Frontmatter
Page i The Three Jewels
Page ii Michigan Monograph Series in Japanese Studies Number 2 Center for Japanese Studies The University of Michigan
Page iii THE THREE JEWELS A STUDY AND TRANSLATION OF MINAMOTO TAMENORI'S SANBOE Edward Kamens Ann Arbor Center for Japanese Studies The Unversity of Michigan 1988
Page iv ~ 1988 by Center for Japanese Studies The University of Michigan 108 Lane Hall Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1290 All rights reserved Cover design by Sue-Ellen Feinberg Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Kamens, Edward, 1952 -The three jewels. (Michigan monograph series in Japanese studies; no. 2) Includes bibliography and index. 1. Minamoto, Tamenori, d. 1011. Sanbo ekotoba. 2. Buddhism. I. Minamoto, Tamenori, d. 1101. Sanbo ekotoba. English. 1988. II. Title. III. Series. BQ4000.M563K36 1988 294.3'92 87-30940 ISBN 0-939512-34-3 Printed in the United States of America
Page v Contents Abbreviations ix Preface xi Part 1 Introduction Chapter 1: A Short History of Sanb6e 3 Chapter 2: A Reading of Sanb6e 41 Part 2 Translation General Preface 91 The First Volume: The Buddha 101 Preface to the First Volume 101 1.1 The Perfection of Charity: King Sibi 107 1.2 The Perfection of Discipline: King Srutasoma 110 1.3 The Perfection of Forbearance: The Ascetic Keanti 114 1.4 The Perfection of Effort: Prince Mahityagavat 118 1.5 The Perfection of Meditation: The Ascetic Safikhacarya 123 1.6 The Perfection of Wisdom: Prime Minister Govinda 126 1.7 The Elder Jalavahana 128 1.8 The Lion Who Held Firmly to His Vows 132 1.9 The Deer King 135 1.10 The Himalaya Boy 139 1.11 Prince Mahasattva 144 1.12 Prince SudAna 149 v
Page vi vi Contents 1.13 Syama 158 Verse 164 The Second Volume: The Teachings 165 Preface to the Second Volume 165 2.1 Shotoku Taishi 174 2.2 E no Ubasoku 191 2.3 Gyoki Bosatsu 197 2.4 The "Lump" Nun of Higo Province 203 2.5 Kinunui Tomo Miyatsuko Git5 206 2.6 An Old Fisherman of Harima Province 208 2.7 The Monk Gikaku 210 2.8 Ono no Ason Niwamaro of Echizen Province 212 2.9 The Go-Playing Monk of Yamashiro Province 215 2.10 The Satra-Box Patron of Yamashiro Province 216 2.11 Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito 218 2.12 A Woman of Yamato Province 220 2.13 Okisome no Omi Taime 221 2.14 Nara no Iwashima 224 2.15 A Monk of Nara 228 2.16 A Monk of Mount Yoshino 230 2.17 A Miner of Mimasaka Province 232 2.18 Eik5 of Daianji 234 Verse 240 The Third Volume: The Clergy 241 Preface to the Third Volume 241 The First Month 3.1 New Year Rites 249 3.2 The Feast 251 3.3 The Rites of Penance at Hie 254 3.4 The Bath 260 3.5 The Convocation 265 The Second Month 3.6 Second Month Rites 269 3.7 The Ananda Rite of Penance at Saiin 272 3.8 The Nirvana Service at Yamashinadera 276 3.9 Stone Stapas 279 The Third Month 3.10 The Service of the Propagation 282 of the Teachings at Shiga
Page vii Contents 3.11 The Saisho Service at Yakushiji 286 3.12 The Lotus Service at Takao 288 3.13 The Kegon Service at Hokkeji 291 3.14 The Kangakue of Sakamoto on Hie 295 3.15 The Service of Ten Thousand Lights at Yakushiji 299 The Fourth Month 3.16 The Relics Service at Hie 302 3.17 The Great Prajiin Service at Daianji 307 3.18 The Anointment of the Buddha 312 3.19 The Ordination at Hie 315 The Fifth Month 3.20 The Bodhisattva Ordination at Hatsuse 320 3.21 The Rice Donation 326 The Sixth Month 3.22 The Service of One Thousand Flowers at T6daiji 328 The Seventh Month 3.23 The Mafijusri Service 333 3.24 The Rite for the Dead 337 The Eighth Month 3.25 The Continuous Nenbutsu on Hie 342 3.26 The Liberation of Animals at Yahata 345 The Ninth Month 3.27 The Anointment Initiation at Hie 349 The Tenth Month 3.28 The Vimalakirti Service at Yamashinadera 353 The Eleventh Month 3.29 The Service of Eight Lectures at Kumano 357 3.30 The Service in the Month of Frost 360 The Twelfth Month 3.31 The Buddhas' Names 366 Verse 371 List of Names, Titles, Terms, and Passages 373 Select Bibliography 413 Index 427
Abbreviations
pp. ix
Page ix Abbreviations Works in this list do not appear in the bibliography. BD Mochizuki, Shink6. Bukky5 daijiten. 10 vols. Rev. ed. Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kank6 Kyokai, 1958-63. BGD Nakamura, Hajime et al., eds. Bukky5go daijiten. 3 vols. Tokyo: Tokyo Shoseki, 1975. BSKD Ono, Genmy6, ed. Bussho kaisetsu daijiten. 12 vols. Tokyo: Dait6 Shuppansha, 1933-36. DNBZ Bussho Kankokai, ed. Dai Nihon bukkyb zensho. 150 vols. Tokyo: Bussho KankOkai, 1912-19. FYCL Tao-shih. Fa-yidan chu-lin. T #2122 in T 53:269-1030. GR Hanawa, Hokiichi, ed. Gunsho ruija. 19 vols. Tokyo: Keizai Zasshisha, 1898-1902. KGD Nihon Daijiten Kankokai, ed. Kokugo daijiten. 20 vols. Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1972-76. KJJ Takeuchi, Riz6, Yamada Hideo and Hirano Kunio, eds. Kodai jinmeijiten. 7 vols. Tokyo: Yoshikawa KObunkan, 1958-77. KMJ Akanuma, Chizen. Indo bukkyi koya meishi jiten. 1931. Reprint. Kyoto: Hazakan, 1967. KSTK Kuroita, Katsumi, ed. Shintei zaho kokushi taikei. 60 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1958-68. NKBT Nihon koten bungaku taikei. 100 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1958-68. ix
Page x x Abbreviations NKBZ Nihon koten bungaku zensha. Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1970-76. NST Nihon shis5 taikei. 56 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970-. PJ Cowell, E. B., ed. The Jataka, or Stories of the Buddha's Former Births. Translated from the Pali by Various Hands. 6 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1895-1907. Ryakuchc Yamada, Yoshio, ed. Sanb6e ryakucha. 1951. Reprint. Kyoto: Hobunkan Shuppan, 1971. Shasei Koizumi, Hiroshi, and Takahashi Nobuyuki, eds. Shohon taisho Sanboe shasei. Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1980. STD Fujiwara, Yfisetsu, ed. Shbtoku Taishi den. 2 vols. 1942. Reprint. Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1977. T Takakusu, Junjiro, and Watanabe Kaigyoku, eds. Taisho shinsha daizokyo. 85 vols. Tokyo: Taish6 Issaikyo Kankokai, 1924-32. ZGR Hanawa, Hokiichi et al., eds. Zoku gunsho ruija. 34 vols. Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijf Kanseikai, 1929-33. ZZGR Kokusho Kankokai, ed. Zoku zoku gunsho ruija. 16 vols. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai, 1906-9.
