Frontmatter

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Page  [unnumbered] Occasional Papers CENTER FOR JAPANESE STUDIES 4 University of Michigan cPrei Ann Arbor 1953

Page  [unnumbered] Copyright 1953 University of Michigan Occasional Papers is published by the University of Michigan, Center for Japanese Studies. Director: Robert B. Hall; Editor: John Whitney Hall; Associate Editor: Rosannah C. Steinhoff; Editorial Board: Richard K. Beardsley, Hide Shohara, Robert E. Ward. All correspondence should be directed to the University Press, 311 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Michigan, U. S. A. Photographed and Lithoprinted by BRAUN-BRUMFIELD, Inc. Ann Arbor, Mich.

Page  [unnumbered] CONTENTS Page Changing Patterns of Kumiai Structure in Rural Okayama The Senkyoya System in Rural Japanese Communities Mischa Titiev Paul S. Dull 1 29 Rural Politics in Japan Joseph L. Sutton Regional Differences in Literary Tastes and Reputations in Japan Joseph K. Yamagiwa A Prelude to War Cecil C. Brett T'ang Penal Law in Early Japan James I. Crump, Jr. Special Supplement: Abstracts of Japanese Materials in the Humanities and Social Sciences, 1951 40 51 76 91 103

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Changing Patterns of Kumiai Structure in Rural Okayama

Mischa Titievpp. 1-28

Page  1 CHANGING PATTERNS OF KUMIAI STRUCTURE IN RURAL OKAYAMA * Mischa Titiev Introduction Neighborhood associations comprising a small number of households, and called kumiai or some variant of that term, have long been a feature of Japanese rural social organization. Many decades ago they had the treble functions of promoting friendship, encouraging religion, and stimulating cooperation among neighbors. Sometimes, too, they took on the added aspect of group responsibility for the behavior of their component members; and, occasionally, they provided a ready means of introducing to the countryside such practical innovations as farmers' cooperatives, or the improvement of sanitation and hygiene. When Japan engaged in World War n, and the need of a unified national effort became increasingly imperative, the central government found it convenient to take advantage of the existing kumiai system for the transaction of rationing, crop control, and similar measures. To make administration easier, small kumiai were amalgamated into larger units, and pressing matters of business virtually eliminated the socioreligious activities. Thus, orders from any governmental agency were directed to town or village offices, yakuba, from which they were distributed to the leaders of large kumiai, who passed them on to their members. Since the membership was made up of household heads or their representatives, government orders soon became known to all residents of Japan's rural settlements. While the war was in progress a distinction tended to grow up between the medium-sized kumiai of the pre-war variety and larger ones devoted only to the war effort. At the opposite extreme, very small kumiai, sometimes shown on official lists as having only one or two householders, are probably best thought of as non-social groups, usually made up of repatriates who are waiting, after the return of normal conditions, to join units of the optimum size of ten. In a few cases, kumiai of medium size continued throughout the war to meet for social or religious purposes at the same time that they participated in the activities of the large associations of which they were a part. More commonly, however, non-practical affairs were suspended during the war. Since the war a number of the big groups are gradually dividing into their former segments which are slowly, and not always completely, resuming their traditional functions. Although a phrase like "neighborhood association" may seem vaguely defined to a Western reader, it has specific meaning when applied to the kumiai of rural Japan. Whatever their size or major purpose may be, these associations of neighbors are recognized as distinct units, held together by geographical proximity, often reinforced with bonds of kinship and the sharing of eommon interests and cooperative tasks. Each group chooses its own leader, comprises a known number of constituent households, and has a fixed sequence in the order of which any given instruction or bit of vital news circulates. Wherever kumiai members take turns in sponsoring a series of events, the hosts are likely to succeed each other in the same fixed sequence. Some idea of the deep significance of these associations may be had from a brief exchange that took place at an area of very recent settlement. On one occasion I deliberately asked of a * This study is based on field work done between April and September of 1951. The project was financed by a grant from the Center for Japanese Studies, and a grant-in-aid from the Social Science ResearchCouncil. The author is deeply grateful to these institutions for their generous support. 1

Page  2 2 Mischa Titiev pioneer the loaded question, "Why did you people form kumiai?" "How else," replied the informant plaintively, "could we bury our dead?" Plan and Procedure Since kumiai have over a very long period been recognized as integral parts of Japan's rural communities, the author decided in 1951 to devote the main portion of his field work to studying the details of their composition. The University of Michigan's Center for Japanese Studies, from the inception of its field station in Okayama City, has been conducting an extensive and intensive cross-disciplinary investigation of the nearby farming buraku of Niiike, in the village called Kamoson. It was here that the detailed analysis of kumiai structure was begun, after which comparative data were obtained for nine other neighborhood associations. 1 The ten kumiai whose analyses make up the backbone of this report are distributed among four villages. They are all farming communities situated in Okayama Prefecture, roughly midway between the cities of Okayama and Kurashiki, not far from the Inland Sea (Fig. 1). They were chosen because they appeared to be relatively homogeneous with respect to such important factors as location within Japan, topography, climate, and land use, as well as in regard to the racial and socio-economic status of the inhabitants. Of course there were some differences in each of these details, but they were insignificant by comparison with the outstanding variable, which was age or maturity of settlement. As the design for this study took final shape, it was looked upon as a problem of socio-cultural dynamics. The chief interest came to be focused on trying to understand the nature of the changes in kumiai social structure that were known to have been going on for many years. Any study of this kind must have a baseline in time as a point of departure from which changes of form can be traced. That is why an effort was made to select villages that were so nearly homogeneous in external factors that these could properly be regarded as constants, leaving time of settlement as the all-important variable. Field work began at Niiike, which is said to have been established about three hundred years ago. Every student of Japan knows that such a date is often given conventionally, and usually means nothing more definite than fairly early Tokugawa. In this instance Niiike informants claimed that the date was based on local tombstone inscriptions. On the assumption that Kamoson had been at least partially inhabited since the seventeenth century, it was taken to represent a mature settlement, and two of its kumiai were examined in detail. z As it happens, the Hiramatsu people, one of the two name-groups residing at Niiike, has a tradition that its ancestors came from the town of Sh6son, not far away. This implied that Sh6son was even older than Kamoson, and inquiries among residents of the former soon revealed the claim that their town had been founded in Yamato times, fairly early in the Christian era. A local historian gave so detailed an account of the first settlement, and knew so much about local specimens of ancient graves and pottery, that there is good reason to believe that Sh6son really is of greater antiquity than Kamoson. Two representative kumiai were studied here, and together with the pair from Kamoson they make up what I shall call my "mature" group. 3 An effort was next made to get comparative material from two villages known to be of recent origin. With the help of Mr. Ueda, contacts were made at two villages located on land that was relatively lately reclaimed from the Inland Sea at Kojima Bay. Two kumiai were examined at Kojoson, where the official record of human occupation goes back only to 1824;4 and four kumiai were studied at Fujitason, which was first given recognition as an organized community on April 1, 1912. The six associations from K6joson and Fujitason comprise my "recent" group. The

Page  3 Kumiai in Okayama 3 four villages and their constituent kumiai that were investigated in detail are listed in chronological order in Table One. Sh6son and Its Kumiai According to statistics obtained in 1951 at the village office, Sh6son has 6, 500 inhabitants who occupy 1, 285 houses, an average of just a shade under five people per homestead. The town lies in Tsukubo county (un) and is divided into nine districts called 6aza, a term that is here used in preference to buraku, which is regarded as equivalent. Each of the oaza is subdivided into anywhere from three to thirteen kumiai, with a grand total of eighty neighborhood associations in the entire village. About a dozen repatriates were not affiliated with any kumiai at the time, but it was understood that they would join a group in due course. Sh6son, in the delta of the Takahashi and Asahi rivers, is said to have arisen from the sea by natural agency as far back as Japan's Manju era, around 1024 A. D., after which it was further developed by human effort. All of the present oaza or buraku are contiguous, with the exception of Yabe in the north, which is cut off by some hills. Long ago, Shoson and Kamoson were parts of a very large administrative district, but they were separated in 1880 when the town and village system was reorganized. Non-Japanese people are said to have lived in this vicinity in the pre-Yamato era, but the Uchida family claims to have been one of the first Japanese groups to establish residence in what is now Sh6son. That is why Kaminishi kumiai, made up principally of Uchida folk, was chosen to represent the town (Table Two). This association is situated in Yamaji oaza. It has no permanent leader, but the office rotates monthly among the heads of the member-households. Nowadays Kaminishi Kumiai meets regularly only four times a year, primarily in conjunction with tasks related to the preparation and use of a nursery for propagating rice plant seedlings. 6 Otherwise the kumiai gathers only sporadically in the homes of its members in accordance with an established sequence. Only household heads or their representatives are expected to attend these meetings. Apart from gatherings devoted to farming matters, the kumiai functions regularly at all funerals of persons from the homes of its members. On such occasions Kaminishi joins with the Asahi association. Not long ago the two groups were merged for all business affairs, but of late they have acted independently except at funerals. For these events the two kumiai choose one permanent or long-term officer. Both burials and cremations occur at Shoson. The choice is said to be dictated by the local custom prevailing in each 6aza, and has no reference to the sect of the deceased. In the pre-war period Kaminishi used to meet monthly for an evening of prayer and other Nichiren Buddhist services. Thereafter the host would serve a meal which was followed by general conversation. These meetings used to be anticipated with much pleasure, but even before the war the zest had begun to fade. Then only light refreshments were provided. Whenthe pinch of war was severely felt, the socio-religious meetings were entirely given up. Very old people may continue monthly prayers to Nichiren, but most householders are content to forego all services except for a daily offering of boiled rice to the spirits of the family's dead. Nevertheless, Shoson still maintains four Shingon and three Nichiren temples. Even with the decline of interest in regular prayer-meetings, it is considered most unusual for a kumiai to have members from both of the town's sects. All Shingon or all Nichiren membership is virtually the universal rule.

Page  4 4 Mischa Titiev Although Uchida families make up the bulk of Kaminishi's membership, they are divided within themselves into three parts. Each sub-unit is distinguished by the use of a different crest worn on ceremonial kimonos. The houses numbered 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and 8 on Table Two belong in one division; numbers 10, 11, and 12, in a second; and 3 stands by itself. Mr. Uchida, who made the listings, was unable to explain the significance of crest sharing, but he felt that as a rule those who wear the same emblem are more closely related than others bearing the same name. At this point it should be recalled that one of the main reasons for studying neighborhood associations at Shoson was the Hiramatsu tradition at Niiike that it was their place of origin. Accordingly, a kumiai with many Hiramatsu members was investigated at Sh6son (Table Three), but it must be admitted that these people had no recollection of close ties with their namesakes at Kamoson. Hiramatsu Higashi Gumi is one of nine kumiai in Shimosho oaza at Shoson. By itself it consists of twelve households, but for social purposes it generally meets with another Hiramatsu group of eleven (Hiramatsu Nishi Gumi). Then for business reasons the two Hiramatsudivisions combine with still another, Sainoki, which has twelve members. The amalgamated thirty-fivehousehold business kumiai goes by the collective title of Hirasai and has a leader who serves for two years. The lesser units select a headman annually and function chiefly at funerals. All the members of the Hiramatsu groups belong to the Shingon sect and formerly met monthly for social and religious purposes, but at present they meet only semi-annually except for funerals. The business group (Hirasai) is said to meet twice a year socially but conducts no religious services. Eight of the twelve households making up Hiramatsu Higashi Gumi fall into three sub-groups. One consists of the households numbered 1, 4, 11, and 12 on Table Three; another of 3, and 10; and a third of 5, and 9. Close bonds of kinship are supposed to prevail within each division; and the remaining four households of this kumiai could not be fitted into the tripartite arrangement. Two Kumiai from Kamoson Kamoson is a sprawling administrative unit situated in Tsukubo county of Okayama prefecture (ken). In all it comprises 687 households, with a total population of 3,400 which yields an average of slightly under five people to a home. The village is subdivided into five 6aza, each of which contains two or more clusters of habitations, conventionally known here as buraku. There are about twenty-five buraku at Kamoson. Niiike and Oyama, which were studied as kumiai, each coincides with a buraku, and both are located in Shinjokami 6aza. Traditionally the first settler at Niiike was Sukesaku, who founded the Hiramatsu line there. The oldest house now pertaining to this name group is number 10 on Table Four. It is occupied by Hiramatsu Kamaichi, who claims to be in the tenth generation from Sukesaku. In the years following their founder's arrival the Hiramatsu people increased at Niiike and are now grouped into three segments using two crests, as may by seen in Figure 2A. Not long after the original Hiramatsu settlement there came to Niiike a group bearing the surname of Iwasa. They too increased and are now divided into two crest-wearing units as shown in Figure 2B. It is not easy to ascertain the exact attitudes of the Hiramatsu and Iwasa toward each other. Present-day observers are likely to sense that the Hiramatsu regard themselves as superior to the Iwasa, but this is denied, sometimes vehemently, by the people themselves. If there is an attitude of superiority on the part of the Hiramatsu, it may be based on the priority of their arrival and on the fact that they think themselves descended from samurai while the Iwasa are said to have been commoners (heimin). Each group also claims a different place of origin, the

Page  5 Kumiai in Okayama 5 Hiramatsu supposedly coming from Shoson, and the Iwasa from Madokoro. There is no record of Hiramatsu-Iwasa marriage at Niiike, but folk from this buraku almost never intermarry. It is also true that the post of buraku leader has never been known to be held by an Iwasa, but this is dismissed as a mere coincidence. Both groups belong to the Nichiren sect; but the Hiramatsu worship at Sorenji and the Iwasa go to Renkuji. Again this difference is explained away. Hiramatsu Mitsusaburo, for instance, tells this story. His people were originally followers of Shingon but became converted to Nichiren on orders from their overlord. At that time Sorenji was the only temple available. However, by the time the Iwasa arrived Renkuji had been built and they happened to join it. Both groups attend local Buddhist or Shinto rites together and use the same local shrines. They attend social gatherings in each others' homes. And both use the same cemetery, although the Hiramatsu place their dead in the eastern portion of Niiike's graveyard and the Iwasa use the western end. Each buraku in the village of Kamoson has a good deal of individuality and tends to act as a single kumiai. The largest ones conduct business affairs only and may subdivide for social purposes. When Hiramatsu Mitsusaburo was a child, over fifty years ago, Niiike was split into two associations. He hastens to point out, though, that in those days the division ran along geographical lines and did not separate Hiramatsu families from Iwasa. Since the turn of the century Niiike has persisted as a single kumiai for all purposes. Whenever the question of partition has come up the people have voted it down, arguing that they have lived in harmony for so long that they prefer to remain together. 7 Niiike functions as a business kumiai in such matters as road repair, irrigation upkeep, crop control, and the circulation of official notices. A headman is chosen annually, but he may be asked to continue in office as long as he is willing. Apart from these activities, the kumiai also conducts in rotation monthly socio-religious gatherings. Prayers to Nichiren, followed by modest repasts, feature these meetings. There are no formal religious officers at Niiike, and prayers may be led by anyone familiar with the text. The kumiai also holds yearly spring and autumn festivals and is always active at funerals. Three times a year, too, a kumiai member, in the customary sequence, goes to the Ko shrine of an unnamed village deity for a rite pertaining to the buraku's children; and that same evening he joins the other grown-ups for a light meal, prayer, and conversation. Although Oyama has long been a separate and distinct unit, some of the Hiramatsu from Niiike have lived there from time to time. On some occasions the Oyama Hiramatsu would join their relatives at Niiike for special events, but of late each branch of the name group tends to remain active only in its own community. There are, nevertheless, a number of endeavors in which Oyama and Niiike residents cooperate, regardless of surnames. Originally Oyama was settled by two groups called Namba and Tanomura. Each maintained its own graveyard but the two were regarded as social equals. Some who know Oyama well occasionally note a barely discernible tendency for the Tanomura folk to rate themselves over the Namba. The original Tanomura house is numbered 3 on Table Five; the first Namba household is number 11. It should be noted that three other family names are represented in the Oyama buraku-kumiai. Oyama households 3, 5, and 8 have connections with Niiike households 8, 9, and 13, respectively. Number 3 at Oyama was formerly a Tanomura home from which came as a bride, Sue, mother of Hiramatsu Mitsusaburo at Niiike. His older brother, Hiramatsu Sakutar6, married unsuccessfully once or twice; some say his brides could not get along with his shrewish mother. At last Hiramatsu Sakutar6 married the daughter of his mother's older sister from Oyama and moved to Mukaeba where they ran a fruit orchard. Although, as an older son, Sakutar6 was heir to his father's house in Niiike, he preferred not to claim his patrimony,

Page  6 6 Mischa Titiev and allowed his younger brother, Mitsusabur6, to succeed. When his mother's former home in Oyama became vacant, Sakutaro moved in and continued to raise fruit until he grew old. House number 5 at Oyama is connected with Niiike number 19, where Hiramatsu Bukichi used to live. Prior to his death he adopted a husband for each of his two daughters. The older couple inherited his Niiike home, but the younger pair moved to Oyama when they found it cheaper to get a house there than to build a new one at Niiike. As to Oyama number 8, it is occupied by Tanomura Tokio. His father formerly lived in Niiike number 13, where he had been adopted by an elderly, childless couple. Some informants say that Oyama's soil is not well suited for farming. This assertion is borne out by the fact that of the twelve Oyama householders one makes his living by mat weaving, another by running a bicycle shop, and a third by working as a stone mason. Besides, one resident, who formerly grew fruit, is now inactive, one is a teacher-farmer, two have only recently given up carpentry for farming, and one had received training as a blacksmith. Although the buraku of Oyama was first settled a long time ago, the average age of the present heads of the Tanomura and Namba households is under thirty-five. In all likelihood their families have not yet grown to full size. This helps to explain why the average number of residents per homestead at Oyama runs as low as 3. 8. In conclusion, with no less than five names represented among twelve householders, and with so many varied crafts being pursued, Oyama does not appear to be as well integrated a kumiai as Niiike, whose residents are held together by firmly established ties of kinship, common residence, and joint interests. Kumiai Data from Kojoson The village of K6joson is located in Kojima county of Okayama prefecture. It was founded on land that was first reclaimed from Kojima Bay between 1819 and 1824. At that time it was part of the Ikeda domain, but after the Meiji Restoration of 1868 more territory was reclaimed for the benefit of displaced samurai. It is improbable that any of them actually settled at Kojoson. If so, their names and former positions have been completely forgotten. Before the second World War there was a high percentage of tenancy, but the situation has changed as a result of the land reforms instituted by the Allied Occupation. Only six households established residence at this spot in 1824, but through natural increase, the branching out of younger sons, and continued immigration, the settlement grew until it was large enough to achieve village status in 1895. Since then it has grown rapidly, and in 1951 it counted 1, 632 households. Within them resided 8,902 people, an average of about 5. 5 per house. The households were grouped into 143 kumiai. Kojoson is reputed to be one of the most highly mechanized farming villages in Japan. A great deal of electricity is used, particularly in irrigation work, so that the strenuous labor of treading water wheels has been almost completely eliminated. Resident owners have much larger than average-sized farms, commonly running to fifteen tan (3. 75 acres). Big holdings were deliberately made available when the community started, in order to tempt farmers. Japanese country folk are notoriously reluctant to leave well-established districts in order to move into new territory. People at Kojoson use the term aza for their geographical divisions, and kumiai for neighborhood associations; they seldom speak of a buraku. Affiliation with a kumiai is relatively permanent, but either individuals or groups may change membership, combine to form new units, or divide up an existing kumiai, subject only to mutual agreement among all concerned. In practice such steps are very seldom taken.

Page  7 Kumiai in Okayama 7 All of the inhabitants are Buddhists, and most of them are of the Shingon sect, but several other branches are represented. Strangely enough, Kojoson has only a single temple, Emonin, in which a Tendai priest resides. It also has a K6jo and an Inari Shinto shrine. One of the two kumiai selected for investigation at Kojoson in 1951 included as a member the village mayor, Sugihara Misaku. His association (Table Six) is called Miyanishi, but was formerly known as Miyamoto Gumi. Actually, Miyanishi refers to a large business kumiaithat was set up for convenience during the war and comprised four lesser social associations, of which Miyamoto was the only one to bear a distinctive name. The personnel of this kumiai is greatly varied, ranging from the rich mayor of Kojoson to a former school servant whose father had been a ricksha man. When asked how he would account for this situation, Mr. Sugihara explained that allthe residents of Kojoson were relative newcomers or pioneers, and that they did not feel too closely bound to traditional Japanese codes of social ranking, occupation, or ties with home. Wherever they settled, he went on to say, people of this kind tended to favor bold action and often became innovators, administrators, and migrants to distant places. As a social unit the Miyamoto subdivision of Miyanishi kumiai has only seven households. At one time members used to gather monthly; but they have recently cut the schedule to seven meetings a year, and each member needs to serve as host only once annually. Meetings customarily begin with a simple Shinto service, followed by an elaborate dinner, after which the members sit and chat until late at night. Whenever death or another disaster strikes, the kumiai meets and tries to help the household in trouble. This particular kumiai also functions at weddings. Those who can afford it serve an extra meal at the time of the event, but those who are less prosperous may delay the wedding feast until it can be combined with the household's annual turn to provide a dinner. The second association studied at K6joson proved to be very interesting, largely because my interpreter, Mr. Ueda, belongs to it and was able to furnish many intimate details. Its full name is Nakaune Daini Nambu Kumiai,8 and it is made up of the heads of twelve or thirteen households or their delegates, (Table Seven). A popular old man is generally chosen as leader and serves indefinitely. He is selected by discussion; voting is resorted to only when no agreement seems likely. Up to the summer of 1951 the leader for a number of years had been Fujisawa Kinji, a widower of seventy-three from house number 1. Mr. Fujisawa is the oldest K6joson resident of his kumiai. He was being relieved, at his own request, by Nishie Masao from household 9. Members of this association hold monthly socio-religious meetings in the evening. They usually take place at the home of the group leader but may be held at the residence of any member. In addition there are three big daytime social events every year. The office of host for these occasions is determined by rotation in an established sequence. Whenever the kumiai assembles for Buddhist services two scrolls are hung in the host's tokonoma. One depicts thirteen Buddhas and the other shows K6bo Daishi, founder of the Shingon sect. Offerings of flowers, incense, and a lighted candle are always made; occasionally, mochi or fruit is added. A layman who knows a sutra leads the assemblage in prayer while he strikes a metal gong at appropriate intervals. The service is brief and is followed by light refreshments and friendly talk. If a Shinto meeting is held, a single scroll featuring a Shinto deity is hung in the tokonoma. The offerings are somewhat like the Buddhist except that incense is omitted and fish and sake are added. While the group chants or recites prayers, the same lay leader and his assistants make sound effects with a conch shell, bell, and wooden clapper. More substantial meals are served at Shinto than at Buddhist affairs, since strict adherence to the code of the latter forbids the use of fish and sake. When death strikes the home of a member, Nakaune Daini Nambu Kumiai goes into action. Word is promptly despatched to the leader, who sees that it is circulated in the accustomed

Page  8 8 Mischa Titiev order. Some members send telegrams to distant kin of the deceased, one pair carries messages to those close at hand, and another pair notifies the undertaker and an Eta who attends to cremations. Womenfolk pertaining to the association come to the bereaved house and manage affairs. Their especial charge is the fixing and serving of food, although all expenses are later paid by the stricken household. Sometimes a wake is held on the first night, during which refreshments are provided for the watchers. The funeral is usually delayed long enough to give invited guests a chance to assemble. Early on the day of the funeral the male members of the kumiai gather and eat and drink heartily. Late in the afternoon they join other mourners in a procession to the cemetery where cremation takes place after a brief Buddhist service. Next day the same assemblage places the cremated remains in an urn, which is put on the family altar with suitable ceremony. Nakaune Daini Nambu Kumiai's house number 13 (Table Seven) occupies an anomalous position. It is connected with the Tsukuda family from number 2 which was once well-off butwhose fortunes declined as a result of misbehavior by some of its members. The father of the present head of household number 2 had a daughter, Chiyoko, who was not quite normal. Since she was unlikely to wed in the usual way, her father adopted Yoshie to be her husband. To this arrangement Yoshie consented because he came of a very poor family and his own future prospects were not good. The couple moved into house number 13 and, although they were somewhat looked down upon, they were allowed to join the father's kumiai. Unhappily, Yoshie was constantly subject to embarrassment because he could never pay his share of whatever joint expenses the association incurred. At last, after full discussion in his presence, he was expelled "out of consideration for him, " that is, to save him from further embarrassment. The same couple are also excluded from all social and religious functions because they cannot afford the customary gifts that guests are expected to bring. Another interesting case concerns household number 5. It consists of a widow, Maeta Ko, her daughters aged twenty-one and twelve, and a small granddaughter. They belong to the Tendai sect and are assisted by a Tendai priest, who is rumored to be the widow's lover. At the same time he is also supposed to have fathered the grandchild by Maeta Ko's oldest daughter, who is now dead. Gossip further has it that the same priest begot two bastards on the widow's deceased niece who, in her lifetime, had lived with her father in household number 6. Despite all the scandal, Maeta Ko is a member in good standing of her kumiai and meets on equal terms with her male associates. Still another interesting case, although outside the official membership of Nakaune Daini Nambu Kumiai, is that of a "nun" who lives alone in a house close by the cemetery and crematory. She is an old woman of about seventy, called Emo-san, who has resided at Kojoson for some fifty years. In her younger days she received some training in the temple of Emonin but was never formally admitted to orders. She ekes out a poor living from fees collected for presiding at funerals and other religious exercises, but many villagers are pleased to have a resident "nun" and willingly contribute rice and wheat semi-annually for her support. Occasionally she is invited to social gatherings at the homes of members of this kumiai. Four Kumiai at Fujitason The modern history of Fujitason, Kojo county, Okayama prefecture, begins in 1905 when the Fujita engineering company began to reclaim shallow parts of Kojima Bay. As soon as land began to be available, workers were invited to settle there; and by 1912 there were three hundred permanent houses, enough to have the place officially designated as a son. A majority of the first settlers were drawn from the prefectures of Okayama and Hiroshima on the main island of Honshu, and a good number of others migrated from Kagawa prefecture on Shikoku. The pio

Page  9 Kumiai in Okayama 9 neers came under the auspices of the Fujita company, from which they leased land for dwellings and farms. Around 1927 those who had money were granted the right to buy their holdings outright, but the others continued as tenants until the land reforms sponsored by the Occupation. When the area began to assume its present form it was divided into five districts called buraku or aza. Fujitason residents were heard to use buraku much more frequently than aza. In the summer of 1951 each of the buraku-aza had from 11 to 42 kumiai, with a total of 111. The population came to 4,457 for the entire village; these were living in 890 homes, an average of almost exactly five to a household. Kumiai were formed at Fujitason just as soon as a few settlers had built permanent homes. At first the associations were purely socio-religious, the members assisting one another at marriages, childbirths., funerals, and similar occasions. There were also fixed monthly meetings for the worship of K6b6 Daishi, but during the war these had to be given up and were replaced with business meetings. Recently, some of the kumiai have resumed religious gatherings on the reduced scale of two or three a year. One of the most curious features of the four kumiai studied at Fujitason (Tables Eight, Nine, Ten, and Eleven) is the fact that they are known only by the names of their current leaders and have no permanent designations. Inasmuch as leaders are usually changed each year, such a system must create endless confusion. Yet no matter how often they were questioned all informants unhesitatingly agreed that each kumiai changed its name whenever it selected a new head. This policy was interpreted as a sign of youthfulness, and I was assured that when the kumiai system had matured at Fujitason permanent titles would probably be adopted. To a student of socio-cultural dynamics, analysis of the Takahashi kumiai (Table Ten) is most revealing. The households making up this association are located in Miyako aza, in one of the most recently opened sections of Fujitason. Soon after the end of the war Japanese exnavy men were permitted to buy land here on easy terms. Of the seven householders that comprise the kumiai only one is not a veteran, but he had purchased the land from a former sailor. Households number 2 and number 3 show how a new economic situation may effect a radical change in an ancient social system. For countless generations Japanese sons have lived in their fathers' households as subordinates until they inherited the family home or established a new branch. In the two cases under consideration, however, fathers who had lost much during the war have taken up residence in the homes of their sons. In each instance the son remained head of the household, thus completely reversing the traditional pattern. Contrasts between "Mature" and "Recent" Kumiai In terms of gross, overall structure and function there is little to distinguish the kumiai of the longer-settled villages from those of the more recently-founded towns. All serve the same general purposes and all conduct their affairs along closely similar lines. It is only when we examine the details of their social composition that half a dozen significant differences come to light. 1. The mature kumiai tend to coincide with settlement arrangements based on a political or regional framework. At Kamoson, for instance, each of the two kumiai investigated comprised a whole buraku. This was not the case at either of the recent villages. Informants were of the opinion that the buraku groups of the older settlements had geographical connotations associated with such differing landmarks as hills, valleys, mountains, or rivers. Each residence cluster tended to become associated with a distinctive feature of topography. On the other hand, the newer settlements are on reclaimed land which is flat and monotonous; and farms are so large that households do not congregate in a little space.

Page  10 10 Mischa Titiev Hence kumiai are arbitraily delimited, without reference to differences of landscape. 2. The older kumiai allpossess distinctive and permanent names. On this score only the associations at the most recent village, Fujitason, provide a marked contrast. The clumsy method of changing the kumiai name whenever a new leader takes office is a sign of immaturity; and the guess was made that the older groupings may once have passed through a similar phase when they were young. 3. The mature kumiai contain a larger number of affiliated households than do the recent ones. At Shoson the average was 12. 5 and at Kamoson it was 17. 5; but both at Kojoson and Fujitason the average was only ten. That large size may be a factor of age and maturity of settlement is based on the tendency of any population unit to increase under favorable conditions. Also significant is the case of Niiike, largest of the ten kumiai that were studied, whose members resisted subdivision on the score that they had long lived together in harmony. 4. One of the most noteworthy features of the mature kumiai is the uniformity of names among the constituent householders. No less than ten out of twelve members of Hiramatsu Higashi Gumi in Shoson are called Hiramatsu, and eleven out of thirteen from the Kaminishi kumiai bear the name of Uchida. A somewhat less uniform condition was found to prevail at Kamoson, second of the long-established towns. All the inhabitants of Niiike are either Hiramatsu or Iwasa, and in Oyama the bulk of the householders are Tanomura or Namba. As soon as we examine the recent associations in this respect, we see a startling contrast. Here every householder is likely to have a different name, and even the occurrence of two kumiai mates of the same name is a rare phenomenon. There is no sure interpretation of this situation, but the sharing of names in the older communities may well point to a greater degree of kinship among kumiai members. It should not be forgotten that informants in the mature towns were able to group same-name people into clusters of assumed blood kin. In the recent settlements there was scarcely a hint of blood relationship between those who belonged to the same kumiai. 5. Perhaps allied to the matter of names and kinship is the sharing of a similar crest among a good percentage of kumiai mates. This feature is commonplace in the mature villages but is entirely lacking in the recent ones. 6. As is perhaps to be expected, in the older towns a great proportion of household heads live in the homes where they, and often their fathers before them, were born; and sons customarily belong to the same kumiai as their fathers. To cite only the extremes in order to emphasize contrasts, no less than ten out of thirteen householders comprising the Kaminishi association at Shoson reside in their natal dwellings, whereas only two out of ten household heads from Fujita kumiai in Fujitason were born in the houses they now occupy. Not one of the fathers of the men making up Fujita kumiai was born in Fujitason, and no less than five came at some time around 1910 in response to an advertisement of the Fujita company. The Underlying Trend Whatever else they may be, kumiai are primarily local groups, that is, associations of neighbors who live in the same locality. In villages of considerable antiquity neighbors are likely to be kinfolk. This conclusion is suggested by the sharing of names and crests among numerous kumiai mates in the mature group and is supported by the custom of branching, whereby younger sons often build independent homes near their fathers or older brothers, thus making

Page  11 Kumiai in Okayama 11 neighbors out of near kin. (Consult, on this point, the column of remarks in Table Four, dealing with Niiike.) On the other hand, the recent villages have grown by the accretion of settlers drawn from a variety of distant places, and hence no network of relationships through branching has had a chance to develop. So, in the older kumiai a person in need of help or companionship relies in effect on kindred, but in the new associations one must seek aid in emergencies from unrelated neighbors. This situation is illustrated in the popular saying, "Toi shinzoku yori chikai tanin. " There is more than one way of translating this expression, but in the recently settled areas it is said to mean, "Strangers or friends close by are better (more helpful) than distant relatives"; and it is understood to have specific application to one's reliance on neighbors or kumiai fellows. Repatriates and others uprooted by war or some great emergency usually seek help from kindred, but if none is forthcoming they settle where they can and patiently wait to be admitted to a kumiai in the vicinity. Nor should it be overlooked that in Oyama the Hiramatsu people came gradually to consort more with local kumiai mates than with their kindred at Niiike. The noteworthy trend in modern Japan away from reliance on and cooperation with relatives and toward greater ties with non-kin must not be regarded as a purely local and transitory phase brought on by the war and likely to end soon after the close of the Occupation. It is much more probable that it represents a Japanese manifestation of a basic trend that is going on in all contemporary nations and that may be seen, for example, in conjunction with the universal shift from rural to urban centers of population as a country becomes increasingly industrialized. Whenever this shift occurs it provides another instance of the way in which changing economic conditions break up long-established ties of kinship and force city-dwellers to develop new bonds with non-relatives. Unless satisfactory ties can be established among unrelated neighbors, as we in the United States have every reason to know, a society moving away from rural conditions is in danger of disorganization and may even be brought to the verge of disintegration. Accordingly, it is of interest to a social scientist to observe Japan as she becomes subject to a universal trend and to see what steps she is taking to stimulate the formation of close bonds among strangers who happen to be neighbors in large cities. Social Structures in Okayama City 9 Before and during the war, social units called chonaikai, which corresponded in some ways to rural kumiai, had been formed in Okayama City. Each one consisted of a hundred houses and was headed by a leader, an assistant leader, and an accountant, who were elected for terms of a year. The ch6naikai was designed for business rather than for social matters, although in the spring it might sponsor a flower-viewing party or an athletic event for those who caredto attend. For the most part the chonaikai handled war programs, such as rationing. It was considered too large to function at funerals; these were left to tonarigumi, made up in units of ten houses. Each group elected a leader annually, and its activities were strictly limited to the supervision of funerals. All the ch6naikai and their constituent tonarigumi were abolished after the war. Quite apart from these organizations, dwellers in cities form small clusters of from four to six houses, usually made up of one's nearest neighbors on both sides of the street, for mutual assistance at funerals. Colloquially, they are known as "muksangen ryodonari. " There is nothing formal about these groups. When a newcomer moves into aneighborhood he customarily calls on those living nearest to his residence and politely requests their friendship. Groups formed in this manner do not make a practice of eating or worshipping together; nor do the members march in a body to the cemetery, even if they do render aid when a death occurs.

Page  12 12 Mischa Titiev In Okayama City at present civil administrative and welfare problems are entrusted to a committee called minseiiin whose members are appointed by municipal authorities. No regular term of office has yet been set, but one is likely to be established in the near future. The minseiiin engages in no socio-religious activities at all. In conclusion, the close bonds typical of rural kumiai have not been duplicated in the structures of any of the formal social units set up at Okayama City. Whether Japanese urbanites will ever develop satisfactory substitutes remains to be seen. Notes 1. The liaison section of Okayama's prefectural government very kindly placed at the writer's disposal the services of Mr. Chikao Ueda. Mr. Ueda proved most helpful in many capacities, chiefly as interpreter and informant. Without his friendly and able assistance the project could not have been attempted. It is a pleasure to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. Ueda, and to his superiors, Messrs. Katayama and Gokan, who willingly released him from other duties in the interests of my field work. 2. My principal informant at Kamoson was Hiramatsu Mitsusaburo, a former school teacher, still courteously called, "Sensei. " 3. Historical information at Sh6son was provided by Inukai Kohe. Information on one kumiaiwas obtained from Uchida Zensuke and his son, Taisuke; and on the second from Dr. Hirano Shigetake. 4. Mr. Ueda resides at K6joson and gave me the details of the kumiai to which he belongs. For the other I am indebted to Sugihara Misaku, mayor of K6joson at the time the field work was being done. 5. At Fujitason much valuable information was supplied by the mayor, Ishii Yasuichi, and his assistant. Data on the four kumiai that were studied were provided, in nearly each instance, by representatives of every member-household. 6. Where farmers have only small plots, as at Sh6son, the raising of rice seedlings is likelyto be a cooperative affair; but in districts such as K6joson, where holdings are larger, plants are grown on an individual basis. 7. Niiike is rather large for a single kumiai. Of the twenty-four houses shown on Table Four, only twenty-two were occupied in 1951. Another was built and awaiting occupation by a couple that was planning to be married, and the last was already marked although its actual construction had not yet begun. In 1951 one householder was known to have withdrawn in anger fromall participation in community affairs, but some of the older residents were trying to placate him and to restore harmony. 8. An idea of the number of kumiai comprised in a single village may be had from Table 12, which lists all the kumiai, with their member households, in one aza of K6joson. 9. No complete study of Okayama City's social structure was attempted by the author.

Page  13 Kumiai in Okayama 13 Figure 1 Map of the Area Studied Approximate Scale 1: 120, 000 4,5 0 1 2 3 Miles I.. i N Kojima Bay Source: Atlas of Administrative Subdivisions of Japan Department of State Publications, 2740 Far Eastern Series 19, Map 32.

Page  14 14 Mischa Titiev Figure 2 Crest Groups at Niiike B. A. Iwasa households Hiramatsu households 1 6 16 17 2 5 9 15 18 4 7 8 10 14 19 23 Maru-ni-moko Sumi Kiri-ni Kiri 3 20 22 11 12 13 21 Maru-ni Kiri Maru-ni-tomoe

Page  15 A farm house in K6joson. Here houses are relatively isolated from their neighbors. Ne-wly reclaimed land a( acent to Fujita. son Note the scattered pat,... tern of farmhouses. B The waters of dota ay are in thedtanc,e, Niiie bue Note houses clustered together on thte hllside,

Page  16 16 Mischa Titiev TABLE 1 TEN KUMIAI FROM OKAYAMA PREFECTURE I. "Mature" Groups* A. Shoson (founded around 1024 A. D.) 1. Kaminishi kumiai 2. Hiramatsu Higashi Gumi B. Kamoson (founded around 1670 A. D.) 3. Niiike 4. Oyama II. "Recent" Groups A. Kojoson (founded in 1824) 1. Miyanishi (formerly Miyamoto) kumiai 2. Nakaune Daini Nambu kumiai B. Fujitason (founded in 1912) 3. Ishii kumiai 4. Fujita kumiai** 5. Takahashi kumiai 6. Kasahara kumiai * It is fully realized that both the "Mature" and the "Recent" samples are too small for comprehensive coverage. Hence the conclusions arrived at in this study must be regarded as tentative. ** The Fujita kumiai was said to have no connection whatsoever with the Fujita engineering concern that reclaimed the land on which Fujitason was established.

Page  17 Kumiai in Okayama TABLE 2 KAMINISHI KUMIAI OF SHOSON 17 a)o~~ Wife's ~ Remarks Go Householder'sName Age Natal Remarks Oz Locality 3 E| E —4.i, 1. Uchida, Zensuke 60 Mitsu un2 2 2 1 Household head was born in this house. 2. Uchida, Sugashiro 54 Kibigun 2 0 1 2 Household head was born in this house. 3. Uchida, Masaichi 62 Mitsu 2 2 1 2 Household head was born in this gun house. 4. Ota, Aijiro* 55 Shoson, 2 3 2 0 Wife of household head was born in No. 4 this house. 5. Uchida, Ken'ichi 23 None 0 1 2 1 Ken'ichi's mother, who came from Mitsu g, lives here. He was born in this house. 6. Uchida, Miyoshi 68 Mitsu 2 2 0 2 Household head was born in this gun house. 7. Uchida, Teruichi 62 Kibi u 1 1 1 0 Household head was born in this house. 8. Uchida, Ryohei 37 Tsukubo 1 2 0 2 Household head was born in this gun I I I I I house. 9. Uchida, Sadazo 55 Kibigun 2 3 2 0 Household head was born in this house. 10. Uchida, Shigemitsu** 39 Shoson, 1 2 2 1 Wife of household head was born in No. 10 this house. 11. Uchida, Gun'ichi 42 Kibigun 1 1 2 3 Householdheadwas born here. 12. Uchida, Shigeko*** 45 (Husband 1 2 0 1 Household head was born here. from Kibi gn) 13. Fujisawa,Masao**** 71 Shoson 2 2 2 0 WifewasanOta, related to No. 4.. He is an adopted husband who came from another aza of Shoson. ** He is an adopted husband who came from Kibi gun. *** UchidaShigeko, now a widow, serves as head of this household. **** He is a husband from Mitsu un who was adopted for an Ota bride, yet somehow although he moved into No. 13, he never took his wife's name.

Page  18 18 Mischa Titiev TABLE 3 HIRAMATSU HIGASHI GUMI OF SHOSON Wife's, i Rea s 0 Householder's Name Age Natal ki o i Remarks OZ Locality p| J| |g 1. Hirano,Shigetake* 50 Kojima 1 1 3 4 Shigetake Hirano is a medical docgun tor. 2. Hiramatsu, Nobutaro 61 Kurashiki 2 2 3 0 Household head was born in this City house. 3. Hiramatsu, Shin'ichi 43 Tsukubo 1 2 1 3 Household head was born in this ff~gun ~ house. 4. Hiramatsu, Shiichir6 36 Shoson** 1 1 3 2 Household head was born in this house. 5. Hiramatsu, Shima 74 Mitsu 0 1 0 2 Head is a widow, whose husband had ~~~~~gun I I Ibeen born in this house. 6. Hiramatsu, Kyutar6 58 Niiike*** 2 3 1 1 Household head was born in this house. 7. Hiramatsu, Hidekichi 70 Kamo 1 1 1 1 Household head was born in this son house. 8. Inouye, Tasuku**** 26 Sh6son 1 2 1 0 Head is an adopted husband from Atetsu gun, who has not taken his wife's name. 9. Hiramatsu, Sato 74 ----- 0 1 0 0 Head is a widow who was born here and whose husband had been adopted for her. 10. Hiramatsu, Tsuchugo 35 Kibi gun 1 0 1 Headformedbranch from No. 3. 11. Hiramatsu, Kaichi 50 Shoson 2 2 1 1 Household head was born in this house. 12. Hiramatsu, Kumaji 48 Seoul, 1 1 3 1 Head formed branch from No. 11. Korea H I is wife is a Japanese from Korea. * Both Dr. Hirano and his wife were adopted into house No. 1. He came from Kibi gun and was not previously related to his wife. ** These wives came from other parts of Shoson than their husband. They were only very distant relatives of their spouses, if related at all. *** This householder's wife and mother belonged to the Iwasa family at Niiike. Thus atShoson we have two Hiramatsu-Iwasa marriages, a kind of union that has never occurredat Niiike. **** He is an adopted busband who came from Atetsu gun.

Page  19 Kumiai in Okayama TABLE 4 NIIIKE BURAKU-KUMIAI AT KAMOSON 19 a a ~ t a)g~~~~ ~Wife's gIV 02 Remrk;o Householder'sName Age Natal 0 Remarks Locality S 'O 8 3 oE3 og EO EW C 1. I wasa, Takeshi 2. Hiramatsu, Yukuji 24 21 51 3. Iwasa, Ishita 4. I Hiramatsu, Kameichi 5. Hiramatsu, Asae 6. Iwasa, Tamaichi 7. 8. 9. Hiramatsu, Tokujir5 Hiramatsu, Mitsusabur5 Hiramatsu, Kenshiro 10. Hiramatsu, Kamaichi 11. Hiramatsu, Tadashi 12. Hiramatsu, Masao 40 55 53 66 61 62 57 50 50 44 42 61 57 54 34 45 Kibigun None Shoson Niiike No. 18 Kibigun Okayama City Kibigu Tsukubo Tsukubo gun Okayama City Mitsugun Niiike Kurashiki City Sh6son Kibi gun Niiike No. 16 Niiike No. 17 Niiike No. 18 Mitsu 8UA 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 2 1 1 2 1 2 3 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 3 2 2 3 0 0 1 1 1 2 0 0 2 2 1 2 1 2 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 4 0 2 0 1 1 2 1 4 4 1 0 2 2 Adoptive father of Takeshi lives in No. 16. Yukuji is second son of No. 9, and will move here at marriage. Household head is older son of No. 22, but branched here on return from long stay in the U. S. A. Kameichi was born in No. 19 and married a next door neighbor, but they were not close relatives and he had long lived in Korea. Branch of No. 15 Grandson of No. 16 Son of No. 14 Son of No. 10, younger brother of OyamaNo. 3, uncle of No. 23. His son will occupy No. 2 when married. Occupies oldest house in Niiike. Half brother of householder in No. 13. Head of household was adopted by his wife's father. His younger brother is planning to build No. 24. This household is an ancient branch of No. 10. Household head is an adopted husband. Has adopted son in No. 1. This household head is an adopted husband. He and the head of No. 16 were adoptedfor two sisters. Household head is an adopted husband. His wife's sister lives in No. 4. Household head is brother of head of No. 4. 13. Hiramatsu, Hideo 14. Hiramatsu, Isamu 16. Iwasa, Soichi 17.1 Iwasa, Kakui 2 2 2 2 18. Hiramatsu, Hajime 1 1 19. Hiramatsu, Nobuji

Page  20 20 Mischa Titiev TABLE 4 NIIIKE BURAKU-KUMIAI AT KAMOSON (CONT.),,,Wife's C, WWi S sd Householder's Name Age Natal e l E Remarks O zLocality ''E, B c 20. Iwasa, Eikichi 55 Sh6son 2 2 1 1 21. Hiramatsu, Hiroshi 40 Kibigun 2 2 One older brother branche of No. 13. 22. Iwasa, Yasuta 44 Kibigun2 2 3 1 One older brother branched to No. 3 on return from the U. S. A. Another older brother still lives in the U. S. A. 23. Hiramatsu, Teigo 37 Kurashiki1 1 0 3 The house is leased from an Iwasa City owner. The head is the son of Oyama householder No. 3; and nephew of Niiike No. 8. 24. Hiramatsu, Masaji 33 None 0 0 0 0 Masaji lives in No. 13, but is planning to build here whenever he gets married.

