An Early Manchu Account of the Western Regions

This article presents a hitherto little- known Manchu work on the Western Regions, i.e., Islamic Central Asia. Dating to 1761, I believe it represents the earliest effort to compile a political and geographic description of this region for Qing officials in Xinjiang. It consists of two sections: (1) an account of the sedentary Muslims of Xinjiang and neighboring Islamic polities; and (2) a description of the Kirghiz. This stand- alone Manchu work was subsequently incorporated into certain rescensions of a more ex-tensive Chinese- language composition, known variously as the Xiyu zhi , Huijiang zhi , or Xiyu dili tushuo . After a brief introduction, the article provides a transcription and translation of the text as it survives in a Moscow manuscript of the Xiyu zhi . This text can be read in conjunction with the section included in the Xiyu dili tushuo to produce a near- complete work.


University of Sydney
This article presents a hitherto little-known Manchu work on the Western Regions, i.e., Islamic Central Asia.Dating to 1761, I believe it represents the earliest effort to compile a political and geographic description of this region for Qing officials in Xinjiang.It consists of two sections: (1) an account of the sedentary Muslims of Xinjiang and neighboring Islamic polities; and (2) a description of the Kirghiz.This stand-alone Manchu work was subsequently incorporated into certain rescensions of a more extensive Chinese-language composition, known variously as the Xiyu zhi, Huijiang zhi, or Xiyu dili tushuo.After a brief introduction, the article provides a transcription and translation of the text as it survives in a Moscow manuscript of the Xiyu zhi.This text can be read in conjunction with the section included in the Xiyu dili tushuo to produce a near-complete work.

Introduction
Konstantin Adrianovich Skachkov (1821-1883) was a Russian doctor and diplomat who served in China in the mid-nineteenth century.He first went to Beijing in 1848 as a member of the Russian ecclesiastical mission; between 1858 and 1863 he was the tsarist empire's consul in Tarbaghatay (also known in Russian as Chuguchak, Uyghur Chöchäk), before going on to serve in Tianjin and Shanghai.Skachkov was an avid collector of Chinese books and maps, and his archive is now held by the manuscript department (Pashkov House) of the Russian State Library in Moscow.
A sizeable portion of the Skachkov collection consists of official registers and administrative handbooks on Xinjiang, which were almost certainly acquired during his time as consul in Tarbaghatay.Among these is a work called the Xiyu zhi 西域誌 (Gazetteer of the Western Regions), in twelve juan, bound into three books. 1This manuscript of the Xiyu zhi is the lengthiest rescencion of a text that is considered to be the first gazetteer-like work to be composed in the wake of the Qing conquest of Xinjiang-i.e., in the 1760s.Besides this version, two shorter rescensions of this work have also come to light, in eight instead of twelve juan.One of these belongs to the library of Sichuan Normal University and has been edited by Ruan Mingdao 阮明道, who gave it the title Xiyu dili tushuo 西域地理圖說. 2 The other is held in the National Central Library in Taipei and carries the title of Huijiang zhi 回疆志. 3 This Xiyu zhi family of texts, as I 1. Accession no.287/445/1-3.For catalog description, see A. I. Melnalksnis and I. K. Glagoleva, Opisanie kitaiskikh rukopisnykh knig i kart iz sobraniia K. A. Skachkova (Moscow: Nauka, 1974), 198-99.2. Ruan Mingdao, ed., Xiyu dili tushuo zhu 西域地理图说注 (Yanji: Yanbian daxue chubanshe, 1992).3. Yunggui 永貴, Huijiang zhi, 8 juan (Shunde Li shi, 1893).Scholars have made use of the details that the Xiyu zhi contains, will refer to them, was the basis for a heavily edited and more widely circulating Huijiang zhi, also known as the Xinjiang Huibu zhi 新疆回部誌.This has been attributed to the Qing official Yunggui 永貴 (who served in Xinjiang, with interruptions, between 1755 and 1779), with reworkings by Suldei 蘇爾德.On this basis, we might hypothesize that the Xiyu zhi family of texts represents the original work authored by Yunggui. 4 The precise textual history of the Xiyu zhi is not my concern here.Rather my interest lies with a "text within a text" that it contains.Of the three "long-version" rescensions that have come to light, two of them-the Moscow Xiyu zhi and the Chengdu Xiyu dili tushuo-include a text in Manchu discussing Islamic countries neighboring Xinjiang, as well as the Kirghiz.In the Xiyu dili tushuo, the Manchu is not incorporated into the text, and its editor Ruan Mingdao seems to have treated it as a supplement to Juan 6, which deals with Foreign Barbarians (waiyi 外夷).This is understandable, as the Manchu text here simply consists of a list of Central Asian kingdoms and their sovereigns, as well a list of Kirghiz tribal divisions with the name of each leader (biy) and an estimate of their populations.The Manchu text in the Skachkov Xiyu zhi, by contrast, is a more coherent text, and sits at the head of the entire work as Juan 1.Here the two lists are introduced by narrative sections, entitled (1) "Sectarian Divisions among the Muslims" (Huiren zongpai 回人宗派) and ( 2) "The Origins of the Various Burut of the Outer Regions" (Waibu ge Bulute yuanpai 外部各布魯特源派).
