperor and King of England gained the younger branch of the house of Lunenburgh to their party. The Dukes of Zell and Hanover, upon the promise of an electoral cap, with a certainty of the investiture before the end of the year, undertook to march six thousand troops to join the Imperialists, and four thousand to reinforce the army of the allies in Flanders. The Spaniards had raised to the govern|ment of that country, the Elector of Bavaria; a Prince whose spirit and abilities promised to support the feebleness of the common cause, on that side. France was, in the mean time, active in her prepara|tions, and prudent in the disposition of her armies. The Mareschal de Lorges commanded on the upper Rhine. De Joyeuse occupied the country of Eye|feldt. De Boufflers lay between the Sambre and the Meuse. Luxembourg, in the name of the Dauphin, commanded in FlandersM 1.55.

* 1.56 Lewis the Fourteenth and William set out, on the same day, to join their respective armies. The first arrived in his camp, on the twentieth of May. On the twenty-third, all his troops were in motion. He suddenly sat down before Namur. The King with forty-five thousand men, prosecuted the siege. He was covered by Luxembourg, with another army. The town was strong. The citadel was deemed im|pregnable. The Prince de Barbason commanded in the place, with a well-appointed garrison of ten thou|sand men. The famous Coehorn defended, in person, a new fort called by his own name. But de Vauban

directed the attack. The eyes of all Europe were turned toward Namur. Two great Kings, at the head of two powerful armies, turned their whole thoughts to this important enterprise. A battle, which was to decide the fate of the war, was daily to be ex|pected. The French attackedN 1.57 the place with incredible vigour. The town, in six days, was forced to capitulateO 1.58. William, in the mean time, ad|vanced, with an army of one hundred thousand men, and sat down within cannon shot of Luxembourg's lines. The small river Mehaigne ran between the ar|mies. An ineffectual cannonade ensued. The French pressed with vigour the siege of the new fort. Coe|horn made an obstinate defence. But being driven from the covered way, on the twenty-second of July, and forced to retire with great loss into the body of the place, he capitulated. The fate of the citadel was soon after decided. The garrison evacuated the place, on the thirtieth of July; and Lewis returned in triumph to VersaillesP 1.59.

* 1.60 Though William lost reputation, by permitting a place of such importance as Namur to be taken in his sight, his inactivity may be justified, in some degree, by the strong position of the enemy. The Duke de Luxembourg, one of the best generals of the age, had posted himself to great advantage, on the banks of the Mehaigne. The unseasonable rains had unexpectedly swelled the stream, and formed into morasses the ad|joining fields. To make, at first, an attack, was to risque a defeat; and the place surrendered before Wil|liam, who was always slow in his councils, could de|termine upon any vigorous measure to raise the siege. To retrieve the glory which he had lost before Namur, William endeavoured to suprise the French army un|der the Duke of Luxembourg at Steinkirk. The attack was chiefly carried on by the English in co|lumns. They ascended with amazing resolution and spirit the rising ground, on which a wing of the French army lay encamped. They took possession of their

batteries, and were, for some time, masters of their line. The whole camp was in confusion. But the assailants were not properly supported. The second line of the French advanced. The rencounter was ob|stinate and bloody. The contest was maintained for four hours. The allies were at length repulsed, hav|ing left many thousands of the enemy, as well as of their own number, dead on the field. Though this bloody battle was attended with no material conse|quences, an undisputed victory remained to the French. The king gained no reputation for his con|duct. But the valour of his troops deserved great ap|plause. The generals Mackay, Lanier, and Douglas, the Earl of Angus and several officers of distinction were killed in this unfortunate field. The Prince de Turenne and the Mareschal de Bellefons were numbered among the slain, on the side of the FrenchQ 1.61.

* 1.62 The campaign in Flanders languished after the bat|tle of Steinkirk. The discovery of a plot against the life of William, and the execution of one Grandval, the pretended assassin, gave occasion to much reflection and noise. Lewis the Fourteenth and the late King of England were involved by the discoverers in this conspiracy. But as there is no probability that the former would be guilty of such a villainous design; so there is now a certainty, that the latter rejected, al|ways, with becoming horror, all proposals of the like kind. The incident, however, served, at the time, the views of party; and loaded, with a degree of infa|my, an unhappy Prince, already ruined by his folly and misfortunes. The hopes of a reward for the dis|covery, gave birth, in all appearance, to a plot laid chiefly at the door of de Louvois, who was lately dead. His son, de Barbesieux, was accused of carry|ing on what his father had begun. But as the odium of the murder itself would do more harm, than what could be derived of advantage from the death of Wil|liam, the prudence of the French court may be trust|ed with regard to their innocence.

* 1.63 The French, in exerting their chief force in Flan|ders, left their own country exposed, on the side of Dauphiné. The army under de Catinat was found too weak to resist the Duke of Savoy. That Prince sufficiently revenged himself for the insults which he had received in his own dominions, in the two preced|ing campaigns. He entered Dauphiné, in the month of July. He ravaged the open country. He attack|ed the fortified towns. The surrender of Embrun, on the seventeenth of August, was soon followed by the taking of Gap. In the midst of his success, the Duke fell ill of the small-pox. Dissentions prevailed among the nations which composed his motley army. He found himself obliged to retire, and to evacuate the places which he had seized. On the Rhine, the Mareschal de Lorges defeated the Prince of Wertem|berg, on the seventeenth of September. He forced the Prince of Hesse to raise the siege of Ebenbourg. The Marquis d' Harcourt obtained some advantages in the county of Chinei; and de Boufflers bombarded Charleroy, on the nineteenth of October. The cam|paign, upon the whole, ended with sufficient glory to France. Her allies were not equally successful, on their side of the war. Great Waradin was taken by the Imperialists, after a long blockade; and those dis|tractions, which usually attend the misfortunes of the Ottomans, involved the Seraglio in bloodR 1.64.

* 1.65 The defeat of the French fleet at La Hogue had removed the fears of the nation from a foreign ene|my; but the domestic tranquillity was still disturbed, by surmizes of plots, conspiracies, and treasons. Men in general believed, that some secret machinations ex|isted, in favour of the late King. No proofs had ap|peared against the suspected. The Earls of Hunting|ton, Scarsdale, and Marlborough, had been sent to the Tower, upon the accusation of one Young; a criminal, actually under the execution of the law, in Newgate, for forgery. This infamous person, by the advice of a prisoner for debt, in the same gaol, and by the aid of one Blackhead, framed an associa|tion

against the government; to which he annexed the names of the Earls of Salisbury and Marlborough, the deprived Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, and other persons of rank. The Bishop of Rochester being confronted with Blackhead, de|tected the villainy of the accusation, to the satisfaction of the council. But the court, suspecting Marlbo|rough of some secret intrigues with James, still encou|raged Young. His fine was paid, and he himself was discharged from prison. Marlborough, in defiance of the habeas corpus act, was detained in the Tower, by a chichane of law, even after the grand jury of Mid|dlesex had found a bill of forgery, and subornation of perjury, against YoungS 1.66.

* 1.67 These legal severities recalled the memory of for|mer times; and they seemed more grievous, as they were now less expected. The passions of men, in|flamed by faction and party were ready to receive im|pressions of the worst kind. The press groaned with polemical pamphlets. The Jacobites attacked the measures of government, and accused the King of a breach of faith to the nation. The Whigs complain|ed of the management of the war, the burden of taxes, the imperfect securities of the liberties of the people. They affirmed, that the aid given for the maintenance of the war at land had been absolutely lost. That, instead of breaking the power of France, the efforts of the allies had covered her arms with re|nown. The grand army, under the King in Flanders, they said, had lost ground to the enemy. The Ger|mans had received a check, on the Rhine. The ef|forts of the Spaniards in Catalonia had been seeble and ineffectual. The retreat of the Duke of Savoy had put an end to the hopes of the allies, on that side. The navy, though successful against the fleet of the enemy, had not been able to protect the commerce of the kingdom against their privateers. These suggesti|ons were received with avidity, by a people accustom|ed to blame the measures of every government. The facts, though exaggerated, were true in the main;

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and men found, in their own burdens, that they had some reason to complainT 1.68.

* 1.69 In the midst of these discontents, William returned to England. Having arrived from Brussels at the Hague, on the eleventh of October, he embarked, on the fifteenth, in the Maese; and on the twentieth came to Kensington. He met his parliament at West|minster, on the fourth of November. He expressed to them his joy, at having an opportunity of thank|ing them again for their large supplies. He hoped, he said, for their future advice and assistance against the excessive power of France. They had great rea|son to rejoice, he said, at the late victory at sea. He wished that he could tell them of an equal success by land. He informed them, that the French were re|pairing the loss, which they had sustained in their fleet. That they designed to augment their army against the next campaign. He, therefore, declared, that it was absolutely necessary that, at least, an equal force should be maintained in the ensuing, as in the present year; and he desired the commons to give a suitable supply. He was sensible, he said, of the hea|vy charge upon his people. He regretted the incon|venience of sending great sums of money out of the kingdom, for the payment of troops abroad. He promised to attempt a descent on France. He took notice of the signal deliverance from the French inva|sion. He entertained no doubt of their support. He requested dispatch in their councils. He assured them, that he had no interest separate from theirs. That he had no aim, but to render his people happy. He con|cluded with observing, that as he never spared his per|son for the good of his subjects, he would continue to encounter dangers, for the honour and advantage of EnglandU 1.70.

* 1.71 Though this speech seemed calculated to gain the good opinion of parliament, neither of the houses re|turned their immediate thanks, by an address. The commons adjourned for a week, the lords for three

days. The latter, when they met, instead of paying their compliments to the King, began to vindicate their own privileges. The lords, who had been com|mitted to the Tower, represented their grievances. They were supported, with great warmth by their friends. The constable of the Tower was ordered to produce the warrants of commitment. The judges of the king's bench were commanded to appear before the house, to answer for their refusal to discharge the recognizance, into which the imprisoned peers had en|tered for their appearance. Violent debates ensued. The opposition, in every motion prevailed. Resolu|tions were framed to guide the judges of oyer and ter|miner, in their proceedings on the habeas corpus act. The lords declared, that two witnesses of the delin|quency were necessary to justify the remanding any person to prison, upon his application to be admitted to bail. A motion was made and carried, for enter|ing this resolution on the books, as a standing rule to all future judges. The mode of setting free the accused prisoners became a matter of great debate. The King interfered. To end the contest, he promised to give directions for discharging the bail of the lords, in the king's bench. But so much inflamed were the ma|jority, that they determined to enter upon no business till the King's promise was actually performedV 1.72.

* 1.73 This concession from the court was not sufficient to allay the heats in parliament. The commons, on the tenth of November, had voted thanks to the King for his speech. They ordered an address to the Queen, acknowledging her prudent administration in the ab|sence of her husband. But they, at the same time, resolved to present an address, desiring that the allian|ces made with the Sates, in the months of April and August 1689, and all other alliances with the princes and States of Europe, should be laid before the houseW 1.74. They entered into an examination of the management of the war at sea. They voted thanks to Admiral Russel for his victory. But they resolved to inquire, why that victory had not been pursued.

This, however, was soon after dropt. A resolution to offer advice to the King, was attended with no bet|ter fate. A great animosity against the preference given to foreigners exhibited itself in the debates of the house. They resolved, that one article of the propos|ed advice should bear, that he should fill all vacancies, as they should happen among the general officers, with the subjects of Great Britain; and that the commander in chief of the English troops should be an Englishman. This resolution was aimed at the Count de Solmes, on whose conduct toward the national troops, at the battle of Steinkirk, they severely animadvertedX 1.75.

* 1.76 Notwithstanding these symptoms of discontent among the commons, that assembly seemed more hostile to the ministry, than adverse to the King. Though James was in correspondence with some leaders, in the two houses, he had despaired of guiding the con|duct of either, long before the parliament metY 1.77. The previous motion of advice was introduced and managed by his friends, supported by some zealous Whigs. But this attempt was defeated, by frequent adjournments. On the twenty-second of Novem|berZ 1.78, a general supply was voted. The commons, on the second of December, specified the sums grant|ed, for each serviceA 1.79. Near four millions were allowed, for the land and sea service; together with seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds, to supply the deficiency in the poll-tax of the preceding year. These great sums were raised by various ways and means. A tax of four shillings in the pound, was charged upon all lands, according to their yearly value; with a vote of credit to enable the King to raise money at seven per cent. upon that fund. A fund of credit, for one million, was also established, on the hereditary excise, by way of tontine. But all these provisions appearing inadequate to the wants of government, an addition|al imposition was laid upon merchandize, before the end of the sessionB 1.80.

* 1.81 THE lords were much more refractory than the commons. The former seemed offended with the King, as well as with his measures. The latter shew|ed only their dislike to the acting minister, the Earl of Nottingham. The discontented lords availed them|selves of the article in the speech, where William ask|ed advice of his parliament. Under this cover, they endeavoured to send a remonstrance to the throne. Those who had distinguished themselves most for the revolution, were the chief promoters of a measure, which distressed and offended the King. The Earl of Devonshire, though lord-steward of the household, preferred his principles to the adherence to the court, expected from his office. The Earls of Shrewsbury, Monmouth, Torrington, Macclesfield, and Warring|ton, and the Lord Mountague, who were deemed the most steady Whigs, were the most violent against William and his partiality to strangers. The Earl of Marlborough, yielding to his own resentment, and in concert with JamesC 1.82, appeared a principal in the motions against foreigners. The Earl of Bath, who had four years before, betrayed Plymouth to the Prince of Orange, had engaged to execute the same service for the late KingD 1.83. To give an earnest of his zeal, he joined heartily with Marlborough. The Tory lords, not in office, supported the opposition on popu|lar grounds. Though the majority of the bishops fa|voured James in secret, they adhered, except one, to the court; and several peers who were in corres|pondence with the court of St. GermainsE 1.84, endea|voured to cover their private engagements, by sup|porting, in public, the cause of William.

* 1.85 The parties were so equally poised, that almost the whole winter was spent in the fiercest debates. The people themselves were not unconcerned specta|tors of the contest. Their jealousy of foreigners, the indignity of trusting to aliens the defence of the kingdom, while the native troops were employed abroad, the real and supposed insolence of Dutch

[year 1693] favourites and officers, combined to inflame the passions of the nation against the crown. The op|posing lords, in some measure, at length prevailed. A remonstrance was presentedF 1.86 to the King, consisting of five articles. The peers desired, that the com|manding officer of the English, next the King himself, should be an Englishman. That the English officers should have precedency of all officers of the same rank in the confederate armies, except those of crowned heads. That the twenty thousand men, destined for the defence of England, should be all native English, under the command of an English general. That the abuses committed in pressing sailors should be remedied and prevented. That no foreigners should be permit|ted to sit at the board of ordnance. William was not of a complexion to grant demands, so contrary to his fixed predilections and views. He refused the request of the lords, by answering, that he would consider their address. The opposition had carried their point with such difficulty, that they dropt the remonstrance, without any farther efforts. Their ill humour, how|ever, continued; and filled the whole session with inef|fectual altercations and debatesG 1.87.

* 1.88 The opposition in the house of lords, to shew their own resentment, or to embarrass the government, dis|covered a disposition to stop the progress of the bills of supply. The measure was adopted in concert with JamesH 1.89, who notwithstanding his disappointment at La Hogue, still projected an invasion. The Mar|quis of Halifax and the Earl of Mulgrave induced the house, by the force of their eloquence, to ingraft a clause on the land-tax bill, that the lords should tax themselves. The bill was sent down amended to the commons. The lower house flew into the most vio|lent heat. They rejected the amendment, without one dissenting voice. The lords agreed to pass the bill, without alteration, with a formal protest, on their journals, that though they yielded to the present urgent state of affairs, they had a right to insist upon

taxing themselves. In other matters, the two houses were more unanimous. They ordered, by a joint vote, that a pamphlet, entitled,

"King William and Mary conquerors,"

should be burnt by the hands of the common hangman. They addressed the King to dismiss from his place the licenser of the press, under whose sanction it had been printed and published. They assumed an appearance of hostility to the high prerogatives of the crown, while they strengthened the hands of the King with enormous suppliesI 1.90.

* 1.91 Though this facility in giving money, has been ascribed to some corrupt practices of the court, it may be justified from the urgent state of the times. The people were plunged in a war, from which they could not immediately extricate themselves, by land, either with honour or with safety. To remit in preparations by sea, might have encouraged an invasion. The commons, in other respects, shewed little complai|sance for the crown. They even appeared to be self-denied, with regard to the private interest of their own members. They introduced and passed a bill, touching free and impartial proceedings in parliament, which excluded, from the right of sitting in the house, all persons, who should accept of any office from the crown. The ministry found themselves incapable of opposing, in the lower house, a measure so popular. To facilitate the passing of this important bill, it was not to be in force till the King should think fit to call a new parliament. It was sent up to the lords early in the session. The malcontents, in the upper house, carried the motion in favour of the bill, in the com|mittee. But when it came to be reported, the court party, by the means of proxies, rejected it, by a majority of two votes. The adherents of James were joined with the most violent Whigs, upon the present occasion. The first wished for confusion; the latter, by yielding to their resentment, adhered to their pro|fessed principlesK 1.92.

The opposition, in the house of lords, were not discouraged with the bad success of the place-bill. As

* 1.93 they could not exclude the members from office, they were resolved to shorten the duration of parliament. The present house of commons, though refractory on some occasions, had rendered their general conduct grateful to the court. Their opposition to the high exertions of the prerogative had never been followed with rigour. They were generous in their supplies, and, perhaps, rather profuse, with regard to the mo|ney of the subject. A great majority were Tories, men in general less attached to the family of a prince, than to the power of the crown. The Earl of Not|tingham and others of their own party had opened a channel of connexion between them and the reigning King. Sir John Trevor, the speaker, was a success|ful agent, in purchasing the votes of the venal, with moneyL 1.94. Besides, in the present divided state of the nation, a new election would be at least trouble|some, if not attended with danger. The opposition perceived the views of their enemies, and they were resolved to pursue their own. The Earl of Shrews|bury moved for a bill, providing for triennial parlia|ments and annual sessions. It passed the house of lords. The commons passed it by a great majority. William resolved to disappoint a bill, so adverse to the power of the crown. He therefore rejected it, when presented for the royal assentM 1.95. This was the second time he made use of a prerogative, which neither of his immediate predecessors ever chose to exert.

* 1.96 The affairs of Ireland commanded a considerable de|gree of the attention of parliament during the present session. That kingdom, ever since its reduction in 1691, had exhibited one continued scene of oppression, injustice, and public misery. The government of James, with all its disadvantages, his own bigotry, the insolence of the papists, combined with the fears of the protestants, were all more tolerable than the adminis|tration of William, ever since the surrender of Lime|rick. Coningsby and Porter, the lords justices, ren|dered themselves odious by a series of frauds, cruelties,

and rapacities. They sold common justice for money. They screened the guilty and oppressed the innocent, for gain. To render their proceedings summary, to clothe their authority with more terror, and, with most expedition, to enrich themselves, they chose to exert their power in the military way. The corruption, at the source, extended itself through every channel of government. The subordinate magistrates, the justices of the peace, as if all law were at an end, made their own will and pleasure the rule of their conduct. Pre|suming on their power in the country, they deprived, under the colour of authority, many persons of their effects; they dispossessed many of their landsN 1.97. The Roman Catholics, as they had less to expect from justice than the Protestants, endeavoured to purchase favour. They applied to those in power, through the channel of venality; and thus the party who had been in arms against the Revolution, fared better than those who had supported the cause of William with the most zeal, courage, and industryO 1.98.

* 1.99 On the third of March 1692, the Lord Viscount Sidney was raised to the government of Ireland. But he arrived not in that kingdom, till the twenty-fifth of the following August. Coningsby, created a Baron by the same name, with his colleague Porter, conti|nued in the government, in the intermediate time. They presided in the court of claims, for adjusting the demands of those comprehended in the articles of Limerick; and the obvious road to their justice, was said to lie through their avarice. The arrival of Sid|ney in his government, though it might lessen the fear of future oppressions, diminished not the resentment of the people for former injuries. His own conduct seem|ed more calculated to preserve the prerogative of the crown, than to redress the grievances of the subject. His speech, at the opening of the parliament, was suited to the times, and well received. But the me|mory of the past, created an ill humour among the commons. Seventy thousand pounds had been de|manded, as an additional revenue, for the annual and

necessary expences of government. But the house were either slow in finding the ways and means, or ignorant where they could be found. Two bills, rea|dy drawn, the one for an additional excise on malt liquors, the other for a tax on land bearing corn, were sent down from the Irish privy council. The com|mons were highly offended at the manner of introduc|ing these bills, which were in themselves, especially the latter, highly exceptionable; and in some degree, partial and unjust. They argued, that though, by Poyning's law, no bill was to be passed, without the sanction of the English privy council, it was never deemed that the Irish commons were precluded from taxing themselvesP 1.100.

* 1.101 The necessities of government induced the lord-lieu|tenant to hearken to a compromise. The commons consented to pass the excise bill, with a declaration, that the thing should not be drawn into a precedent. But they rejected the land-bill, as laying an unequal tax upon the farmers. When Sidney found himself in possession of the additional excise, he gave vent to his resentment against the parliament. He sent for them, on the fourth of NovemberQ 1.102. He re|primanded them severely, for invading the preroga|tives of the Crown. He prorogued them to the six|teenth of April. Inflamed with what they deemed a public insult, offended at some private expressions of indignation from the lord-lieutenant, several members of the Irish house of commons came, in the name of their country, to England, to lay their grievances be|fore the parliament. On the twenty-fourth of Fe|bruary, they laid their complaints, in writing, before the English commons. The lords, at the same time, took cognizance of the affair, and examined witnesses. Some circumstances appeared, upon the inquiry, which served to heighten the mismanagements of govern|ment, as well as the real grievances of Ireland. The army, in want of pay from the Crown, raised money by military distress, from the subject, to the incredible

amount of two hundred thousand poundsR 1.103. The stores left by James in the kingdom, to the value, it was said, of eighty thousand pounds, were embez|zled or applied to his own use by Coningsby. The lord-lieutenant himself, and Ginckle, who had been created Earl of Athlone, were accused of possessing themselves of almost all the forfeitures which ought to have fallen to the publicS 1.104. But one of the most flagrant inroads upon the constitution, was the depriv|ing the citizens of Dublin of their right to chuse their own magistrates.

* 1.105 The lords presented an address, upon the subject of the Irish complaints. The commons sent a remon|strance to the throne. To the grievances already spe|cified, the latter added several others of the same a|larming kind. They complained of the miseries of free quarters, and the licentiousness of the army, to which the Protestant subjects had been exposed. They represented the danger of recruiting the troops, as had been notoriously done, with Irish Papists; and such persons as had been in open rebellion. They averred, that the common course of law was stopt, by granting protections to Roman Catholics, not comprehended within the articles of pacification; and that it was from the mercenary views of the servants of the Crown, that the impolitic addition was made to the treaty with the Papists, at the surrender of Limerick. All these grievances they requested the King to redress; and he promised to rectify all that had been amiss in Ireland. The miseries of that kingdom might, perhaps, have been exaggerated. The expectations of the Protest|ants were high, from the success of their party. The claims of the Papists were extensive, from the favour|able articles by which they had finished the war. Re|cent injuries were added, on both sides, to ancient prejudices and animosities. To satisfy either, was certainly a thing difficult for any government. But it is equally certain, that the servants of the Crown were much less attentive to the happiness of the people,

than to the gratification of their own passions and ava|rice.

* 1.106 William seems either to have repented of his promise to the commons, or to have been persuaded from his purpose, by those most concerned in the mismanage|ments in Ireland. To prevent the parliament from resuming the affair, he prorogued it, on the four|teenth of March, just four days after receiving the re|monstrance. He thanked the commons for their large supplies. He signified to the two houses, his intention of going abroad. He promised to continue to expose his person, upon all occasions, for the good and ad|vantage of his kingdoms; and that his hearty and sin|cere endeavours should never be wanting, to make the English a great and flourishing nationT 1.107. Notwith|standing this soothing speech, the different parties, in both houses, were highly offended at the sudden pro|rogation. The Whigs resented the measure, as an aggravating sequel to the King's refusing his assent to the bill for shortening the duration of parliaments. The discontented part of the Tories joined, upon other grounds, the general cry. The Jacobites, be|ing the most violent in their principles, were least tem|perate in their language. All parties carried their dis|contents and arguments to the press. The Earl of Warrington, Hampden, and Wildman were supposed to inflame the Whigs, with publications. The church, offended at the coldness of William, supported the opinions of the high Tories to the world. Ferguson, and several other adherents of James, openly attacked the Revolution, and the personal character and con|duct of the KingU 1.108.

* 1.109 The massacre of Glenco had greatly shaken the in|terest of William, in the minds of his Scottish subjects. The hopes of James arose, in proportion to the odium which a transaction so barbarous had thrown upon the government of his rival. But, prior to that event, the late King had laid a plan for invading Scotland. In the end of the year 1691, he solicited Lewis the Fourteenth, for a force to sail from Brest, Belleisle,

or Rochfort; and to land between Irving and Air. When the King of France had resolved to transport an army into England, under the conduct of James, before the affair of La Hogue, the Scottish expedition was not relinquished. Two frigates, with officers, stores, arms, and a small sum of money, were to sail from Ambleteuse, when the main fleet were to put to sea. The defeat of Tourville broke this, as well as all the other measures of the late King. His attention afterwards was chiefly turned to England. The Earls of Arran and Breadalbin, and Sir James Montgomery, were the only persons of rank in Scotland, who held any correspondence with the court of St. Germains; though the greatest part, by far, of the gentry of the kingdom were in the interest of the late KingW 1.110.

* 1.111 The unexpected blow sustained by the French at La Hogue, and the consequent disappointment of James, threw a damp on his adherents throughout the rest of the year. The nation in general shewed a manifest im|patience under the government of William. But those who opposed that Prince the most, covered, under specious complaints of grievances, their attachment to his rival. The King, by the advice of secretary John|ston, managed his affairs with prudence. He gained, by promoting their leaders, the Presbyterians. He reconciled the Duke of Hamilton and his party to his government, by appointing that nobleman commissi|oner to the approaching parliament. On the eighteenth of April, in the present year, a parliament met at Edinburgh. To flatter the pride of the Scots, the King signified in his letter, that ever since his coming to the Crown, he had been fully resolved to hold a par|liament, in person, in his ancient kingdom. He de|clared that nothing but his necessary presence abroad, or the business of his station, when in England, could have hitherto prevented his purpose. The commissi|oner assured the house, that the King was resolved to support the present establishment, in civil and ecclesi|astical affairs. He awaked their fears of present dan|gers, by recounting those he had escaped in the preced|ing year; and he concluded his speech, with demand|ing

a supply to place the kingdom in a posture of de|fence against its enemies. Tweedale, the chancellor, enforced what the commissioner had proposed. He re|commended that new laws should be made, to strength|en the authority of government, and to recover the ruined trade of the nation.

* 1.112 The spirit which had uniformly opposed govern|ment, since the late revolution, if not extinguished, was at least suppressed. The parliament was all sub|mission. Their answer to the King was full of humi|lity, acknowledgment, and loyalty. They voted, that four regiments of foot and two of dragoons should be added to the standing forces of the kingdom. To defray the charges of this body of men, and to aid the other expences of government, they granted a supply of one hundred and fourteen thousand pounds sterling. They ratified, by a solemn act, the proceedings of the privy council in impressing seamen. They expell|ed all absentees, among the commoners, from their house. They fined such lords as declined to attend in parliament. A committee of secrecy had been ap|pointed, to inquire into the designs of the adherents of the late King. Upon some allegorical letters, that had been intercepted, they formed their report. They declared, that there had been, and still was, a pro|ject subsisting between the Jacobites and France, for invading the kingdom with a foreign force. Several lords were imprisoned in the castles of Sterling and Edinburgh, rather on suspicion than on proof. One Payne, an Englishman, who was actually an agent for James in Scotland, was in custody, and threatened with a trial. But this zeal for his government, was not properly returned by the King. He declined to levy the new troops. But he took care to raise the tax appointed for their subsistence, and to apply it to other uses of his ownX 1.113.

* 1.114 In England, the intrigues of the late King fomented the discontents of all the parties. He continued his correspondence during the winter. His secret friends were busy. His agents assiduously employed. The Earl of Middleton had been sent to England, in the

preceding AugustY 1.115. He carried on successfully his negociations with the discontented, till the month of January. King James, eager to recover his crown, offered terms, which even the most scrupulous among the discontented approved. In a letter, in the end of November, he explained his views, with great mode|ration and address. He lamented, that it had been hitherto his misfortune to be mistaken in his applica|tions to his people. He, however, appealed to God, for the uniform sincerity of his heart. He solemnly assured the nation, that, according to the most natu|ral signification of the words, he was ready to agree to any laws that should be desired, for the security of the Protestant religion, as established in the church of England. He promised to settle, with the concur|rence of parliament, a liberty of conscience. He was fully resolved, he said, to assent to all laws, for securing effectually the liberty and property of the subject, not only during his own reign, but against all the incroachments of his posterity and successors in the throne. He affirmed, that it was his resolution to meet his people frequently in parliament, as the best expedient to render a King truly great and the subject perfectly happy; and that it was his determined reso|lution, neither to design nor attempt to introduce any arbitrary power in the crownZ 1.116.

* 1.117 He hoped, he said, that he had expressed himself plainly. He declared, that he meant honestly. He was sensible that the nation, besides the violence done to their own principles, had not found their account in the injury they had done to his right. He was no stranger, he said, from that circumstance, that some, who were displeased with the times, pursued projects of redress by other means than his restoration. But he averred, that his return to his native country was the only thing that could either give a better establish|ment for the future, or relieve them from their pre|sent distress. He requested his friends, for the great|er security of the nation, to send any persons they pleased, to discourse with him at large upon the sub|ject

of his letter. He doubted not, he said, to give any, commissioned to him for that purpose, an entire satisfaction upon every point. To create future con|fidence, he desired to forget the past. He was resolv|ed, for his own part, to pardon all the miscarriages of all his subjects, without exception. He expressed his earnest desire to close, in every thing, with the united interest of the people. He requested, that more of them would make him acquainted with their inclina|tions, without the least degree of flattery; which had often too fatal an influence upon the councils of KingsA 1.118; and he concluded with declaring, that he wished for nothing in the world so earnestly, as to see his people establshed upon the true and legal foun|dationB 1.119.

* 1.120 The malcontents in England were so much disgusted with William, that they received the assurances of James with ardour. The Earl of Middleton, in the month of January, returned to France, with eight proposals from those who wished to restore the late King, upon conditions. They were accepted without hesitation. The high opinion which James always entertained of the importance of the fleet, induced him to apply to the principal officers, with unremit|ting diligence. Russel had promised, in the preceding autumn, his best endeavours to serve his cause. But William, in consequence of Russel's opposition in par|liament, and his disputes with the Earl of Notting|ham, had deprived that officer of the chief command Delaval, Killegrew, and Shovel, were appointed, in a joint commission, to execute the office of admiral. The two first had been, for some time, in the interest of the late King. That Prince, encouraged by a very great party in England, and numbering among his friends some of the first officers of state, flattered by the engagements of the fleet and the discontents in the army, promised to himself an absolute certainty of being restored, with little opposition, to the throne The French King kept the crown of England on the head of William. He listened to the proposals of

James. But he entertained no serious thought of as|sisting that Prince, with effectC 1.121.

* 1.122 Urged by his own hopes, and the zeal of his friends in England; the late King prepared a declaration, up|on the eight articles transmitted to France, through the hands of the Earl of Middleton. It was dated at St. Germains, on the seventeenth of AprilD 1.123. He promised an unlimited pardon to all his subjects, an absolute oblivion of all the past. He declared, that he would immediately call a parliament, inform himself, through them, of the inclinations of his people, and re|dress, by their concurrence, former grievances, and give every security for their future happiness. He promised to protect the church of England; to secure to its mem|bers all the churches, universities, colleges, and schools; to confirm their immunities, rights, and pri|vileges. He pledged his word to recommend to his parliament an impartial liberty of conscience. He de|clared, that he would never violate the test, and that he would leave the dispensing power of the crown, in other matters, to be explained and limited by the re|presentatives of the nation. He solemnly promised to give his assent to all such bills as should be found neces|sary to shorten the duration of parliaments, to secure the freedom of elections, the fair returns of members, and impartial trials.

* 1.124 To regain the favour of those who had been most active in the late revolution, he engaged himself to ratify and confirm all such laws, during the govern|ment of William, as should be tendered to him by his parliament. He declared his willingness to re-establish, in the most ample manner, the act of set|tlement of Ireland, as passed in his brother's reign; to relinquish the chimney-money, or any other part of the revenue, as should be deemed burdensome to the people, for any other more easy assessment. He assured his peo|ple, that he had formed his declaration upon the ad|vice of a great number of his subjects of all ranks and degrees; who had already adjusted the manner of his re-ascending the throne. To remove the apprehensi|ons

of his subjects, that great sums might be de|manded by France, he positively assured them, that his most Christian Majesty expected no compensation, but the glory of having succoured an injured Prince. He added, that he was on the eve of coming to vindi|cate his own right, and to establish the liberties of his people; and he concluded with solemnly praying, that God might so give him success, in the prosecution of the one, as he was sincere in his intentions to confirm the otherE 1.125.

* 1.126 A month after this declaration was dated in France, it was dispersed privately in England, by the adherents of the late King. Some persons who had undertaken that dangerous office, were secured; and upon slender proofs, punished severely for a high misdemeanourF 1.127. Several violent libels against the government, had raised the resentment and indignation of the courts of justice. The legal severities, of which the peo|ple formerly complained, seemed, in some cases, to be renewed in all their horror. One Anderton was seizedG 1.128, by the messenger of the press, as the printer of two seditious pamphlets, and committed, for a misdemeanour, to Newgate. But when he offered sufficient bail, he was, by a fresh warrant, continued in prison for high treason. On the trial of this un|fortunate person, no positive evidence of guilt ap|peared. Though the statute of treason allowed no conjectural presumptions, no strained inferences, no forced constructions, he was at length condemned. Treby, lord-chief-justice of the common pleas, and formerly a vehement patriot, presided at his trial; and was said to have even surpassed Jefferys himself, in vio|lence, upon this occasion. He brow-beat the prisoner. He rejected, without any answer, his defence. He revil|ed and threatened the jury, when they seemed to lean to the favourable side. The novelty of Anderton's case, being the first who had ever suffered death for print|ing, raised the attention of the public. The lame|ness of the proof was generally condemned; and to convict upon presumptions, in cases of treason, was

deemed a dangerous innovationH 1.129. But when a na|tion is divided into two inveterate parties, it is difficult to exclude violence, even from the seats of justice.

* 1.130 The King, impatient to open the campaign in Flan|ders, left Kensington, on the thirty-first of March, and arrived in the Maese, on the second of April. The French had disturbed the winter itself, with mi|litary excursions and attacks. They had taken Furnes and Dixmuyde, in the end of November, with their garrisons, consisting chiefly of the English who had re|duced those places, in the close of the preceding cam|paign. His own preparations, the necessity of settling, previously, the councils of the Allies, and the difficul|ty of assembling the forces, detained the King at Loo and the Hague, till the middle of May. Having join|ed the troops of the Allies at Deigham, he marched from thence to Parks, near Louvaine; and, by that judicious position, is said to have broken the designs of France upon Brabant. Lewis the Fourteenth with an equipage more suitable to a triumph than a cam|paign, joined his army, consisting of one hundred thousand men, on the second of June. Maestricht, Charleroy, Huy, Brussels and Liege, dreaded by turns the fall of the storm. But the French King having fallen sick, soon after his arrival, returned to Versailles, and left to the Mareschal de Luxembourg the conduct of military operations in Flanders. Luxembourg, on the fifteenth of June, placed his head quarters at Mel|dert, within half a league of the camp of the Allies. The two armies continued in this situation above a month. Each endeavoured to find an opportunity of giving battle to advantage; while both suffered great hardships from the incessant rains.

* 1.131 The Mareschal de Luxembourg, despairing to force William to fight at a disadvantage, left his camp, on the eighteenth of July. He sat down before Huy; which surrendered in two days. Having amused the enemy with a feigned design upon Liege, he sudden|ly quitted his post at Hellicheim, crossed the Jaar in four columns, directed his march toward the Allies;

being determined to attack them in their camp, or if they retreated to fall upon their rear. His van was in sight, before they were apprised of his march. The King made the necessary preparations for receiving the enemy with vigour. He sent away his heavy baggage. He ordered his infantry to intrench themselves in the front of his camp. The river Geette bounded his right, and ran, winding, along his rear. On the left, and in the front of the left, was the brook of Landen. A thick hedge joining with one end, the Geete covered part of the front of his right wing. The village of Neerwinden, with entrenchments before it, was situated between the left end of the hedge and the center. The village of Romsdorff stood farther ad|vanced, opposed to the front of the left wing; and the entrenchment before it stretched to the rivulet of Lan|den. A line of entrenchments extended themselves be|hind the two villages; and behind these, the army of the Allies was formed. Their whole front was cover|ed with one hundred pieces of cannon; which by be|ing advantageously placed, on an eminence, command|ed all the approaches to their lineI 1.132.

* 1.133 On the eveningK 1.134 of his arrival in sight of the Allies, the Mareschal de Luxembourg dislodged a de|tachment of the enemy posted in the village of Lan|den, which stood advanced before the brook of that name. Between this village and that of Romfdorff, he placed forty battalions, in the night. He formed his center of eight lines of horse and foot intermixed. His horse, on the left wing, were ordered to extend themselves to the Geette, opposing their line to the thick hedge which covered the front of the enemy's right. The French were formed before five in the morning, and the cannonading began on both sides. Six brigades, under the Duke of Berwick and two other lieutenant generals, attacked the village of Neer|winden. This important post was carried. But it was soon recovered by the vigilance of William; who had the good fortune, at the same instant, to see his enemies repulsed on every side. The center of the

French army was not properly sustained by either wing. But the Mareschal de Luxembourg was not to be intimidated. He made a second effort on Neer|winden. He succeeded. He was again repulsed. He resolved to attack some other quarter of the enemy. They were inaccessible every where. The village of Neerwinden is a third time attacked. William, with great bravery, led twice the English infantry to the entrenchment, which the enemy endeavoured to force. Nothing, however could resist the impetuosity of the French. Their center, reinforced by their right, opened a way for their cavalry into the very lines of the Allies. They flanked the English. They charg|ed and put to flight the troops of Hanover. They overturned and routed the SpaniardsL 1.135.

* 1.136 William perceiving this disorder, advanced sudden|ly with a part of his left wing. But the enemy gave him no time to form. They flanked the Dutch horse, as they came. They broke them, in a furious onset, before the English could draw into a line. The King, however, was not to be driven from the field. He ordered his troops to charge as they found themselves. His efforts were attended with some success, when he perceived his right wing driven headlong into the Geete. Nothing but confusion could now be seen throughout the camp. Slaughter and flight prevailed every where, on the field. The bridge being too much crowded by the runaways, many were drowned in the river. Wil|liam retreated, in the same order, with the remains of the left wing. He, however, left a complete vic|tory to the enemy. Sixty-six pieces of cannon, eight mortars, eighty standards, colours, and other trophies fell into the hands of the French. Twelve thousand of the Allies lay dead in this bloody field. Two thousand were made prisoners. The Mareschal de Luxembourg gained little but glory from the battle of Landen. He lost eight thousand of his best troops, in the action; and his army was so much weakened,

by the number wounded, that he could take no ad|vantage of the consternation of the enemyM 1.137.

* 1.138 William displayed, upon this occasion, great cou|rage and presence of mind. He exposed his person to danger. He issued his orders with coolness. He was present every where. He has, notwithstanding, been censured, for hazarding, in his circumstances, a gene|ral engagement. He had detached a considerable num|ber of his troops, under the Duke of Wertemberg. He had sent a reinforcement to the garrison of LiegeN 1.139. In point of numbers, he was much in|ferior to Luxembourg. He had sufficient time to re|treat beyond the Geette, and cover himself from in|sult behind that riverO 1.140. His post, however, was so strong, that his officers encouraged him to fight; and he himself was extremely anxious to recover the laurels which he had lost in the preceding campaign. Six weeks of inactivity succeeded the battle. Both sides, weakened by their losses, seemed unwilling to grapple again in the field. The Mareschal de Lux|embourg, being at length reinforced, by detachments from the coasts of Picardy and Normandy, as well as from the army on the upper Rhine, moved toward Charleroy. He sat down before that place, on the eleventh of September. William made no efforts to raise the siege. The garrison behaved themselves with such spirit as deserved relief. The King quitted the army, on the fifth of October; and Charleroy surrendered on the eleventh of that monthP 1.141.

* 1.142 On the side of Germany, the French tarnished their success with acts of barbarity and cruelty. The Mareschal de Lorges, having passed the Rhine at Philipsburgh without oppositionQ 1.143, detached de Chamilli, with twenty thousand men, to invest Hey|delberg. In the midst of dissentions, which prevailed among the garrison, that place was stormed. The soldiers and burghers were promiscuously put to the sword. When slaughter ended, rapine began. The houses were burnt, the churches pillaged, the inhabi|tants

stripped naked, the women exposed to violence and lust. De Lorges, in the mean time, was pre|vented from passing the Necker, by the Prince of Baden, who commanded the confederate army. The King of France having undertaken to the Ottomans, to make a powerful diversion on the side of Germany, had detachedR 1.144 twenty thousand men from the army in Flanders, to the Upper Rhine. When this rein|forcement joined de Lorges, the Dauphin assumed the command of the army. That Prince, having dispers|ed, in vain, a manifesto containing humiliating terms of peace, advanced to the Necker, and crossed that riverS 1.145, with twenty thousand men. The Germans, under the Prince of Baden, unable to contend with such superior numbers, avoided the risque of a battle, in a strong post. The Dauphin returned to Versailles. The French and Imperialists, having remained, for some time, in the field, in a state of inactivity, re|tired, at length, to their respective winter quarters.

* 1.146 The operations of the armies, on the side of Pied|mont, having languished throughout the summer, end|ed in a decisive action, in the beginning of OctoberT 1.147. The duke of Savoy, at the head of the confederates, sat down before Pignerol. The Mareschal de Cati|nat, having been reinforced with ten thousand men, from the army on the Upper Rhine, descended from the mountains; and, from his motions, seemed to threaten Turin. The Duke, having bombarded Pig|nerol, raised the siege, on the second of October. He advanced to the small river Cisola, where it passes by Marsaglia. He sent away his heavy baggage, resolv|ing to engage de Catinat. The next day, the two armies came in sight and formed themselves in order of battle. Neither side shewing any inclination to come to battle, the consederates lay, all night, on the field, in their arms. When day light appeared, the French were already formed. The allies were in|stantly in motion. The Imperial and Piedmontese cavalry, commanded by the Duke in person, covered the right wing. The insantry, consisting of the in|fantry

of Savoy and Great Britain, were in the cen|ter, under the famous Prince Eugene. The Spaniards, led by their native officers, formed the left wing. The French began the attack, in an unusual manner. They received the fire of the Spaniards, as they advanced, and then charged them, with bayonets fixed and sword in hand. The whole wing was broken in an instant and thrown, in their confusion, on the center. The battle was sustained, by the latter, with great obsti|nacy. They were, however, broken, at length, and forced to fly. A complete victory remained to the French. The cannon, colours, standards, and light baggage of the allies, fell into the hands of the enemy. They lost eight thousand men in the field. The Duke of Schomberg, who commanded the troops in the pay of Great Britain, was wounded and taken pri|soner. He was released, on his parole; and soon af|ter died at TurinU 1.148.