Preface
pp. xi
Page xi Preface Sanb6e is a title frequently cited in studies of premodern Japanese literature, as is the alternate form Sanbeekotoba. But most students and scholars in the field know little about the work itself. This was one of the reasons for my own interest in Sanboe when I began the study that has led to the present book. Sanboe is a literary work concerning Buddhism, and so it is of interest to those who study literature or Buddhism or both. It was meant to be illustrated, and may have been, so a study of Sanboe also raises questions that are of interest to art historians. I have tried to write about Sanb6e and translate it in a way that will be useful for specialists in these fields and comprehensible to nonspecialists too. I have described the particular circumstances in which its author, Minamoto Tamenori, wrote it for its first intended reader, Sonshi Naishinno, and I have attempted to bring her experience of reading it back to life for the contemporary reader. I believe that these special circumstances shaped the writing and the reading of the work in important ways, and it is to the consideration of these that I have devoted most of my attention. Readers should take note of the following technical aspects of the book: 1. The texts of Sanb6e that I used are Koizumi and Takahashi's Shohon taisho Sanboe shasei (1980) and Yamada's Sanb6e ryakuchi (1951; reprinted 1971). Descriptions of these and full bibliographic information will be found in the first chapter of the introduction, along with some comments on the shortcomings of other editions. 2. Romanization systems used are the standard (modified) Hepburn for Japanese and Wade-Giles for Chinese. Readers will alreadly have noticed that I write "Sanb6e," not Sampoe or Samboe; they will find Monmu, not Mommu, and genpo, not gempo. No attempt has been made to reproduce archaic pronunciation in the reproduction of text passages. Sanskrit names and titles of works are reproduced according to Franklin Edgerton's Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary (1953) or Ogiwara and Tsuji's Kan'yaku taisho bonwa daijiten (revised, 1979) (see also the next paragraph). All Japanese personal names are xi
Page xii xii Preface given in the Japanese order, i.e., family name preceding personal name. The particle no, sometimes inserted between surname and personal name, has generally been omitted except where it appears in a text of Sanb6e. I have used the very familiar Japanese forms of some names of Buddhist deities (Kannon, Amida) and texts (Daichidoron, the Kegon Satra) but have used an English translation for the very familiar Lotus Satra. All other titles and names are in the original languages (where known), except where translation into English is useful for emphasizing the relation of the title of a work to the topic of the passage in which it appears (e.g., The Satra on Rewards). In all such cases, the title of the work in its original language is given in an accompanying note. 3. Some special conditions govern the representation of titles of works in the Chinese Buddhist canon. Works that appear in volumes 1 -32 of Taish6 shinsha daizbky5 (1924-32) are cited by their Japanese titles, except as noted above. The titles of treatises, commentaries, and the like by Chinese authors appear in Chinese, as do the names of those authors. The forms of all these titles follow the listing in Ono Genmy6's Bussho kaisetsu daijiten (1933-36) or in Demieville et al., Repertoire du canon bouddhique sino-japonais: fascicule annexe du Hobb girin (1931; revised, 1978). This book is based in part on my doctoral dissertation, which was submitted and approved at Yale University in 1982. The dissertation has not been made available through University Microfilms International, pending publication of this revised edition, which supercedes it. My dissertation research in Japan was supported by grants from the Japan Foundation and the Social Science Research Council. A grant from the Northeast Asian Council of the Association for Asian Studies also assisted me in the later stages of revision. Stanley Weinstein and Edwin McClellan are only two of the many individuals at Yale whose guidance has shaped my work. Kunisaki Fumimaro welcomed me to Waseda University in 1980, and Nakai Katsumi helped me in the search for materials and kindly introduced me to other scholars who took an interest in my project, including Yamanaka Yutaka and Takahashi Mitsugu. Robert Leutner's and Dominic Kinsley's careful readings of the dissertation manuscript led to many improvements. Lucie Weinstein and Carolyn Wheelwright have both been very helpful with responses to my questions about Japanese Buddhist art. I am also deeply grateful for the encouragement and criticism so kindly given by the late Robert Brower. The support of my family and of many friends and colleagues has been invaluable; among them, I want paricularly to thank James Dobbins and Suzanne Gay; my parents, Margot and Leslie Kamens; and my wife, Mary Ellen Miller.
Part 1 Introduction
Page 1 Part 1 Introduction
Chapter 1: A Short History of Sanbōe
pp. 3
Page 3 Chapter 1 A Short History of Sanboe In the winter of 984, Minamoto Tamenori, Provisional Governor of the province of Mikawa and a modestly accomplished author of poetry and prose, completed a work entitled Sanboe ("Illustrations of the Three Jewels").' It was an illustrated collection of Buddhist tales in three volumes, compiled for and presented to an imperial princess, Sonshi Naishinn6, who had recently taken vows as a nun, and it was written to serve as her guide to Buddhism. Tamenori offered her an array of exemplary tales that showed how merit generated through good deeds and practices would yield rewards both in this life and in the next. He included stories from the lives of Buddhas, based on scriptural sources; tales of Japanese Buddhists and the miracles produced through their devotions, adapted from other Japanese sources, chiefly Nihon ry6iki; and accounts of the origins, organization, and benefits of various Buddhist rites, for which he drew upon court and monastic documents, scripture, and, in one or two cases, personal observation. He added a general preface and three other prefaces to bind the tales together in three volumes or fascicles (maki). Tamenori's stated purpose was to provide Sonshi with information conducive to her spiritual advancement, but he also believed that by providing such guidance and by rejoicing in her accomplishments he would simultaneously augment his own store of merit and increase the likelihood of his own salvation. He claimed that this particular kind of literature, which literally chastised evil and encouraged good and which was based on the irrefutable teachings of the Buddha, was superior to the fanciful romances (monogatari) favored by women of Sonshi's day and of Sonshi's class. But to convey his message most effectively, Tamenori adapted the form of the illustrated monogatari for his own purposes, and thus devised a special book designed to fulfill his special goals and particularly suited to the needs and capacities of his intended reader. 3
Page 4 4 A Short History of Sanb6e In his "General Preface" Tamenori justified the plan of his book by quoting a verse attributed to the revered Nagarjuna suggesting a scriptural analogue to the illustrated monogatari: Whether you look at what is shown in the pictures, Hear what is said in the words of others Or follow the scriptures and other writings Be sure to understand and remember!2 "With this in mind," Tamenori wrote, "I have had illustrations of several exemplary stories made, and I submit them to you together with these words from the scripture and from other works." Accordingly, he prepared for Sonshi a book that was unlike any of its acknowledged sources and unlike any of its known models in the genre of Buddhist tale collections. It was, instead, an emaki, a text combined with pictures, like many of the books read at court and in the private quarters of aristocratic women in mid-Heian Japan.3 It may have been planned to take the same general shape as does Genji monogatari emaki, the best known surviving work of this type, which has blocks of narrative text broken at intervals by an illustration of some highlight or essential element of that passage.4 The resulting book not only would have been a beautiful object and a pleasure to read and look at but also would have been an embodiment of the Buddhist practice of h6ben, the teaching of the complex through expedient, simplifying means. Tamenori's innovative choice of the emaki format for Sanbbe, a serious didactic and devotional work, made its content all the more accessible and palatable for Sonshi; yet, in its author's view, its content and purpose made it a far better book than those whose form it imitated. In another passage of the "General Preface," certainly the most frequently quoted in the whole work, Tamenori condemns monogatari and criticizes their readers for allowing themselves to be taken in by so much of what he considered to be hokum. He approaches the subject by imagining how Sonshi will spend her time now that she has left her old way of life for that of a nun. Concerned about the temptations to which she may yield in her idleness, he warns her against too much enjoyment of games of go and koto practice before moving in for the real attack5: Then there are the so-called monogatari, which have such an effect upon ladies' hearts. They flourish in numbers greater than the grasses of Oaraki Forest, more countless than the sands on the Arisomi beaches. They attribute speech to trees and plants, mountains and rivers, birds and beasts, fish and insects that cannot speak; they invest unfeeling objects with