Although this Manchu text has lacunae of its own, when combined with the Manchu section of the Xiyu dili tushuo we have something approaching a complete text.It is, I believe, substantial enough to be considered a distinct work of unknown authorship, which subsequently became incorporated into some (though not all) copies of the Xiyu zhi and survived only in this form.As for its date of composition, internal evidence points to 1761.It was in this year that the Qing official Haiming 海明 claimed to have found Khoja Burhan al-Din's fugitive son Sarimsaq in Kashgar.Within a few months, however, the court had established that this captive was not the man they were looking for.The text below contains the erroneous information that Sarimsaq had been caught, indicating that it was probably written in the middle of 1761, following the "capture" of Sarimsaq and before the confusion was cleared up.
As Matthew Mosca has discussed, it was some time before gazetteer-like texts on Xinjiang came to circulate widely in the Qing. 5 Like the Xiyu zhi itself, this early account of the Muslims and the Kirghiz did not attract much of a readership during the most recently Kwangmin Kim, Borderland Capitalism: Turkestan Produce, Qing Silver, and the Birth of an Eastern Market  (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2016).4. The most accessible version of the Huijiang zhi is Yunggui and Suldei, Huijiang zhi 回疆志 (1772; repr., Taibei: Chengwen  chubanshe, 1968). 5. See Matthew W. Mosca, "Cišii's Description of Xinjiang: Its Context and Circulation," in Xinjiang in the Context of Central  Eurasian Transformations, ed.Shinmen Yasushi, Onuma Takahiro, and David Brophy (Tokyo: Tōyō Bunko, forthcoming).
eighteenth century.This may come as a surprise, since in some respects it is superior to comparable works.Its account of the peoples of Central Asia and Afghanistan, for example, is considerably more detailed than Cišii's widely copied Xiyu wenjianlu 西 域聞見錄.Similarly, its description of Kirghiz social structure is more informative than the section on the Kirghiz in the Xiyu tuzhi 西域圖志, commissioned at around the same time. 6Maybe its defects were felt to outweigh these positive dimensions.
Apart from the embarrassing slip on Sarimsaq, it contains other errors.It ascribes, for example, three sons to Khoja Aḥmad (instead of two).Or it may also be the case that it consigned itself to the margins of Qing scholarship on the Western Regions by contradicting official works such as the Xiyu tuzhi.To take the most interesting example of these discrepancies, while the Xiyu tuzhi adopts the notion of "Eastern" and "Western" wings of the Kirghiz, here the dual structure is described in terms of a north/south division.This text is not entirely unkown to scholarship.There exists an unpublished Russian translation of its second section (on the Kirghiz), made in the 1970s by G. P. Suprunenko. 7References to the Xiyu zhi's distinctive account of Kirghiz origins can therefore be found in Russian-language scholarship. 8A copy of this translation is held in the Archive of the Academy of Sciences in Kirghizstan, and has recently been made available online.Looking at this text, it is clear that Suprunenko was translating not from the Manchu original but from the interlinear Chinese gloss that accompanies the Manchu.To my knowledge, the first part of this work, on the sedentary Muslims of Xinjiang, has not yet been studied.
Here I provide a transcription of Juan 1 the Xiyu zhi and a translation, with a preliminary effort to identify the places and individuals mentioned.In the translation, where possible I have tried to restore names and places to an appropriate Arabic/Turkic form; otherwise I have left them as given in the Manchu.While I have made occasional reference to the Xiyu dili tushuo (XYDLTS), I have not fully integrated the two texts.This article should therefore be read in conjunction with Onuma Takahiro's edition and Japanese translation of that section of the Manchu text. 9he following symbols are used in the transcription and translation:  [2] sain bime ceni enduri paihampar Mahamdimin i omolo ofi.Hoise se gemu hojo (hojo serengge looye sembi.)seme kundulembi.umai tacin be dasara.tacihiyan be selgiyere.baita be lashalara niyalma waka.