* 1.149 The French were successful, on every side during this campaign. In Catalonia, the Mareschal de Noail|les took Roses, in the sight of the enemy. The Spa|niards, enfeebled by the despicable councils of Charles the Second, were unable to repel the victors. The French were too few and ill provided to pursue the advantages which they had obtained. Besides, the Mareschal de Noailles had embarked six thousand men, to reinforce de Catinat's army in Piedmont. Both sides remained inactive, from May till the end of the year. The war, in Hungary, produced no sig|nal event. The Imperialists, under the Duke de Croy, laid siege to Belgrade in vain. After five weeks open trenches, they stormed the counterscarp. But they were repulsed with great slaughter. The grand Vi|zier advanced, in the mean time, with an army. The Duke de Croy, having called a council of war, resolved to raise the siege. He sent away his heavy baggage. He repassed, with his army, the Saave. The defeat of a few Tartars, in the neighbourhood of Giulia, was magnified by the Imperialists, to cover the disgrace of an inactive and inglorious campaignW 1.150.

* 1.151 The same bad fortune whch pursued the allies by land, attended their operations at sea. The war in Flanders having ingrossed the whole attention of Wil|liam, the navy was much neglected by his servants. Notwithstanding the great supplies that had been grant|ed, the fleet was not ready to sail till the middle of May; and then it was feebly manned, and ill supplied with necessaries and provisions. Killegrew, Delaval, and Shovel, who executed the office of admiral, hav|ing been reinforced by the Dutch, arrived at St. He|lens, on the seventh of May. The whole fleet was to have consisted of one hundred sail of men of war, seventy of which were to have been of the line. They, however, had not all rendezvoused when the admirals arrived. These officers, destitute of intelligence them|selves, and receiving no orders from the ministry, were uncertain how to proceed. The French had made the greatest preparations, in all their ports. They repaired and refitted all their men of war. They bought and armed all the largest merchantmen. They manned, with activity and success, the whole fleet. All their ships, in the ports of the ocean, had assembled at Brest, under Tourville. The squadron equipped at Toulon, and commanded by D'Estrees, received orders to advance to the Streights. King James con|tinued to solicit the court of France, to make another attempt on England; and the sanguine adherents of that unfortunate Prince could ascribe such preparati|ons to nothing but a fixed resolution to re-establish their master on his throneX 1.152.

* 1.153 The eyes of Lewis were turned to an object of much less importance, than the reduction of a great kingdom. The trading part of the English nation had, ever since the commencement of the war, com|plained, with reason, of the little attention paid by government to the protection of commerce. Though powerful fleets were sent by the nation to sea, indivi|duals had suffered much from the privateers of the enemy. The merchants, resolved, therefore, to keep their richest ships in their ports, till sufficient convoys could be obtained. Some of these had been, for

eighteen months, ready to sailY 1.154. Their number every day accumulated. They had been promised a strong convoy in the winter. They were put off, however, by delays. Four hundred merchantmen, consisting of English, Dutch, and Hamburghers, bound for the Streights, lay waiting for a convoy, in May. On the nineteenth of that month, orders were sent from the admiralty, for the whole fleet to sail, as far as might seem requisite, with the merchantmen. They accordingly sailed, on the thirtieth, and proceeded fifty leagues beyond Ushant. Sir George Rooke, with a squadron of twenty-three men of war, English and Dutch, proceeded with the trade toward the Streights. The main fleet, after having cruized a few days in the mouth of the channel, returned, for want of provisions, to TorbayZ 1.155.

* 1.156 Though the ministry had received no certain intel|ligence concerning the motions of the French, the fleet, commanded by Tourville, had sailed from Brest, in the middle of MayA 1.157. That officer directed his course toward the Streights to join the squadron ex|pected from Toulon, under D'Estrees. He arrived in the bay of Lagos, on the twenty-eighth of the same month. He lay in that place till the fifteenth of June, when Rooke, and the fleet under his convoy, appeared. The English admiral, deceived by false intelligence concerning the strength of the enemy, prepared to engage. Perceiving his mistake, he stood away with an easy sail. He ordered, at the same time, the merchantmen nearest to the land to shift for themselves in the ports of Spain. The enemy gaining fast upon him, he made sail. The French came up with the sternmost ships. Three Dutch men of war fell into the hands of the enemy. Eighty merchant|men were either taken in their flight or destroyed in ports where they had taken shelter. The rest owed their escape to the bad conduct of Tourville. Had he kept the wind, he might have surrounded and taken the whole fleet. But when the Dutch ships stood in

to the shore, he tacked after them, and lost the great|est opportunity of acquiring wealth and glory, with ease, that ever fortune threw in the way of an of|ficerB 1.158.

* 1.159 The French admiral, vain of his success, insulted, without hurting, the coast of Spain. Rooke, losing sight of most of the merchantmen, made the best of his way to Madeira. He returned from that island to Ireland, and, soon after, rejoined the main fleet. The rest of the naval campaign, if the expression may be used, was ingloriously inactive. The admi|rals, having cruized for a few weeks in the mouth of the channel, were driven into Torbay by contrary winds. They were ordered round to St. Helens, and the capital ships laid up for the year. The victories of the enemy by land, the disgrace and loss of the nation at sea, the disappointment of individuals, and the discontents which ever accompany national mis|fortunes, filled the whole kingdom with complaints, murmurs, and noise The merchants of London pre|sented a remonstrance, rather than an address, to the Queen. They enumerated the hardships imposed up|on trade, by the want of convoys. They exagge|rated past evils, they magnified the present, they ex|pressed their anxiety for the future. This spirit of resentment spread from London to the rest of the na|tion. In the events of the past years of the war, some glory had been blended with disappointment. But the present year was uniformly covered with mis|fortune and disgrace. Disputes in the cabinet were joined to the disgusts among the people. A general clamour prevailed, which threatened consequences of the worst kindC 1.160.

* 1.161 In the midst of this ferment, William arrived from HollandD 1.162. The parliament were to meet on the seventh of November; and they were supposed to be infected with those jealousies and discontents which inflamed the people. The campaign had produced no event, either of advantage or glory, to soothe their

resentment or to flatter their pride. The King him|self was incapable of constraining his temper into a complaisance, which, with a generous people, might supply the want of successE 1.163. The adherents of the late King, and even that Prince himself, were, in the mean time, extremely active in increasing the present clamours against the government. He was no stranger to the impatience of the English nation, un|der a disgrace on their own element, the sea,F 1.164. He continued his correspondence with the disaffected clergy. He appointed the deprived bishop of Nor|wich his agent to gain his brethren. He recommend|ed to the church to obstruct the views of William in parliament. He advised the Tory part of the ministry to retain their offices, to increase their capacity to forward his service. The Marquis of Caermarthen, either disgusted with William, or in hopes of profit|ing by the restoration of James, had entered into the views of the latter Prince. James requested him to betray the councils of the King, and to obstruct and defeat his measures in parliament. He desired him, if he could depend upon his son, to induce him to keep his command in the navy. He instructed the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Marlborough, and the Lord Godolphin to exert themselves secretly against William, to hinder, or at least to retard, the giving of money, to prevent the early sailing of the sleet, in the following yearG 1.165.

* 1.166 He desired these lords to send him their advice con|cerning his own conduct. He asked them, whether he should write to the parliament? Whether the King of France should publish a formal declaration, that he entertained no views with regard to England, except the re-establishment of her native King? He desired them freely to advise him, in all matters concerning their interest and his own views. He requested Admi|ral Russel, who had continued his communications with the court of St. Germains, to endeavour to procure the command of the fleet. He desired him to sup|press

his resentment for his late disgrace. He intreat|ed him to command his temper, to regulate his con|duct with prudence and reserve, to raise no enemies that might obstruct his designsH 1.167. The intrigues of James prevailed. William fell evidently into the snare. The adherents of the late King insinuated, that to restore Russel to the command of the fleet, was to soothe the nation for the miscarriages at sea. He was accordingly replaced in his former office, on the sixth of November. The anxiety with which James pursued this point, is as unaccountable as it is remarkable. Deleval and Killegrew, two out of the three joint admirals, were devoted to his serviceI 1.168. But he, perhaps, perceived, that it was impossible for them to retain their offices in opposition to a torrent of popular clamours. The first had been raised by the late King, and owed every thing to that Prince. The latter depended on Caermarthen, who had resolved to favour a restoration.

* 1.169 Though James depended much upon the zeal of Admiral Russel, he derived still greater hopes from the Marquis of Caermarthen. Though that lord was in part prime minister to William, he had entered in|to the most solemn engagements with the late King. He had promised to gain to his interest the county of York, of which he was lord-lieutenant; to surrender to him the citadel of Hull, of which he was gover|nor. The want of success by land, the disgraces at sea, the unpopularity and forbidding manner of Wil|liam, his bad state of health, which promised no per|manency to the fabric which he had reared, disap|pointments in some, a return of their former prin|ciples in others, the discontents and even levity of all, had increased, to a surprising degree, the party of the abdicated King. The Whigs were equally for|ward with the Tories; and more dangerous, as they were more resolute in their political views. In the list of noble correspondents with the court of St. Germains, the two parties were blended with one

another, in the present year. James had received the most solemn assurances from four dukes, four mar|quises, twenty earls, four viscounts, eleven barons, beside the Roman Catholics, in every degree of no|bility.

* 1.170 The whole body of the non-juring clergy, consist|ing of six bishops, and six hundred ministers, and four fifths of those who had taken the oaths. were ready to join the late King, to preach in favour of his authori|ty, to convince the people that the Protestant religion was in no danger. The cities of Bristol and Exeter in the West, and, in the North, the town of Boston, had signified their loyalty to James, through their re|spective leaders. The Earl of Yarmouth, in the name of seventeen baronets, and one hundred and thirty gentlemen, promised for the county of Norfolk. The gentlemen of Essex assured the late King, that they would join him with a body of cavalry, at a pro|per time. The Earl of Litchfield promised for the county and city of Oxford. The Earl of Lindsey for the county of Lincoln. Sir John Friend answered for a regiment of cavalry and two of militia, with which he hoped to possess himself of the TowerK 1.171. Colo|nel Selwin promised for Tilbury fort and a regiment of infantry; Lieutenant-colonel Row for his own regi|ment, Colonel Greenville for that of his uncle the Earl of Bath. Crawford, governor of Sheerness, un|dertook to deliver that fort to James. The Marquis of Caermathen, then president of the council, promis|ed for Hull. The private soldiers, in some regi|ments, had formed associations for the late King. One hundred troopers of the royal regiment of cavalry ac|quainted him, that they had sufficient credit with their companions, to bring back the whole to their former allegiance. They even solemnly undertook to

"cut the throats"

of such of their comrades and officers, as should dare to oppose their design. In the north of England, seven regiments of cavalry and dragoons

were privately listed, under officers, bearing commis|sions from the late KingL 1.172.

* 1.173 It is remarkable, that those who had been the most violent enemies of James, when he was on the throne, were his most zealous friends in his distress. The county of Somerset, the seat of Monmouth's rebellion and Jefferys's cruelties, was now ready to receive him with open arms. The town of Taunton itself, that had suffered so much eight years before, for opposing James, expressed the greatest affection for his person and the warmest zeal for his restoration. The legal severities of the year 1685 must, therefore, have been exaggerated; or the people acquitted the King of the rigorous conduct of his servants. The Lord Powlet, and the majority of the gentlemen of the county, to|gether with the citizens of Taunton, solemnly engag|ed themselves to James, to rise in his cause. Even individuals were as unsteady to their former principles, as bodies of men. The famous Ferguson, who had uniformly abetted the opposition to the late King, till he lost his throne, employed, at this time, all the ve|hemence of his active spirit in his cause. He request|ed, he even implored him to invade the kingdom. To testify his own zeal, to encourage James with a certainty of his success, he proposed to deliver him|self up in France to be punished with death, should the enterprise fail. Some of the clergy who had most opposed James, ran so violently into the other extreme, that they were determined to form themselves into a company of volunteers, to serve in the regiment com|manded by Sir John FriendM 1.174.

* 1.175 The zeal of the clergy proceeded from their high principles in favour of monarchy. But to what prin|ciple can be ascribed, the relentings of the Earl of Sunderland? That nobleman, who had hurried James into his worst measures, to accomplish his ruin, endea|voured, by the like conduct, to place him again on the throne. William having distinguished Sunderland with his favour, for former services, furnished that

lord, a second time, with an opportunity to betray. Having, with his usual address, convinced the adhe|rents of King James of the sincerity of his repentance, he wrote a letter full of contrition for his past con|duct, to that Prince. He told him, that a descent, with a competent force, was the only means of finish|ing the misfortunes of the King, and the miseries of the nation. He informed him, that from the state of the kingdom, an invasion could not fail of success. He declined to enter into particulars, because he was afraid his Majesty did not confide sufficiently in his advice. But when he should be assured that the King was satisfied with his fidelity, he promised to send the best intelligence; and to contribute all in his power to his service. The Earl of Arran vouched for the sincerity of Sunderland. The Earl of Marlborough pleaded in his favour. But James had felt so much from his treachery before, that even his pursuing the natural bias of his mind, with regard to William, could not convince him, for some time, that Sunderland was sincereN 1.176.

* 1.177 Such was the secret state of affairs before, and some time after the two houses met, for the dispatch of the public business. William opened the session, on the seventh of November, with a speech from the throne. He lamented, that his usual joy at meeting his parlia|ment, was damped by disadvantages by land, and miscarriages at sea. He ascribed the former to the number of their enemies. He expressed his resentment against the authors of the latter. He declared his re|solution to punish the offenders. He promised to ma|nage better, for the future, his power at sea. He de|sired them to consider, whether the kingdom was not defective in the number of ships; and in proper ports to annoy the enemy, and to protect themselves. He was very sensible, he said, of the great affection with which they had supported him against his enemies. But he was persuaded, that the experience of the last summer was sufficient to convince them all, that an increase of forces, by sea and land, was necessary to put a happy period to the war. His allies, he said,

had resolved to add to their troops. He formed no doubt, on his part, but his parliament would enable him, with a suitable supply, to follow their example. He earnestly requested the commons to hasten their grants, in order to render them effectual. On their expeditious councils would depend, he concluded, that forwardness in his preparations, which seemed necessary to the security and honour of the nationO 1.178.

* 1.179 Many in the lower house were attached to the late King. But the majority, though tories in principle, had uniformly supported the cause of William. The people, discouraged with repeated misfortunes, and feeling the weight of the war on every branch of their commerce, were loud in demanding peace. Some of the Tory-leaders in office, particularly the Earl of Nottingham, joined the voice of the people. Others of the same party sacrificed their opinion to their interest; and adhered to the court. A dispute arose in the house, whether the miscarriages of the fleet, or the supply, should be the first object of their consideration. The question was carried for the latter, after a series of debates, which continued six days. On the thirteenth of November, the house unani|mously resolved to support their Majesties, and their government, to their utmost power. Notwithstand|ing the vast sums raised in the preceding year, they had greatly fallen short of the expences of government. Those who served in the army, were in the utmost distress for money. More than one million of the wages of the seamen, without any funds, remained unpaid. Though the greatest severities were used, the sailors, in their distress, became mutinous for want of pay. The first business, therefore, of the commons, was to grant four hundred thousand pounds, by way of advance, to remove immediately a part of that grievance. This sum was to be raised on the ge|neral credit of the exchequer, upon the promise of the commons to repay it with interest, after the rate of seven per cent, under a caution, that this proceed|ing should form no precedentP 1.180.

* 1.181 WITH equal alacrity the commons entered upon the great business of supply. Upon the general esti|mates of the navy and army, they granted five milli|ons, for the service of the following year. Forty thousand seamen, including two regiments of marines, were required by government, and voted by the house. But to a demand of one hundred thousand men, for the land-service, they granted only eighty-three thousand. In this only they seemed uncomplaisant to the court. Besides a provision made for paying all wages due to seamen, more than four hundred thou|sand pounds were voted, for making up the deficien|cies in the grants of the preceding year. It was much more easy to grant the supplies in general, than to find particular funds, upon which they might be laid. The commons began with a land-tax. Four shillings in the pound were carried, as soon as proposedQ 1.182. The deficiencies of the last year were to be defrayed from this ready fund. The second money bill was a supplement to the million annuity act of the year 1692. Near one hundred and twenty thousand pounds were still deficient; though fourteen per cent, had been al|lowed. Some appropriations of excise duties were made for this purpose. The first lottery, and the bank of England, were two remarkable money-bills, in the present session of parliament. One million was raised by means of the first; and one million five hun|dred thousand pounds by the second. Still the ways and means fell short of the money wanted. New tax|es were imposed and appropriated as funds of credit, for raising the deficiencies which still subsisted in the necessary suppliesR 1.183.

* 1.184 THE inquiry into the mismanagements at sea, pro|duced nothing but altercation and debate. A general censure was passed. But the censure was attended with no consequences. The malcontents in the house of commons being the minority, founded their opposi|tion on popular grounds. The bill for frequent parlia|ments was again introduced, and a second time reject|ed. The place-bill was passed by the commons, with|out

opposition. The lords made amendments. But they withdrew them, and passed also that important bill. The facility with which it slipt through both houses, proceeded probably from the certainty that it was to be rejected by the King. The commons had become unpopular, through the vast sums which they had granted for supporting an inglorious war. To re|gain their credit with their constituents, they fram|ed the place-bill. William, seldom subject to politi|cal terror, refused his assentS 1.185. Though the com|mons, in all appearance, would have been much dis|appointed, had the place-bill passed into a law; they remonstrated against the conduct of the King. They voted, that whoever had advised the refusal of the royal assent to the act touching free and impartial pro|ceedings in parliament, was an enemy to their Majes|ties and the kingdom. The King's answer was sooth|ing, but nothing to the purpose. In return for their liberality, he permitted his commons to recover some part of their reputation with the people at his own ex|penceT 1.186.

* 1.187 THE affairs of the East-India company, which had already employed so much of the attention of parlia|ment, produced undecisive debates in the present sessi|on. The train of corruption, which soon after broke forth in such disgraceful discoveries, had been already laid. The complicated nature of the business, and the violent opposition of the merchants, prevented the friends of the company from making an immediate re|turn for the favours which they had desired to receive. A bill for a general naturalization of all foreign Protes|tants, created violent debates in the house of com|mons. Those who opposed it, called the prejudices of the populace to the aid of their cause. They averred, that the design of the act was to place all the power and authority in England in the hands of Aliens. The people knew the affection of the King, for his coun|trymen the Dutch. They believed that he would sooner trust any foreigners than his own subjects. The Jacobite party, in particular, were vehement in their

[year 1694] opposition. Sir John Knight, one of the members for the city of Bristol, who was at that very time in correspondence with JamesU 1.188, spoke with uncom|mon violence against the bill. He concluded with a motion, that the bill should be kicked out of the house, and the foreigners out of the kingdom. The people were inflamed to a degree of madness; and the court-party sacrificed the bill to the public rage.

* 1.189 To pursue the session to its period, we must trans|gress upon the order of time. The grievances of Ire|land were again revived, as they had not been redress|ed, in pursuance of the King's promise. The Irish gentlemen who had made their appeal to the English parliament, complained afresh of Coningsby and Porter; whose injustice and tyranny had exceeded all bounds. The Earl of Bellamont impeached them both, in the house of commons. The articles against Con|ingsby contained charges of the blackest kind. The accusation against Porter, was scarce less severe. Bel|lamont supported, with vouchers, every charge. The commons seemed convinced of the guilt. But they declined to ground upon them an impeachment. The reason which they assigned, was plausible if not suffi|cient. They insinuated, that in times of domestic commotions and civil war, exertions of power might be necessary, which should not be punished, though they ought not to be approved. Though this argument satisfied the commons, it was notorious, that the crimes charged upon the accused, were com|mitted after the establishment of a civil government and the opening of the courts of Justice. Bellamont, for endeavouring to punish others, was actually per|secuted himself. He was deprived of his place un|der the government, while Coningsby and Porter received a pardon under the great sealW 1.190. The session ended with a speech from the throne, on the sixteenth of April.

CHAP. II.

Secret intrigues.—Of Marlborough.—Russel.—Shrews|bury.—Godolphin.—Sunderland.—Whigs and To|ries in office.—An expedition against Brest.—Betray|ed by Marlborough.—Campaign of 1694.—Proceed|ings of parliament.—Triennial bill.—Death and character of the Queen.—Grief of William.—Re|flections of James.—Lancashire plot.—Inquiry into abuses.—Speaker expelled.—Corrupt practices, in India affairs.—Duke of Leeds impeached.—Parlia|ment prorogued.—Campaign of 1695.—Siege of Namur.—Campaign in Italy, Germany and Spain.—Disasters at sea.—Affairs of Scotland.—Affairs of Ireland.—Intrigues of James in England.—Situation of William.—His progress.—A new parliament.—Debates on the coin-act.—Address against the Scots.—New council of trade.—Address against the Earl of Portland.—Assassination-plot.—A projected inva|sion.—Zeal of the two houses.—Schemes of the late King broken.—Conspirators punished.—Proceedings of the parliament.

[year 1694 January] * 1.191 WHILE the parliament were employed in grant|ing supplies to William, the agents of James were forming secret schemes against his power. Men of the first quality in the nation, and some of those in office, endeavoured, with every flattering colour of the state of affairs, to encourage Lewis the Fourteenth to transport an army into Britain. They observed, in their letters to the late King, that a descent in Eng|land would infallibly break the league; and enable France to finish with advantage, as well as reputation, the war. They assured him, that while the confede|rates remained united, the kingdom would be wretch|ed and his own affairs obstructed, if not ruined. Penn, the famous Quaker, informed James, in express terms,

"that while there was a fool in England, the Prince of Orange would have a pensioned parliament to give him supplies."

Among others, the Earl of

Marlborough continued to espouse, with eagerness, his former master's cause. He intreated him to take ad|vantage of the unprepared state of the English fleet. He gave him the most solemn assurances of his own services, and the hearty aid of all his party and nume|rous friendsA 1.192.

* 1.193 The adherents of the late King, in all their repre|sentations in the preceding year, agreed that thirty thousand men would be necessary to ensure a revolu|tion in England. When they perceived a coldness in the court of France, they lessened their demands. In the month of February they assured James, that they found his party much stronger than they had ever imagined before. They said twenty thousand men would now be sufficient to give him, without a battle, the throne. They affirmed, that the nation expected, with impatience, his arrival. They told him, that England could not, till the month of April, send to sea above twenty-five third and fourth rate men of war, and these not completely manned. That no more than seven thousand five hundred troops were then in the kingdom; and that even these would be diminished to four thousand, when the regiments des|tined for Flanders, should embark for that countryB 1.194. Lewis listened, with some attention, to the unfortu|nate King. But he meant nothing less, than to un|dertake, with any vigour, his cause. Though victori|ous in the field, he was oppressed with calamities at home. Having exerted his whole force in the late campaigns, he had already impoverished his subjects with grievous taxes. Besides, a terrible famine, had added, in the preceding summer, to the miseries which arose from the warC 1.195.

* 1.196 But James was not discouraged, either with the lan|gour of Lewis or the exhausted state of France. Though he placed little confidenceD 1.197 in the professi|ons of the noble converts to his cause, he sent Captain Lloyd, in the month of March, to England. To fa|cilitate

[year 1694 March] his access to Admiral Russel, and to the Earls of Marlborough and Shrewsbury, he ordered him to apply to Colonel Sackville, their common friend. Marlborough was the first of the malcontents who pre|sented himself to Lloyd. He informed him, that he had been solicited by William to come again into office. But that he did not chuse to accept, without the con|sent of his old master. Lloyd assured him, that James had actually heard of the offer; and that he had order|ed him to signify his consent. "The thing," replied Marlborough,

"is now past. Should the offer, which may well happen, again be made, I will accept. But it is only to serve the King; for whose re-establish|ment, I am resolved to risque my life to expiate my crimesE 1.198."

He had made the same professions to James himself in a letter, in the preceding December. Admiral Russel received Lloyd with still greater marks of attention and regard. He assured him, with the strongest asseverations and even with oaths, that he would undertake the restoration of the late King. He promised to endeavour to gain the officers of the fleet. He reiterated his most solemn protestations of fidelity. He told him, that the Earls of Shrewsbury and Marl|borough should be the winesses, the judges and sureties of his conduct. He, however, refused to avoid the French fleet; "though," said he,

"I once deter|mined to execute that business, as it depended then on myself aloneF 1.199."

* 1.200 Lloyd, not yet satisfied with the answer of Russel, opened various expedients to his view. He told him that there certainly was a design in agitation for making a descent on the coast of France. He, therefore, re|quested Russel to send timely information to James, that transports might be prepared, where no attack could be feared. He proposed, that toward the end of autumn, when the large ships should be disarmed and convoys sent to America, he might retain in the channel such commanders as he should gain in the summer. That safe in their fidelity, he might him|self

transport such troops, as might be necessary for accompanying the late King to England. He still pro|tested, but seemed unwilling to determine on any plan. Lloyd gave an account to the Earl of Marlborough and to Sackville of his conference with Russel. They observed, that he said a great deal, could he be trust|ed. But that if he was not sincere, all he could say would answer no purposeG 1.201.

* 1.202 The Earl of Shrewsbury had succeeded Notting|ham as secretary of state, on the fourth of March, a few days before Lloyd arrived from France. His be|ing in office prevented him from admitting into his pre|sence the avowed agent of the late King. He, how|ever, sent his mother, the old Countess of Shrews|bury, to Lloyd, with assurances of his fidelity. He instructed her to inform him, that upon being solicit|ed to take the seals, he declined that honour, under the pretence of want of health. That William insi|nuated he was no stranger to some words which the earl dropt in conversation, in favour of the late King. That the earl perceived there might be some danger in refusing the offer. That he, therefore, promised to accept. But that he requested a few days, to set|tle his affairs in the country. That he accordingly re|tired, with some friends, well mounted. That, as reports of an immediate descent were then current, he had resolved to join James on his landing. That he was disappointed in his hopes, to his very great regret. That he was obliged to take the seals, on his return. But that he only held them, to serve the late King with more effectH 1.203.

* 1.204 Godolphin was, at this juncture, first lord-com|missioner of the treasury. Though he was trusted by William, he affected to be in the interest of the late King. He explained to Lloyd his sentiments of James, in the most affectionate manner in the world. He expressed his fears, that a peace was likely to be con|cluded before the end of the next summer. He told him, that he was sorry to believe, from the words of the Prince of Orange, for so he called the reigning

King, that the terms would be highly prejudicial to the late King. He informed him, that William would endeavour to oblige the most Christian King to send James out of the dominions of France. That he thought it his duty to acquaint his old master of the designs of his enemy and rival. He told it as his opi|nion, that King James should forthwith endeavour to transport himself into England, with a considerable force. That there appeared to him no difficulty in making a descent in this kingdom, without either the aid or concurrence of Russel. That, however, he ought still to be treated with attention. That he had said all that could be expected from a person in his situation. That the Earl of Shrewsbury, who was sincerely in the interest of the late King, possessed an absolute influence over Russel. He assured Lloyd, that Russel would infallibly appear before Brest. That this circumstance would give a just pretence to Lewis to send an army to the coast. He advised, therefore, that the necessary transports might be pre|pared in the summer, to carry to Britain the invaders in autumn. He told him, that the large vessels would return to port in the middle of September. That the sailors would be dispersed, the convoys sent to the different places of commerce, the coast left bare of men of war. That he believed a revolution might be effected without a blow; as nine in ten of the people, either heartily detested William, or were firmly at|tached to the late KingI 1.205.

* 1.206 Though the Earl of Sunderland possessed no office under William, he held, for an Englishman, a high place in his favour. Swayed by the natural levity of his own mind, or infected with the changed opinions of others, he continued his correspondence with the late King. He, however, was more guarded in his intercourse with that Prince, than those great men who trusted their lives and fortunes in the hands of intermediate agents. His son-in-law the Earl of Ar|ran, who first promoted his intrigues with the court of St. Germains, was the only person in the secret in

BritainK 1.207. In France, James concealed, with great caution, his intercourse with a man who had so much injured his cause before. Sunderland pressed the late King to an immediate invasion upon various grounds. He intreated that Prince to take advantage of the changed opinions of the people; their contempt for William, their discontent at the late heavy taxes, their losses at sea, their disappointments in the war by land. These circumstances, he informed him, would ensure a favourable reception to himself in the king|dom, while the design of sending the greatest part of the fleet to the Streights, and almost the whole of the army to Flanders, would render his passage easy and his success certain. He advised the late King not to be intimidated with the great supplies granted to the reigning Prince, as the money given by the parlia|ment, could not be raised in time to place the king|dom in a state of defenceL 1.208.

* 1.209 While Sunderland tendered thus his advice to James, HE and the Earl of Portland formed the secret cabi|net of WilliamM 1.210. That Prince felt some part of the misfortunes, which he had contributed to throw on his predecessor, when he sat on the throne. He was worst served by those whom he courted the most. Impressed with the opinion, that interest forms the principles of men, he resolved to bribe into fidelity those whom he could not otherwise trust. In the ar|rangements of the present year, he seems however to have regarded most the supposed Whigs. The admi|ralty, in particular, was placed in the hands of that party. Russel was made first commissioner; Rook and Houblon supplanted the obnoxious admirals Dela|val and Killigrew, at the board. Though William seems to have entertained some well-grounded suspici|ons of Shrewsbury, he was accounted a Whig by the nation; and though the Marquis of Caermarthen was considered a Tory, by principle, his known prudence was deemed a security for his faith to the prevailing powers. But some other persons of rank, who were

known to be adverse to the late revolution, were either continued in employment or raised to office. Among the latter, the Earl of Abingdon, then actually in correspondence with James, succeeded to a place of profit, vacant by the death of the Lord LovelaceN 1.211.

* 1.212 On the twenty-fifth of April, a few days after he prorogued his parliament, William went to Graves|end to embark at that place for Holland. The wind proving contrary, he returned to Kensington the next day. This accident furnished the King with a further opportunity of gratifying some of his principal subjects with dignities and honours. But though he had of late shown some attention to the Whigs, his first care seems still to have been commanded by the Tories. The Marquis of Caermarthen was created, on the thirtieth of April, Duke of Leeds. The title of Duke of Shrewsbury was conferred upon the Earl of the same name. The Earl of Clare, then deeply en|gaged with JamesO 1.213, was raised to the dignity of Duke of Newcastle. The Earl of Mulgrave, a secret abettor of the designs of the late KingP 1.214, was made Marquis of Normanby, with an annual pension of three thousand pounds. But no titles of honour, nor even views of profit, could reconcile these men either to the manner or title of the King. Shrewsbury and Leeds, whose advice Mary was implicitly to follow, in her husband's absence, were to have embarrassed and betrayed her councils, should her father appear with a force in EnglandQ 1.215. To stop their cla|mours, rather than to gratify the party who had raised him to the throne, the King, before his departure for Holland, had ordered patents for dukedoms to be pre|pared, for the Earls of Bedford and Devonshire. The first derived his title to a name in party, from the fate of his unfortunate son. Disappointments in his views for the public, as well as personal neglect, had ren|dered the latter indifferent concerning the fate of Wil|liam, and the permanency of his authorityR 1.216.

* 1.217 On the fourth of May, the King embarked at Gravesend. But the wind being contrary, he went by land to Margate; and was escorted from that place to Holland by a squadron of Dutch men of war. The projected operations of the summer at sea, had em|ployed a great part of his attention during the winter. His councils, however, were betrayed. The desti|nations of the different squadrons were generally knownS 1.218. Nothing but the time of their departure, which depended upon accidents, remained a secret. Sir Francis Wheeler, with a strong squadron of Eng|lish and Dutch men of war, had been sent to convoy the trade to the Mediterranean, in the end of the preceding year. On the seventeenth of February, a terrible tempest overtook his fleet; in the bay of Gib|raltar. The admiral himself, some ships of war, and several merchantmen were lost. The rest were dis|abled. Some took shelter in Gibraltar, many in the harbour of Cadiz. The combined fleets were not as|sembled on the coast of England, till the end of April. Russel hoisted his flag, at Portsmouth, on the twenty-seventh of that month; and his avowed design was to sail into the Mediterranean, to defend the ports of Spain from the French; who were resolved to make the principal effort of the campaign on that sideT 1.219.

* 1.220 But the chief enterprise of the season, was to be di|rected against Brest. The lord Godolphin had fur|nished the late King, in the month of March, with this important intelligenceU 1.221. But from the uncer|tainty which attended the sailing of the fleet, he could not fix the time. General Talmash, contrary to the express opinion of Russel, promoted first, and at length carried this design. When the admiral hoisted his flag, at St. Helens, the land-forces destined for the expedi|tion, were on their march, under Talmash, to Ports|mouth. The French had made no secret of their re|solution to assist, with their whole fleet, the designs of the Mareschal de Noailles upon Barcelona. The court of Spain had concerted with William, to send

the main body of the combined fleet to protect the place. Men in general believed that the force under Talmash, was destined for the same service. The French were either ignorant of the preparations of the English, or they knew not where the storm was to fall. The alarm concerning Brest, which had been raised by the intelligence sent by Godolphin to James, had already subsided. Besides, the danger of France, upon that side, had been lessened by the actual sailing of her fleet from the port of Brest, on the fifteenth of AprilW 1.222.

* 1.223 The zeal of the Earl of Marlborough for the service of the late King, or his aversion to the reigning Prince, induced that nobleman to become, upon this occasion, an informer against his country. He transmitted, through the hands of colonel Sackville, intelligence of the danger to which France was exposed. His letter was dated, on the fourth of May. He informed James, that twelve regiments encamped at Ports|mouth, with two regiments of marines, all command|ed by Talmash, were designed for destroying Brest, and the ships of war in that harbour. He owned, that success in the enterprise would prove of great ad|vantage to England. But that no consideration could now hinder, or ever should prevent him from inform|ing his Majesty of all that he believed to be for his ser|vice. He desired the late King to make the best use of the intelligence. He told him, that he might de|pend on its being exactly true. But he conjured him, for his own interest, to keep the secret to himself and the Queen. He informed him that Russel was to sail, the next day, with forty ships; and that the rest of the fleet, with the land-forces, were to follow the ad|miral, in ten days. He had endeavoured, he said, to learn the whole from Russel. But he always denied the fact, though he was no stranger to the design, for six weeks before. "This," continues the Earl,

"gives me a bad sign of this man's intentions."

Sackville, who transmitted the letter, formed, for the same reason, a like unfavourable opinion of Russel.

He mentioned,

"that THE MAN had not acted sin|cerely; and that he feared he would never act other|wiseX 1.224."

* 1.225 The event established the truth of the intelligence transmitted by Marlborough. Russel sailed, the next day, with a part of the combined fleets. Shovel re|mained at St. Helens, with the rest, to take Talmash and his troops on board. On the twenty-third of May, the admiral, having discovered that the French squad|ron had left Brest, returned. On the twenty-ninth, he again put to sea with the forces; and, on the fifth of June, the division of the fleet destined to attack Brest, bore down for Camaret Bay, under the com|mand of the Lord Berkley. Nine hundred men were landed, in a disorderly manner, on the eighth of June, under the fire of some men of war. The bay was lined with entrenchments, which were full of the French marines. The English having, for some time, sustained the fire of the enemy, suffered much and were forced to fly. To add to the misfortune, it was now ebbing tide, and several boats were left dry on the sand. Confusion and slaughter prevailed. Six hundred were slain, many were drowned. Talmash himself received a wound, of which he afterwards died at Plymouth. The ships, which covered the landing, were shattered by the batteries which guarded the shore. One Dutch frigate was sunk, after losing al|most her whole crew. The French had profited so much by the intelligence of Marlborough, that the English chose to return, without any further attempt, to their own coastY 1.226.

This disgrace at sea was not repaired by any splendid advantage obtained by land. The French, standing on the defensive, in Flanders, amused William, with dextrous movements, throughout the summer. With scarce half the force of the allies, the Dauphin, assist|ed by the Mareschal de Luxembourg, covered from insult the French lines. The King was forced to re|main in a state of inactivity, with the finest army he

had ever brought into the field. The rapid move|ment of the French from Vignamont, was the most signal event of the whole campaign. Having march|ed forty leagues, in four days, they formed an impe|netrable line, from the Lys to the ocean; and pre|vented William from attacking, by land, the maritime places, which his fleet had insulted by sea. He, how|ever, found means to besiege and take the town and castle of Huy. He ended the campaign with this exploit; and left the army, on the thirtieth of Sep|tember. To stop the progress of the King, on the side of Flanders, was deemed equal to a victory by the court of Versailles. The confederates had never a nearer prospect of success. But their hopes were defeated, by the abilities of the Mareschal de Lux|embourgZ 1.227.

* 1.228 While the war languished in Flanders, the French pushed their operations, with vigour, on the side of Spain. In Catalonia, the Mareschal de Noailles, having forced the passage of the river Ter, defeated the Spanish army entrenched on the further shore. He took Palamos, by assault, on the seventh of June. Gironne and Ostalric fell successively into his hands. His designs upon Barcelona were defeated, by the ar|rival of Russel, with the combined fleet, in the neigh|bouring seas. Tourville, with his squadron, was blocked up in the port of Toulon. The absence of their ships stopt the progress of the French. But a panic had seized the King, and shaken the councils of Spain. The Queen-mother, a daughter of Austria, and devoted to the views of her family, prevented Charles the second from soliciting peace, on advan|tageous terms. Intrigue, jealousy, and even murder prevailed at court. The Queen-mother gained the young Queen, by supporting her supposed lover, the Baron de Perlis. The Duke d'Ossona, who alone re|mained faithful to the interest of his master, was poi|soned; and the public measures were distracted, be|tween

the feeble efforts of a weak monarch and a faction devoted to the court of ViennaA 1.229.

* 1.230 In Piedmont, the campaign was inactive. Nothing of moment happened upon the Upper-Rhine. The Duke of Savoy was employed in secret negociations with France. The Emperor made his chief effort, on the side of Hungary. The war, in that country, produced no striking event. But the Poles, in alliance with the Imperialists, defeated the Tartars on the Neister in the month of OctoberB 1.231. The operati|ons of the combined fleets in the ocean, after the fruitless attempt upon Brest, were either languid or ill-directed. The lord Berkley bombarded DiepC 1.232, with some effect. He was not equally successful at Havre. He proceeded from thence to La Hogue and Cherbourg. But his progress was more a matter of parade than service. William, anxious to make an impression on France, on the side of Flanders, had recommended an attempt upon Dunkirk and Calais, in the course of the summer. A squadron, under the command of Sir Cloudsley Shovel, and subject to the directions of one Meesters, a Dutchman, came be|fore the first of those places, on the twelfth of Sep|tember. This man had invented a machine, which from the fury of its discharge, was called the Infernal. Two of these machines were sent in against the fort, which guarded the Risbank. The first blew up with|out effect; the latter spent its effect on itself, and was destroyed. The attempt on CalaisD 1.233 was equally unsuccessful; and thus the naval campaign, in the ocean, especially if the expression may be used, pro|duced neither glory nor advantage to the nationE 1.234.

* 1.235 The King, having left the army on the last day of September, repaired to his favourite residence at Loo. On the twenty-third of October, he departed from that place. Having adjusted, at the Hague, the state of the war, for the ensuing year, he set sail from the Maese, on the eighth of November, and landed at Margate the next day. The Queen met him at Ro|chester;

and they arrived at Kensington on the tenth in the evening, amidst the acclamations of the popu|lace. The parliament, after repeated prorogations, met on the twelfth at Westminster. The King in|formed them in his speech, that he was glad to meet them in such a good posture of the public affairs. He told them, that the enemy had not been in a con|dition to meet the fleet, in these seas. That the great force sent into the Mediterranean, had broken all their designs in Spain; and that an effectual stop had been put to the progress of the French arms, on the side of Flanders. He doubted not, he said, neither their affection for his person, nor their zeal for the public service. He, therefore, demanded such sup|plies as might enable him to prosecute the war with that vigour, which was the only means for procuring peace. He put them in mind, that the act of tonnage and poundage was to expire at Christmas; and that the great anticipations had rendered that revenue ne|cessary for the support of the crownF 1.236.

* 1.237 The commons, declining to proceed to business, adjourned themselves for seven days. The plan of government was either not settled, or the heads of the opposing party were to be sounded and gained. A bill for frequent parliaments, which has since obtained the name of the triennial bill, seems to have been the price of the demanded supplies. The absolute ne|cessity of a frequency of parliaments had been assert|ed, in the declaration of rights. But the demands of the subject, on this important point, had been express|ed in such indefinite terms, that they had been hitherto eluded with ease, by the crown. The measure was prosecuted with such an appearance of firmness, that the court party chose to comply. The bill was ac|cordingly preparedG 1.238, and it was followed with a vote of supplyH 1.239. Two millions and near four hun|dred thousand pounds were granted for the service of the navyI 1.240; and the like sum to support the army, throughout the ensuing year. The house voted, that

the subsidies of tonnage and poundage, which expired on the twenty-fourth of December, should begin from the twenty-sixth, and continue for five years. The discontinuing of these duties, for one day, was in|tended to prevent the pretence of prescription, on the side of the crown, for revenues, which ought to be considered as the free gift of the subject.

* 1.241 The King came to the house of lords, on the twen|ty-second of December, and gave the royal assent to the triennial bill. Two reasonsK 1.242 seem to have combined, to induce William to give his concurrence to an act, which he had defeated the preceding year. The commons, he found, were resolved to receive this concession from the crown, as the price of a sup|ply for the war. Besides, the Queen had been taken ill of the small-pox, the day before, with incurable symptoms of that dangerous disease. He was unwil|ling, therefore, by an exertion of the prerogative, to shake his influence with the nation; which would ne|cessarily be weakened by the event of her death. His prudence only could, in this instance, overcome his attachment to what he deemed to be the inherent right of the crown. The commons, however, in as|serting the liberties of the subject, appeared not to have neglected themselves. In the second clause of the bill, they implied the continuance of the parlia|ment then subsisting, for three years. This selfish provision was not passed, without censure, in the house of peers. Some lords, at the last reading, pro|tested against the bill; as tending to the continuance of the present parliament, longer than was agreeable to the constitution of EnglandL 1.243.

* 1.244 The distemper of the Queen, from bad symptoms, advanced rapidly to worse, till it terminated in her death, on the twenty-eighth of December. Her fi|gure, her manner, her affability, the decency of he•• carriage and equality of her temper, rendered he•• sincerely and generally beloved, by a people ever fo•…•… of the virtues of their princes. In her person, sh••

was tall and graceful, full proportioned, and easy in all her motions. Though her complexion was not fair, the lineaments of her face were regular and well|combined. A lively and piercing eye threw such a pleasing light on her countenance, that she even might be called a woman of beauty. The genuine features of her mind are difficult to be traced, as her passions were neither uncommon in their kind nor strong in their degree. A strict attention to her husband, and even an absolute subserviency to his will, seem to have been more the rule of her life, than those more ma|jestic virtues, which alone could thoroughly justify her political conduct. When she held the reins of government, she displayed more prudence than ability, and less of art than solidity of judgment. Unambiti|ous in her disposition, and subdued in her youth to obedience, she was ever uneasy under the weight of power; and she always resigned her authority, not only with indifference, but even with pleasure. Her private virtues, in short, were chiefly conjugal. She was not a kind sister. None will say, that she was an affectionate child. Her situation, it must be confessed, was cruel and difficult. It was only through a breach of the ties of nature, she could become at all an object of public applause.

* 1.245 Though William was neither a fond husband, nor subject to feelings of a delicate kind, he exhibited every symptom of an unfeigned grief, upon the death of the Queen. Her amiable manner and an habitual attention to all his commands, had, it seems, made an impression on his mind, which he had not cared to own. Besides, gratitude had, perhaps, supplied the place of a warm affection, in his breast. The Queen certainly deserved every return of friendship, at HIS hands. She had acted, in all respects toward him, as if virtue consisted solely in the implicit obedience of a wife to her husband. Motives of policy might also have joined their force to more tender sentiments, in his mind. The whole popularity of his measures pro|ceeded from the open and agreeable deportment of Mary. Many considered her as having the only natu|ral right to the crown. His own manner, when at its

best, procured more respect than affection; and he, therefore, had sufficient reason to lament the loss of a consort, whose influence had so much contributed to reconcile the people to his government. But what|ever motive weighed most with the mind of William, his prudence might have been trusted, as to the since|rity of his grief.