Page  21 Kumiai in Okayama TABLE 5 OYAMA BURAKU-KUMIAI AT KAMOSON 21 Wife's kg P). Sr i ii pi i ii i i,! f i i T, Householder's Name Age Natal c So 2 _'. Remarks Em| 4 t Locality S? ' |d || 0l OlE) I PI E-_ E-4' P4 } 4 1. Namba, Tsuneo 31? 1 2 1 1 Household head is a mat weaver, brother of No. 6. 2. Ono, Yoshio 42 Kibi gun 1 1 1 1 Household head runs a bicycle shop. He is a half-brother of No. 4. 3. HiramatsuSakutaro 72 Oyama 1 0 0 0 This householder is the older brother of Niiike's No. 8, who preferred to take over his wife's residence in Oyama, and to grow fruit. 4. Shimizu, Kaichi 55 1 0 2 0 Household head is half-brother of No. 2, and was trained to be a blacksmith. 5. Hiramatsu, Masuta 68 Niiike 2 1 2 1 This householder is anadoptedhusband. His wife has a half-sister residing in Niiike No. 19. 6. Namba, Mikio 30 None 1 1 0 1 The older brother of Mikio should have inherited this house, butfor business reasons hepreferredto branch to No. 1. 7. Tanomura, Toshun 52 Kurashiki 1 2 1 0 This household head is a teacher City and farmer. 8. Tanomura, Tokio 57 Mitsugun2 1 0 1 Originally, this house branched from No. 7. 9. Namba, Shihei 25 Kibi gun 1 2 2 2 Works as a stonemason. 10. Namba, Shizuo* 27 Kojima 1 1 0 Father of the household head was gun born in No. 11. 11. Namba, Hisao 25 Oyama 1 1 0 1 Head of this household is an adopted husband. He was once a carpenter. 12. Namba, Masaichi 31 Jobogun 1 1 1 0 Head of the household was formerly a carpenter. i i i iiiii i i i i i i i ll i ii iiL * Namba Shizuo, the wife of Namba Hisao in No. 11, and Namba Masaichi in No. 12, are all children of the late Namba Takeo, who used to live in No. 11. Hence numbers 10 and 12 may properly be regarded as branches of No. 11.

Page  22 22 Mischa Titiev TABLE 6 MIYANISHI KUMIAI AT KOJOSON Wife's rC 2 Cd ElHouseholder's Name Age Natal |S S 0 Remarks Locality t- to |~ ~ 1. Sugihara, Misaku 66 Kibigun 2 2 5 3 Mr. Sugihara was mayor of K5joson in 1951. 2. Hinotsu, Yoshimatsu 47 Tsukubo 1 1 2 3 This householder was adopted by the a~~~gun ~ wife of his father's brother. 3. Hidehira, Shizuo 48 Kojoson 1 1 1 1 This household provides an exceptional instance of matrilocal residence. Mr. Hidehira marrieda distant relative and moved into her home without being adopted by her parents. 4. Watanabe, Kumakichi 75 Kojoson 3 3 2 1 Watanabe, Kumakichi is an adopted husband. 5. Takahashi, Yukitar6 62 Kojima 2 2 2 1 The head of this household is a diE~gun I I I vorced man who has re-married. 6. Isozaki, Takehiko 40 Asakuchi 1 2 1 1 7. Miyatake, Hisaichi 47 Tsukubo 2 2 1 1 This householder adopted his wife's gun brother's son as husband for his only daughter. He was once a school servant, and his father had been a ricksha man.

Page  23 Kumiai in Okayama TABLE 7 NAKAUNE DAINI NAMBU KUMIAI AT KOJOSON 23 Wife's = E.C 0 Householder's Name Age Natal: 0o Remarks z,,t -,, fiLocality C5rt 4 g g E - - r C: j 1. Fujisawa, Kinji 2. Tsukuda, Seiichi 3. Komaru, Teiichi 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Sato, Minaru Maeta, Ko Maeta, Isamu Saito, Torao Ueda, Chikao Nishie, Masao Kawasaki, Satoru Ouchi, Ikuo Takeuchi, Tokichi Tsukuda, Yoshie 73 40 52 48 52 64 45 56 54 37 21 72 Kibigun Kibigun Shitsuki yama ken) Kojoson Kojoson Kojoson Tsukubo gun Kojima gun Kurashiki Kojoson None Kojoson Kojoson L I 2 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 1 1 2 2 3 2 1 3 3 2 3 0 0 0 0 2 1 1 0 0 O 3 3 0 3 3 0 1 1 3 2 0 4 0 Oldest settler and former head of his kumiai. Now a widower, he lives with his second son, wife, and six children. Mr. Komaru is an adopted son. Both his adoptive mother and his wife came from the same village. This householder is an adopted son. Maeta Ko is a widow who, like her husband, came from Kojoson. She looks after her sick halfbrother in No. 6, and is supposed to be loved by a Tendai priest. The householder in No. 6 and the widow in No. 5 had the same mother by different fathers who were brothers. (Levirate) His father had been an adopted husband; he is childless and has adopted his sister's daughter. His wife is related to the Fujisawa family in No. 1. Present head of this kumiai This young household head lives with his mother, grandaunt, and grandmother. The head of this household is an adopted son. This householder is an adopted husband, married to the daughter of No. 2. He was recently expelled from the kumiai because he is too poor to bear his share of expenses. 1 1 1 0 2 1 - L

Page  24 24 Mischa Titiev TABLE 8 ISHII KUMIAI FROM FUJITASON Wife' s k, | = Householder's Name Age Natal k S o ] Remarks OZ Locality - | c g d4 O, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ d,0,,, 1. Hayashi, Toshio 40 Kojoson 1 1 2 2 2. Kawahara, Chiyoko 3. Sawata, Yakuichi 4. Fujita, Kyisaku 5. Miyake, Kumaji 6. Seo, Isamu 32 57 50' 56 41 41 30 25 46 29 38 33 (Adopted husband) Kojoson Kojoson Tsukubo gun Tsukubo Asakuchi Asjoson Asakuchi gun Kojima Nakashoson** Kojima Kagawa ken Kojoson 2 2 2 0 1 1 2 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 3 1 4 5 0 2 2 0 1 1 2 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 3 1 3 1 Came from Kibi gun, ca. 1920. His wife is a cousin on his mother's side. A woman heads this household. She was adopted by her father's brother, who came from Kibi n ca. 1910. Later, a husband was adopted for her. This householder has two sisters and a brother living in other parts of Fujitason. He came about 1930. This household head branched from No. 1 of the Fujita kumiai (Table 9). Household head came here ca. 1910 from Oda gun. Father helped establish him and then returned to Oda gun. Householder also came from Asakuchigun about 1935, but was not related to his wife. Father came from Kojoson around 1905, inanswer to a Fujita Company advertisement. Father came in 1905 in reply to a Fujita Company advertisement. Family of this householder came fromKojoson, ca. 1915. A widow is the head of this household. Her husband's father settled in Fujitason about 1910. She has a sister in this town. Family came from Kojima gun. The father of this household head came in 1910 in reply to a Fujita Company advertisement. This household is not related to No. 9, nor to anyone else in Fujitason. He settledherewith his wife and mother, following the death of his father at Kojoson. 7. Ishii, Takuji 2 8. Watanabe, Itsuji* 1 9. 10. 11. 12. Sakata, Kango Hiramatsu, Yae Funabashi, Michio Nishitani, Kokichi 1 0 1 1 13. Sakata, Kazuo 1 * There are three related Watanabe families in the Nishiki district of Fujitason. ** Deceased husband came from Nakashoson.

Page  25 Kumiai in Okayama TABLE 9 FUJITA KUMIAI FROM FUJITASON 25 Wife's CdS a ta?o Householder'sName Age Natal Ei So c Remarks C'1 Z; | |Locality "cg c 'c| a E,,T,, Q,,, 1. Fujita, Takaichi 60 Asakuchi 2 2 1 2 His father came in 1913 from Kojima gun. 2. Seo, Hayata 37 Kojoson 1 1 2 2 Father came from Hiroshima in 1930. 3. Tomosugi, Rakuta 58? 2 2 0 2 This household head established a branch here from Tsukubo gun in 1916. 4. Kasahara, Shoshi 51 Hiroshima 1 1 3 1 Householder's father came from Hiroshima about 1913. Shoshi is supposed to have been born here but there is a discrepancyin dates. 5. Maki, Kuraz6 48 KOjoson 1 1 1 2 Father came from Oku gun about 1930. 6.* Yasukawa, Masao 48 Tomato 2 3 2 0 Father came in 1905 from Aita gun. yama ken) 7. Senda, Takakichi 61 Kojima 2 1 2 2 Householder came from Kojima gun gun about 1910. 8. Ishii, Goichi 48 Ehime 1 1 3 0 Father came from Senn5 in 1910. (Shikoku) 9. Hachlya, Notojur5 44 Senn5 1 0 1 Father came from Senno in 1910. 10. Sato, Teruo 27 Tsukubo 1 2 2 2 Father came from Senn5 in 1910. E!~gun I I I The present household head was born in this house. * Families of households 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, came in answer 1910. to a Fujita Company advertisement around

Page  26 26 Mischa Titiev TABLE 10 TAKAHASHI KUMIAI FROM FUJITASON g ife's de e | g Householder'sName Age fNal o Remarks ~~~OS~~~Z~who was an adopted husband, liveC C aI~~~~z~ ~Locality wowith him..a 1. Nait6, Hisato 38 Hiroshim 1 1 1 2 The whole family of five moved ken here in 1946. He had been in Manchuria. 2. Nobuhara, Masashi 24 Okai un 2 1 2 1 2 Householder's mother and father, who was an adopted husband, live with him. kumiai of this district. 5. Norikame, Kunimitsu 43 Kagawa 1 1 2 3 ken (Shikoku) 6. Tozawa, Hiroshi 23 Toku- 1 1 1 This family came in 1950. Mr. shima Tozawa did not serve in the war ken but bought land from a veteran. (Shikoku) 7. Mushiake, Iwaichi 38 Asakuchi 1 1 0 3 Came from Asakuchi after the war. gun

Page  27 Kumiai in Okayama TABLE 11 KASAHARA KUMIAI FROM FUJITASON 27 Wife's 0 S Householder's Name Age Natal E E s Remarks _ Localty IM ] I| ~ o0. 0.,. cW 3~ E-M E-k p 1. Kasahara, Fusatar5 2. Inouye, Masayoshi 3. Takami, Kashio 4. Shibabuki, Nobuo 5. Kishimoto, Teruo 6. Matsumoto, Naoichi 47 47 38 37 41 50 53 37 43 41 Kojima 7. Matsumura, Kuraz5 8. Watanabe, Teruko 2 Fujitason 2 Odagun Tsukubo gun Kibi g Kibigun? Maniwa yama ken) Kibigun Tomato yama ken) 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 2 0 3 2 1 0 6 0 1 0 1 3 1 1 1 0 0 2 Father came from Shitsuki gn, Okayama ken, in 1905. This couple came here in 1945, after having been bombed out of Okayama city. Note that the wife came from Fujitason. Came about 1948. Both householder's mother and wife came from Oda gun, but they were unrelated. This householder's father lived with his son prior to his death. They came from Kojoson about 1930. Came from Okayama city about 1948. Came in 1925 from Kibi gun. Wife is from Kibi gun, too, iut they were not related. Came originally from Tobo, Okayama ken. Were repatriated here from Manchuria. Household head is a widow, who has remarried. Her first husband branched here from KIjoson about 1915. Second husband moved into her house, a case of matrilocal residence. Householder was a carpenter, who established branch here from Oda gun in 1930. Householder's father worked for the Fujita Company, and built No. 10 in 1944. 9. Yamamoto, Mitsuji 10. Hirota, Rohei

Page  28 28 28 ~~~~~~~~Mischa Titiev TAB LE 12 KUMIAI IN NAKAUNE AZA OF KOJOSON Name of Number of Kumiai Families Hinoegawaku 22 Nambu-Daiichi* 23 Nambu-Daini* 13 Teinan 19 NiJiikumei-chii6 9 Minami-Gakk6-chi** 24 Kita-Gakk5-chi** 21 K6a 9 K6shin 20 Fujiwara Takao 1 Shinsei 6 Seinan 13 Sh6nan 7 Heiwa 5 K~sei 11 Nakaune-chiibu 11 Naka-Shimo 6 Chii6 14 Chfik5 13 K6shi 10 Chiiwa 7 Kamioka 16 Miyanishi 7 Kaminaka 8 Kamioki 18 Akebono9 Ippommatsu 11 Kumei 10 Nijiikumei' 9 Nijiikumei-Higashi 8 Higashi-Jiirokumei*** 13 Nishi-Jiirokumei*** 19 Sugiyama, 27 Ouchi Fumiko, 1 Ono 1 Fujii Rikuichi 1 HMlchi-chii 9 Total 431 *These kumiai meet jointly. **These kumiai meet jointly. *** These kumiai meet jointly.

The Senkyoya System in Rural Japanese Communities

Paul S. Dullpp. 29-39

Page  29 THE SENKYOYA SYSTEM IN RURAL JAPANESE COMMUNITIES Paul S. Dull* I The study of political processes in Japan has produced a considerable body of literature, both in Western languages and Japanese. Unfortunately, the descriptions have suffered major disabilities so that error and omission have obscured many of the vital elements of political behavior. In the first place, attention has been focused on formal institutions, when, in reality, formal institutions are often but a facade behind which operate the decision making and policy executing processes. Japan, in the last hundred years, has adopted a complete set of political institutions developed in a cultural setting alien to Japanese civilization and often antithetical to Japanese political habit. What has happened, then, has been a process of adjustment between the borrowed and the traditional, a process that has been a synthesis of diverse political elements. The result of the adoption of Western political institutions in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has been analogous to the adoption of Chinese institutions in the seventh and eighth centuries. The old was changed but the new resembled the borrowed original only in external details, not in function. Where the Japanese, first under the Meiji constitution, and now under the post-war constitution, adopted a complete system of decision making and policy executing institutions, they have very often failed to use these organizations to make decisions or execute policy. Rather, they have developed a system of informal and covert techniques, often using the formal institutions only to give legal sanction to what has already been decided. 1 If this is true, a study of the formal institutions of legislatures, cabinets, ministries, and political parties gives only half a picture at best and often no picture at all. In addition, there has been the danger, to which Western scholars have frequently succumbed, of reading into the adopted institutions characteristics found in Western counterparts. The error has caused considerable distortion. The second barrier to an understanding of the dynamics of Japanese political behavior has been the tendency to examine the top of the hierarchy of political organizations rather than the participating base. Political parties, for example, have been extensively studied. Their platforms, the speeches of their members, and the appeals made to the electorate have been analyzed under the assumption that people voted as they did because of the formal organization of the parties, the personalities of their members, and the issues for which they stood. If the inquiry is reversed a different picture emerges, a pattern in which such institutions as jiban A 4ji, kuikomi LJ, and the senkyoya *-^ are dominant. 2 * The research upon which this article is based was undertaken while the author, an Associate Professor of Political Science and History at the University of Oregon, was working as a research associate at the University of Michigan Center for Japanese Studies at Okayama City. He was aided by grants from the Social Science Research Council, the Ford Board for Overseas Training and Research, and the University of Oregon Graduate Council. Field work for this study consisted of extensive interviewing in rural areas of Okayama prefecture from September, 1952 to January, 1953. The author wishes to express his appreciation to personnel of the University of Michigan Center for Japanese Studies, and to Mr. Emoto Mathew J. K. and Mr. Ueda Chikao for their aid in the field. It is not claimed that this situation is duplicated in all rural communities in Japan. The author has found, however, that the senkyoya system exists, mutis mutandis, throughout Japan. 29

Page  30 30 Paul S. Dull II The senkyoya system had its origin in pre-Restoration Japan and is firmly grounded in concepts of hierarchy. As Japan adopted forms of representative government, political parties developed and it became necessary for some men to participate in the! election process by casting their votes. Those individuals (senkyoya) in each buraku -4. (hamlet) who had hitherto held local responsibility for bearing petitions to officials and receiving their orders, in other words, those concerned in political affairs below the level of officialdom, took over the new political affairs which a new political age brought to a buraku. At the same time, the newly created politicians, depending upon votes for public position, made an alliance with the senkyoya. In pre-World War II days, before a politician could succeed in being elected to the national or prefectural diet, he must build up his jiban. The construction of a jiban started at the ken,l (prefecture) level by a candidate's getting the support of as many of the influential prefectural politicians as he could. Many of these were members of the prefectural legislature (kengikai fA t ). In turn, the politicians of the prefecture had a loyal following which extended down through the gunf (county) to the ch6o e (town) and son {f (village) levels. In turn, politicians of the town and village would have one or more loyal supporters in each buraku.3 To this point, the system was a political machine. Each political faction in the prefecture had its political machine and the struggle was between factions to build larger jiban than their opponents. The problem still remained: how did the buraku senkyoya get the eligible buraku inhabitants to vote for his candidate? The answer lay in the composition of the Japanese family system and in Japanese respect for status and hierarchy. It was part of the tradition of a buraku to have a man whose recognized function was to make such political decisions. His position, traceable back to the family buraku status and duties in Tokugawa days, was hereditary, being passed from father to son. At times the senkyoya might also be the largest landholder, but his power to obtain political loyalty from other buraku inhabitants rarely rested upon economic coercion. The combination of large land holdings and the position of senkyoya came, rather, from a common source. In Tokugawa days the largest land owner was the man in the buraku with whom the feudal officials worked. However, many instances are to be found in Okayama prefecture where the buraku senkyoya were not land holders. Moreover, the post-war land reform leveled holdings without affecting the position of the senkyoya. Many buraku had, however, more than one senkyoya. While it was not the business of all in a buraku hierarchy to have the position of political leader, in some buraku, generally those larger than average, it was the business of more than one; and sometimes there was competition among senkyoya for profitable connection with town and village politicians. However, the voting members of each bloc generally gave their allegiance continuously to one man, since loyalty was given traditionally and was little influenced by issues or candidates. As elections approached, the senkyoya made known the candidate that he supported. However, the statement of advocacy was couched in the proper symbols, symbols to which his followers would respond. There was nothing so crude as the senkyoya's merely telling his followers to vote for a candidate. 4 The buraku senkyoya might be politically sophisticated (although not necessarily so); the buraku inhabitants were, for the most part, unaware of the dynamics of politics and merely responded to their leader's words conveyed through proper symbols such as a candidate's idealism, sincerity, past reputation, and his willingness to work for the tangible benefit of the buraku. Extensive interviewing of the men who had been the "common voters" of the pre-war period as to why they had voted as they did, why they had followed the advice of the senkyoya, disclosed an unawareness of having been used by political machines. At best they were interested in nothing beyond prefectural issues, and often they were indifferent to any but

Page  31 The Senkyoya System 31 village and buraku issues. A frequent answer was that national issues, party fortunes and party platforms were beyond the knowledge of the informant. It was not his business to know about such things nor did he have a desire to know. If the senkyoya told him a candidate was good and would work for the benefit of the community, the vote was given. Prestige of the senkyoya and loyalty to him, evoked byalmost ritualistic symbols having little reference to party platforms or national issues, held the jiban together at the voting level. Two typical interviews will illustrate this point. A respected citizen of Kibi town - i Ws, Kibi county - 4 p, Okayama prefecture, a well educated man in his seventies, a Kibi town council (chogikai Ti0' ) member for over twenty years before the end of World War I and several times head of the council (chogikaich6o 0T -4- ), was asked why in his opinion the common people voted according to the word of the senkyoya. He answered that the common people voted as they were told because they must obey such counsel. The men who told them what to do were the intelligent leaders working for the common good of the community, and the only way that good could come to all the community was through obeying their decisions. He gave as an example the advocacy by the senkyoya of Inukai Tsuyoshi. The people voted for Inukai. As a result of Inukai's being in the National Diet, important roads were constructed through the fields, and to this day they are known as Inukai's roads. These roads contributed greatly to the development of Kibi. He said that disobeying the word of the senkyoya would have worked against the community's prosperity. It was benevolent paternalism. Another informant, a long-time senkyoya for the small rural Suenaga buraku, was asked why Suenaga buraku people obeyed him in his choice. He answered that he knew the realities of inner politics; the people didn't. They were loyal to him because they knew that he worked for the buraku's benefit. If his group won, the buraku projects would be favorably considered. The loyalty given by the senkyoya, and to a greater extent by the village or town politicians, had a more sophisticated base. The senkyoya knew that if the candidate whom he backed was successful in the prefectural or national elections his community could expect favors dispensed by the prefectural government. He knew that the penalty for the wrong choice was the loss of tangible favor for his district. His position was predicated upon his ability to know about such things. Therefore, within the limits of the conservative tradition that bound almost all agrarian settlements, the senkyoya was free to make his choice. Generally he made it as in previous years; that is, there was the tendency for a continuation of political loyalty, once given. As a practical matter the continued loyalty of buraku senkyoya depended upon the permanence of the power of the politician above him in the hierarchy.5 Despite the practical considerations involved in a senkyoya's loyalty to a candidate, the correct symbols had to be manipulated and a certain form observed. It was dangerous to treat the senkyoya with cynical disregard for such things. There were a variety of ways in which the organization sought his bloc of votes. For those already committed in previous years to a certain jiban, a special meeting of the senkyoya within in a village or town generally would be held at the outset of an election campaign. A leader from a higher level in the faction would make a speech to the group extolling the merits of the candidate. Inasmuch as the invited senkyoya were of the same jiban, held by loyalty and their own profit, most often they would agree to back the candidate. If, as in rare instances, a senkyoya or a group of senkyoya disagreed with the choice, they might be invited to a meeting sponsored by a rival faction. If the meeting technique were not used, generally the senkyoya were visited privately by a superior in the organization. The bloc of votes a senkyoya controlled could seldom be bought, although in most cases a small sum of money was given. This money was known variously as meishigawari t. 4,, ("in place of a calling card"), atogane t~ ("later money, " that is, money given six months

Page  32 32 Paul S. Dull after an election, after the statute of limitations for election irregularities had taken effect), and maegane -- ("early money, " that is, money given before this date, or before the election). Actually, the money could legitimately have been labeled expense money. It rarely equalled the expenses a senkyoya incurred in the campaign. After the senkyoya votes had been committed, early in the campaign, it was possible to calculate a candidate's total vote with a great deal of precision. The process of securing the senkyoya's commitment was known as kuikomi or kuichi in Okayama prefecture. The stakes were driven. Campaign speeches and rallies had little, if anything, to do with an election. The knowledge of how votes were committed had an important result. The secret police compiled lists of the senkyoya, the number of votes that they could deliver, and how they were committed, by prefectures and sent this information to the Naimusho pqj-i4 (Home Ministry). Thus, the government in power could forecast a possible defeat, place pressure on the prefectural officials and through them urge the prefectural politicians to produce so many extra votes. This technique was not always successful as the 1937 election testified. 6 Furthermore, the "floating boss" (a politician who had not committed his bloc of votes or would change his commitment in return for favor or money) would be courted by those who needed more votes to win. 7 Between the senkyoya and the candidates were intermediate politicians, the men who actually manipulated the senkyoya. The pattern of organization varied with different localities. In some, for elections for the House of Representatives, the organization went from prefectural politicians to a county level, and from there to town and village. For kengikai or lesser elections, the chain of command omitted the county level. In the hieraarchy, the most powerful prefectural politicians were generally kengikai members. Likewise, the most powerful town and village politicians were members of the ch6gikai and songikai or were ch6ch6o v-a (town mayors) or soncho i+-; (village mayors). The contest between rival factions culminated in the kengikai elections. If a group was able to have its man or men elected to the kengikai, these prefecture men in turn used their influence to have their helpers elected to their chogikai and songikai. The relationship was a mutual one. The jiban expanded in proportion to the success attained in the kengikai elections and the success of the lesser politicians elected to the lower offices. 8 In some instances, the prefecture politicians had their own districts where they had the direct loyalty of the senkyoya. More often, however, they worked through the multitude of lesser politicians on the town and village level. In either case, the district that a man controlled was called nawabari A.S A ("roped-off area"). It had a definite size, varying from two or three villages to half-a-dozen villages and towns. The men with nawabari were the key politicians in the organization. They were men of great political experience who knew their district and all its political vagaries. If large sums of money were involved in the campaign, it would go from the prefecture politicians or candidate to these men. It was here that there developed what has been called the "floating boss. "9 The higher the politician was in the hierarchy, the more he seemed to be susceptible to party allegiance, if not party platforms. While there is little evidence that these politicians were directly bought, they were taken care of with political jobs and favors. In particular, the powerful prefecture politicians were entertained lavishly when in Toky5 and were treated with careful politeness and appropriate ceremony by the national party leaders. 10 Once a jiban was constructed, it tended to become a stable organization. Work in the faction was the path to office-holding. It was the newcomer in politics who faced difficulties when he tried to construct a jiban without preliminary work in the organization. Inukai Tsuyoshi,

Page  33 The Senkyoya System 33 who became president of the Seiyukai and premier, 1931-32, had the most effective jiban in Okayama prefecture. It was referred to as his "iron constituency." So loyal were the elements of his jiban that Inukai achieved a national reputation for spending less on an election than any other Japanese politician. On several occasions newcomers in politics tried to buy away his jiban during an election. Once the president of the Nippon Beer Company opposed Inukai and gave large sums of money to the senkyoya, spending approximately fifteen times as much as Inukai in his attempt to win. The senkyoya took his money but advised their people to vote for Inukai. Inukai won without difficulty. Upon an office-holder's death or retirement his jiban was passed along, almost always intact, within his family or to some one within the hierarchy. Thus when Inukai was assassinated his jiban was inherited by Inukai Gentaro (no relation), a loyal member of the jiban. When Inukai Gentaro retired Inukai Tsuyoshi's son, Inukai Ken, returned to Okayama and inherited the jiban. Outside this area where the elections were actually decided, there existed formal party machinery, a replica of Western political parties. During elections each candidate had a senkyo jimuch5o Lt; - (campaign manager). However, this official had no power over the operations of the campaign within the jiban. He managed the formal affairs of the campaign: the speeches, rallies, and advertising which were a gesture to the borrowed institutions but had little if any effect on the election issue. More important, he was the man within the party who was legally responsible for the conduct of the campaign and the one held legally responsible if election laws were broken. III Defeat in World War II and the subsequent Occupation regime which attempted a thoroughgoing democratization of Japanese society have had a profound effect upon all segments of the Japanese population, including the rural areas. It would be too much to expect, however, that the new forms of democratic elections have totally supplanted the pre-war institutions. The senkyoya system continues to operate although it has been influenced by the changing times. Japan is still too much in a state of flux and there are too many variables in the political, economic, and social equations for an accurate prediction to be made as to whether the senkyoya system will eventually disappear or will continue as a dynamic institution with only moderate changes. One of the most noteworthy developments has been the succession of younger men to the role of senkyoya, often while the pre-war senkyoya of the buraku was still alive. The great hardships of the Japanese during and after the war, the defeat suffered, and the inevitable destruction of many of the old symbols during the Occupation have operated to discredit the old-time politicians at all levels. Young men, often genuinely affected by democratic ideals (even though they might not understand all of the implications of the new ideology), have taken over. In a study of twenty-three senkyoya in Kamo village, only two pre-war senkyoya still retain their old status. The change has not come about through death, for in only three cases have the old senkyoya died. The analysis cannot be so simply stated, however. Kamo village lies in a multiple-member election district that, in a general election, elects five members to the national House of Representatives. Thus it is possible for an older senkyoya to back one candidate, the younger senkyoya another. In many buraku a struggle between the two still exists. The case of the Katayama family in Suenaga buraku illustrates this point. Katayama Tokitaro was the pre-war senkyoya. His son, Katayama Ken, an intelligent farmer in his forties,

Page  34 ~~~~~34 ~~Paul S. Dull has taken over his father's position among most of his father's followers. However, his succession has not been complete even within the family. Among the buraku people all except the older inhabitants follow him, and he has considerable influence throughout Kamo village. In both the 1952 and 1953 general elections the father backed Inukai Ken, while the son supported Hishimoto Ryogo. 11 Both made campaign speeches throughout Kamo village, although age kept the father the less active of the two. Such a situation would have been unthinkable in the conservative country-side before the war. In an interview with both men together, the question was asked if such competition did not mean that the son was disloyal to the father. Katayama Tokitaro answered first. He said that Inukai Tsuyoshi had done so much for him that he felt a giri to him so strong that it must be transferred to Inukai's son, Inukai Ken. Before the 1952 election a family conference was held. It was realized that there was a conflict of obligations because Katayama Ken's wife was candidate Hashimoto's cousin and amicably agreed that the younger family must support Hashimoto and the older couple Inukai. Katayama Ken agreed with his father's story but he said, with emphasis, that there was a second reason why he had backed Hashimoto. He then related the story of how Hashimoto, a Jiyuit member, had been in the Ministry of Welfare in a Jiyiit cabinet. An issue arose over the use of BCG, a drug used for tuberculosis. Hashimoto stood against Premier Yoshida and his own party, resigning his post. Katayama Ken said that he admired the man because of his sincerity and idealism in this case and that was the real reason that he had backed him. Others were questioned in Kamo village about the Katayama intro-family rivalry during elections. Except for a few older inhabitants, all agreed that there was nothing improper in the rivalry but that it could not have happened before the war. If the senkyoya system in Okayama prefecture has been modified by the appearance of younger men, one of the most significant results has been a change in the reasons why the buraku people's give their vote to a younger senkyoya and the younger senkyoya's pledge their bloc of votes to a particular candidate. As noted in the Katayama interview, the new senkyoya are less bound by unquestioning loyalty and more influenced by the platform upon which a candidate stands. A rough estimate formed on the basis of interviews would indicate that, in 1953,seventy per cent of a buraku vote were based on loyalty to a man in a hierarchical situation, thirty per cent on the issues involved. However, it was generally agreed among all senkyoya questioned that the percentage influenced by issues was steadily increasing. Among the senkyoya, the percentage influenced by issues (within conservative limitations) is much larger. If the old system is not passing, at least it is being modified. This does not necessarily mean the end of the jiban; it may mean the end of political machines built solely on loyalty and not on issues. 12 The shift to younger men has not been confined to senkyoya by any means. Younger men are to be found in the prefectural legislatures, and as city, town, and village mayors. Many of the younger politicians have succeeded in building strong, new political machines with young men in the lower echelons, supported at the voting level by young senkyoya. A third factor of change has come from the enfranchisement of women. While traditionally women have followed the command of men in Japan, apparently the secrecy of the voting booth has given women the opportunity to practice a measure of intellectual independence. Without exception, senkyoya who were interviewed complained that the votes of families could not be delivered at the ballot box since the women began voting. This does not mean that all women exercise free judgement. It does mean that enough of them are sufficiently independent of men in the family to make the old election techniques inoperable. If women will not respond to loyalty even with regard to their own men, they are even less influenced by loyalty to a candidate. They have not been trained in and bound by the functioning of the old, exclusively male, senkyoya system.

Page  35 The Senkyoya System 35 As the senkyoya system has undergone modification, accompanying techniques have changed with it. From the aspiring candidate's point of view there is less necessity for dependence upon politicians from prefecture to village levels. It has been possible for candidates to enter and to win elections without jiban of any sort. 13 There has been a change in the use of campaign funds, although by no means a lessening of the total expense. Less money is paid to the intermediate politicians with nawabari, or even senkyoya, but large amounts are required for effective campaign advertising. This includes trucks, cars, and three-wheeled motorcycles in which election workers tour the district giving speeches or repeating campaign slogans over public address systems. It includes the device of having students and others travel the country roads shouting a candidate's name. 14 Speeches have become more important. The post-war election boards (senkyo kanri iinkai iBfys-; A -4 ) have enforced more rigid rules for the conduct of a campaign. In the past agrarian Japan followed a conservative tradition in politics. One informant estimated that eighty per cent of all senkyoya supported conservative candidates. As changes have taken place, Socialist parties and the Communist party have taken advantage of sensitive areas from which they had previously been effectively barred. Korean and Eta buraku have been susceptible to Communist influence. Districts that include both towns and farming buraku have been penetrated by Socialist candidates. They have set up a new type of senkyoya system, wherein members of labor unions control labor union voters in the town areas. In the multiple-member election districts, by concentrating on a single candidate while the conservatives enter a full slate, they have been able to achieve success. The increased fluidity of population between urban centers and farming buraku has also resulted in labor union members' being in a position to influence part of the rural vote. In other words, there is a greater necessity for an effective campaign organization in today's elections, and labor unions have been able to compete successfully in some rural areas with the older senkyoya organization. With the exception of the Korean and Eta minorities, the Communist party has failed miserably in agrarian areas. However, the Communists have tried to build up a special kind of senkyoya system. They could not make use of the traditional senkyoya because their ideology attacked him as part of the feudal tradition that must be liquidated. Generally the Communist party has tried to organize on the village or town level, attempting to get two or three men active in every buraku. The buraku men operate by private visits to voters, appealing to the proper farmers, buraku inhabitants who work in cities, older students, and the unemployed (a rarity in a farming community). The offer, of course, is a better life. The buraku agents are generally paid money supplied by Communist-dominated labor unions or by the Communist party itself. Since 1948, this technique has failed almost completely. What has taken place in the countryside is, of course, an active democratic ferment. Whether it will remain so depends on the character of national politicians, how much they respond to what is taking place in their constituencies and genuinely represent them, and in tha last analysis upon the national and international problems that Japan must face. The elements of a more democratic election procedure, even if it operates behind the framework of the formal institutions, are present. It will not come about automatically. The tendency to give support to issues in an area of change may eventually turn back into support by habit and traditions of loyalty in a settled situation. In that case, all that will have been accomplished will be a change in the composition of the senkyoya, not in the institution itself. It is too early to predict the answer.

Page  36 36 Paul S. Dull NOTES 1. Of course, this phenomenon is found in all political societies. However, in Japan, for the reason noted, it is to be found in greater degree than in the modern states of Europe and North America. It was the failure to understand that the formal institutions of government were not necessarily the ones wherein decisions were made and executed that caused so much confusion among the prosecutors and judges of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East. Their error was an ethnocentric one of reading into Japanese institutions the characteristics of their own. 2. Jiban is literally translated as "foundation" or "base. " In politics, it grew to be roughly synonymous with "political machine" or "political organization. " Kuikomi, literally "driving stakes, " is an Okayama ken colloquialism. It is also known as kuichi. It means the securing of promises of support from the senkyoya for a certain candidate. The term, senkyoya, literally "election man, " also does not appear to be universal. The man who is responsible in each buraku for political decisions is recognized but often not specifically titled. In interviews, considerable difficulty was experienced over the lack of a name to call these men. Bossu '7.A ("boss") was used at first, but that term had unethical connotations which in the strict sense did not refer to a senkyoya. Many informants resented the term. Chih6 no seijika {&d, X> g ("politician of the loyalty") was also used but proved to be an awkward Westernism that invariably drew smiles from the informant. One informant preferred chih6 no yuryokusha at 0 4 h # ("The locality's man with power. "). Finally, after much questioning, it developed that senkyoya was the best term for the locality studied. 3. This paper considers only the rural communities. However, the rough counterpart of the senkyoya system was to be found in urban areas, although the bases of loyalty were necessarily different and the system less rigid. Even in cities, votes were given not so much because of party issues as in response to political leaders with small blocs of votes working outside the formal apparatus of political parties. 4. The method whereby the senkyoya informed his followers of his decision varied with different communities. In some, the senkyoya visited his followers and told them, with proper circumlocution, how to vote. In others the decision of the senkyoya would become known after a social or religious gathering of the buraku inhabitants when the conversation would turn to politics and the words of the the senkyoya would be sought. One informant a senkyoya of rural Suenaga buraku *$.I-0 -, Kamo village z YA, i $,Tsukubo county 4p;pIp, Okayama prefecture A A ^, made the statement in an interview that before an election he would visit the people to tell them how to vote. He said that he always visited the same people and they always followed him. He was asked if he ever visited others in the buraku and village not traditionally loyal to him in order to influence their vote; that is, to raid another's jiban. He looked shocked and said no. When asked why, he said because he had self respect. He also said that he had never heard of another senkyoya who did such raiding. He said that the support that he had was traditional. It was inherited within his family and it really was a continuation of loyalties founded in Tokugawa feudal society. However, he did relate how, in addition to visiting his own followers, he made political speeches throughout Kamo village. It is suggested by the nature of the evidence that this was more of a formality than anything else because the informant had already said all votes were committed early in the campaign. 5. In Okayama prefecture, by 1937, the five seats allocated to the prefecture in the national legislature were monopolized by a "Big Five. " They were Ogawa Gotaro, Nishimura Tan

Page  37 The Senkyoya System 37 jiro (and after his retirement, Hashimoto Ryogo), Inukai Tsuyoshi (and after his assassination in 1932, Inukai Gentaro), Kotani Setsuo, and Hoshijima Jiro. (Inukai Gentaro was not related to Inukai Tsuyoshi but was the grandson of Inukai Tsuyoshi's tutor in Chinese classics, Inukai Tadatsu. Inukai Gentaro was chairman of the Okayama kengikai at the time of Inukai Tsuyoshi's death. He had been in Inukai Tsuyoshi's political camp and he inherited the position.) It would have meant political suicide and economic hardship for his buraku for a senkyoya in Okayama prefecture to change loyalty to some one outside this circle. 6. Frequently, of course the government was not made up of the politicians elected to the House of Representatives. 7. The senkyoya would sometimes rebel against the tactics of the politician to whom they had pledged votes if his practices were too flagrant. 8. A concrete example may be found in an interview with an informant who told the story of how Uchida Yataro was nominated for the Okayama kengikai. He had many followers in the various towns and villages and was elected. In turn, he helped his men to be elected (or reelected) to the ch6gikai and songikai. With men from the same faction in the legislatures of the prefecture, town and village, tangible advantages went to the buraku who had supported the faction's candidates. To the buraku who opposed the faction, nothing would come. Thus, the buraku senkyoya would be quite willing to throw their support all the way, for they knewhat if they succeeded the town or village in which their buraku was situated would profit from kengikai legislation, and their buraku would profit from the chogikai or songikai legislation. The risk, of course, was to calculate the winning faction, but jiban strength was so well known and so stable as to render the risk minimal. The informant emphasized, however, that profit was not the only consideration. Loyalty was also a powerful factor. 9. Being a politician seldom produced much profit, and many men became impoverished in the occupation. There is a Japanese proverb illustrating this point: "Kane to seiii wa itchi shinai" ("Money and politics do not go together". 10. The "floating boss," however, was the exception and not the rule. They were heartily disliked by other politicians. Often the prefecture politicians of Okayama, with little competition to worry about, would agree among themselves to boycott all such men, paying them nothing and leaving them out of the political picture after the election. The author has made use of the field notes of Professor Robert E. Ward of the University of Michigan for some of this material although such material was checked again in the field before incorperation in this article. See Robert E. Ward, "Patterns of Stability and Change in Rural Japanese Politics, " Occasional Papers, Center for Japanese Studies, No. 1 (1951), p. 4. 11. It should be noted, however, that the rivalry was over rival members of the conservative Jiyuto. 12 Inukai Ken has long traded on the "iron constituency" of his father, offering little in the way of a program, visiting Okayama at infrequent intervals between elections, and generally disregarding his constituents. His popularity has been fading rapidly as a consequence. Where previously he had led all the candidates in his district, in 1952 he slipped to fourth among five elected. Subsequently, he was made Minister of Justice in the fourth Yoshida cabinet. In the 1953 election he failed to betterl his position despite his official position

Page  38 38 Paul S. Dull in the government. Mainichi (Japanese Okayama edition), April 21,1953, p. 8. 13. The election of Yamasaki Moto in the Okayama second electoral district in the 1952 election is an example. He was a newcomer, had no jiban, but was supported by the teachers' union. The votes he attracted were without doubt due to his policy statements rather than his political personality. He was reelected in the 1953 election, placing second among five. Ibid. 14. It was generally agreed among informants that in general the public address technique and the students who walked around repeating the name of the candidate had little, if any, effect on the population.

Page  39 39 Buraku elections in Kmeson. A member of the Center for Japanese Studes r~esidents for data on theiri politicall opinions.