Page 5 A Short History of Sanbe 5 human feelings and ramble on and on with meaningless phrases like so much flotsam in the sea, with no two words together that have any more solid basis than does swamp grass growing by a river bank. The Sorceress of Iga, The Tosa Lord, The Fashionable Captain, The Nagai Chamberlain, and all the rest depict relations between men and women just as if they were so many flowers or butterflies, but do not let your heart get caught up even briefly in these tangled roots of evil, these forests of words.6 The attitude Tamenori reveals here is typical of the distrust of fiction that was a tenet of the intellectuals of his age, and a wholly accepted inheritance from their Chinese literary forebears.7 This distrust is also the subject of a barbed exchange between Hikaru Genji and his ward, Tamakazura-a monogatari enthusiast-in a famous section of the "Fireflies" (Hotaru) chapter of Genji monogatari. There, Genji first presents objections that are very similar to Tamenori's, but then expresses more positive views that have often been taken to be those of the author herself.8 At a time when the monogatari was flourishing (although perhaps not as wildly as Tamenori suggests), its readers-both women and men, no doubt-may indeed have engaged in such debates with one another and with themselves as they tried to reconcile the pleasures and rewards of this genre with their established notions of what literature should be. As Tamenori conceived it, however, Sanboe could never be attacked for spuriousness or frivolity. He could borrow the structure of the illustrated monogatari for it, but the veracity of its contents would be unquestionable, primarily because its sources, particularly the scriptures, were also works of accepted veracity. Furthermore, the spiritual goals of his work were unimpeachable and certainly more high-minded (in his view) than those that merely sought to titillate. The illustrations as well as the text of Sanbie might entertain as well as, or better than, the monogatari, but they would also edify and perhaps even "save" the reader. So far as is known, no one in either China or Japan had tried to do what Tamenori did when he combined Buddhist tales with illustrations in the emaki format, though of course there were many examples in other modes and genres of art and literature in which words and pictures had been used together to communicate the ideas and images of Buddhism. There were, indeed, illustrated versions of satras (for example, the Kako genzai ingakyo, or "Eingaky6," probably a mid-eighth century work, depicting the life of Sakyamuni), and the preparation of copies of certain satras with elaborate illustrations and calligraphy was a
Page 6 6 A Short History of Sanb~e favored form of devotional offering in Heian society.9 But the Japanese work most like Sanbee, which also comprises one of its major sourcesthe above-mentioned Nihon rybiki-was not illustrated, even though much of its content was equally well suited to rendering in visual form and despite the fact that illustrations would have promoted the didactic goals of its author (which were, of course, closely akin to Tamenori's). So, although not entirely without precedent, the idea of the form of Sanb6e was very likely Tamenori's invention, or perhaps that of someone in Sonshi's household, or even the princess's own notion. It seems unlikely that anyone would have argued against the suggestion that illustrations would add a great deal to what Tamenori had to say in the book. His reference to the verse by Nagarjuna may even imply that the illustrations were the more important component of the work, while the text itself was somewhat secondary. At some point in the intervening centuries the Sanb6e illustrations were lost. No means of reconstructing them readily presents itself, for there are no contemporary descriptions of the illustrations, and there is only slight evidence that they ever existed. At the end of seven tales in one of the major copies of Sanbbe are the words e ari ("There is an illustration"). In addition, one fragment of a copy of the first tale in the second volume (the biography of Prince Shotoku) contains what appears to be a description of two or three illustrated scenes.10 This does not necessarily mean that only these tales were illustrated. Tamenori (if it were he who made these notations; it may very well have been a later copyist) may simply have omitted the indication in the other tales. Emaki texts and pictures were frequently produced by separate hands, and this was most probably the case with Sanbee. Tamenori was and is known as a writer and not a painter, although he was mistakenly thought of as such in later centuries.11 Perhaps Tamenori fulfilled his part of the task of creating Sanbee, but the anonymous graphic artist failed to do so. Women like Sonshi often "read" emaki by looking at the pictures while a companion read the text out loud. For this purpose, or for that of copying, the Sanbae text and illustrations, even if they were originally presented together as a single work in three large scrolls, may eventually have been separated. It is also possible that the illustrations were planned for presentation in some format separate from the text itself. In either case, if damaged or worn, the illustrations would have been far more difficult and expensive to reproduce than the text. The possibility that they may have been the more treasured part of the work and were perhaps unique or groundbreaking in their interaction with the text makes their loss even more regrettable. But Sanboe is not the only early emaki for which only either illustrations or text survive, and in this case Tamenori's holograph has not survived either. We know Sanbce's
Page 7 A Short History of Sanboe 7 content largely through its survival in three later copies, each of which is very different, in various ways, from the others. More than a millennium has passed since Tamenori wrote this book, and during much of that time Sanboe was virtually ignored. Its rediscovery by Japanese scholars did not occur until the early part of this century, but today it is studied by numbers of scholars interested in its literary form and content, its relationship to other works, its religious and historical data, and its linguistic and orthographic aspects. And if the Sanb6e illustrations are ever found and can be shown to be the original illustrations completed around the end of the tenth century, they would be by far the earliest examples of the genre and of immense value in the study of emaki and of Japanese Buddhist art in general. Unfortunately, it now seems unlikely that the illustrations will ever come to light, and we can only speculate about them and their function with the text. Even the text we read today looks different from the one prepared for Sonshi's eyes; yet, something like the experience of reading it as she did is still possible for us. Sonshi The woman for whom Tamenori wrote Sanboe was about nineteen years old in the year that the book was completed and, presumably, presented to her. Sonshi was the daughter, wife, and sister of successive emperors. Two years before Sanboe, in the fourth month of Tengen 5 (982), she took the initial vows of a Buddhist nun. Then, in the fifth month of Kanna 1 (985), just a few months after Sanboe was finished, news reached the court that Sonshi had died. Though few of the details are known, there is much in this brief life that explains how Sanboe came to be written and why Tamenori wrote it as he did. Sonshi was the second daughter of Emperor Reizei, who lived from 950 to 1011 but reigned only from 967 to 969. She was the first child borne him by Fujiwara Kaishi, whose father, Koretada (or Koremasa, 924-972), was a scion of the Ichij5 branch of that powerful family. In 968, following Reizei's ascent to the throne, the two-year-old Sonshi was named Priestess (Saiin) of the Kamo Shrine.12 It was customary for new priestesses, usually immediate relatives of the emperor regnant, to be installed shortly after the beginning of each new reign. In the eighth month of Anna 2 (969), Reizei abdicated and was succeeded by his brother, who took the throne as Emperor En'yf (959-991; reigned 969 -984), but Sonshi continued to serve as Kamo priestess until 975, when her mother Kaishi died.13
Page 8 8 A Short History of Sanb~e In 980, Sonshi, then about fifteen years old, was received in the imperial palace as one of En'yf's wives. Such marriages between close relatives (in this case, of a fraternal uncle and niece) were by no means unusual, either in the imperial family or in the aristocratic clans.14 En'yoi already had several wives whose family ties made them politically more important than Sonshi. These included Senshi, daughter of Fujiwara Kaneie, then the Minister of the Right, and Junshi, daughter of Kaneie's cousin and rival, Fujiwara Yoritada, the Regent. But Sonshi was, after all, an emperor's daughter, and so a place was found for her at court, too. On the twentieth day of the tenth month of Tengen 3 she was installed in the Reikeiden, one of the consorts' residence halls in the inner palace. On the twenty-second day of the following month, a fire destroyed most of the palace. The court was forced into temporary quarters, and Sonshi withdrew to her private residence.15 Palace fires were all too frequent, but this one seems to have been particularly destructive, and the timing could not have been worse as far as Sonshi was concerned. The fact that it occurred so soon after her arrival at court as En'ya's wife seems to have bound the two events together and, according to Eiga monogatari and Okagami, she was known thereafter as Hi no miya-"the Fire Princess."16 Though she eventually returned to court, taking up residence in the ShOkyaden, the pall cast by the fire upon Sonshi's marriage seems never to have lifted, and, if we believe the Okagami narrator, "she only waited upon the emperor once or twice." When her maternal uncle Mitsuaki died, on the second day of the fourth month of Tengen 5 (982), she withdrew once more to her own home.17 On the ninth, the court learned that she had had her head shaven. She had become a nun. "Some said that it was the work of an evil spirit in possession of her," reported the courtier Fujiwara Sanesuke in his diary, Sh6yaki. "But others said that this was an intention nurtured for many years, kept secret from the court, so that no one knew the truth. This morning, Lord Yoshichika [another of Sonshi's maternal uncles] came to the palace and informed the emperor. It was said that not much was cut, just the locks that fell across her brow."18 Although this news seems to have taken the court by surprise, there were several plausible explanations for what Sonshi had done, and there are several similarities between this incident and many that are documented in the history and literature of Heian Japan. Aristocratic lay men and women of that society took vows as monks or nuns in various situations and for various reasons. Their motives were sometimes purely religious, but other objectives were often of great importance. The act itself is generally termed shukke, literally "leaving the home," i.e., one's worldly modus vivendi, for the life of religious devotion, ostensibly in a monastery or convent. Other terms for various stages of this process