* 1.246 The city of London, the two houses of parliament, the nation in general expressed, in warm addresses to the throne, their sense of the merit of Mary and their own sorrow. The Princess of Denmark was induced, by the Earl of Sunderland, to send a letter of con|dolence, on the death of her sister, to the King. This Princess, even before her disgrace, in the year 1692, had begun a secret correspondence with her fa|ther. But having, now, obtained a nearer prospect of the crown, she was easily induced to adopt an appear|ance of reconciliation with William. His prudence dictated, that he ought to meet her half-way. He was apprehensive, that she might carry her resent|ment for former injuries to a pitch that might prove uneasy to his government, if not dangerous to his pow|er. She was the next heir, by act of parliament. She was nearer than William himself, by the title of blood. He was sensible, that many had been restrained, by their deference to Mary, as the daughter of the late King; and he was certain, that, at least, the dis|contented would pay their court, with more diligence to the Princess, should he permit her to remain in a state of proscription from his favour. He, therefore, admitted her into his presence, presented her with most of her sister's jewels, and conferred upon her some other favours; more from political views than any affection for her personM 1.247.

* 1.248 Mary was scarcely considered as a partner in the re|gal authority, during her life. Her death, therefore•• produced no material change. Some doubts arose•• whether the parliament was not dissolved by her de+mise. But the question was scarce proposed, in th•• house of lords, when it was dropt, as unfit to be de+batedN 1.249.

The late King declined to make any ef|forts for his restoration, upon the present occasion. He conceived hopes, that a government, which, he thought, depended upon the popularity of his daugh|ter, would shake and unhinge itself by her decease. He was much affected by the intelligence. But his sorrow was more that of an enthusiast than a father. He was rather grieved at her manner of dying, than at her death.

"The King,"

said that unfortunate Prince,

"received this additional affliction to those which he had already undergone. He saw a child, whom he tenderly loved, persevering to her death, in a signal state of disobedience and disloyalty. He per|ceived, that she was extolled for a crime as for the highest merit. He heard her contradictions called virtues; and her breach of duty to a parent a becom|ing sacrifice to her religion and her countryO 1.250."

Such were the reflections of James, upon the death of a daughter, whose behaviour to a parent could scarce be justified, by his own conduct.

* 1.251 The death of the Queen, though alarming to the nation, interrupted not the course of business in par|liament. A remarkable transaction, in the preceding summer and autumn, was laid before the commons, early in the present session. One Lunt, a person of a very profligate character, who had once been a day|labourer at Highgate, gave information, on the fif|teenth of June, concerning a plot for levying war against the government. He affirmed, that he had delivered commissions from the late King to several gentlemen in Lancashire and Cheshire. That, at their instance and expence, he had bought arms and enlisted men. That he had been twice sent to France. to receive the commands of James concerning the in|tended insurrection; and that one Wilson, who had assisted him in delivering the commissions, was privy to the circumstances of the plot. The supposed con|spirators were seized. They were brought to Lon|don, and then remanded to Manchester, to take their trials. Lunt and Wilson swore to the truth of the in|formation.

But Lunt, being ordered in court, to point at the several prisoners, mistook his men. This created a violent suspicion of perjury; and, at the in|stant, one Taffe, who had been acquainted with Lunt, declared publickly, that the whole plot was no|thing but a villanous contrivance, fabricated between himself and that profligate witness. The King's coun|cil stopt all proceedings. The prisoners were acquit|ted; and the popular clamour became so loud in fa|vour of the accused, that the ministry found it neces|sary to commit their witnesses to prison, and to order them to be prosecutedP 1.252.

* 1.253 Though the most of the persons accused were at|tached to the late King, and some of them actually plotting for his service, the information of Lunt and his associates seems to have had no foundation in fact. The whole appears to have been framed by the in|trigues and precipitate zeal of one Johnston, a Scots|man, brother to the secretary of state of that name. This busy and self-interested man, had, in the hopes of a gratification from William, long acted the part of an informer against the Jacobites, in England as well as in Scotland. He had employed every mean art to circumvent the unwary, and to find evidence against the accusedQ 1.254. The victory obtained by the gentlemen of Lancashire over the witnesses of go|vernment, in a court of justice, induced them to lay their grievances before the parliament. The result of the deliberations of the commons answered not their hopes on the subject. They voted, that there had been sufficient grounds for the prosecution and trial of the conspirators at Manchester; and that a dangerous plot had been carried on against the King and govern|ment. Notwithstanding these resolutions, the wit|nesses were tried and found guilty of perjury, at the Lancaster assizes. They were afterwardsR 1.255 indicted, for a conspiracy against the lives and estates of the ac|cused

gentlemen. But the prosecution was dropt, and Lunt and Wilson were discharged.

* 1.256 The popularity of passing the triennial bill into a law, secured not William from an opposition in parlia|ment. The commons ordered a state of the loans, debts, and charges upon the revenue, together with an account of the expence of the civil list, to be laid before their houseS 1.257. They opened, the same day, a channel of inquiry into abuses and corruptions, which led to important but disgraceful discoveries of the ve|nality of the times. Upon a petition of the inhabi|tants of Royston, against the violence and exactions of the soldiery, the house came to some spirited votes. They resolved, that the officers and soldiers, demand|ing and exacting subsistence-money in their quarters, or on a march, was arbitrary and illegal; and a great violation of the rights of the subjects. Some agents who, by defrauding the soldiers of their pay, had forced them into violences, were committed by the command of the house. Guy, secretary of the trea|sury, the known instrument of the crown, in purchasing yotes in parliament, was sent to the Tower for taking a bribe for himselfT 1.258. They addressed the King against colonel Hastings, for his acts of avarice and violence against his regiment; and that officer was in|stantly discharged from his command. A bill was or|dered, in the mean time, to oblige the agents of the regiments to account for the disposal of the money which they had receivedU 1.259.

* 1.260 This detection of flagrant abuses, established a well|founded opinion, that the court, the camp, the city, and even the parliament, were infected with one ge|neral contagion of bribery, corruption and venality. The commons, to extricate themselves from their part of the aspersion, resolved to proceed in their inquiry. The unsuccessful attempts made by the city of Lon|don, to carry the orphans' bill into a law, and the fa|cility with which it had been lately passed, created sus|picious of corrupt practices upon that head. A com|mittee

[year 1695] was appointed to inspect the chamberlain's books. They made their report, on the seventh of March. Several sums of money appeared to have been expended in gaining votes in parliament. The line of corruption was traced to the speaker himself. The house went immediately into debate on the sub|ject. They soon came to the resolution,

"That Sir John Trevor, speaker of the house, by receiving a gratuity of one thousand guineas from the city of Lon|don, after passing the orphans' bill, was guilty of a high crime and misdemeanour."

He had the morti|fication to put this humiliating question to the house. He retired under the pretence of a colick. He signi|fied his demission to the King; and was expelled from his seat in parliamentV 1.261.

* 1.262 The commons, from this shameful scene of detecti|on, turned their inquiries to another quarter. The affairs of the East-India company had employed a great portion of the attention of parliament, from the year 1691, till the end of 1693. The company had declined to submit to the regulations proposed by the commons. They even frustrated all the endeavours of that assembly, by procuring a new charter from the King. The house suspected corruption, upon the pre|sent occasion; and they ordered the same committee who had examined the books of the chamberlain, to inspect those of the East-India company. The ab|stracts of the sums paid for special services, since the Revolution, soon led to the discovery so much requir|ed. In the reign of James, the annual charges scarce exceeded twelve hundred pounds. Ever since they had gradually increased. In the year 1691, they were very considerable. But in the year 1693, when the charter was obtained, they amounted to near ninety thousand pounds; which had been lent on the notes of Sir Thomas Cooke, the governor of the com|pany. Cooke was called before the house. He resus|ed to account for the money. He was immediately committed to the Tower; and a bill ordered to be brought in to oblige him to make a discovery. The

bill passed, in a few days, and was sent up to the lords for their concurrenceW 1.263.

* 1.264 The Duke of Leeds, so often mentioned by the progressive titles of Sir Thomas Osborne, the Lord Latimer, the Earl of Danby, and Marquis of Caermar|then, by the vehemence of his zeal for Cooke, ren|dered his own honour suspected. The protestations of his innocence, with which he blended his speech a|gainst the bill, were considered as so many acknow|ledgments of guilt, in a man more remarkable for his talents, than either for his integrity or disinterested|ness. The house yielding either to his arguments or influence, postponed the business from the sixth to the thirteenth of April; a point of consequence, as the session was known to draw near to its close. Cooke was brought before the lords, on the thirteenth. He declared himself willing to make a full discovery, on condition of being indemnified against all actions and suits except those of the East-India company, whom he had never injured. The peers resolved to drop the bill of pains and penalties, sent up from the commons; and they ordered a committee to withdraw to form such a bill of indemnification as Cooke required. The commons amended the bill with a penal clause. The lords agreed to the amendment; and Cooke was di|rected, by the act, to make a full discovery to a joint committee of peers and commons, on or before the twenty-third of AprilX 1.265.

* 1.266 Some, in both houses, were eager in the prosecu|tion of the affair. But, from the loss of time, the majority seemed determined to defeat a measure, which common decency forbade them to drop entirely. The King himself appeared to be no great friend to a discovery, which threatened to involve himself in the same scene of corruption with his servants. When he came to the house, on the twenty-second of April, to pass several bills, he recommended dispatch to his par|liament; as he was determined to put an end to the session in a few days. The joint committee of lords and commons met at the exchequer chamber. Cooke

appeared before them, and delivered a paper, contain|ing an unsatisfactory discovery. Several persons pri|vy to the transaction were examined. Ten thousand pounds were traced to the King; five thousand to the Duke of Leeds, and other sums to other men in power. The scene of corruption appeared to be as extensive, as it was shameful and uncommon. The matter was reported, on the twenty-seventh of April, to both houses. The commons, in particular, flew into a vio|lent flame. The innocent were eager to shew their own regard to honour. The consciously criminal er|deavoured to palliate their guilt, by an appearance of vehemence against the crimeY 1.267.

* 1.268 The commons, after some debate, came to a reso|lution, that there was sufficient matter to impeach the Duke of Leeds of high crimes and misdemeanours. They ordered Mr. Comptroller Wharton to impeach him accordingly at the bar of the house of lords, in the name of the house and all the commons of Eng|land. The report was read, in the mean time, in the house of lords. Leeds was speaking to his own defence, when he was apprized of the proceedings of the commons. He suddenly went down to the house, and desired to be heard. He was permitted to speak. But his speech was not satisfactory. He prepared for his defence in a more effectual way. One Robart, a Swiss by nation, and one of his own domestics, was the only person who could carry home any certain proof to the Duke. Robart was prudently sent back to his native country. The lords addressed the King to stop the fugitive, by shutting the ports of the king|dom against his flight. Neither William nor his ser|vants were likely to gain by the inquiry. The procla|mation was not issued till nine days after the address of the peers. The clamours of Leeds for a trial or an ac|quittal, rose in proportion to Robart's distance from London. A prorogation, on the third of May, at length extinguished the inquiry and the Duke's fears. Thus ended a wretched farce; in which the feeble efforts for obtaining justice, were searce less disgrace|ful than venality itself to the ageZ 1.269.

* 1.270 During these transactions, another matter of the ut|most importance employed a part of the attention of parliament. The bad state of the coin, both by di|minution and adulteration, became too obvious not to alarm the nation. The money had actually decreased more than one half, in its nominal value. The King had been, for some time, apprized of this growing evilA 1.271. He intended to issue a proclamation, that no money should pass, for the future, but by weight. He was, however, diverted from this measure, by the consideration, that the debasement of the coin would facilitate the loans to government. The Earl of Rochester laid open, in the house of lords, the alarming condition of the currency; and as early as the eighth of January, a committee of the commons were appointed to receive proposals to prevent clipping, and the exportation of silver. The report of the com|mittee lay, for some time, neglected on the table. The lords, however, passed a bill to prevent the coun|terfeiting and clipping the current coin of the kingdom. They sent the bill down to the commons for their con|currence, on the nineteenth of MarchB 1.272. The house took the report of their committee into consi|deration; and they made several amendments, to which the lords agreed. But though the bill contain|ed some good clauses, it was manifestly inadequate to the perfect cure of the evil. The value of money was sunk in the exchange. Guineas, which ought to have been equal in value to one and twenty shillings and six pence, rose to thirty shillings. The credit of government and the public funds sunk to such a de|gree,

"as to bring a discount of forty per cent. upon talliesC 1.273."

* 1.274 The just complaints of the English mariners, had induced William to recommend a bill for their encou|ragement, at the opening of this session of parliament. The abuses which prevailed by land, were great and general. But avarice and tyranny arrived only at their height in the navy. The agents of the Crown de|frauded

the seamen of their wages. The captains and commanders of ships joined in the same shameful traffic. The provisions were cheap and unwholesome. Jobs, frauds, and injustice prevailed in every lineD 1.275. Insults abroad were added to the distresses of the sea|men at home. The Dutch, to man their own fleet, exacted, under the pretence of the King's permission, the tenth man out of every British ship that entered their ports. They rose in their demands in the course of the present year. They required a man out of eve|ry vessel, though navigated by ever so few hands. The person chosen was either obliged to redeem his freedom with a considerable sum of money, or to serve in a foreign bottomE 1.276. The parliament paid no attention either to the recommendation of the King, or the complaints of the seamen. On the third of May, William came to the house of lords; and having thanked the two houses for the supplies, put an end to the sessionF 1.277.

* 1.278 Though the necessity of his immediate departure to the continent, was the reason assigned by the King for proroguing the parliament in the midst of the en|quiry, he remained nine days after the prorogation at Kensington. Having declared the regency, consisting of the chief officers of state, on the third of May, he sailed from Gravesend on the twelfth; and arrived, on the fourteenth, at the HagueG 1.279. The allies had made the necessary preparations for acting with vigour. France, disconcerted by the death of the Mareschal de LuxembourgH 1.280. and her other misfortunes, thought only of a desensive campaign. Lewis despairing to find a proper successor to so great a captain, was long doubtful where he should fix his choice. The Mare|schal de Villeroi was at length placed at the head of the principal army in Flanders. The second army was submitted to the orders of De Boufflers. Namur on the right, and Dunkirk on the left, comprehended

between them, the extent of country to be defended by the French. Tournay on the Schelde, and Ypres near the Lys, formed a part of the line. De Bouf|flers was ordered to assemble his army near Mons, to cover Namur. Villeroi posted himself between the Schelde and the Lys, to protect Tournay, Ypres, and DunkirkI 1.281.

* 1.282 William, having taken the field, on the sixth of June, found himself at the head of an army, much superior to that of the French. To amuse the enemy, and to conceal his real design upon Namur, he made some movements, which rendered Villeroi uncertain where the storm was first to fall. The King assembled his army in three divisions. The first, under the Elector of Bavaria, he ordered to advance between the Schelde and the Lys. He posted himself, with the second, at Becelaër on the Heule. He detached the Duke of Wirtemberg, with the third division, to invest the fort of Knoque. These feints and refine|ments in his motions, the King durst not have at|tempted, had De Luxembourg still commanded the enemy. Any of the three bodies of the allies might have been attacked by the whole force of the French army. But either Villeroi discerned not the advan|tage, or he deliberated till the opportunity was lostK 1.283; and William, having at length completed his prepara|tions, resolved to sit down before Namur. He made every necessary disposition for investing the place, for covering the siege, and for forming an army to observe the motions of the enemy, on the maritime side of Flanders.

* 1.284 The siege of Namur was formed by the Elector of Bavaria, with his native troops, the forces of several German princes, and a body of cavalry. William, at the head of the main army, lay behind the Mehaigne, in a condition to pass that river, and, if necessary, to sustain the siege. The Prince of Vaudemont, with an army of observation, lay between the Lys and the Mandel, to cover those places in Flanders which were

most exposedL 1.285. The enemy perceiving, at length, the designs of William upon Namur, the Mareschal de Boufflers, with seven regiments of dragoons, threw himself into the place, to reinforce the garrison. Ville|roi, instead of making any attempt to relieve Namur, resolved to fall upon the Prince of Vaudemont, who lay, with an inferior force, within three leagues of his army. The prince was disadvantageously encamp|ed. His adversary, however, possessed no abilities to avail himself of what fortune had thrown in his way. When he deliberated, concerning the manner of at|tack, the opportunity was lost. The like advantage presented itself a second time. But it was only to throw a second disgrace on the French general. The Prince retreated in his presence, with consummate skill; and sheltered himself, with very little loss, un|der the cannon of GhentM 1.286.

* 1.287 The fine retreat of the Prince of Vaudemont, was considered equal to a victory. The French, however, found means to take Dixmuyde and Deynse, with little resistance. The garrisons were made prisoners of war. Both places were dismantled. The trenches were, in the mean time, opened before Namur. On the twelfth of July the batteries began to play. In a sally, on the eighteenth, the French were forced to retreat, with considerable loss. The King, on the same day, ordered the advanced works and traverses of the enemy to be stormed. This service was per|formed in his presence, with the greatest resolution and success. The ground taken from the enemy, was instantly occupied with batteries. On the twenty-seventh of July, the King carried the first counter|scarp; and the Elector of Bavaria, at the same in|stant, found means to throw a bridge across the Sam|bre, which facilitated the reduction of the place. The French behaved themselves with an obstinate bravery. But the allies, animated by the presence of their leader, were irresistible in their various attacks. The out|works were, at length, carried by the besiegers. A practicable breach was made in the innermost wall.

Preparations for a general assalut being made, the town capitulated, on the fourth of August. The gar|rison, under the command of the Mareschal de Bouf|flers, retired, on the sixth, to the castleN 1.288.

* 1.289 The Mareschal de Villeroi, in the mean time, hav|ing crossed the Lys and Schelde, made a feint of marching to raise the siege. His real design was di|rected against Brussels; and he appeared, on the thirteenth of August, before that place. Under a pre|tence of revenging the attacks of the English fleet, on the maritime towns of Flanders, he bombarded Brus|sels. Fifteen hundred houses, and many public build|ings were laid in ruins. The Prince of Vaudemont was an eye-witness of a destruction, which he could neither prevent nor avenge. On the fifteenth of Au|gust, the French general, being reinforced with a considerable body of troops, directed his march toward Namur. When he had advanced to Fleurus, he gave a signal of his approach to the besieged, by the dis|charge of ninety pieces of cannon. William, leaving the charge of the siege to the Elector of Bavaria, re|paired to his army, strongly encamped within five miles of Namur. On the twenty-ninth of August, De Villeroi advanced toward the allies. But he found them so well posted, that he retired in the night, without noise. The castle was, in the mean time, pressed by the allies with the utmost vigour. In a general assault, on the thirtieth of August, the be|siegers, though with great loss, made such a lodge|ment, that the French desired to capitulate, on the first of SeptemberO 1.290.

* 1.291 The taking of Namur, in the presence of a great army of the enemy, was the most brilliant of Wil|liam's military actions. Though he had lost that im|portant place, in the like circumstances, his spirit and conduct throughout this campaign, deserved and re|ceived applause. An act of resentment against the enemy, added to the reputation which the King ac|quired by the taking of Namur. The French, con|trary to an express cartel for a mutual ransom of pri|soners,

had detained the garrisons of Dixmuyde and Deynse, which places had fallen into their hands. The Mareschal de Boufflers was arrested as a hostage, by the orders of the King. He remonstrated in vain. He was sent prisoner to Maestricht, and detained till assurances were received, that the imprisoned garrisons should be released and sent back to the allies. The operations of the campaign ended with the surrender of the citadel. William quitted the field and retired to Dieren, and from thence to Loo. The command devolved upon the Elector of Bavaria. But the ar|mies separated, in the end of September. His want of success, in the preceding years of the war, enhanc|ed to William the fame of taking Namur. The cap|ture of a single town could scarce produce a plentiful harvest of laurels to a general accustomed to victory.

* 1.292 The war languished, on the side of Italy, between France and the Duke of Savoy. Casal was defended by the first and taken by the latter, in a manner, that shewed neither power was sincere in the operations of the campaign. To amuse the allies seemed to be the object of both parties. The same langour, or ra|ther a total inaction, prevailed on the Upper-Rhine. Two armies, alternately offering and declining battle, made a mere pastime and parade of war. The Spa|niards, aided by the maritime powers, were more for|tunate than they had been in the preceding campaign. They obtained some advantage in the field. But they besieged Palamos in vain. The English fleet, which had wintered at Cadiz, could render no effectual aid to a nation labouring under feeble councils, a want of money, and every species of domestic decay. Admi|ral Russel, having spent the summer to little purpose, on the coasts of Spain and Provence, returned to ca|diz, in the end of September. The glory of insulting the French coast, and of confining the fleet of the enemy in the harbour of Toulon, could scarce balance the extraordinary expence of the maritime powers, in their efforts to second the feeble operations in Spain.

A peace had been expected, on the side of Hunga|ry. But the hopes of the allies vanished, upon the ac|cessionP 1.293 of Mustapha the Second, to the Ottoman throne. This Prince, possessed of more vigour than his predecessor, Ahmed the Second, resolved to com|mand his troops in person. He took the field. He passed the Danube. He stormed Lippa. He seized Itul. Falling suddenly on a considerable body of troops under General Veterani, he killed that officer, dispersed his forces, and closed, with success, a cam|paign which promised nothing but misfortunes. The Elector of Saxony, who commanded the Imperialists, was too late in taking the field. His army was ill pro|vided, the season was severe, the enemy too prudent to hazard that reputation which he had already ac|quired. Poland, torn as usual with domestic faction, made no figure in the present year. France had in|creased, by her intrigues, the feuds between the no|bles. She had gained, by her secret influence, the King. The deliberations of the diet were interrupted by every species of civil discord; and the assembly was disolved in confusionQ 1.294.

* 1.295 The operations of the combined squadrons in the ocean, were productive of no striking events. The lord Berkely commanded in chief the fleet destined to insult the coast of France. He bombarded St. Maloes, with little effect, on the fourth of July. He came before Dunkirk on the first of August. The noted Meesters, a Dutch engineer, applied again his infer|nals to the Risbank, with the same want of success as in the preceding year. Heats and animosities prevail|ed between the English and Dutch. Complaints were made on every side. Meesters withdrew from the squadron, with his machines, in the night. The Lord Berkeley retired and proceeded to Calais. The enemy were prepared to receive his visit; and having, in vain, discharged six hundred shells into the place, he desisted from his attempt.

* 1.296 The naval efforts of the English, in the West In|dies, were attended with no success. Wilmot and

Lillingston, who commanded on an expedition against the French in Hispaniola, agreed to enrich themselves, and quarrelled about the spoil. The interest of the public was neglected in their animosities. But though the nation was disgraced by their gross mismanage|ments, no inquiry was made into their conductR 1.297. The commerce of the kingdom was, at the same time, ill-protected, through the negligence of the commanders of the navy. Many vessels from Barba|does were taken by the enemy. Five East India ships, valued at a million, fell into their handsS 1.298. The misfortunes at sea abated the joy of the people for the success by land. Admiral Hopson, appointed to scour the channel with a squadron, was either inactive or unsuccessful. The Marquis of Caermarthen, station|ed with some ships at Scilly, mistook a fleet of mer|chantmen for the enemy's navy; and fled, with all his sails, from the vessels which he ought to defendT 1.299.

* 1.300 The affairs of Scotland furnished nothing worthy of being recorded, after the prorogation of the parlia|ment, in the year 1693. The same regency and the same measures continued throughout the succeeding year. The King, eager to derive all the possible aid from that kingdom, to maintain the war, demanded numerous levies, from the heritors or proprietors of lands. In the space of three months, three thousand men were impressed and delivered to the officers of the government. These with five regiments, making in all seven thousand soldiers, were embarked at LeithU 1.301, and transported to Flanders. The surren|derV 1.302 of the Bass, which had been hitherto held in the name of James, is a matter of greater singularity than importance. Two and thirty persons had taken possession of that post and supported themselves by manning their boat and rifling such vessels as passed near their rock. In one of their predatory excursions, eighteen of their number, having boarded a ship from Dunbar, were carried to Dundee, by the force of a storm. They landed, and fled, by different ways••

But three were taken, tried, and condemned. To save their companions, those who remained on the Bass, desired to capitulate. The council agreed to their proposals. The condemned were pardoned, and the rest were permitted to depart, with their baggage and swordsW 1.303.

* 1.304 The malcontents in Scotland found matter for fo|menting a jealousy of government, which rendered the meeting of the parliament of that kingdom dange|rous to the authority of its regency. That assembly, therefore, was prorogued, from time to time, till the necessities of the crown overcame the fears of its ser|vants. The funds established for the army had ex|pired; and they had been diverted to other purposes, by a breach of public faith. To soften the opposition to the crown, a commission was issued, under the great seal, to examine witnesses upon the massacre of Glen|co; as the memory of that act of barbarity still in|flamed the passions of the whole nation. Though this was an artifice to cover that infamous transaction, by a private inquiryX 1.305, it produced, by an appearance of justice, a favourable change in the minds of the people. But schemes, still more effectual, had been previously formed to amuse the nation, and to gain a majority in parliament. On the ninth of May 1695, the session was opened, by the Marquis of Tweedale, as King's commissioner. William, in his letter to the parliament, excused, by the continuation of the war, his not appearing in person in Scotland. He recom|mended to them moderation and union, in matters of the church. He desired, in the most soothing terms, a renewal of the subsidies, that had just expiredY 1.306.

* 1.307 Soothing expressions, however, were not the only means prepared, by the servants of William, to gain the Scots. One Paterson, who had been the chief instrument in establishing the bank of England, had framed a mercantile project of an extensive kind for Scotland. Such English merchants, as had been hi|therto disappointed in their schemes of forming a new

East India company, gave their countenance to Pa|terson's plan; which, from views of their own, was adopted, with ardour, by the Scottish ministry. The project was to establish one settlement at Darien, on the east side of the isthmus of America; and another on the opposite side, toward the South Sea. This scheme was laid before the King, by secretary John|ston. Instructions were prepared and signed, im|powering the commissioner to give his assent to any bill for the encouragement of trade. That nobleman, accordingly, communicated the King's intentions to the parliament. The bait was greedily seized. The people lost their resentment, in a condescension, which flattered their hopes of wealth. The parliament it|self was all submission. A vote of condolence, for the death of the Queen, was instantly passed. They gave, at once, all the necessary supplies. The ways and means were a general poll-tax, a six-months cess out of the land-rents, and an additional exciseZ 1.308.

* 1.309 But notwithstanding this seeming complaisance to the crown, the current of the nation, for an inquiry into the massacre of Glenco, was too strong to be op|posed. The artifice of the court-party could not con|ceal the shocking circumstances of that barbarous af|fair. They, however, diverted, with some appear|ance of decency, the implication of guilt, from the King himself to Dalrymple, his acting minister upon that occasion. The parliament voted the whole a murder. They addressed the King, for justice, on the offenders. But their application was couched in terms, which seemed to demand no compliance with their request. William, accordingly, paid no atten|tion to their address. He even continued his favour, without abatement, to the principal actors in the tra|gedy. The bill for establishing a company for trad|ing to Africa and the Indies, was the price of the blood shed at Glenco. The clamour and misfortunes which this act produced, shall be hereafter explained. To|gether with this bill, two others of importance receiv|ed the royal assent: An act for raising yearly nine

thousand men to recruit the Scotch regiments, in the service abroad; and one for erecting a public bank in the city of Edinburgh. On the seventeenth of July, the commissioner adjourned the parliament to the se|venth day of the following NovemberA 1.310.

* 1.311 A kind of tranquillity succeeded, in Ireland the in|effectual complaints, which the people of that king|dom laid before the parliament of England. Sir Hen|ry Capel, created a lord, with other two lords justices, carried on the government with a degree of precision. Quarrels sprung among themselves. Capel abetted the interests of the English against the old Irish, with|out any strict regard to equityB 1.312. He courted po|pularity at the expence of justice, and suffered himself to become the property of interested and designing men. His brethren in office were more severe and more just. They studied to protect the old Irish, when oppressedC 1.313. They gained honour. But they lost popularity. Capel, favoured by the Eng|lish in Ireland, raised his views to the government of that kingdom. He promised to the King and his mi|nisters to carry every thing in a parliament, should he be appointed lord-deputy, with powers to displace some men in office. His proposal was accepted. Se|veral were removedD 1.314. A parliament was call|edE 1.315.

* 1.316 Capel opened the session with a demand of money. The commons resolved to grant an immediate supply to the King, to discharge the debts of the crown, and to maintain the established government. They found it less difficult to make the grant, than to find the ways and means. They agreed, at length, on a poll|bill, and some additional customs. But as both were deemed inadequate to the sum required, they resolved to continue, to the end of the year 1698, the additi|onal excise, which they had voted at the beginning only for a short space of time. A quarrel between the lord-deputy and the chancellor, filled the rest of

the session with debates, and a degree of confusion. A motion was made by the party of the former, to impeach the latter for forming a new faction in the kingdom. But the chancellor was cleared of all im|putation by a great majority. The session, however, ended in tranquillity; and, upon the whole, favoura|ble to the lord-deputy. He carried the projects of the Crown in parliament; and he was recommended as an excellent governor, in a special address sent by the commons to the KingF 1.317.

* 1.318 Though the death of Mary raised the expectations of the adherents of her father, that Prince shewed little inclination to avail himself of that event. He either resigned a mind, depressed with misfortunes, to religious enthusiasm; or, disgusted with the appa|rent coldness of the French ministry, left his hopes of a restoration to fortune. His friends in England ceased not, however, to urge him to an attempt on that kingdom. The Earl of Arran endeavoured to rouze him with letters. The Earl of Sunderland, now much in the confidence of William, betrayed the councils of the latter Prince to his former masterG 1.319. He in|formed the late King, early in the season, that the English fleet were destined to attack Toulon. But he, at the same time, gave it as his opinion, that the en|terprise would be dropt as impracticableH 1.320. The langour which had seized the belligerent powers, ex|tended itself to the party of James in England, and to his councils in France. The latter kingdom was too much exhausted by internal calamities, either to push the war with vigour on the continent, or to avail herself of a descent on the British isles.

* 1.321 The more violent Jacobites, in the mean time, con|tinued their zealous efforts in favour of their dethroned master. Strangers to the situation of the mind of James, and ignorant of the disposition of France, they endeavoured to rouze the first with every possible ar|gument, to make a descent in England. The absence of the reigning Prince, his unpopularity at home, and

the feuds which subsisted between him and some mem|bers of the great alliance abroad, were placed in the most flattering colours before the eyes of the late King. The manifest decline in the health of William, his loss of influence by the death of Mary, the distress and consequent discontent of the nation, their murmurs against the late heavy taxes, their fears of future bur|dens, were either magnified or recounted with ardour. James was assured, by his adherents, that, in the pre|tent state of affairs and opinions, ten thousand men would be sufficient to establish him again on his throne. They affirmed, that the whole force in England, con|sisted only of nine thousand men. That the nation was divided into three parties. That one of these was in the interest of the late King; one affected the views and person of the Princess of Denmark; and the third, but the least considerable, adhered to WilliamI 1.322.

* 1.323 Whilst these zealots laid their proposals with so much eagerness before James, his minister, the Earl of Middleton, maintained an intimate intercourse with the principal men in England. The Earl of Sunder|land continued his secret correspondence. Even the Duke of Devonshire and the Earl of PembrokeJ 1.324, the latter then lord-privy-seal, seemed to have listen|ed to the court of St. Germains. The Dutchess of Devonshire, either following or leading her husband, became an agent for JamesK 1.325. The Princess of Denmark, and the Earl of Marlborough professed themselves his firm and unshaken friends. The assu|rances made by persons of such weight and conse|quence, kept alive the hopes of his friends, while he himself had fallen into a state of indifference con|cerning his own fateL 1.326. Middleton, however, made, soon after, fruitless applications, in the name of his master, to the court of France. To induce the French ministry to undertake an invasion of England, he com|municated his intelligence and hopes from that king|dom. He represented, that the coast was left naked of ships of war. That the discontents which prevail|ed

at present, were likely to increase, after the in|tended elections for a new house of commons. Wil|liam, he said, was to demand eight millions from par|liament; and to alter the established succession, by preferring any children he might hereafter beget, to the Princess of Denmark and her son. But Middleton built most on the credit of Sunderland; "who," he continued,

"had been always the first to deceive him|self, and the foremost to hetray others."

* 1.327 But if James had friends in England, it is only in that kingdom he seems to have had friends. France, exhausted by domestic calamities, as well as by the waste occasioned by a burdensome war, was an|xious to obtain peace upon any decent terms. The court of Rome itself had forgot the orthodoxy of James, in his pusillanimity in quitting his dominions without a blow. The success of William, in seizing the throne of England, his inflexible perseverance in all his plans, his courage in the field, his apparent prudence in the cabinet, his former obstinacy in con|tinuing an unsuccessful war, and, at length, the repu|tation which he acquired in the present campaign, ex|cited that admiration which invariably follows good fortune. He was, besides, seen through a favourable medium, by the nations of Europe. The haziness which covered him at home, obscured not his lustre abroad. The astonishing exertions of England in the war, were ascribed to his management. He was con|sidered as the absolute master of Holland; and not only the chain which united the grand confederacy, but even the absolute lord of the members of which it was composedL 1.328.

* 1.329 His rival, if in his present distressed condition James deserved that name, laboured under every disadvan|tage in the eyes of the world. The enthusiasm which had deprived him of his throne, was construed into an incurable folly, by the more sensible part of his own persuasion. A kind of WICKED policy, as the Pope, perhaps ludicrously said, had superseded every idea of

religion among the Catholic powers, who were en|gaged in the grand alliance. Innocent the Twelfth himself, though the sat in St. Peter's chair, was sway|ed by temporal views, from entertaining any favour for a Prince who had sacrificed his crown to a blind attachment to the Romish faith. He received the Earl of Perth, who had been sent in the character of am|bassador, by James, with manifest coldness; or treat|ed him with seeming ridicule. The utmost that the most pressing solicitations could obtain from that Pon|tiff, amounted only to a compliment. He assured the Earl of Perth, that the would never concur in a peace, which tended to deprive a Catholic Prince of his just rights. But Innocent and all his court were in the interest of the house of Austria; and thus James, though a very faithful son of the church, lost his in|fluence with the holy Father, through his dependence on FranceM 1.330.

* 1.331 William, having spent some time at Loo, repaired to the Hague, on the seventh day of October. Hav|ing, in an interview with the Elector of Branden|burg, and in conferences with the States of Holland, settled the operations of the succeeding campaign, he returned to England; and arrived at Kensington, on the twenty-first day of the month. In a council held on the evening of his arrival, he resolved to dissolve the parliament; and to order another to meet, on the twenty-second of November. The Earl of Sunder|land, in concert with the court of St. Germains, ad|vised this measureN 1.332. The former parliament, from their liberal grants to the Crown, were become odious to the people; and the latter, therefore, were not likely to chuse again representatives so compliant to the views of the King. But William beheld the mat|ter in another light. The popularity which he thought he derived from the glory of a successful campaign, induced him to hope for a return of members more fa|vourable to his interest, than those who had lately

pushed their inquiries so far. To improve to his ad|vantage the present good humour of the people, the King resolved to make a royal progress. But his want of affability, his frigid manner, and dry address, were not calculated either to gain the favour of the populace, or to retain it when gained. A visit which he paid to the Earl of Sunderland at Althorp, was construed, by his enemies, into gratitude for former favours; while his precipitate retreat from Oxford, for fear of being poisonedO 1.333 at an entertainment prepared by the uni|versity, was considered as unworthy of his known pru|dence and usual courage.

* 1.334 In the elections for the new house of commons, the Jacobites were unsuccessful, in proportion to the decline of their cause. Few of the known adherents of the late King were returned. But the abbetors of the in|terest of the reigning Prince, were not implicitly chos|en by the nation. Many of the firmest Whigs were elected: men who made a greater distinction between the principles of government, than between the per|sons of kings. The two houses met, on the twenty-second of November. Foley, who had succeeded Tre|vor, in the office of speaker, was again placed by the commons in the chair. The King, in his speech from the throne, demanded the usual supplies, to prosecute with vigour the war. He complained that the funds which had been formerly given, were deficient. He represented that the civil list was in a condition which rendered it impossible for him to subsist, unless that matter should command their immediate care. He re|commended the French Protestants to their support He laid before them the bad state of the coin. He expressed his wishes for a bill to encourage seamen•• He concluded with assuring the commons, that he wa•• entirely satisfied, with the choice which his people had madeP 1.335.

* 1.336 The commons addressed the King, on the twenty-ninth of November, and promised to assist him effec+tually in the prosecution of the war. But before any

supply was voted, a bill was brought in, for regulating trials, in cases of treason and misprision of treason. A bill to the same effect had been often introduced before, and as often disappointed. The adherents of the Court opposed it in its progress. The popularity of the measure, at length, prevailed. By this saluta|ry law it was provided, that no person should be tried for high treason, except an attempt to assassinate the King, unless the indictment be found within three years after the offence was committed. That the prisoner shall have a copy of the indictment, but not the names of the witnesses, five days, at least, before his arraignment. That he shall have a copy of the panel of jurors, two days before his trial; and that he shall have the same compulsive process with the Crown, to force his witnesses to appearQ 1.337. A change of situation too frequently makes an alteration in the principles of men. Many who had suffered by the want of such a law, in the two former reigns, opposed with vehemence the bill. They argued, that the security of the government, was the best provi|sion for the security of the subject; and they urged, that the act, by giving every possible advantage to conspirators, exposed the kingdom to revolution and change.

* 1.338 On the second of December, the commons voted the supply for the war. Two millions five hundred thousand pounds were assigned to the navyR 1.339; two millions for the support of an army of eighty-seven thousand men. Though these sums were great, they were less than the demands of the Crown. There was, besides, an arrear of deficiency, for which no provision was made. But before the supply was fixed upon adequate funds, a matter of the last importance employed the attention of the commons. The act passed in the preceding session of parliament, to pre|vent the clipping and exportation of silver coin, had been found inadequate to the purpose. The evil had risen to too great a height to be removed by slight remedies. The lords went first upon the business.

They prepared an address, to which they desired the concurrence of the commons, to request the King to put a stop, by proclamation, to the currency of clip|ped crowns and half-crowns. The commons chose to proceed in their own way. They went into a committee of the whole house, to deliberate on the state of the nation with respect to the current coinS 1.340.

* 1.341 Individuals differed much in their opinions, upon a subject in which the interests of all were so deeply concerned. It appeared, from various experiments, that the silver coins, on a medium, were diminished at least one third. In proportion as the intrinsic of silver sunk beneath its nominal value, the gold rose. Two evils, with equal violence, pressed the nation on either side. A remedy must be instantly applied. The first question proposed to the commons was, whether it was expedient to re-coin the silver money. The house was divided upon the subject. The opponents of the Court opposed the re-coinage, with some spe|cious arguments. They affirmed, that the present conjuncture was by no means fit for a measure, whose operations must give so general and so violent a shock to the nation. They observed, that the people, labour|ed under the calamity and expence of a burdensome and doubtful war. That the nation as yet unsettled in their opinions with regard to the present establishment, might be provoked by this new grievance to unhinge the government. That though things might be ma|naged and accommodated at home, it would be diffi|cult, if not impossible, to maintain either commerce or war abroad. That a present re-coinage would most certainly suspend all the operations of trade, for the want of mutual payments; and they concluded with affirming, that the people, in their despair, might be hurried into the most dreadful extremities.

* 1.342 The necessity of a speedy remedy was argued by the other side. They observed, that the bad state of the coin, had turned the exchange of all Europe, in an alarming degree, against the nation. That, there|fore, the supplies voted for the support of the army

abroad, would never answer their end. That gui|neas, by this growing evil, were already advanced to thirty shillings; and foreign gold in the same extrava|gant proportion. That all Europe sent their gold, as the most valuable of all commodities, into our market. That gold, at last, would remain the sole currency for trade in the kingdom. But that it could not be ex|pected, that other nations would receive that commo|dity at the value which it bore in this kingdom. They concluded with affirming, that the evil would gather additional strength every day. That the contagion had already spread through every vein of commerce; and that unless a speedy and powerful remedy should be applied, the certain dissolution of the state advanced with hasty strides.

* 1.343 The question whether the standard of the several denominations of the new money should continue the same, produced many and vehement debates. Some affirmed, that as the price of silver was raisedT 1.344, the standard should be proportionably increased. They argued, that the measure would prevent the exporta|tion of the coin, and the melting of it down, as had been practised for several years. They urged, at the same time, that people would be induced to bring their plate and bullion to the mint, from views of ad|vantage. The majority, with more reason, asserted, that it was impossible the price of silver could either rise or fall in respect of itself. That the alteration in the price of bullion, was merely relative to the dimi|nished money; and they affirmed, in support of their position, that an ounce of bullion could be actually bought, at that very time, for five shillings and two pence of new-milled money. As to the exportation of the coin, they justly observed, that nothing could ef|fectually prevent that evil, but a superiority in trade over other nations. The arguments for a new coin|age, on the old standard, at length prevailed. The present inconvenience was deemed less dangerous, than the future evils which were justly to be apprehended. The commons resolved to put a stop to the currency, and to proceed to a new coinage with the utmost at|tention

and dispatchS 1.345. A bill was accordingly brought in, for that purposeT 1.346; and twelve hundred thousand pounds were voted, for supplying the difici|ency of clipped money. This sum was ordered to be raised by a duty, for seven years, on houses and win|dow-lightsU 1.347.

* 1.348 These measures, though spirited, appeared, from the event, to be too precipitate. A proclamation for stopping the currency of the gold coin, was issued, before the mint had provided any quantity of new money for the purposes of trade. This evil was, in some measure, remedied by an act formed, upon sub|sequent resolutions, in parliament. But the wisdom of that assembly could not prevent a general loss of cre|dit, which shook the government, while it distressed the nation. Another affair of importance employed a part of the attention of both houses, during the de|bates, on the coin. On the fourteenth of Decem|berV 1.349, the lords sent down to the commons an ad|dress to the King, against an act passed in the Scotish parliament, for erecting a company trading to Africa and the East-Indies. The commons concurred with the peers. The two houses attended the King with their address. His answer was, that he had been ill-served in Scotland. But that he hoped some remedy might be found to the evil of which they complained. This indefinite reply was not sufficient to satisfy the commons. * 1.350 They resolved, that the directors of the Scotish company should be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors. That a council of trade should be established, by act of parliament, for the preservation of the commerce of England. That the commissio|ners should be nominated by parliament. But that none of them should be members of the houseW 1.351.

* 1.352 An attempt to establish a new board, by act of parliament, was considered, by the adherents of the court, as a high encroachment on the rights of the crown. William himself was as fond of the preroga|tives as any of his predecessors in the throne. He

[year 1696] considered the present measure as a precedent for fu|ture invasions on the executive power of the King. He ordered his servants to oppose the bill, with all the influence of office. But the current of public opinion was turned toward new regulations, for the protection and encouragement of commerce. The waste occa|sioned by the war, the loss by captures at sea, and the late disasters on that element, had raised general com|plaints and produced many petitions. The enemies of William took advantage of the vehemence of the peo|ple. Even some of his supposed friends and actual favourites promoted a measure, which he avowedly disapproved. The Earl of Sunderland, with all his adherents, declared for the bill. The King ascribed the conduct of this nobleman to his fears from the po|pular party. But he was in a secret correspondence with James; and he had promised to oppose the measures of William in parliamentX 1.353.

* 1.354 While the commons seemed, thus, to encroach on the power of the crown, they pushed an inquiry, which affected the person of the King. Bentinck, whom William had created Earl of Portland, retained in England that ascendency in the favour of his mas|ter, which he had acquired in Holland. He had ob|tained, from the King, a grant of the lordships of Denbigh, Bromfield, and Yale, in the county of Denbigh, and a part of the ancient demesnes of the Prince of Wales. The gentleman of the county had opposed the warrant for the grant, in the treasury. They followed it, with their opposition, to the office of the Earl of Pembroke, who was then lord-privy-seal. This nobleman was, at the time, in correspon|dence with the late King. He heard the petitioners with a seeming candour which bordered on favour. The affair was permitted to lie dormant. But the warrant was not re-called. The gentlemen of Den|bigh carried their complaints before parliament. Mr. Price, afterwards a baron of the exchequer, intro|duced the petition with a spirited, but vehement and bitter speech. The house, warmed to a degree of

fury, voted unanimously an address against the grant. The King promised to recall the warrant. But he assured the commons, that he would find some other way of shewing his favour to the Earl of PortlandY 1.355. He performed his promise in the most ample manner, in the succeeding May.

