The interesting narrative of the life of Olaudah Equiano: or Gustavus Vassa, the African. Written by himself. [pt.2]

CHAP. XII.

Different transactions of the author's life till the present time—His application to the late Bishop of London to be appointed a missionary to Africa—Some account of his share in the conduct of the late expe|dition to Sierra Leona—Petition to the Queen—Conclusion.

SUCH were the various 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which I was a witness to, and the fertune I experienced until the year 1777. Since that period, my life has been more uni|form, and the incidents of it fewer, than in any other equal number of years preceding; I therefore hasten to the conclusion of a narrative, which I

fear the reader may think already suf|ficiently tedious.

I had suffered so many impositions in my commercial transactions in dif|ferent parts of the world, that I became heartily disgusted with the seafaring life, and was determined not to re|turn to it, at least for some time. I therefore once more engaged in service shortly after my return, and continued for the most part in this situation until 1784.

Soon after my arrival in London, I saw a remarkable circumstance relative to African complexion, which I thought so extraordinary, that I beg leave just to mention it: A white negro woman, that I had formerly seen in London and other parts, had married a white man, by whom she had three boys, and they were every one mullattoes, and yet they had fine light hair. In 1779,

I served Governor Macnamara, who had been a considerable time on the coast of Africa. In the time of my service, I used to ask frequently other servants to join me in family prayer; but this only excited their mockery. However, the Governor, understanding that I was of a religious turn, wished to know what religion I was of; I told him I was a protestant of the church of England, agreeable to the thirty|nine articles of that church; and that whomsoever I found to preach accord|ing to that doctrine, those I would hear. A few days after this, we had some more discourse on the same subject; when he said he would, if I chose, as he thought I might be of service in converting my countrymen to the Gospel faith, get me sent out as missionary to Africa. I at first refused going, and told him how I had been served on a like occa|sion

by some white people the last voyage I went to Jamaica, when I at|tempted (if it were the will of God) to be the means of converting the Indian prince; and said I supposed they would serve me worse than Alexander the coppersmith did St. Paul, if I should attempt to go amongst them in Africa. He told me not to fear, for he would apply to the Bishop of London to get me ordained. On these terms I con|sented to the Governor's proposal to go to Africa in hope of doing good, if possible, amongst my countrymen; so, in order to have me sent out properly, we immediately wrote the following letters to the late Bishop of London:

To the Right Reverend Father in God, ROBERT, Lord Bishop of London:

The MEMORIAL of GUSTAVUS VASSA

SHEWETH,

THAT your memorialist is a native of Africa, and has a know|ledge of the manners and customs of the inhabitants of that country.

That your memorialist has resided in different parts of Europe for twenty-two years last past, and embraced the Christian faith in the year 1759.

That your memorialist is desirous of returning to Africa as a missionary, if encouraged by your Lordship, in hopes of being able to prevail upon his countrymen to become Christians; and your memorialist is the more induced to undertake the same, from the success that has attended the like undertakings when encouraged by the Portugeuse

through their different settlements on the coast of Africa, and also by the Dutch: both governments encourag|ing the blacks, who, by their educa|tion are qualified to undertake the same, and are found more proper than European clergymen, unacquainted with the language and customs of the country.

Your memorialist's only motive for soliciting the office of a missionary is, that he may be a means, under God, of reforming his countrymen and per|suading them to embrace the Christian religion. Therefore your memorialist humbly prays your Lordship's encou|ragement and support in the under|taking.

GUSTAVAS VASSA.

At Mr. Guthrie's, Taylor, No. 17, Hedge-lane.

MY LORD,

I HAVE resided near seven years on the coast of Africa, for most part of the time as commanding officer. From the knowledge I have of the country and its inhabitants, I am inclined to think that the within plan will be attended with great suc|cess, if countenanced by your Lord|ship. I beg leave further to represent to your Lordship, that the like attempts, when encouraged by other govern|ments, have met with uncommon suc|cess; and at this very time I know a very respectable character a black priest at Cape Coast Castle. I know the within named Gustavus Vassa, and be|lieve him a moral good man.