Page 9 A Short History of Sanboe 9 include rakushoku, an initial, partial vows-taking (like Sonshi's) by royals or aristocrats, at which time the hair was partly cut or shaved, and jukai, the undertaking of a more complete set of precepts. The act of shukke was understood as a symbolic renunciation of secular ties, but the extent to which such renunciations were actually realized varied greatly. The shukke of emperors and political figures, often occurring simultaneously with or following closely after abdication or resignation, was sometimes little more than a strategy that allowed them to shed their official responsibilities while retaining power and prestige, qualities that were often heightened by their newly sanctified aura. Emperor Goshirakawa and Taira Kiyomori are two historical figures who used this tactic to great advantage. Other motives for the shukke of both men and women were bereavement over the death of a parent; the hope of salutary effects when the initiates were seriously ill; escape from a dangerous or frustrating love affair; and, particularly for persons of advanced years, the desire to prepare effectively for death through devotion to meritorious practices, among which the act of shukke itself ranked high. Many of the possible motives, conditions, and consequences of shukke in Heian society are depicted in Genji monogatari. Among the male characters who are monks there are, for example, Akashi no nyudo, a retired governor who is admired for his piety but is nonetheless successful in realizing an ambitious marriage for his daughter, and the Eighth Prince, a politically useless member of the royal family whose untimely withdrawal from the world and overwhelmingly cynical view of it have particularly disastrous effects on his daughters. There are women like Fujitsubo, who takes vows after her husband the emperor's death but also to atone for her guilty affair with Genji, and the Third Princess, Genji's attractive and naive young wife, who becomes a nun immediately after giving birth to a child by another man. (Her marriage resembles that of Sonshi and En'yi: the Third Princess is also the daughter of Genji's brother, Emperor Suzaku.) Genji himself, and Murasaki, the woman he raises from childhood to serve as his ideal wife, both nurture the desire to take vows throughout much of their lives. Genji is lured to this panacea whenever the political and romantic ways of the world seem to go against him, or when he is bereaved by the loss of someone he has loved. Murasaki's desire to become a nun increases in fervency as a mysterious illness strengthens its grip on her and her presentiments of death grow more intense, but because of Genji's inability to match her resolution, her intention remains unfulfilled at death. Like the acts of renunciation described in both historical chronicles and in fiction, Sonshi's shukke can probably be explained as the result of a combination of factors. Her long-nurtured "intention" may have been
Page 10 10 A Short History of Sanboe conceived at the time of the death of her mother and her retirement as Kamo priestess, but not only because of this bereavement. Other incumbents of that ritual office are known to have become Buddhist nuns, almost as a matter of course, after their Kamo tenure. They did so in the belief that compensatory Buddhist devotion was called for after the periods they spent as shrine officiants, during which time their participation in Buddhist observances was proscribed. Senshi Naishinn5 (964 -1035), a daughter of Emperor Murakami, succeeded Sonshi as Saiin in 975 and remained in that post through the next five reigns, until 1031 -for a total of fifty-seven years. Almost immediately upon retiring from her Kamo duties, she became a nun. While still serving at Kamo, she composed a series of verses on Buddhist scriptural themes, entitled Hosshin wakasha ["A Collection of Poems of Religious Awakening"], one objective of which was to counteract the ill effects of her inability to participate directly in Buddhist rituals.19 A fictional Kamo priestess, Princess Asagao, in Genji monogatari, also becomes a nun after she leaves her post. Sonshi may well have viewed her own circumstances in a similar light and may have decided very early in life that, sooner or later, she should take vows. Then came her marriage, forestalling her intentions but perhaps adding further to her determination. Her coincidental association with the fire and the greater importance of En'yfi's other wives may have been reasons why she "only waited upon him once or twice"; at any rate, their union yielded no children, whose presence would have made Sonshi's position at court somewhat more secure. Perhaps, for some reason, she was incapable of bearing them. It has been suggested, though not very convincingly, that she was somehow deformed20; what seems more likely, however, is that she was ill-too ill, perhaps, to attract or receive the emperor's affection, or too ill to conceive a child even if there had been the opportunity to do so. Illness may be the meaning of the "possession" (jake) that was rumored, according to Sanesuke, to have been responsible for Sonshi's initial tonsure. Possession was a very common diagnosis for all manner of physical ailments, as well as the cause to which all kinds of untoward events and precipitous acts were attributed. Jake may also be a euphemism for madness, which was usually thought to be caused by possession. Indeed, it is generally believed that Reizei, Sonshi's father, suffered from mental illness, and her brother Kazan was also notorious for his wayward behavior, so there may have been a general suspicion that this branch of the imperial family suffered from some kind of hereditary mental debility.21 In the eyes of Sanesuke and other courtiers, Sonshi's deed may have seemed so premature, so abrupt and thorough a denial of the promise of her birth and her marriage that it
Page 11 A Short History of Sanboe 11 could only have been the act of one who was not entirely in the possession of her own senses. It may have seemed to them to be the act of one who was suffering temporary insanity, caused perhaps by grief over the death of her uncle Mitsuaki, which was certainly more than a personal loss for Sonshi. His death must have deprived her of one of the very few men who were still in a position to look after her interests at court. But perhaps only those closest to Sonshi knew the truth and understood. If, at the time that she first took vows and had a few locks cut from her brow, she was in fact seriously ill (in some way that would have been called jake), and consequently knew even then that she might not live much longer, she probably also knew that there was really only one thing for her to do. It was now time to set aside any lingering reasons for delaying the realization of her "intention" to devote herself singularly to Buddhist practices that would increase her store of merit and prepare her as well as possible for the life to come. And that was how she must have spent those three years of life that, as it turned out, were all that were left her. According to Sanesuke, Sonshi died on the morning of the second day of the fifth month of Kanna 1 (985).22 (Nihon kiryaku gives the first day of the month as the day of her death.23) The "forty-ninth day" memorial service was held at Hosshoji, a temple closely associated with the Fujiwara family, on the seventeenth day of the sixth month. Sonshi's father Reizei, her husband En'yfi (who had abdicated at age twenty-five in the eighth month of the previous year) and the new emperor, Sonshi's brother Kazan, were all present. A prayer of intercession (ganmon) was composed for the occasion by Yoshishige Yasutane (?-1002), a pious and scholarly scribe known today for a number of literary achievements.24 In his prayer, Yasutane tried to make sense of Sonshi's brief life. He observed, to begin with, that even the Buddha Sakyamuni was mortal, that even celestial beings can grow old; and among all sentient beings, he asked, are there any that must not face death? When Sonshi came to court as En'yfi's wife, he continued, her beauty rivaled that of fabled Chinese sirens ("the enchantress of Mount Lo Fu"; "the goddess of the Lo River"), but she found no joy in her life there. "It wasn't that the flowers of the palace were not beautiful, but for a long time her greatest wish was for enlightenment. It wasn't that the moon over her pavilion at court did not shine bright, but she had always had her heart set on perfect wisdom. She did not glory in the emperor's affection but sought only to escape from worldly woe. Day and night she chanted the 'Devadatta' chapter and thought constantly of Lord Amida." In Yasutane's view, then, it was no "evil spirit" but her "longnurtured intention" that prompted Sonshi to bring her career at court to its abrupt end. For some time, according to him-since her initial