* 1.356 In the midst of circumstances so mortifying to Wil|liam, a favourable event changed the whole face of his affairs. The reputation which he had acquired in Flanders, his weight and consequence abroad, and his own persevering policy at home, were not sufficient to supply the loss of influence which he sustained in the death of Mary. The nation, distressed by an adulterated and diminished currency, offended at the captures made upon their commerce at sea, and op|pressed with the enormous expence of the war by land, placed all their misfortunes to the account of the King's predilection for other interests than those of England. His manner was better calculated to in|flame than to allay the ferment which prevailed in the minds of his subjects. His enemies took every advan|tage of the state of the public opinion. They in|creased the discontents of the people in general; and they found means to improve the same bad humour in the new parliament.

* 1.357 The malcontents had foreseen, in the preceding summer, the height to which the bad humour of the people was likely to rise. They urged the late King, as has been already related, to undertake an invasion. They promised insurrections in England, whenever he should appear on the coast. When the new parlia|ment discovered symptoms of refractoriness to the measures of William, the adherents of James redou|bled their instances for an invasion, early in the spring. They assured that Prince, that to land in England wa•• to regain, without contest, his crown. That cou•…•… he once come to London, or even to some considera+ble town, without any force, the greatest part of th•• nation would rise in arms, and resore him to th•• throne. Lewis the Fourteenth, flattered with the•…•… accounts, agreed to furnish an army and every thi•…•…

necessary for a descent. He, however, insisted, that the Jacobites should rise in arms, before the French troops should embark; and the Duke of Berwick was dispatched, by his father, to England, to take the in|surgents under his commandZ 1.358. The preparations of France were carried forward with expedition and zeal. The troops, intended for the invasion, began to draw near to Calais and Dunkirk. Four hundred sail of great and small vessels were assembled, from different ports. James himself, urged by Lewis the Fourteenth, took post on the seventeenth of Februa|ry; and he arrived, on the twentieth, at Calais. The Dutch became alarmed, for their own country. But an unaccountable security prevailed in BritainA 1.359.

* 1.360 During these preparations for an invasion from France, a conspiracy for assassinating William was framed in England, by some zealous adherents of the late King. This scheme had been forming long. One Crosby had been sent to the court of St. Germains to demand a commission from James, for perpetrating the crime. But that Prince suspected, from his ear|nestness, that Crosby was employed by William him|self, to persuade him to consent to a measure, which must for ever put an end to his hopesB 1.361. The zea|lous conspirators had long endeavoured, but in vain, to argue James into an express approbation of the at|tempt upon the person of the King. They, however, obtained at length a commission, for a general insur|rectionC 1.362, against William and all his adherents. This commission was placedD 1.363 in the hands of Sir George Barclay, a native of Scotland, a man of cou|rage and an experienced soldier. Barclay arrived in London, in the month of January. He joined him|self, in that city, to one Harrison, a priest, to Char|nock, who, from being a fellow of Magdalen college at Oxford, had become a Roman catholic, and a captain, to one Captain Porter, and to Sir William Perkins.

* 1.364 These inconsiderate and daring men, under the pre|tence of a commission from James, gained over some desperate Jacobites to aid them, in their projected scheme. They first proposed to surprise, seize, and carry William to FranceE 1.365. But this was deemed impracticable, should they scruple to take his lifeF 1.366 They resolved, therefore, to attack him, with an arm|ed party consisting of forty men, in the midst of his guards. The scene of the intended assault was the lane between Brentford and Turnham-Green, through which William usually passed, upon his return from Richmond. The fifteenth of February was the day appointed for the execution of their purpose. But an unexpected discovery baffled, at once, their views. A Captain Fisher, whom the chief conspirators had re|solved to employ in the attack, communicated the whole to the Earl of Portland, on the thirteenth of February. The same evening, Pendergrass, an Irish|man, and one of the forty, confirmed the information of Fisher. They were both examined by the King in person. He encouraged them to mix again with their friends. He kept at home on the fifteenth of February. The conspirators fixed upon the twenty-second of the month, to execute their scheme. The King again remained at home. A panic seized the whole party. Some fled. But others were seized, the next nightG 1.367, in their beds.

* 1.368 The day after the seizure of some of the conspira|tors, the King informed his parliament of the danger which had threatened his life. He acquainted the two houses, that preparations were made in France, for invading the kingdom. He assured himself, he said, that nothing should be omitted, on their part, that might be deemed proper for the present safety or the future security of his people. He told them, that he had not been wanting, in giving the necessary orders to the fleet. That he had commanded a con|siderable body of troops to be brought home. That some of the conspirators against his person were al|ready seized. That care was taken to apprehend the

rest; and that, upon the whole, all such other orders were given, as the public safety, in the present con|juncture, seemed to require. The two houses lost, at once, their bad humour, in the danger to which the life of the King had been exposed. They sent a joint address to the throne, full of expressions of the most unlimited zeal and loyalty. They declared to all the world, that should his Majesty come to any violent death, they would revenge the same on all his enemies and their adherents. As an instance of their affection to William, they promised to give all possible dispatch to the public business; and they made it their desire to the King to seize, upon the present occasion, all such persons as he should think fit to apprehendH 1.369.

* 1.370 The commons followed their warm address with various resolutions of the same kind. They ordered in a bill to enable his Majesty to seize all suspected per|sons. They prepared an address, for commanding, by proclamation, all papists to retire from the cities of London and Westminster. They drew up the form of an association, for the defence of the King's person. They acknowledged him the rightful and lawful So|vereign of England. They engaged themselves to support and defend the succession of the crown, ac|cording to the act of settlement, passed in the first year of the present reign. Four hundred members placed their names to the association, in one day. Such as withdrew from the house or were absent with leave, were ordered to sign that paper or signify their refusal, before the sixteenth of MarchI 1.371. The same warmth of affection and even vehemence of zeal ex|tended themselves to the Lords. The peers adopted, with little alteration, the association signed by the commons. The whole nation partook of the flame, which the discovery of the plot had kindled in the two houses of parliament. Their objections to William were obliterated, at once, by their abhorrence of the conspiracy against his life; and thus the imprudence of his enemies confirmed him in a throne, on which he tottered before.

* 1.372 This unsuccessful under-plot of a few zealots was sufficient to ruin all the present projects of the late King. But the seeds of disappointment were already sown in France itself. A Mr. Powel had been sent to St. Germains, from the Jacobites in England, to lay before James the state of the designs in his favour in that kingdom. Powel spoke with such vehemence, confidence, and zeal, that the late King supposed, that his party were resolved to take arms, when they should receive certain intelligence of his own prepara|tions for an invasion from France. He desired Powel to put the whole in writing. But, before his com|mands were executed, James happened to meet and converse with the most Christian King. He told that Prince, that his friends in England were ready, upon the first notice, to take arms. He perceived his mistake, when he read Mr. Powel's written account. But he was afraid of alarming the French ministers, who were never his friends, by undeceiving the King. The preparations, for the expedition, proceeded upon this mistake. The adherents of James had declared it im|possible for them to rise, till he himself should land. Lewis gave positive orders, that not a single vessel should sail, till certain intelligence of an insurrection should arrive from England. The late King was per|plexed beyond measure by this insurmountable difficul|ty. He derived his whole hopes from fortune; and as usual, he was deceivedK 1.373.

* 1.374 The discovery of the plot in England, broke, in an instant, the whole scheme. The kingdom was in a ferment. The French court, who had not hitherto been undeceived, lost all hopes of an insurrection, an•• fell into their usual languor. A storm, which shatter+ed the transports as they came round from Havre, an•• an uninterrupted course of contrary winds, were adde•• to the other misfortunes of the late King. He, however•• remained on the coast of France. The transports lay i•• the port of Calais. Eighteen men of war, intended fo•• their convoy, had anchored, for their own protectio••

against the enemy, among the sands of Dunkirk. The appearance of the English fleet put an end to a design, which seemed to be already broken. Admiral Russel, upon the first certain intelligence of the invasion, was ordered to repair to the Downs. Having hoisted his flag, on board the Victory, and collected, with incre|dible diligence and expedition, a powerful fleet, he stood over to Graveline, and stretched along the coast to Calais. Calais was again bombarded, with little effect. To destroy the French men of war was found impracticable. But the enemy, instead of preparing for a descent on England, became anxious for their own coast. James, in a disconsolate state of mind, re|turned, at length, to St. Germains. He saw his pro|ject broken, his hopes blasted, his friends ruined, by their pursuing measures contrary to his judgment and without his consentL 1.375.

* 1.376 The courts of justice were, in the mean time, em|ployed in the trial of such of the conspirators as had fallen into the hands of government. Charnock, King, and Keys, were the first tried; and, upon positive evidence, condemned and executed. They declared, with one consent, in papers delivered to the sheriffs, that James was not only not privy to the design, against the person of William, but that he always rejected such proposals when offered. Sir John Friend, a wealthy citizen, and Sir William Perkins were, soon after, tried and condemned. The first for abetting the intended invasion. The latter for concurring in the plot against the life of the King. Several other per|sons of less consequence and rank inferior, suffered death, for the same crimes. The evidence against the most of the prisoners was full and decisive. The no|toriety of the conspiracy proved more fatal to a few, than the facts advanced by the witnesses. The con|spiracy against the King was confounded, on the pre|sent occasion, with the intended invasion from France. The whole seemed to have been the exact counter|part of the conspiracy in the year 1683; when the people, in their horror of the Rye-house-plot, trans|ferred

the guilt of assassins to men who meditated only an insurrection. The criminals, on the present occa|sion, died enthusiasts to their political principles. They confirmed their own minds in an opinion, which they endeavoured in vain to inculcate on James, that any attack, on an enemy, was a species of warM 1.377.

* 1.378 During these transactions, the parliament proceeded in the same strain of complaisance to the crown, which the attempt on the life of the King had raised. Sup|plies were granted not only with liberality, but even without reserve. Clauses of loan were inserted, in almost every money-bill. An act was passed, im|powering the King to apprehend and detain such per|sons, as he might suspect of conspiring against his per|son and government. The commons, in a body, pre|sented the association, at the foot of the throne, on the third of April. The lords, soon after, followed the example laid by the lower house. A bank for the purpose of raising money for the use of the govern|ment, was established by act of parliament. This new institution obtained the name of the national land|bank, from its security lying on land. The measure was unadvised, and proved mischievous to public cre|dit. Notwithstanding the complaisance of the two houses, the King exerted his prerogative, in a man|ner that gave some offerce to the commons. He re|fused his assent to a bill for regulating elections of members to serve in parliament. The projectors of the bill made a motion, that those, who had advised his Majesty to put a negative on the bill, were enemies to the King and kingdom. But the current of the times ran, with violence, in favour of government; and the motion was rejected, by a great majorityN 1.379. The business of the crown being brought to a conclu|sion, on the twenty-seventh of April, the King put a happy end to a session, which promised at the beginning, but little complaisance to his views.

CHAP. III.

Exhausted state of France.—Her intrigues, and desire of peace.—Campaign of 1696.—Advances toward a treaty.—Domestic affairs.—Proceedings of parlia|ment.—Fenwick's case.—An obsequious session.—Congress at Riswick.—Peace opposed by the Emperor.—Intrigues for the Spanish succession.—Campaign of 1697.—Crown of Poland offered to King James.—Secret views of that Prince.—William hastens the peace.—He agrees that the Prince of Wales should succeed to the throne.—Reflexion.—The proposal re|jected by James.—France peremptory in her demands.—The treaty of Ryswick signed.—A session of parlia|ment.—Views of parties.—The army disbanded.—The King disgusted.—Provision for the civil list.—The commons refractory.—Parliament dissolved.—Negociations for the Spanish succession.—First treaty of partition proposed.—The King in Holland.—Scot|ish and Irish affairs.—Treaty of partition signed.—A new parliament.—The commons refractory.—The army again reduced.—William threatens to abandon the government.—He yields to the commons,—Soli|cits them in vain for his Dutch guards.

[year 1696] * 1.380 THE glory assumed by France, for having sus|tained herself so long against the rest of Europe in confederacy, was more than balanced by her do|mestic distress. Her great exertions had impoverished her subjects, by enormous taxes and imposts. An ear|nest desire for peace prevailed throughout the kingdom. Past disappointments, and the fear of future misfor|tunes, had abated the ambition of the King. He had lost his best generals in the course of the war; and a great part of the reputation of his arms, in the pre|ceding campaign. A deficiency in resources deprived him of every hope of making any successful efforts in the present year. He had even some reason to fear, he could not retain what he had already gained; and

that, instead of pushing the enemy in their territories, he would find it difficult to defend his own.

* 1.381 France, however, endeavoured to supply with ad|dress what she wanted in point of power. To provide against the misfortunes dreaded from the continuance of a burdensome war, Lewis extended, with success, his intrigues to the different courts of Europe. It Turkey, he induced Mustapha the second to frustrate all the attempts made by the maritime powers to facili|tate a peace. He secured his influence in Poland, by a pension to the Queen. He gained the confidence of the courts of Italy, by professing a concern for the re|pose and prosperity of a country harassed by the exacti|ons of the allied powers. He disconcerted the mea|sures of the Germanic body, by fomenting the feuds, and supporting the pretensions of the various princes He placed spies, and established pensioners in Spain. He gained the good offices of the King of Sweden, by flattering his pride; and, in Holland, he renewed his ancient correspondence with the heads of the Repub|lican party.

* 1.382 In the midst of measures for supporting the war with vigour, the French King thought seriously of means to obtain peace. He endeavoured, in the preceding year, through the channel of Denmark and Sweden to negociate a treaty for the re-establishment of the tranquillity of Europe. He had, in some measure agreed to a preliminary of the Imperial court, that the affair of England should be settled to the satisfaction of the Prince of Orange. He even ascribed the con|tinuance of the war, to William's hopes of regaining in one campaign, the laurels which he had lost in the war. During the winter, the court of France conti+nued to make advances toward a peace. To facilitat•• a treaty, they proposed to the States of Holland, that•• in case the affair of England was not settled to the sa+tisfaction of the Prince of Orange, the whole negoci+ation should be void. They agreed to admit the trea+ties of Westphalia and Nimeguen as the basis of th•• expected peace. But these advances, on the side o•• France, were not answered with equal warmth by th•• allied powers. In proportion to the eagerness of Lew•…•…

for peace, they rose in their demands; and thus, throughout the summer, the whole affair remained in suspence.

* 1.383 William, having left London on the second of May, arrived at the Hague on the seventh of that month. But he joined not his troops till the sixth of June. The French had taken the field, with two armies. One, under Mareschal de Villeroi, was posted be|tween Mechlen and Deynse. The Mareschal de Boufflers commanded another, between Flerus and Sombref. The King opposed, in person, the enemy at Mariekirke, with one army. The Elector of Ba|varia assembled another in the neighbourhood of Lou|vain. The whole summer either passed in inaction, or was wasted in motions, which neither promised nor produced any important event. Though no congress was opened, the expectations of peace suspended the operations of war. The allies were in no condition to push, with vigour, the advantages which they had ob|tained in the preceding campaign; and France, in her present condition, considered her being able to protect her conquests, an advantage equal to the glory of a victory.

* 1.384 To avail himself of the weakness of Spain, the French King bent his principal efforts towards that side. A dispute with the Court of Madrid, on ac|count of a Jew, who had served him in quality of an agent, had contributed to induce William to withdraw all the naval force of the English from the Mediterra|nean. But the French, having ordered the squadron at Toulon to fail into the ocean, were incapable of insulting the coast of Spain, though exposed. They, however, pushed with some vigour their operations by land. The Duke de Vendôme, who commanded in Catalonia, was ordered to take the field. He passed the Ter, on the the thirtieth of May. He attacked the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, on the banks of that river, and forced him to retire with loss under the cannon of Ostalric. An inactive campaign succeeded this undecisive engagement. The hopes of an imme|diate peace, and the prospect of future advantages, rose to France on the side of Spain. The Queen-mother,

who, as a daughter of Austria, had carried the ammosities of her family against France, into the councils of Charles the second, was lately dead. Lewis the Fourteenth had his agents at Madrid; and he, even then, entertained hopes of practising to ad|vantage on the weakness of that PrinceA 1.385.

* 1.386 Nothing of any moment happened on the side of Germany. The French and Imperialists alternately passed and repassed, to little purpose, the Rhine. The efforts of the maritime powers at sea, were as languid and undecisive as their operations by land. Sir George Rooke, upon his return from Cadiz, where he had wintered with his squadron, was appointed commander in chief of the combined fleet. Having, in vain, endeavoured to intercept the French fleet, upon its way from Toulon to Brest, he returned to Torbay, on the twenty-third of May, and he was re-called by the lords of the regency from his command. The lord Berkley, who succeeded Rooke, performed nothing of any importance. The most remarkable transaction of this summer at sea, was performed by Du Bart; who had sailed with a French squadron from Dunkirk, in the end of May. He fell in, on the eighth of June, with a fleet of Dutch merchant|men, from the Baltic, under the convoy of five men of war. The latter he took, after an obstinate resist|ance. Thirty of the former fell also into his hands. Having performed this important service, he escaped the vigilance of an English squadron, and returned with his booty to FranceB 1.387.

* 1.388 On the side of Hungary, an undecisive battle be|tween the Ottomans and the Imperialists, near Te|meswaer, comprehended the whole operations of the campaign. The Poles were, as usual, inactive. But the death of the King, John Sobieski, converted their country into a scene of intrigue for the succession to the crownC 1.389. The Czar of Muscovy, by the tak|ing of Asoph, on the Tanais, rendered himself, for the first time, an object of attention to the courts of

Europe. A peace, between the French and the Duke of Savoy, changed the whole face of affairs in Italy. This pacification, which greatly disconcerted the allies, had been long negociated by the Count de Tessè, as intermediate agent between the Duke and the Mare|schal de Catinat, who commanded the French troops on the side of Savoy. De Catinat made the first offer of peace, on the sixth of June. The Duke, willing to secure the supplies of the year from England and Holland, concealed, for some time, the treaty, after it was actually signedD 1.390. When he professed to avow the conditions, they only seemed to comprehend the neutrality of Italy. He suppressed the terms, which concerned his own interest. But to convince the confederates of his determination to adhere to his agreement with France, he laid siege, on the thir|teenth of September, to Valentia, in conjunction with the Mareschal de CatinatE 1.391.

* 1.392 The defection of the Duke of Savoy, while it much offended all the confederates, rendered the maritime powers, in particular, very desirous of peace. William had various reasons to wish for an immediate pacification with France. The failure of the land|bank, on which he had so much credit, the consequent difficulty of present remittances, the uncertainty of future supplies, the example of Savoy, for further desertions from the common cause, the disposition of the States against the continuance of a burdensome war, the clamours of the English, under their heavy taxes, all combined to make the re-establishment of the tranquility of Europe an object of importance to the King. He, therefore, prosecuted with sincerity every measure to accomplish his views. He concurred with the States, in appointing Dykveldt to confer with Callieres, who had, for some time, carried on in Holland secret negociations leading to a peace. On the twenty-fourth of August, Dykveldt communicated the whole proceedings to the deputies of the States for foreign affairs. The deputies made their report, on the third of September, to the States-General; who

came to a resolution, that the concessions of France to the demands of the Emperor, were sufficient grounds for accepting the mediation of Sweden in concluding a general treaty of peace. The house of Austria, in neither of its branches, seemed willing to close with the proposal of the maritime powers. The court of Spain was offended with William. The Emperor had an interest in continuing the warA 1.393.

* 1.394 In England, nothing of importance happened dur|ing the summer. The lords of the regency applied their chief attention to the re-coinage of the silver money; and to the operations of the fleet at sea. In Scotland, a session of parliament was held, on the eighth of September. The Lord Murray, eldest son of the Marquis of Athol, being created Earl of Tul|libardin, was appointed commissioner. The Earl of Arran, and other malcontents, took the oaths, for the first time, and their seats in the house. A supply was voted, for one year's service, to maintain the stand|ing forces: a measure calculated to induce the govern|ment to hold an annual session for its own support. An ill-humour had crept into parliament. The people were distressed with a general scarcity, which render|ed them clamorous and discontented. The commissi|oner, therefore, thought proper to put an end to the session, on the ninth of October. The Lord Capel dying in Ireland, the government of that kingdom de|volved, by the choice of the council, on the chancel|lor, Sir Charles Porter; in terms of an old act of par|liamentB 1.395. Nothing material happened, in a par|liament which met, by adjournment, soon after his elevation to that dignityC 1.396. In the end of July, the Earls of Montrath and Drogheda were associated with Porter in the government of the kingdom.

* 1.397 On the seventh of October, the King arrived from Holland, at Kensington. On the twentieth of the same month, the parliament met at Westminster. William, in his speech from the throne, expressed his satisfaction, that no disorder had happened at home,

and no disadvantage abroad, in the course of the pre|sent year. He ascribed this happiness to the good dis|position of his army and the steady affection of his people for his person. He recommended unanimity, on account of the magnitude and importance of the business which they had to transact: the supplying of former deficiencies, the providing for the service of the ensuing year. He informed them of overtures made for a general peace. But that the only means to re-establish the public tranquillity, was to show themselves prepared for a vigorous and effectual war. He earnestly desired the commons to raise speedily the necessary supplies, which ought not to be less than the sum intended for the preceding year. He recom|mended the civil list to their support, the French Pro|testants to their commiseration. He desired them to consider, whether some inconvenience did not still remain with regard to the coin. He requested them to find the best expedient for the re-establishment of credit: a circumstance as necessary for trade as for the support of the warD 1.398.

* 1.399 The commons, with perfect unanimity, agreed im|mediately to resolutions which answered the chief de|mands of the King's speech. In a spirited address, they promised, in the name of the people of England, to support his Majesty, in obtaining, by war, a safe and honourable peaceE 1.400. They pledged the faith of the house, that a supply should be granted for carry|ing on with vigour the war; and that the deficiencies of the parliamentary funds should be made goodF 1.401. They applied themselves with the utmost diligence to this necessary business. The sums to be raised were immense. The deficiency of former funds amounted to more than six millions. Two millions and a half were found necessary for the navy; and a still greater sum for the service by land. Public credit had, in the mean time, sunk so low, that bank-notes were at twenty per cent. discount, and exchequer tallies at sixty per cent. The commons turned their imme|diate

attention to the silver coin. They resolved, that the hammered money should be received only by weight. That an allowance of four pence an ounce should be made on all loans and plate brought to the mint, before the first of JanuaryG 1.402. To answer the most pressing demands on government, they re|solved to transfer to the next aids, any loans, not ex|ceeding six hundred thousand pounds, that should be advanced on the credit of the exchequerH 1.403.

* 1.404 To restore the credit of the bank, which had, from various causes, fallen so low, the commons resolved to extend the time of its continuance, and to aug|ment the capitalI 1.405. The new subscriptions were wisely ordered to be made, in the tallies, upon parlia|mentary funds, and in bank-notes. The first, in the proportion of four-fifths of the payments. The lat|ter, as having been subject to the least discount, in that of one-fifth. Men of money, for the benefit of acquiring, at a low price, a capital in the bank, pur|chased, with such eagerness, the tallies and notes, that their price arose. The latter soon became equal to money. The discounts on the former fell rapidly, as a fund for the payment was fixed. To supply the scarcity of money, was as necessary for the purposes of commerce and government, as the recovery of the credit of the bank notes and tallies. Bills were order|ed to be issued from the exchequer, to the amount of two millions, bearing interest at more than seven per cent. These were received in the exchequer, with a small discount, in the payments made of the reve|nue. This measure raised, at length, exchequer bills to an equality with money, and supplied, at present, the want of coin. Mountague, who was then chan|cellor of the exchequer, had the chief merit, in mea|sures, which, for the time, relieved the nation from imminent distress.

* 1.406 The extraordinary case of Sir John Fenwick inter|rupted, in some degree, the deliberations of the com|mons, on the subject of public credit. Fenwick had been accused of being concerned in a plot against the

King. He was taken, at New Romney, in the pre|ceding June, in endeavouring to make his escape to France. He was committed to Newgate, and a bill found against him by the grand juryK 1.407. To pre|serve, or, at least, to prolong his life, he fell upon the expedient of obtaining a pardon, as a price of dis|coveries to the King. Through the means of the Duke of Devonshire, he conveyed a paper to William, when he was in Flanders, containing an account of correspondences and intrigues, carried on with the court of St. Germains, by the Duke of Shrewsbury, the Earls of Bath and Marlborough, the Lord Godol|phin, and Admiral Russel. Though this account is known, now, to be true, in every particular, it nei|ther gained William's favour nor served the design of Fenwick. The persons accused were too powerful to be punished. Besides, Fenwick had refused to be an evidence; and had he done otherwise, the proofs, which he could produce, were not sufficient in law. His trial, however, was delayed, by various means, till the King's arrival in England. His friends in the mean time, removed one of the two witnesses, on whose oaths the bill had been found; and, according to the statutes of treason, a single witness was not suf|ficient to condemn.

* 1.408 William is said to have entertained a personal enmi|mityL 1.409 against Fenwick, for some expressions, re|flecting on his conduct, when he served in the army in Holland. This disposition, in the King's mind, com|bined with the resentment of the accused persons, con|tributed to punish, in a very irregular manner, that unfortunate man. Admiral Russel, by the express permission of William, was the first, who laid before the commons the information of Fenwick, which re|flected on himself and several other persons of high rank. The prisoner was brought to the bar of the house, and required to confess all he knewM 1.410. He declined to obey, without assurances of pardon were first given. Upon a vote passed, on his own paper, a

bill of attainder was introduced against FenwickN 1.411•• He was heard, by his council But the weight o•• the crown and the interest of his enemies prevailed•• The bill passed the commons, after violent debate••O 1.412; and, though much opposed in the upper-house•• it received the sanction of the lordsP 1.413, and the as+sent of the King. On the twenty-eighth of January•• he was beheaded, on Tower-hill. His behaviour, a•• his death was more spirited, than his conduct in prison•• The precedent established, in his case, was justly deemed dangerous; as nothing could be less excused•• than the employing of the whole force of the legisla+ture to take away the life of a man, whom the law•• of treason could not condemn. The death of Fen+wick was not of such consequence to the public quie•…•… as to justify this violent exertion of the ultimate pow+er, reposed in the stateQ 1.414.

* 1.415 An uninterrupted complaisance to the crown conti+nued throughout the session. The commons provided•• with chearfulness, for the service of the year. The•• made good eight hundred and forty thousand pounds•• which the funds, for the last, had fallen shortR 1.416•• Upon a message from the King, they granted a suppl•• of more than five hundred thousand pounds, for th•• support of the civil list. They, as the last gift of th•• session, made provision for the payment of the deb•…•… for the transports employed in the reduction of Ire+land. The liberality of the commons raised, in som•• degree, the resentment of the people. They we•…•… openly traduced as corrupt, by individuals. The•• were frequently besieged, in their houses, by mob•…•… The public business being finished, on the sixteen•…•… of April, the King put an end to the session, with •• speech from the throne. He thanked the commo•…•… for their large supplies. He informed both house•…•… that he found it necessary to go for some time abroa•…•… But that he would take care to leave the administr••+tion

of government in the hands of persons upon whom he could dependS 1.417.

* 1.418 An event, which happened three days after the ri|sing of parliament, rendered remarkable the paragraph with which his Majesty closed his speech. To the astonishment of the nation, he raised the Earl of Sun|derland to the office of lord-chamberlain, in the room of the Earl of Dorset; who had suffered himself to be bought out of his place, with the public money. That this lord uniformly betrayed the late King to the views of the present, when Prince of Orange, is now known, and was, even then, suspected, by the intel|ligent. There seemed, therefore, to have been a degree of imprudence, in the appointment, though the place, which he held before in William's favour, entitled him to a part of the management of public affairs. On the twenty-second of April, the earl was sworn a privy-councillor, and, as such, took his place at the board. He was comprehended in the com|mission of lords-justices; and, though at the time in correspondence with JamesT 1.419, was one of those persons, on whom, William said to his parliament, he could thoroughly depend.

* 1.420 On the twenty-fourth of April, the King left Ken|sington, and arrived, on the twenty-seventh, at the Hague. The advances made toward a peace, in the end of the preceding summer, were improved in the winter. William had named, in the month of De|cember, three plenipotentiaries to negociate a treaty. The French King had appointed two persons, in the like capacity, to be joined to Calliers, who had long carried on a negociation at the Hague. The Em|peror and the court of Spain threw various objections in the way. But these being, at length, over-ruled, by the rest of the allies, a congress was agreed to be opened, under the mediation of Charles the Eleventh, King of Sweden. That Prince dying, in the mean time, the office of mediator was transferred to his son. The ambassadors of the belligerent powers met,

on the ninth of May, at a house belonging to the King of England, in the neighbourhood of Riswick, a village situated between Delft and the Hague.

* 1.421 France and the maritime powers seemed to find little difficulty, in defining their respective claims. Eng|land and Holland had scarce any farther concern in the treaty, than to settle a barrier in Flanders, and to procure an ample acknowledgment of William's right to the throne. Calliers, then sole plenipotentiary for Lewis the Fourteenth in Holland, had consented, as early as the tenth of February, to preliminaries, which declared, that Strasbourg should be restored to the Emperor, Mons, Charleroi, Dinant, and the whole duchy of Luxembourg, together with the con|quests in Catalonia to the Spaniards, the duchy of Lorrain to its native Prince; and that the title of William should be acknowledged, without any man|ner of difficulty, restriction, condition or reserve. But that the claims of other Princes should be left to be settled, by the treaty for a general peace, to be negociated under the mediation of the King of Swe|den. The house of Austria, however, in neither of its branches, seemed willing to put an immediate end to the war. Though Spain was destitute of troops, of ships, of money, and of councils. Though the grandees, at variance among themselves, possessed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 credit at court nor authority among the peopl•…•… Though the monarchy tottered through all its exte•…•… sive dominions, the influence of a haughty and imp••+rious woman, who hated every body and was herse•…•… detested by all, swayed the timid mind of Charles t•…•… Second, to listen to the court of Vienna, and to co••+tinue a war which he abhorred.

* 1.422 The cause of this obstinacy, on the part of the E••+peror Leopold, requires to be explained. Charl•…•… the Second, the last male of that branch of the ho•…•… of Austria, which had sat, for near two centuries, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the throne of Spain, was a prince, weak in body; •…•… feeble in mind; subject to melancholy, and a slave •…•… passion•• a stranger to business, timid by constituti•…•… as well as through ignorance. His mother, who w•…•… sister to the Emperor, had endeavoured to protract 〈◊〉〈◊〉

[year 1697] own authority, as regent, by keeping him longer a child in his understanding, than he was in his years. Don John of Austria, though he stript her of her power, followed her system. The ministers, who succeeded Don John, pursued the same principle. They kept their sovereign a kind of prisoner, in his own palace; and governed, in his name, a kingdom long exhausted by a succession of wretched councils. The treaty of Nimeguen having established a good understanding between the courts of Madrid and Ver|sailles, the King married Maria-Louisa, daughter of the Duke of Orleans. This princess, unambitious of governing a weak husband, left him, at first, in the hands of his ministers; and her interference, at length, in favour of France, proved fatal to herself. In the beginning of the year 1689, England and Holland, in alliance with the Emperor, resolved to draw Spain in|to the war against Lewis the Fourteenth. The Queen died suddenly. Mansfeldt, the Imperial ambassador, and the Count of Oropeza, were at no pains to con|ceal, that they had removed, by a wicked piece of policy, a person, who was likely to obstruct their viewsU 1.423.

* 1.424 A daughter of the Duke of Neubourg succeeded the unfortunate Queen, in the bed of Charles the Second. Being sister to the Empress, she was firmly attached to the allies, and she governed Spain. She entered into the views of Leopold, for preserving the succession of the crown in his own family, in exclusion of the fe|male line. Her object was to induce her husband to send for her nephew, the arch-duke, to Madrid, to be educated, as the sole heir of Spain. The King, for some time, resisted her importunities. But, in the year 1696, he yielded to his own fears. Alarmed at the progress of the French, in the heart of his king|dom, he promised to invite the arch-duke to Spain, upon condition that the Emperor should send twelve thousand of his troops to oppose the enemy in Catalo|nia. The slow councils of the court of Vienna ob|structed this design, till mutual advances, toward a

peace, were made, by France and the maritime pow|ers. The Emperor, therefore, endeavoured, when too late, to protract the war, as favourable to his own views on the Spanish successionW 1.425

* 1.426 While the Emperor and his influence, by means of the Queen, over the councils of Spain, obstructed the treaty, with new demands, Lewis the Fourteenth de|clared his resolution to adhere to the articles of the pre|liminaries. His ministers signified in form, that the treaties of Westphalia and Nimeguen must be the basis of the future peace. That it remained with the allies to agree to terms or to prosecute the war. This de|claration at the congress was strengthened by operati|ons in the field. The Mareschal de Catinat invested and took Aesh. William was either indifferent, as to the fate of the place, or unprepared to raise the siege. He joined the army, in person, on the twenty-fourth of May. The Mareschals de Villeroi and Boufflers were posted too advantageously to be attacked. He, however, disappointed the designs of the French upon Brussels and the fortress of Trois Trous. But the chief efforts of Lewis were made on the side of Spain, to extricate, by disasters, the timid mind of Charles the Second from the intrigues of the Emperor. The Duke de Vendôme laid siege to Barcelona, by land•• The Count d'Estrées blocked up the place by sea•• The count de Velasco, dividing the force, with which he proposed to raise the siege, was surprised, in both his camps, and put to flight. The city capitulated, on the last day of July; and that conquest determined the Emperor and Spain to listen to the proposals of a gene|ral peaceX 1.427.

* 1.428 The success of the arms of France was balanced, by the defeat of her negociations in Poland. The deat•• of King John Sobieski, on the eighth of June, in th•• preceding year, had opened a scene of intrigue for th•• crown of that kingdom. The predilection of th•• Queen, for her younger son, Alexander, in opposi+tion to James, the elder, divided the friends of the la•…•…

King, and ruined the influence of his family. Many of the Poles had turned their eyes to another quarter. The Abbé de Polignac, ambassador of France in Po|land, wrote to his master, that thoughts were enter|tained of the late King of England, in the new electi|on, for filling the throne; and that he had been al|ready named by some of the diets. Lewis was eager to seize an opportunity of ridding himself, with honour, of a Prince, whose pretensions he could no longer sup|port. He sent de Pomponne to St. Germains. The friends of James were sanguine for the project. But he rejected it himself. He told de Pomponne,

"that he would ever retain a grateful remembrance of his friends in Poland. That, however, he would not ac|cept of the crown, had it actually been offered; much less would he endeavour to obtain by solicitation any throne, that was not his due. That his acceptance of any other scepter would amount to an abdication in|deed of that which he deemed his right. That, there|fore, he was resolved to remain, in his present for|lorn condition, possessing less hopes than ever of be|ing restored, than to do the least act to prejudice his familyY 1.429."

* 1.430 The self-denial of James induced Lewis to turn his eyes to the Prince of Conti, as a fit candidate for the Polish throne. The character of that Prince, and above all, the bribes and promises distributed by the Abbé de Polignac, seemed to have conciliated the suf|frages of the whole nation. But in the midst of these flattering hopes, a new and powerful candidate appear|ed. The Elector of Saxony, supporting himself with an armed force, advanced to the frontiers of the king|dom and demanded the crown. He had removed all objections to his religion, by previously abjuring the Lutheran saith. He added the force of bribery, to less powerful claims. On the night before the election, a very large sum was distributed in the camp, to for|tify his party. But the majority still adhered to the French. The Prince of Conti was declared duly ••lected, by the primate. On the other hand, the

bishop of Cujavia also nominated Frederick Augustus, Elector of Saxony, King of Poland and Great Duke of Lithuania. The result of the whole was, that the Elector promoted his own interest, to such advantage, that the Prince of Conti, on his arrival in the road of Dantzic, on the fifteenth of September, found that he came too late to support his pretensions to the crownZ 1.431.

* 1.432 Though the success of the Elector of Saxony, in Poland, flattered the pride of the Emperor, it contri|buted little to his designs of obstructing the negocia|tions at Riswick. The maritime powers were now absolutely under the direction of the King of England, who had all along been the life and soul of the confe|deracy; and he had scarce any thing, except her ac|knowledgement of his own right to the throne, to set|tle with France. Lewis the Fourteenth had long de|termined to prefer the benefits of a necessary peace to his engagements to the late King. That unfortu|nate Prince had laid aside all expectations from the aid of France, ever since his disappointment in the projected invasion of the preceding year. He flat|tered himself, in his lost condition, with other hopes He was assured, from England, that William was in a declining state of health. That he was dropsical in his habit of body; and that his dissolution seemed t•• advance with hasty strides. James had formed a new scheme, upon the event of his nephew's death. H•• resolved to return to England, though three men shoul•• not follow him; and to throw himself on the goo•• nature of the English nationA 1.433.

"It could not en+ter into his mind,"

he said,

"that the people of Eng+land would treat him with indignities;"

and he knew that the majority were determined to preserve all th•• just prerogatives of the crownB 1.434.

* 1.435 The hopes derived by James from the death 〈◊〉〈◊〉 William, were dashed, from a quarter, where 〈◊〉〈◊〉 check to his views was then feared. The Princess 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Denmark had, for six years, maintained a fair corre••+pondence with her father, full of assurances of du•…•…

and expressions of repentance. The bad health of the King had awakened her ambition, with the prospect of the crown. She wrote to her father upon this subject. She desired to know his pleasure, whether he would permit her to ascend the throne, according to the act of settlement, should the Prince of Orange, so she called King William, happen to die. She ac|companied this request, with expressions of duty and a seeming readiness to make restitution, when oppor|tunity should serve. She insinuated, that should he refuse to accede to this expedient, considering the pre|sent disposition of the kingdom, he would remove himself further from the hopes of of recovering his throne. The scepter, she said, would fall into worse hands, out of which it would not be so easily reco|vered. The reasoning of the Princess was too refined, for the temper of her father. He told his friends, that though he could suffer injustice, he could never be persuaded to give it countenance. He knew, he said, that of all restitutions, none is harder to make than that of a crown. He however, excused him|self to his daughter; and his declared adherence to the resolution of placing himself in the hands of his for|mer subjects, put an end to the proposalC 1.436.

* 1.437 The late King was no stranger to the endeavours of France to put an end to the war. But he could never believeD 1.438, he said, that Lewis would wholly neglect his interest, in the terms of the peace. In the course of the preceding campaign, he was, for the first time, alarmed. He pressed, in person, the French King, on the subject. His adherents argued the matter with the ministry, in vainE 1.439. In the preceding December, he sent an agent to the court of Vienna. The Emperor was deaf to his intreatiesF 1.440. He disregarded, at once, his misfortunes and his claims upon himself, as a Catholic Prince, on the score of religion. Notwithstanding this repulse from Leopold, he rested some faint hopes on the generosity of Lewis the Fourteenth. But when the two French plenipo|tentiaries,

de Harlay and de Creci, departed from Paris, in March, to join Callieres at Delft, he gave all his hopes awayG 1.441. The event, however, may serve to shew, that Lewis deserved to be more trust|ed; and that he yielded to necessity only, when he seemed to the world to neglect the interest of the ab|dicated King.

* 1.442 Though the views of the Emperor were disappoint|ed, by the apparent resolution of the maritime pow|ers, to restore the public tranquility, his ministers, at the congress, discovered no inclination to bring the conferences to a speedy issue. It was reserved for William, who had been the soul of the war, to con|clude, with a decisive stroke, the peace. The two armies, after the surrender of Aeth, lay opposed to one another in the neighbourhood of Brussels. The allies, under the King, were encamped at Cockle|berg. The Mareschals de Villeroi, de Catinat, and de Boufflers, commanded the French army at Pe|pinge. The Earl of Portland, on the part of the King of England, and de Boufflers, in the name of Lewis, met between the armies and held a conference, in the open field, on the tenth of July. They met again, on the fifteenth and twentieth of the same month, in the same manner. But, on the twenty-sixth of July and the second of August, they retired to a house in the suburbs of Hall; and reduced to writing the terms to which they had agreed in the fieldH 1.443.

* 1.444 The world have hitherto been no less ignorant of the object of these interviews, than Europe was then astonished, at such an uncommon mode of negociation. As William trusted not his three plenipotentiaries at the Hague, with his agreement with France, man|kind justly concluded, that a secret of the last im|portance had been for some time depending between the two kings. Time has, at length, unraveled the mystery. Lewis, unwilling to desert James, proposed that the Prince of Wales should succeed to the crown

of England, after the death of William. The King, with little hesitation, agreed to this request. He e|ven solemnly engaged, to procure the repeal of the act of settlement; and to declare, by another, the Prince of Wales his successor in the throneI 1.445. This great preliminary being settled, other matters of less importance followed of course. The fifty thousand pounds a year, settled as a jointure upon King James's Queen, was agreed to be paid; though the money was afterwards retained upon various pretences. On the third of August, the King left the army and retired to Dieren. He sent from thence the Earl of Portland, to acquaint the ministers assembled at the congress, that he had settled his own affairs, and those of his kingdoms, with France; and that he earnestly pressed the allies, and particularly the Emperor, to hasten the conclusion of the great work of peace.

* 1.446 Those who ascribe all the actions of William to public spirit, will find some difficulty in reconciling this transaction to their elevated opinion of his cha|racter. In one concession to France, he yielded all his professions to England; and, by an act of indiscre|tion, or through indifference, deserted the principles to which he owed the throne. The deliverance of the nation was not, however, the sole object of this Prince. Like other men, he was subject to human passions; and, like them, when he could gratify him|self, he served the world. Various motives seem to have concurred, to induce him to adopt a measure, unaccountable on other grounds. The projected peace was to secure the crown in his possession for his life. He had no children, and but few relations; and those he never loved. The successors provided by the act of settlement, he either despised or abhorred; and he seems hitherto not to have extended his views beyond the limits of that act. Though James had displeased the nation, he had not injured William. The son had offended neither. He might excite com|passion, but he could be no object of aversion. The supposed spuriousness of his birth, had been only held

forth to amuse the vulgar; and even these would be convinced, by the public acknowledgment intended to be made by the very person whose interest was most concerned in the support of that idle tale.

* 1.447 But the same imprudence which lost to the late King the crown, excluded, for ever, his posterity from the throne. He told his most Christian Majesty, who had made the first overture to him, on this important sub|ject, that though he could suffer with patience the usurpation of his nephew upon his right, he would ne|ver permit his own son to be guilty of the same injus|ticeK 1.448. He urged, that should the son reign in his father's life-time, that circumstance would amount to a formal renunciation. That the Prince of Wales, by succeeding to the Prince of Orange, would yield his sole right, which was that of his father; and being obliged to the people for his elevation, the hands which had raised him, might, at any time, justly pull him down from his throne. That should he himself be capable of consenting to such a disgraceful proposal, in favour of his son, he might be justly reproached with departing from his avowed principles, and with ruin|ing monarchy, by rendering elective an hereditary crown. Besides, that though he should consent to sa|crifice all that he reckoned dear, to a mortal enemy, the Prince of Orange could only promise a thing, which he was not, perhaps, able to perform. That the same parliament that had conferred the royal au|thority on himself, had settled the reversion of the crown on the Princess of Denmark; and that, there|fore, by reversing the act of settlement, he disjointed the whole chain which bound the people to his go|vernment. But that should even the Prince of Orange induce the parliament of England to repeal the act of settlement, it would be always upon condition of hav|ing the Prince of Wales placed in their hands, without their being able to give any security either for his per|son or his conscienceL 1.449.