10.The Chinese gloss has read this element as Iol (有勒).On the assumption that the underlying name here is Inayat, I prefer to read It.

Sectarian Divisions among the Muslims
Formerly the various Muslim nations were led by different people, and when they gradually settled in various places, Kaburdin Khan ruled them. 14After Kaburdin Khan died, they all became dispersed as before.More than a hundred and ten years ago, a wealthy man from Bukhara (Bukhara is the name of the region where Kaburdin Khan originally settled.It is three month's journey to the west of Kashgar.The land is broad, with a large population.The Muslims of every place all originate from Bukhara) by the name of Yusuf, 15 owing to the fact that he was well-versed in the Muslim scriptures and was the descendent of their Holy Payghambar Muḥammad Emin, was revered by all the Muslims as their khoja (khoja means "elder").He was not at all someone who could reform the customs, promulgate the teachings, or take charge of affairs.
Yusuf moved from Bukhara to Kashgar.He had three sons: one was called Apaq, one was called Karamat, one was called ʿInayat. 16Apaq had a son called Yaḥya.He assassinated the old khoja of Yarkand, Muḥammad Emin, and appointed Muḥammad Emin's son Aqbash as khoja. 17Later, when Yaḥya's authority weakened, Aqbash took revenge for his father and killed Yaḥya.At this, all the Burut (the Burut are Muslims who nomadise in the mountains) set their sights on the Muslim territory.They took [the actions of ] Aqbash as a pretext, saying that in a drunken rage for no good reason he had killed a meritorious man who had assumed the throne and was protecting him.They summoned many Burut and murdered Aqbash.They did not dare to take the throne, so the leading begs managed affairs jointly (a beg is a Muslim official).
The Muslims did not reconcile themselves to this [situation].At precisely this time, when there was instability and mobilisation going on, the Qalmaq (the Muslims called the Ölöd "Qalmaq") Tsewang Rabtan (Tsewang Rabtan is the former khan of the Ölöd) was eyeing the Muslim region closely.He led a huge army and drove off the Burut, then brought the elite begs to submission and had them rule on his behalf, fixing the amount of tribute for the territory.Because he was worried that Yaḥya's offspring might provoke unrest, he rounded up Yaḥya's son Aḥmad, his family and followers, and brought them to Ili (Ili was the location of Tsewang Rabtan's pasturage).He settled them there growing crops.
Aḥmad had three sons in Ili.The first was named Burhan al-Din, one was called Khoja Jahan, and one was called Kichik Khojam. 18When Aḥmad passed away, they divided up and led the Muslims.Burhan al-Din was knowledgable in the scriptures.He knew the spells to summon monsters and spirits, and the yada magic to invoke rain and wind.Thus everyone worshipped Burhan al-Din as a holy man, because he was a descendent of the holy payghambar, 19 and there was nothing he could not do to protect the community.
When Tsewang Rabtan died, because the jaisangs (jaisang is the title of the leading officials) of his tribe such as Dabachi were vying for the throne among themselves, a jaisang by the name of Amursana submitted to the Holy Ejen and requested troops in support.The Khan Ejen forgave the fact that he had rebelled, and since he took pity on any living creature that was suffering an injury, he sent the Imperial Army out at [Amursana's] behest and captured Dabachi and the others.In the end, because Amursana was unable to give up his wolfish essence, and desired to become the sole leader of the wandering ghosts, he completely turned his back on the emperor's grace and rebelled.Thereupon the Imperial Army advanced and pacified Ili.
The Heavenly Khan took pity on the Muslims' long period of disunity, and he returned Burhan al-Din, along with all the Muslims who had been kidnapped, as well as the Burut, to their native lands.Thus Burhan al-Din himself became khan in Kashgar, while Khoja Jahan became khan in Yarkand.They dared to spurn the grace that the heavenly dynasty had shown them in repatriating them and sheltered more than five hundred households of Ölöd brigands belonging to the Sharas and Makhus [otogs].These became [Burhan al-Din and Khoja Jahan's] close confidants, and drawing on their strength they set out to subjugate all the Muslims.Aghast at the sin they had thus committed, 20 they murdered the emissary Amindao, whom General Yarhašan had dispatched in order to chase the bandits, and went into rebellion.General Jaohūi led an army and pursued the rebel Burhan al-Din and the others as far as Badakhshan (Badakhshan is a Muslim territory that lies at the end of a two-month journey to the southwest of Kashgar) and wiped them out.