Rural Politics in Japan

Joseph L. Suttonpp. 40-50

Page  40 RURAL POLITICS IN JAPAN* Joseph L. Sutton In Japan today the "rice roots" of politics are still to be found in the rural areas. Despite the rapid urbanization of Japan since the Meiji Restoration of 1868, Japan's population is still more than fifty per cent rural. Furthermore urban population has traditionally maintained a close contact with rural areas, so that many urban workers are today but recently from the country, and many will return to the country in their old age.1 In addition, the destructive war in which Japan was recently engaged forced all but those having important jobs in the cities to evacuate to the country where they lived with relatives and often engaged in agriculture. Thus it is all but impossible to meet a Japanese today who has not had some recent and extended contact with the country and its folkways and mores. It is recognized, therefore, that if we are to comprehend fully the political events which transpire in Tokyo we must first understand what goes on in the tiny segments of rural society which, in total, form the basis of "Japanese politics. " The present study is an attempt to analyze this rural basis of Japanese politics with an eye to assessing forces of change operating within it. While not broad enough to amount to a true sampling of all Japan, it is at least broad enough to disclose many of the significant trends in Japanese political life in an area which has been correctly called "the cradle of Japanese civilization".* The Hamlet in Postwar Japan The Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) recognized that the political organization of the hamlet in Japan predated the Meiji Restoration by at least a millennium. 2 The mistake lay in confusing the beginning of government manipulation of this institution with the beginning of its modern existence. As Robert E. Ward has correctly pointed out in his article on hamlet organization in Okayama Prefecture, the government-sponsored formalization of hamlet organization appears in modern times in the 1930's when the increased fighting on the Asiatic mainland made necessary a more rigid control not only over rationing and the collection of produce but also over the political thought and activity of the nation. 3 To achieve this purpose the government established the burakukai, or hamlet council, and the tonarigumi, or neighborhood association systems, the former for the rural and the latter for the urban areas. SCAP,eager to wipe out all elements of thought control, legislated the abolition of both systems.4 * The material for this study was gathered while the author was participating, as the political science member, in the Center for Japanese Studies interdisciplinary research among the hamlets (buraku) of the Inland Sea Region. The research team also included a historian, an anthropologist, a geographer, a sociologist, and an economist. The team travelled throughout the Inland Sea Area in the nine prefectures of Okayama, Hiroshima, Yamaguchi, Fukuoka, Oita, Ehime, Kagawa, Osaka, and Hy5go. Altogether it visited forty-three buraku innineteenvillages. In the course of the questioning, some 150 informants were consulted by each man and the entire trip took about five weeks. Travel was by jeep and often through parts of Japan in which automobile traffic was all but unknown. After a violent typhoon carried away much of the coastal road, the team and the jeep were transported over this part of the route by rail. 40

Page  41 Rural Politics in Japan 41 What SCAP failed to comprehend was that, in so far as the rural regions were concerned, hamlet organization was necessitated by the nature of the modern Japanese village. From the time of the Meiji Restoration, Japanese administrative subdivisions have been based on population. Areas were designated on the basis of population as villages (mura) towns (choD or cities (hi). The contemporary village in Japan is not a single community in the Western sense of the word but a scattering of hamlets whose populations make up a total required for the designation of mura. The center of village government is frequently a building standing in the middle of the paddy fields and quite apart from habitation or commercial establishments. In the absence of telephones, the scattered nature of settlements demands that the necessary business of the village be carried on through the recognition in each of the hamlets of persons responsible for liaison with the village office. Thus, the SCAP order for the abolition of hamlet councils (burakukai) and their headman (burakukaich)l could not be followed in the settlement pattern of Japanese rural areas without destroying local government. And, in fact, none of the hamlets visited in the course of the present survey had ever observed this SCAP order. In most of the hamlets they had never heard of it. Furthermore, they had made no effort to "purge" any of the members of the hamlet who had held office during the war, although at some time during the postwar period the headman in many of the hamlets had also been the war-time headman. 5 The strong traditional nature of the hamlet in Japanese rural politics is evident in the fact that the Japanese wartime government apparently fared little better than SCAP with its orders to the hamlets. As the survey showed, although all informants were well aware that increased pressure had been put on them by the government during the war, they had by no means followed in detail the procedures which the government ordered for the organization of their hamlets. For instance, the headmen during the war were supposed to be appointed by the mayor of the village. In some villages this rule was, and still is, followed, but in many areas the hamlet continued to appoint their own headman in their own way. In fact, many of the informants were interested in this question, never having heard of any law to the contrary. Another example of this resistance to change was found in the name used to designate the headman. According to the Japanese government order, he was to be called the burakukaich6, but in many hamlets this name had never replaced the traditional name of sodai, kumicho, or hancho. In one instance where water was a constant problem, the headman was called suiri sodai which can be translated as "irrigation chief. " At no time was the name burakucho used, although all informants recognized it as the generic term meaning "hamlet headman. " Thus despite its illegal nature the hamlet has continued out of necessity as a political unit in Japanese rural life. Selecting a Headman In the villages visited in the survey it was found that the method of selecting the headman varied widely and had been little changed by post-war developments. In some places the headman was still appointed by the village office, but in most he was chosen by secret ballot. The answer to questions about an election procedure was almost universally that there was only one candidate. Even when the secret ballot was used, the method of choice was actually consensus, which is so well described in Ward's article. 6 In a few cases other candidates would be mentioned and were usually elected the next time. Only one instance of real competition was uncovered. This occurred in a so-called hamlet which was, however, quite large and had at one time been a village. Suisen or nomination was another common method for choosing headmen. It amounts to the same thing as the ballot with some consensus being reached before the meeting. In addition to these most common methods of selection, election by a show of hands, nomination by village elders, and even choice by lot were also used. In all cases the election took place at a general village meeting in which representatives from each household were present, and in which each household had one vote, although both the time of election and the term of office varied considerably. In most hamlets the headman took office on a definite date for a

Page  42 42 Joseph L. Sutton specified term which ranged from one to four years. In a few cases, mostly in small and poor hamlets, there was no set term of office or date for election. Rather, at some general meeting of the village the headman might say that he no longer wished to serve; someone new would then be appointed in his place. Also, in a few instances the informants stated that the office was on a rotating basis going from household to household, in customary order. The informants did not know when or how the order had been established, or why some households were excluded except that "they were not fit to be included." Duties of a Headman The duties of the headman also varied considerably. In some hamlets his sole duty was to maintain liaison with the village office, which meant keeping the village office informed about births, deaths, crop reports, schooling and welfare problems, and health measures. In other hamlets he had the additional responsibilities of announcing the dates of the local festival, setting the time for repairing the roads and cleaning irrigation ditches, and levying small fees to aid indigent or otherwise needy hamlet members. In one instance the headman was responsible for the organization of weddings and funerals and acted in many respects as the village father, which is no doubt close to the role he played in ancient times. In some of the smaller hamlets the functions of headman and head of the agricultural co-operative were combined, but in most cases these were separate. There were several hamlets where the headman received some financial compensation, although it was of the token variety. Interestingly enough, he was In "city hamlets" (rural hamlets found within shi boundaries) the headmen stated that they were called in to meet with the mayor of the city from time to time to discuss administrative measures which might be of concern to the city officials in their administration of rural areas. Such meetings take place about five or six times a year. In the interim, such headmen are supervised and directed by the shiyakusho, or city sub-office, which is generally the old village yakuba of a village which has been combined with the city. Qualifications for Headmen Another interesting aspect of hamlet politics revealed by the survey were the qualifications necessary to become headman. In most hamlets informants were reluctant to discuss this subject beyond saying that the headman had to be an appropriate person (tekit6nin). After some frustrating sessions, certain definite standards began to emerge. In some hamlets, though rarely, the headman had to belong to a particular family. In these instances and others he had to be literate, as most are, and to come from a fairly large family so that his time would be free for his duties. He also had to be prosperous enough to afford the small personal expenses connected with the office and the loss of part-time work. The typical headman is thus a middleaged farmer in the upper income bracket of his hamlet, although there were one or two exceptions, notably in one hamlet where the headman was twenty-one years of age. In his case the hamlet had decided that its youth would gain political experience and responsibility by having a voice in local affairs. It was noticed during the interviews, however, that the young headman sat silently by and let his elders speak for him. Buraku Organization Below Headman Below the headman there is a bewildering galaxy of offices. In addition to the kaikei-kakari hamlet treasurer, and the koha-kaari, hamlet purchasing agent, which Ward noted in his

Page  43 Rural Politics in Japan 43 study, the hamlets covered in the survey included such persons as kumicho, sometimes called hancho, who head subdivisions of large hamlets. Below these are the heads of household groups,7 who are responsible for getting their people into action in emergencies and for organizing cooperative work. These offices form a direct chain of command down to the family heads and are strongly reminiscent of the old gonin-gumi system during the shogunate. A large buraku maintains additional officials: for example, the sangyobucho, who handles liaison with the village agricultural cooperative; and the nogyoiinkai no burakuiin, representing the hamlet on the agricultural council, which is responsible for crop requisitions and which acts as county agent in spreading the word about improved agricultural techniques. Such a hamlet also had its own PTA representative, its own member of the forest co-operative, which is concerned with conservation and use of forest resources, and a buraku representative on the irrigation council, which parcels out water for crop uses. There is also a hamlet tax collector, responsible for gathering the money for various joint projects, such as building public meeting halls, improving roads and irrigation ditches, paying the expenses of festivals and the salary of the headman, etc. Some hamlets actually had rather sizeable budgets; one had 300, 000 yn levied on the basis of 500 yen per household and 400 yen for each tan (. 245 acres) of land. In the most outstanding of these hamlets, the headman drew a salary of 20, 000 yen per year (about 72 dollars), not a large sum but a handsome additional wage in rural Japan. Another officer noted in the survey was the nozeikumiaicho, the head of the land tax cooperative. It is his duty to place before the tax officials the complaints of farmers who feel that they have been charged an unfair tax rate. This office appeared most frequently in the hamlets which made up a part of city (shi administration, and in effect operated as the local tax agency for the government. The tax is levied on the hamlet, and the nozeikumicho apportions it among the hamlet members according to the quality of their land and their luck in the annual crop production. This practice is tantamount to using hamlet officials as a part of the actual administration of the legal administrative sub-divisions of the village. This tendency appears to be increasing, since many of the officials questioned in the survey complained that there was a growing reluctance on the part of the farmers to pay their taxes, a phenomenon unknown in the days when the hamlet officials were a part of the formal structure. With a local man responsible, it is again possible to exploit the community sense of responsibility, since hamlet dwellers would pay their taxes rather than embarrass one of their number. This system, it was argued, also has the effect of mitigating the worst injustices which result from impersonal government. In general the most highly complex organization was found in hamlets which had been villages in their own right in the Tokugawa period, or in hamlets adjacent to big cities and having for this reason a somewhat more complicated array of problems to deal with than the remote rural areas are likely to face. In the small rural hamlet the headman was usually assisted only by an assistant headman, although frequently there would also be a treasurer and purchasing agent, a cultural agent to conduct talks on cultural affairs, and a health agent to see that children got their shots and that contagious diseases were reported. In all cases the organization seems to have sprung from the real needs of community life and to have been operated as a well-established and respected part of that life. Rarely was there any feeling that hamlet offices existed solely for the use of the higher administrative level. In such instances there was frequently a sewa-kakari or liaison officer whose sole job was to serve the village office, and another officer charged with performing the traditional services of headman. Rural Voters and Mayoralty Elections Since the post-war reforms, Japan's rural inhabitants have their greatest political responsibility in their participation in local mayoralty elections. The1951-52 survey yielded consider

Page  44 44 Joseph L. Sutton able data on the political behavior of the hamlet dwellers during the mayoralty elections, and their attitudes toward the office of mayors. (The mayors are the officers at the head of the village (mura), town (cho) and city (shi) governments.) The questions were designed to determine if the SCAP attempts at reform of this office had brought any real results, and what the hamlet dwellers considered to be proper qualifications for mayor. In the course of the survey, a total of nineteen administrative units of village and city level were visited (thirteen village areas, six city areas). Questions were asked about incumbent mayors and their opponents in the previous election. All questions were confined to those officials holding office since the war. Professional Background of Mayors Although the mayoralty elections investigated were too few to give conclusive evidence and were furthermore confined to the Inland Sea region of the three main islands, certain figures emerge with startling clarity and no doubt indicate with some accuracy the trend of politics in this area. Statistically, the nineteen incumbent mayors were found to have the following backgrounds: two had been teachers; thirteen had been high ranking officials in the government of the village, city or prefecture; and three had been heads of the local agricultural cooperative. One other, in a village on the outskirts of the great industrial city of Osaka, had been a factory manager. Among those counted as former officials, one had been an official of the agricultural cooperative and a government official; three had at some time been teachers; three had held elective offices as members of the local or prefectural assembly; one had been a judge in the Japanese government of Korea; one had been a professional soldier and one had been a practising attorney (living near a large city). This left a total of three who had been officials only. All of those classed as officials had held jobs as paid, professional employees of the local government prior to their election, and most of them were joyaku sometimes translated as "assistant mayor, " but in actuality the administrative assistant to the mayor, an appointive rather than an elective office. The principal opponents of the incumbent mayors were classified as follows: teachers, one; officials, seven; agricultural cooperative officials, five; farmers, one; business men, one (this particular man ran in a shi [city] election); Shinto priest, one; no opponent, two; unknown, one. Among the group classified as government officials two had prior experience as officials in the agricultural co-operatives. The one man listed as a farmer represents the only instance revealed in the survey where a person with no prior experience in government, education, or co-operatives actually took part in a campaign. He was defeated by an overwhelming vote, and his conduct in coming out for election was regarded with scorn by the informants. In one of the two elections in which there had been no opposition the mayor's family was the most prominent in the region and had been the local head of the region in feudal times. The only election in which party membership seemed to play much of a role took place in one of the larger cities visited. In all of the rest of the elections investigated the informants could give no information as to the politics of the incumbent, although some of the defeated candidates were called communists. When asked about the party affiliations of the mayors, most would reply with obvious pride that the incumbent was elected for his personal qualifications rather than his party affiliations. Pressed for an answer as to what party the incumbent was closest to, they would generally reply, "the Liberal party, " although one stated that he was close to the Right Wing Socialist. Such findings serve to demonstrate that the political party exerts only minor influence in the rural areas and that elections are determined by other and more traditional forces.

Page  45 Rural Politics in Japan In generalizing from the facts cited above one should be reminded that these figures are, in themselves, too limited to be conclusive, and that they were gathered in one specific area of Japan. Nonetheless, the salient features stand out with sufficient clarity to indicate a fairly widespread situation. Talks with Japanese politicians in Toky6 and an exchange of impressions with some of Japan's students of government strengthened this assumption. One can conclude that the occupation made little real dent on the conservative social organization of the rural areas. The same groups who were in power during and before the war are still largely in power. Most of the persons now holding office as mayor come from the officialdom of the local government office and their careers began long before the occupation and in some cases even before the war against China. This being so, it would be folly to assume that by being elected now rather than chosen by the local assembly they have become more democratic. It would be safer to say that if the system had not changed at all, these same men who are now elected at large would have been chosen by the local assembly. As for those holding the office of mayor who were not former officials, by far the largest number comes from the heads of the agricultural co-operatives. These men also represent the old and established influential groups, frequently being former landlords who had experience in marketing and purchasing seed, fertilizer and tools which the ordinary tenant farmer and small independent farmer knew little about. The only radical innovation is the appearance of teachers as contestants for local offices. Their strong emergence is largely owing to the respect which teachers derived under the old system as representatives of the central government, and indeed, of the Emperor. Although they have upset the old line politicians, however, they themselves represent no new force, for politically they are close to the classes and groups who have traditionally dominated in the rural areas. Attitudes of Rural Voters toward Office of Mayor The reasons why the voters thought the incumbent won are also interesting and important. Some one hundred and fifty informants were questioned in this regard, and their answers form some picture of the qualifications necessary to become a successful politician in rural Japan. By far the most common reason given for success in an election was that the candidate was a man of "good character. " Although most informants had difficulty in defining this quality specifically, they applied the phrase to persons who were even-tempered, sober, industrious and well educated. The second qualification and almost as frequently demanded as good character was prior experience in local government, but as an employee of the government rather than as an elected official. After these two, a number of other qualifications were assigned to successful candidates with about equal frequency. One of these was education, usually given to explain the success of a teacher. Whether a man was born in the village or city and came from the most populous section of the area also was an important consideration. Ranking high among the reasons for success was that a man had a well known name and conducted a good campaign. In several instances, however, the fact that the victorious candidate did not campaign was given as the reason for his success. In these cases the candidate had simply tacked up his name on the village bulletin board and made no personal speeches or appeals to the voters. This was considered to be an humble and modest act and seems to have been an effective campaign device. The weakness or bad character of an opponent was frequently cited to explain a victory. In most cases the informant would go on to say that the opponent was a "red, " apparently meaning that he had ideas not widely held in the community, not that he was actually a member of a communist or socialist group. Several times the informant stated that after the election the "red" reformed and became a decent member of the community. Several times it was said that the incumbent won because he was older than his opponent, and frequently age was also involved when superior experience was given as the reason for victory. On two occasions the incumbent

Page  46 ~~~~~46 ~~Joseph L. Sutton was said to have won because he had enough money to live as a mayor should. Ability as a speaker was mentioned only twice to account for success, but on numerous occasions informants thought it important to remark that the incumbent won despite the fact that his opponent was a good speaker. Only once, in a large city of Kyushu, was party connection mentioned as a reason for success. In all of the interviews there were only two instances where victory was ascribed to political ideals, and in both cases the opponent of the incumbent was said to have been a "red. " When asked to distinguish between the political ideas of the various candidates most informants stated that all had similar beliefs and that the one with the best character was elected. It may be repeated that all but one of the informants named the "Liberal party," when asked which party the incumbent was closest to. The one exception occurred in a community on the outskirts of a big city, and in this case the incumbent was said to be closest to the Right Wing Socialists. Campaign Techniques in Mayoralty Elections The campaign techniques were quite uniform throughout the area investigated. The candidate frequently engaged in debate (rikkaienzetsu) in various parts of the village or city or spoke from the road (gaitenzetsu) in the various buraku. The practice of house-to-house campaigning (kobetsu homon) is still widespread despite the fact that the current election law limits visits of the candidates to the homes of friends and relatives. During these visits the candidate seldom makes any direct appeal for the votes of the household. Rather, he has a cup of tea and discusses matters of common concern such as the weather or crops. As he leaves he says, "yoroshiku tanomimasu " which can be translated as "I hope you will do your best for me." Wide use is also made of posters, usually hand made. Streamers bearing the name of the candidate are often hung from bamboo poles attached to bicycles, the riders shouting the name of their favorite as they tour the area. Groups of supporters frequently go about on foot, calling out the name of their favorite and saying "Namba-san o irete kure," which means "Put Mr. Namba in office". Bossism Although bribery and bossism do not figure largely in affairs of such small consequence, there is some bossism in the local election. The "bosses" usually are men of substance with many personal followers who will vote as they are told. Sometimes these bosses get appointments for their friends, or in some cases, money, by becoming candidates and bargaining with the votes they are able to secure. One rather amusing incident occurred in the course of this research. Long questioning of one informant about bossism in the local elections and how it operated produced detailed answers. The informant added that many of the practices which he had discussed were illegal. Did he know of any boss in the area who engaged in such practices? He replied in the affirmative. Did he mind stating who the boss was? After some hesitation he replied, "Not at all, I am the boss." Subsequent research in other hamlets in the area bore out his admission. Vote brokers still exist and in some areas the informants were able to quote the current price for a vote, but the practice seems to be at least temporarily on the wane. The enfranchising of women so expanded the number of prospective voters that the job of the vote broker is now too difficult. Also, the relative prosperity of the rural area during and immediately after e ocupation has made the rural citizen less ready to sell his vote than in the days of more acute poverty when the vote broker flourished.

Page  47 Rural Politics in Japan 47 Rural Left-wing Movements Another matter of interest is the small amount of communist and other left-wing activity to be found in the countryside. The informants with whom this matter was discussed were almost unanimous in stating that whereas there had been considerable left-wing activity in the country just after the surrender, it had disappeared after 1947 and had ceased to be an important factor in rural politics. Not all of the areas visited had seen any left-wing movement, and the areas in which such a movement had existed were widely scattered. The experience in these areas, however, had been much the same, the year 1947 being given as the high water mark for such movements. It was unanimously agreed that material conditions of life in the countryside had nothing to do with the rise of left-wing activity. Rather, the sudden burst of new ideas, which the strict censorship of the Japanese government had previously kept bottled up, had swept many farmers along with it. Such men felt that a new era demanded new and radical ideas. Despite the disclaimer of material influence, the informants agreed that these ideas were most prevalent among tenant farmers, although young returned soldiers were also susceptible. All gave the land reform as a secondary reason for the decline of the left-wing movement in the country. The failure of Communist propaganda was said to be the primary cause of the decline. The Communist appeal during this time stressed the heavy taxes which were being exacted from the farmers and asserted that such taxes were planned to destroyed the new-found independence of the agricultural workers. This line failed, according to the informants, because it was obvious to everybody that the government needed the money to repair the cities and the damage done to the rail system. Here the widespread nature of the American aerial attack on Japan may have worked against the Communists, for there was a destroyed city or rail line within easy reach of almost every farm in Japan. The land reform, itself, was used by the Communists in their attack on the Japanese government and the occupation. They stated that the price the farmers had to pay for the land was exorbitant and that the landlords were going to keep the best land for themselves. There is no doubt that the second of their charges had some basis in fact, but the first was manifestly absurd. The farmers bought their land at preinflation prices, while they were able to sell their products, often on the black market, for vastly inflated prices. This meant that the land was purchased by them at real and obvious bargain rates, and this fact was strongly stressed by all informants, including the former tenants. Since their attacks upon the authorities were based on such easily disproved statements, the following which the Communists temporarily enjoyed soon disappeared. In addition, there is also the body of good will which exists in the country toward the United States and the Army of Occupation, although in many of the areas visited, the Center's research team were the first Americans the villagers had ever spoken to. In most cases they had visited neighboring cities and seen American soldiers, but they were not subject to the pressures and occasional bad conduct of the Occupation forces in the same extent as city dwellers. They were very favorably impressed with the medical aid, blankets and foodstuffs which they received indirectly, and sometimes directly, from the Occupation. Also, they admired the quality of the American goods which they purchased on the black market. Further, the farmers enjoyed a favorable balance of trade with the cities for the first time in many generations. It is easy to understand why the Communists failed in their efforts to characterize the American as imperialists. Women in Rural Politics Finally, the survey revealed interesting data on the results of enfranchising the women of Japan. In this part of the research female informants were questioned upon their voting habits. Their answers indicated that the enfranchising of women had little effect on rural politics. Wom

Page  48 48 Joseph L. Sutton en seemed to be taking advantage of their right to vote, but without exception they stated that they knew so little about politics that they voted as their husbands did. Despite the disclaimer of understanding and influence, on several occasions the women's votes were said to be responsible for the success of a particular candidate. In the election of all the teachers it was claimed that they were decisive although such claims seemed to be made with a derogatory intent. There were a few scattered instances where women had stood for and had been elected to the village council, usually in the first election after women had been given the franchise. Since then the number of women running for office has declined. Many of the women interviewed stated that "politics is a man's work, " and one said that women are not more active politically because "the women feel confident that the men can handle political problems well. " All agreed that it was too early in the game to tell whether women were going to influence politics much. They had been traditionally uninterested and were somewhat confused as to what was expected of them. The most important factor in regards to women is the family system. This is hardly less true of the men also. In almost every instance the informants stated that the family voted as a unit. Traditionally the household has been the basic political unit within the rural hamlet. In it each household has only one vote. And since it is in the hamlet that most of the Japanese get their political experience, this experience teaches them that they should vote as a family and not as an individual. This feeling of communal action does not extend to the entire buraku, at least in so far as elections are concerned. Most informants stated that the hamlet did not vote as a unit, except when the candidate happens to come from among its members. Conclusions Several conclusions can be drawn from the above information obtained through the survey of the nineteen villages. First it would be safe to state that the SCAP effort toward reforming the structure of rural politics has not proved successful. One reason is that the peculiar nature of Japanese country life makes the hamlet, or buraku, a necessary part of any administration of a rural area. Lacking some kind of political organization on the hamlet level the costs to local governments or indeed to the national government administering its various programs would be greatly increased. For example, the crop requisition program, which required that a certain amount of agricultural produce be sold to the government at a fixed price, would have entailed armies of bureaucrats had not the bulk of the work been done by the hamlet headmen. Not only has the hamlet continued to exist after its legal abolition, but the headman has continued to maintain an important role in rural activity. This is no doubt owing to the fact that the basic conditions of rural life were changed very little if at all by the Allied Occupation. These conditions demand some kind of cooperative effort on the part of the farmers in order to survive, and such cooperative effort is best carried on through a device like the headman. Thus the convenience of the headman system has led to its continued use by the post-war local governments despite the efforts of SCAP to foster a divorce between local government and the hamlet organization. There is, of course, some danger in this situation. As long as the central government functions in a relatively democratic way it need not be feared that the hamlet organization will amount to more than a useful mechanism for transacting business; but should the central government desire to re-establish a totalitarian government, the mechanism for exerting control and supervision of activity in the rural areas lies at hand. Japanese rural life remains today totally organized to an extent seldom achieved by the most diligent dictatorship and needs only the direct link with the top to make it a- part of an oppressive state. For this condition,

Page  49 Rural Politics in Japan,49 the only cure is to establish among the people the kind of intelligent political understanding which could foresee and frustrate such a move on the part of the government. In an effort to democratize further the local governments of Japan, SCAP instituted an electoral procedure by which mayors were chosen directly by the people, rather than indirectly by the municipal councils. Here again it would be difficult to maintain that any "democratization" has resulted. The survey of the incumbent mayors and their opponents discloses that the successful candidates still come from the same groups which supplied them before the war. Rural voters evinced a complete lack of concern as to party affiliation of candidates and showed themselves to be mainly concerned with "good character," apparently meaning conformity with traditions and customs of the past. This attitude is not surprising in view of the statement made above that the occupation could not change the basic conditions of life in the rural areas. The new system of elections for mayors was often criticized by the informants as being "less democratic" than the old because the village-wide campaign costs the candidate more money than the old system of ingratiating himself with the council. According to these speakers the new practice excludes many persons who belong to the lower income groups and cannot afford to campaign, or it forces them to make binding commitments to people who are willing to supply the money. Whatever the relative merits of the direct and the indirect methods of election, it can be safely stated that the people who are being elected today in Japan are not far removed either by background or attitude from those who held a similar position before or during World War II. Neither has the enfranchisement of women greatly affected rural politics. The women seem as firmly convinced as the men that they are not capable of forming political opinions. Although. there was some talk that certain candidates, notably the teachers, had the support of the women voters, such remarks were more in the nature of slander than fact. By all odds the most encouraging factor from an American point of view was the hostility towards the Communists and the favorable attitude which most peasants seem to share toward the record of the occupation. Perhaps the most significant fact to emerge about the decline of Communism in rural Japan was that it was not owing to land reform so much as to the Communists' own failure to develop any propaganda appeal strong enough to convince the peasant. Except for these few observations it is still too early to determine the political attitudes of the Japanese peasants. When this study was made they were still in the economic euphoria produced by the inflation and the black market. When once they settle back to being the mainstay of Japan's tax system it may perhaps be possible to see with greater clarity their place in the nation's political future.

Page  50 50 Joseph L. Sutton Notes 1. Edwin O. Reischauer, The United States and Japan, Harvard University Press, 1950, pp. 84-85. 2. Government Section; Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Political Reorientation of Japan, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington D.C. I, pp. 284-288. 3. Robert E. Ward, "The Socio-political Role of the Buraku (Hamlet) in Japan", American Political Science Review, XLV, No. 4, pp. 1025-1040. 4. Home Ministry Instruction No. 4, January 22, 1947; Cabinet Order No. 15, May 3, 1947. 5. All heads or assistant heads of burakukai who had held office consecutively from September 1, 1946, were barred for four years from any municipal office performing similar functions in their districts. Government Section SCAP, p. cit., p. 288. 6. Ward, op. cit. 7. See the article by Mischa M. Titiev.

Regional Differences in Literary Tastes and Reputations in Japan

Joseph K. Yamagiwapp. 51-75

Page  51 REGIONAL DIFFERENCES IN LITERARY TASTES AND REPUTATIONS IN JAPAN Joseph K. Yamagiwa Introduction This paper explores the question whether regional differences in literary tastes and reputations may somehow be measured. The datum area is Japan, the data largely statistical. Part I consists of a report on the findings of a survey conducted by the present writer in Japan in early 1951, and part II discusses some corroborative evidence found in two independent surveys conducted by native organizations. The final part discusses the conclusions which seem to be warranted. I In the spring of 1951, in an attempt to explore Japanese tastes and preferences in literature and the arts, I distributed a questionnaire in the cities of Sendai, Tokyo, Nagoya, Kyoto, Osaka, Okayama, and Fukuoka. The geographic distribution of these cities is such that it seems possible to find in the data obtained from this questionnaire at least a partial answer to the question whether it is possible to measure regional differences in literary tastes and reputations. Among those responding were 483 students at nine different universities, namely, T6hoku, Tokyo, Toky5 Toritsu, Tsuda, Nanzan, Doshisha, Osaka, Okayama, and Fukuoka. Among the questions was one which asked the students to name a number of modern-day writers of fiction. By modern-day writers were meant those who had survived World War II and had written short stories or novels in the post-war period. A total of 118 authors were named. The top forty-one who received a total of five mentions or more are listed in Table 1. The large number of mentions received by the leader, Tanizaki Jun'ichiro, seems well deserved. His novel Sasameyuki or The Delicate Snowl is the story of Yukiko, the frail third daughter of an Osaka businessman who somehow manages, despite her delicacy, to convey her rejection of a long line of candidates for her hand in marriage. Tanizaki has also translated the Genji monogatari (The Tale of Genji)2 into modern Japanese and continues to enhance a reputation first earned in the Tambiha or Aesthetic School more than thirty years ago. Second in number of mentions is Shiga Naoya, most famous for his novel An'ya koro or Way through the Dark Night3 which is the story of a man anguished by the fact that his wife has been violated by his own father. Third is Osaragi Jir6, recently best known for his novel Kikyo (Homecoming),4 in which an ex-officer of the Japanese navy accomplishes his vengeance on a girl, who has accused him of being a spy, and on a military police officer who has mistreated him. Fourth is Mishima Yukio, who at twenty-eight is one of several writers concerned with the economic and social problems brought about by Japan's defeat in World War II. The forty-one authors receiving five mentions brj more were next divided in accordance with the twelve literary schools in which they received their start or with which they are now associated. The placing of particular names under some of the schools may seem arbitrary; thus Niwa Fumio may better be classified as an author of the fuzoku-shosetsu or genre novel instead of as 51

Page  52 52 52 ~~~~~~Joseph K. Yamagiwa TABLE 1 The Forty-one Authors Who Received the Largest Number of Mentions in the 1951 Universities Survey 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. Author Tanizaki Junl ichir6. Shiga Naoya..... Osaragi Jir6..... Mishima Yukio.... Hayashi Fumiko... Funahashi Seiichl Ishizaka Y6j ir6. Niwa Fumio..... Kawabata Yasunari. Ishikawa Tatsuz6 Tamura Taijir5. Abe Tomoji..... Shishi Bunroku... Miyamoto Yuriko.. Yoshikawa Eiji.... Kikuchi Kan..... Nagai Kafiil...... Q5oka Sh~hel..... Sakaguchi Ango. Dazai Osamu. Hirabayashi Taiko, Noma Hiroshi.... Yoshiya Nobuko.. Yokomitsu Riichi.. Yamamoto Yiiz6... Masamune Hakuch6. Mushanok~jl Saneatsu Shiina Rinz6..... Honi Tatsuo. Hino Ashihel..... Hayashi Fusao.... Thuse MasuJi..... Nakano Shigeharu. Umezaki Haruo... Kume Masao. Fujimori Seikichi, Dan Kazuo...... Hirotsu Kazuo.... Inoue Tomolchlr6. Takam Jun..... Inoue Yasushi.... Number of Mentions 156 81 O 75 63 53 47 46 44...... 44... 1. 42. o. o 0 40 o *... 32..... 0 31 0... 30 25 0 0 -0 25 o... 24 23 21 0 0 ~ 21 0 0 0 0 20.9 1 - 11 18 1. 0 0 19 16 15 15 15 0 11 -0 0 15 0 ~~15 14... 13 o 0 ~11 9 9 0 0 0.0 7 D 0 19 ~ 7 7 0 0... 6 0...1.6 0 0 0 0 ~ 6 0 0 0 la a5 0.9 ID 0 5

Page  53 Differences in Literary Tastes 53 a writer of ero-bungaku or erotic literature. In Table 2, I have followed the classification of authors arrived at in an article entitled "Fiction in Post-war Japan, " which will shortly appear in Far Eastern Quarterly. Chart I is a graphic representation of the figures in Table 2. Briefly described, the Aesthetic School consists of authors wedded to an art-for-art's-sake philosophy. The second group, the New Perception School and Newly Arisen Aesthetic School, gave emphasis to aesthetic principles at a time in the late 20's and early 30's when proletarian literature was enjoying its greatest vogue in Japan. The third school, the White Birch School, is known for its emphasis on art and on the values of humanity and individualism. The fourth group, consisting of the naturalists, derives mostly from French naturalism as represented by Zola, Flaubert, and de Maupassant. In turn it fathered the fifth school, the authors of firstperson fiction, whose writings are reminiscent of the ich roman in Germany. The sixth school, the New Realists, objected to the extreme naturalism of the fourth and fifth groups and insisted on technical excellence in writing. Popular in appeal are the seventh group, the writers of adventurous tales, humorous stories, and detective fiction; the eighth group, consisting of the writers of erotic literature; and the ninth group, who are writers of the genre novel in whichthe manners and customs of the day are depicted. The tenth school, the School of Caricature, gained prominence for its depiction of the fall of the educated, intelligent, propertied, and sometimes titled classes in the period following World War II. The eleventh group, consisting of the writers of proletarian literature, follow the Communist line; and the twelfth group, the Modern Literature School, is known for its consideration of the economic and social ills of Japan in the post-war era. The extent of support received by each of the twelve schools in the Toky5 area, in the Kansai, and in the provincial cities may next be shown in order to bring us closer to the problem of regional differences in literary taste. Table 3 shows the total number of mentions received by each school in each of these three geographical groupings, together with the percentages which these mentions represent of the total number in each area. The figures for Osaka University are included in the figures for the Kansai area but are also separately recorded in order to facilitate a comparison between Osaka as a great industrial and commercial city and Toky5 as the governmental and cultural center of Japan. The figures for Nanzan University at Nagoya are also given separately. Because of the fact that only twenty-four students were polled at Nanzan, the figures may not adequately represent the situation there. Somewhat arbitrarily, schools 1-5 in Table 3 and Chart I may next be assigned to a group consisting of schools which follow some kind of artistic idea, schools 6-9 to a second group which is popular in appeal, and schools 10-12 to a third group concerned with socio-economic problems or with the diffusion of ideas. It is possible to argue that the White Birch School, which stressed the values of humanity and individualism as well as of art, should be placed in Group HI. This school, however, has been placed in Group I because its authors, as, for example, Mushanok6ji Saneatsu and Arishima Takeo, laid great stress on literary and artistic ideals. It should be agreed, further, that literature which is really of the "long-haired" variety finds very little place in modern Japan, and that without some degree of popular appeal the authors placed in Group I would hardly have their works published. When the percentages of support received by the three groups are tabulated, we have Table 4. From Table 4 and its pictorial representation (Chart II), it seems clear that those writings which are aesthetic or literary in flavor are better received in T6kyo than in the Kansai and provincial areas, and those writings which are published for their entertainment value are.much more popular in the latter two areas than in T6ky6. In fact, our data show that in the universities of Toky6 those authors who write with aesthetic intent receive even more support than those who are merely popular in appeal. Further, literary reputations in the universities in

Page  54 54 Joseph K. Yamagiwa TABLE 2 The Forty-one Authors Receiving the Largest Number of Mentions in the 1951 Universities Survey Classified According to Literary School 1. Authors who began their careers in the Tambiha or Aesthetic School: Tanizaki, Nagai................................... 2. Authors who began their careers in the Shinkankakuha or New Perception School: Kawabata, Yokomitsu; and those who began their careers in the Shinkogeijutsuha or Newly Arisen Aesthetic School: Abe, Hori..................................... 3. Authors who began their careers in the Shirakabaha or White Birch School: Mushanok6ji, Shiga............................. 4. Authors who began their careers in the Shizen-shugi or Naturalist movement: Masamune, Hirotsu.......................... 5. Authors of the shi-shosetsu or first-person fiction: Dan............... 6. Authors who began their careers in the Shingenjitsuha or New Realist School: Kikuchi, Kume, Yamamoto...................... 7. Writers of the taishii-shosetsu or popular novel: Osaragi, Yoshiya, Yoshikawa, Shishi................................. 8. Writers of ero-bungaku or erotic literature: Funahashi, Niwa, Tamura, Sakaguchi, Inoue Tomoichir5........................ 9. Writers of the fizoku-shosetsu or genre novel: Ishizaka, Ishikawa, Hayashi Fumiko, Hino, Hayashi Fusao, Inoue Yasushi.............. 10. The Gisakuha or School of Caricature: Dazai, Takami................ 11. Writers of puroretaria bungaku or proletarian literature: Miyamoto, Hirabayashi, Nakno, Fujimori....................... 12. The Gendai bungakuha or Modern Literature School: Mishima, Ooka, Shiina, Noma, Umezaki, Ibuse........................... 180 105 96 21 2 47 147 162 170 26 66 136

Page  55 Differences in Literary Tastes 55 TABLE 3 Number and Percentage of Mentions Received in Various Areas by the Different Japanese Literary Schools, According to 1951 Universities Survey TKansai Provincial Nanzan Literary T6ky5 Osaka Including Cities (Nagoya) School _saka Num- Percent- Num- Percent- Num- Percent- Num- Percent- Num- Percentber age ber age ber age ber age ber age I I I 1. Aesthetic 94 13.7 6 6. 1 24 11.5 46 10.0 16 21.6 School 2. New Per- 70 10.2 6 6.1 8 3.8 24 6. 7 12 16.2 ception and Newly Arisen Aesthetic Schools 3. White Birch 65 9.5 6 6.1 12 5.7 12 3.3 7 9.4 School 4. Naturalist 14 2.0 0 1 0.4 5 1.4 1 1.3 School 5. First-person 2 0. 2 0 0 4 1.1 0 Fiction 6. New Realist 18 2.6 3 3.0 10 4.8 18 5.0 1 1.3 School 7. Popular 50 7.3 11 11.2 32 15.4 57 15.9 7 9.4 Novel 8. Erotic 61 8.9 10 10.2 31 14.9 50 14.0 16 21.6 Literature 9. Genre Novel 80 11.6 10 9.2 29 13.9 57 15.9 3 4.0 10. School of 11 1.6 1 1.0 3 1.4 11 3.0 1 1.3 Caricature 11. Proletarian 36 5.2 16 16.3 16 7.7 13 3.6 0 Literature 12. Modern 81 11.8 14 14.2 18 8.6 22 6.1 5 6.7 Literature School Total* 682 98 207 357 74 * These figures do not include mentions of authors receiving less than five mentions. Percentages, however, are based on total number of mentions received by all 118 authors named.

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Page  57 57 Differences in Literary Tastes Table 4 Support Accorded to Various Types of Literary School, According to 1951 Universities Survey (percentages of total, excluding authors receiving less than five mentions) Kansai Toky6 Osaka Including Provincial ____________Osaka Cities Group I: aesthetic 35. 6 18.3 21.4 22. 7 Group II: popular 30. 6 33. 6 50. 0 50. 8 Group HI: ideational 18.6 30. 6 17. 7 12. 7 Table 5 Readers of Various Types of Magazine, According to 1951 Shijo ch6sa Survey (Figures are in Percentages) Tokyo Women's magazines.... Magazines of serious intent: the "quality" magazines....... Magazines for purposes of entertainment........29.8....22.3.... 15.9 Osaka Women's magazines........26. 8 Magazines for purposes of entertainment........ 21.7 Magazines of general interest; the "quality" magazines........ Current affairs magazines... 9.3... 8.2 Literary journals.........9. 5 Current affairs magazines.... 7. 9 Digests............. 4.3 Economics journals........ 3. 5 Scientific and learned journals............ 2.8 Movie magazines........... 1. 7 Children's magazines........ 1. Sports magazines......... 0. 5 Others............. 4. 2 Literary magazines....... Digests.............. Scientific and learned journals............ Children's magazines....... Movie magazines......... Economics magazines....... Sports magazines......... Others............. 5.5 3.9 1.6 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.4 1.8

Page  58 Joseph K. Yamagiwa I....... 60 50 40 30 20 10 A+1 ------ ------ 2 TT Chart H E:7 I:-_-_-_Support Accorded to Various I.- M 1-r.1 Tl- LT Types of Literary School I.' According to 1951 4 Universities Survey (in Percentages)................ H - +H-4 11 -r — M T tt X 7. A+ H -44 +: M.q L -4+1 -4f I --- 14 --- T6 M T.- T-At T Provinces --- ------------........................ -Kansai --- - - -----....... - --- --- --- - T T M L ------ -i 7 -4........... Tt — T r + +++IIf X T-: ------------ --- --------- M T............. - - 7- ------ ---- -- ---- ---- ---------- - ------ - M M Aesthetic -f M lar Ideationa RE 0

Page  59 Differences in Literary Tastes 59 the provinces agree strikingly with the situation in the Kansai area, and Tokyo emerges as a cultural center in which consciously aesthetic literature has its largest following. The support recorded for those schools which are basically ideational is uniformly small, but if a distinction is to be made we should have to say that they find their greatest following in the Toky5 area, then in the Kansai area, and finally in the provincial cities. From this, it seems possible to conclude that the newer ideas represented by the School of Caricature, the Modern Literature School, and the School of Proletarian Literature receive less attention in the provinces than in the large and teeming areas of T6kyo, Kyoto, and Osaka. The School of Caricature and the Modern Literature School consist essentially of authors who have made their names in the years following World War H. Perhaps this may account for the fact that their fame is concentrated in the cities and for the paucity of support they receive in the provincial universities. Osaka University presents a problem. Unlike D6shisha University in Kyoto, it gives very little support to aesthetic materials. Unlike Doshisha, it is relatively cool in its reception of popular literature; in this respect, it is very much like the schools of the Toky5 area. Finally, in the warmth with which it welcomes the schools which are concerned with ideas and social problems, it stands very high. The explanation lies perhaps in the fact that the students at Osaka University represent an industrial and commercial area in which writings that are concerned with socio-economic ideas are preferred, to the prejudice of popular literature. We should also note that Doshisha, the only other university in the Kansai area which was polled in our survey, stands rather high but not so high as the universities of the Toky5 area in its support of aesthetic writings, that it is very fond of materials having a popular appeal, and that it is stingy in its support of writings which are ideational in intent. The older, established writers, Tanizaki, Mushanokoji, and Yamamoto Yiuz, receive virtually the same percentage of mentions in both the Toky6 and Kansai areas. The same is true of Qoka Shohei, an older man who first gained prominence in the years after World War I with his documentary "Furyoki (Record of a P. 0O. W. ),,5 and with his novel, Musashino fujin (Musashino Lady). The following authors receive greater support in Tokyo than in the Kansai area: Mishima, Shiga, Kawabata Yasunari, Abe Tomoji, Ishikawa Tatsuz6, Niwa, ShiinaRinzo, Nagai Kafu, Hori Tatsuo, Osaragi Jir5, Ibuse Masuji, Masamune Hakucho, Dazai Osamu, Hayashi Fumiko, and Hirabayashi Taiko. Conversely, the following authors receive greater support in the Kansai area: Miyamoto Yuriko, Funahashi Seiichi, Noma Hiroshi, Sakaguchi Ango, Tamura Taijir6, Ishizaka Yojiro, Yoshikawa Eiji, and Shishi Bunroku. The fact seems significant that we here have Yoshikawa, master of the moral, adventurous, and historical tale; such purveyors of the erotic novel as Tamura and Sakaguchi; the writer of the genre novel, Ishizaka; and the author of the humorous novel, Shishi. All of these authors have a wide, popular appeal. When the returns for the metropolitan Tokyo, Kansai, and Nagoya areas are gathered together and contrasted with the returns from the provincial universities, the result is as found in Chart m. The chief difference from the previous chart consists in the fact that in the metropolitan areas the popular magazines now are found to receive a somewhat greater percentage of support than the journals which are aesthetically inclined.

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Page  61 Differences in Literary Tastes 61 II The question next arises whether other studies conducted in Japan confirm the basic findings of our Universities Survey. Two studies bearing on our problem are available. The first is found in a recent article appearing in the journal Shijo chosa or Marketing Research. 7 In this article are summarized the results of a survey conducted in Toky5o and Osaka o an around December 20, 1951. Random interviews were held in T5kyo with 777 men and women of all classes in the age group twenty and over. In Osaka 491 men and women were interviewed. In Tokyo, 57.1 per cent of those responding stated that they read one or more magazines each month, whereas in Osaka the figure was 53. 7 per cent or somewhat less. The 57.1 per cent in Toky5 claimed that they read an average of 1. 3 magazines. In both Toky5 and Osaka, the women's magazines were the most favored. Table 5 (page 57 ) shows the percentage of readers drawn by various kinds of magazine; the data in this table are graphed in Chart IV. A basic finding of the Shijo chosa survey is that light reading, exemplified in the magazines published for purposes of entertainment, receives much more support in Osaka than in Tokyo. Since the magazines of serious intent, containing articles on the problems of the day, and literary magazines, concerned in part with literary criticism, receive less support in Osaka than in T6kyo, Shijo chosa finds that taste in Osaka, a great commercial and industrial city, runs to the more entertaining and the less intellectual. Further, the higher rating received in Osaka by the news magazines suggests to this journal that the businessmen of Osaka are more concerned than the people of Toky6 with reports on conditions, both domestic and international, which affect the market value of stocks. In Osaka, however, the economics journals are not particularly favored. This, ventures Shij chosa, comes perhaps from the fact that these journals tend to stress theoretical discussions rather than those that are strictly practical. According to the Shijo ch6sa survey, the twenty-one magazines most frequently read or bought in Toky6 and read in Osaka are as shown in Table 6. In Osaka the persons responding were asked only what magazines they read and not what magazines they bought. In Tokyo, Bungei shunJu (Literary Annals), a magazine catering to a wide variety of interests and classed among the serious or "quality" magazines, is by far the most popular, whereas in Osaka it follows the women's journals, Fuin seikatsu (Women's Life) and Fujin kurabu (Women's Club). Fujin seikatsu the leader in saka, achieves only eleventh place in Tokyo. Heibon (Mediocrity) is a popular magazine which avoids the vulgarity characterizing many Japanese periodicals. It ranks fourth in Osaka and fifth in Toky6, and is the highest placed of all the journals that are meantfor entertainment. Twice as many different journals, says Shijo ch6sa, are read in Toky5 than in Osaka. Although the best known journals are read in both cities, Osaka clearly expresses a preference for journals that are intended to entertain. 8 The conclusion reached in the Shijo chosa study therefore parallels and confirms that of the Universities Survey. Aesthetically inclined materials enjoy a larger audience in Tokyo than in Osaka, and the reverse is true of materials read for their entertainment value. For further data on literary preferences, we tur n next to the annual readership studies conducted by the newspaper firm Mainichi Shimbunsha. In a nation-wide survey undertaken in September, 1950, and including both urban and rural areas, random interviews, with prepared questionnaires in hand, were held with 17, 131 persons and with the owners or staff of 300 bookstores. The responses were then tabulated in accordance with the sexes, ages, and education of those responding, and in accordance with their places of residence. These places of residence are divided into three groups: (1) the six largest cities (Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, Kyoto, Osaka, and K6be); (2) the lesser cities; and (3) communities in the rural areas. The questions asked of the sampled public were the following: Which book, among those read during the past year, did you like the best?