Page 12 12 A Short History of Sanbie tonsure, or perhaps even earlier-she had devoted herself to worship of that chapter of the Lotus Saitra that tells how a child of eight, the Naga girl, daughter of the Dragon King, instantaneously became a Buddha, overcoming all the special obstacles that women face, and Sonshi had meditated upon the Buddha who promised rebirth in the Pure Land for all sentient beings. Accordingly, Yasutane reported, "on the nineteenth of last month" (does he mean the third month, the month prior to her demise?) "she called upon the late Enryakuji Abbot Ry6gen to serve as her preceptor" and, at last, "entered the Way of Buddha." This passage in the ganmon presents a puzzle. Ry~gen, an extremely influential Tendai abbot who had close ties to the imperial family and the Fujiwara clan, died in the first month of Kanna 1-some four months before Sonshi. Yasutane may have meant that Sonshi took her full vows from Ry6gen, as "preceptor" (kaishi), in the third month of the previous year, or on some date unrecorded elsewhere. Perhaps, however, Sonshi "called upon him" posthumously, or, perhaps, the date was miscopied in the ganmon text that is preserved in Honcho monzui. At any rate, the passage seems to indicate that at some time not long before her death Sonshi's induction into Buddhist orders was made complete, under the guidance and with the sanction of the most eminent clergyman in the land. Nonetheless, Yasutane acknowledged, there may still have been those who did not understand why she acted as she did. "In the past and in the present," he explained, "there have been women who renounced the lives they led. There have been those who were widowed in old age and those who were besieged by illness or were parentless." But Sonshi, he observed, was the daughter, wife, and sister of emperors: "Her place in the world denied her nothing; her beauty had not faded, nor had youth left her. Why, then, did she leave this world so soon? Looking back, it seems she must have been a divine manifestation: perhaps Mafijughosa, come to this world but briefly, dwelling here in the guise of a lady of the court, or maybe Kannon, taking mortal shape to point the way to salvation for all." As Yasutane suggested, there was ample precedent for certain women, in certain circumstances, to do as the late Sonshi had done. But she was not a widow, nor an orphan in the true sense, nor elderly, as were most of the women who entered religious orders. Sonshi's decision to do so, and her death not long thereafter, were to be explained, he suggested, not in worldly terms but in religious ones. Her very existence had been of other than human origin, and its meaning was to be sought not in her secular accomplishments but in her exemplary spiritual life. Such memorials often proclaimed that the departed was in fact a Buddha or Bodhisattva incarnate, but Yasutane used this device to
Page 13 A Short History of Sanboe 13 suggest the very reasons why Sonshi had lived and died as she did. Her spirituality was inherent, the brevity of her presence on earth predestined by her other-worldly origins, and her whole life an embodiment of the Buddhist principle of innate impermanence. Still, it was as a mortal woman, and as a woman of high birth and rank, that she had lived. So, as Yasutane reported, her memorial service was one befitting such a personage: "For this forty-ninth day of remembrance, images of Amida Buddha and of the Bodhisattvas Kannon and Mahasthamaprapta were cast in silver, and copies of the eight fascicles of the Lotus Satra and its 'Opening' and 'Closing' satras, and of the Amida Satra, the Satra on the Transformation of Women into Buddhas, and the Heart Satra were made in gold letters.25 Upon completion, these were presented as offerings at Hosshoji." Yasutane also described Sonshi's last moments in a manner reminiscent of the death scenes he wrote in the biographies of forty-two religious individuals in Nihon ojogokurakuki ("Accounts of Japanese who were Reborn in the Pure Land"-a work that he probably was completing at about the same time as this memorial26): "In her last moments, Her Highness faced the West and supported herself on an armrest. Her heart never wavered, even for an instant, as she concentrated upon her desire to attain rebirth in the Pure Land. Therefore, the day on which she breathed her last must also have been the day on which she first claimed her seat upon the Lotus. Without doubt, she passed through no intermediate stage of purgatory but went directly to the Western Paradise." All the documents reviewed here in the effort to reconstruct some of the details of Sonshi's life and death, including this ganmon, were written under the constrictions of formal conventions and social obligations. All, for example, contain descriptions of the princess's beauty that must be, to some extent, exaggerated. Still, they convincingly suggest that there was something extraordinary about her. Beyond what these documents tell us, there is really very little that can be said about her. But the book that Tamenori wrote for her does tell us something about the ideas and practices to which she may have devoted herself in those last few months and days of her short life. Tamenori Minamoto Tamenori was in the middle of his career as a scholarbureaucrat when he wrote Sanb6e.27 Both before and after Sanboe, he produced a few other literary works that have survived, some of which, like Sanboe, also deal with Buddhist topics from a lay perspective.
Page 14 14 A Short History of Sanb6e Emperor Ichij6 (980-1011; reigned 986-1011) is said to have admired Tamenori's Chinese poems, and Tamenori is always listed among the outstanding literati of his generation. Yet none of his surviving shi or waka (poems in Chinese and Japanese, respectively) have sufficient merit to distinguish them from those of his peers. Still, Tamenori, rather than other available scribes, was called upon to write Sanboe, probably because his literary accomplishments, particularly those in the religious sphere, had brought him to the attention of Sonshi's household, to which he was bound by blood ties. Though scarcely extraordinary, Tamenori was thus singled out to execute a task, the survival of which has helped to rescue his name from what would otherwise be total obscurity. The exact year of Tamenori's birth is not recorded, but since it is said that he was seventy when he died in 1011, the date of 941 is often given. The Minamoto surname indicates that his was one of those families descended from princes of the blood lowered from imperial to common rank. In Tamenori's case the line went back four generations to a son of Emperor Koko, Prince Korehito, who was created Minamoto no Ason in 896. (K6ok was the brother of Emperor Uda, Sonshi's greatgreat-grandfather, so Sonshi and Tamenori were actually distant cousins. A similar relationship existed between Tamenori and En'yfi.) Little is known about Tamenori's father, Tadamoto, beyond the fact that he attained the Junior Lower Fifth Rank and served as Governor of Chikuzen.28 When Tamenori's name first appears among those of men attending and contributing to poetry contests, beginning in the 960s, he is identified as a monjosho, a student of literary studies in the Imperial University.29 There, his chief mentor is said to have been Minamoto Shitago (911-983), an important scholar and author (he was a descendant of a different Minamoto line-from a son of Emperor Sagaand so was not an immediate relative of Tamenori's). Shitag6 was, for example, the compiler of the earliest known Japanese dictionary, Wamyo ruijush6, which may have been completed as early as 934, when Shitago was only twenty-three, at the behest of an imperial princess, Kinshi Naishinno.30 A number of Shitago's Chinese and Japanese poems (many composed at contests) and his essays in Chinese appear in various collections, particularly Honcho monzui. Because of the breadth of his literary activity, Shitago is also often mentioned as a possible author of works of unknown provenance, such as Utsuho monogatari. None of his works are as specifically Buddhist in content as is Tamenori's Sanb6e, but in the general field of Chinese and Japanese belles-lettres he was certainly Tamenori's chief guide and exemplar. His bureaucratic career was as mediocre as his proteg6's: he never rose above the Junior Upper
Page 15 A Short History of Sanboe 15 Fifth Rank, which he achieved rather late, at age fifty, and he died while holding the same rank, some twenty-one years later, in the rather insignificant post of Governor of Noto. The conventional theme of frustration over failure to be rewarded for public service-a literary inheritance from China-is frequently evoked in Shitago's poetry and is one of the hallmarks of the poetry and prose produced by his contemporaries and followers, including such men as Tamenori and Yasutane.31 Another poet, Tachibana Masamichi, was recognized, according to Godanshb, as Shitag6's most accomplished disciple in his own time, but Godansho also reports that it was to Tamenori that Shitago entrusted his own collected poems shortly before his death.32 Whether true or not, this story would seem to be evidence of the closeness of the relationship between the two men, nurtured by shared literary interests. What Tamenori studied as a monjosho, under Shitago's supervision, was the Chinese histories, the Confucian classics, and Chinese verse, as well as the art of writing in imitation of these models.33 The method of study was rote memorization and composition on set themes, in specific styles and standard formats. Thus, graduates of the monjosho course were prepared to serve in the various government bureaus and provincial administrations, where they were required to write edicts, chronicles, and memorials in literary Chinese. Their university training also prepared them to take a place at the poetry contests and other gatherings sponsored by their higher-ranking relatives and patrons. All of Tamenori's works display his thorough absorption of this kind of training. His "original" works, such as the prefaces in Sanboe, are marbled, in the typical manner, with allusions to secular Chinese and Japanese works, as well as to a vast number of Buddhist texts, and many of these allusions are to works that must have seemed obscure even in his own day. His contributions to poetry contests are notable for little other than their typical reliance on stock phrases, rendered fresh only in that they are newly combined and juxtaposed. It was, of course, such manipulation of known and borrowed materials, rather than creativity, per se, that was valued in these literary exercises. It is also such skillful manipulation of materials from other sources that comprises most of Sanbbe and yet makes of it a work with its own distinctive shape and character. The study of Buddhist texts was a late addition to the monjosho curriculum and was considered a minor field. Some familiarity with the ideas and terminology of Buddhism was as necessary for a gentleman as was the ability to be conversant in the language of flowers, music, and other accomplishments, but it was not usually an element of formal poetic composition. Nonetheless, Tamenori and some of his peers in the 960s seem to have become particularly knowledgeable about Buddhist