* 1.450 The last consideration was not, perhaps, the least motive of this deluded Prince, for rejecting the only certain prospect that had ever offered itself for restoring his family to the throne. The French King, perceiv|ing his obstinacy, urged not further a point, of which James himself could be the only judge. The latter endeavoured, in the mean time, to stop the progress of a treaty, with vain protests, and with unavailing memorials and remonstrances to the confederate Princes. The demand of France, for the eventual succession of the Prince of Wales, being removed, the re-establishment of peace, between Lewis and William, became absolutely certain. The first, therefore, be|came more peremptory in his negociations with the Empire and Spain, as the allies were already apparent|ly disunited, he ordered his ministers, at the congress, to deliver in the project of a general peace, upon the footing of the preliminariesM 1.451. The project was accompanied with a declaration, limiting the time of its being accepted, to the last day in August. The house of Austria were as dilatory in their motions to|ward a peace, as they had been slow in prosecuting the war. They paid no regard to the limitations offer|ed by France, though they were in no condition for maintaining themselves singly against her power. Spain had added to her misfortunes at home, a distaster of an alarming king abroad. A French squadron, under De Pontis, had, with the assistance of the buccaniers, taken Carthagena in America, plundered the place of an immense treasure, and having escaped the utmost efforts and vigilance of the English sleet, arrived safe|ly at Brest, on the nineteenth of August.

* 1.452 This fresh misfortune succeeding the capture of Bar|celona, hastened greatly the conclusion of the treaty, on the part of Spain. The Emperor, however, con|tinued obstinate, and he was deserted by the rest of the allies. William having settled his own concerns with France, had left the army, on the third of Au|gust, and retired to Dieren. He dispatched from thence the Earl of Portland to the Hague. He ordered

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him to acquaint the congress, that he had adjusted matters in such a manner with Lewis the Fourteenth that no delay, in the general peace, should arise from his concerns. That, therefore, he earnestly pressed the allies, and particularly the Emperor, to contribute all that lay in their power toward concluding so great a work. This declaration of the King, was regarded as a command. The plenipotentiaries of the States signed the treaty, on the ninth of September, about mid-night. Their example was taken in an hour af|ter by the ambassador of Spain; and he was followed by the plenipotentiaries of England. The treaties of Munster and Nimeguen served as a basis for that with Holland. The places taken in Catalonia, the duchy of Luxembourg, the county of Chinei, Charleroi, Mons, Aeth, Courtrai, and all places united to France by the chambers of Metz and Brisac, were restored to Spain. The King of England agreed to pay fifty thousand pounds a year, by way of jointure, to King James's Queen; and Lewis the Fourteenth engaged not to disturb William in the possession of his king|domsN 1.453.

* 1.454 Room was left for the Emperor to accede to the treaty; and an immediate armistice was procured France, having disunited the allies, entertained no doubt of forcing the Emperor and Empire into a peace Leopold having complained of being a second time de|serted by the Dutch, in a pacification with France thought proper, at length, to comply. On the twen|tieth of October, his ambassador signed also the trea|ty of Riswick. The terms were regulated by those of Westphalia and Nimeguen. Fribourg, Brisga•…•… and Philipsbourg were restored to the Emperor. The duchies of Lorrain and Bar were, on conditions, ren+dered back to his nephew, the Duke of LorrainO 1.455•• and thus a general tranquillity, though not destined to last long, was re-established in the North and West o•• Europe. Objections have been made to the conduc•• of the King of England, in signing a separate peace•• against both the letter and spirit of the grand alliance••

But the distresses which would have been brought up|on the kingdom through the continuance of a war, that ceased, with regard to England, to have any ob|ject, and the impotent obstinacy of the Court of Vi|enna, sufficiently justifies William, in forcing, in a manner, the Emperor to the acceptance of reasonable terms.

* 1.456 The Emperor had scarce agreed to the treaty of Riswick, when he received intelligence of the total defeat of the Turks at ZentaP 1.457, a small village on the western bank of Theysse, in the kingdom of Hun|gary. The famous Prince Eugene of Savoy, had suc|ceeded the Elector of Saxony in the command of the army; and to his spirit and conduct was owing the compleat victory which the Imperialists had obtained. The slaughter, ratehr than the fight, lasted from ten in the morning, till late at night. The two preceding ages, though remarkable for battles, had not produced so bloody a combat. The Ottomans, broken by the enemy in front, were at the same time attacked in the rear. In less than an hour, resistance was over, on the side of the Turks, but the rest of the day was spent in butchery and blood. All endeavoured to gain the bridge, but it was rendered impassible, by the heaps of slain. To avoid the fury of the sword, thousands threw themselves into the river and were drowned. Thirty thousand were said to lie dead on the field, before coming of night saved a few fugitives from death. The camp of the enemy, the magnificent pa|villion of the Sultan himself, the stores, the provisions, the ammunition, all the cannon and baggage, fell into the hands of the Prince Eugene. The grand Vizier was killed, the seal of the empire taken; the Aga of the Janizaries, and twenty-seven Bashaws were found among the slain. Never was victory more complete. But the advanced season, and the want of resources, in the court of Vienna, prevented it from having any immediate or striking consequencesQ 1.458.

* 1.459 On the thirteenth of November, the King embark|ed for England, under the convoy of a fquadron of

men of war; and on the fourteenth he arrived at Mar|gate. He entered London on the sixteenth, amid the acclamations of the populace. Intemperance and rio•• were mixed with solemn thanksgivings; and as every individual had suffered by the waste of the war, the whole nation seemed sincerely to rejoice at the return of peace. The parliament had been summoned by the lords of the regency, to meet on business, on the twenty-third of November. But that assembly wa•• further prorogued to the third of December. An ob|ject of the utmost consequence, and in the state o•• the times, of the greatest difficulty, had been commu|nicated by the King to the ministry, before his return to England. He wished to retain a great part of the standing army in pay, after the re-establishment o•• peace. His servants felt the pulse of the nation, by publications on that subject. But instead of persuad|ing the people into the views of the Crown, they a|larmed their fears. The resentment of mankind in general, was added to their astonishment. They saw•• with a degree of indignation, that those who had mos•• violently opposed a standing force in former times, wer•• the chief supporters of that unpopular measure in th•• present reign.

* 1.460 The session at length was opened, on the third o•• December, with a speech from the throne. The Kin•• informed his parliament, that the war, into which h•• had entered by the advice of his people, was now ter+minated, in its object, an honourable peace. Tha•• however, he was sorry his subjects could not find a first that relief from the re-establishment of the pub+lic tranquility, which either he could have wished 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they have expected. The funds, intended for th•• preceding year, he told them, had failed. There wa•• a debt, on account of the fleet, and on the part of th•• army. The revenues of the crown, he said, we•…•… anticipated for the public use. He himself was who•…•…+ly destitute of means to support the civil list. He to•…•… them, that he trusted their providing for him durin•• his life, in a manner suitable to his honour, and th•• dignity of government. He informed them, that t•…•…

increase of the navy, since his accession to the crown, had proportionably augmented its charge. That the interest and reputation of England, rendered necessary a great force at sea. The circumstances of affairs a|broad, he said, were such, that he assured them, Eng|land could not be safe without a land force. He ex|pressed his hopes, that they would not give an oppor|tunity to the enemies of the nation to effect, under the notion of a peace, what they could not accom|plish by a war. He therefore desired the commons to consider the matter, in such a manner as to provide the necessary supplies.R 1.461.

* 1.462 This speech was construed, by the different parties in parliament, as they themselves were variously in|clined. The disaffected deeming it haughty, and even insolent, in its whole strain. Some wished to ease the subject, by reducing, to a low degree, the peace-esta|blishment. Some, who loved their country, were a|fraid of a standing army. The adherents of James, were resolved to distress William on popular grounds. The few who harboured in secret republican opinions, opposed, from principle, a measure calculated to place an uncontroulable power in the hands of the King. The different views of all the parties centered in one point. They were supported by the people, in their opposition to the Crown. The nation was exhausted with late taxes. They were alarmed at the continu|••nce of present burdens, and terrified at future im|••osts. The kingdom had derived no advantage from ••he peace, except the prospect of ease from the dis|••ontinuance of the war; and the people, disappoint|••d in their reasonable hopes, became discontented, •…•…olent, and clamorous. A more steady, but a no •…•…ss determined conduct was observed by the commons. ••hey addressed the King on his speech, in terms full 〈◊〉〈◊〉 respect, but with great reserveS 1.463. They assured 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Majesty, that as the house had effectually enabled 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to cary on the war, they were ready to assist and •…•…port him in the time of peace. On the seventh of

December, the address was read, and ordered to be presented by the whole houseT 1.464.

* 1.465 The first resolutions of the commons bore the ap|pearance of moderation, though they promised not implicit compliance. On a division of the house, the friends of the Court carried a vote of supplyU 1.466. Having inquired into the deficiencies of the aids of the preceding year, they resolved, that a sum, not ex|ceeding six hundred thousand pounds, to be raised on the credit of the exchequer, should be transferred to the supplies of the next session of parliament. On the tenth of December, they received the King's answer to their address. Though he perceived the design of the commons, he receded not from his own purpose. He told them, as they assisted him beyond expression in the war, he had no doubt of an equal zeal in the house to maintain the peaceW 1.467. This answer, sig|nifying plainly the King's wishes to retain a considera|ble standing force in his pay, hastened the discussion of that important point. In a committee of the whole house, it was resolved, without a division, the next dayX 1.468, that all the land-forces raised since the twen|ty-ninth of September 1680, should be paid and dis|banded.

* 1.469 The court-party urged various arguments for car|rying a point, in which the King had signified himsel•• to be much concerned. They urged, that as France had not yet disbanded any of her troops, it would be dangerous, as well as absurd, to trust to the faith of a treaty for the safety of the nation. They affirmed•• that to trust the navy with the protection of the king+dom, was to leave the fate of its independence •…•… fortune. They averred, from the example of th•• late revolution, that a wind might arise, which coul•• carry an enemy out of their ports, and, at the sa•…•… time, confine the ships of England to their own ha••+bours. They freely owned, that some dangers mig•…•… arise to the liberties of the people from a standi•…•… army. But they denied it to be true, that pub•…•…

freedom was always ruined by armies. They pro|duced Venice and the States of the United Provinces, as examples of this position; and they endeavoured to prove, that the liberties of France fell, through the dark policy of Lewis the Eleventh, and not by the means of a military force. They attempted to raise the fears of the people, by explaining the facility with which the late King might return. They represented the disaffection of a part of the nation, as too strong to be suppressed without the terrors of a standing ar|my. They concluded with observing, that as the power of the purse was in the hands of the nation, the Crown might, without danger, be trusted with any degree of the power of the sword.

* 1.470 On the other side, it was urged with vehemence, that an island like Britain had little to fear, from an enemy whose naval force was inferior to its own. They affirmed, that the fitting out of a fleet was a work of time. That the preparations of the kingdom might, in a great measure, keep pace with those of the invaders. That the confederates would either call the attention of France to another quarter, or she might be opposed with effect, on the coast of Eng|land, by troops called from Scotland and Ireland. They affirmed, that no wind could arise more fa|vourable to the French, in quitting their principal ports, than to the English in sailing from their own. Besides, that, merely for the bare possibility of such a circumstance, no Prince could be supposed to hazard a vast expence, upon one improbable contingency. That the examples of Venice, Holland, and France, were inapplicable to the present argument. That the two republics kept their standing forces only in their conquered countries. That though Lewis the Eleventh invaded the liberties of his subjects, without public violence, a standing army was soon found necessary to support the usurpations of the crown, on the natu|ral rights of the people. They urged, with great force of argument, that a militia was the most natural and least dangerous protectors of the kingdom; as the gentry, freeholders, and traders of England, were more

concerned in the freedom and safety of their country, than soldiers, whose only motive to action was pay.

* 1.471 They descended from general to particular argu|ments. They averred, that the most likely way to restore the late King, was to support a standing force to defeat his designs. To prove this position, they af|firmed, that the affection of the people was the only rock on which the throne of the Prince could remain firm. That when it leans on a standing force, it de|pends on the unsteady humours of the soldiery. Re|volution and change, they shewed, from the examples of former ages, had proceeded oftener from the caprice of an army, than from the violence and inconstancy of the multitude. They alleged, that the fate of the kingdom would depend on the political principles, or the avarice of the chief officers. That one might be swayed by an affection for the late King, another gained with French money. They descended to all the inconveniencies, arising from standing armies. They mentioned quarrels, assassinations, robberies, the dishonouring of women, the insolence to men, their injustice to mankind in general, the licence derived from the pride of their station, their contempt for laws, by which they ceased to be confined. They, however, concluded, that it was, by no means, their design, to ruin, by the peace, those who had deserved so well of the nation, by their courage, fidelity, and conduct in the war. That their arguments were di|rected against the thing itself, and not against particu|lar men; and that, therefore, the officers ought to re|ceive, from the parliament, a recompence for the loss of their commissionsY 1.472.

* 1.473 The adherents of the crown propagated rumours of danger, without doors, to strengthen their arguments within. They affirmed, that the French ambassador was stopped. That the King of Spain was dead. That Europe was ready to plunge again into a war. They endeavoured to gain the interested with promis|es, to impress the minds of the feeble with fears. But these artifices produced no effect on the country party•• Some of the latter, in the course of their arguments••

upbraided the King himself with a breach of faith to the nation. They observed, that, in his declaration when Prince of Orange, he promised, upon the settle|ment of the nation, to send back all his foreign forces. But that, instead of adhering to his solemn engage|ments, he still retained a great number of aliens about his person. That of his countrymen, the Dutch, he had a troop of horse, of two hundred and twenty men; and one regiment of body-guards of the same nation, consisting of four battalions, amounting to more than two thousand six hundred soldiers. That he had also, in the same capacity, one regiment of Scots, consisting of one thousand six hundred men; and that of French refugees, who depended on himself alone, he had two regiments of dragoons and three of foot, falling in all little short of five thousand men. The disaffected exaggerated greatly the dangers to be apprehended from these troops. They compared them to the pre|torian bands, who executed the tyrannical decrees of the worst Emperors of Rome; and even to the Turk|ish Janizaries, who, by being cut off, in their infancy, from all connexions with the rest of mankind, know no umpire but the sword, and own no ties but an ab|solute submission to the will of the reigning PrinceZ 1.474.

* 1.475 The warmth expressed in these debates, excited disgust on both sides. The King was highly displeas|ed, with the conduct of the commons. A majority of the commons were almost dissatisfied with the choice they had made of a King. William was at no pains to conceal his sentiments. He complained, that by reducting his army, the commons had render|ed him contemptible in the eyes of Europe. That he was doubtful, whether he could support either his go|vernment at home or any of his alliances abroad, in his present despicable state. That had he foreseen such returns for his services, he would never have meddled with English affairs; and that he was weary of governing a nation, who, through their jealousy of the crown, exposed their sovereign to contempt and themselves to dangerA 1.476. But when the King vent|ed

his resentment in complaints, his chief adviser, the Earl of Sunderland, yielded to his own fears. He had supported, with all his eloquence, the arguments for a standing army. He was deemed the author of the measure. He found that the Whigs and the To|ries were alike his enemies. That the first hated him for his measures in the reign of James. That the lat|ter abhorred him for his treachery to that Prince. He, therefore, resolved to prevent the falling of the storm, by resigning the office of lord-chamberlainB 1.477, and retiring into the country. The anxiety of Willi|am to keep Sunderland near his personC 1.478, was con|strued, by his enemies, into a kind of criminal grati|tude, for that lord's betraying the councils of his pre|decessor.

* 1.479 The resolution, for reducing the army to seven thousand men, being carried, the commons brought a billD 1.480 into their house, for regulating the militia, and for rendering them serviceable to the nation. They voted, the next dayE 1.481, that ten thousand men were necessary for a summer and winter guard at sea. They resolved, that a sum, not exceeding seven hundred thousand pounds, should be granted to his Majesty, for the support of the civil listF 1.482. They, at the same time, passed a bill, against corresponding with the late King and his adherents. They agreed to an act, for continuing the imprisonment of several persons accused of being privy to the late conspiracy against the life of the King. They voted three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, for maintaining guards and garrisons, for the year 1698G 1.483. They granted a supply not exceeding two millions seven hundred thousand pounds, to answer and cancel all ex|chequer bills. To reconcile the army to the project|ed reduction, they ordered a gratuity to the common soldiers; and half-pay to such officers as were natural-born subjects of England, till they should be provided for in some other mannerH 1.484. They provided for

[year 1698] the deficiencies of former fundsI 1.485. They resolved to pay the sums due for subsidies to the alliesK 1.486. They considered the state of the national debts; and voted that all arrears should be gradually paid.

* 1.487 The King is said to have owed the large sum, for the support of the civil list, more to his own manage|ment, than to the generosity of the commons. The leading members had designed to give only six hundred thousand pounds for that purpose. But William told the adherents of the Princess of Denmark, that he in|tended to form a houshold for her son, the Duke of Gloucester; and that the establishment would require fifty thousand poundsL 1.488. He insinuated, at the same time, to such members as still retained some regard for the late King, that he had promised to pay to the exiled Queen her jointure, amounting to fifty thousand pounds, in consequence of an agreement with France at the treaty of Riswick. This precaution facilitated the grant of an addition of one hundred thousand pounds a year to the civil list. He, however, found means to retain, in his own hands, the money destined for the Queen. The Earl of Portland, being sent ambassador to Paris, in the beginning of the year, in|sisted that, in the conferences between himself and the Mareschal de Boufflers, the latter had promised secretly, that King James should be removed from St. Germains. He averred, that this removal was the condition of the payment of the jointure. Bouf|flers denied the fact. But Lewis the Fourteenth was not in a disposition to argue the matter with Willi|amM 1.489. The King observed the same strain of oeco|nomy with regard to the Duke of Gloucester. An establishment for that Prince was not made for some time after the provision for the civil list was granted; and, when his houshold was, at length, formed, fif|teen thousand pounds a year were only givenN 1.490.

* 1.491 An attempt madeO 1.492 by the opposition in the house of commons, to apply a part of the forfeited estates, to the use of the public, was disappointed by

the art of the court party. The latter insisted on beginning with the grants of the two preceding reigns. The persons affacted by the amendment opposed the motion. They joined their influence with those who had received grants from the reigning Prince. Petiti|ons were presented on every side. Difficulties were raised; and the whole matter was dropt, as the in|terests of all parties were concerned in defeating the measure. During this attempt, toward a kind of re|sumption of grants, another enquiry of some import|ance employed a part of the attention of the com|mons. The exchequer bills, upon their being first issued, bore no interest. But on their being paid in upon any of the taxes, and issued a second time, they were intitled to seven and a half per cent. interest. This circumstance induced some of the King's officers, in the exchequer, customs, and excise, to place false endorsements on the bills, before they had been circu|lated at all. One Duncomb, who was receiver-gene|ral of the excise, had amassed a fortune, by this frau|dulent practice, sufficient to protect himself and the partners of his guilt from justice. He was expelled the houseP 1.493. A bill fining him, in half his estate, valued at the enormous sum of four hundred thousand pounds, passed the commons. The lords were equal|ly divided. But the duke of Leeds, being in the chair of the committee, rejected the bill, by his cast|ing voice. The wealth of Duncomb and the charac|ter of Leeds, gave rise to reflections less improbable, than difficult to be ascertained.

* 1.494 Debates on the expediency of enlarging the stoc•• of the East India company, employed the latter par•• of this long session of parliament. The company, by bribing the King and corrupting his servants, had ob+tained, in September 1694, a new charter, exclusiv•• of the interlopers on their trade. These interlopers•• consisting of some capital merchants, had been, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 several sessions, supported, in their pretensions, b•• various votes of the commons. The old company•• by the suggestion of some persons in power, offere•• seven hundred thousand pounds, at four per cent. 〈◊〉〈◊〉

the service of government, upon condition of having their own exclusive charter confirmed by an act of parliament. The other merchants, protected by Mountague, chancellor of the exchequer, proposed to the house of commons, to advance two millions at eight per cent. in consideration of an exclusive trade, to be vested in the subscribers. A bill was ordered to be brought in, upon this offer, for settling the com|merce to the East Indies. The old company petiti|oned, in vain, against the bill, in the lower houseQ 1.495. They followed it to no purpose to the lords. The royal assent was given, on the fifth of July; and such was the eagerness of the nation to employ their mo|ney, in the stock of the new company, that the sub|scription of two millions was filled in the space of three days.

* 1.496 The two houses having finished the public business, were prorogued, on the fifth of July. Two days after, a proclamation was issued for disolving the par|liament, in terms of the triennial act. The King's speech was less suitable to his temper, than to sound policy. He congratulated his parliament on the as|sociation, on their remedying the corruption of the coin, on their restoring public credit. He thanked them for their supplies for the war, their provision for maintaining the peace, and satisfying, with the the least burden possible to his people, the debt of the nation. He told the commons, that he deemed him|self personally obliged to their house, for their regard to his honour in establishing a permanent revenue for the civil list. He assured both houses, that he valued nothing so much as the esteem and love of his people; and that, as for their sake, he had avoided no hazard in war, he should make it his whole study and care to improve and continue the advantages and blessings of peaceR 1.497.

* 1.498 Though William pretended to part, on the best terms, with his parliament, the rigid behaviour of the commons, with regard to the army, made a lasting impression on his mind, and even affected his conduct. Deeming himself left at the mercy of his enemies,

by the reduction of his forces, he endeavoured to secure himself against France, by gaining her confi|dence, and flattering her favourite views. The Earl of Portland, who had declined in favour, though he still retained the esteem of the King, was sent, with a splendid equipage, in the character of ambassador extraordinary to the court of Versailles. He made his public entry into Paris, on the twenty-seventh of Fe|bruary, with a pomp more suitable to the vanity of Lewis, than the gravity of his own master. The court of France answered the advances made by the King of England, with equal ardour, from views of their own. The pretensions of the house of Bourbon, on the succession of the Spanish monarchy, had em|ployed the mind of the French King, ever since the signing of the treaty of Riswick. The distresses brought upon his kingdom by his exertions, in the war, joined to a decline in his own ambition, rendered him extremely anxious, for the continuance of the peace; and he was willing to relinquish, in a great measure, the claims of his family, to obtain that de|sirable end.

* 1.499 The relapse of Charles the Second into one of those fits of illness, which were so common to his feeble constitution, gave fresh spirit to the intrigues of the competitors, for his crown. The only pre|tenders to the succession, prior to the treaty of Ris|wick, were the Emperor and the Elector of Bavaria. The first, as the male representative of the family of Austria. The latter, as the husband of an Arch|duchess, the only surviving child of the Emperor, by the second daughter of Philip the Fourth of Spain. The powers of Europe, from a jealousy and fear of the house of Bourbon, had contested the right of the Dauphin of France, though the son of the eldest daughter Maria Theresa. Philip himself, to her ex|clusion, had declared the descendants of her younger sister Margaret, born of a second bed, the heirs of his crown. The son of the Elector of Bavaria, in default of male issue by Charles the Second, would•• therefore, have possessed the whole succession, i•• either the testament of Philip the Fourth, or the re+nunciation

of his eldest daughter, at her marriage with the French King, had been deemed valid and decisiveS 1.500.

* 1.501 The Elector of Bavaria, either diffident of his right or of his own power to support his claims, had applied for the protection of Lewis the Fourteenth; and had desired to know from that Prince, what part of the Spanish dominions he would chuse to reserve for him|self. Lewis returned an evasive answer; and in De|cember 1697, sent the Marquis d'Harcourt, in the character of ambassador, to learn the state of parties in Spain, to enquire into the views of the court, the disposition of the grandees; and, above all, to discover and traverse the secret measures of the Imperial minis|ters. Though he found that the party which favour|ed the lineal succession, in the family of Bourbon, were the most numerous, they had the least credit. The Queen and her creatures favoured the Emperor, and held the reins of government. When they de|spaired of the life of the King, they injured, with their eagerness, the cause which they wished to pro|mote. The Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, who govern|ed in Catalonia, supplanted the Spanish officers with Germans; and took every measure that seemed cal|culated to secure that province, for the house of Austria, while he ultimately disobliged the Spaniards, without accomplishing his own viewsT 1.502.

* 1.503 Such was the situation of affairs, soon after the ar|rival of the Earl of Portland, at the court of France. Lewis the Fourteenth, wishing to preserve the peace, was still inclined to a partition of the dominions of Spain. Finding it needless to treat with the Emperor, he discovered an inclination to enter into treaty with the King of England. But the unexpected demands of Portland obstructed, for some time, the designs of Lewis. The Earl plainly told that Prince, that he did not expect to find King James at St. Germains. He complained of that circumstance as a breach of a promise made by the Mareschal de Boufflers, in their conserences in Flanders. The Mareschal denied the

whole affair. Portland continued obstinate. But when William disapproved of his conduct, he chang|ed his tone. He protested, that agreeable to the in|tentions of his master, he would be glad to establish a good understanding, and even a perfect harmony, be|tween that Prince and the French King. The latter was encouraged, upon these assurances, to propose to William a partition of the Spanish monarchy, nearly on the same plan as that concluded with the Emperor Leopold, about thirty years beforeU 1.504. Portland sent a courier to England, with the proposals of the court of France. William was guarded and undeci|sive, in his answer. But his language discovered that he was far from being averse from the measureW 1.505

* 1.506 Lewis perceiving, that Portland was not sufficient|ly instructed to conclude the treaty, on which he had fixed his mind, sent the Comte de Tallard, with full powers, to England. That minister arrived in Lon|don, on the nineteenth of March. William disap|proved of the mode of partition proposed by France, But the defenceless state, in which he had been lest by his parliament, induced him to listen to any terms, calculated to continue the repose of Europe. Besides, his health was declining, and a feeble constitution had subjected him to a premature old ageX 1.507. He was become inactive in his person; and his ambition and love of glory had declined in proportion as his unfitness for the field arose. The negotiation begun in France, between Lewis and the Earl of Portland, was continu|ed in England, between William and Tallard. Port|land, in the mean time, was recalled; and succeeded in his embassy by his brother-in-law, the Earl of Jer|sey. A friendly correspondence subsisted, between the two courts, during the summer. But though the negociation advanced, it was not destined to be con|cluded, till William, by the dissolution of his parlia|ment, found leisure to repair to HollandY 1.508.

* 1.509 At the settlement of the revenue for the civil list, the King had engaged to the adherents of the Princess of Denmark, to form an establishment for her son, the Duke of Gloucester, who was now arrived at an age to be placed in the hands of men. The Earl of Marlborough had retained his influence with the Prin|cess, during his disgrace with the King; and William, who respected his parts, though he disliked his princi|ples, made use of the present occasion to recall him to his presence. The Earl had lessened his professions to the late King, in proportion as the views of restora|tion, entertained by that unfortunate Prince, declined. He, therefore, was under no difficulty in accepting William's returning favour. He was appointed go|vernor of the Duke of Gloucester, on the nineteenth of June: and on the sixteenth of July, he was de|clared one of the lords-justices for the administration of government, during his Majesty's intended absence abroadZ 1.510. The first officers of state were named in the commission. But the chief management of affairs rested in the hands of the Lord Somers, then chancel|lor, admiral Russel, who had been created Earl of Orford, and Mountague, a man of vivacity and scheming abilities, who had for some time served with reputation as chancellor of the exchequer.

* 1.511 William sailed from Margate, on the twentieth of July; and on the twenty-second he arrived at the Hague. His leaving the kingdom was construed by his enemies into an unjust preference given to Hol|land, over a country which had raised him to a throne. The nation was uneasy under an unusual burden of public debt; and malcontents and designing men in|flamed the passions of the people, to forward their own views. The press teemed with bold publications. Complaints were mixed with the conversations of the idle, the discontented, and the speculative. The tu|mult and noise of a general election, furnished an am|ple field for declaimers of every kind. The cor|ruptions which had crept into parliaments, were a great topic of disquisition. Complaints were made,

that one hundred and sixteen members of the lower house were in office. That many more were devoted to the Crown, by means of secret pensions or expecta|tions of reward. To this circumstance the generality of mankind ascribed their misfortunes; and they laid to the charge of the King, an evil which sprung from the weight thrown by the increase of the public re|venue in the scale of the crownA 1.512.

* 1.513 On the day of the King's departure from London, the parliament of Scotland met at Edinburgh. The Earl of Marchmont, then lord chancellor of that king|dom, was nominated commissioner; and the session was opened with reading the King's letter in the usual form. His Majesty thanked them for their chearful and in the war. He congratulated them upon the blessings to be expected from an honourable peace. He laid on the urgency of his present affairs, the blame of his not appearing in his kingdom of Scot|land in person: an excuse uniformly made every ses|sion since he came to the throne. He informed them, that he judged it necessary for their preservation, that the forces upon their present establishment should be continued. He recommended the raising supplies for making good the deficiencies in former grants, for paying the arrears of the army, and for repairing the forts. He concluded with assuring them of his care to maintain their laws, religion, and liberties; and of his royal favour and firm protection in all their con|cernsB 1.514.

* 1.515 Upon the report of the committee for the security of the kingdom, the parliament voted, that there was a necessity for continuing the present standing force. Notwithstanding this complaisance to the views of the King, the Scotish nation in general entertained a well|founded resentment against the Crown. Their com|mercial company was not only discouraged by the mi|nistry, but even injuriously treated by William him|self. He had made his court to the parliament of England, by disavowing, in some measure, the acts of the parliament in Scotland. He had even carried

his opposition to the new commercial company, esta|blished by the Scots, beyond the limits of his own do|minions. In England, the two houses of parliament had terrified the merchants from subscribing to the funds formed by the Scotish company. The jealousy of the Dutch prevented money from being found in their country. The King's resident at Hamburgh ter|rified with menaces the merchants of that city, from performing their contract for furnishing the deputies of the company with at least two hundred thousand pounds sterling. Their remonstrances to the King, though favourably answered, produced no beneficial effect. His residents abroad were not hindred from obstructing the subscriptions solicited by the company. They even disowned the authority of the acts of par|liament, and the letters patent upon which the Scotish company was foundedB 1.516.

* 1.517 These disappointments arising from acts which were deemed unjust, roused the resentment of the nation to an uncommon degree. But the majority of their re|presentatives were gained to the interest of the King, either by the possession or expectation of the wretched pittance of offices in the gift of the Crown. The par|liament, it is true, addressed the King upon the sub|ject; but in terms, that by softening the complaint, seemed little calculated either to command or expect redress. The company were also induced, by the ministry, to transmit a soothing petition of their own to William. In opposition to the public memorials presented against their deputies in Hamburgh, they requested an intimation to be made to the senate of that city, that they might enter into commerce with the Scotish company. Instead of demanding that as|sistance from government, which had been solemnly promised by the King, they desired, only, as a mark of the royal favour, the use of two of the smallest fri|gates that lay useless in the harbour of Burnt-island. These unmanly representations scarce deserved any re|turn; and they received none that was favourable.

The parliament was, in the mean time, adjournedC 1.518. They seemed only to have raised the present expecta|tions of their constituents, to aggravate their future disappointments.

* 1.519 SIR Charles Porter, lord chancellor of Ireland, dy|ing at Dublin of an apoplexy, on the eighth of De|cember 1696, left the kingdom in a state of tranquil|lity, under his two colleagues in the government, the Earls of Montrath and Drogheda. Irish affairs ex|hibited nothing remarkable in 1697; nor in the suc|ceeding year till the parliament met, in the end of September. The lords-justices, in their speech to that assembly, recommended to their care the settle|ment of the linen manufacture, as more advantageous than the woollen; the latter being the staple-trade of England. They told them, that the King, since the peace, had sent into that kingdom a part of the forces who had served abroad during all the war. That he had disbanded the greatest part of the forces who had served in Ireland, with a resolution, however, to continue their subsistence to the officers. They con|cluded with informing them, that the King expected to be enabled to support the present establishment; and that, for that purpose, an account of what the re|venue produced for one year, from Midsummer 1697, should be laid before the house of commonsD 1.520.

* 1.521 Ill-humours, which seemed to lurk in the lower house, were suppressed by a considerable majority in favour of the Crown. A supply was granted, for the support of the establishmentE 1.522. An attempt to ad|dress the King, to disband the five regiments of French Protestants, then in Ireland, was over-ruled. A tax was voted, on old and new drapery, that should be exported. An impost of thirty thousand pounds was laid upon lands, in addition to ninety thousand already imposed. Notwithstanding this liberality to the Crown, the lords-justices adjourned the two houses, without the usual ceremony of a speech of thanks. An act was passed in this session, for confirming the estates

and possessions held and enjoyed under the acts of set|tlement and explanation. A bill for the better secu|rity of his Majesty's person and government was intro|duced; and after a debate rejected: and though the Crown had warmly recommended to the parliament, to encourage the linen, in preference to the woollen manufacture, as interfering with England, the com|mons annexed to their vote of supply a resolution to regulate the woollen trade of IrelandF 1.523.

* 1.524 During these transactions in Scotland and Ireland, the King was employed in Holland in conferences with the Comte de Tallard, on the subject of the par|tition treaty proposed by the French King. William having in some measure, resolved, before his depar|ture from England, to accede to the overtures made by France, communicated, in part, his design to the Lord Somers; the great seal of England being neces|sary to render valid the treaty which he proposed to conclude. No other person born in England seems to have been trusted with a transaction, whose efficacy depended upon its being kept a profound secret. On the sixth of August, the King arrived at Loo. He was followed to that place by Tallard; and on the fifteenth of the month, the King wrote to the lord chancellor for full powers, under the great seal, with blanks for names, to treat with the French ambassa|dor. The desire expressed by the King, when he wrote to Somers, to receive his advice on the subject of the negociation, seems to have been an unmeaning compliment; as the treaty itself was concludedG 1.525 four days after the letter was sent from Loo. To press the necessity of the treaty, and to urge the chan|cellor to hasten the seal, the King assured him, that ••ccording to all intelligence, the King of Spain could ••ot outlive the month of OctoberH 1.526.

* 1.527 Though the articles were settled on the nineteenth ••f August, the treaty itself was not concluded in form, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the first of October. It was signed by the Comte ••e Tallard, as ambassador of France to the King of

England; by De Briord, as in the same capacity t•• the Republic of Holland, and by the ministers o•• William and those of the States. Upon the eventua•• demise of the King of Spain, his dominions were to b•• partitioned to the competitors for his crown, in th•• following manner. The Dauphin was to possess i•• Italy the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, the ports o•• the Tuscan shore, and the Marquisate of Final; o•• the side of Spain, the province of Guipuscoa, or, i•• more precise terms, all the Spanish territories on th•• French side of the Pyrenees, or the mountains of Na••+varra, Alava, and Biscay. Spain, the Indies, and th•• sovereignty of the Netherlands, were allotted for th•• electoral Prince of Bavaria; and in case of his death•• to his father the Elector, who had no pretension•• whatsoever on the succession of Spain. The dukedom of Milan formed the share designed for the Arch-Duk•• Charles, the Emperor's second sonI 1.528.

* 1.529 The contracting powers mutually engaged to keep the treaty a profound secret, during the life of th•• King of Spain. This condition, though necessary•• was very difficult to be executed. The avowed de+sign of the alliance, was the preservation of the re+pose of Europe. There was, therefore, a necessit•• for the allies to satisfy the Emperor, at the same tim•• that they limited his views. It was impossible to ren+der him well pleased with a treaty which deprive•• him of the great object of his ambition. It was neces+sary to terrify him into a compliance. William, from a persuasion of his own influence with Leopold, un+dertook to communicate the treaty to that Princ•…•… and to gain, by prudential considerations, his consen•…•… But when these views were in agitation, intelligenc•…•… of the treaty of partition was conveyed, by some mea•…•… or other, from Holland to Madrid. The King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spain, resenting a division made of his dominions 〈◊〉〈◊〉 foreigners, called a council of his whole ministry. Th•• result was a will, instituting the electoral Prince 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bavaria his universal heir, according to the testame•…•… of Philip the Fourth, in favour of the descendants 〈◊〉〈◊〉

his second daughter, in exclusion of the house of Bour|bon. The King himself unexpectedly recovered, in some degree, from his illness; and the hopes and fears of Europe were suspended for the year.

* 1.530 William having remained in Holland till the first of December, arrived, on the fourth of the month, at Kentington. The parliament had been frequently pro|rogued, to wait the King's return. The people be|came discontented at his long absence, as he had not now the excuse of business and war. The new par|liament met at Westminster on the sixth of Decem|berK 1.531. The commons chose Sir Thomas Littleton for their speaker. The King approved their choice, on the ninth of the month, and made a speech from the throne. He doubted not, he said, but they were met, with hearts fully disposed to provide for the safety and to preserve the honour and happiness of the king|dom. Two things, he told them, seemed to demand their consideration, to acquire that desirable end: What strength ought to be maintained at sea? What force to be kept up by land? He observed, that the flourishing of trade, the supporting of credit, the quieting the minds of the people at home, and the weight and influence of England abroad, depended up|on the opinion the nation and foreigners should form of the security of the kingdom. He recommended to the commons, to make some farther progress in dis|charging the debts contracted in a long and expensive war; and he concluded, with observing, that as the things he had mentioned were of common concern, he could not but hope for unanimity and dispatchL 1.532.

* 1.533 William, however, was soon convinced, that his hopes of unanimity, in favour of his own views, were ill-founded. The bad grace, with which he had yield|ed to the reduction of the army, in the preceding year, his evasive execution of the act passed for that purpose, his long absence from the kingdom, without any important reason, a jealousy arising to his people, from his apparent neglect of sea affairs, which he owned he never understoodM 1.534, his known predilecti|on

for land forces, his fresh demand for an increase in their number, in England, the care he took to con|tinue the military establishments in his other king|doms, were all calculated to raise the resentment, and to awaken the fears of parliament. The commons, in particular, were so much incensed at his speech, that, contrary to the usual custom of their house, they voted no address. Even the lords agreed not to their address till the twenty-second of December; and when pre|sentedN 1.535, it was found to be conceived in very gene|ral and undecisive terms. His own servants seemed to have deserted William, upon the present occasion. The current of the nation against a standing army ran extremely high. The ministry, therefore, were un|willing to expose themselves to the rage of the peo|ple, by gratifying the King.

* 1.536 When the affair of the army came under debate in the house of commons, the ministry produced no esti|mates, and they made no proposals. The whole bu|siness devolved on the country-party. They proposed seven thousand men, as a sufficient establishment for guards and garrisons; and they carried their motion with little difficulty. On the seventeenth of Decem|ber, it was resolved, that all the land forces in Eng|land, in English pay, and these natural-born subjects, should be forthwith paid and disbanded. That all the forces in Ireland, excepting twelve thousand men, and these also natural-born subjects, maintained by that kingdom, should be likewise disbanded. A bill was immediately brought in upon this resolution, and prosecuted with ardour. It was provided, by the firs•• enacting clause, that the army in England and Wale•• should be reduced, on or before the twenty-sixth o•• March then ensuing, except such regiments, troops•• and companies, not exceeding seven thousand men•• as, before the first day of the same month, should b•• particularly expressed, in a proclamation under th•• great seal. The lords exhibited the same spirit an•• zeal, with the commons. An opposition to the bi•…•… was made by some of the adherents of the crown. B•…•…

the attempt was so feeble and ill-supported, that it threw disgrace on the cause that was meant to be servedO 1.537.

* 1.538 The opposition made by the friends of William, tended only to furnish his enemies with an opportuni|ty of being severe on his character and conduct. They insinuated, that he neither loved the nation in general, not placed any confidence in Englishmen. That he left the kingdom in the preceding summer, without any apparent excuse for his absence. That he was employed neither in the concerns of the people, as King, nor in the affairs of the States, as Stadtholder. That he went merely to enjoy a lazy privacy at Loo, with a few favourites and creatures, in a manner un|worthy of his character, and unsuitable to his digni|tyP 1.539. These open complaints and insinuations of the same kind, rendered fretful the mind of William, naturally peevish, melancholy, and severe. His de|portment, when he was humoured the most, was stiff, ungracious, and cold. But now, his resentment had so far overcome his prudence, that he alternately yield|ed to fits of passion, or sunk under a load of despon|dence. He is even said to have formed a resolution of abandoning the kingdom; and that he had prepared a speech, in which he was to request of the two houses, to name such persons as they should think fit, to ma|nage a government, that he himself was resolved no longer to hold.

* 1.540 This speech, intended to be pronounced on the fourth of January, was never publicly made. The private insinuations of the King were little regarded, as they were not deemed sincere. He had, twice since his expedition into England, derived advantage from the same threat. But the expedient was now too seale, either to alarm the fears of the people, or to gain the favour of parliament. Prudence, at length, overcame some part of the resentment of William. He resolved to comply with a measure, to which the two houses seemed determined to adhere. On the first of February, he came to pass the bill for disband|ing

[year 1699] the army, and made a speech from the throne. He informed his parliament, that he came to pass the bill, as soon as he understood it was ready to receive his assent. That though there appeared great hazard in disbanding such a number of troops, in the present state of affairs; and that though he might think him|self unkindly treated, in being deprived of those guards who had come along with him from Holland to the aid of England, and who had attended him in all the actions in which he had been engaged, yet, being convinced of the fatal consequences of any jealousies that might arise between himself and his people, he was resolved, for that reason only, to give his concur|rence to the bill. He, however, informed them, that he thought himself obliged, for his own justification, and in discharge of the trust reposed in his hands, to declare plainly his judgment, that the nation was left too much exposed. He deemed it, therefore, incum|bent upon them, as the representatives of the people, to provide such a force as should be necessary for the safety of the kingdom, and the preservation of the peace of Europe.

* 1.541 The commons, in some measure, complied with William's desire, with regard to the security of the nation. Though they were inflexibly resolved to re|duce the land-forces, they increased to fifteen thousand men, the establishment by seaR 1.542. The necessary orders were, in the mean time, issued for disbanding the army. But his predilection for his favourite Dutch guards, recurred again to the King's mind. On the eighteenth of March he sent a message, written in his own hand, to the house of commons, by the Earl of Ranelagh, paymaster-general of the forcesS 1.543. He told them, that the necessary preparations were made for transporting the guards, who came with him to England. That he intended to send them away im|mediately from the kingdom, unless the house, out of consideration to him, should finds means to continue them longer in his service: a measure which his Ma|jestyQ 1.544

would construe into an act of great kindness. This condescending expedient produced no favourable effect on the commons. The question, that a day should be appointed for considering the message, was carried in the negative. A committee was appointed to frame an address, representing the reasons why the commons could not comply. The address was accord|ingly presented on the twenty-fourth of March. The answer of William contained a recapitulation of his own services to the nation, his confidence in their fidelity to his person, and his resolution to preserve entire the constitution which he had restoredT 1.545.

* 1.546 The provision made by the commons, for the ef|fectual reduction of the army, was the last business of importance in this refractory session. The two houses, however, continued to sit till the fourth of May. Though William yielded to his prudence, he could neither conceal his resentment nor suppress his com|plaints, for the unkind treatment which he had re|ceived from the commons. He furnished an example of both in his speech from the throne, when he pro|rogued the parliament. In any light in which the subject is viewed, the King had little reason to be pleased. But the sallies of passion, into which he is said to have fallen, require better authorities than those by which they are supported, to be implicitly believed. His disappointments throughout furnished matter of triumph to his enemies. But they dwelt with most malevolence, on the supposed meanness of his message to the commons, in favour of his Dutch guards. The conduct of the commons cannot, how|ever, be disapproved. Though no danger ought, per|haps, to be apprehended from such an insignificant number of foreigners; there was a kind of necessary dignity, in committing entirely to the natives, the se|curity of a free country.

CHAP. IV.

A general tranquillity.—Second partition-treaty.—Inso|lence of the Spanish ambassador.—Affairs of the North.—Scotish affairs.—Change in the ministry.—A session of parliament.—Irish forfeitures.—Violence of the commons.—Bill of Resumption.—King dis|gusted.—Affairs of Scotland.—A petition in the name of the whole nation.—The King offended.—Ministry changed.—Character of Lord Somers.—William and France on good terms.—Affairs of th•• North.—Scotish affairs.—A general ferment.—Vi••+lence of the discontented.—Death of the Duke of Glou+cester—Death and will of the King of Spain.—Re+sentment of the Emperor.—Domestic affairs.—Scotis•• parliament gained.—A new parliament in England.—Steps toward a war.—Settlement of the crown.—Re+flections.—Proceedings in parliament.—The King'•• prudence.—Various impeachments.—Proceedings.—Difference between the houses.—Reflections.—Cam+paign in Italy.—Triple alliance—Exhausted state o•• France and Spain.—Death of King James.—His •…•… owned in France.—Preparations for war.—King de+clines in his health.—Contest between parties.—Af+fairs of the North.—A new parliament.—King•…•… death.—His private character.—His public condu•…•… Reflections.