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Page  63 Differences in Literary Tastes 63 TABLE 6 The Twenty-one Most Popular Magazines in Toky5 and Osaka, According to the Shijo chosa Survey (Figures are in Percentages) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. Toky6 Bungei shunju....... Shufu no tomo....... Fujin kurabu....... Shosetsu shincho..... Heibon.......... Shufu to seikatsu..... Riidazu daijesuto..... Shikan Asahi....... Sandei Mainichi..... Chuo k6ron........ Fujin seikatsu....... Sekai.......... Kodan kurabu....... Kaiz6........... Sutairu.......... Fujin no tomo....... Kingu.......... Kodan zasshi....... Romansu......... Shinch6.......... Read 14.6 9.9 6.2 5.7 4. 6 4. 6 4. 3 3. 5 3.4 3.2 2.3 2.2 1.9 1.8 1.5 1.4 1.3 1.2 1.2 1. 2 Bought 10.3 7.9 4.0 3.9 2.8 3. 5 2. 6 3. 3 3.2 2. 1 1. 7 1.4 1.2 1.0 0.9 0.9 0.4 0. 5 0.6 0. 5 Osaka Fujin seikatsu....... Fujin kurabu....... Bungei shunju....... Heibon.......... Shufu no tomo....... Riidazu daijesuto..... Sandei Mainichi..... Shukan Asahi....... Sh6setsu shincho..... Shufu to seikatsu..... Kingu.......... K6dan kurabu....... Romansu......... Omoshiro kurabu..... Chuo k6ron........ Fujin koron....... Toky6.......... Shinch6.......... Sekai.......... Sutairu......... Read 7.1 6.9 6.7 6. 1 5.9 3.9 3.5 3. 3 3. 1 2.9 2.4 2.2 2.0 1.6 1.2 1.2 2 1.0 0.8 0. 8 21. Omoshiro kurabu..... 1.2 0.4 Fujin gaho........ 0. 6

Page  64 64 Joseph K. Yamagiwa Which book did you the most good? Which authors do you like? Which books do you really want to buy among those published during and after the war? Which magazines do you read? How much do you spend each month for books and magazines? What is it that leads you to buy a book? The answers to these questions tell a great deal concerning literary taste in Japan and concerning the reputations enjoyed by particular books and authors. The answers which the Mainichi received to the question "Which magazines do you read?" are worth examining in order to see the degree of correspondence with the results of the Shijo chosa study; and the answers to the question "Which authors do you like the best?" also bear examining because they probably give a better indication of literary taste, if not of literary reputations, than the answers to the request made in the Universities Survey to "name some present-day authors of fiction. " The different types of magazine bought each month in Japan, according to the Mainichi survey for 1950, 10 are shown in Table 7. The order of preference of the various types of magazine shows a striking resemblance to the situation described for Osaka in the Shijo chosa survey. The magazines intended for entertainment enjoy a higher rating than those of serious intent, and the literary journals receive a lower rating than the current affairs magazines. The literary magazines even sink from fifth to eighth place. In the Mainichi survey, the sports magazines and the magazines intended for entertainment are put together whereas they are kept separate in the Shijo ch6sa survey. Since the sports magazines seem not to figure very importantly it seems clear that the national situation pictured above is very much like that at Osaka. According to the Mainichi surveylithe twenty-one most popular magazines are those shown in Table 8. These magazines are the ones that are read each month, including both those that are bought and those that are borrowed. As was true of the situation reported for Osaka in the Shijo chosa survey, we find that a woman's magazine heads the Mainichi list. This time, however, it is Shufu no tomo (Friend of the Housewife) which is the leader. Bungei shunji is again in third place. The Japanese version of Readers Digest is remarkably popular. Presumably it suffered a decline in vogue between September, 1950, when the Mainichi survey was conducted, and December, 1951, when the Shijo chosa study was undertaken. Shfikan Asahi, the weekly issued by the newspaper firm Asahi Shimbunsha, sells less than Sandei Mainichi, its competitor published by the Mainichi Shimbunsha; but it is apparently read by a greater number of people. It is worth noting that Heibon sinks to thirteenth place in the Mainichi survey and Sh6setsu shincho, a literary journal, to sixteenth. When the magazines listed above are classified in accordance with their nature, Table 9 emerges. This table shows the preferences expressed in each of three geographical groupings: the six metropolitan cities of T6kyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, Ky6to, Osaka, and K6be; the lesser cities; and the rural areas. The data in Table 9 are graphed in Chart V. The Mainichi survey of 1950 also resulted in a top list of thirty-three authors who received a total of 43 to 584 votes. 12 Omitting the names of such native writers as Natsume Soseki (tenth in number of votes), Shimazaki T6son (eighteenth), and Akutagawa Ryunosuke (twenty-first), all of whom died before the outbreak of World War II, and the foreign authors Tolstoy (twentieth) and Andre' Gide (twenty-ninth), we have Table 10 in which each author's name is followed by the total number of votes he received in the six metropolitan cities, in cities of lesser size, and

Page  65 Differences in Literary Tastes 65 TABLE 7 Types of Magazine Bought Each Month, According to 1950 Mainichi Survey (With the Total Number of those Responding Figured at 100 per cent) 1. Women's magazines.............. 36. 2 2. Sports magazines; magazines intended for entertainment.............. 15.9 3. Magazines of serious intent; the "quality" magazines................. 11.3 4. Current affairs magazines........... 9. 7 5. Digests.................... 8.4 6. Industrial, social, labor magazines...... 8.3 7. Magazines on the social sciences and humanities................. 6.1 8. Literary journals............... 5. 5 9. Magazines on the natural sciences...... 3.4 10. Others................... 2.8

Page  66 66 66 ~~~~~~Joseph K. Yamagiwa TAB LE 8 Magazines Bought or Borrowed and Read Each Month, According to 1950 Mainichi Survey (Figures are in Percentages) Magazine Total Metropolitan Other Rureal ______ ___ ~~~~~~~Cities Cte ra I 1. Shufu no tomo 9. 8 7. 7 11.1 10.0 2. Riidiisu daijesuto 9. 6 8. 8 10. 5 9. 7 3. Bungei shunjil 7. 6 10. 2 8.9 6. 0 4. Fujin kurabu 7. 5 7. 6 6. 2 8. 9 5. Shufu to seikatsu 7. 1 4. 0 7. 5 8. 2 6. Fujin seikatsu 6. 1 5. 2 6. 1 6. 7 7. Shilkan Asahi 4. 3 4. 4 4. 6 4. 2 8. Sandei Mainichi 4. 2 4. 6 4. 6 4. 0 9. Ie no hikari 4. 1 0. 2 0. 5 7. 8 10. Fujin sekai 3. 4 3. 6 3. 5 3. 3 11. Kingu 3. 3 2. 6 4. 1 3. 1 12. Chii k~ron 3. 0 4. 0 3. 9 2. 2 13. Heibon 2. 6 3. 0 2. 5 2. 7 14. Romansu 2. 6 5. 1 2. 2 2. 0 15. Kaiz6 2. 1 2. 8 2. 5 1. 7 16. Sh6setsu shinch6 2. 1 4. 6 2. 1 1. 3 17. Fujin k~ron 2. 0 2. 7 2. 3 1. 6 18. Sutairu 1. 9 4. 1 1. 7 1. 3 19. Fujin no tomo 1. 8 1.4 1. 7 2. 0 20. K6dan kurabu 1. 3 1. 5 1. 8 0. 9 21. Katei seikatsu 1. 2 1. 1 1. 3 1. 2 I

Page  67 Differences in Literary Tastes 67 TABLE 9 Types of Magazine Preferred, According to the Mainichi Survey T Six Lesser Rural Total Metropolitan Cities Areas Cities_ Num- Percent- Num- Percent- Num- Percent- Num- Percent__ber age ber age ber age ber age Women's magazines, magazines stressing conditions of daily living 3039 43.7 444 37.3 892 41.9 1703 50.1 Shufu no tomo Shufu to seikatsu Fujin seikatsu Ie no hikari Fujin sekai Fujin k6ron Sutairu Fujin no tomo Katei seikatsu Sports magazines, magazines intended for entertainment 662 9.8 143 12. 1 227 10.7 292 8.7 Kingu Heibon Romansu Kodan kurabu Magazines of serious intent; the "quality" magazines 859 12.7 201 17.0 325 15.2 333 9.9 Bungei shunji Chuo koron Kaiz5 Current affairs magazines 577 8.5 106 9.0 187 9.2 274 8.2 Shukan Asahi Sandei Mainichi Digests 652 9.6 104 8.8 224 10.5 324 9.7 Riidisu daijesuto Literarv magazines 142 2. 1 45 4. 5 45 2. 1 43 1. 3 Sh6setsu shincho -- - -- -- - *- _

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Page  69 Differences in Literary Tastes 69 TABLE 10 The Best-liked Authors, With Votes and Percentages of Total Votes, According to 1950 Mainichi Survey* Six Six Lesser Rural Metropolitan Cities Areas Total Cities________ Num- Percent- Num- Percent- Num- Percent- Num- Percent_______________________ber age ber age ber age ber age 1. Yoshikawa Eiji 116 12.7 169 11.4 299 12.6 584 12.3 2. Yoshiya Nobuko 82 9.0 118 7.9 260 11.0 460 9.7 3. Ishikawa Tatsuz6 64 7.0 117 7.9 203 8.6 384 8.1 4. Ishizaka Yojir5 65 7.1 113 7.6 162 6.9 340 7.1 5. Tanizaki Jun'ichir6 56 6.1 90 6.1 128 5.4 274 5. 8 6. Osaragi Jir5 52 5. 7 70 4. 7 143 6. 1 265 5. 6 7. Kawaguchi Sh6tar6 49 5.4 68 4.6 121 5.1 238 5.0 8. Shishi Bunroku 36 3.9 64 4.3 105 4.5 205 4.3 9. Hayashi Fumiko 41 4.5 50 3.4 86 3.6 177 3.7 10. Takeda Toshihiko 15 1.6 47 3.2 70 2.0 132 2.8 11. Niwa Fumio 34 3.7 47 3.2 47 1.6 128 2.7 12. Kikuchi Kan 25 2.7 30 3.0 73 3.1 128 2.7 13. Funahashi Seiichi 23 2.5 26 1.7 67 2.8 116 2.4 14. Tsutsumi Chiyo 20 2.2 37 2.5 36 1.1 93 2.0 15. Kojima Masajir6 13 1.4 22 1.5 54 2.3 89 1.9 16. Yamamoto Yuzo 14 1.5 27 1.8 38 1.6 79 1.7 17. Hirabayashi Taiko 11 1.2 28 1.9 30 1.3 69 1.5 18. Kume Masao 7 0.8 14 1.0 39 1.7 60 1.3 19. Abe Tomoji 18 2.0 27 1.8 13 0.6 58 1.2 20. Nomura Kod6 14 1.5 22 1.4 22 1.0 58 1.2 21. Tomita Tsuneo 20 2.2 18 1.2 19 0.9 57 1.2 22. Yokomitsu Riichi 16 1.8 17 1.1 24 1.0 57 1.2 23. Shiga Naoya 13 1.4 20 1.3 22 1.0 55 1.2 24. Mushanokoji Saneatsu 7 0.8 20 1.3 23 1.0 50 1.0 25. Tamura Taijir6 6 0. 7 14 1. 0 28 1. 2 48 1.0 26. Edogawa Rampo 7 0.8 21 1.4 17 0.7 45 0.9 27. Kat6 Takeo 6 0.7 10 0.7 29 1.2 45 0.9 28. Yoshida Genjir5 8 0.9 15 1.0 20 0.9 43 0.9 * Percentages are based on the total figures are available. number of votes received by the 33 authors for whom

Page  70 70 Joseph K. Yamagiwa in rural areas, together with the percentages which each author received of the total number of votes in each of the three geographical groupings. In the Mainichi's analysis of its responses, 13 we find that readers in their thirties are best representative of the preferences expressed by the total population. Those over forty are fond of Yoshikawa, Osaragi, Yoshiya, Ishikawa, Tanizaki, Shishi, and Natsume. Here we should note that except for Tanizaki and Natsume, these authors are writers of popular literature without aesthetic pretenses. Tanizaki and Shishi are low in the esteem of those who have hadno more than elementary school education. Tanizaki, a serious writer much concerned with aesthetics, and Shishi, a humorous writer fond of sallies on city life, may not be palatable tothose of lesser education. The order of preference expressed by those who have had twelve years of education or more is as follows: Yoshikawa, Ishikawa, Tanizaki, Ishizaka, Shishi, Natsume, and Osaragi. Male readers prefer Yoshikawa, Ishikawa, Tanizaki, Osaragi, and Hayashi in the order named, and female readers prefer Yoshiya, Kawaguchi, Ishizaka, Ishikawa, Tanizaki, and Yoshikawa. Yoshiya, a woman writer, receives her support from women and from those who have had twelve years of education or less, and Kawaguchi from women who have received the same amount of education. When the authors listed in the Mainichi survey are next divided in accordance with the various schools in which they received their start or in which they now write, we are able to present Table 11, in which the total number of votes received by the various schools is shown, along with the percentages which these votes occupy of the total in each of three groupings: the six metropolitan cities, the lesser cities, and the rural areas. From Table 11 we find that there are now four fewer schools than in the case of the Universities Survey. The following schools are now missing: the Naturalists, the School of "Firstperson" Fiction, the School of Caricature, and the Modern Literature School. The authors belonging to the last two schools first made their name in the period following World War II. Though the Modern Literature School in particular is well known among the university students, these newer authors become lost in any survey, like that of the Mainichi, which is nation-wide in scope and includes many responses from the rural areas. The readers in the rural areas are apparently less receptive to a wide variety of writing than the select group attending the universities. The eight schools may again be reduced to a somewhat arbitrary but more manageable grouping of three types. Group I, consisting of schools 1, 2, and 3, includes schools which are concerned with aesthetic ideals; Group I, consisting of schools 4, 5, 6, and 7, includes schools whose main purpose is to entertain; and Group III consists only of the School of Proletarian Literature, which is principally concerned with the diffusion of a set of political and economic ideas. When the percentages of support received by the three groups are tabulated, we have Table 12. The figures given in Table 12 are remarkably similar from group to group. The authors and schools who write chiefly in order to entertain (Group II) receive by far the largest amount of support. They are so far in the lead that those publishers who 'exploit them probably cannot go wrong. The authors who write with some kind of aesthetic purpose in mind (Group I) run a poor second. These authors receive their largest support in the urban areas, and, as might be expected, the least amount of support in the rural areas. Last come the authors of proletarian literature (Group III), who are virtually forgotten when it comes to the question, "Which authors do you like the best?" In this connection, however, a further comment needs to be made. It seems very unlikely that many people in occupied Japan, when asked the question, "Which authors do you like the best?" would have responded with a list of Communist writers. Actually, only

Page  71 71 Differences in Literary Tastes TABLE 11 The Best-liked Literary Schools, with Votes and Percentages of Total Vote, Following 1950 Mainichi Survey* Six I T _____ Lesser Rural Metropoitani Cities Areas Total Votes Percent- Votes Percent- Votes Percent- Vot Percent_ _ _ _....... age. age age age i~ ~ g 1. Authors who began their careers in the Aesthetic School Tanizaki, Yoshida 64 7.0 105 7.0 148 6.3 317 6. 7 2. Authors who began their their careers in the Neo-perceptionist School (Yokomitsu) and in the Newly Arisen Art School (Abe) 34 3.7 44 2.95. 37 1.6 115 2.4 3. Authors who began their careers in the White Birch School Shiga, Mushanokoji 20 2.1 40 2.6 45 1.9 105 2.2 4. Authors who began their careers in the Neorealist School Kikuchi, Kume, Yamamoto 46 5.0 71 4.77 150 6.36 267 5.6 5. Writers of Popular Fiction Osaragi, Yoshikawa, Yoshiya, Kawaguchi, Shishi, Takeda, Tsutsumi, Kojima, Nomura, Tomita, Edogawa, Kato 430 47.0 643 43.2 1175 49.8 2226 46. 8 6. Writers of Erotic Literature Funahashi, Tamura 29 3. 1 40 2. 6 95 4.0 164 3.4 7. Writers of the Genre Novel Ishizaka, Ishikawa, Hayashi, Niwa 204 22.3 327 21.99 318 13.5 1029 21.6 8. Writers of Proletarian Literature Hirabayashi 11 1.2 28 1.9 30 1.3 69 1.5 * Percentages are based on the total number of votes received by the 33 authors for whom figures are available.

Page  72 72 Joseph K. Yamagiwa TABLE 12 The Best-liked Types of Literary School, Following 1950 Mainichi Survey* (Figures are in Percentages) Six Metropolitan Cities and the Lesser Rural Total Lesser Cities Cities Areas...___________________ Together __________ Group I: aesthetic 12.8 12.55 9.8 11.3 Group H: popular 77.8 72.56 73.66 77.66 Group HI: ideational 1.2 1.9 1.3 1.5 ~ I.. l.. ~ I I i i i I I I I I I I *. l.1 * As in Tables 11 and 12, percentages are based on the total number of votes 33 authors for whom figures are available. received by the

Page  73 Differences in Literary Tastes one leftist writer, Hirabayashi Taiko, is found in the foregoing list of the best-liked authors furnished by the Mainichi survey, whereas in the Universities Survey, in the conduct of which the responding students were permitted to remain anonymous and to write down their answers without signing their own names, three other leftist writers, Miyamoto Yuriko, Nakano Shigeharu, and Fujimori Seikichi, are also named. A comparison of the Mainichi and Universities Surveys indicates that the Japanese reading public, taken in the gross, reads in order to be entertained. The authors who write with some degree of aesthetic consciousness and those who write in order to diffuse this or that set of ideas are better received in the universities than in Japan in general; whereas the authors who write in order to entertain are less welcomed. Since the students in the universities are a select group in their early twenties, whereas the public surveyed by the Mainichi represents the whole of the population over the age of twenty, we shall have to agree with the native social scientist, Tsurumi Shunsuke, who states that literary taste among the Japanese begins to deteriorate after they reach the age of thirty. 14 Conclusions The degree of correspondence found in the three surveys that we have examined leads us to believe that we have arrived at a reasonably accurate picture of literary reputations and tastes in various regions in Japan. The gross figures are such that we reach the following conclusions. On a country-wide basis, those authors who write primarily in order to entertain enjoy the warmest reception. Next come the authors who claim a modicum of aesthetic purpose. Finally come the authors who are concerned with socio-economic problems and with the diffusion of favored ideas. Stated in terms of reader preferences: the largest number of readers of fiction prefer simply to be entertained; then come the readers who are willing to read the works of authors who are aesthetically inclined; and finally the readers who are concerned with the ideas contained in their reading. Since the aestheticism, generally speaking, is not too pronounced, we may conclude that Japanese readers go to their writers of fiction primarily in order to be entertained and not to be converted to this or that ideology. Literary taste, in fact, seems to be such that the old saying bears repeating, "You'll never go broke underestimating the taste of the reading public.? It is chiefly among a select group, the university students, that literature of aesthetic and ideational intent receives its greatest attention. The implications seem clear: it is principally among these university students that aesthetic ideals followed by literary coteries receive their most enthusiastic outside support, and it is also among university students that groups committed to various ideologies receive a considerable following. The university students of the cities, and of the Tokyo area in particular, are the principal supporters of aesthetic literature. The figures presented in this paper suggest that literary taste outside T5ky6 inclines toward popular materials, and that there is very little difference in the hearing which popular literature receives in both urban and rural areas outside Tokyo. Some of the findings of this paper are such as might have been expected from the natures of the areas discussed. Thus there is nothing surprising in the contrast between Osaka as a city which supports popular literature and Tokyo as one in which aesthetic materials are better received. This difference, however, appears mostly among university students, and is not so pronounced when the preferences of the entire population, of all ages, is surveyed. Native writers and observers have frequently played up the difference between these two cities. 15 But

Page  74 74 Joseph K. Yamagiwa the contrast is here presented statistically, and the provinces too are drawn into the scope of this paper. In order to explore further the question of whether particular authors and the schools to which they belong are better regarded in one part of Japan than in another, it is of course possible to study best-seller lists and, where available, publishers' and wholesalers' records of the sales of books. Whenever surveys of the type that we have been using are examined, it is necessary to ask,whether they are technically suited to bring out the answers required. Thus, it is possible to argue that the questions asked in the Mainichi survey may not be the rightones to ask when we are trying to answer the question, how authors' reputations differ in different sections of Japan. On the other hand, the answers to the request made in the Universities Survey, to name a number of present-day writers of fiction, may indicate something of the reputations enjoyed by particular authors but only partially show the state of literary taste in Japan. The naming of a particular author does not guarantee that the person naming him has read him. We should further note that literary reputations are built up in part by the movies into which many an author's novel is made. The "name" authors augment their fame whenever they take part in a lecture program or symposium. The reputations they boast are thus not directly the result of their literary work alone. Sometimes their reputations are suddenly enhanced when they win one of the major literary awards. In most surveys, the newer writers are also less mentioned. They have not been in the public eye for a long enough time. The reputations they will finally earn will almost certainly be different from their present ones, and many will be forgotten soon after their work is done. Other reputations will shine brightly on the basis of one or more best-sellers which happen to enjoy great popularity at those times when readership surveys are conducted. Despite these qualifications, the results presented in this paper suggest that regional differences may be measured even in so tenuous a matter as literary reputation and taste. This seems particularly true if a procedure is employed which is administered uniformly throughout a country. It also seems clear that unless literary tastes are actually measured in a number of sections of a country, the range of tastes current in that country cannot be known. But if, finally, a number of sections are examined, we shall have gained a means of prognosticating how other sections of the country will measure. We should perhaps agree with the old saying that "there's no disputing tastes. " We should also assert, with some degree of confidence, that we may measure them. Notes 1. Tanizaki Jun'ichiro, Sasameyuki (The Delicate Snow), Tokyo, Chiuo Koronsha, l9thprinting, 1950. The first part of this novel was privately printed in 1944. It was reprinted by Chuo6 Koronsha in 1946-48. 2. Tanizaki Jun'ichiro, trans., Genji monogatari (The Tale of Genji), T6ky6, Chuo Koronsha, 1939-41, 26 v. 3. Shiga Naoya, An'ya koro (Way through the Dark Night), Tokyo, Iwanami shoten, I, 12th printing, 1950; II, 10th revised printing, 1951. This novel first appeared in installments in the magazine Kaiz6 at intermittent times from January, 1921 to April, 1937. 4. Osaragi Jir6, Kikyo (Homecoming), Tokyo, Rokk5 Shuppansha, 6th printing, 1950. Osaragi Jir6 is the pen-name for Nojiri Kiyohiko.

Page  75 Differences in Literary Tastes 5. Ooka Sh6hei, "Furyoki (Record of a P. 0. W.), " Bungakkai, February, 1948. 6. boka Sh6hei, Musashino fujin (Musashino Lady), T6ky6, Dai-Nihon Yibenkai K6dansha, 1951. 7. "Tokyo-Osaka zasshi dokusha no keik6 (Tendencies in Readers of Magazines in T6ky5 and Osaka)," Shijo ch6sa (Marketing Research), no. 16, January, 1952, 11-13. This article is signed rather cryptically with the name Kamiyo, presumably a staff member of this journal. 8. Shijo chosa proceeds to tell us that in Osaka the percentage of workers who read magazines is greater than that of merchants, and that in Toky6 the reverse is tue. As to who are the principal readers of particular magazines, Shijo chosa gives the following data. In both Tokyo and Osaka, it is the office-worker who most prefers Bungei shunju, whereas in second place in Toky5 comes the independent worker, and in osaka the merchant. Shosetsu shinch5 (The New Tide of Fiction) is read most by students in both Toky5 and Osaka. Heibon (Mediocrity) is favored most by those who are classed as being unemployed. It is next favored by merchants in T5kyo and by laborers in Osaka. Readers Digest in its Japanese version is in Toky5 most preferred by students and office-workers, and in Osaka by the latter. K6dan kurabu (Story Club) receives its greatest support in Toky5 from the merchants, and in Osaka from the laboring group. In the Tokyo area, Kingu (King) is supported most by the farming group, in Osaka by the laborers. 9. Mainichi Shimbunsha, Donna hon ga yomarete iru ka: daiikkai shuppan yoron ch6sa ni miru (The Kind of Books that are being Read: as Seen from the First Opinion Survey on Publications), Tokyo, 1948; Dokusho yoron ch6sa, issen kyhya yonjiikyiinen (Opinion Survey on Readership, 1949), Tokyo, 1949; and Nani ga yomarete iru ka: Dokusho yoron chosa: 1950 nendo (What is being Read? Opinion Survey on Readership for 1950), Tokyo, 1951. 10. Mainichi Shimbunsha, Nani ga yomarete iru ka, p. 47. 11. Ibid., p. 65. 12. Ibid., p. 80. 13. Ibid., pp. 78-79. 14. Tsurumi Shunsuke, "Nihon no taishii-shosetsu (Popular Fiction in Japan), " in Yume to omokage (Dreams and Shadows), Tokyo, Chuo Koronsha, 1950, p. 50. 15. For a recent comparison between life in Osaka and Tokyo, as lived by a salaried man, see Genji Keita, "Tokyo-gurashi, Osaka-gurashi (Living in Tokyo, living in Osaka)," Bungei shunju v. 31, no. 2, February, 1953, pp. 212-217. We are also reminded of the tradition that in the Genroku era the kabuki audiences of the Kansai area preferred the sentimental dramas known as nuregoto "wet things, " "erotic things, " whereas those in Toky6 preferred sword-plays known as aragoto, "rough things. " Considering how popular an author like Yoshikawa is in Osaka, we are prompted to say that a considerable reversal has taken place in literary taste as between Osaka and Tokyo.

A Prelude to War

Cecil C. Brettpp. 76-90

Page  76 A PRELUDE TO WAR The Japanese Cabinet Crisis of October, 1941 Cecil C. Brett The task of tracing high level decisions of government policy back through their early informal stages is always difficult. It was notably so in the case of pre-surrender Japan where censorship made observation and reporting of "inside" governmental activities all but impossible. However, considerable amount of material bearing upon these informal aspects of Japanese policy making is now available in the documents of the Tokyo trials. The present study, which makes use of these materials, 1 is intended to give some of the facts concerning the behind-thescenes transactions in one of the most crucial weeks of decision in modern Japanese history. The fall of the third Konoe cabinet in October, 1941, and its replacement by a cabinet headed by General Tojo, marked the final struggle between the war and peace factions of the Japanese ruling clique. Once General Tojo had been installed in power the militarists were able to proceed with their plans without hindrance. Whatever opposition might have been mustered was from that time on ineffective. Nevertheless during the period which we are about to consider, the period of decision (or perhaps it should be called the period of indecision), the partisans of peace outnumbered those who favored war. They appeared to constitute a formidable opposition. The Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, the Navy Minister, the Household Minister, the Emperor's top adviser, the Lord Privy Seal, and even the Emperor himself, opposed the war faction. Why, then, did the militarists get their way? This is, perhaps, the biggest question which a study of the Cabinet crisis raises, and no simple answer can be given. However, an examination at close hand of the actions of some of the key government leaders may give us part of the solution. The Imperial Conference of September 6, 1941 The Cabinet crisis of October, 1941, was an internal struggle within the Japanese government brought about by the hesitation of certain leaders to carry out a course of action previously decided upon. On September 6 the Japanese leaders had met in the presence of the Emperor and determined Japan's policy for the immediate future. Briefly this policy outlined three aims. (a) Japan was to carry out her plans for a southern advance so as to complete actual preparations.by the end of October. (b) She would continue meanwhile to try to gain her demands in negotiations with the United States. 2 (c) The third was stated as follows: "If, through the above negotiations, our demands have no hope of fulfillment by the beginning of October, we shall immediately determine to wage war against the United States (Britain and the Netherlands). "3 As the period of final and supreme decision approached, debates arose in high Japanese circles over the interpretation of paragraph (c) and the possibility of a successful conclusion of negotiations. The Prime Minister, the Navy Minister and the Emperor wished to delay the decision for war on the ground that the negotiations held promise of success. The War Minister and the Imperial Command Daihonei, on the other hand, took exactly the opposite view. They asserted that, since there was no hope of success through the negotiations, according to the resolution, Japan must take up arms. 76

Page  77 Prelude to War 77 On the surface at least it seems extraordinary that this controversy should have arisen at all. The policy of Japan with reference to her aims in Asia and her relations with the United States had been settled at the conference of September 6. The resolution had said that Japan was to go to war if negotiations showed no hope of success. Considering, however, the minimum demands made upon the United States and the final terms which Japan was prepared to offer, there can have been little doubt about the outcome of the negotiations. The Emperor had given his consent and the resolution itself was the expression of general and unanimous agreement. Yet this conclusion does not entirely harmonize with the facts of the case. One cannot assume that the members of the Cabinet were of one mind on September 6. The evidence would show otherwise. There was a significant group in the Japanese government, whom we may designate the "peace faction, " whose attitude in the September 6 conference indicated scarcely more than an unwilling acquiescence. This group included the Emperor, the Prime Minister and the Navy Minister. In the conference itself the Emperor had revealed his disapproval of the war policy and had sought to drive home his arguments by reciting one of the Emperor Meiji's poems.4 Konoe was likewise an uneasy participant in the conference. General Suzuki, head of the Cabinet Planning Board, has since saicd: "The Imperial Command was in favor of making a decision then and there for war, calling off negotiations with the United States; but Konoe opposed, suggesting that no time be set for the commencement of war, only for war preparations. "5 The Navy had made clear its reluctance some weeks before the conference. On July 31, Admiral Nagano, Chief of the Naval General Staff, had said in an audience with the Emperor that Japan should try in every way to avert war. Nagano expressed pessimism about Japan's chances in the event of war. When the Emperor asked if it would be possible to duplicate the sweeping victory of the Russo-Japanese War, Nagano replied that he was doubtful whether Japan would win at all, much less achieve a great victory like that in the Russo-Japanese War.6 What Konoe and his despairing colleagues saw all too clearly was that Japan was being propelled in a direction in which they had no desire to go and by forces which were no longer within their control. 7 The group actually making and executing Japanese foreign policy at this time was the Imperial Command. In July of 1941, while government negotiations were being conducted with Vichy France for bases in French Indo-China, and at the time Matsuoka was being ousted for his proAxis attitude, the Army was going ahead with plans of its own. The messages which flashed from headquarters to headquarters were far from reflecting the official policies of the Japanese government. "After the occupation of French Indo-China," one Army communication reads, "next on our schedule is the sending of an ultimatum to the Netherlands Indies. In the seizing of Singapore the Navy will play the principal part. The Army will need only one division to take Singapore and two to take the Netherlands. " The despatch closes with the resolve that " we will once and for all crush Anglo-American military power and make it impossible for these nations to assist in any schemes against us. "8 The Army clearly had the initiative, as the events of the late summer of 1941 were to show. The economic embargo by the United States, Britain and the Netherlands was followed by Konoe's unsuccessful proposal in August to meet with the American President. In these circumstances Japan had to decide her future course of action at once. The Imperial Conference of September 6 was called, according to General Tojo, "in answer to requests from the Imperial Command, which had found it necessary to start emergency operations at the time. " The aim of the conference was "to determine the ways and means of putting our southern policy into execution in correlation with our diplomatic outlook. "9 The peace faction at the conference, we may suppose, fully understood the gravity of the case. They saw that a crisis was upon them and that they could no longer escape the implications of their opposition. They were powerless either to resist or to divert the force of the Army which was daily increasing in momentum. But Konoe had succeeded in one thing. Through

Page  78 178 Cecil C. Brett his efforts at the conference he delayed for a few weeks the fixing of a date for the start of operations. Meanwhile, if negotiations turned in Japan's favor, a conflict with the United States might still be averted. The assent of the "peace faction" to the Army's southern expansion program was based upon this slender hope. During the remainder of September the hope gradually diminished. Negotiations with the United States were virtually at a standstill. On September 26, Prince Konoe confided to Kido that he had lost confidence and that if the military insisted on taking to the field in October there would be nothing left for him but to resign. 10 He continued, however, to receive statements in support of his position from the members of the peace faction. Early in October, Tomita, Chief Secretary to the Cabinet, reported to Kido, Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, that the Army felt it was useless to continue the negotiations but that the Navy held a contrary view. The Navy, moreover, was desirous that the Premier "immediately declare his resolution and assume leadership in order to meet the serious situation. " Unfortunately the Navy was in a difficult position. According to Tomita, officers of junior rank in the Navy did not see eye to eye with their seniors on this question, preferring the Army's stand that Japan should go ahead with the operations. 11 The Meetings of October 12 and 14 1941 Encouraged by such backing, Konoe began on October 10 to make arrangements for a full dress discussion of the negotiations question and Japan's future policy. Thus he proposed a meeting of the War, Navy and Foreign Ministers and the President of the Planning Board at his home at Ogigaiso on Sunday, October 12.12 On the day before the meeting Admiral Oka, Chief of the Naval Affairs Bureau, called upon the Prime Minister in order to make clear the Navy's position. With the exception of the Naval General Staff, he told Konoe, the top ranking officers of the Navy did not want war. However, since the Navy had already committed itself to the policy of the Imperial Conference of September 6 they could not openly withdraw from this position. The Navy Minister proposed, Oka said, to leave the question in the hands of the Prime Minister at the lcoming Sunday conference. The Navy wanted it made clear, however, that they desired the negotiations to be continued. The Sunday conference brought into the open again the differences between the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister and the Navy Minister on the one hand and the Army on the other. It set the stage for the conflict which was to mark the ensuing week. Konoe, in his opening remarks, lost no time in presenting the issue. "At last we have come to the stage," he said, "where we must decide whether it is to be war or peace. In this regard, let us first study whether there is any hope for a successful conclusion of the diplomatic negotiations. " War Minister Tojo was the next to speak. In his opinion there was absolutely no chance of the diplomatic negotiations to succeed. The Navy Minister thought that the decision as to whether there was any hope for a successful conclusion of the negotiations should be left in the hands of the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister. Whatever they should decide would be acceptable to the Navy. As long there was any possibility for success in the negotiations, the Navy was anxious to see them continued. General Tojo himself strongly disagreed with this view. Such a decision was a very grave one for the Premier alone to make. We too, he said, are responsible as advisors. He reiterated his belief that there was no hope for success through negotiation. If the Foreign Minister were confident of success, then it would be another matter. But was the Foreign Minister confident of a successful outcome? Foreign Minister Toyoda replied that since there was another party involved in the negotiations he could not be sure how they would conclude. At that moment the outstanding issues were: (1) the Tripartite Alliance, (2) the eco

Page  79 Prelude to War 79 nomic problem in China and (3) the question of keeping Japanese troops in China. Toyoda thought an agreement might be reached on items (1) and (2) but in regard to (3), the question of maintaining troops in China, there would probably be same difficulty to which Tojo replied "We can't yield on the question of withdrawal of troops." At this point Konoe again entered the debate. If the War Minister felt that way, he said,there could be no question about the results of negotiating. There was definitely no hope of success. The only possibility for agreement with America was for the Foreign Minister to take a larger view of the situation and to make further concessions. Referring to the request of the Navy for his decision on the matter Konoe said: "I cannot decide on war at this time. Since, as expressed in the opinion of the Foreign Minister, I believe there is still hope of success, I cannot help but adopt the Foreign Minister's opinion if I must decide on one or the other." Tojo then retorted: "It is still early for the Premier to cast a decision. We would like to have him consider the matter once more. "13 With the mutual decision to reconsider the matter, the meeting which had lasted four and a half hours was brought to an end. Kido's account of this meeting agrees substantially with that of Konoe. He writes: From Chief Secretary of the Cabinet, Tomita, I learned that opinion was divided at the meeting as to the interpretation of the decision [of the Imperial Conference] reading: '... in case there is no outlook for the realization of our requirements.' The Premier was of the opinion that there still was hope, whereas the War Minister had already decided that there was no hope and strongly advocated a decision to open hostilities. The attitude of the Naval Minister was to await the decision of the Prime Minister. 14 After the meeting of October 12, developments followed with astonishing rapidity. On the evening of the 13th, General Suzuki, President of the Cabinet Planning Board and T5oj's confidant, visited the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal in order, Kido tells us, "to talk about his political views which might contribute in some way to a change in our political condition. "15 They talked for two hours and came to the conclusion that "the Premier should make an effort to promote mutual understanding between the War and Navy Ministers. "16 The Premier at that moment was absorbed in matters of a different kind. He had summoned Foreign Minister Toyoda to his official residence to discuss the developments in the Washington negotiations. Toyoda strongly urged that the government yield on the fundamental point at issue, namely, the withdrawal of occupation troops from China. He felt that no other means of settlement existed. 17 A Cabinet meeting had been called for the morning of Tuesday the 14th at 10:30. At Konoe's request Tojo called to see him earlier in his office. Konoe immediately broached the subject which he and Toyoda discussed the night before. He began by saying that Japan's China policy, for which he himself was responsible, was unrealistic. Would it not be better to give up this pretense and try to adjust relations with America? As for the contemplated operations in the south, would it not be wise to give up that idea also since most experts were agreed that "if the arrow should leave the bow it may take five or ten years. " Turning to European affairs, Konoe questioned the value of a German alliance since Germany was depleting her strength in Russia. Moreover it was altogether possible that Germany might make a separate peace with England, and peace in Europe would be at the cost of the Far East. Therefore considerable thought should be given to the question of hostilities between Japan and America. "I believe," Konoe concluded, "that it would be better to bring an end to the China incident and to have at the peace conference a reasonable voice backed by a strong navy. " What, he asked, did Tojo think of this?

Page  80 80 Cecil C. Brett The War Minister's reply was brief. "In view of so much sacrifice," he said, "we cannot in principle undertake a withdrawal. I cannot yield on this point even if I were to risk my position. Since America's real intention is control of the Far East, if we were to make one concession, she will probably demand another and not know where to stop her demands." The Premier, he observed, speaks as he does because he fully knows our domestic weaknesses. "I must say that the Premier's view is too pessimistic. " The Premier thereupon terminated the interview, remarking that he had no alternative as long as there was a difference of opinion. The War Minister should therefore make his position known at the Cabinet meeting. Konoe reports that the subsequent Cabinet meeting ended in complete deadlock. Toj6 expressed the same views he had held earlier. "The War Minister, " says Konoe, "was the absolute master of the situation with no one among the Cabinet members voicing approval or disapproval." The Navy's position throughout this whole affair was, to say the least, ambiguous. It was common knowledge throughout high government circles that, as Konoe phrased it, the Navy had no will to fight. Yet in these critical days the Navy did not once declare its position. The Navy Ministry had made known its attitude to the Prime Minister through bureau chief Oka, and Konoe had reported the matter to the Emperor. In the meantime, Konoe informs us, the Army had heard rumors of the Navy's attitude and in turn circulated the idea that war with America was primarily a naval matter. If the Navy couldn't undertake the task then she should say so clearly. Only then could the Army dissuade its subordinates and bring order within the service, an impossible task as long as the Navy insisted upon speaking through the Prime Minister alone. The Army then instructed General Muto, chief of the Military Affairs Bureau, to call upon Cabinet Secretary Tomita to request that the Navy be asked to make a definite statement. The final break, which had been forecast at the morning meetings on October 14, came that evening. At 10:30 p. m. General Suzuki called on Prince Konoe at his private residence at Ogigaiso bearing a message from General Tojo. The substance of Tojo's message was that since the Prime Minister's opinions were flatly opposed to those of the War Minister nothing could be done about it. Tojo felt it was the Navy that was responsible for the Prime Minister's indecision. "If only the Navy would be definite," the War Minister was quoted as saying, "things would be all right, but if they claim they can't be certain, the situation will check and counter-check itself. I believe that there is no alternative but to suspend the decision of the recent Imperial Conference, and start with a clear slate once more by all of us... resigning and letting new men come forward. If the new men should decide that we won't fight, that may appear to be the end of it. But, " Tojo warned, "the Army is straining at the leash. " Tojo is then said to have acknowledged Prince Konoe as the most competent of the Emperor's subjects to head the government. However he believed that owing to the existing circumstances "there is no alternative but to request Prince Higashikuni to take over at this time. " The Prince, as a member of the Imperial family, would have the prestige, he felt, to bring accord within the government. The Fall of the Konoe Cabinet The struggle between the Prime Minister and the War Minister was thus virtually at an end. Tojo, following a peculiar convention in Japanese government, had invoked the right of the Army to demand a change of Cabinet. Availing himself of the "active service requirements" which applied to the military members of the Cabinet, he had forced a showdown. The issue of war or peace had yet to be decided. But before that could take place a new Cabinet and a new Prime Minister had to be installed in office. The immediate task was the selection of a new Prime Minister. Thus the locus of power shifted momentarily from the Prime Minister's office to that of the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, Kido. 18

Page  81 Prelude to War 81 During the next three days, October 15, 16, and 17, Marquis Kido was an extremely busy person, and his office in the Imperial Palace became the center of great activity. At 9:30 on the morning of the 15th, Kido received a visit from General Suzuki, bringing a message from Tojo. It was to the effect that if the Premier did not change his mind, then a general resignation of the Cabinet would be unavoidable. If a new Cabinet had to be formed, the man chosen as Premier must be able to bring the Army and Navy together and "not depart from the Imperial will. " The implication of this last phrase is that the present Prime Minister had violated the Imperial command by his reluctance to carry out the decision of the Imperial Conference of September 6. When the question of Higashikuni's leadership came up, Kido warned that before a member of the Imperial family could accept the premiership a prudent policy would have to be worked out beforehand by the Army and Navy. 19 At eleven o'clock Kido was visited by Prince Konoe, who wanted to know his opinion regarding a Higashikuni Cabinet. Kido replied that this matter was still under consideration. After Konoe had left, Kido talked with Chief Secretary of the Household Ministry, Matsudiara, and asked him to make a study of the procedures which would be involved if Higashikuni were to be named Premier. At 1:15 p. m. Kido visited the Emperor to report upon " the pressing political situation. " At 2 p. m. Yamazaki, Chief of the Metropolitan Police Board, called to discuss "current political affairs" with Kido. At 4 p. m. Prince Konoe arrived for an audience with the Emperor. He told Kido that he could not hold his premiership any longer. The War Minister had refused to have further conversation with him because Tojo "was not sure if he could stifle his feelings. " Konoe again asked Kido for his opinion about a Higashikuni Cabinet. Kido answered that he did not yet know "whether the War Minister had changed his opinion in order to effect a compromise with the Navy or whether he intended to put the Prince's shoulder to the wheel. " While Konoe was engaged with the Emperor, Kido telephoned General Suzuki and asked him to come to the Palace. He then went to see the Imperial Household Minister to discuss with him the possibility of Higashikuni's premiership. The minister, Kido relates, "seemed astonished and strongly objected to the plan. " General Suzuki arrived at the Lord Keeper's office at 4:30 p. m., and Kido questioned him as to "the real meaning of the War Minister's intentions regarding Higashikuni." Suzuki was uncertain, so Kido asked him to investigate and make a report to him later. Meanwhile Kido and Suzuki were joined by Konoe, who had withdrawn from the Imperial presence. Konoe recounted briefly his conversation with the Emperor. The Emperor apparently favored the nomination of Prince Higashikuni provided the Army and Navy could agree upon a peaceful policy.20 Suzuki then departed while Konoe and Kido remained and discussed the political situation for two or three hours. Later that evening Suzuki, who in the meantime had seen Tojo, telephoned Kido and reported that Tojo's reason for suggesting Higashikuni was "to establish harmony between the Army and Navy by the influence of the Prince. " "So, " Kido comments in his diary, "I objected to the plan.,21 Still later Konoe telephoned. He wanted, he said, "to secure the informal consent of Prince Higashikuni. " To this Kido replied that he thought such a step premature. However, he would not object if Konoe took this action in his capacity as Premier. At midnight Konoe called again and said that Higashikuni had asked for a few days to consider the matter and that in the meantime he wanted to consult with the War Minister and the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal. On the 16th Kido's official day began at an unusually early hour. From 5:35 to 5:50 a. m., he tells us, he was received in audience by the Emperor. With respect to the conference his

Page  82 82 Cecil C. Brett only comment was: "His Majesty gave me his opinion on the proposed premiership of Prince Higashikuni reported to him by the Premier. " As to what that opinion was, we are not told. At 8:30 a. m. General Suzuki called on Kido and brought up again the subject of the proposed premiership. Kido emphatically stated his opposition to the proposal. His reasons for objecting were: (1) Even if there were agreement between the Army and Navy, a Prince of the Blood should be called only as a last resort. (2) In the present case difficulties have not been solved, and a member of the Imperial family should not be asked to overcome these obstacles. (3) The formation of the Prince's Cabinet would indicate that a suitable person was lacking among the Emperor's subjects. Moreover if war with the United States were to break out, the fact that the Cabinet was under the Prince's leadership, would create a great problem. (4) Prince Konoe, for certain reasons, was prevented from carrying out the policies decided at councils in the Imperial presence. If a member of the Imperial House were asked to assume a responsibility which he could not fulfill, it would cause the Imperial House to become an object of public hatred. At 3 p. m. War Minister Tojo called to see Kido. Once again the question of Higashikuni's premiership was discussed and Kido again stated his objections. Kido also suggested that the decision of September 6 be revised, and he stressed the need for true unity between the Army and Navy. At 4 p. m. Premier Konoe called to say that the Cabinet was going to resign. Kido expressed astonishment at the suddenness of the announcement but immediately visited the Emperor to inform him of this development. Konoe arrived at the Palace at 5 p. m. and tendered the Cabinet resignations to the Throne. At 5:30 Kido was received by the Emperor to answer questions regarding the new Cabinet. 22 On Friday, October 17, at 11 a. m. Secretary Matsudaira of the Household Minstry called to make arrangements for an Elder Statesmen's(Jishin) conference, in keeping with custom, to consider the selection of the new Premier. 23 The meeting was convened in the west antichamber of the Palace and lasted from 1:10 to 3:45 p. m. Kido reports that General Ugaki's name was put forward by Mr. Wakatsuki. Higashikuni's nomination was then proposed by General Hayashi. Kido then, according to the account in his diary, pointed out to the exPremiers that in the nomination of the new Prime Minister two criteria should be kept in mind: first, that the decision of the Imperial Conference must be revised; and second, that unity must be restored between Army and Navy. "I suggested a Tojo Cabinet as a solution to these problems, " Kido writes, "with Tojo as Premier and War Minister." "I met no objection to my proposal, " he adds, "Mr. Hirota, General Abe and Mr. Hara gave me positive approval. "24 At 4 p. m. Kido was received in audience by the Emperor to report upon the Elder Statesmen's approval of Tojo for Premier. Shortly thereafter War Minister Tojo proceeded to the Palace to receive the Imperial order. At Kido's request the Emperor later received Navy Minister Oikawa to request cooperation between the Army and Navy. In his earlier audience with the Emperor, Kido had recommended the bestowal of Imperial messages as an additional measure. Accordingly, he met Tojo and Oikawa after they had returned to the waiting room and communicated to them "by order of the Emperor" the following messages: I presume that the Imperial message has just been given to you regarding cooperative relations between the Army and Navy. I understand it is the Emperor's wishes that, in deciding the fundamental national policy, it is necessary to investigate domestic and foreign affairs more broadly and deeply and to carry out an earnest study of things without being bound by the decision of the Council in the Imperial presence of September 6. I communicate this to you by Imperial order.