Page 16 16 A Short History of Sanbse literature, perhaps largely through their own efforts. Some of them wanted to apply the literary skills that their formal secular studies had given them to the creation of devotional works as well. This was the motive for the formation, in 964, of the Kangakue ("Society for the Advancement of Learning"), an association of which Tamenori was almost certainly a member, in its initial stages.34 Yasutane is also generally acknowledged as one of the central figures-or the central figure-of the Kangakue. Other founding members were university students and monks from the Enryakuji monastery, the headquarters of the Tendai school. The group met twice a year in one or another subtemple of Enryakuji on the slopes of Mount Hiei, northeast of the capital city. At each convocation, the participants passed a twenty-fourhour period reading saCtras, meditating on Amida Buddha, and composing devotional verses on scriptural phrases and topics. Tamenori includes in the third volume of Sanbie a detailed description of the organization and intent of the Kangakue, giving the impression of an insider's view. He says that the participants conceived of their activity in this association as atonement for their waste of energy in worldly pursuits (i.e., their secular studies and writings). Tamenori quotes their chanting of a line by the Chinese poet Po Chtu-i that, although taken out of context and somewhat altered in its meaning, nevertheless embodies the wish that the verses written in the Kangakue setting might generate sufficient merit to ameliorate the negative value of their author's more mundane exertions. Inherent in this wish is a certain skepticism about the lasting value of worldly literary endeavors, which is itself a stock theme like that of the frustrated bureaucrat-and that is what these students felt they were destined to become. Through the Kangakue they expressed a desire to make something else of their literary skills and of their lives. The Kangakue also represents the beginnings of very personal involvement by sincere lay Buddhists in Amidist piety and worship outside the confines of formal monastic ritual, and so marks an important development in the early history of the Pure Land movement in Japanese Buddhism.35 Tamenori's early activities in the sphere of religious literature were not limited to the Kangakue setting. In fact, he seems to have viewed much of his Buddhist-oriented writing as an effort to produce religious merit, just as the Kangakue poems were meant to do. He seems also to have been drawn to other manifestations of the Pure Land movement, and from an early date displayed an interest in charismatic religious figures that would lead him to include the biographies of several such men and women in Sanbee. Such a figure in Tamenori's own time was the preacher K6ya (or Kfiya). This so-called "Saint of the Marketplace" (Ichi no hijiri) was an unconventional Tendai monk who proselytized by
Page 17 A Short History of Sanb6e 17 demonstrating the nenbutsu (the invocation of the name of Amida Buddha, probably in a danced and sung version) and proclaiming its merits in public places in both the capital and the countryside. Koya had a wide, popular following, but his activities also captured the interest of the aristocracy, and he was invited to preach in their households as well. Perhaps it was thus that Tamenori came into contact with him. Shortly after Koya's death, in 972, Tamenori wrote a memorial biography (Koya rui) extolling the late preacher's character and chronicling the deeds that had made him legendary.36 Koya rui forms the basis of Yasutane's biography of Koya in his Nihon ojigokurakuki and remains the most important source of information about him. Faith in Amida and his Pure Land, and worship thereof, are of course present in the Buddhism described in Sanboe, but always within the larger context of Tendai teaching and practice. This was the context in which K5ya promoted them as well. Still, in a sense, Koya's career did embody one of the cardinal ideas of the important Pure Land innovators who came after him. This was the belief that Buddhist faith and practice could, should, and indeed had to be made readily accessible to people of every social stratum and mental capacity, in terms they could understand and in a form that they could easily accept and take part in. For the Pure Land patriarchs, this approach was strengthened by the conviction that the coming of an apocalyptic age (called mappo) that would see the decline and end of true Buddhism made such simple approaches to religion the only ones that could still have meaning and effect. The simplification and accessibility thus dictated were crucial elements of K6ya's appeal, just as they were in the success of the Pure Land reformers: the nenbutsu they taught supplanted more difficult modes of worship, and its benefits were assured to all sincere practitioners. A work like Sanboe can also be thought of as a product of a similar attitude, although Sanboe is less an explicit expression of mappo concerns than it is an example of that genre of works composed by and for laymen that attempt to bring aspects of sophisticated religious traditions into their purview by presenting them in modes that are neither too technical nor overly abstract. When Tamenori sought to share with Sonshi such knowledge of Buddhism as he possessed, he did so by presenting it in a form and language that was familiar to her. He reduced its complexities by portraying it as a religion in which she might participate on a personal level, and about which she might best learn simply by reading the book he had designed both for her pleasure and for her edification. Tamenori was able to do so not only because of what he had learned about Buddhism but also because he had sufficiently developed his secular literary skills. In 972, the same year that he wrote Koya rui,
Page 18 18 A Short History of Sanb6e Tamenori was invited to an utaawase (a contest for the writing of Japanese verse) at the residence of Imperial Princess Kishi, who was soon to be named Ise Priestess. Shitago was the moderator, and the participants were called upon to write waka in praise of the late spring flowers in Kishi's garden. Tamenori's contribution was an acrostic, with a pun on the word kusagusa ("plants" and "array"): Nobegoto ni hana o shi oreba Kusagusa no ha utsuru sode zo tsuyukekarikeru In every field I've plucked a flower, and now my sleeves, imbued with their array of scents, are soaked with dew. When the poems of the day were recorded, together with Shitago's critique, it was Tamenori who wrote the preface, which set the scene, commended the hostess, and saluted the assemblage and their offerings.37 The preface is pedestrian prose, just as the poem is pedestrian verse, but both are acceptable exercises in the use of conventional wordplay and conventional poetic figures. Utaawase (and shiawase) participants sought to demonstrate their facility in composing poems according to shared, accepted rules and values. What mattered was the way that each poem addressed the others and contributed to the total effect, reflecting a sensitivity to the particular social and natural setting while acknowledging, by drawing upon, the corpus of poetic tradition. Innovative, overtly personal expressions in verse had little place in these gatherings, and such expressions were rarely encountered. Thus, the conventions were hallowed, the poetic vocabulary was narrowed, and the aesthetic code they represented became increasingly inflexible. Tamenori seems almost to have made a special study of this kind of verbal gamesmanship. Two years prior to Kishi's utaawase, Tamenori compiled what appears to be a kind of handbook that might well have been useful for spur-of-the-moment composition of verse or prose for either public or private occasions. It is called Kuchizusami ("Impromptus") and consists simply of brief items (many of them names) arranged in nineteen categories: "Celestial Objects, Seasons, Reign Dates, Geography, Provinces, Rural Places, Urban Places, Habitations, Buddhist Scriptures, Social Relationships, Official Court Titles, Yin-yang Divination, Medicine, Food and Drink, Literature, Music, Theatricals, Birds and Beasts, Miscellaneous." (Some of these categories, and the listing concept itself, bear a close resemblance to some of the "list" sections of Sei Sh6nagon's Makura no s6shi, but Tamenori offers none of his own editorial comments, as Sh6nagon does.)