Having thus pacified the so-called Eight Cities of the Muslims, including Kashgar and Yarkand, the primary task was achieved.As this was an astonishing accomplishment, the like of which has not been seen from ancient times until now, we have set out Burhan al-Din's clan and their family origins in a genealogical chart, and together with this we have investigated in broad outline the identities of the Muslim chieftains of the various territories, the locations in which they reside, and the names of the cities.Below we have listed these and added written annotations.
The names of people in this chart 21 are given in two forms.There are some who had previously been aristocrats and had titles added to their names, and there are some whom the common people praised with respectful epithets indicating their clerical rank, or with some auspicious religious words.Thus in the chart, for those who have aristocratic titles, they are indicated above the name, and for those who have honorary epithets, they are written afterwards.20.Dictionary definitions of the verb iselembi (e.g.Jerry Norman, A Comprehensive Manchu-English Dictionary [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2013], 200: "to oppose steadfastly, to defy, to resist") are an awkward fit in this context.The Chinese gloss (懼怕) has evidently interpreted the word as isembi, and my translation follows this reading.21.This evidently refers to an earlier layout, which is not reflected in this manuscript.

Apaq
His In this chart, below the names, some have been circled in red.These were either captured when our Imperial Army advanced, or themselves came to submit.Afterwards, they were interrogated and sent to the capital city.In the case of those who absconded and came back [to Qing territory] seeking a place to settle, their various reasons [for doing so] have been clarified and written in line with them.Apart from this, Burhan al-Din and Khoja Jahan were exterminated by our army, and the rest of their troops had [already] been routed prior to our advance, so we have left a blank space beneath their names.
Chong Aghacham, Ana Aghacham, and Dakis Aghacham: Fude brought these three back from Badakhshan and sent them to the capital. 22ḥammad Khojam: This individual followed Turdu and went to the capital. 23sa and ʿArif: General Fude attacked and captured these two at Yashïl Köl and sent them to the capital.
Ḥusayn, Maḥmud, Parsa, Baba: General Jaohūi scouted these four out in Kokand and sent them to the capital. 24rdu and Aqbuta: These two came seeking refuge from the territory of the Burut Maḥmud Qulï of the Sayaq and Sarïbaghïsh and went to the capital.
Sarimsaq: The official Haiming got this individual out from Kashgar and sent him to the capital. 25ṣim, ʿAbd al-Khaliq, and Bahaʾ al-Din: The official Sinju brought these three back from Badakhshan and sent them to the capital.
Muḥammad Emin: This individual remained in Badakhshan.Later he escaped and went to a more distant place called Imam ʿAli. 26 The Origins of the Various Burut of the Outer Regions The Burut are Muslims who nomadise in the mountains.Although their dress differs from that of the Muslims who live in cities, they share the same religion.Their way of life is slightly different from the Muslims.Upon investigating their origins, [we learn that] they too are people from Bukhara.Because there were too many people and land was limited, there was not enough room for them all, and conflicts over land continuously broke out.The common people, who could not bear the hurt that they were suffering in the chaos, scattered in various directions.For over three hundred and thirty years now, they have been eking out a living in the mountains by relying on a few horses and livestock, and by hunting.Throughout this period they continued to dwell within the mountains, avoiding the instability.As they gradually multiplied, they ran out of space to hunt collectively and again fought among themselves for land, only barely obtaining enough clothing to wear.At this point, they developed the custom of raiding passing merchants.Yet as they were constantly quarrelling with each other, they derived no profit [from this], and some two hundred and twenty years ago they took council and reconciled.They apportioned the households equally and split into two divisions.They selected a couple of wealthy men and appointed them as the two leaders, and indicated the lands, rivers, and mountains that each would occupy.In this way they divided into two branches, north and south.They called those in the south the Toqquz oghul [Nine Sons], and those in the north the Qïrq qïz [Forty Daughters].Within each of these original branches, they did not [further] subdivide the units that had come into being when they first entered the mountains, but as time went by they assigned different home territories according to the pasturage and rivers of the mountain valleys.They borrowed the names of the lands 25.In 1761, Haiming submitted a report to the Qing court to the effect that he had captured Sarimsaq, believed to be Burhan al-Din's son.26.This is the real Sarimsaq, Khoja Burhan al-Din's son.Note that the Chinese gloss errs here in reading Manchu casi ("beyond, in that direction") as part of the toponym, and the final consonant as /n/ not /l/, giving 察仕伊瑪門.The form Imamul/Imamal occurs frequently in the Manchu archive for this toponym, which must refer either to Mazar-i Sharif (believed by some to be the resting place of Muḥammad's cousin and son-in-law, ʿAli) or Ḥażrat Imam, in the district of Qataghan.