I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's Humble and obedient servant, MATT. MACNAMARA.

Grove, 11th March 1779.

This letter was also accompanied by the following from Doctor Wallace, who had resided in Africa for many years, and whose sentiments on the subject of an African mission were the same with Governor Macnamara's.

March 13, 1779.

MY LORD,

I have resided near five years on Senegambia on the coast of Africa, and have had the honour of silling very considerable employments in that pro|vince. I do approve of the within plan, and think the undertaking very laudable and proper, and that it deserves your Lordship's protection and encou|ragement, in which case it must be at|tended with the intended success.

I am, my Lord, Your Lordships Humble and obedient servant, THOMAS WALLACE.

With these letters, I waited on the Bishop by the Governor's desire, and presented them to his Lordship. He received me with much condescension and politeness; but, from some certain scruples of delicacy, and saying the Bishops were not of opinion of send|ing a new missionary to Africa, he de|clined to ordain me.

My sole motive for thus dwelling on this transaction, or inserting these pa|pers, is the opinion which gentlemen of sense and education, who are ac|quainted with Africa, entertain of the probability of converting the inhabit|ants of it to the faith of Jesus Christ, if the attempt were countenanced by the legislature.

Shortly after this I left the Governor, and served a nobleman in the Dorset|shire militia, whith whom I was en|camped at Coxheath for some time;

but the operations there were too mi|nute and uninteresting to make a de|tail of.

In the year 1783, I visited eight counties in Wales, from motives of curiosity. While I was in that part of the country I was led to go down into a coal-pit in Shropshire, but my curi|osity nearly cost me my life; for while I was in the pit the coals fell in, and buried one poor man, who was not far from me: upon this I got out as fast as I could, thinking the furface of the earth the safest part of it.

In the spring of 1784, I thought of visiting old ocean again. In conse|quence of this I embarked as steward on board a fine new ship called the London, commanded by Martin Hop|kin, and sailed for New-York. I ad|mired this city very much; it is large and well-built, and abounds with pro|visions

of all kinds. While we lay here a circumstance happened which I thought extremely singular:—One day a malefactor was to be executed on a gallows; but with a condition that if any woman, having nothing on but her shift, married the man under the gal|lows, his life was to be saved. This extraordinary privilege was claimed; a woman presented herself; and the marriage ceremony was performed.

Our ship having got laden were turn|ed to London in January 1785. When she was ready again for another voyage, the captain being an agreeable man, I sailed with him from hence in the spring, March 1785, for Philadelphia. On the 5th of April, we took our de|parture from the land's-end, with a pleasant gale; and about nine o'clock that night the moon shone bright, and the sea was smooth, while our ship

was going free by the wind, at the rate of about four or five miles an hour.—At this time another ship was going nearly as fast as we on the opposite point, meeting us right in the teeth, yet none on board observed either ship until we struck each other forcibly head and head, to the astonishment and consternation of both crews. She did us much damage, but I believe we did her more; for when we passed by each other, which we did very quick|ly, they called to us to bring to, and hoist out our boat, but we had enough to do to mind ourselves; and in about eight minutes we saw no more of her. We refitted as well as we could the next day, and proceeded on our voyage, and in May arrived at Philadelphia.

I was very glad to see this favorite old town once more; and my pleasure was much increased in seeing the wor|thy

quakers freeing and easing the bur|thens of many of my oppressed African brethren. It rejoiced my heart when one of these friendly people took me to see a free-school they had erected for every denomination of black people, whose minds are cultivated here, and forwarded to virtue; and thus they are made useful members of the commu|nity. Does not the success of this practice say loudly to the planters, in the language of scripture—

"Go ye and do likewise!"