Page 19 A Short History of Sanboe 19 Kuchizusami was written on commission, or on request, as was Sanbbe-in this case, for Matsuo no kimi (later Tadanobu), the sevenyear-old son of Fujiwara Tamemitsu.38 In 1007, toward the end of his life, Tamenori compiled another such primer entitled Sezoku genbun ("Familiar Quotations") for the benefit of the nineteen-year-old Fujiwara Yorimichi (990-1074, one of Michinaga's many sons, later prime minister and regent).39 Sezoku genbun originally consisted of three volumes; only one of these survives, and it contains some 220 passages taken verbatim from Chinese classics and Buddhist scriptures. It has the appearance of a commonplace book-which, like the lists in Kuchizusami, might have been quite useful as a ready reference (especially if memorized) when an appropriate allusion was needed at a poetry contest or in an elegant conversation. While Sanboe presented Sonshi with a guide to her religion, Kuchizusami and Sezoku genbun were designed to function as guides to the secular world, primers designed for young men learning to take their place in aristocratic society. All three consist wholly or in part of materials taken from other sources. While only Sanbbe has, additionally, an original, unifying framework, all three may be grouped as simple manuals, gleanings from a wider store of knowledge culled by a teacher for particular students with particular needs. Perhaps the production of such books was Tamenori's scholarly forte, and perhaps he was recognized in his own day as one who could skillfully distill his own broad knowledge in manageable and attractive packages. The pedantic tone he occasionally employed in the "original" parts of Sanboe may also stem from this attitude of expertise vis-a-vis his audience. The breadth and depth of Tamenori's knowledge of the language of poetry, and his pedantry as well, are revealed in an odd story that appears both in Godansh6 and Kokonchomonja.40 It seems that Tamenori was never seen at a poetry gathering without a great pouch stuffed full of scraps of paper covered with jotted drafts from previous contests. At one shiawase, the moderator, Oe Mochitoki, introduced a poem of his own composition that concluded with these lines: The crane, returning to Mount Sung, dances on high in the rays of the sun; the dragon, having drunk the waters of the Wei, climbs skyward, leaving not a cloud behind. Yasutane's nephew, Yoshishige Tamemasa, protested: the words "the dragon climbs skyward" were taboo because the two characters for "dragon" and "ascend" could be taken to mean "the emperor died." Mochitoki only smiled, refusing to withdraw the poem or change the
Page 20 20 A Short History of Sanbbe line. Tamenori, meanwhile, was overcome with admiration for Mochitoki's poem. (He may have been impressed by the allusions to the ancient story of Prince Chin of Chou, who acquired the special powers of a sage and flew around Mount Sung on the back of a crane, and to the legend of the black dragon that drank from the Wei River and was transformed into a huge mountain.) Whatever the cause, so intense were his emotions that Tamenori felt compelled to plunge his head into his poetry bag, and he kept it there until his tears dried up. Some of the other poets were similarly moved, it seems, while others could only laugh at Tamenori's eccentricity. The story may be apocryphal, but it supports the image of Tamenori as a man who was eager to preserve all sorts of scraps of knowledge, who was thus armed with information of all kinds, and who took it all quite seriously. His skills as record-keeper and compiler must also have been called upon and developed in the series of official posts he held, beginning, after he left the university, with those of chamberlain (kurodo) and secretary in the Ministry of Ceremonials (Shikibu no j1). His duties probably involved researching and writing records of court functions, 'official appointments, and the activities of imperial family members, as well as record-keeping for the university. Tamenori's familiarity with official records must have been quite useful when he wrote Sanb6e, particularly its third volume, which includes detailed accounts of the origins of court-sponsored and other Buddhist rituals. Like most scholar-bureaucrats, Tamenori was also assigned to several tours of duty in the provinces. In 984, when he completed Sanbee, he signed himself "Provisional Governor of Mikawa." The duties of this office (gon no kami), like many others provided for in the legal codes, were vague, and although titularly second in command, "Provisional Governors" may not have had to spend much time in their designated outposts. Some governors did delegate considerable responsibility to the "Provisionals," while for others the title was probably no more than an honorary adjunct to their official rank ranging, depending on the importance of the province, from Senior Upper Seventh to Junior Upper Fifth. Mikawa was only a moderately important province in economic terms, but its relative proximity to the capital made appointments there fairly prestigious. Tamenori was Provisional Governor of Mikawa until at least 986. Eventually, he served as governor in Iga, TOtOmi, and Mino provinces as well. His term in TOtomi ended in 995, and on his return to the capital he was elevated to the Junior Upper Fifth Rank, presumably in recognition of a good record of service. At about this time, however, he is said to have been implicated in a plot to murder another official, Tachibana Koreyori. Though exonerated, Tamenori was passed over for official
Page 21 A Short History of Sanboe 21 appointments for a number of years thereafter. Honch6 monzui includes a petition attributed to Tamenori in which he pleads for an appointment as governor of either Kaga or Mino.41 He praises himself as an able administrator, claiming credit for a large increase in the number of fields on the tax rolls and for having rescued many citizens from poverty in the provinces where he has served, and he proclaims his loyalty to the emperor. Records do show that he got the post in Mino, though perhaps not as a result of this plea. The date given for the petition in Honcho monzui is Chowa 3 (1014), which postdates Tamenori's death, so the document may be spurious.42 At any rate, Tamenori's disgrace cannot have been too great. He remained a frequent guest at poetry parties hosted by the great and powerful, such as that held at the residence of Michinaga, then Minister of the Left, in 1003 (where he was identified as "the former Governor of Mino").43 Tamenori's, then, was a career spent in the lower echelons of the aristocracy, brightened occasionally by recognition from his superiors in the form of special requests for his literary and scholarly services, of which Sanboe was one result. And again, in the third month of 986-not quite a year after Sonshi's death-when the retired Emperor En'yfi took Buddhist vows, Tamenori was asked to write a record of the event entitled Dajahoo gojukai no ki or En'yain jukai no ki. It was written as an eyewitness account (in Chinese, of course) beginning with the departure of En'yfi's party from the capital, on the nineteenth, through the journey to and from T6daiji, where the initiation ceremony took place on the twenty-third, under the direction of the eminent Shingon monk Kancha (?-998, another of the emperor's distant cousins). At the conclusion of the ceremonies, Tamenori wrote: The ecclesiastic officials and members of the nobility withdrew from [the emperor's] presence. He asked that an accurate record of these events be made. I, Minamoto Tamenori, his humble servant, had the honor of accompanying him as a senior member of the entourage. My obligations to him have been and are overwhelming. I wrote this in obedience to his imperial command. My tears are mixed with the ink upon these pages. And though I have completed the task, I truly fear that those who read what I have written will not esteem it.44 Tamenori's tears also mixed with the ink he used to write the last lines of his "General Preface" to Sanboe, where he again expressed his gratitude for having been asked to perform such a service for Sonshi. The figure is a conventional one, a rhetorical flourish, like the seemingly