Page  83 Prelude to War 83 This injunction, according to Kido, had the effect of withdrawing completely the decision of the Imperial Conference of September 6. Kido then presented each with a separate Imperial message. To War Minister Tojo: I hereby authorize you to proceed with the organization of a Cabinet. I wish you to confirm with the provisions of the Constitution. I believe that the present situation is confronted with utmost difficulties. At this time I further wish that the Army and Navy should cooperate more closely. I will receive the Navy Minister later and tell him about this. To Navy Minister Oikawa: I have received War Minister Tojo and ordered the formation of a Cabinet. I believe that the present situation is confronted with utmost difficulties. As I have given words that Army and Navy should cooperate more closely you also must endeavor to carry out my will. 25 Such was the sequence of events which led to the downfall of the third Konoe Cabinet and the establishment of a new one under the leadership of General Tojo. The precise motives of those responsible for this transaction are less easy to determine. Certainly Tojo and Konoe had clashed on matters of policy; but what exactly was the nature of the disagreement? In so far as we can accept at face value the statements of the two ministers, there was general agreement as to Japan's fundamental policy of southern expansion. There was also agreement that war or peace depended upon the outcome of the negotiations in Washington. The actual point of friction seems to have been over methods, and the extent to which Japan should back track in order to settle the differences with America. Should Japan withdraw from China? Tojo was willing to go to war rather than to make such a concession. Konoe, on the other hand, was willing to concede to a withdrawal in order to avert war. But it is to be noted that even on this vital point of difference, the gulf between the two men was not a wide one. When Konoe spoke of conceding to the United States demands he was not thinking of sacrificing Japan's position in China. "I still believe, " he wrote to the Emperor, in his formal letter of resignation, "that not only is it erroneous to think that all negotiations with the United States are hopeless but that even the most difficult question involved, the question of withdrawing our troops, can be settled if we take the attitude of yielding to her in appearance by keeping for us the substance and casting away the name.,26 It seems that at one point during the critical days a reconciliation between the War Minister and the Prime Minister might have been possible. Kido notes, in reporting his visit with Tojo on the afternoon of the 16th, "a perceptible change in Tojo's attitude. " The War Minister, Kido relates, "went so far as to express the opinion that the decision of the Council in the Imperial presence was a cancer and that this war could not be carried out without the firm confidence of the Navy. " Kido then observes that he and Tojo exchanged opinions to the effect that "if the War Minister understood the situation to this extent, there should be some means of reaching an understanding with the Premier and of removing the deadlock with success." By this time, however, the Premier had collected the resignations of the Cabinet ministers and was on his way to submit them to the Throne. 27 Was it this seemingly moderate outlook that prompted Kido to recommend the War Minister? As to just when and under what circumstances the decision in favor of Tojo was made, we are left in doubt. The account that appears in Kido's diary puts it at the Elder Statesmen's conference on the 17th. From Konoe, however, we learn that he and Kido had discussed the ques

Page  84 84 Cecil C. Brett tion of Tojo's leadership on the afternoon of the 16th, following Konoe's audience with the Emperor. In Konoe's view, the Premiership at that time was still an open question. Kido mentioned that His Majesty, since he thought it would be embarrassing for Higashikuni to take office, had decided to summon both Tojo and Oikawa simultaneously, issue the Imperial mandate to one of them and order the other to cooperate. As to which one it should be, Kido pointed out that to place the leadership in Tojo's hands would amount to recognizing his contention. The Navy Minister, he thought, would be the better choice because he did not want war and, moreover, because this fact was not generally known. Konoe, according to his account, argued against the appointment of Admiral Oikawa. Since the Army had been the cause of the present trouble, he reasoned, would it not be better to offer the post to the stronger side and alleviate the situation? Moreover, he thought, a Tojo Cabinet should have a favorable effect upon the United States. Washington had expected the Konoe government to make war. If, however, Tojo were to take over the leadership and instead of going to war should carry on the negotiations, would not that improve relations? Following this exchange of views Kido asked Konoe to consider the matter overnight. "On the morning of the 17th, " Konoe writes, "I sent a message to the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal that Tojo would be better (if a guarantee of peace is obtained)." Kido may have been influenced by this advice. There are other circumstances, however, which support the belief that Kido had already come to a decision, and, indeed, that his mind had been made up for some time. As we have seen, earlier in the week Tojo had made strong representations in favor of Prince Higashikuni. The immediate reaction to this proposal was unfavorable. Kido, then approached on this subject by General Suzuki on the morning of October 15, had expressed mild disapproval. Konoe, in his audience with the Emperor on the same morning, had expressed doubt that the leadership of Prince Higashikuni would relieve the deadlocked situation. His Majesty appeared equally doubtful. He had asked: "If an Imperial Prince takes over he must decide on peace. If he should decide on peace will the Army submit to the regulation?,,29 During the remainder of the 15th deliberation seemed to have hinged on this point. The question uppermost in the minds of Konoe and Kido was: what are Tojo's intentions? Kido gave careful consideration to the Higashikuni proposal. He consulted the Household Ministry on the technicalities and procedures which it would involve. He instructed General Suzuki to give a definite report on the War Minister's intentions. By late afternoon the Emperor had reached certain conclusions of his own. "If the Army and Navy would agree upon a peaceful policy," he told Konoe, "and if it were the outcome of necessity to have a Higashikuni Cabinet, then there was no alternative but to approve the plan. "30 It would appear that Kido reached a decision on the Higashikuni question some time after he received General Suzuki's telephone call on the evening of the 15th. The General, reporting on War Minister Tojo's intentions, said that Tojo's purpose for suggesting Higashikuni was to establish harmony between the Army and the Navy by the influence of the Prince.31 Kido, we will recall, expressed his objection to this plan. 32 The matter, however, was not yet settled. Premier Konoe, in the meantime had also commissioned General Suzuki to report to him upon the attitude of the War Minister. Suzuki in addition was to find out "whether the Army will submit to the regulation in the event that 'peace' were to be decided on," The answer Konoe received was that the War Minister "could not state definitely that the Army would submit to the regulation in the event that the decision is for 'peace'. " "Assuming that it is decided in favor of 'peace'," the answer went on, "there would not be anyone one other then an Imperial Prince who would be able to suppress the Army. "33

Page  85 Prelude to War 85 Konoe's reaction to Suzuki's telephone call was quite different from that of Kido. "Therefore at eight o'clock on the night of the 15th, "Konoe writes, "I secretly visited the residence of Prince Higashkuni and informed him of the circumstances to date. And then I told him: In connection with our desire that the war must be prevented somehow, to solicit for the aid of an Imperial Prince is an unprecedented thing; but there is no means other than this to return the decision of the past to a clean slate. The Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal is afraid that it may affect your reputation, but although it will bring trouble to not only your Highness, but to the Imperial Household if war should break out, I beg you to consider yourself to be Prince Morinaga and put forth your whole effort at this time. The Prince, Konoe relates, gave no answer but said that "he would like to think it over, since it was a grave matter, and wondered if he could suppress the Army with his own strength. "34 At midnight on the 15th Kido, who was apparently opposed to the plan by this time, was told by Konoe that Higashikuni was going to consider the matter and that he intended to confer with War Minister Tojo and the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal. These, then, were the developments of the 15th concerning the Higashikuni proposal. As we have seen, by 8:30 on the morning of the 16th, when Suzuki visited Kido to discuss this matter, Kido was emphatically opposed to Higashikuni's nomination. He was determined not to recommend the Prince. Of this we can be fairly certain. What then had transpired during the early hours of the 16th following Konoe's midnight telephone call? What were the circumstances that prompted Kido to seek an audience with the Emperor at the early hour of fivethirty? On the basis of our present information we can only conjecture. We may safely assume that Kido did not retire immediately upon receiving Konoe's telephone call. This latest development in the Higashikuni case raised a new problem. An immediate decision had to be made concerning Higashikuni. If the Imperial Prince was to be rejected then an alternative candidate must be chosen in order to forestall any attempt by the Prince to reach War Minister Tojo. Who would the candidate be? He must be acceptable to the military, for he would have to handle the military. 35 War seemed inevitable. It was distasteful. But how much more distasteful for a Prince of the Blood to lead the country into war? We cannot affirm or deny that any or all of these considerations motivated the Marquis Kido. What does seem clear, however, is that momentous deliberation was taking place in Kido's mind, and some time in the early hours of the 16th he appears to have come to the conclusion to reject Higashikuni. Thus Tojo received his nomination on the 17th, was formally approved by the Juiishin and confirmed by Imperial order. On the next day, the 18th, a memorial was presented to the Throne by Prince Kan'in, Chief of the General Staff, requesting that Prime Minister Tojo be allowed to retain his active service status and that he be promoted to the rank of full general. The same day Toj5 himself arrived to present his list of Cabinet ministers. Shortly afterwards the Emperor officially invested him with the seals of office. Kido brought his week to a fitting close by going to the Yasukuni Shrine to attend the Imperial worship. 36 Prelude to War Thus concluded a momentous week in Japanese affairs. The Marquis Kido, who had played a major role in these events was able to look back upon his work with some sense of satisfaction. " I received gracious words from His Majesty," he wrote in his diary on October 20th,

Page  86 86 Cecil C. Brett "on account of my efforts in connection with the Cabinet change." He continues, "I told His Majesty that one mistaken step in the present Cabinet change might have inadvertently plunged us into war. After careful consideration I believed this to be the only way of giving a new turn to the situation and thus recommended it. His Majesty apparently understood well, and he replied to Kido by quoting the Confucian proverb: "He who will not go into the tigers den will not get the tiger cub. "37 Events were to show that the expectations of Kido and the Emperor were tragically ill founded. The Emperor's injunction to the new Cabinet to reconsider the decision of September had little practical consequence. On November 5 another Imperial Conference met and gave formal approval to a plan not unlike that of two months before. It set a new deadline for the termination of negotiations with the United States and made plans for the subsequent opening of hostilities. 38 The Japanese government in November, 1941, thus stood in precisely the same position as it had in September, except in one respect. The character of the government itself had changed. The political upheaval of October had resulted in the establishment of a "strong" Cabinet. Civil oligarchy had given way to military dictatorship. Opposition to the policy of the military thus became a thing of the past. Not the least extraordinary aspect of this crisis is that General Tojo, of all people, should have been chosen to head the new Cabinet. It seems unbelievable that those who favored peace should have seen fit to install as the most likely instrument of their policy one who was an outspoken advocate of war. There is no simple answer to this paradox. Many of the circumstances surrounding it are clouded with ambiguity. But some of the facts are clear enough. The civil leaders were well aware of Japan's predicament. They realized that national disaster could be avoided only by continued negotiations at Washington and then only by making major concessions, concessions wholly unacceptable to the military so long as it maintained its present attitude. They reasoned that to give the military the grave responsibility of taking over the national helm would have a sobering effect. Perhaps the Army leaders would then modify their aggressive attitudes. The real problem, it seems, which faced Konoe and Kido during the crisis was how to induce the Army, once it was in power, to follow a moderate course. A restraining device was desperately needed to prevent the Army from taking what was considered to be a disastrous step. It is apparent that the civil leaders sought as a last resort to use the Emperor for this purpose. That this was a monstrous miscalculation is now a matter of record. Yet such a plan was not entirely illogical nor was it without precedent. The Emperor had been used to good effect in the past for the support of one or another contending factions. In the October crisis it was undoubtedly hoped that a command by the Emperor to the new Cabinet to reconsider the decision of the September conference would result in a reappraisal by the government of the whole situation relating to America and would perhaps result in a more conciliatory approach by Japan. This hope, if it was indeed the attitude of the peaceably inclined members of the Japanese oligarchy, helps to explain why these powerful leaders abdicated in favor of General Tojo and his associates. There are indications, however, that this is not the whole story. The very ease with which the civil leaders stepped down to make way for the military suggests that tradition, perhaps, played a part. One has a strong impression that there was at least the tacit acknowledgement on all sides that the Army's new status was, under the circumstances, appropriate, and that the military was merely assuming its historically designated role in Japanese society.

Page  87 PRELUDE TO WAR 87 Notes 1. International Military Tribunal for the Far East, Tokyo Warcrimes Trials, Proceedings and Documents April 29, 1946 - April 16, 1948, Tokyo, 1946 - 1948. 2. Japan's minimum demands are set forth in a document attached to the resolution of the Imperial Conference of September 6 and read as follows: Section I. Japan's minimum demand to be fulfilled in her negotiations with the United States ( Britain ). (1) Matters concerning the Chinese Incident. The United States and Britain will neither meddle in nor interrupt the disposition of the Chinese Incident. (a) They will not interrupt Japan's attempt to settle the incident in accordance with the Sino-Japanese Basic Treaty and the Japan-Manchukuo-China Joint Declaration. (b) The "Burma Route" will be closed, and the United States and Britain will give Chiang's regime neither military nor economic support. (2) Matters concerning the security of Japan's national defense. The United States and Britain will not take any action in the Far East which will threaten Japan's national defense. (a) They will recognize the special relations existing between Japan and France based upon the Japanese French agreement. (b) They will not establish any military interests in Thailand, Dutch-East Indies, China or the Far Eastern Soviet territory. (c) They will not further strengthen their present armaments in the Far East. (3) Matters concerning Japan's acquisition of necessary materials. The United States and Britain will cooperate with Japan in obtaining necessary resources for her. (a) They will restore their commercial relations with Japan and will supply Japan from their territories in the Southwestern Pacific, with resources indispensable for her self-existence. (b) They will gladly collaborate in Japan's economic cooperation with Thailand and French Indo-China. Section II. The minimum concessions Japan is able to make provided the United States and Britain will consent to our demands. (1) Japan, with French Indo-China as a base, will no make military advances into any of the adjacent areas except China. (2) Japan will be ready to withdraw her troops from French Indo-China after an impartial peace will have been established in the Far East. (3) Japan will be ready to guarantee the neutrality of the Philippines. No. 588. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid., Exh. 1135, Kido Diary, Sept. 6, 1941.

Page  88 88 Cecil C. Brett 5. Deposition, Far East Mil. Trib., Exh. No. 3605, cited in Feis, Herbert, The Road to Pearl Harbor, Princeton, 1950, p. 264. 6. Far East Mil. Trib., Exh. No. 1125, Kido Diary, July 31, 1941. 7. It is remarkable that so potentially formidable a group as this was unwilling or unable to do more at the conference to make their views effective. It must be remembered, however, that the Army was in the powerful position of being able to enforce its policy by the use of its constitutional prerogative, i. e., its right to name the War Minister. Also it is to be noted that at this conference the "peace section" were morally on the defensive, for their policy toward America implied, if not an outright reversal of previous militarydominated policy, at least a considerable degree of compromise. To have taken a positive stand on this question would have laid them open to the charge of "sacrificing Japan's national honor." 8. Ibid., Exh. No. 641, "Subsequent information from Military Officials to the Attaches, a secret communication from Canton to Tokyo, July 14, 1941. 9. Affidavit of Tojo Hideki, Defense Document 3000, p. 97. Far East Mil. Trib. 10. Far East Mil. Trib., Exh. No. 1141, Kido Diary, Sept. 26, 1941. 11. Ibid., Exh. No. 1143. Kido Diary, October 7, 1941. 12. An account of this conference appears in Konoe's statement, "Facts Pertaining to the Resignation of the Third Konoe Cabinet," Far East Mil. Trib., Exh. No. 1148. 13. Normally the War Minister would defer to the Premier whose decision in cases of this nature is taken to reflect the consensus of the group. Tojo's action here indicates that he was ready for a showdown. 14. This is Kido's record (not part of his diary) of the fall of the third Konoe Cabinet, Far East Mil. Trib., Exh. No. 2250. 15. Ibid., Exh. 1149, Kido's Diary, October 15, 1941. 16. What was really meant by the term "mutual understanding" is difficult to assess. Possibly the suggestion was that the Navy Minister should (a) clearly state his position, in which case he would probably resign, or (b) go over to the War Minister's point of view. 17. This and the following account are based upon the Konoe statement op. cit. 18. The Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal was the Emperor's closest adviser and, according to custom, the official entrusted with the duty of recommending to the Emperor the person to succeed in the premiership. 19. Far East Mil. Trib., Exh. 1150, Kido Diary. October 15, 1941. 20. Ibid., Exh. 1151, Kido Diary, October 15, 1941. 21. Kido apparently interpreted Suzuki's message to mean that Tojo intended to use the Prince as an instrument to put pressure on the Navy and bring it around to the Army's point of view. Hence his objection.

Page  89 PRELUDE TO WAR 89 22. Ibid., Exh. 1151, Kido Diary, October 16, 1941. 23. Ibid., Exh. 1154 Kido Diary, October 17, 1941. 24. Kido's testimony before the Military Tribunal concerning this incident differs somewhat from the above account in his diary. When questioned as to his part in the selection of T6j6, Kido answered:... When I attended the Council of Elder Statesmen I had not succeeded in making up my mind and in this council of Elder Statesmen opinions were voiced that Tojo had disagreed with the outgoing Premier, Konoe, and therefore I said, speaking in theory, Oikawa would be better fitted to be the next Prime Minister. But to this opinion very strong opinion was voiced by the two Elder Statesmen who had formerly been in the Navy, whom I mentioned before; and in view of these circumstances we had no alternative but to choose Tojo as Prime Minister. That is the fact of the situation. Far East Mil. Trib., Proceedings, p. 31598. 25. Ibid., Exh. 2250, Kido Statement. 26. Ibid., Exh. 1152. 27. Ibid., Exh. 2250, Kido Statement. 28. Ibid., Exh. 1148, Konoe Statement. 29. Ibid., Exh. No. 1148, Konoe Statement. 30. Ibid. 31. Tojo in his deposition (Defense Document 3000, p. 109) to the Military Tribunal gives the following reasons: It was completely beyond my conjecture that the Imperial mandate to form a new Cabinet should fall upon my shoulders.... I held the opinion that no other than Prince Higashikuni could control the situation with success following the resignation of the Konoe Cabinet..... My reason for advocating a member of the Royal Blood to head the Cabinet was this: The new Cabinet soon after its formation shall be placed in a position to reverse and alter the decision of September 6. Any Cabinet decision taken by the outgoing Cabinet may be reversed by the incoming Cabinet. But the decision of the Imperial Conference is of a different nature, i. e., it is a decision arrived at by the highest formality involving the participation of the Government as well as the High Command. It was feared that a most perplexing situation would arise in case the High Command refused to consent to the revision or alternation of the decision of September 6. In such an eventuality a Cabinet headed by one of the Royal Blood, by reason of his special position, would be able to surmount that difficulty. Under the circumstances, I thought it improper that I, myself, should be entrusted with the Premiership to succeed Prince Konoe, or even be nominated or ordered to remain as War Minister, and never dreamed that such an event could occur. 32. Far East Mil. Trib., Exh. No. 1151, Kido Diary, October 15, 1941.

Page  90 90 Cecil C. Brett 33. Ibid., Exh. No. 1148, Konoe Statement. 34. Ibid. 35. In his testimony before the Tribunal (Proceedings, p. 31, 598) Kido said: My greatest fear was that in the final analysis the most important question was the control of the Army. If the Army got out of control, war would be bound to result in one form or another, whatever other policies might be decided on. 36. Far East Mil. Trib. Exh. No. 1155, Kido Diary, October 18, 1941. 37. Ibid., Exh. No. 1156, Kido Diary, October 20, 1941. 38. The plan of operation adopted at the November 5 conference was based on the assumption that negotiations with America would end sometime after November 25 and that war would then be inevitable. The plan was in six parts. Part I dealt with policy regarding Germany and Italy after that date; Part II, policy towards Britain; Part m, towards the Dutch East Indies; Part IV, towards the Soviet Union; Part V, towards Thailand, and Part VI, China. (Ibid., Exh. No. 1169.) On November 5 also Foreign Minister TEgo instructed Ambassador Nomura in Washington to submit Proposal " A. " If the United States showed strong disapproval, Proposal " B was to be submitted and this was to be absolutely final. "As stated in my previous message, " Foreign Minister Togo's message read, "this is the Imperial Government's final step. Time is becoming exceedingly short and the situation very critical. Please bear this in mind and do your best. I wish to stress this point over and over. We wish to avoid giving the impression that there is a time limit or that this proposal is an ultimatum. In a friendly manner, show ltheml that we are very anxious to have them accept our proposal. " (Ibid., Exh. 1170, Telegram T'go'to Nomura, intercepted by U. S. War Department.)

T'ang Penal Law in Early Japan

James I. Crump, Jr.pp. 91-102

Page  91 T'ANG PENAL LAW IN EARLY JAPAN* James I. Crump, Jr. In a previous article 1 an attempt was made to investigate the importation of a Chinese bureaucracy into Japan. Particular attention was paid to the changes the Taika "reformers" seem to have introduced to make the complex continental government apparatus viable in the island kingdom of Yamato. History has handed down judgement on the partial success of this experiment, and various formal aspects of the early bureaucratic can be found to have lasted for many centuries. In the present article we shall review what seems to be a wholly different kind of transplantation - not the typical borrowing and revision which is characteristic of Japan, but an attempt to introduce almost in toto the penal code of T'ang. As has been pointed out before, the Yoro ry ( A + ) or civil code which was borrowed from China, was considerably changed and tempered in the process. The bureaucracy described in it is substantially unlike that which is delineated in Chinese works. The civil code (4-) is only one half of Chinese law, the penal code ( t ) being the other. The ro is concerned mainly with laying out the rules for the governing and the governed, while the ritsu is largely devoted to the punishments for infraction of these rules. The Yoro ritsu was composed at the same time as the Yoro ryo, though we have only about a third of it left to us, and resembles its Chinese counterpart infinitely more than does the ryo. The two codes are, of course, inextricably interwoven,2 and adjustments and changes in any section of one necessitated a corresponding change in the other. However, because of technical considerations, 3 and most especially because a penal code has the power to seriously affect all persons who live under it, the ritsu will be the basis for our present examinations. Why the Chinese penal code could not successfully have been applied to Japan is a complex problem but two general reasons may be made immediately. ( 1 ) T'ang law, however poorly it may have been enforced in China, rested securely on age-old underpinnings of tradition, while in Japan it had no sanction other than the belief in court circles that the success of the T'ang dynasty could be duplicated in Yamato. In order to indicate how fruitless was this belief, the first section below will deal with the manner in which Chinese law evolved. ( 2 ) To say, as historians have, that T'ang political institutions and their underlying Confucian philosophy were adopted by the Japanese, is to be, in a sense, tautological. Chinese institutions could not have been borrowed as they stood without adopting Confucian philosophy, for it lies back of every article of the law. Thus borrowing the law meant borrowing Confucius. The second section below will give in some detail the Chinese philosophy implicit in the specific laws to be found in the Yoro ritsu to allow the reader to compare this with what he may know about pre-Taika Japanese custom and culture, and to visualize the enormous cultural disparity between the two. I Before going to a more specific analysis of the T'ang and Yoro penal codes, we might profitably consider the nature of law in general and particularly Chinese law. As stated before, written codes of law very quickly become antiques; this not because they cannot represent something real, but merely because they have become reduced to a static condition. It matters little whether the words are pressed into soft clay or soaked into a silk scroll; the important * This paper is the result of research done under a special grant from the University of Michigan Center for Japanese Studies. 91

Page  92 92 James I. Crump, Jr. differences between law and a code of law is that the law (always slightly behind the times) continues to grow and change, while a written code of law has been ossified for all time. Even so, this one frame (the written code) from the whole motion-picture of the law can be significant to the historian if it is the embodiment of adjustments, changes, and lessons of the past. This banality is peculiarly necessary to keep in mind while dealing with our subject because we are describing cultural borrowing on a scale not to be duplicated anywhere in history. We tend to speak of the Tang code as though it were a single entity and accomplished at a certain moment in history. In reality, T'ang law is a composite of two great divisions and at least two smaller ones, all of which we will discuss below. The civil code (ling) was, in effect, a code of conduct, and obtained laws for every thing from the millinery of the Emperor on certain occasions (Niida, p. 391) to the amount of salt given the horses in the imperial stables (Niida, p. 698). The penal code (lU) presented the mirror image of the ling; that is, where the ling instructed as to procedure, the lU gives the penalties for deviation from procedure. The Role of Precedent in T'ang Law The combined law was, as it had to be even in an absolute monarchy, constantly in a state of change. Let us list here its revisions from the period of the first Tang laws to the year 718 when the Y6ro ryo and ritsu were published in Japan. 1. Wu-te Afi-, ca. 622. First writing of T'ang lU and ling by P'ei Chi. 2. Cheng-kuan M~, ca. 627. Edited and fixed by Fang Hsuan-ling jg. 3. Lin-te Pi, ca. 663. Edited and fixed by Ywan Chih-hsin jh, ~ 4. Yi-feng A~,, ca. 677. Edited and fixed by Liu Jen-kuei.-Jp4Ii. 5. Ch'ui-kungp, ca. 685. Edited and fixed by P'ei Chu-tao ~/ 6. Shen-lung ~+, ca. 705. Edited and fixed by Su Huai^.. 7. T'ai-chiX A, ca. 712. Edited and fixed by Ts'en Hsi4. 8. K'ai-yuan Gjil, ca. 714. Edited and fixed by Yau Yuan-ch'ung - L,I. 9. K'ai-yuan gq., ca. 716. Edited and fixed by Sung Ching, a. During the ten years or so that elapsed between each revision, there were, of course, numerous imperial edicts (lailt or chaosg ) which in one way or another added to, corrected, or contradicted the written law. These were filed away to be incorporated or discarded later. Further, each department of the government had to interpret those directives pertaining to its duties and, as new situations arose, to shape its procedures accordingly. These departmental directives and changes were called (in Tang times) ke 4-. 4 They also were filed away (as liu-szu ke t^ l- ) in each department of government, and sorted out and revised by the highest government bureaus each time the law was revised. Finally, there was a constant carding and weeding out of various past edicts, rules and laws, and to keep them from conflicting with one another there had to be acceptable interpretations. 5 From these it seems there developed another set of supplementary regulations similar to the ke which were called the shih A. The ke and shih amounted to a mass of procedent, and the interpretation of these were the means by which Chinese administrative law evolved. The same procedure was working

Page  93 T'ang Penal Law 93 with the penal laws ( l ). These were revised almost every time the administrative code was, and besides the annotated texts ( shu-yi je ) of the law, there were also appended li d+|, examples - which were probably case histories - and sometimes shih-lei 4 which seem to have been interpretations of the laws classified as to subject matter. 6 The minute detail of the lU is remarkable and is best indicated by giving here one sample among hundreds. ( Li 10, 6T"..... whosoever shall [dig pitfalls or set triggered traps] in mountain fastnesses, deep swamps, or places where savage beasts threaten, shall be allowed to do so but must indicate these [traps] by raising warning signals by them. Whoever shall not raise such signals will be punished by forty strokes of the light rod." This is the second part of an article which outlines the penalties for setting such traps in inhabited places. This article, and many others like it, indicate how Chinese law was constantly being adjusted to the growth of the nation. The efficacy of the law depended on its scope and its completeness, but, as in all law, justice and fairness depended on the man who administered it. To insure equity in any individual case as far as possible, the law itself demanded that officials with judiciary functions must use the entire ling and lti as well as any pertinent ke or shih in handing down judgment ( LU 12, 16; Ritsu p. 175 ). Thus, T'ang law contained provisions allowing for a continual state of growth and should have been, because of its constant modification by precedent, responsive to the needs of the Chinese. Precedent in Past Law Codes How deeply T'ang law was indebted to law codes of the past may be discovered by reading the brief history of the law in the T'ang Liu-tien (ch. 6, 3a-7a) and the introduction to Niida (pp. 3-8). The codes of the past were of course precedents and models for T'ang law, but also there are many indications that the careful collection of precedents and changing interpretations of the law were the stuff and substance of Chinese written law from early times. In the biography of Tu Chou J.t7 (d. 95 B. C.) we discover that this highly placed officer of the state gave voice to what was the theory of Chinese law. "What was thought right by past rulers has been made clear and we call it law ( lI ); what was thought right by coming rulers after them has been made into explanatory commentary (shu, ) and we call this the code (ling).... Can the law which is proper today [still] be the law of the ancients?" Obviously this famous jurist thought not. The early theories of law in China held that the law of the past must be preserved and utilized as precedent, but that subsequent interpretations held a priority. Just exactly how this was accomplished and by what means the law codes were composed and expanded is not easy to determine, but we have a number of indications of the ways in which pre-T'ang law codes adjusted to the needs of the times. It seems probable that in Han times there were three (or more) types of codes - called "Code A, B, and C" ( q 'F 7j t ). It is quite probable that one or more of these codes corresponded to the T'ang ke and/or shih, for the T'ang Liu-tien (ch. 6, 6a) tells us that "In Han times case decisions were collected and appended in three hundred items to Code A.,"8 Further along, the Liu-tien (ibid, 6b) states that during the period A. D. 25-56 a work in thirty chapters was published with the title of Law (and?) Precedents (.4z,<.. Lu-ling Ku-shih). Since the Liu-tien gives this information in its history of the ke, it is to be supposed that the work was similar to the ke published with the law during the T'ang dynasty. From a memorial (K. M. 0805.4) to the Emperor Hsien by Ying-shao ( ^ X, ) in the year 196 A. D., we have a good description of the manner in which one code of law was composed: "Your minister.... has composed this law ( 11 ) from the records of the Master of Documents (Shang-shu9 \j ), from the directives (~R. or posted laws -N41), and examples

Page  94 94 James I. Crump, Jr. of decisions from the Commandant of Justice ( X4 ), from the important precedents [established] by the Minister of Justice (szu-t'u a] I ), from the edicts and writings of the Five Bureaus (wu-ts'ao _f ' ), and from the Court Decisions in the Ch'un-ch'iu ( A.{Kl k#4 ). In all there are two hundred fifty articles which have been edited to eliminate duplication and arranged in sections. Further, thirty sections of arguments [on the law] have been included and classified by subject matter which deal with eighty-two subjects.... " It should be noted in the preceding that all the ingredients we find in T'ang law are given due weight in this code of law which was a reconstitution of the former written law destroyed in the burning of the palace by the rebel Tung Chuo. It has been argued that oriental law must of necessity have been diffuse and contradictory because of a number of irresponsible, not to say whimsical, edicts which were handed down by emperors and which had to be incorporated in the law because they came from the Son of Heaven. This contention seems needlessly naive. To be sure, such cases are not infrequent, but we must always be aware of the fact that the hands which held the emperor's brush generally belonged to trained bureaucrats and men who knew the law. Further, each revision of the law appears to have been a time for weeding out the useless and contradictory material that had collected since the last revision. 10 We have also an interesting quotation (K. M; 0797. 1) demonstrating that the actions of an emperor did not automatically constitute an addition to or a change in the law: "... during the chien-ch'u Aj/yt period (A. D. 76-84) a certain person killed another to avenge an insult to his father. Hsiao-tsung set aside the death sentence for this individual and pardoned him. Afterwards this became a custom, and by this time [ca. A. D. 90] had become an established plea for leniency in the case of revenge. However, Chang Min {t took issue and petitioned as follows: 'The custom of leniency for revenge sprang from the clemency of a former emperor - there is no written sanction for it and it appears nowhere in the law... If... this becomes regularized and written law, then we will have set out the sprouts of evil which, when they have grown, will be a hiding place for crime.... The argument in the Ch'un-ch'iu is that he who does not avenge insult to his father is no son. But the law may not be lessened for him. This is because the road to murder should never be opened....' The emperor complied. " Students of T'ang literature know that this delicate topic was still open to discussion and interpretation as late as the ninth century. Another heritage of T'ang law methods was the tradition of the official or officials whose duty it was to keep the law code abreast of the state business and to keep the administrators aware of the demands of the law and of precedents. During the Three Kingdoms, there was an official under Wei (A) who was known as the Redactor of the Law (Ting-k'e Lang XJi (f, ) ' ) whose duty, as far as we know, was to search the past law for precedents and keep the written codes up to date (CKP ch. 13, 19 b)11. The same office appears during the T'ang - though not in any of the tables of the bureaucracy - and is known as the Editor-Standardizer (Shan-ting Shih *\ 1 ). In the one mention we have of him, he is requested to search the laws to see whether a certain decision made by the Censorate (YIt-shih T'ai f tpt ) could be carried out. 12 Summary What has just been rehearsed above at some length indicates something of the nature of the Chinese law. Its long history and tradition of growth by precedent gave it great strength. More than that, the inexorable mills of history and custom "grind slowly but exceeding fine", and Chinese law was ground and polished by them to fit the Chinese. The better and older the law grew the less likely it became that it would fit any but the Chinese. No matter how zealous the Japanese might have been to take over things Chinese, no country can borrow the history of another.

Page  95 T'ang Penal Law 95 II It should be noted here that each and every one of the famous names mentioned in the first section belongs to a man who was an outstanding Confucian in philosophy and in scholarly training. It is immediately obvious, then, that the interpreters, compilers and administrators of Chinese law had, from earliest (Han) times, shaped and moulded the legal system along the lines of thought which came most naturally to them. The fact is that T'ang law - the end product, as we have seen, of centuries of evolution - is the embodiment of Confucian philosophy. The following section is devoted to the demonstration of this fact. The Penal Code as an Expression of Morality While the most important moral concepts of Confucianism were those of ren X_ and yi, the concept which took Confucianism out of the class of a personal, speculative philosophy and made it a possible political system was that of li XIL (ritual observance, codified custom). The essence of li is to give a framework of ethics whereby an orderly society may be attained and perpetuated. The law which seeks to express the concept of li is not concerned so much with individual man and property as with the perpetuation of principles which keep a society intact and in status quo as far as possible. HsU Tao-lin, 13 in the course of pointing out salient characteristics of T'ang law, devotes a section to what amounts to a description of the Confucian influence in T'ang law. We can do very little better than to use some of his examples. The double citation in parenthesis show that an article appears verbatim in both the Chinese and Japanese codes. (LU 4, 7 - Ritsu, p. 112) 'Whoever has a child during the period of mourning for the death of his parents... shall be exiled for one year. " Thus, though no person or property is harmed by the birth of a child during mourning, the ethic filial piety, which forbids intercourse during a period of first degree mourning, is weakened, and, a fortiori, the fabric of the society whose stability depends on respectful observance of li. Further, in such a society, considerations of li take precedence even over the need for continuity in the law. 14 (Lu 3, 53 - Ritsu, p. 52) "Whatever supervisory official shall utilize for his personal tasks any person... under his supervision... shall be considered as having extorted goods from them [punishment up to 3,000 li exile]; except when such official is conducting a personal ceremony (funeral, marriage, etc.) when he may use not more than twenty persons for a period no longer than five days. "15 Beyond the shaping of numberless specific laws by concepts of li, there is one article more important than all the others combined in its clear expression of Confucian thought and the law. The following article demonstrates the Chinese philosophy of the legal system as a way of enforcing morality, and explicitly subordinates legal impartiality to social mores: (Lu 10, 62 - Ritsu, p. 166) "Whosoever shall do that which he should not do shall be given forty strokes with a light rod. (That is to say, whatever has no specific law against it but is by force of reason wrongful.) If the affair be considered serious, the punishment is eighty strokes with a heavy rod." Throughout the T'ang penal code, situations which are not dealt with specifically by the laws but which are possible affronts to concepts of li, are referred to this article. The punishments under this article are light in comparison with most, but it served as a sword in the hands of an unblinded Justice. This is in violent contrast to Western concepts of nulle poena sine lege and it could cut both ways if wielded by irresponsible persons.

Page  96 96 James I. Crump, Jr. Kinship Hierarchy in the Law An integral part of Confucian ethics translated into political organization is the belief that the 'natural" hierarchy of ithe family must be protected and enforced so that it should reflect on and reinforce the desired structure of the state. Results of this concept affect many sections of the LU: (LU 8, 27 - Ritsu, p. 138) "Whoever shall beat his elder brother or sister shall be exiled for two and one half years.... if elder brother or sister should die from same, the beater shall be beheaded. If one beats and kills his nephew or niece, grand-nephew or niece... he shall be exiled for three years." (LU 8, 25 - Ritsu, p. 138) "Whatever wife shall beat her husband shall be exiled for one year... Whatever concubine shall beat her husband shall be exiled for one and one half years." (LU 8, 24 - Ritsu, p. 138) 'Whatever husband shall beat... his wife, [no penalty]... if a wife beat her husband's concubine, [no penalty]. " 16 In the above examples the punishment for an identical crime is altered by one's position in the family. The summum bonum of Confucianism is the strengthening of "natural orders" by a system of li and a legal code was, in the main, a set of written directions giving the route to the final goal. The most important type of natural order was the family, and it would have been a poor law indeed which ran counter to the hierarachy of the family. In the examples which follow, the consistency of the law is broken if certain family relationships are involved: (LU 1, 26 - Ritsu, p. 19) "Whoever shall have committed a crime punishable by death - but not one of the "ten heinous crimes" +-. - and whose grandfather or mother, or father or mother is aged or disabled and without a relative between the ages of twenty-one and fifty-nine to serve him or her, shall be allowed to petition [for a stay of sentence]. If his crime be punishable by banishment, he shall be given a temporary stay to serve them." (LU 1, 38 and (wen-ta S t) - Ritsu, p. 99) "Whoever has committed a crime and fled in concert with another, can, being guilty of the light crime, capture the instigator and confess, and shall then be absolved of his lighter crime... In the case of relatives of fifth degree relationship, this law may not be used since one should not accuse one's relations and concealing their crimes is excusable by law. " (LU 1, 46 - Ritsu, p. 99) "Any persons living together and being of the third or closer degree of relationship... mutually concealing a crime committed by one of them [this does not include plotting sedition], and any dependent worker (pu-ch'U A * ) or slave concealing a crime on behalf of his master(s), shall be without guilt." (Lu 8, 34 - Ritsu. p. 140) "Any son or grandson whose parents or grandparents shall be beaten by another, who shall in turn beat their attacker - if there be no rupture or wounds inflicted - shall be without guilt." (The general law on assault, Lu 8, 1 - Ritsu p. 134, says: 'Whoever shall beat a person... with any implement (not a weapon) shall be given sixty strokes with a heavy rod.") Very clearly, then, the law reflects the Confucian concept expressed as early as Mencius that one could not and should not act toward his fellow man as he would toward his parents or his kin. It seemed only reasonable to alloy the purity of the law with more precious metal of family relationships. Coupled with these guarantees of family immunities, there is the complementary concept of family responsiblity - also Confucianist and a keystone of Chinese societal organization. Family and Societal Responsibility Enforced by the Law (L& 7, 1 - Ritsu, p. 55) "Whoever shall plot sedition or commit a great impiety [destruction of imperial ancestral temple, defiling a royal tomb, etc. ] shall, along with all his sons over the age of sixteen, be strangled. Sons under the age of sixteen, wives and relatives... shall be confiscated as official slaves. Males, husbands, over the age of eighty or unfit, and

Page  97 T'ang Penal Law 97 wives over sixty or unfit, shall be pardoned...." This is the only case of family responsibility which involves a death penalty, but there are many others in which family relationship makes a number of persons subject to punishment without having committed all illegal act. The same theory is present in the concept of pao 4 and lin f3 responsibility which can be found in the code (Niida) and in the following: (LU 11, 6 - Ritsu, p. 168) 'Whoever, on having been told that someone in his neighborhood or village has been set upon or killed by a person of violence, and who does not then go to the aid of the attacked, shall be given one hundred strokes of a heavy rod. Whoever hears [the sound of violence being committed] and does not aid shall be given ninety strokes of a heavy rod. (See also LU 10, 45- Ritsu, p. 165)" Thus, acts of omission as well as commission are commonly punished. This is consistent with the view that the law is an instrument of li. As such, the law becomes a method of rewarding ethical action where it exists and of teaching ethics where they are lacking -'the individual is truly expected to be his brother's keeper, while the law is his teacher. Family Concepts reflected in the State Still another aspect of traditional Confucianism is an extension of concepts of family status relationships to the state. In the family, certain persons, by reason of their age and relationship to the rest of the family, are placed in a superior position with respect to privileges and responsibilities. When this family concept is made political, the result is a privileged oligarchy based partially on birth and partially on training and ability. The perquisites incidental to officials of the state are of two types, "formal" (ritual) and "real," just as with the favored members of the family. We noted (p. 91 ) a law, designed to enforce posthumous respect for one's parent, which punished intercourse during mourning. This and many others like it were designed (consciously or not ) to hedge certain members of the family with ritual respect and thereby strengthen their authority. This was necessary, in the Chinese view, for an orderly family which was in turn the basis of an ordered state. The following law is obviously designed to do the same thing for officials of the state: (LU 10, 15 - Ritsu, p. 157) 'Whoever shall build or have made dwellings, houses, carts. clothing, or eating utensils, or family tombs, or graves or stone animals and the like [to which he is not entitled by rank] which are contrary to the code (ling) shall be given one hundred strokes with a heavy rod. Although the person be pardoned the punishment, the articles will be changed or destroyed. (Tombs will not be destroyed. )" 17 The system of special privileges within the law and immunities from the law seems to have been developed for the protection not of individual officials as such, but rather for the protection of the symbols of authority. The ancient concept that "Capital punishment shall not reach the minister *J1 i~ ]. s.k " was still the cornerstone of T'ang law. There is almost no way in which an official of the nine ranks can be made to suffer any of the flogging penalties, as this would amount to lowering the respected position of the official in the eyes.of common folk. If an official commits a crime for which the punishment is less than banishment or death, he may be removed from office and this suffices for punishment - this privilege is known as kuan-dang ( g I ). For less important crimes, he may be fined and this money is a substitute for various types of flogging. (Cf. LU, 1, 11 - Ritsu, p. 7; LU 1, 17 - Ritsu, p. 11; LU 1, 22 -Ritsu, p. 16) Further, the higher the rank the greater the immunity. Officials of the seventh rank or higher having committed a crime for which the punishment is banishment or less, automatically have their punishment reduced one degree. (LU 1, 10 - Ritsu, p. 7) Officials of the fifth rank or higher (though they still are liable to the punishment of strangulation or beheading ) may be permitted to do away with themselves in their own homes. (LU 12, 31 shu - Ritsu, p. 179). -

Page  98 98 James I. Crump, Jr. It might appear that the above privileges and immunities were constructed throughout the ages to preserve the vested interests of the very officials who composed the laws. If we look, however, at the restrictions and responsibilities placed on officials, it will become clear that the foregoing immunities were hardly more than adequate to offset the penalties an official fell heir to when he took office. The concept of privilege carrying with it greater responsibility we have noted in a law dealing with the family. The ideal state being, in Confucian eyes, merely a huge family, it was natural to attach to the advantages enjoyed by officials corresponding demands on them for rectitude and proper action. A review of the laws dealing with officialdom and its work (LU 3) very rapidly makes it clear that the theory behind these laws was to enhance the prestige of membership in the bureaucracy and to minimize its material advantages. Venality among officials was common, and many special laws preserved in the T'ang penal code give negative testimony of the artful devices which had been practiced all too often. Nonetheless, the Chinese put into practice something which we of modern times have neglectedrecruitment of superior talent by placing government service on a high prestige level. At the same time, those who made the grade received privilege but always with an increased responsibility for their acts and an increased liability to punishment, as can be seen in the following: (Lii 3, 48 - Ritsu, p. 50) "Whatever supervisory official or judge ( U O I ) shall receive goods in consideration for which he shall subvert the law, shall be punished: for goods the value of a foot of cloth, one hundred strokes of heavy rod; the punishment will increase one grade per bolt (thirty-six feet) until fifteen bolts is reached, for which [the official] will be strangled. If the law is not subverted in consideration of goods, the punishment will be [a grade less for the same values], and at the value of thirty bolts punishment shall be exile at hard labor. " Peculations to the detriment of the law, in theory at any rate, were subject to remarkably stiff punishment. Further, various guises under which extortion could be carried on are covered by specific laws: (LU 3, 50 - Ritsu, p. 50) "Any supervisory official who shall receive goods from any person under his control shall be given forty strokes of the light rod for goods the value of one foot of cloth and the punishment will increase one grade per bolt of cloth in value to the total of eight bolts, for which [the officials] will be exiled (t'u 4 ) for a year. For each eight bolts of value above this, the punishment will increase one grade and at fifty bolts in value the punishment will be banishment (liu,) for 2,000 li. The giver's punishment will be five grades less than the receiver's in all cases and shall not exceed a total punishment of one hundred strokes with a heavy rod. If the official has asked for these goods [i. e. the goods were not given spontaneously by the owner] each of the receiver's punishments will be increased one grade in severity. If the official has used force when requesting these goods, he shall be dealt with under the article dealing with receipt of goods for subversion of the law. [Strangulation for receiving the value of fifteen bolts. ]" (Lu 3, 51 - Ritsu, p. 50)"Any official on temporary commission to some place who shall receive gifts on arrival or departure, or who shall request same will be subject to the same penalties as the supervisory official [see art. 50]. If the official receive gifts from persons in places through which he is passing to arrive at his destination, the punishments will each be decreased one grade (inspectors.k ^z 'i are not exempt from this law), and the use of force in requesting such gifts will be subject to the same penalties as the supervisory official's. " (Lu 3, 52 - Ritsu, p. 51) "Any supervisory official who shall borrow goods or money from one of his constituents... and not return same in one hundred days, shall be subject to punishment for receiving goods [art. 50]. The use of force in borrowing such goods or money will raise the punishment two grades. If (this official) should make a profit by buying from or selling to (his constituents), this profit should be calculated and punished according! to the law for requesting goods or money from constituents. If any force is used in the transaction (through no profit devolves), fifty strokes of the light rod. If profit devolves, this profit shall be calculated and punished according to the law for receipt of goods for subversion of the law. "

Page  99 T'ang Penal Law There is even a provision forbidding the borrowing or lending of goods by the members of the supervisory official's household: (LUi 3, 56 - Ritsu, p. 53). However much one might be inclined to suspect the T'ang ll to be an instrument only for the benefit of the emperor and the bureaucrat, he cannot blink the fact that some motivation higher than self-interest is responsible for the above noted articles and a number of others. There can be little doubt that these provisions were made to counteract the human failings which long and sad experience told the T'ang law-givers would occur. The history of past dynasties must also have shown them that these shabby spots on the outer fringes of the mantle of state could begin the unraveling of the whole fabric. The concept of group responsibility is not limited to the governed, it also applied to the governing. The head of a governmental section and all those under him are held responsible in decending order for any crime committed by one of them, (Lii 1, 40 - Ritsu, p. 100). The penalties are less heavy for mere bureaucratic blunders or delays (Lu 1, 41 - Ritsu, p. 101), but graduated culpability is still there. Also, as might be expected, the official, as was the commoner, is liable to punishment for sins of omission: (Lii 11, 6 - Ritsu, p. 168)..."Whatever (local) official does not go to the aid (of a person to whom violence is being done) shall be exiled for one year. If only robbery has been committed, all punishments are to be reduced two grades. " What is even more typically Confucian can be found in the laws which make the official responsible for his judicial decisions. Confucian political philosophy accepted the fact that there were grades of worthiness in human beings and, having designated certain worthier persons to be the overseers of the less gifted or worthy, the overseers were placed in the position of the head of the family who was the director of the family and also the one punishable for the misconduct of his charges. Thus, with officials (LUi 12, 19 - Ritsu, p. 175-6), if one of them distorts the law or the facts to bring an innocent man to trial and hands down an unjust judgment, he himself is liable to the punishment his own judgment called for. If an official calls for a punishment heavier than the case warrants by law, he himself is liable to suffer the difference between the punishment he gave and that which the law called for. IFor example, if the accused was given one hundred strokes of the heavy rod and proper punishment by law was fifty strokes, the official who decreed the excessive penalty was liable to the fifty strokes difference between his judgment and the proper one. For wrong judgments brought about by error or inadvertence, the official is still punishable, but all punishments are down-graded several steps. Confession as a Concept in Law Finally, the best indications of Confucian li in T'ang law are the various provisions for confession. When one reads these articles in their total context it becomes clear that the law to the Chinese was, as has been stated, an instrument for the teaching of proper behavior. As such, it follows that a person who commits a crime and does not confess to it should be punished more severely than the person who, having committed a crime, feels the weight of remorse and, without having been found out, confesses to his crime. The former is an evil doer, the latter, a human being suffering a temporary lapse from his sense of li. The basic law on confessing crimes (Lif 1, 37 - Ritsu, p. 98) states that voluntary. confession of any crimes not involving irreparable loss of property or injury to other persons should result in full pardon. This is doubtless the reason for the absence of laws dealing with attempted but unsuccessful crimes. 18 If a crime is committed and absolution comes with confession and the return to status quo ante, it then follows that since the status quo is not disturbed by an unsuccessful crime, there can be no punishment. Hence, an attempt and failure, except in the cases noted, is not punishable, for the crime itself was not committed.