In October 1585, I was accompanied by some of the Africans, and presented this address of thanks to the gentlemen called Friends or Quakers, in Grace|church-Court, Lombard-Street:

GENTLEMEN,

By reading your book, en|titled a Caution to Great Britain and

her Colonies, concerning the Calamit|ous State of the enslaved Negroes: We part of the poor, oppressed, needy, and much degraded negroes, desire to ap|proach you with this address of thanks, with our inmost love and warmest ac|knowledgment; and with the deepest sense of your benevolence, unwearied labour, and kind interposition, towards breaking the yoke of slavery, and to administer a little comfort and ease to thousands and tens of thousands of very grievously afflicted, and too heavy burthened negroes.

Gentlemen, could you, by perse|verance, at last be enabled under God, to lighten in any degree the heavy bur|then of the afflicted, no doubt it would in some measure, be the possible means, under God, of saving the souls of many of the oppressors; and if so, sure we are that the God, whose eyes are ever upon

all his creatures, and always rewards every true act of virtue, and regards the prayers of the oppressed, will give to you and yours those blessings which it is not in our power to express or con|ceive, but which we as a part of those captivated, oppressed, and afflicted peo|ple, most earnestly wish and pray for.

These gentlemen received us very kindly, with a promise to exert them|selves on behalf of the oppressed Afri|cans, and we parted.

While in town, I chanced once to be invited to a quaker's wedding. The simple and yet expressive mode used at their solemnizations is worthy of note. The following is the true form of it:

After the company have met, they have seasonable exhortations by several of the members; the bride and bride|groom stand up, and, taking each other

by the hand in a solemn manner, the 〈…〉〈…〉 declares to this purpose:

"Friends, in the fear of the Lord, and in the presence of this assembly, whom I desire to be my witnesses, I take this my friend, M. N. to be my wife; promising, through divine assist|ance, to be unto her a loving and faithful husband till death separate us:"

and the woman makes the like decla|ration. Then the two first sign their names to the record, and as many more witnesses as have a mind. I had the honour to subscribe mine to a regis|ter in Gracechurch-Court, Lombard-Street.—My hand is ever free—if any female Debonair wishes to obtain it, this mode I recommend.

We returned to London in August; and our ship not going immediately to sea, I shipped as a steward in an Ame|rican ship called the Harmony, Captain

John Willet, and left London in March 1786, bound to Philadelphia. Eleven days after sailing, we carried our fore|mast away. We had a nine weeks pas|sage, which caused our trip not to suc|ceed well, the market for our goods proving bad; and to make it worse, my commander began to play me the like tricks as others too often practise on free negroes in the West Indies. But I thank God I found many friends here, who in some measure prevented him. On my return to London in August, I was very agreeably surprised to find that the benevolence of govern|ment had adopted the plan of some philanthropic individuals to send the Africans from hence to their native quarter; and that some vessels were then engaged to carry them to Sierra Leona; an act which redounded to the honour of all concerned in its promo|tion,

and filled me with prayers and much rejoicing. There was then in the city, a select committee of gentlemen for the black poor, to some of whom I had the honour of being known; and, as soon as they heard of my arrival, they sent for me to the committee. When I came there, they informed me of the intention of government; and as they seemed to think me qualified to super|intend part of the undertaking, they asked me to go with the black poor to Africa. I pointed out to them many objections to my going; and particu|larly I expressed some difficulties on the account of the slave dealers, as I would certainly oppose their traffic in the hu|man species by every means in my power. However these objections were over-ruled by the gentlemenof the com|mittee, who prevailed on me to consent to go; and recommended me to the ho|nourable

Commissioners ofhis Majesty's Navy, as a proper person to act as com|missary for government in the intended expedition; and they accordingly ap|pointed me in November 1786, to that office, and gave me sufficient power to act for the government in the capacity of commissary, having received my warrant and the following order.

By the principal Officers and Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy.