and mountains that they occupied to give names to each tribe.None were to transgress the borders that had been defined, and they ceased harming each other within each territory.
Although in this way they obtained a degree of stability, as they were not well versed in the teachings of the Muslim religion, the common people were not subject to restraint, and they could not obtain mutual trust and harmony.They continued to block off the various roads and waylay the Muslim merchants who were coming and going, and remained intent on ill-gotten gain.In so doing they obstructed the trade routes of the Muslims of the various lands and prevented commerce from flowing.In response, the Muslims mobilized in great numbers and set about driving them away and plundering them.[The Burut] harbored a grudge at this, and so each autumn the Burut would take advantage of the time when the horses and livestock were fat, combine in force, and suddenly emerge from the mountains and raid the Muslims.With the plunder that they took, they would survive the winter.
The Muslims are by nature docile and weak.The pasturage in their territory was also of poor quality, and their horses were not strong.Thus they could not easily resist [the Burut raids].Even if some of them banded together and sought to take revenge, the Burut were familiar with the mountains and accustomed to the cold.The horses and livestock found it difficult in the pervasive snow and ice.Whenever [the Burut] found out that the Muslims were approaching, at first they would not resist.They would set people in ambush in a suitable place, and after sending out a few troops to confront [the Muslims], they would entice them to enter into either a steep mountain range, a remote and impenetrable desert, or a narrow valley.Then suddenly they would press from the flank and attack.As if they were hunting, they would tire out and destroy the enemy without expending any energy.But they would not wipe them out entirely.They would keep the healthy women, and they would allow the wounded and crippled survivors who were left straggling on foot to get back to their homeland, so that they could grow the crops that they would raid in later years.
Since the Muslims were extremely widely dispersed, even if they suddenly attacked in great numbers and struggled with all their might, they simply satisfied a desire for revenge, without obtaining any benefit at all.As it was impossible for them to permanently station a large garrison there, the tradition of raids taking place each autumn persisted.When they realized that the Burut were coming, they would rush about and get into their defensive positions.If [the Muslims] kept guard well, they would not let them get beyond these shelters.If [the Burut] carried off the grain and such things that were left outside, [the Muslims] would count themselves lucky.
Ever since the Central Nation pacified and brought the Muslims to submission, they have become servants of the emperor who rules all under heaven, and the Burut have not dared to encroach.One by one, they have become civilized and submitted in crowds with bowed heads.They have observed the law and religion, maintained order, and with pride and loyalty they have accepted their happy fate to live in this age of the Holy Emperor.They have now put raiding and plundering behind them and have allowed the highway of commerce that leads from within the realm to the outside world to flow smoothly and free from interruption.Should [a merchant] pass through someone's territory, they even take care of them before sending them on their way.
It must be pointed out that the Holy Ejen's merciful instruction envelops all under heaven, and there is no thing in existence that it has not directed towards the good and set straight.Even the people of the few small tribes who dwell in the nooks and crannies of the very remote snowy mountains no longer form raiding parties.None of these wild tribes dare to trespass the frontier and raid, fearing that they are not strong enough [to do so].Now they each subsist on the small grasslands located in the mountains and valleys where they nomadise, and they make a living hiding away, following the rivers to their source.Because their territory does not produce anything at all, the Muslims do not go there, and they are not in communication with the main routes leading through the various lands.Their way of life is still poor, but they do not engage in conflicts.They have all settled in the hideaways and crooks of the mountains and valleys neighboring the various Muslims and Burut.<The Burut do not plant crops.What they depend on is the grain of the Muslims and the flesh of the wild animals that they catch by hunting.They wear pelts.They live by selling the horses, cows, and sheep that they have bred and by buying Muslim foodstuffs and textiles.If some tribe's animal husbandry is of poor quality and they cannot obtain things to trade for foodstuffs and textiles, then one must perpetually be on guard against their surreptitious raiding.