Page  100 100 James I. Crump, Jr. III With all the foregoing examples in mind, it is impossible to protest that they coincide with pre-Taika institutions of Japan in any way. The examples have shown, I hope, that T'ang law was such a unique expression of Chinese culture that if anyone of the concepts rehearsed above had a counterpart in earlier Yamato culture it would be an unbelievable coincidence. Also, of course, the examples given in Section II are merely a few of the aspects of T'ang law not likely to be found in other cultures. There are many others adopted in the Yoro Ritsu which rely on such a subtle chain of Confucian. and Chinese rationale that they may probably be said to have no counterparts in the history of jurisprudence: (Lt 12 - 8,9, 10 - Ritsu p. 174)"[Whosoever is accused]... may, after the true nature and depositions of the case have been reviewed... and no decision can be reached, be tried by flogging. If the crime would be punishable by a certain number of strokes of the heavy rod [that is, if the alleged crime would, if proven, call for a certain number of strokes with the rod as punishment] then the number of strokes in the trial by flogging may not exceed that number of strokes which would be called for if the crime be proven. In trial by flogging, when the legal limit of strokes has been administered [to make the accused confess] and the accused does still not confess, [he is dismissed] then the accuser is given trial by flogging, and after he has undergone [the Isame number of strokes which would have been the accused's punishment] and has still not confessed, [to false accusation] he is... released. " or (LU 12, 21 - Ritsu, p. 177) "If anyone commit [one of the ten heinous crimes]having previous knowledge that a national amnesty is forthcoming - though his life shall be spared, he shall be banished to a distance of two thousand li. " It will be noted that each and every citation of the T'ang penal code made in section II is to be found word for word in the Yoro ritsu, and, indeed almost every item in the fragmentary Japanese code is a verbatim quote from the Chinese. If we could believe that the Japanese had blindly taken the entire T'ang penal code to reprint and promulgate in Japan, then we could believe that the "reformers" found it simpler or more expedient to simply copy the Chinese. Such, however, is not the case. The Yoro Ritsu, even in its fragmentary condition, shows quite clearly that the Japanese had examined T'ang penal law carefully and eliminated concepts which were either in too violent contrast with Yamato tradition, or which would have been patently ridiculous. We have below one example of each type. In the T'ang code a paramount concept is the illegality of marriage within the expanded family or clan. It was attimes considered incest when one married a person of the same surname whether related or not, and the penal code specifically forbids alliance with persons in one's own clan who were any closer kin than that of the fourth degree of mourning. 19 In the Ritsu, this law is completely discarded, and under "Filial disrespect" (Ritsu p. 4) can be found the only incest taboo in Japanese law which is the prohibition of intercourse with one's father's or grandfather's concubine. It has been established that in early Japan, the clan chief (Uji-no-kami l, A), being descended from the clan god, was also the high priest. It was felt that the Uji-no-kami could best preserve the potency of his sacredness by marrying back into his own family so that his descendants would have twice rather than half as much sacred power as their father. It was usuaL for the Uji-no-kami to marry a half-sister. The Japanese myths of the creation of man and the descent of the emperor from the gods are crowded with endogamous relationships. Obviously the Chinese view of incest could not be accepted. The Chinese had a highly developed system of taboos on names. While the same may have been true of the Japanese, since their languages were completely different, the taboos could not have been the same. In the T'ang lii we have the following:

Page  101 T'ang Penal Law 101 (Lu 3, 31) "Whoever shall, for reasons of prestige, take a post or a title the characters of whicE'violate the given name of his father or grandfather, or who, having knowledge that his parents or grandparents are aged or unfit and have no one to serve them, shall depute some other relative to serve them in his stead and shall continue himself in his post, shall be exiled for a year. " The italicized section exists only in the T'ang M, but the second clause is found in both the l1 and the ritsu (p. 44). Here is a case where the Chinese law could have no meaning at all and was deleted. As we know from Japanese history, the imperial court gradually lost its hard-won prestige and came more and more under the power of the feudal lords. As the process advanced apace the great central bureaucracy was supplanted by local control from the manors. The penal law disintegrated in the same fashion and at the same time to be supplanted by simpler and more realistic feudal codes which were based on customs and mores actually existing rather than on a dream of a central government to be achieved. The earliest of these feudal codes is that of Hojo 20 and it is interesting to see how little it resembles anything Chinese. However, it should be noticed that in its first article there is incorporated a quotation from the Analects of Confucius... the great attempt to borrow the best of China has left its indelible mark on the island kingdom. Notes 1. J. I. Crump, Jr., " 'Borrowed' T'ang Titles and Offices in the Yoro Code, " Occasional Papers, University of Michigan Center for Japanese Studies. No. 2, 1952, 35-57. 2. Cf. LI, 10, 61; Ritsu, p. 165. "Whoever disobeys [a part] of the code ( - ) shall be given fifty strokes with the light rod. (That is to say, whatever is prohibited in the code but has no specific item of punishment in the penal laws.)" 3. The T'ang civil code has been entirely lost for centuries. Niida Noboru XP t, in the T6ry6 shui (Toky6, 1938) (hereafter abbreviated Niida), has brilliantly reconstructed the greater part of it, but the well preserved T'ang-lii Shu-yi i t Ai& is so completely annotated by its compilers that it can be used with no conjectural renditions. The edition used is that of the Commercial Press' Wan-yu-wen-K'u Chien-pien f *C o 2). Ritsu refers to the Kokushi taikei edition of the Yoro Ritsu ( | ^, A vol.22 ). 4. There were five editions of ke during the same period in which the nine revisions of the law were made. These, the shih and the li fIJ (to accompany the penal law) always preserve their identity, but since all were to be taken into account when a specific judgment was made, they were effectively part of the law. Escarra (Le Droit Chinois, p. 77), however, points out that this contributed to the lack of unity in the law. 5. There was a distinction made (LU 12, 18; Ritsu, p. 175) particularly between "Orders (-' Wk ) handed down which made a judgment for a [particular] case" and what are termed Eternal Precedents ( 4- yung-ke). It was forbidden to base judgment on any but the Eternal precedents. It may be presumed that one of the greatest jobs in revision was to distinguish these two types.

Page  102 102 James I. Crump, Jr. 6. See Niida, plate facing p. 506. 7. In the Twenty-five Dynastic Histories -f. Erh-shih-wu shih. K'ai Ming ( A, ) edition, p. 0507. 3, line 31. This work is hereafter abbreviated as K. M. 8. This translation is somewhat conjectural. The text might be construed as "case decisions were collected to make the code [consisting of articles from 1 ( A ) to 300;" however, such a long numeral series using cyclical signs is unknown to me. All references to the Tang Liu-tien,z~ A ~ (hereafter abbreviated as Liu-tien) cite the Kuang-ya Shu-cht edition of 1895. 9. See Crump, op. cit. p. 45. 10. See note 5 above. 11. CKP, abbreviation for the Li-tai chih-kuan piao )A d ~g Kuang-ya Shu-chU, 1896. 12. Ibid. ch. 13, 36b. 13. HstUTao-liniijAP T'ang-lu Tung-lun * #iL*j, asurveyofT'anglaw. Chung-hua Shu-chtl, 1937. An extremely interesting and competent analysis. 14. In the constant debate over the legal position of a son who kills to avenge a wrong to his father, the consensus was almost always in favor of placing this act above the law on murder. 15. The Ritsu allows forty persons for a period of five days. 16. The term tlu (, a set of punishments based on length of time, is translated as "exile" throughout. Liu,A,, punishments based on the distance one was sent from the capital, is translated as "banishment". 17. Niida 802. Anyone below the rank of prince or duke is forbidden to build heavy (double?) arches (pillars?) or to have a decorated ceiling or ceiling cloth, etc. Niida 502. First rank carriages to be laquered black with front and back curtains of crimson and wrappings of red; third rank and above, black curtains front and back and wrappings of red... etc. (cf. also pp. 425-433). 18. There are only five laws I know of which punish an attempted crime. See HstO Tao-lin, op. cit., 57-9. For a history of confession in Chinese custom and law as well as a translation of the section on confession in the T'ang Ll Shu-yi see G. A. Kennedy, D Rolle Des Gestandnises Im Chinesischen Gesetz, Berlin, 1939. 19. Sbcial custom in China seems even to have regarded adoption of male child to marry one's daughter and carry on one's name as verging on incest. See H. H. Dubs, History of the Former Han Dynasty, Baltimore, 1944, Vol. 2, p. 108. 20. J. C. Hall, "Japanese Feudal Law: The Institutes of Judicature." A 1st series, 33 (1906), 1-44.

Special Supplement: Abstracts of Japanese Materials in the Humanities and Social Sciences, 1951

pp. 103-153

Page  103 SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT ABSTRACTS OF JAPANESE MATERIALS IN THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, 1951 PART I, January - March 1951 Page History 101 Law and Politics 105 Economics 108 Social Relations 1-11 Literature 115 Philosophy 120 PART II, April - June 1951 History 124 Social Relations 130 Geography 135 Philosophy 142 103

Page  104 INTRODUCTORY NOTE The present Abstracts of Japanese Materials in the Humanities and Social Sciences was first prepared in both Japanese and English by a committee, headed by Professor Tomoo Odaka of Tokyo University, of the Nihon Jimbun Gakkai (Japan Cultural Science Society ). Sent to the Center for Japanese Studies, the English version has been edited by various members of the Center's staff. The work in Japan was undertaken under a grant from the Japanese Ministry of Education. Publication at the present time in the Occasional Papers results from a desire on the part of the Center to assist in bringing to the attention of Western students a cross-section of contemporary Japanese scholarship which native students of the humanities and social sciences consider to be most representative. The materials cover the following fields: literature, history, law and politics, economics, and social relations. Under social relations, the student will find works in the fields of geography, anthropology, folklore, sociology, and various combinations thereof. Two sets of abstracts are included. Part I covers books and articles published between January and March, 1951. Part II which lists works published between April and June of 1951 was compiled in somewhat different form but presents essentially the same information. The geographic area covered by these items includes not only Japan but areas outside Japan. For a fuller view of contemporary Japanese scholarship in any field, the student will of course have to rely on such sources as the Japanese publishers' yearbooks and the journals in his special field. The present selection is only a sampling, but he will perhaps find it profitable to look for such data as the following: the amount of interest shown by the Japanese in the West as compared with interest in the Asiatic continent, i. e., in European writers, movements, and phenomena as opposed to those of China and India; works which are corporate endeavors rather than studies by individual authors; works which deal with subjects that were more or less taboo in the years before and during the war; and works which deal with subjects (i. e., the atomic bomb) which are new to the post-war era. The following entries suggest ithe total range of Japanese scholarship in the humanities and social sciences, and the degree of recovery it has shown in the years following World War II. 104

Page  105 HISTORY Abe Takeo IP- 'tt, "Hakki Manshfu niru no kenkyu >\ 4 yx,A4 _ vn f (Studies on the niru system of the Eight Manchu Banners), Kyoto, T6h6gakuh8 (Journal of Oriental studies), no. 20, March, 1951, pp. 1-134. In the military system of the Manchus the component unit was the niru (company). Each niru was given nine hundred mu of arable land as well as three hundred jusen (serfs), and a certain number of cattle to be used in cultivating the allotted piece of ground. Being captives taken in war, these serfs were regarded as government possessions and thus distinguished from the aha (slaves), who were considered to be family property. The armored horsemen who resided in the capital were always ready for war, being under constant military drill and free from the toil of cultivating the land. In the early part of the T'ien-ming era (1616-1620) fifty such horsemen constituted a niru. The total number of horsemen, since there were two hundred niru, was ten thousand. Fujishima Gaijir6 |#I $^, "Hiraide iseki jukyoshi no fukugen-teki k6satsu -2F vI ~ 1: AR k Add b1A (Restoration of dwellings of Hiraide)," Shinano (Journal of local life), v. 3, nos. 2-3, February, 1951. Restoration of dwellings in the Hiraide region, Higashi Chikuma-gun, Nagano Prefecture have revealed that in the middle Haji period (about the sixth or seventh century A. D.) eaves were set free from the earth and the single room was converted into partitions. These features show that at that time Japanese dwellings were developing toward the type of structure represented by the modern rural house. Haneda Toru ii WJ -, "Daishin Keiky5 Taisei Tsuishin kih6 san oyobi Sengen Shihonky6 zankan ni tsuite AX M (On Hymns in praise of the Great Holy One of the Luminous Religion (Nestorianism) of Ta-Chin (Roman Empire), who has led people to penetrate the truth and return to his law; also fragments from the classical work 'Preaching the Original Principle to lead people to reach the Source of Truth'), " Tohogaku (Eastern studies), no. 1, March, 1951, pp. 1-11. This is a study of the two recently discovered Nestorian scriptures of the T'ang dynasty. One of them praises all the good people who became Christians. The other, though a Nestorian scripture, is in fact an almost verbatim transcription of sixty-two chapters of Lao-tsze's Tao-te ching (Moral scripture). According to this author, these scriptures show how the Nestorian missionaries in those days exerted themselves to propagate Nestorianism, telling the people that its doctrine was the same as Taoism. 105

Page  106 106 History Ishida Mikinosuke;6 Lv ji 1, "Kenkyui no Shina shoden no jiki, narabini sono shoki gutsi ni tsuite s -~p< 9 tp t <y ~ }.i l- z -^ _ t iA l&-. J z (On the early history of Zoroastrianism in China: its date of introduction and subsequent spread down to the beginning of the T'ang dynasty), " Th56gaku (Eastern studies), no. 1, March, 1951, pp. 46-53. It has been the accepted opinion that Zoroastrianism was introduced into China in the early Northern Wei period. This view is based solely upon the well-known passage of the Wei-shu ~^, (ch. 13) relating to the Empress Dowager Ling's visit to Tsung-shan in 519. Confirmation of the theory is provided by the fact that in the sixth century there were many Iranians and other peoples deeply influenced by Iranian culture within the confines of Northern Wei. The account given in the Loyang ch'ieh-lan chi 3.,- f%/z b -$ 6 is evidence of this fact. Moreover, since a sa-pao or superintendent of the Zoroastrians was residing in Liang-chou at that time, it is apparent that a considerable number of followers of the Iranian religion lived in that territory of the country. (Cf. the Yuan-ho hsing-tsuan ha'fl. by Lin Pao 4 t, ch. 4. As the work was compiled under the T'ang, the title sa-pao is written A''; but whether it was written in the same way in the time of Northern Wei is not certain, for it was transcribed as hJi ^ in the Northern Ch'i period, and fJ 1l, in the Northern Chou and Sui periods. [Cf. the Sui-shu, ch. 27 and 28].) Zoroastrianism subsequently prevailed in the co-existent kingdoms of Northern Ch'i and Northern Chou. This is reported, though not so clearly, in the Sui-shu (ch. 7 and 27) and may be verified by the following three facts. According to the epitaph of a certain Chai T'u-so, discovered several decades ago and made known by Mr. Hsiang Ta, there was a sa-pao residing in T'ai-yuan in the domain of Northern Ch'i, and the notice in the Yuan-ho hsing-tsuan tells us that there was still a resident sapao in Liang-chou of Northern Chou. In addition, Prince Yu-wen Hu, a royal member of Northern Chou, was called Sa-pos in his boyhood. All these facts confirm the existence of adherents of Zoroastrianism in China. In the Sui period, the Zoroastrians in the Empire were controlled by the sa-pao of the metropolitan district and of the provinces who was appointed by the government as in the time of Northern Ch'i. The Chinese of those days denounced the Zoroastrian observances in the Northern Ch'i and Chou courts as very indecent. This disapproval might imply on the one hand displeasure with exotic rites and rituals contrary to Chinese tradition; but on the other it might suggest the custom of incest among the Zoroastrians and other peoples under their influence. In the present article the author does not claim to bring to light any new material; but by his own way of utilizing the hitherto known data he believes he might have added something to supplement the excellent studies on the subject by Prof. Ch'en YUan and others. Kikuchi Ken'ichi ~ >.t -, "Namboku sense to kindai Amerika no kakuritsu i1 t ~i t 4:x? x I J v ft A (The Civil War and the establishing of modern America)," Shakai-koseishi taikei,(History of social structures series), v. 9, February, 1951, 54 pp. In this statement which is the first chapter of a more complete treatise, the author discusses the slave system in the South and the power of the slave-owning class, representing them as the greatest obstacles in the effort to defend and develop democ

Page  107 History 107 racy in the U. S. A., to establish the capitalistic system and to complete the unification of the states. The author tries to explain why slavery and the power of slave owners were not abolished in Congress by peaceful methods in accordance with the wishes of Lincoln and most of the American people. Komai Kazuchika.. %aP ', "Ch'ufu no iseki 4 - ' 1 E (The site of old Ch'ufu), " K6kogaku kenkyu (Archaeological studies), T6ky6 Daigaku K6kogaku Kenkyf-shitsu, v. 2, 1951, 35 pp., 25 pl. The city of Ch'ufu is famous in China. In 1942 and 1943 many sites of Han and preHan earthen walls and palaces in the suburbs of the city were explored and excavated. According to the author's researches, one of the earthen walls, measuring 3. 5 kilometers from east to west and 2. 5 kilometers from south to north, belongs to the Han and pre-Han periods. The palaces of these times seem to have been built on a long, low hill in the middle of the city, which was enclosed by earthen walls. In studying them, the author came to the conclusion that their plan coincides with the records contained in the Chou Li Kao-tu-chi A]64~ Abl, and that the name of C'hufu is derived from the shape of the hill on which the foundations of palaces were discovered. These remains reveal a great deal about the culture of the ancient Lu state and the palaces built there during the Han dynasty. MakinoTatsumi 4- Add "Nansh6, Dairi no imin, chiu iS U X "24, (A) (An inquiry into the descendants of the Nan-chao people, II, continued)," Tyo gakuh5 (Reports of the Oriental society), v. 33, no. 1, February, 1951, pp. 64-80. The author declares that the present Min-chios are descended from people living in the kingdoms of Nan-chao and Tali, which once existed in Yunnan. The article in the preceding number stated that the conquered people of Tali were called the pe-jen by the historians of the victorious Yuan dynasty. The present article asserts that, according to books from the middle of the Ming dynasty, many native officers of the pe-jen lived in the central part of Yunnan. These books also show that the pejen lived in the districts of Kweichow and Szechwan, which were under the influence of Tali and Nan-chao. Mikami Tsugio _. - ),, "Man-sen kodai ni okeru shisekibo shakai no seiritsu - Hokut6 Ajia kodai shakai no ichi-keitai A t ':- 4 a t J -it t P i; P S A it. t - - E), (On the dolmen age in northeastern Asia: one form of ancient society in northern Asia), " Shigaku-zasshi (The journal of historical science), v. 6, no. 1, January, 1951, pp. 1-28. Many dolmens are still found in the southeastern part of Manchuria and in the Korean peninsula. In this treatise the author first deals with the distribution of dolmens in this district, the local differences in the forms, the period of the first establishment of dolmens of this kind and the duration of this period. Second, he tries to clarify the structure of the dolmen communities by considering the political, social and racial nature of the dolmen builders. Third, he studies the process by which the dolmen communities developed into local states in Manchuria and the Korean peninsula.

Page  108 108 History Murata Jir5, u ^p, "Karahafu no kigen XJ ~ h 7 _ 1 (On the origin of the Japanese karahafu-gable)," Shiseki to bijutsu (Historical memorials and fine arts), v. 21, no. 1, February, 1951, pp. 2-7. The author points out that ch'Uan p'eng 4*, a kind of Chinese roof-form, was the model for the karahafu-gable of Japan. The evidence is: first, similarity of construction and the curve of the roof ridge; second, both styles are similar in age and usage. The ch'Uan p'eng, which had appeared in the construction of gates in the lower-class house of the T'ang period (eighth century), became popular in China in and after the ninth and tenth centuries. The karahafu, which had appeared first in house-gates in the latter part of the Heian age in Japan (the latter half of the tenth century), was commonly used in and after the twelfth century. However, it must be noted that the design of the karahafu showed a considerable degree of originality on the part of Japanese architects. Otagi Matsuo ' ', "Maruko P5ro Gench6 taizai nenji ko 7 Vd _ -- d;A. A $4 (A study of the dating of Marco Polo's stay at the Yuan court)," Bunka(Culture), v. 15, no. 2, March, 1951, pp. 31-44. The studies by Mr. H. Yule on the "Book of Marco Polo" have been so valuable that his annotations have been regarded as authoritative for half a century. But a number of Yule's quotations from Chinese sources must be revised and corrected. For example, he gives the dates of Polo's coming to China and of his departure, as 1275A. D. and 1292A. D. However, a Chinese document contained in the Ching-shih ta-tien.- - A-4, which was compiled by the edict of Emperor Wn tsung t, of the Yuan dynasty, clearly gives the dates as 1274 A. D. and 1290 A. D. The Ching-shih ta-tien is quoted in the later Yung-lo ta-tien < a,A. Umehara Sueji '8 $,, "Ankan ry5 shutsudo no hariwan ni tsuite =ct?d A -~ A gu (I -,, xL (On the ancient cut-glass bowl found at the mausoleum of the Emperor Anhsien), " Shiseki tobijutsu (Historical memorials and fine arts), v. 21, no. 1, January, 1951, pp. 9-15. The location of the cut-glass bowl which had been kept in the Sairinji Temple in the province of Kawachi was newly affirmed last year. When this bowl, excavated in the Genroku period (1688-1703), was compared with one in the Shosoin, they were found to be identical both in size and in method of manufacture. Thus the author proposes that both bowls, which were produced somewhere in the Near East before the time of the Emperor Anhsien (or before the first half of the sixth century), were brought over the Ts'ung-ling mountains. One of them was buried in the mausoleum of the Emperor Anhsien. The other was sent to Japan and deposited in the ShSsSin. Wada Sei 4, Chugoku-shi gaisetsu 4 I( E (An outline history of China), 2nd ed., TSky6, Iwanami Shoten, 1951, 2 vols., xii+269 pp. This book outlines the history of the Far East with especial relation to China. It consists of an introduction, characterizing Chinese civilization, and four other chapters dealing with ancient, early mediaeval, late mediaeval, and modern times. An appendix contains material on the Republic of China. Some of the features of this book are the bibliographical list of selected references at the end of each chapter, the classified annotated list of about one hundred reference books and the chronological tables at the end of the book. The chronological tables are divided into three parts covering China, Asia and the rest of the world. They thus contain references to matters concerning not only China, but East Asia and related areas.

Page  109 LAW AND POLITICS Fukuda Taira 4W — +, "Kihan-teki sekinin-y6so toshiteno ih6sei no ishiki at it 4 *- - -4 Lk a, A-. o, -- (Consciousness of illegality as a 'normative' element of criminal responsibility), " K6be h6gaku zasshi (K6be law journal), v. 1, no. 1, March, 1951, pp. 146-167. Among the scholars who accept the idea of so-called "normative" responsibility, there is a serious dispute concerning the problem: Is the consciousness of illegality a "normative" element of criminal responsibility or a psychological one? It is this question, representing only one aspect of the entire problem of the consciousness of illegality, which this article aims to investigate. After an investigation into the development of the theory of "normative" responsibility with regard to the consciousness of illegality, the author concludes that the consciousness of illegality is not the element which constitutes the criminal intent as a psychological action, but rather a wesensmerkmal of responsibility. This is so, because the consciousness of illegality is a "normative" element of responsibility as distinguished from criminal intent or negligence. Oda Shigeru,J\ E ', "Dent6-teki kokusaih6 riron no honshitsu t, 1$* 4~ X o S (The real meaning of the traditional theory of international law)," Hogaku, (Journal of law and political science), v. 14, no. 4, October, 1950, pp. 456-498. "Sovereignty" was originally a concept relating to internal law. Although it had nothing to do with international relations, it was mistakenly introduced into the field of international law by a number of publicists, the most noteworthy of whom were the Positivists. This error has led us to the present useless confusion in international law. The theory of modern international law seems to have been derived from the idea of natural rights, that is, from the proposition that nation-states are inherently free and equal. To state the fundamental principle: restrictions cannot be imposed upon a nation-state against its will or without its consent, whatever "will" or "consent" may mean in the particular case. If nation-states are to be conceived of as "sovereign," this feature cannot be meant to include the abstract conception of "absoluteness. " Ozawa Fumio 4J\, "Beikoku-rempo gyoseich6 ni yoru jun-shiho tetsuzuki # JIi '^MfJ 1 A ^ - > i - at (Quasi-judicial proceedings of U. S. federal administrative agencies)," H6so jih6 (Journal of the lawyers'association), v. 3, no. 2, February, 1951, pp. 27-39. This book is published in order to introduce simply and clearly to Japan, which has adopted the continental judicial system, the quasi-judicial proceedings of U.S. federal administrative agencies. Therefore, the author tries to explain this system to Japanese lawyers in general by detailing its structure and functions from a practical rather than a scholarly point of view. 109

Page  110 110 Law and Politics Sugiyama Naojir5o i4 A AX B~2, Furansu hogen -':, 7 4,4 (Adages of French law), Toky6, Yfuhikaku, 1951, 94 pp. This is a translation of the "Adages de Droit Francais, " a supplement of the Vocabulaire Juridique issuedby Les Presses Universitaires de France under the supervision of the late Henri Capitant. The present text is from the only existing draft of the complete translation made by more than thirty members of the Japanese bar, all other drafts having been burned during the war. Since the study of law as "the natural voice of the people" has generally been neglected in the Oriental countries, this translation was selected to be the first volume in the series of comparative laws issued by the Japan Institute of Comparative Law. It is hoped that this work, whose authority is accepted throughout the world, will be a useful reference in promoting the study of the special origin of laws and will constitute a scholarly tie between France and Japan. Tabata Shigejir6o d *k, ~ [, "Kokuren ni okeru heiwa no mondai (I L ' X 3:ia f oA) (The problem of peace in the U. N.)," Riso (Thought), no. 214, February, 1951, pp. 19-26. In this treatise the author considers the various characteristics of the United Nations as an international organization of peace and tries to discover which of them should be stressed in the future. As long as the U. N., an organization to secure group safety, depends upon the military power of each nation, war is likely to follow its efforts to maintain peace through the operation of police powers. The author delivers this view in detail and at the same time emphasizes the necessity for the U. N. to elevate itself as a "world forum. " Takayanagi Shinz6o $p~ _, Meiji kazoku h6shi s ' 'aA it;. (Family law of the Meiji era), Toky6, Nippon Hy6ronsha, March, 1951, 107 pp. Family law in the Meiji era (1868-1912) was partly new law and partly the old customary law until the new civil code was enforced in 1898. The Meiji government included family law in the enactment of the civil code, but before that time urgent needs had to be met through temporary legislation. The marriage law and the parental law were inevitably influenced by foreign ideas. Consequently there were some laws with partly modern forms, while others continued to support feudal customs. In this intermixture of new and old ideas, the predominance was on the side of the old. Takikawa Yukitoki i j,]4, Keih6 k6wa # J (A lecture on criminal law), T6kyo, Nippon Hy6ronsha, 1951, 363 pp. This book was written for the public as a general history of the theories and principles of criminal law, rather than as a textbook. Special emphasis is given to Chapter Six, "Men and Theories of Criminal Law, "where theories are explained in their historical context. These include the classic school of C esare Beccaria and Tommaso Natale, the preventive school of Karl Grolman and Anselm Feuerbach, the positive school of Cesare Lombroso and Enrico Ferri, and the modern school of Franz Liszt.

Page  111 Law and Politics 111 Tanaka K6tar6 \37 41 J, "Sekai-ho to sekai-heiwa - A) A e —*r (World law and world peace), ' Hikaku-ho zasshi (Comparative law review), v. 1, no. 1, January, 1951, pp. 83-99. The problem of peace can be approached from various angles. The most essential and important is the legal approach, for peace means the rule of law. Ubi societas ibi ius means that the existence of a world society presupposes the existence of a world law. For the study of world law, the concept of law must be freed from the concepts of sovereignty and nation. One may construct a system of world law which includes not only the traditional branches, such as public international law, but also the unified laws among civilized nations and the laws on international organizations and world citizenship (especially fundamental human rights). As a metaphysical basis the idea of natural law is required. World peace is nothing but the rule of world law in world society. What Mr. Emery Reves argues in his famous work The Anatomy of Peace is first of all impractical, because he denies the meaning of the United Nations as a necessary step in attaining world peace. It is also illogical, because he does not indicate concretely the contents of a world law regulating world society. Toma Seita a t1 LJA, Kokka kenryoku no tanjo ) g i X B (Formation of state power), Tokyo, Nippon Hyoronsha, 1951, 194 pp. This book attempts to trace the course and explain the condition of the growth of national authority. The author investigates the history of human development from a primitive society, in which there was no such thing as national authority, to a class society in which national authority comes into being. At the same time he tries to explain the fact that a system of slavery always accompanies this development. The work is hence opposed to the custom of considering national authority or the slave system transcendentally. Since the author argues his point with reference to Japan, the last part of the book is a description of the ancient history of Japan, with the emphasis on national authority. Uchida Tomoo in) a? i f, "Chugoku n6son kazoku ni okeru bunke jiyu no ichikosatsu an I pt*H yf d Ad s' g ^.^4 ^ - A (A view of the reasons for branch families in the Chinese village)," D6shisha hogaku (The D6shisha law review), no. 8, March, 1951, pp. 17-37. This study presents in part the writer's investigation of rural customs in North China. It has been his main interest and concern to explain the occurrence of branch families (fen-chia &' * ), an institution which has become a central topic of discussion about the Chinese family system. Actually, the existence of branch families seems to deny the traditional Chinese belief that the ideal family is one in which kinsmen of five generations live together. To find the reason for this apparent contradiction between the ideal and the real the author of this study questioned a number of farmers. Their answers make it clear that inconsistencies within the family system of China have produced these branch families. Furthermore, although one family is broken up, at the same time several new ones are created. In view of the fact that the nature of the branch families contains both a negative factor and a positive one, their function is ultimately to give new life to the family system.

Page  112 ECONOMICS Aoyama Hideo - AXIA, Makkusu WebI no shakai riron X '? 7' rj 1;-a'<- - A SCO (The social theory of Max Weber), Toky6, Iwanami Shoten, 1950, 325 pp. The chief object of the author is to state the nature of Max Weber's social theoryand to present its general features. The study proceeds along three lines: methodology in social science, modernism and pre-modernism, politics and ethics. The author's efforts to set forth the substantial content of Weber's social theory lead to his emphasis on methodology. He provides, also, an exposition in some detail of Weber's studies of modern capitalism and of his examination of Chinese society. Baba Katsuz6o. ~., Genkashokyaku-ron A 1t4 `'Ap- (Theories of depreciation), Toky6, Chikura Shobo, 1951, 347 pp. The cost of depreciation as it is used in accounting includes a variety of items some of which cannot be regarded as costs in any ordinary sense of that term. The author looks upon the consumption or expiration of fixed capital as cost of depreciation in its fundamental sense. He analyzes the process in the practice and theory of accounting by which the term has been expanded to include miscellaneous items. In doing this he is in search of the essentials in the theory of accounting. The work is exceptional in dealing profoundly with the relation between economic and accounting theory, and it is noteworthy for this reason. Fujimoto Kotar6o i" 4l A N, Kaijo-hoken f-. a f (The principles of marine insurance), Toky6, Chikura Shob6, January, 1951, 308 pp. The present treatise attempts to explain the principles of marine insurance. When marine insurance was introduced into Japan in the 1870's, its principles andpractice were taken chiefly from English law and customs. Accordingly the author begins with a description of English marine insurance law and customs and then goes on to German, French, and Japanese law and usage. The second part of the work deals with fundamental principles of marine insurance, including chapters on subjects of insurance, claims, classification of indemnity and kinds of policies. The appendix contains lists of general clauses for ships and for cargo, as well as a statement of the English policies of marine insurance used in Japan. Horie Yasuz6 o:4, ^^, "Meiji k6ki no n6son keizai if 9,J $ - )$ it (Rural economy in the latter half of the Meiji era)," Keizai rons6 (The economic review), v. 67, no. 2, January, 1951, pp. 18-38. From the time of the Sino-Japanese war, the agriculture of Japan developed with the general advance of the capitalist economy. Agriculture did not, however, keep pace with commercial and industrial development. The result was that the increased rate of taxation, the price differentials between agricultural and industrial products and the urbanization of rural life constituted a heavy economic burden on the farmer which meant unfavorable financial developments for tenants, self-employed farmers and landowners. No counter-measure worth citing was takenbythe time of World War I. 112

Page  113 Economics 113 Kagoyama Takashi X A I, "Shitsugy6 senzaika no katei '% 3fitt "i&I. (Process of unemployment absorption)," R6odmondai kenkyu, no. 48, January —February, 1951, pp. 13-19. The possibility of bringing about concealed or latent unemployment for those who are thrown out of work in factories is said to depend upon three factors: the structure of the family, the availability of arable land, and relationships with friends and relatives. These three factors determine how far the income of those thrown out of work is made up to them and how far a new family life may be constructed. The category or degree of latent unemployment is thus determined. The writer has reached these conclusions by means of research into the actual situation of those who have returned to the country from the factory. Kajinishi Mitsuhaya:4 J, Kat6 Toshihiko;#z i4k-, Oshima Kiyoshi A 9 if, and Ouchi Tsutomu k ikj, Nihon ni okeru shihonshugi no hattatsu e ' - \ 3 ' o. A k it-& (The development of capitalism in Japan), T6kyo, Tky5 Daigaku Shuppambu, 1951, 2 v. The two volumes of this work deal with the development of capitalism in Japan to about 1950. An unusual feature is the great emphasis upon the recent years, that is, upon the period since World War I. In fact, the years to the Russo-Japanese war are covered in the introduction. This treatment gives an important place to the imperialistic expansion of Japan and to the invasion of Manchuria. Each of the four authors concentrates upon his own special field. In general the account presents the backwardness of Japanese capitalism and the contradictions which are believed to characterize it. Kubota Akiteru A\3 uj, "Keizai-teki k6sei no ippanj6ken ni kansuru k6satsu,~% 4 - 4 H -a.,s-~i 4 3 A J (General conditions for economic welfare)," Waseda seiji keizaigaku zasshi (The Waseda journal of political science and economics), no. 108, February, 1951, pp. 1-20. The author begins with a brief statement that the new welfare economics emphasizes the so-called welfare economics of production which accepts the proposition that it is not valid to make interpersonal comparisons of utility. He proceeds to state the marginal conditions of the maximization of economic welfare in accordance with the theories of the new welfare economics. After stating and criticizing various limiting conditions, with particular reference to the welfare system of Pareto, he undertakes to formulate the general conditions of an optimum organization of the economic system. Kusui Ryuz6 Aid % it, "Keizai-kachi no honshitsu to k6ozo AT -t 1 1t a 4 i 4_ (The nature and composition of economic value), " Keizaigaku ronky (Journal of economics of Kansai Gakuin University), v. 4, no. 4, March, 1951, 32 pp. Economic value is a concept which is the result of abstraction and analysis applied to economic phenomena until ultimate elements are revealed. The concept of economic value reflects the significance of an economic entity in its relation to the whole process of social and material reproduction. The author believes that economic value, so interpreted, may be applied to all types of economic systems, whether capitalist or socialist.

Page  114 114 Economics The essence of economic value lies in utility and in recompensability, the former being reduced to human desire and the attributes of the economic entity, the latter to scarcity and sacrifice. These features may in their turn be broken down into numerous constituent parts, each of which may be further subdivided, and so on. The author believes that this pyramid-like structure of the concept of value is similar to the structure of matter. Matter is made up of molecules which in turn are compounds of atoms. The atoms may be further subdivided into more elementary particles and so on. There is, thus, a certain fundamental analogy between the structure of economic value and that of matter. The author has reached this conclusion by making use of the methodology of atomic and nuclear physics. He believes thatby this approach we can avoid the faults and narrow limitations of the various prevailing theories of economic value and offer a more positive and constructive alternative. (Cf. Kachi-ron ft 1g y [The theory of value] by the same author, 1940. ) Matsui Kiyoshi ~ ' 4, Nihon B6ekiron 1 ~4 4 (Studies of Japan's foreign trade, 1868-1949), Ky6to, Yuhikaku, January, 1951, 254 pp. In this book the author tries to present the facts concerning Japanese foreign trade in each stage of the development of capitalism from 1868 to 1949. The transplanting of modern methods of production which commenced with the foundation of the Meiji government in 1868 began to bear fruit gradually in the 1880's and 90's. Thus began the history of capitalism in Japan. In Japan, however, capitalism depended far more on foreign trade than was the case in many other countries. This characteristic still remains, even since the end of World War II. There have been many excellent studies of the development of capitalism in Japan, but very few studies of Japanese foreign trade. The few which exist tend to deal only with foreign trade statistics. This book is unusual in its attempt to explain Japan's foreign trade in relation to the development of capitalism in Japan. Miyata Kiyoz6 ' I T-~i 4-, "Sens6 infureshon no rekishi 4 > 7 v -- > - ) 7 (Three periods and three types of inflation from 1914 to 1923)," International Economic Review, Annual Report 1, K6be University, March, 1951, pp. 121-149. Three periods are considered: inflation during World War I and inflation immediately after that war. A third period covers monetary experience since 1920. This third period is presented under three kinds of experience involving different countries. The United States, England and Japan experienced deflation after 1920. The effort was made to return to the gold standard at the old parity. These countries all carried out early devaluation during the world depression. France, Italy and Belgium experienced inflation. They undertook to return to gold at a new par, resorting to devaluation at a later time. Germany and Russia experienced hyper-inflation. Devaluation involved the introduction of new monetary units. There was no devaluation during the world depression.

Page  115 SOCIAL RELATIONS Aoyama Hideo -l A '- 3, Makkusu Ueba (Max Weber), Toky6, Iwanami Shoten, January, 1951, 255 pp. This book attempts to interpret the work and personality of Max Weber as a representative social scientist of our age. The author describes Weber's views on Christianity, the Puritans, Anglo-Saxon society and commercial civilization, and goes on to explain Weber's problems and conclusions about the establishment of modern rationalism. The book stresses the belief that Weber's ethics and social theoryare permeated by the Christian view of "original sin." Ikuta Masaki i iF 1 f and Yoneyama Keiz6o *. 1 *-, "Kojo ni okeru shokuch6 no chosa I. {-. 4 t - t 3 4A e (A study of the foreman in industry), " H6gaku kenkyu (Journal of law and politics), v. 24, no. 2-3, March, 1951, pp. 1-25. It is admittedly difficult to define the jobs or responsibilities of a foreman in a factory organization. As a result of field work in twenty-three factories the authors have found that it is more rewarding to define the social status or role of the foreman first in the informal organization of the factory. In their conceptual scheme of this social situation, the foreman is stratified between the manager and the workmen. They have also worked out the hypothesis, based on a historical study of the management of factories in Japan, that the more rationalized or mechanized the industry is, the nearer the status of the foreman approaches that of workmen; otherwise it tends to resemble that of the manager. In order to prove these hypotheses they are now undertaking the preparation of an index of the conceptual scheme and an extensive survey of examples from large, middle-sized and small factories in Japan. Imura Tsunero 4 iw 0, Kat6 Masaaki v 4X ~1 and Minami Hiroshi +, Ijo shinri gaku 4. ' (Abnormal psychology), Tokyo, Sekaisha, March, 1951, 238 pp. In the first part of this book the authors examine frustration and conflict as causes of abnormal behavior and inquire into the phenomenon of anxiety caused by a state of insecurity. Next they deal with the defense mechanism which maintains psychological stability despite conditions which favor abnormal behavior. In the second part various forms of abnormal behavior are analyzed, and the anxiety, neurasthenic, hysterical, compulsive, depressive, paranoia and schizophrenetic states are explained by reference to clinical cases. Indo Tar6 p k./p, Hidano Tadashi fTT and Makita Minoru tXI, Shinrigakuteki sokutei: t6kei, chosa, tesuto,^ h J - -.- - ({Psychological measurement: statistics, surveys and tests), Tokyo, Kaneko shobo, January, 1951. In this book the authors have tried to make available methods of modern mathematical statistics for psychologists. The book is divided into three parts: (1) statistical analysis in psychological research and especially in experimental study in the labor115

Page  116 116 Social Relations atory; (2) measurement in social psychology; (3) measurement and evaluation in educational psychology. All through the book, methods of correlational analysis, of statistical inference, of statistical tests, of sampling and of test construction are explained in such a way that they can be understood, at least in their logic if not in their detailed technical aspects, by persons who are not necessarily skillful at mathematics. Many numerical examples are illustrated with actual data collected from various fields of psychological study. Several attempts are made to adapt methods developed in sciences other than psychology to the peculiarities of psychological research. Kitamura Toshio H-J$ vex, Nippon kangai suiri kank6 no shiteki kenkyu, soron-hen E]/; 7I4<.- JW ~ ~ t ^ ', m, A am (Historical study of the traditional irrigation system in Japan: Introduction), T6ky6, Iwanami shoten, January, 1951, 503 pp. This is a study of irrigation, one of the most characteristic and important features of Asiatic paddy-field agriculture. The study focuses on irrigation customs and the traditional system of irrigation control in Japan and makes use of documentary research as well as of comprehensive case studies, collected for many years through actual surveys. The author starts with the present condition of irrigation in Japan and working backward in history traces the growth of irrigation associations, the distribution of irrigation, methods of sustaining irrigation expense, and the building of irrigation facilities. Much of the work is devoted to irrigation disputes and local differences in irrigation problems, which are analysed from the political, social, and economical viewpoints. Komatsu Kentar6o,le St Af.p, "Shakai-teki sonzai to shfuky6 keitai 4 i b B E t i4. -ff, (Social existence and forms of religion), " Japanese sociological review, no. 3 —4, November, 1950 —January, 1951. To Max Weber, the concept of the Calvinistic vocational stoicism is the necessary premise for the formation of modern capitalism in Western Europe, but to the author such stoicism is the reflection of the economic life of the newly-risen middle class at the time of Calvin. In other words, the middle class, competing with the privileged class of the feudalistic aristocrats and priests, emphasized diligence and economy in order to accumulate capital in the form of movable goods instead of land. Kotake Yash6o i A i, "Ningen ni okeru j6ken-hansha no shinri-seirigaku-teki kenkyu,A. MI l- A t, 4.. l< At ' At f,<~ Z- n " (A psycho-physiological approach to the conditioned reflex in human subjects), "Shinrigaku kenkyi (Japanese journal of psychology), v. 21, no. 1, 1951, pp. 1-17. This is the first paper written in Japan concerning classical Pavlovian conditioning in human subjects. The experimental investigations are divided into three parts. In Part I the author studies the conditioned salivary reflex in man. (The establishment, generalization, and differentiation of the conditioned salivary reflex in man are treated by the author in his paper, "Ten years of Research on the Conditioned Response in Human Subjects," Study of the brain, v. 6, 1950.) In Part II the author presents a new method of acute establishment of conditioned reflex in man, employing the technique of the galvanic sk in Part Im he studies the voluntary control of the conditioned salivary reflex in man, taking into consideration the studies of Hudgins.