WHEREAS you were di|rected, by our warrant of the 4th of last month, to receive into your charge from Mr. Joseph Irwin, the surplus provi|sions remaining of what was provided for the voyage, as well as the provisions for the support of the black poor, after the landing at Sierra Leona, with the cloathing, tools, and all other articles

provided at government's expence; and as the provisions were laid in at the rate of two months for the voyage, and for four months afrer the landing, but the number embarked being so much less than we expected, whereby there may be a considerable surplus of provisions, cloathing, &c. These are, in addition to former orders, to direct and require you to appropriate or dis|pose of such surplus to the best advan|tage you can for the benefit of govern|ment, keeping and rendering to us a faithful account of what you do herein. And for your guidance in preventing any white persons going, who are not intended to have the indulgence of being carried thither, we send you herewith a list of those recommended by the Com|mittee for the balck poor, as proper per|sons to be permitted to embark, and acquaint you that you are not to suffer

any others to go who do not produce a certificate from the committee for the black poor, of their having their per|mission for it. For which this shall be your warrant. Dated at the Navy-Office, January 16, 1787.

• J. HINSLOW,
• GEO. MARSH,
• W. PALMER.

To Mr. Gustavus Vassa, Commissary of Provi|sions and Stores for the Black Poor going to Sierra Leona.

I proceeded immediately to the exe|cuting of my duty on board the vessels destined for the voyage, where I con|tinued till the March following.

During my continuanee in the em|ployment of government, I was struck with the flagrant abuses committed by the agent, and endeavoured to remedy

them, but without effect. One instance, among many which I could produce, may serve as a specimen. Government had ordered to be provided all neces|saries (slops, as they are called, includ|ed) for 750 persons; however, not being able to muster more than 426, I was ordered to send the superfluous slops, &c. to the king's stores at Ports|mouth; but, when I demanded them for that purpose from the agent, it appeared they had never been bought, though paid for by government. But that was not all, government were not the only objects of peculation; these poor people suffered infinitely more; their accom|modations, were most wretched; many of them wanted beds, and many more cloathing and other necessaries. For the truth of this, and much more, I do not seek credit from my own assertion. I appeal to the testimony of Capt.

Thompson, of the Nautilus, who con|voyed us, to whom I applied in Feb|ruary 1787, for a remedy, when I had remonstrated to the agent in vain, and even brought him to be a witness of the injustice and oppression I complained of. I appeal also to a letter written by these wretched people, so early as the beginning of the preceding January, and published in the Morning Herald, on the 4th of that month, signed by twenty of their chiefs.

I could not silently suffer govern|ment to be thus cheated, and my coun|trymen plundered and oppressed, and even lest destitude of the necessaries for almost their existence. I therefore in|formed the Commissioners of the Navy of the agent's proceeding; but my dis|mission was soon after procured, by means of a gentleman in the city, whom the agent, conscious of his peculation,

had deceived by letter, and who, moreover, empowered the same agent to receive on board, at the government expence, a number of persons as pas|sengers, contrary to the orders I receiv|ed. By this I suffered a considerable loss in my property: however, the com|missioners were satisfied with my con|duct, and wrote to Capt. Thompson, expressing their opprobation of it.

Thus provided, they proceeded on their voyage; and at last, worn out by treatment, perhaps not the most mild, and wasted by sickness, brought on by want of medicine, cloaths, bedding, &c. they reached Sirrea Leona just at at the commencement of the rains. At that season of the year it is impos|sible to cultivate the lands; their pro|visions therefore were exhausted before they could derive any benefit from agriculture; and it is not surprising

that many, especially the lascars, whose constitutions are very tender, and who had been cooped up in ships from October to June, and accommodated in the manner I have mentioned, should be so wasted by their confinement as not long to survive it.

Thus ended my part of the long-talked of expedition to Sierra Leona; an expedition which, however unfor|tunate in the event, was humane and politic in its design, nor was its failure owing to government: every thing was done on their part; but there was evi|dently sufficient mismanagement at|tending the conduct and execution of it to defeat its success.