Having now remedied [the issue] of internal conflict breaking out at the point where there is not enough room for them to hunt collectively,> we have outlined the origins of the tribes included within the two northern and southern branches of the Burut and the names of all the biys who lead them (a biy is the name of an official), and we have indicated what we determine to be the approximate number of households.
[(XYDLTS) The people belonging to Maḥmud Qulï of the Sayaq and Sarïbaghïsh Burut, numbering up to two thousand households, grow crops and nomadise in Komak Tepe.The nine tribes subject to these are the following: 1.The people belonging to Sirbak of the Sayaq Burut, numbering more than five hundred households.2. The people belonging to Habken of the Asik Sayaq Burut, numbering more than five hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Shoman Su. 3. The people belonging to Tülik Biy of the Chekir Burut, numbering up to four hundred households] (XYZ), grow crops and nomadise in Jum-gal. 27The more than two hundred households belonging to Ming Ilha grow crops and nomadise in Terek.Temuryan's people, numbering more than one hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Tuyuhuyar.4. The people belonging to Polat of the Sarïbaghïsh Burut, numbering more than two thousand households, grow crops and nomadise in Üch Tash and Maral. 5.The people belonging to Cherikchi of the Buhei Burut, numbering more than six hundred households.They grow crops and nomadise during summer in Yucuheike.They grow crops and spend the winter in Shargarlam, and they breed cattle in Yambulaq.6.The people belonging to Bayastan of the Baghïsh Burut, numbering up to five hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Maral.7. The people belonging to Murat of the Bassïz Burut, numbering up to two hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Alabugа.8.The people belonging to Ḥaji Biy of the Monggoldor Burut, numbering more than three hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Borondu. 289.The people belonging to Jaomarat of the Juncirik Burut, numbering more than six hundred households, and Shadzang's of more than four hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Atbashi.The two tribes subject to these are: A. The people belonging to Yoldubai of the Besh Tamgha Burut, numbering more than three hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Bashi Su.B. The people belonging to Beimet of the Asak Burut, numbering more than two hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Ombisitan.
The people belonging to Yamansara of the Solto Burut, numbering up to six hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Susamir.Nisha's people, numbering more than three hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Qaraqol.
The people belonging to Narbuta of the Qushchu Burut, numbering more than six hundred households, and ʿUbaydullah's people, numbering more than three hundred households, grow crops and nomadise in Jergital, Alaktuhun, Kaidar An, and On Arcak.Subject to these are the people of Coboo of the Yuvash Burut, numbering up to two hundred households, who grow crops and nomadise in Aksai.
27. Tülik Biy submitted to Jaohūi's officers in Jumgal in 1758, the first Kirghiz leader to do so.See Imbault-Huart, Recueil de documents sur l'Asie Centrale, 153.28.The Manchu text in the XYDLTS ends at this point.
The people belonging to Jiyambek of the Qïtay 29 Burut, numbering up to two thousand households, grow crops and nomadise in Kunci 30 and Chu-Talas.The three tribes subject to them are: 1.The people belonging to Maitak of the Qushchu Burut, numbering more than 1,500 households, who grow crops and nomadise in Talas and Aktubak.2. The people of Haraboldu of the Qïtay Burut, numbering more than 1,200 households, who grow crops and nomadise in Talas, Qara Bulaq, Yurumaral, and Kunci.3. The people of Khoja Qulï of the Saruu Burut, numbering more than five hundred households; Shah Batur's people, numbering more than four hundred households; and Jambal's people, numbering up to four hundred households, who grow crops and nomadise in Kümüsh Tagh in Talas. 31e people belonging to Ḥaji Biy of the Adigine Burut, numbering up to eight hundred households, spend the winter in the city of Osh and spend the summer growing crops, raising livestock and nomadising in Wama, Muyun, Guidahuna, and Jumbais.The eight tribes subject to them are the following: 14. My only tentative guess at this name is Qamar al-Din, a Dughlat amir who rivaled Amir Temür for control of Moghulistan in the fifteenth century.See Hodong Kim, "The Early History of the Moghul Nomads: The Legacy of the Chaghatai Khanate," in The Mongol Empire and Its Legacy, ed.Reuven Amitai-Press and David O. Morgan (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 290-318.