[year 1699] * 1.547 THE tranquillity of Europe was re-established i•• the month of January 1699, by a treaty con+cluded at Carlowitz, between the Emperor and th•• Ottoman Porte. Though the bloody battle of Ze•…•… had produced no striking consequences, both side•• enfeebled by the waste made by victories as well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defeats, began equally to wish for peaceA 1.548. Leo+pold, having fixed his mind on the Spanish successio•• was anxious to disengage himself from an enem•• who, though unsuccessful, was far from being •…•…+dued; and Mustapha the Second, surrounded wi•…•…

misfortunes at home, was resolved to put an end, up|on any terms, to a ruinous war abroad. The empti|ness of his coffers, the discontents of his subjects, the seditious humour of the Janisaries, had involved the latter Prince in unsurmountable difficulties, and had rendered him utterly incapable of recovering in the summer of 1698, the laurels which he had lost in the preceding campaignB 1.549. The eyes of both parties being turned to the same object, they contented them|selves with covering their respective frontiers with their armies. A similar inactivity had subsisted, during the summer, between the Russians and the Porte, on the side of the Lesser Tartary; and though the Ve|netians had obtained some advantages in the Archipe|lago, their operations produced no effect on the cor|dial desire exhibited by all parties, for entering into conferences for restoring peaceC 1.550.

* 1.551 The King of England and the States of the United Provinces had offered, by their ambassadors, their mediation to the belligerent powers. But the intrigues of Lewis the Fourteenth in Constantinople, had long disappointed their views. On the seventh of Novem|ber, the plenipotentiaries met at Carlowitz. De Fe|riole, who had succeeded Châteauneuf, in the ma|nagement of the affairs of France at the Porte, made various but vain efforts, to persuade the Turks to continue the warD 1.552. The treaty was signed, on the twenty-sixth of January, by the plenipotentiaries of Mustapha the Second, the Emperor Leopold, the King of Poland, and the Czar of Moscovy; and, soon after, by those of the republic of Venice. All Hungary, on this side of the Saave, with Transyl|vania and Sclavonia, were ceded to the house of Austria. The Czar remained in possession of Azoph. Caminiec was restored to the Poles. The Venetians were gratified with all the Morea, and several places in Dalmatia; and, thus, a temporary tranquillity was restored, though the seeds of discord were already sown in all the corners of EuropeE 1.553.

* 1.554 The treaty of partition, which the King of Eng|land concluded with France, at the peril of the utmost resentment of his subjects, was suddenly rendered use|less, by a co-incidence of events. The King of Spain, contrary to the expectations of all Europe, recovered, in some degree, from his illness; and the electoral Prince of Bavaria, whom the treaty of partition and the will of Charles the Second, had destined for the throne of Spain and the Indies, died at Brussels, on the eighth of FebruaryF 1.555. The Elector, disap|pointed in the views of his ambition, attributed the death of his son to more than his distemper. But, as he produced no proofs, his suspicions were ascribed to grief, more than to any just grounds of complaint. Though provision had been made, by a secret stipu|lation, to substitute the father in the place of the son, upon the eventual death of the latter, that article of the treaty, as it was founded upon no pretensions pos|sessed by the Elector, was equally disregarded by both the contracting powers. France shewed an inclination to propose a new convention to the King of England, on the plan of the former treaty. But though Wil|liam entertained a design of renewing his engage|ments, the moment he heard of the death of the PrinceG 1.556, his embarrassment, with regard to the disagreeable proceedings of parliament, drove all other thoughts from his mind, during the sitting of that assembly.

* 1.557 The leisure necessary for the settlement of foreign affairs, was fought after by William in Holland. Having made several changes in the ministry, and de|clared a regency to govern the kingdom in his absence, he left Kensington, on the first of June; and in the evening of the third, arrived at the Hague. On the twenty second of June, he left that place and retired to Loo; where, and at Dieren, he spent the most part of the season, in his favourite diversion of hunt|ing. Tallard, who had managed so successfully the treaty of the preceding year, was ordered, by hi•• court, to repair to Loo, in the beginning of July, to •…•…ttle measures, as they were called, for preserving

the tranquillity of Europe. William, very early in the year, had given orders of the same kind to his am|bassador at Paris. He approved, therefore, with lit|tle difficulty of the scheme proposed by de Tallard. That Spain and the Indies should be left to the Arch-duke. That the duchy of Milan should be added to the portion intended for the Dauphin; and that the Netherlands should be settled in such a manner, as might entirely prevent any jealousy in England or um|brage in HollandH 1.558,

* 1.559 This negociation, though committed only to a few individuals, continued not long a secret from the world. The Spanish ambassador at the Hague, sent intelli|gence, by a courier, to Madrid. The court was alarmed. The King himself, in the midst of his weakness, was highly offended at a measure which hurt his pride. He remonstrated, in the strongest terms, against the behaviour of William to his am|bassador at Madrid. He ordered the Marquis de Ca|nailles, his own minister at London, to represent in England his high displeasure at the indignity offered to himself and his crown. The Marquis, in his memo|rial to the lords of the regency, followed the dictates of his own malignity, more than the interest of his sovereign. He told them, that his master had been informed, that William, the Dutch, and other pow|ers, were actually hatching new treaties, for the suc|cession of the crown of Spain; and, what was equally detestable, contriving the division and repartition of the Spanish territories. That his Majesty had given orders, to represent the injustice of their King, to the ministers and lords of England. That if such things were allowed, no nation, no dominion could be safe, against the ambition of the strongest, and the deceits of the most malicious. That should strangers be permitted to put their hands in the lines of succes|sion of Kings, no statutes, no municipal laws would be observed. That no crown could be free from the attempts of aliens; and the crown of England less than any crown. That were men to lie watching for the

indispositions of sovereigns, no health could be con|stant, no life secureI 1.560.

* 1.561 The Marquis descended from general observations to particular facts. He informed the lords of the re|gency, that it ought not to have been presumed, that the King of Spain had not taken proper measures against all accidents that might disturb the public peace, and break the repose of Europe. That unless a stop should be put to these sinister proceedings, these clan|destine machinations, these unjust projects, an univer|sal war must be the consequence throughout Europe. That such a misfortune would be highly prejudicial to the people of England, who had lately tried and felt the inconvenience of novelties, and the insupportable burden of the consequent war. That this latter cir|cumstance was so obvious, that the memorialist doubt|ed not but it must be owned by the parliament, the no|bility, and all the English nation. That the same na|tion must consider their own interest, their trade and their treaties with Spain, the danger arising to these, from a division and separation of the Spanish mo|narchy; and that nothing can prevent these misfor|tunes but their disappointing the project already begun at Loo, and their determining not to help forward novelties, ever supremely hurtful to all sovereignties and empires. He concluded with assuring the regen|cy, that the King his master, would render manifest to the parliament of England, when that assembly should meet, the just resentment which he now ex|pressed to their lordships.

* 1.562 This insolent memorial was transmitted to William, before any answer was made by the regency. The King was not of a complexion either to admit of appeals from the prerogatives of the Crown to the represen|tatives of the nation, or to suffer any reflections against his own right to the throne. He ordered Mr. secre|tary Vernon to signify to the Spanish ambassador, that he must depart the kingdom precisely in eighteen days. That, in the mean time, he should confine himself to his house; and that no writing should be any more

received either from himself or any of his domestics. The King, at the same time, ordered his ambassador at the court of Madrid to complain of the affront of|fered to his person, and the reflections thrown on his government. He endeavoured to exempt the King of Spain from having any share in the outrage com|mitted by his ambassador. But that Prince made him|self a party in the dispute, by ordering the English am|bassador to depart the kingdom within the same space of time that had been limited by William to the Mar|quis de Canailles.

* 1.563 These disputes between William and Spain, neither hastened nor retarded the second treaty of partition, which that Prince concluded the next year with France. His attention was not confined to the subject of the Spanish succession, though the declining health of Charles the Second threatened Europe with those mi|series which it then feared, and soon after experienced from his death. The King employed his good offices in suppressing a flame, which seemed ready to be kind|led in the North. Christian the Fifth, King of Den|mark, dying on the fourth of September, was suc|ceeded in the throne by his son Frederic the fourth. Frederic inheriting the resentment, and pursuing the designs of his father against the Duke of Holstein-Got|torp, began to make great preparations, both by sea and land, to reduce that Prince to those terms which he pretended to have a right to exact. The Duke on the other hand, had strengthened his interest by a marriage with the Princess-Royal of Sweden. He himself was commander in chief of the troops of that kingdom; and he had obtained a force from his bro|ther-in-law, Charles the Twelfth, to defend himself against the designs of Denmark. William, in his double capacity of King of England, and Stadtholder of the United Provinces, considered himself as gua|rantee of the treaty of Altena; and, to secure the tranquillity of the North, he proposed that the Swe|dish troops should retire from Holstein. The King of Sweden and the Duke accepted the proposal of the mediator. But the King of Denmark, having pri|vately entered into an alliance, against Sweden, with

the King of Poland, and Peter Alexiowitz, Czar of Muscowy, exacted terms so exorbitant, that it was apparent he meant nothing less than to preserve the peaceK 1.564.

* 1.565 While William extended his care to the interest of other nations, he neglected, in a scarce pardonable de|gree, the protection of a part of his own subjects. The Scotish company of adventurers, though labour|ing under various difficulties, had resolved to send two ships to sea. On board of these, and a few tenders, they embarked some goods for commerce, guns and military stores for service, some provisions, and twelve hundred men. A council of seven was appointed to direct the expedition. They were bound to the Isth|mus of Darien in America, to make an establishmen•• in a place of which the Spaniards held no part. Thi•• unadvised plan was conducted with as many errors, a•• it afterwards incurred of misfortunes. One half o•• the scanty provisions destined for the voyage, wa•• consumed before the adventurers weighed anchor•• The two ships, though miserably provided, were al+lowed only one hundred pounds each, and each tende•• ten pounds, to relieve them upon any emergency•• They had sailed from the Frith of Edinburgh, on th•• seventeenth of July 1698; and, after having encoun+tered many difficulties and suffered much misery, ar+rived in America, about the middle of OctoberL 1.566.

* 1.567 Having treated with the natives for a permission t•• settle on the coast of Darien, the adventurers lande•• on the fourth of November. The King, either sway+ed by the jealousy of the Dutch, or to gratify th•• English, who had already signified their disapprobat••+on of the company, seemed resolved to add to the mi••+fortunes in which the Scots had involved themselve•…•… He sent orders to the governors of the colonies, to iss•…•… proclamations forbidding his subjects in America to gi•…•… any assistance to the adventurers, upon pain of his d•…•…+pleasure, and of suffering the severest punishme•…•… There was a degree of inhumanity, and a palpa•…•…

injustice, in this conduct. The King himself had given his assent to an act, and signed a royal charter for the establishment of the company. The Spaniards had not yet complained of any encroachments on their territories. William, by evasive answers to the re|presentations of the Scots, had, in a manner, prevent|ed them from providing against a hardship, which no subjects, acting under the authority of the law, had any reason to fear from their sovereign. To compleat the misfortune, the King listened to the complaints of the SpaniardsM 1.568, against an ill-fated body of ad|venturers, already perishing in their own folly. They were now destitute of all things. A foreign Prince was preparing to expel them by force; and they were deserted by their own.

* 1.569 The survivors among the Scotish adventurers being in distress, were forced to send a depuration to the English colonies, to obtain from the humanity of the inhabitants, the supply which the rigid edicts of go|vernment had denied. They sailed to Jamaica; they directed their course from that island to New-York. They found no relief in either place; and they pro|secuted their voyage to Europe. The company, and the whole Scotish nation, were inflamed at once, with resentment and disappointment. The first sent an ad|dress to the King. They followed the address with a petition for a session of parliament. Neither of the papers produced the desired effect. The King, in his answer, by his secretary, the Earl of Seafield, regret|ted the loss which the kingdom and the company had lately sustained. He told them, that, upon all occa|sions, he would protect and encourage their trade. That the subjects of Scotland should always enjoy the same privilege, as sormerly, to trade with the English plantations. But as for the parliament, that he had adjourned that assembly to the fifth of March; and that they should be assembled, when he judged the good of the nation required their meeting. This new repulse was const•…•…ed into a fresh injury. Despair was

added to rage and resentment; and a general ferment seemed to threaten a general revoltN 1.570.

* 1.571 The King embarked for England, on the thir|teenth of October; and having landed, on the seven|teenth at Margate, arrived the next day at Kensing|ton. The obstructions attending the service of the Crown, in the last session of parliament, had either prevailed with William to make a change among his servants, or induced some of themselves to resign The Earl of Orford retired from the admiralty. The Earl of Jersey succeeded the Duke of Shrewsbury a secretary of state. The Duke of Leeds was removed from the head of the council; and the office of presi|dent was conferred on the Earl of Pembroke; whose place, as lord-privy-seal, was filled by the Lord Lons|dale. A few daysO 1.572 after the King's return, the Duke of Shrewsbury came again into office, as lord+chamberlain. Montagu, the chancellor of the exche+quer, foreseeing the difficulty of managing the af+fairs of the Crown, in a refractory house of com+mons, resigned his place at the board of treasury•• These changes in the higher departments, neithe•• pleased the Whigs nor gratified the Tories. A sulle•• humour prevailed through the kingdom; and thoug•• the two parties that divided the nation were implaca+ble, with regard to each other, they seemed both 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agree to oppose jointly the KingP 1.573.

* 1.574 In this state of things and opinions, the parliamen•• met, on the sixteenth of November. The King mad•• an elaborate speech to the two houses, full of expres+sions of affection for his parliament and care of th•• public goodQ 1.575. He, however, seemed to hav•• still retained a sense of his dissatissaction with the pro+ceedings of the commons in the last session. Th•• commons, on the other hand, brought back to the•…•… house, the ill-humour in which they were prorogue•…•… In the place of an address of compliments and thank•…•… as had been usual on such occasions, they presented 〈◊〉〈◊〉

the King, but after a long intervalR 1.576, a remon|strance. They beseeched William, from the neces|sity of a mutual confidence between himself and his parliament, to shew marks of his highest displeasure, to such persons as should presume to misrepresent their proceedings. They promised, in return, to discou|rage all false rumours and reports, reflecting on his Majesty's person and government, as tending to create misunderstandings between the King and his subjects. William chose to soften the rage of his commons, ra|ther than to gratify his own resentment. He seemed as if he understood not the ill-humour of the address; and his answer, though guarded, was full of an ap|pearance of kindnessS 1.577.

* 1.578 William, however, was too late in his scheme of conciliating the affections of the commons with sooth|ing words. He was ill-served in the house, by those members who formed a part of his ministry. Montagu was not succeeded in the chancellorship of the exche|quer, by a man of equal parts. Mr. secretary Ver|non, if a member of abilities, was not sufficiently trusted by the King, to acquire any considerable weight in parliament. The ill-humour, the industry, and the eloquence, were all on the opposing side. All the debates, and most of the resolutions of the com|mons were violent and hostile. They had appointed, ••n the last session of parliament, seven commissioners, ••o inquire into the state and grants of the forfeited ••states in Ireland. The lower house had repeatedly ••assed bills for applying those estates to the public ser|•…•…ce. But the bills had been defeated in the house of •…•…rds, by the influence of the Crown, and the interest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 such as had obtained grants from the king. The •…•…position founded sanguine hopes of distressing the ••ourt on a subject so popular. They called therefore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a report of the inquiry, which was accordingly laid •…•…fore them, by Mr. Annesley, one of the commissi|•…•…ersT 1.579.

* 1.580 In this singular report it appeared, that three thou|•…•…d nine hundred and twenty-one persons had been

outlawed, since the thirteenth of February 1689. That all the lands belonging to forfeited persons, amounted to more than one million and sixty thousand acres. That the annual rent of these lands, amount|ed to two hundred and eleven thousand six hundred and twenty-three pounds; which, by computing six years purchase for a life, and thirteen for inheritance, amounted to the full value of two millions six hundred and eighty-five thousand one hundred and thirty pounds. That some of the lands had been restored to the old proprietors, by the articles of Limerick and Galloway; and others, by a corrupt reversal of outlawries, and by royal pardons, obtained by the favourites of the King. That sixty-five grants and custodiams had passed the great seal of Ireland. That the most consi|derable of these grants were made to persons born in foreign countries; to Keppel, to Bentinck, to Ginckle, and to Rouvigny; who had been all dignified with peerages in one or other of the two kingdoms. That besides, a grant had passed the great seal to Elizabeth Villiers, now Countess of Orkney, a woman peculiar|ly favoured by William, of all the private estates of the late King James, containing ninety-five thousand acres, worth twenty-five thousand nine hundred and ninety-five pounds a year: and that, upon the whole the value of Irish forfeitures amounted to three milli|ons three hundred and nineteen thousand nine hundred and forty-three poundsU 1.581.

* 1.582 The commons having examined this report, resolv|ed unanimously, on the fifteenth of December,V 1.583 that a bill should be brought in, to apply all forfei+tures in Ireland, from the thirteenth of February 1689•• to the use of the public. A clause was also ordered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be inserted in the bill, fo•• erecting a judicature 〈◊〉〈◊〉 determining claims touching the said forfeitures. But•• at the same time, the house came to a resolution, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to receive petitions from any person whatsoever. Th•• uncandid mode of proceeding in the majority, offen••+ed the dispassionate; while it alarmed the court, an•• digusted the King. While yet the bill remained i••

[year 1700] committee, another incident added uneasiness to re|sentment in the breast of William. On the fifteenth of January, Mr. Montagu, in a fit of indiscreet zeal, informed the commons, that a member of the house, in a letter to the commissioners, had directed them to make a separate article of the Countess of Orkney's grant; because that circumstance would reflect on a CERTAIN PERSON. Montagu explained this certain person into the King. The house ordered him to make good his charge. He endeavoured, in vain, to avoid an answer. But being threatened with the Tow|er, he named Methuen, lord-chancellor of Ireland, as the informer. Methuen denied the charge. Monta|gu became the victim of his own zeal; and the com|mons voted that his report was false and scandalous. They resolved, at the same time, that the four com|missioners, who had signed the report concerning the Irish forfeitures, had acquitted themselves with under|standing, courage, and integrity. They, at the same time, committed Sir Richard Leving to the Tower, as a person who had thrown a groundless and scanda|lous aspersion on the four commissionersW 1.584.

* 1.585 Though the court-party were, almost in every question, the minority, they endeavoured to defeat, in part, the bill of resumption, by proposing a clause, for reserving a proportion of the forfeitures to the dis|posal of the King. The house, not content with put|ting a negative on this motion, resolved that the ad|vising, procuring, and passing the grants for the for|feited estates, and others in Ireland, had been the oc|casion of contracting great debts upon the nation, and laying heavy taxes on the people; and that the pas|sing of these grants highly reflected on the King's ho|nourX 1.586. While the commons exhibited this spirit of refractoriness, the affair of the supply for the current service commanded a part of their care. The and forces were continued on the same sooting, as in the preceding year. But the seamen were reduced to seven thousand men. The ways and means were chiefly a land-tax of two shillings in the pound, with

a borrowing clause of near a million, with the surplus of the old subsidy, ending on the twenty-fifth of De|cember, together with that of the funds for the civil list, which were to terminate at the end of the pre|sent year. In a narrow inspection of every branch of the revenue, a great loss to the public was discovered in the collection of the excise. A clause was inserted in the bill of supply, to enable his Majesty to farm that branch of the revenue; and it was at the same time provided, that no excise or custom-house officer should be capable, for the future, to sit in the house of commonsY 1.587.

* 1.588 To secure the assent of the King to the resumption of the Irish forfeitures, the bill was called a bill of sup|ply; and tacked to that for the grants of the year. The money to be raised by the sale of the lands, was appropriated to the discharge of the transport-debts, the arrears of officers, the sums due for cloathing, the interest upon tallies, orders, tickets and exchequer-bills. During the debates on these subjects, the com|mons, in a grand committee, considered the state of the nationZ 1.589. In a question, which tended to an animadversion upon the King's servants, the court-party prevailed. But the house resolved, on the fif|teenth of February, to represent to his Majesty in a•• address, their resolutions, relating to grants of th•• forfeited estates in Ireland. William's answer expres+sed some part of the resentment, which he entertaine•• against the harsh proceedings of the commons. H•• told them that he was not only led by inclination, b•…•… even by justice, to shew favour to such as had serve•• him well. That their service in Ireland was, wit•• peculiar propriety, rewarded out of the estates forfei••+ed by the rebellion in that kingdom; and that the le••+sening of the national debt, by just and effectu•…•… means, would, in his opinion, best contribute to t•…•… honour, safety, and interest of the kingdomA 1.590. T•…•… commons were so much ossended with this reply, t•…•… they resolved, that whoever had advised the answ•…•… to their address, had used his utmost endeavour 〈◊〉〈◊〉

create a misunderstanding and jealousy, between the King and his peopleB 1.591.

* 1.592 This session of parliament was throughout hostile to the King. The grand committee for trade had ex|amined into several piracies, comitted in the East Indies, by one Captain Kidd and his crew. On this examination it appeared, that William had inadvert|ently made himself a kind of party in the affair, by signing a warrant, for the granting of pirates-goods to the Earl of Bellamount and several others. The com|mons sent an address to the throne, that Kidd, who was ordered home from America, should not be tried, discharged, or pardoned, until the next session of par|liament. This conduct in the house shewed a distrust of the King, which raised his resentment, as it hurt his pride. An enquiry into the state of the commis|sions of the peace and lieutenancy, produced an ad|dressC 1.593, that was not grateful to the King. The house represented, that to restore gentlemen of qua|lity and estates to these commissions, would much conduce to the good of the kingdom; and they de|sired, that neither men of small estates, nor dissenting from the church of England, should either be conti|nued or appointedD 1.594. These proceedings were more disgustful to the King, in their manner, than in them|selves repugnant to his authority or hurtful to his character.

* 1.595 Though a majority of the lords seemed to be in opposition to the measures of William, the peers treated him with more complaisance than the com|mons. The complicated bill, comprehending the re|sumption and supply, met with great opposition, in the upper house. Some had been gained by the ser|vants of the crown. Many disapproved of the pre|cedent of tacking a foreign clause to a money-bill, as reducing the peers to a subserviency to the factions and views of the commons. But the force of both parties, when joined, was not sufficient to reject the bill. Amendments were, however, made with regard to the Irish forfeitures. But these amendments were

unanimously disapproved by the lower house. Con|ference succeeded conference. The commons were in a ferment. They spoke of impeaching the Earls of Portland and Albemarle. They shut themselves up, after the second conference with the lords, till ten at night; and seemed determined on the harshest means to force the court-party into compliance. In this important interval, the house resolved to address the King, that no person, not a native of his domi|nions, except Prince George of Denmark, should be admitted to his councils either in England or Ire|landE 1.596. William was not of a complexion to give a favourable answer, nor was he in a condition to refuse the demands of the exasperated commons. He sent a private message to his friends among the lords, to sus|pend their opposition. The bill was immediately passed, without amendments; and to prevent the fall|ing of the threatened storm, he came suddenly to the house, gave his assent to the act of resumption, and prorogued the parliamentF 1.597, without any speech from the throne.

* 1.598 While William was harassed in one of his king|doms, by a violent and successful opposition in parlia|ment, he was perlexed in another, by vehement in|stances for redress. On the fourth of December 1699, the council-general of the Scotish company, informed the secretary of their nation in England, that they has prevailed upon the Lord Basil Hamilton, to make a journey to London, to address the King, in behalf of more than thirty persons, wrongfully detained prisoners at Carthagena, by the Spaniards. William, seldom capable of concealing his resentment, exhibited it upon the present occasion, in a manner unsuitable to his dignity. He ordered the chancellor of Scotland to acquaint the council-general, that he had refused acce•…•… to Lord Basil Hamilton, as he had not waited upo•• him when he was formerly in London; and that h•• had never since given any public evidence of his loy+altyG 1.599. He however, promised to demand, in t•…•…

terms of treaties, the release of the prisoners at Car|thagena. That it was his firm intention to advance the trade of Scotland; and that the subjects of that kingdom should enjoy the same liberty of commerce, that others enjoyed in the English plantations. The company, however, were resolved not to relin|quish their purpose. They wrote to the chancellor. They sent a letter to Lord Basil Hamilton. They requested the first to use his best endeavours for obtaining admittance for the noble person whom they had employed. They approved of the conduct of the latter; and ascribed their disappointment to a dis|like to their own cause, more than to any objection entertained by the King against his personH 1.600.

* 1.601 Embarrassed with complaints and teazed by en|treaties, William endeavoured to get rid of the Scots, with the sanction of the English parliament. The commons being so refractory, the first application was made to the lords. Neither the influence of the crown, nor the prejudices of the house, against the new company, were capable of carrying the point against the Scots, without violent debates and long de|lays. An address was, at length, sent down to the commons, for their concurrence. But the commons were not in the humour of being complaisant to the King. The enemies of William were pleased to see his affairs embroiled. Some apprehended, that there was a design to involve the two kingdoms in a quarrel; that the King might derive, from the necessity of the nation, that increase of the land forces, which had been so often denied to his earnest solicitations to par|liament. The leaders of opposition were, by no means, inclined to remove the general discontent which had soured the temper of the Scots, against the King. The disaffected members, in the mean time, propagated a report, that the opposition of the King to the Scotish company, proceeded neither from a regard to foreign treaties nor domestic advantage, but from an affection for the Dutch, whose trade along the Spanish main was in danger of being ruined,

by the establishment of a new colony at DarienI 1.602. The commons, upon the whole, refused their con|currence to the address; and, soon after, they rejected a bill sent down from the lords, for appointing com|missioners to treat with the Scots, concerning an union of the two kingdomsJ 1.603.

* 1.604 The ferment continuing to rage in Scotland, the Marquis of Tweedale presented a petition to William, in the name of the whole nationK 1.605. They recounted the hardships of the company, both at home and abroad, their own feelings upon a subject so melan|choly, and the promises of the King to favour, pro|tect, and support the general trade of the kingdom. They requested him to order the parliament to sit; as nothing could more conduce to the support of the credit and interest of a company, in whose misfortunes and prosperity the whole nation were concerned, than the meeting of the representatives of the people. They reminded him of his promise of permitting that assembly to sit, whenever the good of the nation required that measure; and they assured him, that the good of the nation could, at no time, require their meeting more than on the present occasion. This irregular petition produced nothing but an ad|ditional disappointment. The King made answer, that the parliament should not meet till the fourteenth of May. But that then it should meet for the dis|patch of business. The discontents of the Scots were inflamed into a species of madness, upon this fresh instance of the King's disregard to their complaint•…•… A general revolt might have been apprehended, ha•• the power of the kingdom borne any proportion to th•…•… resentment of the people.

* 1.606 Though the King had extricated himself from pre+sent trouble, by the sudden prorogation of the Englis•• parliament, he was still far from having freed himse•…•… from the storm, which had shaken, in some degre•…•… his throne. His own conduct, during the session, w•…•… more apt to inflame than to soothe the minds of th•…•…

by whom he was most opposed. He made no secret of his displeasure at the proceedings of the commons. He was at no pains to conceal his resolution to defeat the bill of resumption, by refusing his assent should it pass the house of lords. He became sullen, melan|choly, and discontented. His resentment broke forth frequently in a manner inconsistent with his prudence. He either apprehended not the dangers, in which the votes of the commons might terminate; or he was not much concerned where they might endL 1.607. He even seemed indifferent about possessing the name of King, after the authority, which he deemed to be in|herent in that capacity, had vanished from his hands; and had not the safety of those whom he favoured most depended on his compliance, he would not pro|bably have suppressed the rage against the commons, which his enemies hoped he was to have carried to extremity. They perceived, that should he quarrel with the commons, he would lose what still remained of the affections of his people. His going constantly beyond sea, after every session of parliament, furnish|ed his opponents with an opportunity of impressing the minds of the nation with an opinion, that he even hated the company and society of his English subjectsM 1.608.

* 1.609 The recess of parliament, as it freed William from daily mortifications, encouraged him to endeavour to prevent the return of the disagreeable measures which had so much disturbed his repose. He found that, in the course of the session, the commons, had expressed great animosity against his ministers, particularly a|gainst the lord chancellor, Somers, who was the most ••ble of his servants, and considered as the head of the Whigs. Somers had gained a considerable degree of ••he King's confidence, by his ability in business, and ••he modesty of his manner in tendering his advice. William, however, resolved to dismiss him from his ••ervice, from the hopes which he had entertained, •…•…at a man disliked by the commons, would carry in|•…•… this retreat all the unpopularity that had of late at|•…•…nded the measures of the crown. When Somers,

who laboured under an illness during the winter, had recovered health sufficient to appear at court, he was told by the King, that it was necessary, for the pub|blic service, he should resign the seals. Somers ex|cused himself from making the delivery of the seals his own act; as that circumstance might be construed by his enemies, into either guilt or fear. The Earl of Jersey was sent with a warrant, to demand the seals, in form; and they were accordingly returned to the King.

* 1.610 Somers, though meanly descendedN 1.611, rendered himself respectable, by talents, which he knew well to improve to his own advantage. He was a man of abilities, in his profession; but his parts were more solid than brilliant, or even clear. He was rather a good chancellor than a great statesman. His integrity and diligence in office, were, with reason, commend|ed. He was too diffident, and too compliant with the King, to make any splendid figure, beyond his own line of the law. His complaisance to the King's hu|mour, his flattering him in his very errors, his feeble manner of recommending what seemed right to his own judgment, bore more the appearance of a convenient than of an able servant. Upon the whole, he seemed more calculated to smoothe the current of business, by amending and softening measures already adopt|ed, than to propose and execute those spirited and manly expedients, which times of faction seem to de|mand at the hands of a great minister. The difficulty which William encountered in supplying properly the placeO 1.612 of Somers, argued that his dismission of that lord was a precipitate measure; while, at the same time, he was justly censured, for throwing a kind of disgrace on a servant, who had served him with fide|lity in perilous times. But the King had concluded from the late opposition to all his measures, that the Tories only were capable of carrying forward, with facility, the public business.

* 1.613 During the violent heats in parliament, William turned a part of his attention to the affairs of Europe••

The negociations for the second partition of the do|minions of Spain proceeded. But a desire of per|suading the Emperor to enter into the same engage|ments, long prevented the King and the States of Hol|land from signing the treaty, though the articles had been settled. In the month of October, the Emperor, after various evasions, formally rejected every treaty of partition whatsoever; yet neither the King of Eng|land nor the States shewed any eagerness to close with France, upon the disposition already agreed, with re|gard to the Spanish succession. In the beginning of January, in the present year, the King of Spain de|clined so manifestly, that his death was daily expect|ed. This circumstance hastened the conclusion of the treaty, which was signed at London, by the Earls of Portland and Jersey, and the Comte de Tallard, on the twenty-first of February; and at the Hague, on the fourteenth of March, by Briord, the French am|bassador, and by the plenipotentiaries of the StatesP 1.614.

* 1.615 The second partition of the Spanish dominions dif|fered materially from the disposition made by the for|mer treaty. The Archduke Charles was placed in the room of the electoral Prince of Bavaria, as heir of the kingdoms of Spain and the Indies. Naples, Sicily, the Marquisate of Final, the islands on the Italian shore, and the province of Guipuscoa, were to fall to the share of the Dauphin, together with the Duchies of Lorrain and Bar, which their native Prince was appointed to exchange for the dutchy of Milan. In this summary disposal of territories and Kingdoms, the King of England was not forgetful of his friend the Prince Vaudemont, to whom the coun|try of Binche was to remain a sovereignty. To pre|sent the union of Spain and the Imperial crown, in the person of one Prince, provision was made, that in case of the Archduke's demise, the King of the Ro|mans should not succeed to the throne; and, in like manner, it was particularly stipulated, that no King of France or Dauphin should ever wear the crown of Spain. A secret article provided, for the contingency

of the Emperor's refusing to accede to the treaty; and against any difficulties, which might arise from the duke of Lorrain, with regard to the projected ex|change of his native territories for the duchy of MilanQ 1.616.

* 1.617 While William seemed to provide for the repose of the south of Europe, he extended his care to the tran|quillity of the north. The young King of Sweden, apprehensive of a storm, which already began to break on his dominions, entered into a new defensive treaty with the maritime powers. The contracting parties became reciprocally guarantees of all their dominions. Charles the Twelfth engaged to furnish the King of England with ten thousand men, to be paid by the lat|ter Prince, should he find himself obliged to take arms in support of the treaty of Riswick. England and the States, as guarantees of the treaty of Altena, between the King of Denmark and the Duke of Holstein-Gos|torp, seem to have agreed, though not in an express article, to aid Charles with a strong squadron of ships of war, when attacked by his enemies. The treaty was signed on the thirteenth of January; and the re|quisition, or rather the application for the ships, was made in MarchR 1.618. William, in a bad humour with his refractory parliament, gave orders for pre|paring a squadron, without either communicating to them his intentions, or demanding a supply. The first would be imprudent, in the untoward humour of of the times, as England was little concerned in the affairs of the North; and the latter would most cer|tainly be refused, considering the general resolution, formed by the commons, for diminishing the expences of the nation.

* 1.619 But before William took any avowed part in the affairs of the North, he went to Holland, and his favourite retreat at Loo. Having appointed a regen|cyS 1.620, for the administration of government in his absence, he left Hampton-court, on the fourth of Ju|ly; and on the sixth arrived at the Hague. The assi|ance

formed against Sweden began to shew itself in the motions of the confederate powers. The Russians, Poles, and Saxons entered Livonia and Ingria. The Danes, led by the Duke of Wertemberg, invaded Holstein; and having seized some inconsiderable forts, sat down before Tonningen. The strength of the place, the conduct of the governor, the unskilfulness of the besiegers, an unsuccessful assault, and the march of the troops of Brunswick-Lunenburgh, who had passed the Elb, induced the Danes to relinquish their designs on Tonningen, and to retreat towards their own frontiers. A combined squadron of English and Dutch men of war, with fire-ships and bomb-vessels, under the admirals Rooke and Allemonde, arrived, on the twentieth of July, at the mouth of the SoundT 1.621. The fleet of Sweden, commanded by the king in per|son, having joined the allies, the Danish ships retired under the guns of Copenhagen. The King of Den|mark was himself cooped up in Holstein, by some Swedish frigates cruising along the coast; while his capital was bombarded, though ineffectually, by the combined fleets of the alliesU 1.622.

* 1.623 His active spirit suggested to the young King of Sweden, the means of putting an end, with one de|cisive stroke, to the war. He resolved to besiege Copenhagen by land, while the fleet blocked up that capital by sea. He fixed the place of his descent at Humblebeck, opposite to Landscroon. He landed in person, the first of all the Swedes. He drove to flight ••he enemy, who had attempted to defend the shore. A deputation of the clergy and principal inhabitants, ••y a contribution of four hundred thousand rix-dollars, ••revailed with Charles to spare the city. The King ••f Denmark was, in the mean time, reduced to a situ|••tion the most critical. The troops of the house of Brunswick-Lunenburgh, pressed him on the side of Holstein. His fleet was besieged in the harbour of Copenhagen. The enemy was in the heart of his do|••inions. He could derive no hopes but from submissi|••n and negociation. The Count de Chamilli, ambas|sador

of France, offered his own mediation, in th•• name of his master. The powers who had guaran+teed the treaty of Altena, joined their good offices t•• those of Chamilli, for restoring peace; and, on th•• eighteenth of August, a treaty was concluded at Tr••+vendal, between Denmark, Sweden, and Holstein, t•• the exclusion of Russia and Poland. The term•• were honourable for the Duke of Holstein, but h••+miliating to Denmark. The first was re-stablished i•• all his claims; whilst the latter was forced to pay t•• the Duke two hundred and sixty thousand crowns, t•• indemnisy him for the expence of the warV 1.624.

* 1.625 The sudden restoration of the tranquillity of th•• North, may be ascribed, in a great degree, to the de+cisive measures of the King of England. But whe•• he was securing the peace of foreign nations, tumults•• discontents, and clamours prevailed in a part of h•…•… own dominions. On the twenty-first of May, th•• parliament of Scotland had met at Edinburgh; and th•• King's letter, containing the usual excuse for no•• opening the session in person, being read, the Duk•• of Queensberry, as lord-high commissioner, perceiv+ing the bad humour of parliament, adjourned th•• house for three days. When they met, on the twen+ty-fourth, petitions, addresses, and representations 〈◊〉〈◊〉 particular, as well as general grievances, were pour•…•… in upon them from every side. The council-gene•…•… of the Indian and African company, as they had s•…•…+fered most, were the loudest in their complaints. •• motion was made, that the colony of Caledonia •…•… Darien was a legal and rightful settlement; and th•• the parliament would maintain and support the sam•…•… The commissioner perceiving that this embarrassi•…•… vote was on the point of being carried, suddenly a••+journed the house for three days. This circumsta•…•… added fuel to the flame. When the house met, th•…•… resumed their motion; and the commissioner ag•…•… adjourned them, for twenty daysW 1.626

* 1.627 The conduct of the commissioner was consider•…•… by a great majority, as an arbitrary breach upon 〈◊〉〈◊〉

freedom of voting in parliament. They met that very evening, and signed a spirited address to the King. They complained of their being interrupted in their debates, by an adjournment, contrary to an express act of parliament; wherein it was provided, that no|thing should be done or commanded, that might, either directly or indirectly, prevent the liberty of free vot|ing and reasoning of the estates of Parliament. They affirmed, that the second adjournment was a manifest infringement on the claim of rights, which had accom|pained the very act that had placed the King on the throne. They concluded with intreating his Majesty to permit his parliament to meet on the day to which it was then adjourned; and to sit as long as might be necessary for redressing the grievances of the nation A deputation was sent with this address to the King. He declaredX 1.628 that he could give no answer at the time to their petition; but that they should know his intentions in Scotland. The parliament, was, in the mean time, further adjourned by proclamation.

* 1.629 Though the Earl of Seafield, and other servants of the Crown, had been, for a whole year, employed in gaining, with promises and pensions, the members of the Scotish parliament, the clamours of the people made more proselytes, than the bribes employed by ••he King. The current ran rapidly in one way; whilst the disaffected added their own force to the vio|••ence of the stream. The general cry was, that the ••reedom of debate was most effectually ruined, the ••laim of right invaded, and a private power usurped ••ver the parliament. The King, they justly observ|••d, assumed more than a negative by these unconstitu|•…•…onal adjournments. A bill is defeated by the first. ••y the latter, the right of giving advice, one of the ••reat ends of all parliaments, is utterly prevented and ••verturned. In this disposition of the people in gene|•…•…l, the lower sort became outrageous. Upon some ••ague intelligence received at Edinburgh, of an ad|••antage gained by their countrymen at Darien, over •…•…e Spaniards, the populace committed every species

of excess and insult against the officers of the govern|ment. The King was, not unjustly, deemed a party against the African company; and his name was treat|ed with indecency, and his authority with contempt. A national address was, in the mean time, encouraged on every side; and transmitted to every borough and county for signatures and names.

* 1.630 To add to the general ferment, advices arrived from Spain, that several of the adventures in Darien, had been sent to that country and condemned as py|rates. That the chief proofs brought against them, were the proclamations of the governors of the English colonies, by the express commands of the King, con|taining a formal disavowal of the legality of the settle|ment; together with words, disclaiming the under|taking of the Scots, expressed by William himself to the Spanish ambassador; and transmitted, in writing, by that minister to the council of the Indies. In the midst of the clamours raised upon this fresh intelli|gence, William endeavoured, in vain, to soothe the Scots into some temper, by a letter to the Duke of Queensberry. The national flame continued to in|crease. The discontented members talked of sitting by force, and of forming themselves into a convention. They even affirmed, that the army was ready to join their cause against a government, which by denying protection, had no right to obedience. That they wanted nothing but money to declare the throne va|cant; to restore the late King, or to confer the crown on some other Prince, more inclined than the present, to support the just claims of the nationY 1.631.

* 1.632 These discontents, so favourable to his views, were not capable of rouzing the late King, from the lethar|gy into which he had fallen, ever since the treaty of Riswick. Rendered careless by misfortunes, weighed down with years, and unmanned by his own religious enthusiasm, he had resigned every expectation of re|gaining his crowns. To the resolution of transporting himself into England, he seems to have still adhered, had William, as was generally apprehended, yielded

to the disorders that had long threatened his dissolution. But though he had resigned all hopes, with regard to himself, James never doubted but his son would, one day, recover the crowns which he himself had lost. He thought that the objections to himself, proceeded either from the views of a few leading men, or the terrors of the populace, who were animated with an enthusiasm similar to his own. He deemed the lineal succession so essential, and even necessary to monarchy, that things must, in course, fall back to their old chan|nel, when the terrors of his own return, and the pres|sure of William's ambition, were both removed from the nationZ 1.633.

* 1.634 The death of the only son of his daughter, the Princess of Denmark, and the only person, after her Royal Highness, included in the new settlement of the crown, seemed to favour the expectations of the late King. The Duke of Gloucester, as he was com|monly called, though his patent was never made out, from a superstitious prejudice against that title, had ar|rived at the eleventh year of his age. On his birth-day, the twenty-fourth of July, he fell ill of a malig|nant fever. His constitution, which was tender and feeble, soon sunk under the violence of his disorder; and he expired, at Windsor, on the night of the twenty-ninth of the month. Though, as is usual with regard to princes who die in youth, much has been said of his parts and acquirements, he was little lament|ed by the nation, and less by the King. The people were discontented with the government, and rendered ••areless of its concerns, through the different views ••f the parties into which they were divided; and William, who had never any affection for the mo|••her, was not, perhaps, much displeased to see her ••nfluence weakened by the death of the son. A pre|••ailing report, that the Princess had sent, very clan|••estinely, an express to notify the demise of her son 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her father, might contribute to lessen the concern

of William for the loss which the kingdom had sus|tainedA 1.635.

* 1.636 The King having passed three months in Holland•• returned, on the nineteenth of October, to England•• Unwilling to meet a parliament that had opposed hi•• in all his views, he prorogued that assembly to th•• twenty-first of November; and, after a further pro+rogation, dissolved them, before the end of the year•• The face of affairs in Europe had suffered, in th•• mean time, a very important change. Charles th•• Second, King of Spain, having so long struggled wit•• distempers, yielded at length to their force, and died•• on the first of November. The resentment which h•• had conceived against the authors of the second treaty of partition, seemed to have hastened the death of tha•• feeble Prince; while, at the same time, it produce•• the most decisive measure in all his reign. Having re+solved to prevent the projected partition of his domi+nions, the only difficulty lay in the appointment of a•• universal heir. His inclination pointed to the famil•• of Austria. But the Pope, whom he consulted by let+ter, and afterwards the clergy of Spain, at the inst••+gation of the Cardinal Portocarrero, induced that s••+perstitious Prince to nominate the Duke of Anjou, th•• second son of the Dauphin, his successor in all his do+minionsB 1.637.

* 1.638 In the will, which was dated on the second of Octo+ber, the King acknowledged the right of his sister, th•• Infanta Maria Theresa, Queen of France, and m••+ther of the Dauphin. He also acknowledged th•• right of his aunt, Anne of Austria, the mother of th•• French King; and consequently the right of the Da••+phin, as the only heir, by the laws of the kingdom•• To prevent an alarm in Europe, at the union of su•…•… extensive dominions to France, the Dauphin's seco•…•… son was called to the throne of Spain. Until t•…•… Prince should arrive at Madrid, and even till he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of age, a council of regency, with th•…•… Queen at the head, were nominated for the administration of affa•…•… Upon the demise of Charles, the regency wrote to 〈◊〉〈◊〉

French King, and, at the same time, ordered the will to be delivered to that Prince, by the Spanish ambassa|dor residing at his court. Lewis consulted his council; in which it was resolved to drop the second partition treaty, and to adhere to the testament of the late King of Spain. A war, it had been always foreseen, was the inevitable consequence of the death of that Prince; and the court of France wisely concluded, that it was much easier to keep possession of the whole kingdom, by virtue of the will, than to conquer and retain the share allotted to the Dauphin, by the treaty concluded with England and the StatesC 1.639.