I should not have been so ample in my account of this transaction, had not the share I bore in it been made the subject of partial animadversion, and even my dismission from my employ|ment

thought worthy of being made by some a matter of public triumph* 5.1. The motives which might influence any person to descend to a petty contest with an obscure African, and to seek gratification by his depression, perhaps it is not proper here to inquire into or relate, even if its detection were neces|sary to my vindication; but I thank Heaven it is not. I wish to stand by my own integrity, and not to shelter myself under the impropriety of ano|ther; and I trust the behaviour of the Commissioners of the Navy to me en|title me to make this assertion; for after I had been dismissed, March 24, I drew up a memorial thus:

To the Right Honourable the Lords Com|missioners of his Majesty's Treasury:

The Memorial and Petition of GUSTAVUS VASSA a black Man, late Commissary to the black Poor going to AFRICA.

HUMBLY SHEWETH,

THAT your Lordships me|morialist was, by the Honourable the Commissioners of his Majesty's Navy on the 4th of December last, appointed to the above employment by warrant from that board;

That he accordingly proceeded to the execution of his duty on board of the Vernon, being one of the ships ap|pointed to proceed to Africa with the above poor;

That your memorialist, to his great grief and astonishment, received a let|ter

of dismission from the Honourable Commissioners of the Navy, by your Lordships orders;

That, conscious of having acted with the most perfect fidelity and the greatest assiduity in discharging the trust reposed in him, he is altogether at a loss to conceive the reasons of your Lordships having altered the favour|able opinion you were pleased to con|ceive of him, sensible that your Lord|ships would not proceed to so severe a measure without some apparent good cause; he therefore has every reason to believe that his conduct has been grossly misrepresented to your Lord|ships, and he is the more confirmed in his opinion, because, by opposing mea|sures of others concerned in the same expedition, which tended to defeat your Lordships humane intentions, and to put the government to a very consider|able

additional expence, he created a number of enemies, whose misrepre|sentations, he has too much reason to believe, laid the foundation of his dis|mission. Unsupported by friends; and unaided by the advantages of a liberal education, he can only hope for redress from the justice of his cause, in addition to the mortification of having been re|moved from his employment, and the advantage which he reasonably might have expected to have derived there|from. He has had the misfortune to have sunk a considerable part of his lit|tle property in fitting himself out, and in other expences arising out of his situ|ation, an account of which he here annexes. Your memorialist will not trouble your Lordships with a vindi|cation of any part of his conduct, be|cause he knows not of what crimes he is accused; he, however, earnestly en|treats

that you will be pleased to direct an inquiry into his behaviour during the time he acted in the public service; and, if it be found that his dismission arose from salse representations, he is confident that in your Lordships jus|tice he shall find redress.

Your petitioner therefore humbly prays that your Lordships will take his case into consideration, and that you will be pleased to order payment of the above referred-to account, amounting to 32l. 4s. and also the wages intended, which is most humbly submitted.

London, May 12, 1787.

The above petition was delivered into the hands of their Lordships, who were kind enough, in the space of some few months afterwards, without hearing, to order me 50l. sterling—that is, 18l. wages for the time (upwards of four

months) I acted a faithful part in their service. Certainly the sum is more than a free negro would have had in the western colonies!!!

From that period, to the present time, my life has passed in an even tenor, and great part of my study and attention has been to assist in the cause of my much injured countrymen.

March the 21st, 1788, I had the ho|nour of presenting the Queen with a petition on behalf of my African brethren, which was received most gra|ciously by Her Majesty* 6.1:

To the QUEEN's most Excellent Majesty.

MADAM,

YOUR Majesty's well known benevolence and humanity emboldens

me to approach your royal presence, trusting that the obscurity of my situa|tion will not prevent your Majesty from attending to the sufferings for which I plead.

Yet I do not solicit your royal pity, for my own distress; my sufferings, although numerous, are in a measure forgotten. I supplicate your Majesty's compassion for millions of my African countrymen, who groan under the lash of tyranny in the West Indies.