Page  117 Social Relations 117 Nakajima Ken'ichi j% ^-, "Shizen to seibutsu shakai 1 t; i A ~ (Nature and the biotic community)," Shinchiri (The new geography), v. 5, no. 1, January, 1951, pp. 9-22. Ecology in the past offered a comprehensive explanation of only the biotic community. It remained within the scope of the natural sciences, and accordingly it had no direct connection with human geography. In this treatise the author tries to create a synthesis from the standpoint of social science, human geography, and ecology with special reference to agricultural biology and the processes of agricultural production. Odaka Kunio, P- tp, "Ningen kankei to rodo no seisan-sei A Pe,1| 4t;\ L 1- iN <: J~ tLt (Human relations and labor productivity), " Keiei hyoron (Business review), v. 6, nos. 1, 4, 6, 1951. The author explains the development of principles of personnel administration for creating and maintaining maximum satisfaction and spontaneous cooperation among industrial personnel. He also traces the growth of industrial sociology in connection with the development of these principles and gives various characteristics of the "human relations approach" as the basic framework for analyzing industrial relations. The author also describes the possible application in Japan of the research techniques of industrial sociology developed in the United States. Ohara Keiji 4JII '-:k, "RankashI momen-kogy6 no hatten to sono rekishi chiri tekijoken i -,4 >t) I t ht^ ) 9 {it kg M t t We fits (Development of the Lancashire cotton industry: An essay in historical geography)," Shakai keizai shigaku (The quarterly journal of the socio-economic society), v. 16, no. 4, November, 1950, pp. 1-14, v. 17, no. 1, April, 1951, pp. 24-38. The author criticizes the traditional opinions on this problem. Some have attributed the development and concentration of the cotton industry in Lancashire to local geographical conditions, such as climate, location of water, coal, etc. But, in the author's opinion, such natural conditions are not causa prima of industrial development. Rather, the progress of industry and technology has made such geographical factors sometimes significant and sometimes insignificant. When and under what conditions do geographical factors actually became significant? Have they at present any significance in relation to the cotton industry of Lancashire? The main object of this article is to explain such problems through reexamination of historical, geographical and economic studies of past writers. Takamura Shohei, - * f+ et al., "Hir- mura no kyodo-kenkyii - fT '" (Cooperative study of Hiro village in the Kanto district), " Mitagakkai zasshi (Mita journal of economics), v. 44, no. 2, February, 1951, pp. 1-74. This work is the outcome of a cooperative study by ten research workers from the economics faculty of Kei6 University. It concerns the structure of the agricultural villages in this district during the Edo period, as seen in documents preserved by the Tanakas, descendants of a wealthy former landowner of Hiro village, Katsushika province, Saitama prefecture. The study consists of the following four parts: (1)An introduction to the cooperative study of Hir6 village, by S. Takamura; (2) A history of Hir6 village, by K. Hattori; (3) A description of embanking and draining at and near Hiro village, by T. Shimazaki and H. Kanamaru; and (4) A study of land problems of Hir6 village, by J. Uji and H. Shimbo. The central topic in the latter is the jimori system }]J as a special land system.

Page  118 118 Social Relations Tamaoka Shinobu. ~i, Ongaku shinrigaku,, PRj m3 (Psychology of music), Tokyo, Kaneko Shob6, March, 1951, 311 pp. This book is written to clarify the position of the psychology of music in the field of general psychology, and especially its place in the psychology of art. It goes on to define from the point of view of psychology the materials, forms, images, feelings, etc. of music. From the standpoint of social science the author inquires into "music as a cultural phenomenon. " This work is based on experimental research in musical talent and powers of appreciation found in about three thousand school children and youths. Examinations of the factors of talent, both general and specialized, were made by means of factor-analysis. Experiments were also conducted in order to study the classification of the factors of musical talent, such as heredity and environment, and to examine standards of development of musical talent and ability in appreciation among Japanese school-children and youths. Other tests involved the Seashore test and the sense of absolute tone. Finally a study was made of the psychology of musical education, including curriculum, methodology, etc. Toyo Keizai Shimp6sha, 3,X 4 tfk (The Oriental economist), Nihon keizai nempo X A.d.~ (Yearbook of Japanese economy), Toyo Keizai Shimp6sha, March, 1951, 320 pp. First published in 1930, this quarterly survey has been in continuous publication up to the present except for a short period during World War II. It attempts an objective and unbiased presentationof vital Japanese and international economic and political developments on the basis of comprehensive data collected by selected members of the staff of the Toy5 keizai shimpo. The seventieth issue gives special emphasis to the guiding ideals and fundamental principles governing Japan's economic independence. The chronological list of major economic and political events, as well as the key statistical data at the end of the present number provide indispensable reference material for those following the kaleidoscopic transitions in this field. Yamamoto Noboru 1- A "Tsiukon kankei yori mitaru sanson-kyodotai no fusa-sei to t6 -shitsu-sei i t )3 l to 3 A:- lt 15, ~, ' ' ~ X (Isolation and equality in a rural community as shown in its inter-marriage relationships)," Shakaigaku hyoron (Japanese sociological review), v. 1, no. 3, November, 1950, pp. 123-151. This study attempts to measure the degree of isolation and class stratification of a certain rural community (Nakaminami, Hanazono Village, Wakayama Prefecture) through a study of inter-marriage relationships. Since 1875, 14. 5 per cent of the women's marriages were with men in other communities; 66. 7 per cent were with men in their own community. An index derived from scores in seven categories (lineage, political leadership, form of occupation, wealth, size of residence, status within the community [buraku], and status within the village [mura]) gave a figure of 0. 121 for inter-marriage between strata.

Page  119 LITERATURE Hamada Atsushi I X t "Nihon kigo kaidoku shian P.`v 4, i (An interpretation of Nihon kigo — Chinese and Japanese vocabulary of the sixteenth century), " Jimbun kenkyu (Studies in the humanities), v. 2, no. 1, January, 1951, 41 pp. This treatise represents the author's attempt to decipher about 360 Japanese words (which are transcribed according to the sound of Chinese characters), collected in the second year of Kasei (A. D. 1523) by a Chinese called Shesshun (rt1{ HsUeh ChUn) who was born in Ting-hai, China. The successful deciphering of this material will greatly help the reconstruction of Japanese and Chinese of that time. Hayashiya Tatsusaburo 4-4. A - p, "Tenkan-ki ni okeru bungei no ichiy6shiki: kinseitoshi no seicho to kiroku bungaku,* l= ' It? X $ - - it - P * a A -i -, e XI - (A form of literature in the age of transition -- the growth of modern Japanese cities and of documentary literature), " Ritsumeikan bungaku (The Ritsumeikan literature review), no. 77, February, 1951, pp. 1-17. The growth of feudal cities in the transition period between mediaeval and modern times in Japan, as well as the people's interest in urban life produced a unique form of literature, i. e., records of experiences in cities. The remarkable development of cities and city life eventually brought forth Saikaku, the greatest author of modern literature. Describing the above process, the author asserts that "documentary literature"is the basic form of literature in the transition period. Izui Hisanosuke, # Rh^., "Nippongo no keito ni tsuite 8 *-~ I ^, (-. ' t (On the pedigree of the Japanese language), " Kokugogaku (Studies in the Japanese language), v. 5, February, 1951, pp. 1-8. Since ancient times, the Japanese language has included various elements which had to be fused together into one language. The purpose of this study is to seek for this fusing force. A language is generally made up of materials from many sources, but its principle stock is one. In prehistoric days, some of the elements which constituted the Japanese language were derived from Malay-Polynesian words and others from words which can not be traced back today. However, the stock which was to draw these diverse elements together into a definite "Japanese language" was of Ural-Altaic origin. The stock, which was to develop later into the Japanese language, was undoubtedly an early offshoot of this common language stock, forming a so-called marginal language. In this connection, there are some remarkable characteristics common to the Finno-Ugric and the Japanese languages. 119

Page  120 120 Literature - Kamimura Kiyonobu.J-A $, Doitsu-bungaku to T ry5: I "/ t ' f 34 (German literature and the Orient), Toky6, Ikubund6, 1951, 780 pp. This book is an attempt to examine the influence of the Orient on German literature. The Orient may be divided into several areas according to the civilization which is traditional in each. Among these, Chinese civilization first stimulated interest because its spirit coincided with the rationalistic tendency of the three centuries of the modern age in Europe. During this time many literary works in Germany showed the influence of the teaching of Confucius. The next period in Europe's intellectual development from about 1800 to 1850, was an age of reaction to rationalism. In place of Confucianism, the mysticism of India and Western Asia, representing a transcendental view of life, was found congenial. In the last period, from the last part of the nineteenth century until the present, the newly discovered Japanese arts and Chinese poetry have had a significant influence upon the style and form of European literature. Many works based upon Indian philosophy and Taoism have also appeared. Thus, with the passage of time, Oriental culture has been more and more highly valued among Western peoples. Kazamaki Keijiro J4e,$ sap, "Genii Monogatari no seiritsu ni kansuru shiron i) A,4^ ^ 4 A _ t <f 3,, (On the history of the composition of the Tale of Genji)," Bungaku (Literature), v. 19, no. 1, January, 1951, pp. 38-50. The composition of the Tale of Genji seems to have a complicated history which, though not yet clear, is fairly different from that of present-day novel writing. Many contradictions in the novel prove this point. The author points out the fact that the ages of the principal characters in the story are contradictory. By studying the reason for this discrepancy he tries to explore the history of the composition. Kokuritsu Kokugo |Kenkyujo|A A i- $A W ffL P (National Language Research Institute), Gendaigo no joshi to jod6shi: y6h6 to jitsurei 0J,, ' 4-,P - tp -,- 14 -(Particles and auxiliary verbs in modern Japanese: uses and examples), Tokyo, Kokuritsu Kokugo Kenkyujo, 1951, 302 pp. In the Japanese language, when words are arranged to form a sentence, particles (joshi) and auxiliary verbs (jodoshi) play so important a role that they may be said to be the framework of the sentence. The meaning of joshi and jodpshi and their actual uses have not been clarified up to the present. Most of the granfnars and dictionaries have given only vague or fragmentary information on these matters. This book minutely classifies the meanings and usages of joshi and jodoshi based upon 48, 000 current examples quoted from newspapers and magazines published from 1949-50. All of these words are accompanied by actual examples of usage and are arranged in a dictionary form. Kono Tama,f t) 4j, "Kanjo ni motozuku Utsubo monogatari dempon no kenkyIu H '4-;, < -;., t^.i 4 <7j ot a (A study of transmission of the texts of the Utsubo monogataribasedupon the order of the volumes), " Bungaku (Literature), v. 19, no. 1, January, 1951, pp. 9-28. The Utsubo monogatari (The tale of hollow tree) may be called the greatest early Japanese novel next to the Tale of Genji. It is believed to mark an important step toward the final culmination of the Japanese novel reached by the latter work. Un

Page  121 Literature 121 fortunately the Utsubo monogatari exhibits confusions in the text as well as in the order of the volumes, as can be seen in the varying forms of existing manuscripts. The author of this paper has tried a scientific classification of the divergent order of the volumes with reference to incongruities between the titles and contents of the texts. By comparing more than thirty copies, collated editions and catalogues, she has been able to point out several causes of the confusion — for example, an arbitrary transposition of titles in a copy presumably anterior to the Empo (1673-1680) edition — which might aid further attempts to produce an authoritative text. Masuda Katsumi a i 4J, "Sanjoke kyfi-zobon Murasaki Shikibu shfi ni kansuru h6koku _', I f 74 - t - 2 (A report on the collection of Murasaki Shikibu's poems formerly in the possession of the Sanj6 family), t Nihon bungakushi kenkyui (Studies of the history of Japanese literature), v. 9, January, 1951, pp. 27-36. The collected poems of Murasaki Shikibu (the author of the Tale of Genji) exist in several editions. An especially important one (at present owned by the Ise Shrine) was formerly in the possession of the Sanj5 family. From the colophon of this text we know that it has come down from an unknown manuscript copied by the famous poet, Fujiwara Teika (1162-1241). This copy is probably the oldest of the known texts. Murayama Shichir6o 1 Ab 4 p, "Kittanji kaidoku no hoho6 4 - 4 4 f i X (The method of deciphering Ch'i-tan script), " Gengo kenkyu (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan), no. 17-18, March, 1951, pp. 47-70. The Ch'i-tan scripts are preserved in four incriptions, dedicated to emperors and empresses of the Ch'i-tan. Corresponding Chinese versions accompany two of them. By comparing these versions we can decipher the meaning of some Ch'i-tan words. From linguistic materials in the Liao shih (History of Liao) and the Ch'i-tan kuoshih (Ch'i-tan gazetteer), Dr. Shiratori's theory that the Ch'i-tan language is a branch of the Mongolian language appears highly probable. Working from this supposition the author has conjectured the pronunciation of some Ch'i-tan words. The History of Liao tells us that the small script of Ch'i-tan is based on the script of Ugric. However, the author believes that this script is not Ugric but rather the so-called Turkish rune script. Comparing Ch'i-tan scripts, the pronunciation of which has been conjectured, with the runes, the author has found out that they are compounded from Turkish runes. Nakamura Shinichiro M;+j-.p, Gendai-bungaku nyumon arui wa nijusseiki sh6setsu no kadai A., /5 I,, A, l t:,%.,, <, to (Introduction to contemporary literature: problems of the twentieth century novelY, T6ky6, Todai Shuppambu, 1951, 234 pp. The author tries to discover certain common characteristics among some one hundred modern novels of various countries and to analyze them in reference to the "objective realism" of nineteenth century novels. The following specific aspects are studied:

Page  122 122 Literature (1) Reality: The novels after Dostoievski have pursued reality which is different from naturalism. "La realite interieure" and "La realite spirituelle" of Duhamel, Woolf, Mauriac, Faulkner, etc. (2) Time: The method of "A la Recherche du Temps Perdu" and Eyeless in Gaza. (3) Sensation: Proust-Romains and HuxleyLawrence. (4) Relation between the dream and the stillness of the soul: Julien Green. (5) The separation of the reality from the ego or moi: Montherlant and Grahame Greene. (6) Escape: Giraudoux, David Garnett, Drieu la Rochelle, Stefan Zweig, Kafka. Rai Tsutomu ti #, "Kan-on no sh6my6 to sono seich6o am T~ t ~ e t A (Sutra reading in kan-on and tone accents), " Gengo kenkyu (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan), v. 17, no. 18, March, 1951, pp. 1-46. The author has studied the traditional pronunciation used in reading sutras preserved in Japanese Buddhist temples, with the purpose of discovering the nature of the tone accent of the kan-on (one of the several ways of pronouncing Chinese characters in Japan). As a result he has established the existence of at least the following tones: in-p'ing (a high falling tone), yan-p'ing (a low falling tone), in-shang (a loose rising tone), ch'u (a sharp rising tone), y-j (a high tone) and yang-ju a low tone). Sugiura Shoichiro ) -j6 i:, Oku no hosomichi no seisakukatei ni tsuite wl-c ^t J ae Af [- 4 X (On the history of the composition of the Oku no hosomichi)," Gobun (Language and literature), no. 2, March, 1951, 21 pp. The author has discovered and published a version of the Oku no hosomichi (Narrow path to the Northern Provinces) which was copied by Sora, a disciple of Bash6 who accompanied him on the journey which inspired the work. This copy has been kept for a long time at Suwa in Shinshui (Nagano prefecture), together with Sora's famous Oku no hosomichi zuik6 nikki (Diary of attendance on the travels of Oku no hosomicLhi which is in Sora's own handwriting. The author presents the above early manuscript of the Oku no hosomichi along with the final edition, so as to bring to light passages retouched by Bash6 and to discover the secret of the history of the composition of the final edition. With this purpose in mind the author gives with minute care the source, reliability and variants of different passages and proposes numerous conjectures and emendations. Takeda Soshun A g, "Taketori monogatari no seiritsu-nendai narabini sakusha ni tsuite. *, +^ A- (.4- (1A.: t? I I (On the date of the composition and the author of Taketori monogatari), " Kokugo to kokubungaku (Japanese language and literature), no. 321, January, 1951, pp. 12-30. It has long been thought that the Taketori monogatari (The tale of the bamboo hewer) was written in the latter part of the ninth century by an unknown author. However, after studying the style of thethirty-one-syllable poems in the story, their phraseology, and the verbs with the kan-on pronunciation used in the descriptive parts of this book and after comparing these with examples from other literature of about the same period, the author thinks that the story was written in the middle of the tenth century. If this is true, the old tradition that Genjun V ulj is the author of both the Taketori monogatari and the Utsubo monogatari, (The tale of the hollow tree) may very well be right.

Page  123 Literature 123 Tokieda Motoki it.; 4, "Kanji-seisaku-jo no sho-mondai )a 1 AJ Ai '4 J 4 f?4 (Problem of policy in the use of Chinese characters in Japan, T Kokugo to kokubungaku (Japanese language and literature), v. 28, no. 1, January, 1951, pp. T1-6. The author points out that it is meaningless to attempt the rationalization of the use of Chinese characters by merely adopting a limited list of Chinese characters, as has been done since the Meiji period. Instead he emphasizes the necessity of distinguishing important Chinese characters from unimportant ones in relation to their connection with the social life, and of compiling a dictionary in which one can find suitable substitute characters and substitute words so that writers may be able to eliminate difficult characters. Yamamoto Tadao iA4, 4t, Dikkenzu no Eigo no seich6 to taikei f'j f; > ~ y -~ L 4kx H\ (Growth and structure of the language of Dickens), Ky6to, English Learned Society in Kansai University, 1951, 508 pp. In addition to the existing analytical studies of English grammar, we need more comprehensive studies of English as an organic whole. From this point of view the present writer has tried to describe the living history of English as observed in the works of Dickens. The study is intended to be an introduction to A Dickens Lexicon upon which he has been working for some years. This work is divided into two parts: the first deals with the growth of Dickens' language, and the second treats of its structure and the method of interpreting its component parts. The writer has accordingly observed the facts of English in everyday life and attempted to ascertain how they have come into existence, how they grow and how they work from age to age and under various circumstances -- in a word, to "realize" English. For this purpose Dickens, not only as a great novelist but as a keen observer of language, supplies most copious materials.

Page  124 PHILOSOPHY Itano Chohachi f3,, Chugoku kodai no teio shis6 — Tokuni Kampi no kunshuron, + 1S *S as < i 3~ g.| it i_ $'& i. as - y m (The concept of the king in ancient China - Especially that of Han Fei Tzu), Nippon Hyoronsha, Tokyo, 1951, 102 pp. The monarch introduced by Han Fei Tzu was an infinite ruler who had mastered the tao of administration. Therefore, no independence or morality was recognized of any man under the monarch. This seems to reflect the status of the monarch of the Ch'in and Han dynasties, whose power rested on the bureaucratic Chun-hsien system. It was this bureaucratic absolutism which superseded the Feng-chien or feudal system of the Chou period. Under the Chou, the independence of the Taifu gave support to a decentralization of political allegiance and a more liberal morality exemplified by the Confucianists. The author reviewed the thought and social context of Confucius, Motzu, Mencius, Lao Tzu, Hsun Tzu as well as Han Fei Tzu. Kato Joken ht j4 t, Chugoku genshi-kannen no hattatsu + r, 7 Q, e i (The development of primitive thought in China), Seiryusha, Tokyo, 1951, 208 pp. In ancient times in China such matters as morals, law, religion, politics and military affairs were referred to by the general term of Li. In the study of Li, past scholars have accepted the classical interpretation of its origin, entirely ignoring the historical development of Chinese culture. In this book the author rejects such unscholarly methods and looks for the true origin of Li. He uses the historical interpretations of later periods but at the same time frees himself from their restrictions by placing them in historical context. He concludes that Li must be thought of as the primitive idea of "tabu mana." He goes on to describe this concept as it developed historically in later periods. Kawada Kumatar5o 'l1 -to f.- ~,"Jisho to jiko ninshiki, hikakutetsugaku no hitotsu no kokoromi, k ~ z. j j ^ _ S. -A, ~ v (Knowledge by oneself and self-knowledge, - a study in comparative philosophy.), " Tetsugaku zasshi (Journal of philosophy), Vol. 66, No. 709, (special number on the Indian Philosophy, March 1951), pp. 39-57. "Knowledge by oneself" (svayamabhisambodhanata) is a fundamental concept of Buddhist philosophy, as "self-knowledge"(cognitio sui ipsius) is of European philosophy. The former is based on the idea that a human being knows radical and impersonal truth (pratityasamutpada, the causal connection) by his own intellect (prajna); and the latter on the concept that reason (intellectus), which is the ultimate and personal principle, knows itself. The one philosophy was begun by Gotama;| the other is associated with Aristotle. In spite of such fundamental differences between; the two concepts of self, Japanese writers have unfortunately syncretised the two through the medium of the ambiguous term jikaku. This term is nowadays wrongly identified with cognitio sui ipsius. Actually the term jikaku is an exact and correct Chinese translation of svayamabhisambodhanata. Comparative philosophy, which has made great strides since the nineteenth century, can resolve this confusion. 124

Page  125 Philosophy 125 Miyamoto Sh6son '/,iEI t, "Gedatsu to Nehan, - tokuni kindaisekai gakusha no nehan kenkyu, A. t ~ _,_.,.M e A (On moksa and Nirvana, - with special reference to studies on Nirvana by modern scholars)," Tetsugaku zasshi, (Journal of Philosophy), Vol. 66, No. 709, March, 1951,pp. 2-24. The Indian term moksa is generally equated to such concepts as Erlosung, freedom, liberty, emancipation, deliverance, and salvation by modern European and American scholars. This fact is evidence that the Aryans who conquered India were a free people. Buddhism fostered this Aryan moksa, free thought, but combined it with the non-Aryan principle of Nirvana. The Buddhist concept was translated into Chinese as gedatsu $ fL. But modern Japanese nationalism abandoned this term and used jiy" - N for freedom and liberty. The original meaning of ji is "independence." Modern Chinese followed the Japanese. Mombusho Shuimuka (Ministry of Education, Religious Affairs Section), Shikyo nempo '^ + f- (Religious year book), Bunkyo-iKyokai, March, 1951, 778 pp. The materials for the book were taken principally from reports, publications, and answers to questionnaires sent in directly from each of the denominations, sects and associations. The first part presents a survey of religious activities for the previous year. The second part deals with the present state of Shint6ism, Buddhism, Christianity and other forms of religion. The third part explains in detail the important problems and activities of the various religious groups, while the fourth part gives statistics and data pertaining to religions in Japan. Nakamura Hajime i.i," Indo-ky6 to sezokunaiteki-rinri- Madhva to Vallabha, \ - ' A4 t it: 4 — 'j ~q A e, (Hinduism and its worldly ethics: Madhva and Vallabha)," Tetsugaku zasshi, ( Journal of philosophy, Vol. 66, No. 709, (special number on the Indian philosophy, March, 1951.) pp. 100-115. Max Weber has recognized the Madhva sect as the sole religion in India which does not neglect the significance of worldly (innerweltlich) activities. According to Weber, the spirit of modern capitalism originates in Christian ethics, and it is certain that the Madhva sect includes some religious ideas similar to those of Christianity. However, in actual practice, we cannot see much concern with temporal activities in the Madhva sect. In most ways this religious group is indistinguishable from other religious sects in India. In India, it would seem that there developed no substantial relationship between the theistic outlook on life and worldly activities. It is, of course, possible to discern some concern with this world in Mahlyana Buddhism. Furthermore the Vallabha sect, which urged its priests to marry, was supported by the merchant caste because of its worldly religious practice. However, the life of such priests was nothing but the pursuit of epicureanism. We cannot assert that either the Madhva or Vallabha sects developed a modern rational approach to economic activities. And hence, it was not until the emergence of Ramananda that a truly modern religious movement began to make its way in India. Shigezawa Toshio *,{j /1, " Shina-shis5 ni okeru jijii to hitsuzen, it ^ a' (T lb ~ eL ~ -<~ (Freedom and necessity in Chinese thought),"Tetsugaku kenkyu, (The [journal of philosophical studies), Vol. XXXV, No. 1, 1951, January, pp. 1-19.

Page  126 126 Philosophy Did the Chinese consider the various states of human life to have been imposed upon us by necessity or to have been dependent upon our free choice? The concept of "T'ien" in Confucianism, the fundamental ideas of Taoism, the doctrine of predestination found in Shen-Hsien theory, etc., all seem at first sight to imply a deterministic concept. This however does not mean that human liberty is minimized in Chinese thought. The Chinese believed that obedience to "necessity" was the way to attain genuine freedom. Tanabe Hajime W fitL, Valery no geijutsu tetsugaku Xf p v -j " #T,(Paul Valery's philosophy of art), Chikuma Shob6, March, 1951, 248 pp. Valery's thoughts on art may be divided into two periods. His early ideas are based on a rationalistic assumption of harmony, that the act of artistic; creation can be! defined by means of mathematical analysis. Reminded of the impossibility of such harmony, because of the contradiction involved in life and art, he later renounced the assumption of harmony and became conscious of the inevitability of decline and death. But self-awareness turns death into spiritual life, resurrected by the power of reversion of absolute negativity. This condition of spiritual resurrection is beauty. Artistic production is the action of realizing beauty in symbols of absolute negativity. It goes through self-consciousness of fate (Valery's poem "La jeune Parque"), and reflects the practice of love sacrificing self for the universal community ("Introduction a la Poetique"). However Valery himself lacks religious self-consciousness of absolute negativity. This is his limitation. Uehara Senroku A J, }., "Kindaiteki rekishi ishiki no keitait, i_ J f c,I, " ' (The form of modern historical consciousness),"Riron(Theory), No. 15, March, 1951, pp. 41-60. Historical consciousness as a modern concept inherits the difference between the view of man in the Renaissance and that in the Reformation. The first is based on the view of the universal man which was popular through the middle of the eighteenth century, the second on the view of the individual man, formulated after the latter half of the eighteenth century. In the 1830's and 1840's a third view was created which gave a new universalizing consciousness to the individualizing understanding of man's life. At the present time we have to probe more deeply and bring about a synthesis of the universal and the individual on the basis of a deeper evaluation of these forms of historical consciousness. Yamaguchi Susumu L-\ a E,a"Yuima-ky6 Bukkoku-hon no genten-teki kenkyii k.S 4- ^I ' ~ A~t ^s ~.t, (Textual explanation of the Buddha-ksetra-parivarta in the Vimalakirtinirdeca- sutra.), " The Otani gakuho (Journal of Buddhism and cultural science), Vol. XXX, No. 3, February, 1951, pp. 46-58. In this article the author attempts to reconstruct the lost Sanskrit original of the Vimalakirtinirdeca-ssutra through a comparative study of Kumarajfva's and YuanChuang's Chinese versions and a Tibetan translation. The author asserts that the thought expressed in the Vimalakirtinirdeca-ssutra can be grasped only when such

Page  127 Philosophy 127 comparative studies have revealed the original form of the sfitra. As his first attempt the author treats the Buddha-ksetra-paricuddhi-nidana-parivarta which is the first chapter of the siitra. He demonstrates that the practice of purifying the Buddha's land, as explained in this chapter, is the same in spirit as the practice of purifying the Buddha's land in the Sukhavatfvyiiha-siisutra, as it is understood by Shinran, the founder of the Shin sect.

Page  128 HISTORY Akamatsu Toshihide and Shibata Minoru, Kodai kokka no tenkai ( Development of ancient Japan), Sogensha, Osaka, December, 1951. This paper outlines the development of government, economics, society. philosophy and culture from the beginning of the eighth century, when the formal bureaucratic organization was completed for the first time in Japan, to the end of the twelfth century which marked the beginning of political control by "Bushi" or feudal warriors. The authors consider political, economical and social problems, among them the problems of the national administrative orgainizations and of the financial or social institutions. They give special attention to the organization of families shown in the census register, the development of the "Sh6en, " or the manor, and the environment in which the feudal warriors came into existence. In the fields of philosophy and culture the work carefully explains how Buddhism and Confucianism, which originated in India and China, were adopted into the Japanese culture. The Chiba Prefectural Board of Education, Kazusa Kinrei- zuka kofen (Kinrei [Gold Bells] tomb at Kisarazu in the Province of Kazusa [Chiba Prefecture]), Chiba-Ken KyoikuIin-Kai, Chiba Prefecture, March, 1951, 16 pp. This is a report of the excavation of an old tomb, carried out from April to July, 1950, in the delta plain of Obitsu River, Chiba Prefecture, by the Chiba Prefectural Board of Education and the Archaeological Institute of Waseda University. In this tomb workers discovered gold bells, swords, iron body armour, cloth, gold lace, gilt bronze ornaments, potteries, etc. which are assumed to have belonged to a powerful family of this province. These remains give remarkable evidence of the influence of the ancient culture of Korea and China and will be useful in tracing the ancient culture of East Japan. This book is expected to be published by the Smithsonian Institution. Fukuyama Toshio, "Isonokami-Jinguf no shichishi-t6 (The Seven-bladed sword of the Isonokami-Jingi, Nara.)",Bijutsu kenkyu (The journal of art studies), Vol. 3, February, 1950, pp. 106-136 (See also the supplements in Vols. 1 and 4, 1951.) The iron sword with a seven-branched blade, owned by the Isonokami-Jingii Shrine, is inscribed on both sides with sixty-one Chinese characters inlaid with gold, The meaning of the inscription, deciphered by the author, would be as follows: "On the eleventh day of the fourth month of the fourth year of T'ai-wa, the seven-bladed sword was made by -— (obliterated). This special kind of sword was made at the order of the King of Wa (Japan) because the King and the Crown Prince of Paekche (Korea) are under the protection of Your sacred virtue. " The date is believed to be 369 A. D. Thus it is concluded that this sword was made in Korea, and its inscription is an important document in the Japanese history. 128

Page  129 History 129 Harada Kumao, Saionji ko to seikyoku (Prince Saionji and the political scene), Diary of Baron Harada, Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, September, 1951, 386 pp. Volume 5 of this series covers the events between February, 1936, and May, 1937, that is from the outbreak of the February, 1936, incident to the wartime strengthening of the national structure at home. It describes the complicated state of affairs both in Japan and abroad, which led up to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese Incident; discussing details of the February, 1936, Incident; the activities of top level military leaders; e "the army purification" plan of General Terauchi, the then Army Minister; the problems of the active-service" requirement for service ministers; the national policy of overall political renovation in connection with the strengthening of the wartime structure; the Army reform movement; the conclusion of the GermanJapanese Anti-Comintern Pact and conditions at home and abroad; the anti-army address of Hamoda Kunimotsu and the military; friction among the political parties; the general resignation of the Hirota cabinet; the failure of Uzaki's attempts to organize a cabinet; the appearance of the Hayashi Cabinet: the general elections and the resignation of the Hayashi Cabinet, etc. etc. Harada Yoshito, " Kofun-bunka kara Asukac-bunka (Cultural development, from ancient to the Asuka period)," Museum, Vol. 7, October, 1951, pp. 18-21. In this paper the author states that in the reign of Emperor Yuryaku (or the latter half of the fifth century) Japan communicated not only with Korea but also with the South Dynasty of China6. The pottery, harnesses, personal ornaments, etc. excavated from old mounds of about the sixth century prove that pottery-makers, goldsmiths, weavers,and other artisans had come over to Japan from the Asiatic continent at that time and that Japanese cultue was not inferior to that of the continent. The excellent Buddhist images and utensils in the Asuka period were undoubtedly made by skillful craftsmen. Inoue Mitsusada,"Nihon ni okeru kodai-kokka no seiritsu (The formation of the ancient Japanese state),"T6ky6 Bunka (Oriental culture), No. 5, February, 1951, pp. 72-97. Max Weber has described the process whereby the Greek polis and the Oriental absolute monarchy come to be differentiated from the same BurgkOnigtum. In Japan the fourth and fifth centuries A. D. correspond to the Heroic Age ( or to Weber's BurgkOnigtum), and the Oriental absolute monarchical system came into existence in the sixth century, becoming firmly established in the Reformation of the Taika era in 645. The author studies this process in terms of governmental organization, the system of land-ownership, the position of emperor, and the military system.

Page  130 130 History Inoue Mitsusada, " Kokuz6-Sei no Seiritsu (The formation of the Kukuz6-system), "Shigaku Zasshi (The journal of historical science), Vol. 60, No. 11, November, 1951, pp. 1-42. "Agata" was formerly a small state or tribal body. The "Yamato" government organized these Agata into administrative units or "Kumi" and called their chiefs "Kuni-no-Miyatsuko. " But the power of the "Yamato" government as a state was so weak that the "Kokuzo-system"' or "Kuni-no-Miyatsuko" varied in different localities. The author describes them in such advanced districts as Kinai and Kyfishii, in a retarded area of Izumo, and in Kant6, a district under the direct control of the Imperial House. Inoue Mitsusada, Taika kaishin ron (The Taika reform), Chiu Koronsha, Tokyo, December, 1952, 51 pp. This paper gives an outline of political developments in the sixth and seventh centuries, with emphasis on the political situation of the Yamato government in the sixth century, the political reform of Prince Shotoku in the beginning of the seventh century, the political reform of the Taika Era, which begins in 645 A. D., the foreign expedition in the reign of Emperor Saimei, and the Jin-shin civil war. Believing that diplomatic relations have been neglected by scholars, the author has given special attention to the negotiations between China or Korea and our country. He proves that the famous rescript which was reportedly issued in the Taika Reform in 646 was really proclaimed after the Jin-shin civil war. Hence he concludes that the political organization based on the "Ritsuryo" ordinance took shape gradually over a long period during which native customary laws were absorbed into the "Ritsuryo. " Ishida Mosaku, Asekura no kenkyu (A study of Azekura), Benrid6, Kyoto, June, 1951, 110 pp. The "Azekura" are primitive wooden buildings with walls of projecting parallel logs surmounted by a roof. Such buildings are found throughout the world, but the Japanese "Azekura" are distinctive in that the logs used for them are triangular. The most famous Azekura in Japan is the treasure-house of "Shoso-in. " The author visited and examined the thirty-one Azekura throughout Japan which are built in the same fashion. In this paper he describes each of them in detail and assigns tentative dates to each by analyzing the structure. This is the first collective study ever made of the Azekuras which are scattered throughout Japan. The book also contains photographs of all thirty-one Azekura and a treatise on the treasure-house of Shoso-in. Kajinishi Mitsuhaya and Oshima Kiyoshi, Nihon ni okeru shihonshugi no hattatsu II (Development of capitalism in Japan, Vol. II.), Publishing Association of Tokyo University, Tokyo, May, 1951, 4th ed., 300 pp. Continuing from where Vol. I left off, the present volume describes the process of collapse and the subsequent reconstruction of Japanese capitalism during the period

Page  131 History 131 from the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War to the development of the so-called stabilization crisis resulting from the enforcement of the Dodge line after the War. In other words, the author analyzes the processes of development, confusion and collapse of the war economy from the time of the Sino-Japanese War through the Pacific War. In Vol. III, "The Reconstruction of Capitalism," the authors will describe the democratic reforms of the Japanese economy initiated by the occupation, their meaning, the decline of inflation after the end of the war and the attendant economic progress and the process of gradual restoration of production attributable to the foregoing factors. Komai Kazuchika," K6kogaku kara mita Tsushima (Archaeological researches in Tsushima)," Jinbun, Vol. 1, No. 1, May 15, 1951, pp. 47-54. At the excavation of shell mounds and graves in Shitaru, Tsushima, it was proved that there were sites of "J6mon" and "Yayoi" as well as "Sue" pottery. About the fourth or fifth century, Sue pottery was in popular favour owing to the influence of Korean pottery. It is certain that Japanese inhabitants in Tsushima had their own pottery and only later adopted the Korean technique of making Sue pottery. Sue may thus be supposed to have originated in Korea. It must be remembered, however, that Korean pottery itself derived from the Han. Matsumoto Sannosuke,"Kinsei Nippon ni okeru Kokugaku no seijiteki kadai to sono tenkai(The political rule of Kokugaku in the late Tokugawa period: 1)," The Journal of the Association of Political and Social Sciences, Vol. 65, Nos. 2, 3, August, 1951. The purpose of this article is to clarify the political role of Kokugaiku (Shinto-Nationalism) in relation to changes in social conditions. The article is divided into three chapters. Chapter one consists of an analysis of the political thought of Confucianism which Kokugaku opposed. Chapters two and three contain studies of the historical setting, the political role, and the practical function of Kokugaku in the late Tokugawa period. Mori Osamu, Katsura Rikyi (The Katsura detached palace), Sogensha, Tokyo, September, 1951, 3rd ed., 232 pp. This paper is an outline of the author's detailed study, on which he has worked for twenty years, of the history, design and construction, and the artistic value of the Katsura Detached Palace, considered a masterpiece of architecture and the beginning of the modern age in Japanese architecture. A feature of this paper is that it makes use of a great number of books which were secretly kept in the Imperial Household Board in addition to other sources and that it is based on minute measurement and investigation of each part of the buildings and gardens. Mori Ryikichi, "Jinen-h6ni sh6soku no seiritsu ni tsuite (On Shinran's concept of naturalness)," Shigaku Zasshi (The journal of historical science), Vol. 60, No. 7, July, 1951, pp. 1-39.

Page  132 132 History Shinran (~.t, 1173-1262, founder of the Shin Sect) in a letter on the concept of "naturalness" ( J A. ' A ) expresses a type of religious mysticism which represented a revolutionary change in thought from the ancient to the medieval period of Japan's history. At the core of this doctrine of Shinran is the desire to reform the old religious institutions and to establish a new religious authority by breaking away from the concept of religion as magic which flourished under the older political system. The process whereby this doctrine became established in the Jodo School (, A A ) of Buddhism vividly reflects the social movements of that transitional period, movements which sought to emancipate the people from the oppressive political power of ancient Japan. Naoki Kojiro, "Nara-jidai no fur6 ni tuite ("Drifters" in the Nara period), " Shirin (Journal of history), Tokyo, Vol. 34, No. 3, July, 1951, pp. 19-39. In ancient Japan those who moved from their own places of register were called "deserters" or "drifters. " Though it is undeniable that many peasants became drifters merely to escape hardship in their native places, others who deserted their former homes were intent on improving their prospects by migrating to more favorable locations. Such men eventually settled down and began to cultivate new land, under the protection of local manor (shoen) holders. The relationship between the protector, i. e., manor holder, and the protected, i. e., 'drifter, " seems to have been a kind of tenancy where the protected was entitled to a certain degree of independence. Saito Tadashi, " Wagakuni ni okeru kofun no shoruikei to sono keiretsu (Types of ancient burial mounds in Japan and their chronology), " Journal of the Archaeological Society of Nippon, Vol. 37, No. 3, October, 1951. The author classifies the ancient burial mounds in Japan into twenty-five types by a number of obvious criteria such as their location, nature of the sand, inner structure and excavated remains and estimates the date of each mound. He divides the time of their construction, from about the third to about the seventh century, into the early, middle, and posterior periods. He further subdivides the early period and late periods and makes a chronological study of the relation between each of the twenty-five types and its particular period. Sato Taketoshi," Yin no soshoku-geijutsu ni kansuru jakkan mondai (Problems of decorative art in the Yin Dynasty)," 1unkwa (Culture), Vol. 15, No. 4, July, 1951, pp. 64-79. Concerning the decorative arts of the Yin Dynasty, the symbolical animal styles such as the t'ao t'ieh win!c and the lung weng have so far been the chief subjects for special discussion. Recently, when the realistic and natural animal styles, unearthed in Anyang - P, were discovered, it was assumed that these styles, originated in China. However, much remains to be learned about the relation between the symbolical and the natural styles in China.

Page  133 History 133 Sekino Takeshi, " Chugoku shoki-tekki-bunka no ichi-kosatsu ( A study of early iron age culture in China)," The journal of historical science, Vol. 60. No. 10, October, 1951. Beginning not later than the seventh or sixth century B. C. the iron age culture in China was marked by the use of cast iron for farming implements. The use of cast iron tools by farmers and builders then spread gradually, and in the third and second centuries B. C. a great number of iron craftsmen were active, some of them amassing great wealth by making such tools. In the fourth century B. C., Ch'in introduced the Western technique of hammering iron and tried to establish the use of iron weapons. So the other six countries, which were generally using bronze weapons at that time, were overwhelmed and brought under the sway of Ch'in. Tsuji Zennosuke, Nippon Bukkyo Shi [ Chusei-hen ], (History of Buddhism in Japan [Middle Ages Vol. V]), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, April, 1951, 444 pp. This book is the fifth volume of the History of Buddhism in Japan which the author has been publishing in successive volumes since 1944. The complete work will comprise ten volumes: one volume for the ancient period, five volumes for the middle ages and four volumes for the modern period. The fifth volume covers the last part of the Yoshino and Muromachi Period, or chapters twelve to fifteen. In chapter XII ("Honganji Temple and the Ikko Riot") the author tells how the Honganji Temple rose suddenly into power and how its religious group came to extend its enormous influence and to develop powerful leaders in the Age of Wars. In chapter XIII ("Aspects of the Old Buddhism") he describes the violent methods used by the major temples with their priest-soldiers; Chapter XIV ("Degeneration of the Priests in the Muromachi Period") gives an account of the misconduct of the priests. In chapter XV ("Medieval Culture and Buddhism") the development of commerce, communication, education, arts ceremony and flower arrangement, etc., is described with Buddhism as their background. Umehara Sueji, " Waga j6dai-bunka to sekkijidai-bunka tono kankei (Cultural relations between the neolithic age and the early historic period in Japan), " Shiseki to Bijutsu (Historical sites and arts), Vol. 21, No. 6, August 1, 1951, pp. 202-218. The author considers the nature of such remains of the early historic period in Japan as copper "taku" and comma-shaped beads, stone "kushiro, " wheel-shaped stones, spade-shaped stones, etc., which were buried with the corpses in ancient graves. He points out that the bronze articles are strongly characteristic of an imported metal culture and that the latter give remarkable evidence of the life of hunting and fishing. He concludes from these findings that a close relationship can be affirmed between the early historic period and the neolithic age in Japan. Umehara Sueji, Kokyo- zukan ( Illustrated catalogue of ancient bronze mirrors), Ashiya, March, 1951, 100 pp. Many illustrated catalogues of ancient bronze mirrors of the Far East have already been published. Although the author deals only with a single collection, that of Koichi Kurokawa, it includes mirrors from both Japan and China which are valuable examples of artistic handicraft. Some of these, belonging to the Fujiwara period, were taken out of the pond in the Haguro Shrine in Uzen. This book will be useful because of the detailed descriptions of about two hundred items by a specialist in the field and because of the clear illustrations accompanying the text.