* 1.640 Lewis the Fourteenth joined to these reasons, one other of equal weight. Should he refuse the bequest made to his grandson of the crown, all the dominions of Spain must have fallen into the hands of the Em|peror, the hereditary rival of the power of his family. The very courier that brought the will to France, had been ordered, in case of the refusal of that court, to proceed to Vienna, with a tender of the throne to the Archduke. This circumstance would have again re|vived the power possessed, by the house of Austria, in the days of Charles the Fifth, when the united weight of Spain and the empire had almost proved fatal to the French monarchy. These reasons coinciding with the ambition of Lewis, he flattered himself, that the war, which must otherwise have been kindled in Europe, was least to be dreaded on the grounds which he now had chosen. The resolution adopted for accepting the will in France, was followed by the precaution of form|••ng alliances abroad. Lewis entered into a treaty with •…•…e King of Portugal, with the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua. The latter of these Princes received a ••rench garrison into his capital. The allies of France, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the side of Germany, were the Duke of Brunswick Wolfembuttle, the Duke of Saxe-Gotha, and the ••ishop of Munster. The Elector of Bavaria, then •…•…vernor of the Netherlands, and his brother the •…•…ector of Cologn, were uncles to the new King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spain, and resolved to maintain his right to the •…•…ownD 1.641.

* 1.642 The King of England and the States of the United Provinces affected to be highly offended, at the breach made by Lewis the Fourteenth on the second treaty of partition. But they were in no condition to support, at present, their resentment with any decisive measure, They observed, therefore, a cautious silence; while the Emperor, possessed of less power of revenge than either, made a great deal of noiseE 1.643. Perplexed and rendered undecisive by his disappointments, Leo|pold was, for some time, uncertain what measures he should adopt to possess himself of an object, of which he had been unexpectedly deprived. He, at length, fixed on the Milanese, which he claimed as a fief of the empire. On the twenty-second of November, he issued his mandate to the inhabitants of that duchy, which they were to obey on pain of being considered as rebels. This resolution was more calculated to raise the ridicule than the terror of the house of Bour|bon, on that side. He was in want of every resource of war. Without money at home, without alliances abroad; and as irresolute in his conduct, as he was destitute of power and full of prideF 1.644.

* 1.645 But though the French King had nothing immedi+ately to fear from the resentment of the Emperor, hi•• own precautions against a war hastened its approach•• During these transactions, one Schonenburgh, a Fle+mish Jew, resided at Madrid, in the double capacity of agent for England and the States of Holland. Th•• chief view of William, being to preserve the barrie•• in Flanders, in the hands of the Dutch, and to preve•…•… the Netherlands from being annexed to the crown 〈◊〉〈◊〉 France, he ordered Schonenburgh to signify to th•• regency, his earnest desire of living on the footing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their former amity with the court of Spain; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 insinuate, at the same time, his expectations, that t•…•… barrier in Flanders should be preserved in its prese•…•… form. The regency, or, as they were called, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Junto, had abandoned the fate of Spain to the arbit•…•…+tion of France. They knew the weakness of the S•…•…+nish

dominions in all quarters, and the utter inability of the kingdom to defend itself on any side. They, therefore, requested the French King to accept, in a manner, of the generalship of their monarchy. They commanded the viceroys of the provinces to obey his orders; and under the pretence, that the States were making preparations for war, they impowered the court of France to take possession of the barrier in Flanders, with French troopsG 1.646. Though William might have been jealous of proceedings contrary to the principles which he had long avowed, he was induced, for various reasons, not only to acquiesce at present, in the forward measures of France, but, afterwards, even to acknowledge the Duke of Anjou as lawful so|vereign of SpainH 1.647.

* 1.648 The untoward situation of the King's affairs at home, had greatly contributed to his present want of decision abroad. The refractoriness of the last session of parliament, their supposed insults to his person, and actual opposition to the crown, had convinced Willi|am, that either he must change his servants or his mea|sures. The first suited best his temper. He had re|moved the chancellor before his departure for Holland. The death of Lord Lonsdale, in the month of July, had made a vacancy in the office of privy-seal. The department in the secretary's office had been long va|cant. The King took advantage of these circumstan|ces to gratify the Tories, who he deemed could serve best the measures of the crown, without offending, by displacing the Whigs. The Earl of Tankerville, remov|ed into the office of privy-seal, gave room at the head at the treasury to the Lord GodolphinI 1.649. Sir Charles Hedges was taken from the board of admirality and ••ade secretary of stateJ 1.650. The Earl of Rochester, ••onsidered as a leader of the Tories and high-church •…•…rty, was nominated in council, lord-lieutenant of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ireland. Montagu, who had suffered a degree of •…•…nominy in the house of commons, through his own

[year 1701] indiscretion, was removed, by the title of Lord Hali|fax, into the house of lordsK 1.651. The King manifest|ly trimmed between the two parties. He hoped to divide the Whigs, by retaining some of them in of|fice. He expected to soften the opposition of the Tories, by admitting a few of their leaders into the vacant departments of the ministry.

* 1.652 While the King was making preparations for meet|ing the new representatives of England, on good terms, his ministers in Scotland were employed, in reconcil|ing the parliament of that kingdom to the views of the crown. The national address, for the meeting of par|liament, which had been promoted with such eagerness by the discontented, was defeated by the King's or|dering that assembly to meet before the address was presented. On the twenty-eighth of October, the parliament met accordingly; and the King's letter was, in every respect, well calculated to allay the ferment, which had so long prevailed in the nation It was conceived in the most soft and insinuating terms•• The King promised his resolution to give his assen•• to all acts for the better establishing the governmen•• of the church, the security of personal liberty, an•• more especially for repairing the losses and promoti•…•… the interest of the African and Indian companies. H•• laid the want of protection, which they had experi+enced before, on the necessity imposed upon himsel•• by the state of Europe. But as that state was no•• changed, he was determined to support to the utmos•• their rights and their claims. Though this conde+scending expedient had, at first, no visible effect 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the indignant humour of the Scots, yet, by the con+currence of secret practices on the members, it con+tributed to sooth, at last, the parliament into a per•…•… compliance with the views of the crown. The •…•…+ger the session continued the more ground was gain•…•… by the ministry; till, at length, in the month of J••+nuary, the storm, which threatened the repose of B•…•…+tain, was entirely laid.

* 1.653 On the sixth of February, the new parliament met at Westminster, but, under the pretence of giving time to the members to arrive in town, they were ad|journed to the tenth of the same month. The com|mons having presented Mr. Harley, whom they had chosen for their speaker, the King made a speech to both houses, from the throne. He told them, that the great misfortune of the nation, in the death of the Duke of Gloucester, had rendered it absolutely neces|sary to make a further provision for the succession in the Protestant line. He earnestly recommended that measure to their earliest care, as the happiness of the nation and the security of religion, depended on an im|mediate and proper settlement of the crown. The death of the King of Spain, he said, and the declara|tion of his successor, had made so great an alteration in foreign affairs, that he desired the parliament to consider very maturely their present state; and that he doubted not, but their resolutions would conduce to the interest and safety of England, the preservation of the Protestant religion, and the peace of all Europe. These things, he continued, were of such weight, that he had called a new parliament, to obtain the more immediate sense of the kingdom in such an im|portant conjuncture. He recommended to the com|mons to provide for the late deficiencies and the un|funded debts, to inspect the state and augment the strength of the navy, and to deliberate on the regula|tion and improvement of trade.

* 1.654 The animosities of parties, the prospect of advan|tage, which arose to the members of the lower house, from the very misfortunes of their constituents; and above all, the importance which the commons had lately acquired by their successful opposition to the crown, had rendered seats in parliament uncommon objects of contest, during the late elections. Bribery and corruption, perhaps never absent entirely from such occasions, had arrived at a pitch too indecent to be overlooked, had even those, who were rivals for the suffrages of the people, been less inflamed against one another's conduct. The first care of the commons, as is usual in new parliaments, was turned to undue

elections. But the matter of right was decided by favour more than by its merit; every dispute becom|ing rather a trial of the force of parties than the ob|ject of impartial decision. The Tories having dis|covered their superiority, by the election of a speaker of their own party, are said to have used their power in a manner less suitable to justice, than to their own prejudices against the Whigs; and to have, thus, weakened still more their opponents, by depriving many of them of their seats in the house. But the charge of injustice might probably have been trans|ferred to the other side, had their power equalled their animosity against their rivals. The passions of all being inflamed by these contests, the great business recommended by the King was, for some days, either entirely forgotten, or commanded only the secondary care of the commonsL 1.655.

* 1.656 Notwithstanding this seeming inattention to the bu|siness of the nation, the parliament had not yet disco|vered any part of that animosity, which their prede|cessors had exhibited against the King. On the four|teenth of February, they resolved to assure his Ma|jesty, that they would support his government, and take such effectual measures as might best conduce to the interest and safety of England, the preservation of the Protestant religion, and the peace of Europe. Though the King in secret wished, and had probably determined, when circumstances should arise, to quar|rel with France, for departing from the second treaty of partition, he durst not avow his inclinations for a war, upon a foundation universally unpopular. He•• however, took advantage of the general assurance•• made by the commons, and, with his answer to thei•• address, laid before them a memorial, which he re+ceived from the envoy-extraordinary of the States o•• Holland. This memorial, fabricated, perhaps, i•• conjunction with William himself, contained surmise•• of the hostile disposition of France, by the motions o•• her troops on the side of Flanders, together with th•• eventual requisition of the succours from England sti+pulated by treaty. The King demanded the advice o••

his commons, on the first part of the memorial; and, as to the latter, he desired their assistanceM 1.657.

* 1.658 On the fifteenth of February, the commons, with a view to the treaty of partition, had addressed the King, to lay before them all the treaties concluded be|tween his Majesty and any other Prince or state, since the late war. But when they received the answer to their general address, they demanded the treaty be|tween England and the States, signed on the third of March 1677, together with all the renewals of the treaty since that period. The King complied, and the house addressed him on the twentieth of Febru|aryN 1.659, to enter into such negociations, in concert with the States and other potentates, as might conduce to the preservation of the peace of Europe. They assured him, at the same time, of their support and assistance, for the performance of the treaty concluded in the year 1677, between England and the States of the United Provinces. William seized, with eager|ness, the general assurances made in this address. He thanked the commons in terms expressive of his ap|probation of their conduct; and he seems, though his designs were then unknown, to have used great address in reconciling the nation, by degrees, to a war.

* 1.660 To secure the assistance of parliament, by exciting their fears from France, the King had communicated, a few days before, an intercepted letter from the Earl of Melfort to his brother the Earl of Perth, concern|ing some wild and exploded projects for replacing James again on the throne. Melfort having incurred the dislike of the adherents of the late King, on account of his violence and absurdity, had been dismissed from the service of that Prince. James was now directed in his councils by the Earl of Middleton, a man of moderate principles in politics, a Protestant in his re|ligion, and possessing considerable abilities in business. The letter, alluding chiefly to past transactions, con|tained no material information. Though the lords deemed it worthy of an address to the King, the com|mons,

with more dignity, passed it over with the contempt it deserved. They, however, resolved, upon other considerations, to place the navy on a re|spectable footing. They voted unanimouslyO 1.661, that such persons as should advance five hundred thousand pounds for the service of the fleet, should receive six per cent. interest, and be repaid the principle out of the first aid to be granted in the present session. They also resolved, on the twenty-sixth of February, that thirty thousand men should be employed in the service of the yearP 1.662.

* 1.663 Though the settlement of the crown was a matter of the utmost importance to the nation, the lower house were neither early in their attention to that bu|siness, nor expeditious in bringing it to a conclusion On the third of March, the commons resolved, that to preserve the peace and happiness of the kingdom and to secure the established religion, there was an absolute necessity for making a fresh declaration of the limitation of the crown in the Protestant succession•• and that provision should be made for the security o•• the rights and liberties of the subjectQ 1.664. The latte•• part of the resolution was suggested by the Tories•• who had been uniformly accused by their rivals o•• high principles of monarchy. They affirmed, tha•• the nation was in so much haste when they settled th•• present government, that many securities were over+looked, which might have prevented much mischie•…•… They therefore moved, that the conditions of go+vernment should be settled before the person should b•• nominated, lest what really was meant for the good o•• the subject, should be ascribed to any dislike to th•• Prince on whom the election should fall. This sa•…•…+tary expedient was construed by the Whigs into a d••+sign of defeating the measure, by protracting the bus••+ness. But the motion was so popular in itself, and •…•… consonant to the principles which they themselv•…•… professed, that they could not oppose it, though 〈◊〉〈◊〉 came from their political enemies.

* 1.665 In a committee of the whole house, the commons came to further important resolutions, which were re|ported; and, with a few amendments, approved, on the twelfth of March. They resolved, that all affairs, with regard to government, cognizable in the privy council, should be transacted there, and signed by the members. That no person whatsoever, not a native of England, Scotland, or Ireland, or dominions be|longing to these kingdoms, or who was not born of English parents beyond seas, though such person is naturalized, should be capable of receiving any grant from the Crown, or office under the King. That in the event of the crown's descending or being trans|ferred to a foreigner, the English nation should not be obliged, without the consent of parliament, to enter into any war, for the defence of territories not depending on the crown of England. That whoso|ever should come to the possession of the throne, should join in communion with the church of England. That no pardon should be pleadable to any impeach|ment in parliamentR 1.666.

* 1.667 To these votes they added others, which seemed to reflect on the reigning Prince, while they provided securities against his successors in the throne. They resolved that no person who should hereafter come to the crown, should go out of the dominions of England, Scotland, or Ireland, without the consent of parlia|ment. That no person who should possess an office under the King, or receive a pension from the Crown, should be capable of serving in the house of commons. That the commissions of the judges should be rendered permanent, and their salaries ascertained and esta|blished. That the Princess Sophia, Duchess-Dowa|ger of Hanover, should be declared the next in suc|cession to the crown of England, after the reigning King, the Princess of Denmark, and the heirs of their respective bodies. That the further limitation of the crown should be restricted to the Princess Sophia and the heirs of her body, being Protestants; and that, upon these resolutions, a bill should be brought in before the houseS 1.668. The bill was accordingly

presented, by Mr. Conyers, on the last day of March; and though it met with obstruction, from various in|cidents, it passed, on the fourteenth of April, and was sent up to the lordsT 1.669.

* 1.670 The Princess Sophia, thus eventually elected to succeed to the throne of England, was the nearest person of the royal line, who was not already under a legal incapacity of possessing the crown. An express act of parliament had excluded all Roman Catholics from the succession; and all the descendants of Charles the First, except William and the Princess of Den|mark, were of the Popish persuasion. The parlia|ment, therefore, were obliged to return to the poste|rity of James the First in another line; and to Sophia, as grand-daughter to that Prince, by his daughter Elizabeth, who had been married to the unfortunate King of Bohemia. Though the same power which conferred on the Princess the succession of the Crown, might, with equal justice, have placed any other per|son on the throne, the parliament chose to adhere, in some degree, to the royal blood, as committing the least outrage on monarchy, to which a majority of themselves were attached from principle. A different conduct might, for a time, have deprived the elected Sovereign of the reverence which most men, born under monarchies, pay to the hereditary line. But the influence arising from the disposal of an immense revenue, had, even then, placed the power of the Sovereign on a much more solid foundation, than the seeble prerogative derived, by hereditary princes, from the opinion of the people.

* 1.671 This consideration had certainly its weight with the present parliament, in limiting the force of the execu|tive power, in the settlement of the succession. As the crown which they conferred was a voluntary gift, they had a right, if they chose, to deprive it of its unnecessary ornaments, and even of some of its jewels. But power had turned it into another channel; and the mounds which were reared, became, in a manner, useless, as the waters ceased to rise on that side. The

Crown was destined, from the very exertions made by the people against its exorbitant claims, to acquire in influence, what it lost in prerogative. Authority, by these means, lost gradually its terrors and its insolence. Power had ceased to be splendid; but it became per|manent and irresistible: and mankind may be imper|ceptibly surrounded with the toils of despotism, while they have the vanity to think themselves free.

* 1.672 The parliament having placed the important busi|ness of the succession in a way of being secured, be|gan to inquire into domestic mismanagements, and the conduct of the Crown, with regard to foreign powers. They had already provided for the credit of the na|tion. They had placed the navy on a formidable footing, by granting large supplies. It, however, had been evident, that the King wished least for their assistance in the latter line. But the majority seemed by no means willing to gratify their Sovereign, in the point of an immediate increase of the land-forces of the kingdom. In their measures consequent upon the resolution of adhering to the treaty with the Dutch in 1677, the commons made a shew of aiding the King, without offending the nation. They resolved, that twelve battalions, then in Ireland, should be made up, with new levies, to ten thousand men; and sent to the aid of the States. But they, at the same time, re|solved, that no new levies should be made, in Ireland or elsewhere, to supply the twelve battalions now to be transported beyond seasV 1.673.

* 1.674 The present distrust of the King, was followed by animadversions on his former conduct. The lords, having addressed the throne, for the late treaties, these, together with other important papers, were laid before them, about the middle of March. Hav|ing, in a committee of the whole house, examined the treaties of partition, they agreed upon an address, containing bitter reflections on their tendency. They complained, that the last treaty with the French King, had been huddled up without being laid before parliament, though then actually sitting; and even

without being considered in council; circumstances as unjust in their nature, as the measures themselves were fatal in their consequences. They insinuated, that the treaty had probably been the cause of the will in favour of the Duke of Anjou. That the ces|sion of Sicily, Naples, several ports in the Mediter|ranean, the province of Guipuscoa, and the duchy of Lorrain, as stipulated, in favour of France, by the last treaty, was contrary to the pretence of the treaty itself; the professed object of which was, the peace and safety of Europe. They requested his Majesty to require and admit, for the future, in all matters of importance, the advice of his natural born subjects; and, for that purpose, to constitute a council, to whom all such foreign and domestic affairs as concerned either his Majesty or his dominions, might be referredV 1.675. The King's answer was moderate and prudent. It contained a brief evasion, conceived in handsome terms. He owned, that the address contained a mat|ter of very great moment; and that he would take care, that all treaties he might conclude, should be for the honour and safety of EnglandW 1.676.

* 1.677 The King having perceived, at the beginning of the session, that the current of parliament was likely to set powerfully against his measures, had resolved to fall down with the stream. He had filled the va|cant offices with some of the high-church party. He was now determined not to exasperate, as he could not soothe the commons. They had already, in various resolutions, rendered manifest their disapprobation of the King's late measures, and exhibited a distrust of his future conduct. William, however, exhibited publicly no symptom of displeasure, at the conduct o•• the majority. He had, now, turned his thought•• wholly upon war. In several messages to the com|mons, he communicated the negociations abroad, i•• terms which plainly insinuated, that they were at onc•• ineffectual and near their end. He was supported i•• his present views by the leaders of the Whigs at home•• and, through his own management, by the Dut•…•…

from abroad. The first expected to regain the ad|vantages which they had lost, in the confusions of war; and the latter were either led by the influence of the King, in their councils, or swayed by views of their own. Memorial regularly followed memorial to Wil|liam; and he, as regularly, with message after mes|sage plied the commonsX 1.678.

* 1.679 A majority, however, being equally averse with their constituents, from a renewal of war, the com|mons resolved, without one dissenting voice, upon a vote of advice to the King. Instead of agreeing with his messageY 1.680, that all negociations seemed to be at an end, they requested the King to carry on the ne|gociations, in concert with the States; and they, at the same time, promised to enable, effectually, his Majesty to support the treaty, concluded in the year 1677, with the United Provinces. Upon a debate, on the treaties of partition, they expressed their highest disapprobation of both, in resolutions as well as in words. They addressed his Majesty to remove the Earl of PortlandZ 1.681, the Lord SomersA 1.682, and the Lord Halifax, from his presence and councils for ever; having ordered them to be impeached at the bar of the house of lords. These violent measures, as they were called by the Whig-party, produced a counter-address from the lords; a majority of whom had been gain|ed by the joint influence of the Court and the persons accused. The King, to avoid any contest with the commons, passed over the address of the peers in silence. The first proceeded on articles to maintain the impeachments, in which the piracies of captain Kidd, under the sanction of the broad seal, and his being manned and furnished by his Majesty's ships, was not the least extraordinaryB 1.683.

* 1.684 While the King chose to make no reply to the lords, he prudently returned a soothing answer to the com|mons. But though they presented an address of thanks, they were not to be entirely gained. To support their own resolutions to enable the King to adhere to the

treaty of 1677, they voted three shillings in the pound on land. But they applied the savings on the civil list, to the current service. The fifty thousand pounds al|lotted as a dower to King James's Queen, had been hitherto retained by William, in his own hands, under various pretences; and more than twenty thousand pounds had reverted to the crown, by the death of the Duke of Gloucester. These sums, making in all near one hundred thousand pounds, were applied, after a violent contest with the adherents of the Court, to|ward the payment of the public debts. During trans|actions so unfavourable to the views of the King, men who wished to regain his favour and secure his confi|dence, endeavoured to rouze the nation to a desire for war. A difference between the two houses had been somented to favour this design. But the people had been hitherto unconcerned spectators of the contests, which agitated the parties in parliament.

* 1.685 In all governments that have any tincture of free|dom, the voice of the nation is generally the standard to which public measures are formed. Juntos in office, as well as excluded factions, adapt their conduct to this great criterion; and when the nation are not rouz|ed to forward the private views of either, by means of favourite prejudices, they both endeavour to excite the clamours of the populace, or to gain them to their respective parties, through the channel of their fears•• Though the resolutions of the house of commons wer•• hitherto calculated to please the nation, the exclude•• party, together with some of those servants who wer•• best acquainted with the King's mind, infused gradu+ally into the people a wild suspicion of their represen+tatives. That assembly, who had evidently secure•• the liberties of the subject, by the limitations in th•• act of settlement, were censured as attached to a sy••+tem of arbitrary power. Those who called a prote••+tant successor to the crown, were accused of favouri•…•… the popish line; and men who endeavoured to appe•…•… as good husbands of the treasure of the nation, we•…•… stigmatized as enemies to the public. Though wi•…•… regard to many individuals, those charges might ha•…•…

been, in some measure, founded on fact, the means used to impress the nation with a bad opinion of the whole, were highly unjustifiable.

* 1.686 The first measure taken for rouzing the nation to an ardour for war, exhibited itself in the county of Kent. The grand-jury and other gentlemen and free|holders had assembled at Maidstone, on the twenty-ninth of April; and through the management of the adherents of the King, presented to the house of com|mons what was deemed a libel, in the form of a petiti|onC 1.687. The house voted the petition to be scandalous, ••nsolent, and seditious, tending to destroy the consti|••ution of parliament, and to subvert the established ••overnment. The persons who presented the paper ••ere delivered over into the custody of a serjeant at ••rms; and, upon a suspicion of an intended rescue, ••ommitted to the gate-house. Those who had advised ••nd promoted the Kentish petition, artfully increas|ed the ferment, which this decisive measure of the ••ommons had raised. A libel subscribed Legion, was •…•…ansmitted to the speaker, containing many articles of •…•…cusation; and charging the house with tyranny to •…•…e subject and undutifulness toward the King•• The •…•…mmons addressed the throne against the endeavours •…•…at had been made to raise tumults among the peo|•…•…e; and they requested him to provide effectually, by •…•…e exact execution of the laws, for the peace and •…•…urity of the kingdomD 1.688.

* 1.689 While the party thus armed the prejudices of the •…•…pulace against the commons, they found means to •…•…re the majority, which they had obtained in the •…•…se of peers. The articles against the impeached •…•…s were either considered as frivolous in themselves, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they were but languidly maintained. The two •…•…ses, at length, fell into an irreconcileable difference 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the mode of proceeding. The commons insist|•…•… that the lords whom they had impeached, should •…•…ain from voting in the upper-house; and that a •…•…mittee, from each of the houses, should meet to •…•…st the time, manner, and order in the intended

trials. The lords refused the first demand, as it seem|ed to include a condemnation before conviction. To the second, they replied, that as the sole right of judica|ture was in themselves, they had also the sole right to ap|point the time, manner, and order of all trials on impeach|ments. These differences filled the end of the month of May, and almost the whole of June, with alterca|tion, contest, and noise. The peers had appointed days for the trials. The commons refused to appear; and the impeached lords were acquitted. The King, in the mean time, observed a prudent silence. Though he was not displeased at the current, which had turned against the commons, he avoided to irritate that assem|bly; and he dismissed them, by prorogation, on the twenty-fourth of June, in apparent good humour, though he, perhaps even then, had resolved never to meet the same house again.

* 1.690 Though no house of commons had ever fallen un|der the displeasure of party writers in a degree equal to the present, they certainly deseved to meet with mo•…•… praise than censure. That several members had pri+vate views to promote, in their opposition to th•• crown, cannot well be denied. But that the cond•…•… of the whole seemed calculated to discharge the du•…•… of the representative of the people to their count•…•… is equally true. Their chief demerit, in the eyes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 those who favoured the views of the King, was t•…•… pursuing every measure calculated to prevent the n•…•…+on from being engaged, as a principal, in a contin•…•… war; and the party, who abetted the notions of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 court; had the address to rouze the resentment of •…•… vulgar in their own cause. Some of the proceed•…•… of the lower house, it must be acknowledged, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tinctured with those partialities which too often •…•… grace popular assemblies. Whilst they pointed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 utmost vengeance against those leaders of the W•…•… that bore a share in the last treaty of partition, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 passed over some Tories, who were equally de•…•… that unadvised transaction. But an undeviating a•…•…+tion to justice, can scarce ever be expected from •…•… inflamed with the prejudices of party.

* 1.691 The conduct of William, during the session, was as suitable to prudence, as it was to the designs, that, without acknowledging them, he had adopted. The Whigs and Tories were inflamed against each other to such a degree of inveteracy, and they were also so equally poised, that without declaring for either, he had a prospect of commanding both parties. Some leaders of each side were still in office. But he chose to make no advances to the Whigs, nor to gratify the Tories. The two factions took different ways to ob|tain the management of government. The first de|parted from their principles, in their endeavours to gain the King. The latter seemed rather inclined to owe their influence to their sovereign's fear of their power. William, all the while, observed a profound silence; and even after the prorogation of parliament, when he resolved to pass over into Holland, he left the government in such mixed hands, that no judgment could be formed to which party he most inclined.

* 1.692 On the thirtieth of June, the King left Hampton-court; and on the third of July, he arrived in the Maese. The battalions from Ireland, the levies from England, and the regiments from Scotland, were in Holland before the King; who had raised the Earl of Marlborough to the command of the whole. In some measure prepared for war, he applied himself to ne|gociations nominally calculated for preserving peace. He had, in the preceding April, acknowledged the new King of Spain, by a letter under his own hand. The States, after heavy complaints, had done the same for the sake of their commerce. But it had long been no secret, that neither were willing to permit the ••ouse of Bourbon to enjoy, in tranquillity, the vast •…•…cession of power they had received in the crown of ••pain. A mock-shew of a treaty, in the mean time, ••mployed the summer. The French court, though ••hey seriously wished for a continuance of peace, be|•…•…ved in a manner that seemed to hasten the war. ••espairing of any happy issue to conferences, where •…•…ther side would depart from their claims, D'Avaux, •…•…e ambassador of France at the Hague, was recalled, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the eighth of August; having left a memorial with

the States, more apt to inflame their resentment, than to remove their fears.

* 1.693 Before William passed into Holland, the flames of war had been kindled in Italy, between the Emperor and the house of Bourbon. The Prince de Vaude|mont, governor of Milan, had obeyed the will of Charles the Second, and submitted himself to the new King. A body of French troops, at the requisition of the Prince, had entered the Milanese. These were, soon after, followed by a powerful army, and the Duke of Savoy, whose daughter was now married to the young King of Spain, was declared captain-gene|ral of the whole. On the other hand, the Imperial|ists, under Prince Eugene, entered Italy, in the end of May, to the number of thirty thousand men. The Mareschal de Catinat, as the Duke of Savoy was not yet arrived, commanded the French, in conjunction with the Prince de Vaudemont. They took posses|sion of the Mantuan. They posted themselves along the Adige. Prince Eugene, however, under the fein•• of a design to cross the Po, forced the passage of th•• Adige, entered the entrenchments of the French a•• Carpi, and obliged the enemy, after having suffere•• a considerable loss, to cover themselves behind th•• MincioE 1.694.

* 1.695 The retreat of the Mareschal de Catinat left Princ•• Eugene master of the whole country lying betwee•• the Adige and the Adda. The Mareschal posted him+self behind the latter river and the Oglio, to prevent•• if possible, the Imperialists from entering the Mila+nese. The French, in the mean time, were joine•• by the Duke of Savoy, who left Turin on the twenty+fourth of July, to place himself at the head of th•• army. The continual checks received after the arr••+val of the commander in chief, raised, in the mind 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Catinat, a suspicion, that the misfortunes of the fie•…•… had not altogether proceeded from the great abilities 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prince Eugene. He dispatched to court an account of his uneasiness, concerning the fidelity of the Du•…•… of Savoy. But Lewis the Fourteenth, ascribing 〈◊〉〈◊〉

Catinat's own impatience, the surmises which he had communicated concerning the Duke, sent the Mares|chal de Villeroi to supersede him in his command. Villeroi, willing upon his arrival to signalize himself with some action, entered into a concert with the Duke, to surprise a small post at Chiara, occupied by a corps of infantry, at the head of the Imperial camp. The project was rash, and had it even been attended with success, altogether useless. The Duke of Savoy acquainted Prince Eugene of the design of de Villeroi, and the disposition of the intended attack. The French, being thus betrayed, were repulsed with great lossF 1.696. The rest of the campaign produced no acti|on of any importance. The confederates quitted first the field, and retired into winter-quarters, between the Oglio and the Adda.

* 1.697 Though the successes of the campaign were far from being decisive, they animated the Emperor, and gave weight to his negociations. He had secured the Elec|tor of Brandenburgh, through the channel of his va|nity, by dignifying him with the name of King. The Princes of Germany, who at first affected to consider the war in the light of a family-dispute for a crown, were induced to depart from their proposed neutrality, by the recent victories obtained in Italy, over the combined forces of France and Spain. The maritime powers, whose aid was the most important of all, were prepared, by motives of their own, to come into the views of the court of Vienna. The King of England, ••ighly offended with Lewis the Fourteenth, for hav|••ng made him, in a manner, the tool of his ambition, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the last treaty of partition, had resolved on a war. The Dutch, swayed by the influence of William, jea|•…•…us of their own commerce with Spain, on account ••f the advantages already obtained by France, and •…•…rrified at the preparations made by the latter king|••om on their frontiers, discovered an uncommon ea|•…•…erness for taking up arms. Denmark, gained by the •…•…bsidiary treaty, was ready to abet the views of the ••aritime powers, with a considerable body of men;

and if Sweden and Poland had taken no part in the in|tended confederacy, it was because they were engaged in a war at homeG 1.698.

* 1.699 The departure of D'Avaux from the Hague, in the beginning of August, had put an end to even the shew of treating with France, for the preservation of the tranquillity of Europe. A fair field was now left for the negociations of the Emperor. That Prince, in proportion as he perceived the inclination of the mari|time powers for war, rose in his demands with regard to the terms of the projected alliance. He was deter|mined, at first, to be satisfied with nothing less than the whole Spanish monarchy. But the King of Eng|land and the States, being resolute to undertake for no more than the recovery of Flanders, as a barrier for Holland, and the duchy of Milan, for the security of the Emperor, the latter Prince thought it prudent to depart from his vast schemes. All difficulties being thus removed, the treaty, which afterwards obtained the name of the grand alliance, was signed on the se|venth of September. The design avowed in the arti|cles, was the procuring satisfaction for the Empero•• in the Spanish succession, and sufficient security fo•• the dominions and commerce of the allies. It wa•• also stipulated, that the King of England and th•• States, might retain for themselves whatever lands an•• cities their arms should conquer, in both the In+diesH 1.700.

* 1.701 Though France had foreseen the storm which wa•• now ready to burst upon her, in all its rage, she ha•• been as negligent in her preparations as she was dest••+tute of resources, Lewis himself, having no inclina+tion to enter into a war, gave too much credit to th•• pacific disposition of other powers. He might hav•• perceived, and he probably was not ignorant, that t•…•… jealousy entertained by the rest of Europe, on acco•…•… of the late accession of his family to such vast domi•…•…+ons, could scarce permit him to enjoy his good fo••+tune in peace. But the truth is, he was cured of •…•… former ambition. The caution of age had come up 〈◊〉〈◊〉

him, with its inactivity and weakness. His people had scarce time to breathe, after immense exertions, that had drained their coffers, exhausted their strength, and depressed their spirit. The commerce, which had been interrupted by the late war, had not yet returned to the old channel. His own unadvised policy had also contributed to impoverish his kingdom. His raising and lessening the value of money, had left his people in such a state of uncertainty, with regard to their property, that they exported their specie into other countries; whilst he himself assisted the general waste, by remitting great sums into Flanders and Italy to maintain his armies; and into Germany to gain the favour of Princes, who, soon after, deserted his causeI 1.702.

* 1.703 To render his situation still more critical, the domi|nions of his grandson, destitute of the means of defence, became a burden, instead of an aid, to France. The Spanish monarchy, vulnerable on every side, present|ed to the enemy a weakness proportionable to its own magnitude. The finances were at a very low ebb. The spirit of the people had declined with the re|sources of the nation. They could protect themselves from none, though they were destined to be the prey of all. Their state was so wretched, that in the pre|sent year, the court of Madrid were scarce able, on the requisition of France, to equip two men of war, and to send two thousand five hundred men into Andalufia, for the security of that provinceK 1.704. To alleviate these distresses at home, the French King endeavour|••d to strengthen himself with alliances abroad. He ••ad attempted to secure the Duke of Savoy, with ••erms of great advantage to himself, and the marriage of his second daughter to the young King of Spain. He had also concluded a treaty with the King of Por|••ugal, on the eighteenth of June. But neither of ••hose Princes was sincere in his engagements. The •…•…rst betrayed the councils and armies of France, in ••he very first campaign; and the latter deserted her

alliance, when her affairs began to assume an unfa|vourable aspect.

* 1.705 The steps taken by William and the States, against the house of Bourbon, were no secret at the court of France. But intelligence of the conclusion of the treaty could not have arrived at Versailles, when an incident happened, which induced Lewis, perhaps too precipitately, to declare himself in opposition to Eng|land. The unfortunate King James, having ever since the peace of Riswick, lost every hope of being re|stored to the throne, had resigned himself to all the austerities of religious enthusiasm. His constitution though vigorous and athletic, had, for some time, be|gun to yield to the infirmities of age, and to that me|lancholy, with which superstition, as well as his un|common misfortunes, had impressed his mind. In the beginning of September, when he was, according to his daily custom, at public prayers, he fell suddenly into a lethargy; and though he recovered soon after, his senses, he languished, for some days, and expired on the sixth of September. The French King, with great humanity, paid him several visits during his sick|ness; and exhibited every symptom of compassion, af+fection, and even of respectL 1.706

* 1.707 Lewis being under a difficulty how to proceed upon the expected death of James, called a council to take their advice, whether he should own the Prince o•• Wales as King of Great Britain and Ireland. Th•• King himself had hesitated long on this delicate poin•…•… But the Dauphin, the Duke of Burgundy, and all th•• Princes of the blood, declared, that it was unbecomin•• the dignity of the crown of France, not to own th•…•… the titles of the father devolved immediately upon th•• sonM 1.708. Lewis approving of a resolution to whic•• he had been of himself inclined, resolved to inform th•• dying King, in person, of the determination of th•• council. When he arrived at St. Germains, he a••+quainted first the Queen, and then her son, of his d••+sign. He then approached the bed in which Jam•…•…

lay, almost insensible with his disorder. When James, rouzing himself, began to thank his most Christian Majesty for all his favours, the latter interrupted him, and said:

"Sir, what I have done is but a small mat|ter. But what I have to say is of the utmost import|ance."

The people present began to retire.

"Let no person withdraw,"

he said;

"I come to acquaint you, Sir, that when God shall please to call your Ma|jesty from this world, I shall take your family into my protection, and acknowledge your son, as then he will certainly be, King of Great Britain and Ire|landN 1.709."

* 1.710 The voice of a divinity could not have made a greater impression on the unfortunate servants of James, who were all present, than this unexpected declarati|on from the French King. They burst at once into a murmur of applause, which seemed to be tinctured with a mixture of grief and joy. Some threw them|selves, in silence, at his feet. Others wept aloud. All seemed to be so much affected, that Lewis him|self was melted into tears. James, in a kind of exta|cy, half-raised himself on the bed, and endeavoured to speak. But the confused noise was so great, and he so weak, that his voice could not be heard. The King himself, as if unable longer to bear this melan|choly scene, retired. But, as he passed through the court of the palace, he called the officer of the guard, and ordered him to treat the young Prince as King, whenever his father should expireO 1.711. Though James survived this declaration but one day, he sent the Earl of Middleton to Marli, to thank his most Christian Majesty for his kindness to himself, and his promised protection to his family. Upon his death, his son was acknowledged by the court and the nation. Lewis himself visited him in form, and treated him with the name of Majesty. But the adherents of the nominal King, chose not to proclaim him with the usual solemnity, not knowing how the title of France

would be taken by that Prince, who was the only sup|port of his causeP 1.712.

* 1.713 Though the Marquis de Torcy, in the name of Lewis, endeavoured to convince the English ambassa|dor, the Earl of Manchester, that this transaction was no infringement on the treaty of Riswick, the insult to William was too flagrant to be borne with patience. He accordingly recalled his ambassador from the court of France; and sent directions to the lords justices to order Poussin, the French envoy, to quit England. Preparations for war were, in the mean time, made on every side. The King of Denmark ordered the troops, stipulated by the treaty of subsidy, to march through Holstein and Hanover toward Flanders. The Dutch entered Juliers, with a considerable force. The French possessed themselves of the towns on the Rhine, as auxiliaries to the circle of Burgundy. No|thing but the more form of a declaration was now wanting to constitute a war. The King of England having determined to take the field early in the spring, settled with the United Provinces, in the capacity of Stadtholder, the state of the war, for the following year. He was pressed, in the mean time, by the Em|peror to break immediately with France. But he had lately suffered so much from the refractoriness of the English commons, that he prudently declined to enter upon hostilities, without their approbation and aid.

* 1.714 But the feeble constitution of William was now be|come unequal to the great exertions of his mind•• Worn out with vexation, as well as with the vigilanc•• necessary for the management of the affairs of a na+tion, who, amidst all their professions of regard, were•• in a great measure, averse from his manner of govern+ing, his health never settled and vigorous, had lo•…•… begun apparently to decline. The weak state t•• which he was now reduced, had rendered him almo•…•… invisible at Loo; while he was in fact the center rou•…•… which the affairs of Europe turned. But, now, t•…•… alliance into which he had entered, and the measure•…•…

in consequence, he was forced to adopt, rendered his presence necessary in England. Having brought to great forwardness, a perpetual alliance between the English and the Dutch, for the recovery and preser|vation of Flanders, he embarked, on the fourteenth of November, and landed, the next day, at Margate. In England, during the King's absence, nothing re|markable happened, except the ferment which the transactions of the preceding session had raised between the parties. Having carried their contests into the press, the people, as is usual, when their passions are inflamed, were vehemently agitated between the arguments and declamations of the two great parties, the Whigs and the ToriesQ 1.715.

* 1.716 The Whigs, however, more active or more deter|mined than their opponents, had the address to turn the opinions of the people to forward their own de|signs. The declaration of the French King, for the title of the Prince of Wales, was an incident too fa|vourable to their views, to be dropt without being used. The vulgar were easily persuaded, that those who opposed the measures of the Crown in parliament, were enemies to the King; and they were loud in their complaints against the proceedings and conduct of the house of commons. The severity of that assem|bly to the Kentish petitioners, their contests with the lords, their animadversions on the foreign transactions of government were magnified, and introduced as proofs of their attachment to the exiled family. The late settlement of the crown in the Protestant line, the limitations, highly favourable to the liberties of the people, imposed upon the eventual succession of a fo|reign family, were either entirely forgot or totally mis|represented. Addresses to William, upon the insult offered by France, were transmitted to him in Hol|land. Flattery, absurdity, and folly, as is usual, abounded in these unmeaning productions. But they served the purpose of the King, who had resolved to meet no more a parliament, that had already shewn so

much aversion to the war in which he was now irreco|verably engaged.

* 1.717 On the thirteenth of November, the parliament was dissolved, by proclamation; and writs were issued for another to meet, at Westminster, on the thirtieth of December. The contests usual in all elections, were carried to a height proportionable to the violence and animosity of parties acting on the prejudices of the vulgar. Noise and tumult filled every corner of Eng|land, while every State in the North and West of Europe were indefatigably preparing to take arms. The kingdoms of the East were still engaged in the war which Charles the Twelfth of Sweden had kin|dled, in the preceding year, to frustrate the unjust combination of his neighbours against his kingdom. The defeat of the Russians, in the battle of Narva, had rendered that active and gallant Prince a conquer|or the more formidable, that he seemed eager with new exploits to eclipse the glory of the old. His victories in Poland were as rapid as the march of his troops. The Russians were every where routed, as soon as seen; and the King himself, having passed the Duna, in the sight of the enemy, and totally defeated the Saxons, formed, at Birzen, the resolution of de|priving King Augustus of the throne of PolandR 1.718.

* 1.719 The new parliament met, on the thirtieth of De|cember; and the commons, from their first measure, seemed to have brought into their house, all the ani|mosities which had inflamed their constituents during the election. But though every art had been used by the Whigs, and several Tories had, in consequence•• been deprived of their former seats, the latter seeme•• still to form a majority. The first trial of the force o•• the parties, was made in the choice of a speaker. Si•• Thomas Littleton, nominated by the Whigs, was re+jected, on a division; and Harley, abetted by the To+ries, was placed in the chairS 1.720. The King, wh•• favoured Littleton, was deserted in the vote by suc•• Tories as were in his service. They preferred the in+fluence of their party, to the countenance of a Princ••

whose reign was apparently drawing to its end. Their conduct, however, had already been so much resented by the King, that he resolved to place his whole con|fidence in the Whigs. He dismissed Sir Charles Hedges from the office of secretary of state; in which the Earl of Manchester, lately returned from his em|bassy in France, was placed. The Earl of Carlisle supplanted the Lord Godolphin, at the head of the treasury. The Earl of Pembroke, supposed to be a Whig, though he had actually corresponded with King JamesT 1.721, was soon after made lord high-admiral of England; and the Duke of Somerset, not much more averse to the old cause, succeeded Pembroke as pre|sident of the council.

* 1.722 The commons having presented their speaker, the King made a speech to both houses from the throne. He promised himself, he said, that they were met to|gether full of a just sense of the danger of Europe, and a high resentment of the late proceeding of the French King. He expatiated upon the indignity offered to himself and the nation, in owning and setting up the pretended Prince of Wales as King of England; and he recommended to them to consider, what further effectual means might be used, to secure the succession of the crown in the Protestant line. He complained, that the French King, by placing his grandson on the throne of Spain, had furnished himself with the means of oppressing Europe; and that he had surrounded his neighbours in such a manner, that though the name of peace had still continued, other States were put to all the inconvenience and expence of war. He enlarged on what England had to fear from the power of the house of Bourbon; and he informed the houses, that ••o obviate the general calamity which threatened Christendom, he had concluded several alliances, ac|••ording to the encouragement given him by both houses ••f parliament. He told them, that the eyes of Europe were turned toward their deliberations; and that every ••hing abroad was at a stand till their resolutions should ••e known. Having flattered them with their impor|•…•…nce, he demanded supplies from the commons for a

great strength at sea, and such a strength by land, as were expected, from the late alliance, by the allies. He concluded his speech with various arguments for their unanimity; and he hoped, as he himself was de|sirous of being the common father of all his people, they would, on their side, lay aside parties, divisions, and animositiesU 1.723.