The oppression and cruelty exercised to the unhappy negroes there, have at length reached the British legislature, and they are now deliberating on its redress; even several persons of pro|perty in slaves in the West Indies, have petitioned parliament against its con|tinuance, sensible that it is as impolitic as it is unjust—and what is inhuman must ever be unwise.

Your Majesty's reign has been hi|therto distinguished by private acts of benevolence and bounty; surely the more extended the misery is, the greater claim it has to your Majesty's com|passion, and the greater must be your Majesty's pleasure in administering to its relief.

I presume, therefore, gracious Queen, to implore your interposition with your royal consort, in favour of the wretch|ed Africans; that, by your Majesty's benevolent influence, a period may now be put to their misery; and that they may be raised from the condition of brutes, to which they are at present degraded, to the rights and situation of freemen, and admitted to partake of the blessings of your Majesty's happy government; so shall your Majesty en|joy the heart-felt pleasure of procuring happiness to millions, and be rewarded

in the grateful prayers of themselves, and of their posterity.

And may the all-bountiful Creator shower on your Majesty, and the Royal Family, every bleffing that this world can afford, and every fulness of joy which divine revelation has promised us in the next.

I am your Majesty's most dutiful and devoted servant to command, GUSTAVUS VASSA, The Oppressed Ethiopian.

No. 53. Baldwin's Gardens.

The negro consolidated act, made by the assembly of Jamaica last year, and the new act of amendment now in agitation there, contain a proof of the existence of those charges that have been made against the

planters relative to the tratment of their slaves.

I hope to have the satisfaction of seeing the renovation of liberty and justice, resting on the British govern|ment, to vindicate the honour of our common nature. These are concerns which do not perhaps belong to any particular office: but, to speak more seriously to every man of sentiment, actions like these are the just and sure foundation of future fame; a reversion, though remote, is coveted by some noble minds as a substantial good. It is upon these grounds that I hope and expect the attention of gentlemen in power. These are designs consonant to the elevation of their rank, and the dignity of their stations: they are ends suitable to the nature of a free and ge|nerous government; and, connected with views of empire and dominion,

suited to the benevolence and solid merit of the legislature. It is a pur|suit of substantial greatness.—May the time come—at least the speculation to me is pleasing—when the sable people shall gratefully commemorate the au|spicious aera of extensive freedom. Then shall those persons* 7.1 particularly be named with praise and honour, who generously proposed and stood forth in the cause of humanity, liberty, and good policy; and brought to the car of the legislature designs worthy of royal patronage and adoption. May Heaven make the British senators the dispersers of light, liberty, and science, to the uttermost parts of the earth:

then will be glory to God on the highest, on earth peace, and good-will to men:—Glory, honour, peace, &c. to every soul of man that worketh good, to the Britons first, (because to them the Gospel is preached) and also to the nations.

'Those that honour their Maker have mercy on the poor.'

'It is righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people; destruction shall be to the workers of iniquity, and the wicked shall fall by their own wickedness.'

May the blessings of the Lord be upon the heads of all those who commiserated the cases of the oppressed negroes, and the fear of God prolong their days; and may their expectations be filled with gladness!

'The liberal devise li|beral things, and by liberal things shall stand,'

Isaiah xxxii. 8. They can say with pious Job,

'Did not I weep for

him that was in trouble? was not my soul grieved for the poor?'

Job xxx. 25.

As the inhuman traffic of slavery is to be taken into the consideration of the British legislature, I doubt not, if a system of commerce was established in Africa, the demand for manufactures will most rapidly augment, as the na|tive inhabitants will insensibly adopt the British fashions, manners, customs, &c. In proportion to the civilization, so will be the consumption of British manufactures.

The wear and tear of a continent, nearly twice as large as Europe, and rich in vegetable and mineral produc|tions, is much easier conceived than calculated.

A case in point.—It cost the Abo|rigines of Britain, little or nothing in clothing, &c. The difference between their forefathers and the present gene|ration,

in point of consumption, is literally i•…•…

•…•…inite. The supposition is most obvious. It will be equally im|mense in Africa—The same cause, viz. civilization, will ever have the same effect.