Page  134 SOCIAL RELATIONS Kano Hiroshi, "Seishintekin6ryoku no hattatsu ni kansuru chikunenteki kenkyu (Studies in the mental development of school-children over a period of six years)," Rodo Kagaku, (Journal of science of labor), Tokyo, Vol. 27 No. 10, 1951 Beginning in 1946, the authors studied the mental development of about five hundred school children, measuring the intelligence and motor abilities of the same subjects continuously for six years, and investigating their history during infancy as well as the social and vocational status of the families. Kitano Seiichi, "Tsushima n6son ch6saki (Research notes on the social structure of villages on Tsushima Island), " Jinbun (The cultural sciences), Reprint Vol. 1, May, 1951, pp. 128-135. These notes are based on a survey of the social structure of Tsushima Island communities and in particular of five villages (Mine, Yoshida, Kuneinaka, Kisaka and Kunehama) on the west coast of Tsushima Island. The island is isolated geographically, culturally and socially from the mainland of Japan. Mine, Yoshida and Kuneinaka are purely agricultural while Kisaka and Kunehama are agricultural and fishing villages. The life of the individual is strictly controlled by his community. Stratification is based on the period of feudal clan government. Dozokudan, or the extended family group, and Oyakata-kokata-kankei, or simulated parent-child relationships are formed here as they are in farming villages on all four main islands of Japan. The fundamental characteristics of the social structure of the villages in Tsushima are the same as in the rest of Japan but they are less modern in outward respects. Kubo Yoshitoshi, " Hiroshima hibaku choku-go no ningen k6d6 no kenkyu: Genshi-bakudan, genshi-ryoku no kenky5 I (A study of the behavior of atomic bomb victims in Hiroshima: A socio-psychological research on A-Bomb and A-Energy),"The Japanese journal of psychology, Vol. 22. No. 2, February, 1952, pp. 90-103. This is a socio-psychological study of the behavior of selected victims of the atomic bomb. The survey was made from October, 1949, to August, 1950, and based on individual interviews with fifty-four faculty members and officers of Hiroshima University. Matsushima Shizuo, Rodo-shakaigaku josetsu (Introduction to labor sociology), Fukumura Shoten, Tokyo, July, 1951, 448 pp. This book consists of two articles: " Study of social consciousness of laborers" and "Cooperative mining organizations." The former is a study of the social consciousness of laborers with their actual life as background, showing its characteristics, types, and changes. The latter is a factual study of Tomoko, which was a self-help relief organization of miners to meet unstable living conditions. 134

Page  135 Social Relations 135 Mogami Takayoshi, " Ry6bosei ni tsuite (On the two-grave system)," Minzoku-gaku kenkyu (The Japanese journal of folklore), Vol. 2, December, 1951, pp. 30. In recent years "Japan Folklore" and other journals have printed several reports on the custom, common among the poor in many localities in Japan,of having two graves for a single deceased person, one grave for the actual burial and another for ceremonial purposes. This paper, based on the author's observations as well as on previous reports, gives the distribution of this unique custom, the various local forms for the two graves, the mutual position of the graves, the appearance of each, the recent unpopularity of the two-grave system, and the practices in regard to the two graves. People pay homage to the actual grave, but stay there in most cases only for a short while. Later they go to the ceremonial grave which is located elsewhere. In conclusion the author gives some reasons for the system and for the differences between the appearance of the graves. Like his predecessors in the field, the author concludes that the system came into being primarily because the bodies themselves were believed to be defiling. Most people used common graveyards for financial reasons, burying new remains in the same defiled ground where bodies had been buried before, but the ceremonial grave could be placed in pure ground. Further. the re-use of burial grounds would eventually mean the obscuring of the actual grave, whereas the ceremonial grave would be more lasting. Nakano Takashi, "Kamoize [Gyoson Kamoize no ichi-dammen](Some aspects of a fishing village on Tsushima Island), " Jinbun ( The culture sciences ), Vol. 1, No. 1, May, 1951, pp. 135-145. This is an interim report of intensive sociological-anthropological research into the social system of a village on Tsushima island. Traditional agreement between neighboring villages is directly related to the status differentiation between Honko and Kiryu families. The latter Were either immigrants or branches recently established by older Honko families. The right to participate in traditional political, economic, religious and ceremonial aspects of communal life belongs exclusively to the Honko families, whose number is not allowed to exceed fifty-nine. Honko members are divided into secondary classes of Hyakush6 and Nago. The extent to which members share in important activities is influenced greatly by the system of age groups but participation is exclusively Honko. Dozokudan (extended families, i. e. main-family and branch-families) do include Kiryu, which are branch-families, but exclude immigrant families.

Page  136 136 Social Relations Shimmei Masamichi, Shakaigaku-shi (History of sociology), Yihikaku, Tokyo, May, 1951, 385 pp. The intention of the author is to present the development of sociology on a world-wide scale and thereby to demonstrate the integrity of sociology as a science. His observations are concerned chiefly with methodology and theory. The following features characterize the work: (1) the importance of modern theories of natural law is stressed to account for the origin of sociology; (2) historically the systems of sociology are classified as encyclopaedic sociology, synthetic sociology and sociology as a special science; and (3) the historical development of sociology is treated by periods: the period of encyclopaedic sociology (1800-1870), the period of synthetic sociology (1870-1920), and the period of the opposition between synthetic sociology and sociology as a special science (1920 ---) Sumitani Mikio, " Sengo r6od-kumiai no jittai (Some aspects of post-war trade unionism in Japan), " The economic review, Vol. 20, No. 4, October, 1951, pp. 56-82. In order to make clear the true nature of the production-management strategy which characterized the first period of trade unionism immediately after the war, the auther attempts to make clear the characteristics of the post-war labor movement in Japan by analyzing the development of a typical case and by discussing the "People's Trial" which took place in the course of trade union development. This is then a study of labor disputes from a social science viewpoint. Suto Yoji: (1), " Shokukfikan ni okeru S-k6ka no kenkyu (The effect of space on time estimation (S-effect) in tactual space), " Japanese Psychological Association, Japanese journal of psychology, Vol. 22. 1952, pp. 189-201. Three momentary pressure stimuli (B1, B2 and B3) were presented in succession upon the forearms of subjects who kept their eyes closed. (1) The right or left forearm was used: If the space between B2 and B3 (Sv) was longer (or shorter) than that between Bi and B2 (Sn), then the time interval between B2 and B3 (Tv) appeared longer (or shorter) than that between B1 and B2 (Tn). While if Sv was equal to Sn, Tv appeared approximately equal to Tn. (2) Both forearms were used: (i) An illusion of tactual space (as was shown by Madlung's experiment, 1934) was used. If physically Sv was equal to (or shorter than) Sn, while apparently Sv was longer than Sn, then Tv appeared longer than Tn. And if physically Sv was shorter than Sn, while apparently Sv was approximately equal to Sn, then Tv appeared approximately equal to Tn. (ii) If Sv was longer (or shorter) than Sn both physically and apparently, Tv appeared longer (or shorter) than Tn. Thus it will be concluded that the crucial determinant of apparent time interval is not the physical space, but the apparent one. This is a similar phenomenon to that in vision confirmed by Sudo Y. (1941), Abe M. (1948) and the author (1950). (Concerning the term "S-effect," see Psychol. Abst. 10, 1936, 2300)

Page  137 Social Relations 137 Sato Koji,Jinkaku shinri-gaku (Psychology of personality), S6gensha, Tokyo, 1951, 390 pp. The author attempts in this book to integrate the recent American psychological studies of personality, especially of personality formation. The work consists of eight chapters: (1) Definition of personality; (2) A history of the psychology of personality; (3) Methods of studying personality; (4) Development and organization of personality; (5) Structure of personality; (6) Personality formation: determinants; (7) Personality formation: techniques; (8) Ideal personality. The character of this book is indicated by the attempt to integrate the psychological tenets of Buddhism, especially of Zen, into the Western psychology of personality. Further positive psychological and physiological research is needed, however, and the author therefore urges the cooperation of other scholars. Shimizu Ikutaro, Shakai-shinrigaku (Social psychology), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, October, 1951, 225 pp. Capitalist sociaty, in the light of its intrinsic nature and principles, has certain positive rational aspects such as (1) a differentiation among groups, which provides an unrestricted life for the individual, (2) a wide extension of the social environment which is related to the development of linguistic communication, and (3) the establishment of bureaucratic mechanisms. Viewed realistically, however, each of these aspects has a dark, irrational side such as (1) discrepancies among the groups, causing the disintegration of the individual's inner life; (2) a "social narcosis, " arising from the development of mass communication, which promotes man's irrational inclinations and fosters discord rather than mutual understanding between people; and (3) the curse of the "machine age" which makes the individual feel helpless among the huge, machine-like social groups. Thus our society, which was once thought rational and called "the public, " appears irrational, a "mass society. " To adjust to these realities, the individual tends to take passive means of adjustment such as (1) escape into the family or the nation, being unable to endure the isolation of the anarchic society; (2) escape into the ready-made prejudices or stereotypes to avoid the confusion caused by mass communication; and (3) escape through conversion to a "FUhrer" or to sectionalism as a support against the helplessness produced by the machine age. Instead of these escapes, the individual must turn to the following positive ways of adjustment in order to build a new rational society: (1) Establish socialism; (2) Create a more significant idealogy and (3) Mechanize the entire world. Shimizu Yoshihiro,"E. Durkheim niokeru h6h6-teki shinka to minzokushi-teki h6h6 ni tsuite (On the methodological development and the ethnographical method in E. Durkheim)," Shakaigaku hy6ron (Japanese sociological review), Vol. 1, No. 4, March 10, 1951. pp. 149-179. This study clarifies the historical background and motives for Durkheim's adoption of the ethnographical method and points out its methodological defects. These defects are also found in present-day "cultural anthropology. "

Page  138 138 Social Relations Tsukamoto Tetsundo, "Dozoku soshiki no ichik6satsu (A study of extended family [Dozoku] systems in a rural community of Japan), " Shakaigaku hyoron (Japanese sociological review), Vol. 2, No. 1, May, 1951, pp. 136-163. The social structure of a Japanese village has important connections with the problem of the extended family system. This treatise is based on research in one village. The author first deals with the upper ranks of the social order, setting forth historically the establishment, perpetuation and downfall of the landowner class and relating these phenomena to the disintegration of the families living there. He points out that three representative types of extended family systems developed out of the above relationships. Making a comparison of their respective internal structures, the author discusses the historical changes which have occurred in the extended family systems of Japanese agricultural villages. Yanagita Kunio, Minzokugaku jiten (Dictionary of Japanese folklore), T6ky6od, Tokyo, June, 1951, 5th ed. 714 pp. In compiling this dictionary the authors were trying to select and explain the materials for a comprehensive outline of Japanese folklore. It may be regarded as the first dictionary of folklore in Japan presented from a systematic and scientific point of view. The dictionary contains 897 items and begins with a detailed list of them so that the reader may have at the outset a general understanding of the content. Some of the twenty-four classifications under which items are grouped are: General views, dwellings, dress, food, village organization, family organization, marriage and burial customs, ritual cycle, formalized beliefs, folk songs, legends. folk tales, etc. All the leading researchers in the field of folklore participated in compiling this dictionary, which is useful not only for students but also for the interested lay reader.

Page  139 GEOGRAPHY Bekki Atsuhiko, " T6a kisetsufutai ni okeru t6sho no jinko shuseki ni tsuite, ( Population density in the islands of the Asiatic monsoon region,)" Jinbun-chiri, (Human geography), Vol. 3, No. 2, April, 1951, pp. 10-20. P This comparative study of Java, Honshu and Formosa attempts to account for and describe from the standpoint of human geography the density of population of these localities in modern times. In order to do this, the exploitation of food production and methods of irrigation is investigated. Fujioka Kenjiro, " Kinki chih6 no machi, (Towns in the Kinki district), " Human Geography, Vol. 3, No. 3, July, 1951. In 1948 the author investigated representative towns in the Kinki District, according to the following criteria: (1) growth and change within the town; (2) origins; (3) density of the population; (4) classification of population by occupation. He concluded that these towns were influenced by the natural environment, the individual history and a capitalist economy. They have outgrown the village pattern but are not yet truly urban and are themselves constantly changing. Imanishi Kinji, " Naim6ko sogen no ruikeizuke, 1944 nen made ni erareta chishiki no seiri, (Types of vegetation in Inner Mongolia, based on the reports of the surveys up to 1944)," Shizen to bunkwa (Natura et cultura), No. 2, April, 1951, pp. 71-118. The vegetation of Inner Mongolia, as indicated in reports of the several surveys made up to 1944, is characterized by the following features: 1. Tall-grass steppe analogous to the tall-grass prairie of the American grassland is not found in Inner Mongolia. 2. Three types of steppe do occur in Inner Mongolia. The basic type is a "grass steppe" where Aneurolepidium chinense is dominant. Two derivative types also occur. The one which is nearest to the grass steppe is a "sage steppe, " while the outer one nearest the Gobi desert is a "sedge and sage steppe. " 3. The continental boundary of the grass steppe extends from the southern portion of West Sunit to the borders of Outer Mongolia, traversing the sand-dune area of Khunshandak and the southwestern corner of Dalikhanghai. Kiuchi Shinzo, Toshichirigaku-kenkyuii, (Urban geography: The structure and development of urban and surrounding areas), Kokon Shoin, Tokyo, May, 1951, 435 pp. Part I. The development of urban geography in various countries, especially Germany, Great Britain, the Scandinavian countries, Italy, the United States and Japan, has been studied in relation to the general field of geography and to a worldwide urbanization. An urban area is defined theoretically in terms of morphology, function 139

Page  140 140 Geography and development. Specific examples are given to indicate the rural-urban bounddary of some of the Japanese communities. Part II. Regional distribution of cities throughout the world is described. The origin and distribution of walled cities is discussed in relation to their cultural and physical environments. Chinese towns are also studied. The development of Japanese cities since the Meiji Restoration is analyzed by periods and regions. For example, the cities which are typified by great increases in population between 1908 and 1920 are distributed in the Tokai, Kinki and Setouchi regions, while those which show a decrease are found in the northeast and inland regions. The reasons for the rise and fall of a city are to be found not only in the city itself but also in the surrounding area. The development of Japanese manufacturing cities and local towns is discussed from this environmental viewpoint. This consideration is also applied to the functional classification of urban settlement. Part III. Environmental differentiation of a city, especially of a metropolitan district, is determined by the population, migration, industrial location, supply of several kinds of goods, and regional administration. As examples, the author cites Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, and other cities in Japan. Urban areas are arranged in concentric zonation, but topography, communication routes, traditional area formation, and the scheme of town planning make for considerable irregularity. Matsui Isamu and Horie Hajime, " Nasu-senj6chi n6gy6-chiri, sakumotsu k6tai, (The agricultural geography of the Nasu-fan district, Tochigi Prefecture cropping system)," The Geographical Review of Japan, Vol. 24, No. 4, April, 1951, pp. 124-130. The five hundred square mile area of the Nasu-fan district is divided into three sections with differing agricultural practice, i. e., (1) paddy field, (2) upland field in which tobacco is the leading crop, and (3) upland field in which sericulture is carried on. The differences in the cropping system for each section are as follows: The paddy field section rengeso (Chinese milk vetch) rice - rengeso - rice The upland field section barley - tobacco - wheat land rice ( or barnyard millet) The upland field section barley - vegetable - wheat buckwheat - barley - upland rice - wheat - sweet potato Omachi Tokuzo, Hachij6 Jima(Hachij6 Island), S6gensha, Tokyo, October, 1951, 304 pp. This is an anthropological study of Hachijo-Jima, a small, remote island situated about 280 kilometers south of Tokyo. The introduction describes the environment and the cultural characteristics of the people. The rest of the volume contains the following twenty-five chapters: (1) Dwellings, (2) Food, (3) Population Problem, (4) Exiles, (5) Cattle, (6) Silk, (7) System of Government, (8) Documents on Shipwrecks, (9) Fishing and Manners, (10) Belief in "Funadama" or Guardian Spirits of Ships, (11) Taboos about Menstruation, (12) Initiation Ceremony, (13) Marriage, (14) Retire

Page  141 Geography 141 ment, (15) Womanhood and the Home, (16) Funerals, (17) Cooperation in Daily Life, (18) New Year and "Mochi" or the Rice-cake, (19) Annual Functions, (20) Divination by Tortoise-carapace, (21) Magic and Prayers, (22) Sanctuaries, (23) Ghosts and Goblins, (24) Female Shaman, (25) Progenitor-legends. The work is supplemented by comments from twenty-five older works about this island. Shimizu Morimitsu, Chugoku ky6son shakairon, (Studies of rural communities in China), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, July, 1951, 659 pp. Three aspects of the cooperative character of the ancient rural communities of China are discussed: (1) Methods of government, (2) moral and ethical ideas, and (3) the social and economic life pattern of the farmer. Urged by the fact that no comprehensive study had been made of rural Chinese communities, the author collected data from the classics, orthodox history, anthologies, local histories, etc., and utilized them for social analysis. He asserts that (1) Chinese farmers of the past were extremely cooperative in every aspect of their life, (2) the so-called Confucian moral ideas were merely reflections of their form of life, and (3) the government of rural communities in each dynasty was made possible by the cooperative character of the rural unit.

Page  142 LITERATURE Hirai Keishi, "Puriisuto-ron (Essay on Proust), " Kindai bungaku (Modern literature), October, 1951, pp. 1-50. In the world of Proust's creation the predominant force is "la sensuality in the etymological sense of the word as the function of recognition. Analysis of the structure of time as seen in his novels should emphasize "the present" which has always been unduly disregarded in favor of " the past. " Proust not only destroyed the conception of man as a rational being, which had long been upheld by the followers of Descartes, but also established an entirely new idea of man through descriptions of his hero, Marcel, created on the basis of the aforesaid "sensualite. " Hirai Keishi, "Ramb6-ron gizensei no mondai (Essay on Rimbaud - The problem of contingency [in poetic creation]), " Temb5 (Perspectives), May, 1951, pp. 70-103. While, for Stephane Mallarme, the main object of life was to exclude contingency from poetic creation, Rimbaud desired to create his poems in a completely unrestrained manner. This he did by plunging himself entirely into the abyss of contingency. The poet, as he appears in the famous "Lettres du Voyant, " is a man of action whose message consists in ontological cognition, and all his poetic visions come into being at the moment of contingency when everything on earth is met by the "bateau ivre " which travels through space and time. Kuwabara Takeo, Rus6 kenkyu (Studies in Rousseau), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, June, 1951, pp. 401. In this volume thirteen members of the Jimbun Kagaku Kenkujo (Institute for Humanistic Science) at Kyoto University present a joint study of Rousseau. Drawn from as many fields of activity as the object of the study demands, the group held fifty-nine meetings in a little more than one year, in which the studies undertaken by individual members were made the common property of the entire group. The method of corporate study employed here was unprecedented in the field of humanities in Japan. In autumn, 1951, the book which resulted from this collaboration was given the Mainichi Award for the best book for that year. The contents deal with Rousseau, the man (Higuchi, Tsurumi, Tada), his philosophy (Noda), his view of religion and ethics (Moriguchi), his social thought (Suginohara), the social contract (Tsuneto), plans for peace (Tabata and Higuchi), ideas on history (Maekawa), relation to the history of the French peasantry (Kawano), communications theory (Tsurumi, Tada, Higuchi), propagandistic activity (Tada, Higuchi, Tsurumi), Confessions (Ikushima), his works as literature (Kuwabara), and his views on education (all of the members). The volume also contains a resume of the major works by Rousseau, maps, chronology, list of his likes and dislikes, statistical data on the economic conditions of his age, bibliography of his complete works, selected bibliography of Rousseau studies, and a English resume (21 pp.). The English r6 -sume is also found in Bungaku-Tetsugaku Jakkai Reng6 (Association of Scholarly Societies in the Fields of Literature, Philosophy, and Science), Kenkyu rombunshii (Collection of Research Articles), v. 5. 142

Page  143 Literature 143 Murayama Shichir6, " Gench6-hishi no -s ni owaru converbum (Converbum in -s in the YUan-ch'ao pi-shih), "Gengo kenkyfi (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan), Nos. 19-20, December, 1951, pp. 51-67. In the YUan-ch'ao pi-shih, the most important document of the so-called "Middle Mongolian" language, we find a special converbal form -s, e. g., Para. 50: ganja - s; 55: nambali - s, gucili - s; 101: guju - s; 105: kinggu - s; 141: ginca - s ki -; 141: ke'u - s; 174: gaja - s; 194, 230, and 254: hirme - s ki -; 195 and 255: ketu - s; 230: ubi- s hubi- s ki-; 245 and 254: negu - s, tulba - s; 255: cole - s; and 256: kelbe - s. This form -s expresses a rapid and sudden action. It is found also in the Khalkhadialect of the Mongolian and Ramstedt has given it the term converbum mometanei. In the Khalkha-dialect this verb is always accompanied by the verb xi-, while in the Yuan-ch'ao pi-shih it is accompanied by the verb ki- only in ginca-s, hirme-s and ubi-s- hubi-s. Nakajima Kenzo, Andore Jido no shogai to sakuhin (The life and works of Andre Gide), Chikuma Shobo, Tokyo, April 30, 1951, 230 pp. This is an analysis and interpretation of developments in the ideas of Andre Gide from his childhood to his death, traced mainly through his autobiography and other works. It is composed of the following fourteen chapters: (1) Youth (1865-1887); (2) Escape from Walter (1887-1893); (3) Before and After Palude (1893-1895); (4) From Les Nourritures terrestres to Le Promethee mal enchain6 (1895-1899); (5) The Time of L'Immoraliste (1900-1902); (6) The Time of Stormy Voyage (1903-1908); (7) About "La Porte etroite" (1909-1910); (8) "Acte gratuit" (1911-1914); (9) The Time of World War I (latter half of 1914 to 1918); (10) The Way to roman pur (1919-1924); (11) Les faux-monnayeurs (1925); (12) A New Direction (1925-1933); (13) Destiny of Individualism (1934-1936); and (14) Problems in Gide (1937-1951). Onoe Masaji,"Amerikanizumu to Anguro-Airisshu (Americanisms and Anglo-Irish), " Eibungaku kenkyii (Studies in English literature), Tokyo, Vol. 27, No. 2, April, 1951, pp. 214-34. The influence of Anglo-Irish on Americanisms is examined chiefly in their syntactical peculiarities. Eight salient points are covered: (1) the uses of the prepositions off, out, with, over, for;(2) have + object + past participle; (3) have + object + present participle;(4) like + object + adjective; (5) peculiar uses of the definite article; (6) identity of patterns in such expressions as Irish put the comether on and American put the blast on; (7) intensives composed of adjective + and, i. e., nice and, good and; and (8) frequent appearances of appositional genitives, i. e., a lump of a woman, etc.

Page  144 144 Literature Irish influence is much greater in the formation of American English than has been admitted so far. Many instances of the "archaic flavor" found in Americanisms are to be ascribed to the Irish immigrants of the nineteenth century. Shioya Yutaka,"Kugatsu-seisho ni okeru jenichivu no y6oh ni tsuite (On the use of the genitive in the September Bible),"Doitsu bungaku (German literature), Vol. 6, May, 1951. Compared with modern German, several uses of the genitive case found in Luther's September Bible are archaistic. A few traces of Middle High German exist in the field of inflection. Concerning the syntax, the following points may be mentioned as archaisms: (1) frequent predicative use denoting possession, character, origin, etc., and the so-called "Gliederungsverschiebung"; (2) the large number of verbs and adjectives with genitive object; (3) several adverbial uses that denote some action or some physical or mental state of the subject person; (4) a special case in which the genitive denotes one character of the noun which precedes it; and (5) some examples of the objective genitive, the meaning of which may be ambiguous and for which modern German uses a periphrastic construction. Takahashi Yoshitaka, "T6masu Man no Furoido-ron (Thomas Mann's view of Freud,)" Bungaku kenkyu (Studies in literature), Tokyo, Vol. 42, November,1951, pp. 21-34. Mann has written two essays on Freud, one in 1927 and the second in 1936. In the first, he interprets Freud as an "intellectualist." In the second he discusses Freud but develops his own ironical and optimistic ideas, which are actually based on the theories of C. G. Jung. Tanaka Kenji, "Niche ni okeru Sokurates-zo (The Socrates-image in Nietzsche)," Osaka Toritsu Daigaku jimbun kenkyu (Osaka Metropolitan University studies in the humanities), Vol. 2, No. 8, August, 1951; No. 9, September, 1951; and Vol. 3, No. 1,January, 1952. In order to understand Nietzsche well, it is not enough to find out his logical contradictions and factual errors. It is also essential to recognize the necessity of these contradictions and their positive meaning and to grasp the meaning of the particular from the whole. Emphasizing this idea, the author takes up the "Socratesimage" as one of the means of interpreting Nietzsche, points out contradictions contained in it, and explores their origin. Tasaka Kodo, "'Hui-hui-kan yakugo goshaku' hosei (A Study of the 'HIui-hui-kuan i-yU': Addenda et corrigenda)," T6oy gakuh6, Vol. 33, Nos. 3 & 4, October, 1951, pp. 132-145. Among the fourteen "1-yu" (anecdotes) contained in the "Hua-i i-yu" (anecdotes on foreign relations), the three of Siam, Tibet, and Hui-hui or Persia have not yet been studied. In 1940 the author began to make the first exhaustive study of the "Huihui-kuan i-yU." He compared and arranged five different texts and examined 1139

Page  145 Literature 145 words and phrases and twenty-five letters, publishing a part of his study in Vol. 30, Nos. 1, 2 and 4 of the T6ky6 Gakuh6. The present brief article supplements and corrects the introduction and the conclusion which has already made public. Owing to the difficulties of publication since the war, there has been no opportunity to publish the completed work in its entirety. Yamashita Hajime, " Kafuka-ron (Note on Kafka)," Kindai bungaku (Modern literature), Vol. 6, No. 4, April, 1951, pp. 1-4. After summarizing America, The Trial and The Castle, the author discusses Kafka's personality as a pre-Fascist exile, his social background, and his literary method; he then connects the ideas found in Kafka's Sisyphus with the trends of present-day existentialism and tries to explore various problems related to the use which Kafka made of surrealism and folklore.

Page  146 PHILOSOPHY Fujii Yoshio, Aristoteles no rinrigaku, (The ethics of Aristotle), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, 1951, 262 pp. - The central problem of Aristotelian study at present is not to revive the traditional scholastic formulae, but to throw new light on the incarnate system of Aristotelian philosophy by following its development. To arrive at a possible new interpretation, the author traced, following Jaeger's method, the history of Aristotle's metaphysical and epistemological developments in his work, Aristotelian Studies (Tokyo, 1940). In another treatise, the Ethics of Aristotle, he has recently endeavoured to survey and analyze the development and structure of the practical wisdom ( 9 $o Vy A/ s ) of Aristotle which constitutes the most fundamental of his concepts of all intellectual virtues. At first, he tried to make clear the relationships between the three works of ethics credited to Aristotle, the Nicomachean Ethics, the Eudemian Ethics and the Great Ethics. He further considered the three stages in the development of phronesis in each of them. His conclusion regarding Aristotle's theory of practical wisdom is as follows: In the Protepticus, written in Aristotle's academic period, practical wisdom was synonymous with theoretical, as it was with Socrates and Plato; and the traditional formula of /oo"-yJ - =og, - 0f/ s Ad-0os was still preserved. But Aristotle in the Eudemian Ethics expressed his critical reflection on this transcendental method. In the Nicomachean Ethics, he distinguished practical wisdom from theoretical wisdom for the first time and showed the logical relation between practical wisdom and right reason in the formulae of practical syllogism. His work on this problem teaches us a great deal, but unfortunately the creator of classical logic failed to complete his theory on the logic of action and will. Furuno Kiyoto, "Shiryo kannen no tenkai (Development of the idea of the soul of the dead)," Shfiky6 kenkyi (Journal of religious studies), No. 126, June 1951, pp. 1-26. The idea of the terms "anito," "quanito," "nito, " "hitsu," "hantu," etc., which are widely distributed among Indonesian tribes including Formosan aborigines, and that of "phi" and "hpi", etc., which are distributed among many tribes of the Indo-Chinese Peninsula are polysemantic, meaning "the soul of the dead," "the ghost," or "the spirit, " etc. When we examine these terms minutely in their cultural context we find that they seem to mean "the soul of the dead" or "the evil soul of the dead." The words belonging to the virua lineage of the above-mentioned terms mean "two" etymologically and accordingly "the double" or "the alter ego. " But, practically speaking, they are regarded in many tribes to mean mainly "the soul of the dead." In the animism of uncivilized races, or at least in that of Southeast Asia, belief in the spirit of the dead seems to be extremely strong. Many tribes clearly classify the souls of the dead into two sorts, the good souls and the bad ones, and they think that good souls of the dead are rare in the universe, which is full of bad souls of the dead. In other words they believe that even the so-called ancestral spirits can not be unconditionally good; for example, they get angry with and hurt their descendants when the latter do not feed them. 146

Page  147 Philosophy 147 Thus in the primitive religion of Southeast Asia, the cult of the dead or the cult of the soul of the dead occupies an important position. The cult of ancestor spirits, which is an evolved form of the cult of the dead, is very popular in many tribes. The refined ancestor worship which is a fundamental religious cult in the advanced communities of China and similar cults in Annam, Korea and Japan, which were much influenced by Chinese culture, seem to have a close connection with the cult of the soul of the dead among neighboring races, even if they are not the outcome of the direct evolution of the latter. Hisamatsu Shin-ichi, Ningen no shin-jitsuzon (True human existence), H6ozkan, Kyoto, May, 1951, 107 pp. This paper consists of the following three parts: 1. True Human Existence. 2. The Absolute Real Function of the Absolute Unreal Body. 3. The Returning Action as Ultimate Buddhist Life. The author tries in this paper to classify the types of human existence as follows: (1) The modern humanist who gets rid of heteronomy and affirms the human being absolutely and autonomically; (2) the nihilist who becomes desperate through self-criticism and denies the human being absolutely; (3) the socalled existentialist who, recognizing the absolute negation of the human being, looks for the possible autonomic affirmation; (4) the theist who converts the absolute negation of the human being into theonomically absolute affirmation by the other transcendental God; and (5) the neo-humanist who is self-realized absolutely autonomically by the absolute affirmation through the enlightenment of the innate true existence from the death of absolute negation. The author discusses the reason why the fifth type is true human existence, and tries to explain that it is nothing else than Zen-buddhist existence. Itagaki Takao, Nikutai to seishin (Body and soul), Kumoi Shoten, Tokyo, July, 1951, 183pp. This is an attempt to approach the basic problems of aesthetics. The author argues that what we normally consider a "natural fact" of daily life holds a "profound problem" that can not be solved theoretically, although it is solved by various arts in their respective manner. Therefore, if we select such a problem and examine the ways in which the arts solve it, the basis of aesthetics might thus be revealed. This book represents an application of this idea to the problem of "body and soul." Koyama Iwao, Bashoteki ronri to ko-o no genri (Topological logic and the principle of correspondence), Kobund6 Shob6, Tokyo, February, 1952, 210 pp. John Dewey tried to explain logic as a principle of exploration from the viewpoint of the task and its solution; but his logic was limited to natural science and did not include spiritual science. The task and its solution are formed on the field, and the latter extends from the natural field to the field of social culture. The logic which can interpret it comprehensively is to be called topological logic; its principle is correspondence or agreement; and its logical nature is negation. By synthesizing these two principles, we can discover a solid relationship between formal logic, scientific logic and traditional philosophical logic. The author names this relationship the principle of correspondence, in comparison with the "identity of the absolute contradiction" in the philosophy of Dr. Nishida and the "' absolute mediation" in the philosophy of Dr. Tanabe, and develops it in detail.

Page  148 148 Philosophy Miyamoto Shoson, Tsuji Naoshiro, Hanayama Shinso, and Nakamura Hajime, Indo-tetsugaku to Bukkyo no shomondai - Ui Hakuju Hakase kanreki-kinen ronbun-shu Some problems of Indian philosophy and Buddhism: Commemorating the sixtieth birthday of Dr. Hakuju Ui), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, December, 1951, 566 pp. Dr. Hakuju Ui, who lectured on Indian philosophy at the University of Tokyo and Tohoku University, retired from the chair at the University of Tokyo in March, 1943. On that occasion twenty-five of his former students each contributed an article to express their gratitude to him. This commemorative volume, whose publication was postponed because of World War II, contains twenty-five articles about Indian philosophy and Chinese, Korean and Japanese Buddhism. Moroi Saburo, Ongaku gairon (Introduction to the study of music), Kawade Shob6, Tokyo, January, 1952, 234 pp. The aims of this book are to guide Japanese interest in European music, which has spread rapidly since the War, and if possible to contribute to the establishment of modern music in Japan. Part I "Music as Seen from Its Structure " explains the meaning of theoretical research, rhythm as temporal and psychological order, melody as the musical leader, harmony as a functional value or tone-color, form as the musical plan, theme and its development, etc. Part II " Music as Seen from Its Growth and Development" deals with the growth and development of such important musical forms as sacred music, opera, fugue, sonata, etc. At the end of the book, the author considers the problem of music and society. Nagao Gajin M.," Tson-kha-pa no ky6gaku ni tsuite (On Buddhist studies as authorized by Tson-kha-pa), " Nippon Bukky6gakkai nemp6 (Journal of the Nippon Buddhist Research Association), Vol. 16, December, 1951, pp. 1-27. Tson-kha-pa, the reformer of Tibetan Lamaism and the founder of the Yellow sect in the fifteenth century, established the vast system of Buddhist learning which is thought to include many!points of methodological attitude of Indian origin. This study may be divided into two parts: (1) a doctrinal study covering the whole of Buddhism (Mahayana and Hinayana), taking the Madhyamika philosophy as its most important tenet; (2) based on this, a study of the doctrines of Yellow-hat Lamaism. In this paper the author investigates these points, chiefly according to the Lamrim chen-mo, one of the main works of Tson-kha-pa, and analyzes some genealogies of his study and several sutras and sastras referred to by him. Nakamura Hajime, Brahma-sitras no tetsugaku (The philosophy of the Brahma-sutras), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, November, 1951, 494 pp. The Brahma-sutras are the fundamental text of the Vedanta school which has been the greatest among Indian philosophical systems. The author has studied them critically, comparing the commentaries upon them by Sankora, Bhaskara and Ramamya, and has translated the text into Japanese. Ointhe basis of this work, he has elucidated their philosophical thought, dealing separately with the thought of Karsnijini,, Kisakrtsna, Atreya, Audulomi, Asmarathya, Bidari, Jaimini and Badariyana who were mentioned in the text.

Page  149 Philosophy 149 Nakamura Hajime, "Indo minzoku shihon no seishin-kozo e no ichi-shiten - Janina-ky6 no keizai-ronri (Some observations upon the ideas underlying Indian native capitalism: The economic ethics of Jainism), " T6y6 bunka, Tokyo, Vol. 6, September, 1951, pp. 1-26. More than half of Indian native capital is said to be in the hands of Jains. The author has considered this fact in the light of their religion. Nishitani Keiji, Gendai shakai no shomondai to shuikyo (Religion and the problems of modern society), Hozokan, Kyoto, June, 1951, 183 pp. The fundamental thesis of the book is developed in the first of the collected essays, entitled "Religion and the Philosophical Problems of To-day. " The current philosophical situation, the author says, is marked by two radicalisms: the one, a radical subjectivism, represented by existentialism and nihilism; the other, an equally radical objectivism, represented by the so-called " scientific " materialism (Marxist philosophy). The ultimate cause of this disruption is thought to lie, metaphysically speaking, in the paradox which is hidden in the depth of the every-day fact of the " ego's being in the world," and which has appeared in the course of the modern history of thought, breaking the enclosure of the Reason that hitherto established the unification of the subjective and the objective in the European philosophical tradition. The author maintains that the difficulty can be overcome only by a new world-view that may be attained from the horizon of " ego-lessness " or absolute Nothingness which Buddhism has opened. It is the same, he says, with the problem of science and religion. In another essay, called "Religion and Culture, " the author compares his position [which he now defines as the standpoint of the "original fact ", ] with the philosophy of intellectual intuition (intellektuelle Anschauung), with mysticism and with eschatological fideism. Nomura Yoshio, Ongakubigaku k6wa (An introduction to musical aesthetics),Ongaku no Tomo Sha, Tokyo, September, 1951, 196 pp. After a preface, "What is Musical Aesthetics?", the author surveys the historical development of the ideas concerning the aesthetics of music in Western and Eastern civilizations. In the chapter "Forms in Music " the order of a musical work is exemplified by means of Beethoven's "Appassionata "sonata, describing the tonal system, melody, rhythm and so-called musical forms. A chapter concerning contents distinguishes cases of absolute and non-absolute music, and discusses musicalaesthetical categories. A subsequent chapter is given to the analysis of personal, epochal and national styles in music and the problem of generation and age. The chapter on musical practice considers questions of composition, performance, criticism and appreciation. The essay concludes with a chapter on the essence of music. The survey is largely based on Mersmann's and Kurth's theories concerning the autonomous aesthetics of music, and refers especially to the ancient, medieval and oriental aspects of music as well as to present-day problems, from the point of view of Christian philosophy, culture, and existentialism.

Page  150 150 Philosophy Ogasahara Senshu, Chuiigoku Jodokyo-ka no kenkyii (A study of eminent preachers of the pure-land school in China ), Heirakuji Shoten, Kyoto, May, 1952, 241 pp. Using newly discovered material the author clarifies the activities and achievements of such fervent preachers as Hui-yUan (334-416), Tan-luan (476-542), Tao-cho ( c. 645), Shan-tao (d. 681), and Ta-hsing in the Middle Ages, as well as proselytizers in modern times who have inspired in China the religion of the Pure-land School or Amita pietism. He explains one aspect of Chinese spiritual life by relating minutely how people lived under the influence of the above mentioned preachers. Thus he proves, on the basis of the Amita pietism which prevailed in China from the Middle Ages to modern times, a close connection between these preachers and the life of the Chinese people. Finally he introduces as a new datum for the study of Buddhism in China the whole text of the " Nembutsu Kann6den," or biography of the followers in the Pure-land School, which is in the possession of the Zenrinji Temple in Kyoto and had not been known in the scholarly world. Saigusa Hiroto, Gijitsu no tetsugaku (The philosophy of art), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo. What is art? The explanation of this question forms the basis of this book. Both Aristotle and Kant taught us how to make clear distinctions between intellect and technics as well as between science and art; Diderot and Marx took up the same question and drew our attention to the fact that art is the means of production; and the Chinese philosopher Sung Ying-hsing ( '. ) remarked that without looking into the natural process it is impossible to give a satisfactory answer. In this work the opinions of all these thinkers have been considered in an attempt to explain the nature of art. The author believes that art plays a special role in the processes of production. In production, various means (tools and machines) are used as processes. But the process is nothing more than Kant's process of judgment. In short, art is the process of judgment used in production following objective regulations. Sh6tokutaishi Hosankai, Shotokutaishi to Nihonbunka (Prince Shotoku and Japanese culture), Heirakuji Shoten, Kyoto, May, 1951, 296 pp. The achievements of Prince Shotoku, prince regent to Emperor Suiko in the beginning of the seventh century, who helped greatly to advance Japanese culture, are described in this volume by specialists in history, religion, folklore, arts, archaeology and architecture. The work is composed of the following eleven papers and includes a bibliography of works about Prince Shotoku: "Japanese history and Prince Shotoku, " by Taro Sakamoto; " The new constitution and Prince Shotoku," by Seiichiro Ono; " Prince Sh6toku in the history of ideas," by Sabur5 Ienaga; "The biography of Prince Sh6toku, by Yusetsu Fujiwara; " The beliefs of Prince Sh6toku," by Nobukatsu Hanayama; "The origin of the ethics of Prince Shotoku, " by Narimasa Shirai; "Prince Sh5toku and the holy priest Shinran," by Taiei Kaneko; "Folk belief and Prince Sh6toku," by Ichito Hori; "Changes of the beliefs of Prince Sh6toku," by Mosaku Ishida; "The temples of Prince Sh6toku, " by Shigeo Fukuyama; and "Prince Sh6toku and Japanese architecture," by Minoru Ooka.

Page  151 Philosophy 151 Suzuki T. Daisetz, Zen shisoshi kenkyuii (Studies in the history of "Zen" thought), Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo, May, 1951, pp. 484. This work follows the author's Studies in the history of "Zen" thought, I, published by the Iwanami press in July, 1943. A third volume is in preparation. This work presents the results of his comparative study of the biographies of Dharma (who died in the beginning of the sixth century), the founder of the "Zen" sect in China, discusses the thought of Dharma and explains how his thought developed by the time of Hui Ntng (638-713), the sixth Master of the sect. He proves that in the period of Hui Ntng the "Zen" sect preached "Sokushin-sokubutsu " 9p.ta' pj1 from the religious viewpoint, "Mushin "^, '^ from the psychological viewpoint, "Mus6 "4A* from the ontological viewpoint and "Prajna" from the epistemological viewpoint. He also briefly discusses at the end of this volume the character of "Zen" thought in the T'ang dynasty after Hui Ntng, a subject which he treats in his book, The Basic Thought of Lin Chi ( —867), published in 1949. One of the values in the present work is that the author made use of the data concerning "Zen" which had been excavated in Tun-huang. The book includes the original texts of the seven kinds of data concerning "Zen" which were excavated in Tun-huang. Tanabe Hajime, Tetsugaku nyumon - Hosetsu dai-san -Shiiky-tetsugaku-rinrigaku (The philosophy of religion and ethics - Supplement III - An introduction to philosophy), Chikuma Shobo, Tokyo, April, 1952, 313 pp. Religion, philosophy and ethics exist independently in their respective points of view about belief, knowledge and intention; at the same time they are related among themselves. Religion is established where, through a profound comprehension of their own contradictions and vanity, relative beings transcendently come to a believe in the self-revelation of the Absolute Beings; and ethics is established when relative human beings acknowledge universal rules as duties, and, following the limitation of historical communities and in compliance with their conscience and will, realize them freely. But the universality of ethical rules is demolished by the change and relativeness of historical communities, and human freedom is absolutely denied by the fundamental evils which are hidden in the principle of human individualization: the super-ethical favor of the Absolute Being must be depended upon. And yet the vanity of the human beings who themselves have religious belief is brought to their consciousness when they understand this self-contradiction of ethics and antinomy of reason. At the same time self-revelation of the Superior as the content of religious belief is brought about when relative beings are aware of their vanity and it becomes an actuality as the grounds for a renovative ethics, a fracture or breaking through of the ethics. Religion can be called a going-aspect of ethics and ethics is a returning-aspect of religion. Going is returning and returning is going. Self-denial is returning affirmation. Only through philosophy can one be aware of this vicious circle. The philosophical field which stands specially on such a basis is the socalled religious philosophy. It should be co-relative to various historical religions. The author, from such a viewpoint, gives an outline of the religious philosophy of Buddhism,then an explanation of the Christianity, Gospel and its theology, and finally criticizes the religious philosophy of Kant, Schleiermacher, Hegel, lKierkegaard, etc.

Page  152 152 Philosophy Ueda Yoshifumi, Bukky6 shis6shi kenkyu (A study in the history of Buddhist thought: On Indian Mahayana Buddhism), Nagata Bunsh6d6, Kyoto, April, 1951, 445 pp. It is said that the theory of " Vijnaptimatrata-vada " of the Yogacarah School is an idealism while the theory of " Suinyata-vada" of the Madhyamikah School is a realism. The reason is mainly that the former was understood through the theory introduced by HsUan Tsang. The original theories of Asanga and Vasubandhu, inheriting the standpoint of the " Suinyata-vada ", only developed epistemological elements which had not been clear in it. The author proved this by making a comparative study of the ancient Chinese translations of Paramartha and Dharmagupta and the Sanskrit and Tibetan texts. The Idealistic theory introduced by Hsiian Tsang is, as Stcherbatsky said, absolutely contradictory with the Sunyiatavda. Ui Hakuju, Bukkyo shis6 no kiso (The foundation of Buddhist thought), Tosei Shuppansha, Tokyo, June, 1952, 450 pp. This work is divided into two parts. The first part, in seven chapters, deals with the original Buddhism held by Sakyamuni and his disciples. Firstly, the author explains the two streams of philosophical thought in ancient India, and argues that Buddhist thought forms the third stream. Secondly, he discusses thoroughly the materials for knowing original Buddhism, and the doctrines, of the three uddinas, the twelve nidanas and the four aryasatyas; those of original Buddhism, are expounded. Finally, the organization of the samgha, that is the order of Sakya-muni's disciples and believers, men and women, is investigated and its meaning in public society is made clear. The second part is a historical sketch of the development of the idea of the Buddho. Sakya-muni, a human being, gradually became. after his death, a mythological and superhuman personage by his religious influence and the sincere devotion of his disciples and believers, and at last became the so-called Dharmakaya. The author traces minutely these historical developments and then explains how the Buddha in the principal schools in Indian, Chinese and Japanese Buddhism is treated. The author bases his argument upon the results of recent researches in Indian Buddhism. Yamaguchi Susumu, Seshin no j6ogron (A study of Vasubandhu's Karmasiddhi-prakarana based on Sumaticfla's commentary), H6oz kan, Kyoto, 1951, 316 pp. In the intellectual history of Indian Buddhism, Vasubandhu's Karmasiddhi-prakarana is a precious document in which the author desires to establish a correct system of Karma, criticizing that of Hfnayana Buddhism. Rev. Etienne Lamotte first studied this document after the methods of modern Indology. His labor, a French translation and annotation of Karmasiddhi-prakarana, founded on YUlan-chwang's and Tibetan versions, is an excellent and scientific work, and it is very useful to us. But it is regrettable that he did not read P'i mu chih hsien's( Vimoksaprajna or Vimoksasena? ) version and the Tibetan translation of Sumaticila's commentary which were recovered in recent times. In the present work, the author has studied Sumaticfla's commentary and translated it into Japanese, giving necessary annotations, with due consideration of a Tibetan version and two Chinese versions. He has presented the following important information concerning the character of Karmasiddhi-prakarana:

Page  153 Philosophy 153 When Vasubandhu wrote the Karmasiddhi-prakarana, he was a Sautrantika named Prathama-vicesa-vibhaga-dharma-paryaya-caittikah, who was rather inclined to the view of Yogacara and yet was informed at the same time of the view of Madhyamika. This conclusion will throw light upon an obscure stage in the historical evolution of Vasubandhu's doctrine, a stage in the transition from Hinayana to Mahayana, and will help us toward a better understanding of the true nature of Vasubandhu's Mahayana doctrine.

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