* 1.724 Though the two houses were, as much as ever, di|vided into parties, such was the management of the King, and the disposition of the times, that they vied with one another to forward the ends proposed in his Majesty's speech. The lords addressed the King in the warmest and most affectionate terms. The com|mons, without one dissenting voice, voted the supply. Instead of being offended at the treaty which was to engage the nation in an immediate war, they addressed the throne, that no peace should be made with France, till reparation should be made to the King and the na|tion, for her owning and declaring the pretended Prince of Wales King of EnglandV 1.725. On the second of January, they brought in a bill for the attainder of of that Prince. They introduced another bill, on the ninth, for the further security of his Majesty's person, and the succession of the crown in the Protestant lineW 1.726. The next day, they resolved, that the proportion of land-forces, to act in conjunction with the allies, should, in terms of the treaty, be forty thousand men. They voted forty thousand seamen for the service of the year. But when the common; thus gratified the King, they were not negligent in their duty to their constituents. They regulated the number of soldiers to be employed in every regiment of foot and troop of horse. They examined, with great exactness, the state and condition of the navy The animosity of parties seemed to be lost in an at|tention to business; and, when disputes and contest were most to be feared, all were unanimous and seem+ingly composed.

[year 1702] * 1.727 During proceedings so friendly to the designs of the Crown, the King himself became sensible, that he was not destined, in person, to carry into execution, the great schemes which he had formed. He, howe|ver, endeavoured to conceal the declining state of his health, to accomplish, with more facility, his favou|rite views. A fortunate coincidence of circumstances, had thrown the opinions of the people into the same channel with his own. The parties, in parliament, were so well poised, that in a mutual fear of each other, they both courted the King. The animosities which had always embroiled and embarrassed his mea|sures, were suspended; and he had the satisfaction to have one glimpse of serenity, in the evening of a tem|pestuous reign. To continue a calm so favourable to his scheme of embarking England in the war, he spread reports of his recovery. But an accident acce|lerated that dissolution, which was apparently ad|vancing, though by slow degrees. On the twenty-first of February, willing still to continue his usual diversion of hunting, he mounted his horse, though in a languishing state of health, and riding out from Kensington towards Hampton-court, the horse fell, and in his fall, his Majesty broke his right collar-bone. He was carried to Hampton-court, and the bone was set; but, contrary to advice, he returned the same evening, in his coach to Kensington.

* 1.728 This accident, though it might have hastened the death of William, bore, for some time, no appear|ance of proving fatal. On the twenty-eighth of Fe|bruary, the Gazette declared, in express terms, that the King was perfectly recovered; and, on the same day, he sent a message to both houses, concerning an union between the kingdoms of England and Scotland. On the first of March, the bill for attainting the pre|tended Prince of Wales, received the royal assent by commission. On the second day of that month, such symptoms appeared, that all hopes of the King's re|covery were lost. A defluxion fell upon his knee. The asthma, to which he had been always subject, increased. He breathed short, and he was restless and feverish. The two houses, in the mean time,

continued to sit. The council was assembled to receive the reports of the physicians. But, even in that ex|tremity, it was maliciously remarked, that no English|man of quality had any access to the King's chamber. About five in the morning, of Sunday the eighth of March, his Majesty received the sacrament, from the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury; and at eight he expired, in the arms of one of his pages. Some papers, which might throw considerable light on the history of this Prince, were, with his last breath, consigned to the hands of the Earl of Albemarle; and they were probably destroyed by that lord. Albe|marle, whose original office was that of a transcriber of letters, had been employed, in the preceding month, on a service of the same kind. He had returned, on the seventeenth of February, from Holland, with all the secret correspondences which had passed between the King and the Pensionary, under the supposition, that the latter was also dying.

* 1.729 Though the character given of the Prince of OrangeX 1.730, in an early period of his life, ran through the whole conduct of King William, when he sat on the throne of England, some new and striking features were called forth, by the extraordinary events which filled his reign. His political conduct, and the dispo|sition of his mind, have been variously and oppositely represented: a thing not surprising, in a country where writers have not been able to divest themselves of the prejudices and partialities incident to party. In such a jarring state of opinions, this Prince must have been too much praised by the one side, and by the other as extravagantly condemned. The nearest path to truth, must certainly lie between these two extremes. But that path, though obvious, has not, hitherto, been trod by historians; who have uniformly yielded to the prejudices of others, or have been swayed by their own. Their proximity to the period concerning which they wrote, may form, for many, a compleat excuse The passions of party, came glowing down on the current of the times. Authors caught the heat of those with whom they themselves were most connected in

life; and became, inadvertently, and sometimes de|signedly, partial, through a weakness which they un|justly dignified with the name of principle.

* 1.731 William the Third, King of Great Britain and Ireland, was in his person of a middle size, ill-shaped in his limbs, somewhat round in the shoulders, light|brown in the colour of his hair and in his complexion. The lines of his face were hard, and his nose aquiline. But a good and penetrating eye threw a kind of light on his countenance, which tempered its severity, and rendered his harsh features, in some measure, agree|able. Though his constitution was weak, delicate and infirm, he loved the manly exercises of the field; and often indulged himself in the pleasures, and even, sometimes, in the excesses of the table. In his pri|vate character, he was frequently harsh, passionate, and severe, with regard to trifles. But when the sub|ject rose equal to his mind, and in the tumult of bat|tle, he was dignified, cool, and serene. Though he was apt to form bad impressions, which were not easily removed, he was neither vindictive in his disposition, nor obstinate in his resentment. Neglected in his education, and, perhaps, destitute by nature of an elegance of mind, he had no taste for literature, none for the sciences, none for the beautiful arts. He paid no attention to music, he understood no poetry. He ••isregarded learning. He encouraged no men of let|••ers, no painters, no artists of any kind. In fortifica|•…•…on and in the mathematics, he had a considerable ••egree of knowledge. Though unsuccessful in the •…•…eld, he understood military operations by land. But ••e neither possessed nor pretended any skill in mari|•…•…me affairs.

* 1.732 In the distribution of favours, he was cold and in|•…•…dicious. In the punishment of crimes, often too •…•…sy, and sometimes too severe. He was parsimonious ••here he should be liberal; where he ought to be •…•…ring, frequently profuse. In his temper he was •…•…ent and reserved, in his address ungraceful; and •…•…ough not destitute of dissimulation, and qualified 〈◊〉〈◊〉 intrigue, less apt to conceal his passions than his •…•…signs. These defects, rather than vices of the mind,

combining with an indifference about humouring man|kind through their ruling passions, rendered him ex|tremely unfit for gaining the affections of the English nation. His reign, therefore, was crowded with mortifications of various kinds. The discontented parties among his subjects, found no difficulty in estranging the minds of the people from a Prince pos|sessed of few talents to make him popular. He was trusted, perhaps, less than he deserved, by the most obsequious of his parliaments; but it seems, upon the whole, apparent, that the nation adhered to his government, more from a fear of the return of his predecessor, than from any attachment to his own person, or respect for his right to the throne.

* 1.733 These harsh features of the mind of King William presented themselves only to those who took a near and critical view of his conduct. To men who ob|served him at a distance, and as a principal object in the great scale of Europe, he appeared a respectable, a prudent, and even a great Prince. During the last twenty years of his life, his abilities, by a dextrous management of the events of the times, raised him to an influence in Christendom, scarce ever before carried by a Prince beyond the limits of his own do|minions. Peculiarly fortunate in the success of his political measures, he obtained his authority through channels the most flattering, because the most uncom+mon. He was placed at the head of his native coun+try, as the last hopes of her safety from conquest an•• a foreign yoke. He was raised to the throne of Grea•• Britain, under the name of her deliverer from civ•…•… tyranny and religious persecution. He was considere•• in the same important light by the rest of Europ•…•… The Empire, Spain, and Italy looked up to his coun+cils, as their only resource against the exorbita•…•… ambition and power of Lewis the Fourteenth; a•…•… France herself, when she affected to despise his pow+er the most, owned his importance, by an illiber•…•… joy upon a false report of his deathY 1.734.

* 1.735 But if the private character of William has be•…•… too critically examined, here the praise bestowed 〈◊〉〈◊〉

his public conduct ought to terminate. Though he was brave in action, and loved war as an amusement, he possessed not the talents of a great general, and he was too prodigal of the lives of men. Though he obtained the name of a deliverer in England, and though, in fact, he might be considered in that light, with regard to Europe, more is owing to his own am|bition, than to a general love of mankind. In Hol|land, where he obtained the chief authority, in a time of public distress, he frequently exercised his power in a manner inconsistent with the rights of a free stateZ 1.736. In England, he scarce adhered in any thing, to the moderate declaration which paved his way to the throne. Though he obtained the crown by election, he shewed no disposition to relinquish any of its hereditary ornaments; and though he affected to despise royalty, no Prince was ever more fond of the distinction paid to a King. His intrigues to expel his uncle from a throne, which he himself intended to mount, were by no means suitable with any strict ad|herence to virtueA 1.737. To gain to his interest the ser|vants of King James, may not have been inconsistent with those allowances generally made for ambitious views. But there was a considerable degree of im|morality, in his being accessary to the suggesting of those unpopular measures, which he turned, after|wards, with so much success, against that unfortunate as well as imprudent MonarchB 1.738. Upon the whole, if we must allow that King William, with all his faults, was a great Prince, it ought also to be admit|ted, that virtue was never an unsurmountable obstacle to his ambition and views on power.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Observati|ons.
• * 1.2

  Discon|tents.
• A 1.3

  MS. 1691. Journals passim.
• B 1.4

  MS. 1691.
• C 1.5

  Nottingham to William, 1690.
• * 1.6

  Secret in|trigues
• D 1.7

  Intell. from England. MS. 1691.
• E 1.8

  Rcresby.
• F 1.9

  Mem. to Lewis, MS. 1689.
• G 1.10

  Ibid.
• * 1.11

  with the Whigs.
• H 1.12

  Caermarthen to William, June 13, 1690.
• I 1.13

  Ma|ry to William, 1690.
• K 1.14

  Caermarthen to William, 1690.
• L 1.15

  Dalrymple's Appen. Stuart-papers.
• * 1.16

  James gains many friends.
• M 1.17

  Dalrymple's Appen. and MS. 1691.
• N 1.18

  Instruc|tions to G. H. MS. 1691.
• O 1.19

  Ibid.
• * 1.20

  Their views
• P 1.21

  Ferguson's Memorial, MS. Oct. 1691.
• Q 1.22

  Ibid.
• * 1.23

  Correspon|dence of Marlbo|rough and Russel.
• R 1.24

  Jan. 10th, 1691.
• S 1.25

  May 20th, 1691.
• T 1.26

  Dec. 10th, 1691.
• U 1.27

  Dec. 1691.
• V 1.28

  Marlborough's Message, MS. 1694. James II. 1692.
• * 1.29

  Intrigues of James in England.
• W 1.30

  Stuart papers, 1693.
• * 1.31

  Project of an invasion.
• X 1.32

  Stuart papers, 1692. Dalrymple's Append.
• * 1.33

  Preparati|ons of Wil|liam.
• Y 1.34

  Stuart-papers, 1692.
• * 1.35

  James ar|rives at La Hogue.
• Z 1.36

  May 8.
• * 1.37

  Vigorous measures in England.
• A 1.38

  Gazettes, 1692.
• * 1.39

  The fleet sails toward La Hogue.
• B 1.40

  James II. 1692.
• C 1.41

  Russel's Letter to Nottingham, June 2, 1692.
• * 1.42

  An engage|ment.
• D 1.43

  Ibid.
• * 1.44

  Sixteen French ships burnt.
• E 1.45

  Russel's letter to Nottingham, June 2, 1692.
• * 1.46

  Observati|ons
• F 1.47

  Gazette.
• * 1.48

  on the affair of La Hogue.
• H 1.49

  Stuart papers.
• * 1.50

  Conduct of James. Transacti|ons at sea.
• I 1.51

  Stuart-papers, 1692. James II.
• K 1.52

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• L 1.53

  Ibid.
• * 1.54

  Campaign in Flanders.
• M 1.55

  Hist. de France, Tom. iii. Hist. d'Allemagne, Tom. vii.
• * 1.56

  Namur taken.
• N 1.57

  June 29. N. S.
• O 1.58

  July 5.
• P 1.59

  Hist. de France, tom. iii.
• * 1.60

  Battle of Steinkirk.
• Q 1.61

  Hist. de France, tom. iii. Gazettes, passim.
• * 1.62

  A conspira|cy against William.
• * 1.63

  Campaign in Savoy, on the Rhine, and in Hun|gary.
• R 1.64

  Hist. de France, tom. iii.
• * 1.65

  Young's forgeries.
• S 1.66

  Case of the Earls of Huntington and Marlborough.
• * 1.67

  Discontents.
• T 1.68

  Publications, An. 1692.
• * 1.69

  Parliament meets.
• U 1.70

  Journals, Nov. 4th, 1692.
• * 1.71

  Ill humour in
• V 1.72

  Journals of the Lords.
• * 1.73

  both houses.
• W 1.74

  Nov. 10.
• X 1.75

  Journals passim.
• * 1.76

  A supply granted.
• Y 1.77

  Stuart-papers, Sept. 1692.
• Z 1.78

  Journals, Nov. 22.
• A 1.79

  Dec. 2.
• B 1.80

  Feb. 3, 1693.
• * 1.81

  The lords refractory.
• C 1.82

  Stuart-papers, Nov. 1692.
• D 1.83

  Ibid.
• E 1.84

  Ibid.
• * 1.85

  1693. They re|monstrate against fo|reigners.
• F 1.86

  Journals, Feb. 25, 1693.
• G 1.87

  Journals.
• * 1.88

  Proceedings of both houses.
• H 1.89

  Stu|art-papers, 1692.
• I 1.90

  Journals, passim.
• * 1.91

  A place-bill rejected by the lords.
• K 1.92

  Journals.
• * 1.93

  Bill for shortening the durati|on of par|liament re|jected by the King.
• L 1.94

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• M 1.95

  March 14.
• * 1.96

  Affairs of Ireland.
• N 1.97

  Printed Proclamation.
• O 1.98

  Journals, passim, 1693.
• * 1.99

  The grie|vances of that king|dom
• P 1.100

  Journals, passion. Slone's Narrative.
• * 1.101

  laid before the English parliament.
• Q 1.102

  1692.
• R 1.103

  Slone and Brewster's Narratives.
• S 1.104

  Ibid. passim.
• * 1.105

  A remon|strance on that subject.
• * 1.106

  Parliament prorogued, March 14.
• T 1.107

  Journals, Mar. 14.
• U 1.108

  Publications, 1693.
• * 1.109

  A stairs of Scotland.
• W 1.110

  Stuart-papers, passim.
• * 1.111

  Obsequious|ness of its parliament
• * 1.112

  ill requi••ted by William.
• X 1.113

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• * 1.114

  Intrigues of
• Y 1.115

  Stuart-papers, Nov. 1692.
• Z 1.116

  Ibid. Nov. 1692.
• * 1.117

  the late King
• A 1.118

  Stuart-papers, Nov. 1692.
• B 1.119

  Ibid.
• * 1.120

  in England.
• C 1.121

  Stuart-papers, 1693.
• * 1.122

  His declara|tion
• D 1.123

  April 17, N. S.
• * 1.124

  to the peo|ple of Eng|land.
• E 1.125

  Printed Declaration.
• * 1.126

  Legal seve|rities.
• F 1.127

  May 15.
• G 1.128

  May 2.
• H 1.129

  Anderton's Case.
• * 1.130

  Campaign in Flanders.
• * 1.131

  The French attack.
• I 1.132

  Mem. de Feuquieres.
• * 1.133

  and defeat Willam
• K 1.134

  July 28.
• L 1.135

  William's account. Gazettes.
• * 1.136

  at Landen.
• M 1.137

  Hist. de France, tom. iii.
• * 1.138

  Reflections on his con|duct.
• N 1.139

  Mem. de Feuquieres.
• O 1.140

  Ibid.
• P 1.141

  Hist. de France, vol. iii.
• * 1.142

  Campaign on the Up|per Rhine.
• Q 1.143

  May 18.
• R 1.144

  June 10.
• S 1.145

  July 29.
• * 1.146

  In Piedmont
• T 1.147

  October 4.
• U 1.148

  Mem. de Marq. Feuquiers. Gazettes.
• * 1.149

  In Spain and Hunga|ry.
• W 1.150

  Hist des Ottomans, vol. ii.
• * 1.151

  Affairs at sea.
• X 1.152

  Stuart-papers, 1693.
• * 1.153

  The Smyr|na fleet
• Y 1.154

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• Z 1.155

  Burchel's Naval History.
• * 1.156

  surprised by the French.
• A 1.157

  May 16.
• B 1.158

  French Accounts.
• * 1.159

  Discontents.
• C 1.160

  Burnet, vol. iii. Stuart-papers, 1693.
• * 1.161

  Intrigues of James
• D 1.162

  Oct. 31.
• E 1.163

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• F 1.164

  James II. 1693.
• G 1.165

  Stu|art-papers, Oct. 1693.
• * 1.166

  in England.
• H 1.167

  MS. Instructions to Russel, Oct. 1693.
• I 1.168

  Stu|art-papers. Ibid.
• * 1.169

  Whigs as well as Tories.
• * 1.170

  most of the clergy, ma|ny in the army,
• K 1.171

  Stuart papers, Oct. Nov. Dec. 1693.
• L 1.172

  Stuart-papers, passim. James II.
• * 1.173

  his former greatest enemies, and those who
• M 1.174

  Stuart-papers, 1693.
• * 1.175

  betrayed him before, are in his interest.
• N 1.176

  Stuart-papers, 1694.
• * 1.177

  Parliament meets.
• O 1.178

  Journals, Nov. 7, 1693.
• * 1.179

  Proceedings of the com|mons.
• P 1.180

  Journals. Nov. 25.
• * 1.181

  They grant large sup|plies.
• Q 1.182

  Dec. 21. Dec. 29.
• R 1.183

  Journals, passim.
• * 1.184

  Other pro|ceedings
• S 1.185

  Jan. 25th, 1694.
• T 1.186

  Stuart-papers, 1693.
• * 1.187

  of the two houses
• U 1.188

  Stuart-papers, 1693.
• * 1.189

  of parlia|ment.
• W 1.190

  Journals, passim.
• * 1.191

  Several per|sons of rank
• A 1.192

  Stuart-papers, 1693, 1694.
• * 1.193

  in corres|pondence with the late King.
• B 1.194

  Ibid. Feb. 1694
• C 1.195

  Hist. de France, tom. iii.
• * 1.196

  Intrigues of Marl|borough,
• D 1.197

  Stuart-papers, March 1694. James II. 1694.
• E 1.198

  Stuart-papers, March, 1694. James II. 1694.
• F 1.199

  Ibid.
• * 1.200

  Russel,
• G 1.201

  Stuart-papers, passim.
• * 1.202

  Shrewsbury,
• H 1.203

  Ibid. March 1694.
• * 1.204

  Godolphin,
• I 1.205

  Stuart-papers, March 1694.
• * 1.206

  Sunderland,
• K 1.207

  Stuart-papers, March 1694.
• L 1.208

  Stuart-papers.
• * 1.209

  Whigs and Tories pro|miscuously in office.
• M 1.210

  Dutch encroachments, p. 20.
• N 1.211

  Gazette.
• * 1.212

  Titles con|ferred.
• O 1.213

  Stuart-papers, 1693, 1694.
• P 1.214

  Ibid.
• Q 1.215

  Ibid.
• R 1.216

  Ibid. 1690, 1691.
• * 1.217

  Preparati|ons at Sea.
• S 1.218

  Stuart papers, 1694.
• T 1.219

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• * 1.220

  An expedi|tion against Brest.
• U 1.221

  Stuart-papers, 1694.
• W 1.222

  April 15th, N. S.
• * 1.223

  Betrayed by the Earl of Marlbo|rough, May 4th.
• X 1.224

  Stuart-papers, May 1694. James II. 1694.
• * 1.225

  The enter|prise mis|carries.
• Y 1.226

  Burnet. Marq. of Caermarthen's Journal.
• Z 1.227

  Hist. de France, vol. iii. Kennet. Ralph.
• * 1.228

  In Spain.
• A 1.229

  Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ii.
• * 1.230

  Other mili|tary trans|actions.
• B 1.231

  Oct. 26.
• C 1.232

  Ju+ly 12.
• D 1.233

  July 19.
• E 1.234

  Burchit.
• * 1.235

  King ar|rives. Parliament meete.
• F 1.236

  Journals, Nov. 12.
• * 1.237

  A supply granted.
• G 1.238

  Ibid. Nov. 21.
• H 1.239

  Nov. 21.
• I 1.240

  Dec. 3.
• * 1.241

  Triennial bill.
• K 1.242

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• L 1.243

  Journals of the Lorde Dec. 18.
• * 1.244

  Death and character of the Queen.
• * 1.245

  Grief of William.
• * 1.246

  Conduct of the Princess of Den|mark.
• M 1.247

  Burnet. Dutchess of Marlborough.
• * 1.248

  Reflections of James, on the death of Mary.
• N 1.249

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• O 1.250

  James H. 1694.
• * 1.251

  Proceedings of parlia|ment
• P 1.252

  Trial. Kennet. vol. iii. Ralph. vol. ii. Auct cirat. passim.
• * 1.253

  on the Lan|cashire plot.
• Q 1.254

  Johnston's Letters to Carstares
• R 1.255

  Aug. 1695.
• * 1.256

  An inquiry into abuses.
• S 1.257

  Journals, January 12th.
• T 1.258

  Ibid. Feb. 1695.
• U 1.259

  Ibid.
• * 1.260

  The speak|er expelled for corrupti|on.
• V 1.261

  Journals, March 1695.
• * 1.262

  Corrupt practices in India affairs,
• W 1.263

  Journals, March 26, 1695.
• * 1.264

  detected
• X 1.265

  Journals passim.
• * 1.266

  by the com|mons.
• Y 1.267

  Journals, passim.
• * 1.268

  Dake of Leeds im|peached.
• Z 1.269

  Journals, passim.
• * 1.270

  An act with regard to the coin.
• A 1.271

  Burnet, vol, iii.
• B 1.272

  Journals, March 19, 1695.
• C 1.273

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• * 1.274

  Parliament protogued.
• D 1.275

  Petition to the lords.
• E 1.276

  Dutch Encroachments P. 53 MS. Account in the Bodleian library, Oxon.
• F 1.277

  Journals, May 3, 1695.
• * 1.278

  Dispositions for opening the cam|paign.
• G 1.279

  Auct. citat. passim.
• H 1.280

  Jan. 4. N. S.
• I 1.281

  Mem. du Feuquiere, p. 120.
• * 1.282

  Preparati|ons against Namar.
• K 1.283

  Ibid.
• * 1.284

  The town invested.
• L 1.285

  Memoires du Feuquiere.
• M 1.286

  Ibid.
• * 1.287

  Operations.
• N 1.288

  Journal of the siege.
• * 1.289

  The citadel capitulates.
• O 1.290

  Journal of the siege.
• * 1.291

  Reflections.
• * 1.292

  Campaign in Italy, Germany, and Spain,
• P 1.293

  Jan. 24, 1695.
• Q 1.294

  Hist. de Pologne, tom. ii.
• * 1.295

  Transacti|ons and
• * 1.296

  disasters at sea.
• R 1.297

  Journals.
• S 1.298

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• T 1.299

  Burchet
• * 1.300

  Affairs of Scotland.
• U 1.301

  Apr. 22, 1694.
• V 1.302

  Apr. 21, 1694.
• W 1.303

  Burnet. James II. 1694.
• * 1.304

  A session of parliament.
• X 1.305

  Burnet, vol. iii. p. 156.
• Y 1.306

  King's Letter.
• * 1.307

  The mem|bers gained.
• Z 1.308

  Proceedings of Scot. Parl.
• * 1.309

  Proceedings
• A 1.310

  Proceedings of Scot. Parl. Burnet, vol. iii. Ralph, vol. ii.
• * 1.311

  Affairs of Ireland.
• B 1.312

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• C 1.313

  Ibid.
• D 1.314

  Ibid.
• E 1.315

  Aug. 27, 1695.
• * 1.316

  A session of parliament.
• F 1.317

  Address of the Commons.
• * 1.318

  Inactivity of the late King.
• G 1.319

  Arran to James March 13, 1695.
• H 1.320

  Sunderland's Correspondence Scot. Coll. Paris.
• * 1.321

  Zeal of his adherents.
• I 1.322

  Stuart-papers, 1695.
• * 1.323

  His party increases in England.
• J 1.324

  Middleton to Mordant, June 6, 1695.
• K 1.325

  Ibid.
• L 1.326

  James II. 1695.
• * 1.327

  Si•…•…ion of William,
• L 1.328

  Perth's Correspondence, Stuart-papers, 1695.
• * 1.329

  compared with James.
• M 1.330

  Perth's letter, Stuart-papers, 1695.
• * 1.331

  King's pro|gress.
• N 1.332

  Stuart-papers, 1695.
• O 1.333

  Publications of the times.
• * 1.334

  A new par|liament.
• P 1.335

  Journals, Nov 23, 1695.
• * 1.336

  A bill for regulating trials.
• Q 1.337

  Statute, 7 W.
• * 1.338

  A supply voted.
• R 1.339

  Journals, Dec. 6.
• S 1.340

  Journals.
• * 1.341

  Debates
• * 1.342

  on the coin-act.
• * 1.343

  A bill passed.
• T 1.344

  To six shillings and three-pence.
• S 1.345

  Dec. 10.
• T 1.346

  Dec. 17.
• U 1.347

  Dec. 31.
• * 1.348

  Address against the Scotish East-India company.
• V 1.349

  Dec. 14.
• * 1.350

  1696
• W 1.351

  Jan. 13, 1696.
• * 1.352

  A bill for a new council of trade.
• X 1.353

  Stuart-papers, 1695.
• * 1.354

  The com|mons ad|dress against the Earl of Portland.
• Y 1.355

  Journals.
• * 1.356

  An incident favourable to William.
• * 1.357

  Preparati|ons of James, for an invasion.
• Z 1.358

  James II. 1696.
• A 1.359

  Ibid.
• * 1.360

  A conspira|cy against the King's life.
• B 1.361

  Ibid.
• C 1.362

  Ibid.
• D 1.363

  Dec. 10, 1695.
• * 1.364

  The plot discovered.
• E 1.365

  James II. 1696.
• F 1.366

  Ibid.
• G 1.367

  Feb. 26, 1696
• * 1.368

  The King's speech to the parlia|ment.
• H 1.369

  Journals, Feb. 24.
• * 1.370

  Zeal of the two houses.
• I 1.371

  Ibid.
• * 1.372

  Projects of the late King brok|en.
• K 1.373

  James H. 1696.
• * 1.374

  The invasi|on laid aside.
• L 1.375

  James H. 1696.
• * 1.376

  Conspirators punished.
• M 1.377

  Stuart-papers, 1696.
• * 1.378

  Proceedings of parlia|ment.
• N 1.379

  Journals.
• * 1.380

  Exhausted state of France.
• * 1.381

  Her in|trigues,
• * 1.382

  and desire of peace.
• * 1.383

  An inactive campaign in Flanders.
• * 1.384

  Operations on the side of Spain.
• A 1.385

  Hist. d'Espagne.
• * 1.386

  Naval trans|actions.
• B 1.387

  Hist. de France, tom. iii.
• * 1.388

  Military affairs. Desertion of the Duke of Savoy..
• C 1.389

  Hist. du Nord, tom. ii.
• D 1.390

  May 30th.
• E 1.391

  Hist. de France, tom. iii.
• * 1.392

  Advances toward a peace.
• A 1.393

  De Torcy, tom. i.
• * 1.394

  English, Scotish, and Irish affairs.
• B 1.395

  33 Hen. VIII.
• C 1.396

  June 27th.
• * 1.397

  Parliament meets.
• D 1.398

  Journals, Oct. 20, 1696.
• * 1.399

  Diligence of the com|mons.
• E 1.400

  Oct. 22.
• F 1.401

  Oct. 28.
• G 1.402

  Nov. 3.
• H 1.403

  Nov. 9.
• * 1.404

  Public cre|dit restored.
• I 1.405

  Feb. 3. 1697.
• * 1.406

  Sir John Fenwick's case.
• K 1.407

  June 11, 1696.
• * 1.408

  He is at|tained and executed.
• L 1.409

  James II. 1694.
• M 1.410

  Jour|nals, Nov. 6.
• N 1.411

  Journals, Nov. 6.
• O 1.412

  Nov. 25, 189 agai 156.
• P 1.413

  68 against 61. Feb. 9, 1697.
• Q 1.414

  Ja•…•… II. 1696.
• * 1.415

  Obsequious|ness of par|liament.
• R 1.416

  Feb. 9, 1697.
• S 1.417

  April 11.
• * 1.418

  Sunderland in office.
• T 1.419

  Stuart-papers, 1696. James II. 1696.
• * 1.420

  Congress at Riswick.
• * 1.421

  The peace opposed by the Empe|ror and Spain.
• * 1.422

  The cause of their ob|stinacy.
• U 1.423

  Torcy's Memoirs, vol. i.
• * 1.424

  Intrigues for the Spanish suc|cession.
• W 1.425

  Torcy's Memoirs, vol. i.
• * 1.426

  Operations in Flanders and Catalo|nia.
• X 1.427

  Hist. de Fran•…•… tom. iii. Hist. d'Espange, tom. ii.
• * 1.428

  Crown of Poland of|fered to James.
• Y 1.429

  James II. 1696.
• * 1.430

  Conferred on the Elec|tor of Sax|ony.
• Z 1.431

  James II. 1696.
• * 1.432

  The mari|time pow|ers and France re|solve on a peace.
• A 1.433

  Ibid.
• B 1.434

  Ibid.
• * 1.435

  Secret views of the late King.
• C 1.436

  James II. 1697.
• * 1.437

  He is a|larmed at the con|gress.
• D 1.438

  Ibid.
• E 1.439

  Ibid.
• F 1.440

  Ibid.
• G 1.441

  James II. 1697.
• * 1.442

  William hastens the peace.
• H 1.443

  Depôt des Affaires Etran|geres à Versailles.
• * 1.444

  Agrees that the Prince of Wales should suc|ceed him in the throne.
• I 1.445

  James II. 1697.
• * 1.446

  Reflections on that transaction.
• * 1.447

  The propo|sal rejected by James.
• K 1.448

  James II. 1697.
• L 1.449

  Memorial to the Pope, 1697. Memorial to the Elector Palatine. MS.
• * 1.450

  France more per|emptory in her de|mands.
• M 1.451

  July 20.
• * 1.452

  Treaty sign|ed Sept. 10.
• N 1.453

  Vid. Treaty.
• * 1.454

  Peace be|tween France and the Empe|ror, Oct. 20.
• O 1.455

  Hist. d'Allemagne, tom. vii.
• * 1.456

  The bloods battle of Zenta.
• P 1.457

  Sept. 11.
• Q 1.458

  Hist. d'Allemague.
• * 1.459

  King returns to England. Nov.
• * 1.460

  A session of Parliament.
• R 1.461

  Journals, Nov. 3.
• * 1.462

  Views of parties.
• S 1.463

  Nov. 3.
• T 1.464

  Journals, Dec. 7.
• * 1.465

  The army ordered to be disband|ed.
• U 1.466

  Dec. 9.
• W 1.467

  Dec. 10.
• X 1.468

  Dec. 11.
• * 1.469

  Arguments for the question.
• * 1.470

  General ar|guments.
• * 1.471

  Particular reasons against it.
• Y 1.472

  Journals.
• * 1.473

  The oppo|sing mem|bers pre|vail.
• Z 1.474

  Trenchard's Remarks.
• * 1.475

  The King disgusted.
• A 1.476

  Burnet, vol. ii.
• B 1.477

  Dec. 26.
• C 1.478

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• * 1.479

  The large provision for the civil list.
• D 1.480

  Dec. 17.
• E 1.481

  Dec. 18.
• F 1.482

  Dec. 20.
• G 1.483

  Jan. 14, 1698.
• H 1.484

  Jan. 18.
• I 1.485

  Jan. 22.
• K 1.486

  Feb. 10.
• * 1.487

  obtained by an artifice of the King.
• L 1.488

  Duchess of Marlborough. Burnet.
• M 1.489

  James II. 1697.
• N 1.490

  Duchess of Marlborough.
• * 1.491

  An inquiry into grants and fraudu|lent indorse|ments of exchequer bills.
• O 1.492

  Jan. 11.
• P 1.493

  Journals.
• * 1.494

  A new East-India company established.
• Q 1.495

  Journals.
• * 1.496

  Parliament dissolved.
• R 1.497

  Ibid. July 5.
• * 1.498

  Embassy of Portland to France.
• * 1.499

  Intrigues for the Spanish suc|cession. March.
• S 1.500

  De Torcy, vol. i.
• * 1.501

  Negociati|ons of France in Spain.
• T 1.502

  Ibid.
• * 1.503

  A treaty of partition proposed to William.
• U 1.504

  De Torcy, vol. i.
• W 1.505

  Ibid.
• * 1.506

  Negotiati|ons for that purpose in England.
• X 1.507

  His Answer to the French Ambassador.
• Y 1.508

  De Torcy, vol. i.
• * 1.509

  Earl of Marlbo|rough re|stored to office.
• Z 1.510

  Gazette.
• * 1.511

  The King goes abroad
• A 1.512

  State Tracts.
• * 1.513

  Proceedings of
• B 1.514

  Letter to the Scot. Parl
• * 1.515

  the parlia|ment of Scotland,
• B 1.516

  Petition of the gen. council to parl. 1698.
• * 1.517

  on the affair of Darien.
• C 1.518

  Sept. 1698.
• * 1.519

  Affairs of Ireland.
• D 1.520

  Journals, Sept. 27, 1698.
• * 1.521

  Proceedings of parlia|ment.
• E 1.522

  Oct. 14
• F 1.523

  Oct. 10.
• * 1.524

  William in Holland.
• G 1.525

  August 19.
• H 1.526

  William to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, August 15, 1698.
• * 1.527

  First parti|tion treaty signed.
• I 1.528

  De Torcy, vol. i. p. 45.
• * 1.529

  Its effect on the Spanish court.
• * 1.530

  A new par|liament.
• K 1.531

  Journals, Dec. 6.
• L 1.532

  Dec. 9.
• * 1.533

  Resentment against the King's speech.
• M 1.534

  Burnet, 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• N 1.535

  Jan. 3, 1699.
• * 1.536

  The army reduced to seven thou|sand men.
• O 1.537

  Burnet, vol. ii.
• * 1.538

  William dis|pleased, threatens to abandon the kingdom.
• P 1.539

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• * 1.540

  1699. He yields to the com|mons.
• * 1.541

  Solicits them for his Dutch guards in vain.
• R 1.542

  Feb. 19
• S 1.543

  March 18.
• Q 1.544

  Journals, Feb. 1, 1699.
• T 1.545

  March 24.
• * 1.546

  Parliament prorogued.
• * 1.547

  State of Europe.
• A 1.548

  Hist. Ottomane, tom. ii.
• B 1.549

  Hist. de France, tom. iii.
• C 1.550

  Hist. Ottomane, tom ii.
• * 1.551

  Peace be|tween the Emperor and the Porte.
• D 1.552

  Ibid.
• E 1.553

  Hist du Nord, tom. ii.
• * 1.554

  The first partition treaty de|feated.
• F 1.555

  N. S.
• G 1.556

  De Torcy, vol. i.
• * 1.557

  William •…•…ens to another.
• H 1.558

  De Torcy, vol. i.
• * 1.559

  Intelligence of his views sent to Spain.
• I 1.560

  Memorial, August 1699.
• * 1.561

  An insolent memorial by the Spanish am|bassador.
• * 1.562

  He is order|ed to depart the king|dom.
• * 1.563

  Affairs of the North.
• K 1.564

  Hist. de Suede, tom. ii.
• * 1.565

  Affairs of the Scotish company.
• L 1.566

  Defence of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scots, &c.
• * 1.567

  The are dis|couraged by the King.
• M 1.568

  May 3, 1699.
• * 1.569

  Distress of the adven|turers; a ferment in the nation.
• N 1.570

  Enquiry into the causes of the miscarriage at Dari•…•…
• * 1.571

  William re|turns. A change in the minis|try.
• O 1.572

  Oct. 25.
• P 1.573

  Publications of the year.
• * 1.574

  Parliament meets.
• Q 1.575

  No•…•… 16.
• R 1.576

  Dec. 2.
• S 1.577

  Dec. 24.
• * 1.578

  Inquiry into Irish for fei|tures.
• T 1.579

  Journals.
• * 1.580

  Report of the com|missioners.
• U 1.581

  Journals.
• * 1.582

  1700. Violence of the com|mons.
• V 1.583

  Dec. 15, 1699.
• W 1.584

  Journals, Jan. 1700.
• * 1.585

  They tack the bill of resumption to the sup|ply.
• X 1.586

  Jan. 18.
• Y 1.587

  Journals.
• * 1.588

  Their reso|lutions hostile,
• Z 1.589

  Feb. 14.
• A 1.590

  Feb. •…•…
• B 1.591

  Feb. 26.
• * 1.592

  and pro|ceedings displeasing to the King.
• C 1.593

  April 1.
• D 1.594

  Journals.
• * 1.595

  They carry their point against him.
• E 1.596

  April 10.
• F 1.597

  April 11.
• * 1.598

  Affairs of the Scotish company.
• G 1.599

  Chancello•…•… Letter to the Directors.
• H 1.600

  Letter to the Chancellor.
• * 1.601

  Opposed by the King.
• I 1.602

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• J 1.603

  Journals.
• * 1.604

  A petition in the name of the whole Scotish na|tion.
• K 1.605

  Mar •…•…, 1700.
• * 1.606

  The King, disgusted.
• L 1.607

  Burnet, vol. iii.
• M 1.608

  Ibid.
• * 1.609

  A change in the ministry.
• * 1.610

  Character of the Lord Sommers.
• N 1.611

  Swift's MS. notes on Macky.
• O 1.612

  May 20.
• * 1.613

  Second trea|ty 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parti|tion
• P 1.614

  De Torcy, vol. i.
• * 1.615

  concluded between William and France.
• Q 1.616

  De Torcy, vol. i.
• * 1.617

  Treaty with Sweden.
• R 1.618

  Hist. du Nord. tom. ii•…•…
• * 1.619

  Copenhagen bombarded.
• S 1.620

  June 27.
• T 1.621

  July 20.
• U 1.622

  July 30.
• * 1.623

  Denmark forced into a peace.
• V 1.624

  Hist. du Nord, tom. i.
• * 1.625

  Affairs of Scotland.
• W 1.626

  May 30.
• * 1.627

  Parliament address against an adjournment
• X 1.628

  June 11.
• * 1.629

  A general ferment.
• * 1.630

  Violence of the discon|tented.
• Y 1.631

  Manchester's Correspondence. Cole's coll.
• * 1.632

  Inactivity of the late King.
• Z 1.633

  Contin. of James II.'s Memoirs, MS.
• * 1.634

  Death of the Duke of Gloucester.
• A 1.635

  Lamberty, tom. i.
• * 1.636

  Death of the K. of Spain.
• B 1.637

  De Torcy, tom. i.
• * 1.638

  His will in favour of the Duke of Anjou.
• C 1.639

  De Torcy. tom. i.
• * 1.640

  Lewis XIV. accepts the will.
• D 1.641

  Ibid.
• * 1.642

  Resentment of the Em|peror.
• E 1.643

  Stanhope to Manchester, Dec. 10.
• F 1.644

  Stan•…•… to Manchester, Manchester to Vernon, Dec. 18.
• * 1.645

  William disposed to preserve a good under|standing with Spain.
• G 1.646

  Jan. 5, 1701.
• H 1.647

  April 17.
• * 1.648

  State of af|faires at home.
• I 1.649

  Dec. 12, 7co.
• J 1.650

  Nov. 7.
• K 1.651

  Dec. 4.
• * 1.652

  The Scotish parliament reconciled.
• * 1.653

  A new par|liament in England.
• * 1.654

  Mutual ani|mosities of the Whigs and Tories.
• L 1.655

  Journals
• * 1.656

  Steps to|ward a war.
• M 1.657

  Feb. 17.
• * 1.658

  All parties eager for it.
• N 1.659

  Feb. 20.
• * 1.660

  Melfort's letter be|fore the houses.
• O 1.661

  Feb. 19.
• P 1.662

  Feb. 26.
• * 1.663

  Settlement of the crown.
• Q 1.664

  March 3.
• * 1.665

  Articles for the security of the sub|ject.
• R 1.666

  March 12.
• * 1.667

  The Prin|cess Sophia placed in the succes|on,
• S 1.668

  Ibid.
• T 1.669

  Journals, April 14.
• * 1.670

  as the Pro|testant near est to the crown.
• * 1.671

  Reflections.
• * 1.672

  Proceedings of parlia|ment.
• V 1.673

  Journals of the commons.
• * 1.674

  Lords ad|dress against the partiti|on treaties.
• V 1.675

  Journals of the lords.
• W 1.676

  Ibid.
• * 1.677

  The King's prudent ma|nagement of the com|mons.
• X 1.678

  Journals, March 22.
• * 1.679

  Several lords impeached.
• Y 1.680

  March 27.
• Z 1.681

  April.
• A 1.682

  April 14.
• B 1.683

  Journals.
• * 1.684

  Proceedings of the com|mons.
• * 1.685

  Artifice of the court.
• * 1.686

  Kentish pe|tition.
• C 1.687

  May 8.
• D 1.688

  Journals, May.
• * 1.689

  Difference between the houses.
• * 1.690

  Reflections on the con|duct of the commons;
• * 1.691

  and on that of the King
• * 1.692

  William in Holland.
• * 1.693

  War in Ita|ly. French defeated at Carpi,
• E 1.694

  Memoires de Fouquiere. p. 240.
• * 1.695

  and again at Chiari.
• F 1.696

  Sept. 11.
• * 1.697

  Negociati|ons of the Emperor.
• G 1.698

  Hist. d'Allemagne, tom. vii.
• * 1.699

  Sept. 7. Triple alli|ance.
• H 1.700

  Vid. Tret
• * 1.701

  Exhausted state of France
• I 1.702

  Hist. de France. De Torcy.
• * 1.703

  and Spain.
• K 1.704

  Schonenburg's correspondence.
• * 1.705

  Death of King James
• L 1.706

  MS. Account of King James's Death.
• * 1.707

  Lewis XIV. promises to own his son;
• M 1.708

  Con|tinuation of the Life of James II.
• N 1.709

  Continuation of the Life of James II.
• * 1.710

  who is de|clared King of Great Britain and Ireland.
• O 1.711

  Ibid.
• P 1.712

  Manchester to Blathwayte.
• * 1.713

  Preparations for war.
• * 1.714

  King de|clines in his health, and returns.
• Q 1.715

  Publications of the times.
• * 1.716

  Contests between parties.
• * 1.717

  Affairs of the North.
• R 1.718

  Hist. du Nord, tom. ii.
• * 1.719

  A new par|liament.
• S 1.720

  216 against 212.
• T 1.721

  Stuart-papers.
• * 1.722

  King's speech.
• U 1.723

  Journals, Dec 31.
• * 1.724

  1702. Proceedings of parlia|ment.
• V 1.725

  Journals, Jan. 10, 170.
• W 1.726

  Jan. 9.
• * 1.727

  The King falls from his horse.
• * 1.728

  His death.
• * 1.729

  Reflections.
• X 1.730

  Vol. i. p. 163.
• * 1.731

  His person,
• * 1.732

  and private character.
• * 1.733

  His public conduct.
• Y 1.734

  1690.
• * 1.735

  Reflections on both.
• Z 1.736

  D'Avaux.
• A 1.737

  James II. D'Avaux. MSS. 1688. Dalrymple's Append.
• B 1.738

  D'Avaux. MSS. 1688.