It is trading upon safe grounds. A commercial intercourse with Africa opens an inexhaustible source of wealth to the manufacturing interests of Great Britain, and to all which the slave trade is an objection.

If I am not misinformed, the manu|facturing interest is equal, if not supe|rior, to the landed interest, as to the value, for reasons which will soon ap|pear. The abolition of slavery, so diabolical, will give a most rapid ex|tension of manufactures, which is to|tally and diametrically opposite to what some interested people assert.

The manufactures of this country must and will, in the nature and reason of things, have a full and constant em|ploy by supplying the African mar|kets.

Population, the bowels and surface of Africa, abound in valuable and use|ful returns; the hidden treasures of cen|turies will be brought to light and into circulation. Industry, enterprize, and mining, will have their full scope, pro|portionably as they civilize. In a word, it lays open an endless field of commerce to the British manufactures and merchant adventurer. The manu|facturing interest and the general inte|rests are synonymous. The abolition of slavery would be in reality an universal good.

Tortures, murder, and every other imaginable barbarity and iniquity, are practised upon the poor slaves with im|punity.

I hope the slave trade will be abolished. I pray it may be an event at hand. The great body of manusac|turers, uniting in the cause, will con|siderably facilitate and expedite it; and, as I have already stated, it is most sub|stantially their interest and advantage, and as such the nation's at large, (except those persons concerned in the manu|facturing neck-yokes, collars, chains, hand-cuffs, leg-bolts, drags, thumb|screws, iron muzzles, and coffins; cats, scourges, and other instruments of tor|ture used in the slave trade). In a short time one sentiment alone will prevail, from motives of interest as well as jus|tice and humanity. Europe contains one hundred and twenty millions of in|habitants. Query—How many mil|lions doth Africa contain? Supposing the Africans, collectively and indivi|dually, to expend 5l. a head in raiment

and furniture yearly when civilized, &c. an immensity beyond the reach of imagination!

This I conceive to be a theory founded upon facts, and therefore an infallible one. If the blacks were per|mitted to remain in their own country, they would double themselves every fifteen years. In proportion to such increase will be the demand for manu|factures. Cotton and indigo grow spontaneously in most parts of Africa; a consideration this of no small con|sequence to the manufacturing towns of Great Britain. It opens a most im|mense, glorious, and happy prospect—the clothing, &c. of a continent ten thousand miles in circumference, and immensely rich in productions of every denomination in return for manufac|tures.

I have only therefore to request the reader's indulgence and conclude. I am far from the vanity of thinking there is any merit in this narrative: I hope censure will be suspended, when it is considered that it was written by one who was as unwilling as unable to adorn the plainness of truth by the colouring of imagination. My life and fortune have been extremely chequered, and my adventures various. Even those I have related are considerably abridged. If any incident in this little work should appear uninteresting and trifling to most readers, I can only say, as my excuse for mentioning it, that almost every event of my life made an impression on my mind, and in|fluenced my conduct. I early accus|tomed myself to look for the hand of God in the minutest occurrence, and to learn from it a lesson of morality

and religion; and in this light, every circumstance I have related was to me of importance. After all, what makes any event important, unless by its ob|servation we become better and wiser, and learn

'to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly before God?'

To those who are possessed of this spirit, there is scarcely any book or incident so trifling that does not afford some profit, while to others the experi|ence of ages seems of no use; and even to pour out to them the treasures of wisdom is throwing the jewels of in|struction away.

Notes

• * 5.1

  See the Public Advertiser, July 14, 1787.
• * 6.1

  At the request of some of my most particular friends, I take the liberty of inserting it here.
• * 7.1

  Granville Sharp, Esq the Reverend Thomas Clarkson; the Reverend James Ramsay; our ap|proved friends, men of virtue, are an honour to their country, ornamental to human nature, happy in themselves, and benefactors to mankind!