Page 22 22 A Short History of Sanbbe modest protestation that accompanies it, and yet it probably reflects a genuine sentiment. Tamenori was no doubt very glad to receive these assignments, to have the opportunity to serve with his brush. We do not know what rewards he may have received from his royal kinsmen other than increased recognition as an efficient and reliable scribe. In Sanbbe, he writes only of the religious merit he hoped to earn by contributing to Sonshi's progress, but there may have been some more tangible benefits as well. Recognition of Tamenori's literary efforts came, eventually, in the inclusion of some of his works in various anthologies. In addition to those quoted in Honcho monzui and Godansh6, there are nine shi by Tamenori in Honch6 reis6, a compendium of the works of the literati of Ichijo's court, and others may be found in RuijfC kudaisho, Wakan roeisha, and Shinsen roeisha. Waka by Tamenori appear in Shaisha, Gengensha, and Shoku shikasha. There was, in addition, a collection of his poetic works (Tamenorisha, or Ikeisha), but this has been lost, as has a work attributed to Tamenori with the title Honcho shirin-perhaps a dictionary or another collection of aphorisms. And in Chbya gunsai (a miscellany compiled by Miyoshi Tameyasu in 1116), there is a letter said to have been written by the Tendai monk Genshin (942-1017) to accompany a set of Japanese devotional writings that he had selected for conveyance to China. The set included Genshin's own OjSoysha (his influential treatise on the practice and benefits of Pure Land piety), hymns in praise of Kannon by Yasutane and Ry6gen, and some poems on themes from the Lotus Satra (Hokkekyofu) by Tamenori-but these last are otherwise unknown.45 There is no evidence that Tamenori's name actually became known to Chinese readers by this or any other means. And, as we have seen, his fame in his own land was only of a very limited sort. The brief passage in Okagami devoted to the life of Sonshi does mention that Sanboe was written for her, but its author goes unnamed.46 Typical as he was of the literati of his generation-though perhaps distinguished somewhat by the relative extent of his knowledge of Buddhist lore-Tamenori was not, after all, a very remarkable man, nor one to whom we would pay much attention were it not for Sanb6e. Then again, as we have also seen, it was not for fame that he wrote it. Texts and Title No manuscript of Sanboe in Tamenori's own hand, or even of his own time, has survived. A fourteenth-century work, Eigaku yoki, which is a miscellany of history and lore of Enryakuji, refers to "a handwritten draft [soan] of Minamoto Tamenori's Sanboe" as the source for an
Page 23 A Short History of Sanboe 23 episode in the life of Saich5 (who does appear in several tales in the third volume), but no such episode is in any of the known Sanbbe copies, and no such "draft" is to be found today at Enryakuji or elsewhere.47 Nor is much known about the circulation of Sanboe after it was presented (as we assume) to Sonshi. We may suppose, at the very least, that Tamenori shared what he had written with some of his literary colleagues; it does appear that the text somehow found its way into Yasutane's hands. Yasutane had probably written most of his Nihon ojogokurakuki before 985, but between the fourth month of 986 and the ninth month of 987 he added two more biographies. These were of Prince Shotoku and of Gyoki-the subjects of the first two sections of the second volume of Sanb6e-and Yasutane honored them by placing their biographies at the very beginning of his book. He explained, in a note, that he was directed to do so by Prince Kaneakira, his patron, who had seen these two "Bodhisattvas" in a dream.48 (Perhaps the prince, too, had read what Tamenori had written about them in Sanb6e.) Yasutane's versions of the lives of Prince Shotoku and of Gyoki are very similar to Tamenori's, but we should probably stop short of calling them copies; at the very least, it would certainly seem that both men used the same sources, and perhaps Yasutane did so after consulting Tamenori about his references and seeing how he had used them in Sanboe.49 It is tempting to suppose that what Yasutane saw was Tamenori's mysterious soan, and to imagine that he took it with him when he became a monk in the fourth month of 986 and retired to live out his days in the Yokawa sector of Enryakuji, for this might explain how the author of the Eigaku yoki came to know of it. We have also seen that Yasutane, like Tamenori, was one of the regular scribes relied upon by Sonshi's household, for it was he to whom the task of writing her ganmon was entrusted. Perhaps it was through this connection-at a reading of the text for Sonshi before her death, or in its aftermath-that he became familiar with its contents. But it is just as likely that what Yasutane saw was a copy, perhaps one of several that might have been made if Sanboe was shared, in some way, among the households of other royal ladies. They, in turn, may have had their own attendants copy it again (like the women of Genji's household did during the rainy season, when there was little else to do but seek diversion in the reading and copying of monogatari).50 The copying of Sanbse, of course, may have been the work of men like Yasutane himself or other scholars-perhaps other members of the Kangakue old guard-who would have had a similar natural interest in Tamenori's work. These men, as well as women readers, may have regarded it not so much as a monogatari-like text but as a devotional one, the copying of which itself might be a meritorious act. If we
Page 24 24 A Short History of Sanb6e suppose that copies of Sanboe were in fact made by and for both men and women, we may have an explanation, as plausible as any other, for the fact that the three major copies that do survive are all written in different orthographies. The two oldest are in forms that employ, to some extent, the phonetic syllabaries; they are readable, even orally, as essentially Japanese texts. They thus resemble the form that would have been the most appropriate for reading by or to women, at least in the Heian period. The other copy, however, is written almost entirely in Chinese characters, in the style that is called hentai kanbun, and so looks more like what a man of the time would have been likely to read or write. (Hentai kanbun is a form of Sino-Japanese written entirely in kanji, but with syntactic adjustments that conform more to the character of Japanese than to classical Chinese.) The oldest of these copies-actually a scattered assortment of fragments-is known as the Todaiji-gire. The longest fragment, containing most of the second volume plus the preface and first tale of the third volume, is dated 1120 and is thought to have been copied by Minamoto Toshiyori (1055?-1129). It is owned by the Sekido family of Nagoya. In addition, some eighty-two fragments, including parts of all three volumes of Sanb6e, have been identified as parts of the Todaijigire. The origin of the name "Todaiji-gire" is unclear. It is unlikely that it ever belonged to Todaiji; rather, the nomenclature may have been derived from the frequent mention of that monastery in the text of Sanb6e itself. The Todaiji-gire is written in the orthographic form called sagana, generally a combination of Chinese ideographs (kanji) with either or both types of Japanese phonetic characters (katakana or hiragana); in the case of the Todaiji-gire, the text is almost all in hiragana, with a sprinkling of kanji, usually for personal and place names, but not in any consistent pattern. Several facsimile and printed editions of the Sekido fragment have been published, as have reproductions of many of the other fragments. Most of these fragments are also in private collections; many are of no more than two or three lines in length, but occasionally it has been possible to show that fragments in separate collections are in fact contiguous.51 The next oldest copy is virtually complete. It originally belonged to the Kanchiin subtemple of TOji, in Kyoto, and hence is known as the TOji Kanchiin copy. It is dated 1273 and is registered as a National Treasure (kokuh6) by the Agency of Cultural Affairs, which currently houses it in its own library in Tokyo. The TOji Kanchiin copy is written in a combination of katakana and kanji called kanamajiri. The orthography of the first volume, however, closely resembles the style known as senmyitai (typified in the Shoku Nihongi) in which the ideographs for nouns and verbal and adjectival stems are written in large
Page 25 A Short History of Sanboe 25 kanji, followed by small kanji (i.e., man'yogana in the case of Shoku Nihongi) that provide the phonetic Japanese readings for inflected suffixes and particles. In the TOji Kanchiin copy of Sanboe, these phonetic elements are in katakana. In the first volume, when more than three or four kana follow a kanji, the line of kana begins under the right side of the kanji and continues under the left side, and all the kana are much smaller than the kanji. In the remaining two volumes, the kanji and kana are written in single, continuous columns, and all characters are of approximately the same size. This variation may suggest that there was more than one copyist, or that the Toji Kanchiin copy was based on more than one source.52 A photographic reproduction of the Toji Kanchiin copy was published in 1939 by the Koten Hozonkai.53 A printed version appeared in volume 90 of Dai Nihon bukky5 zensho (in 1922); however, this version contains numerous typographical errors and should not be used.54 For example, it transposes senmyotai and katakana into hiragana in a misleading manner. An edition prepared in 1932 by Takase Sh6gon and Anzai Kakush6 has been criticized on similar grounds.55 The edition prepared by Yoshida K6ichi and Miyata Hiroyuki for the Koten bunko series in 1965 is somewhat more reliable.56 In 1982, Eguchi Toshio published yet another version, based on the Koten Hozonkai reproduction, with annotation (including emendations based on the two other copies) and a paraphrase in modern Japanese.57 The copy of Sanboe in hentai kanbun format is called the Maedake copy, indicating its identification with that scholarly daimyo family. It is to be found in the Sonkeikaku Library, the repository of rare books and manuscripts collected by the Maeda since the Edo period, in Tokyo. The copyist was the bibliophile Maeda Tsunanori (or Sh6un, 1643 -1724), whose collection forms the core of the Sonkeikaku holdings. He signed and dated his copy of Sanboe in 1715 and indicated that he had made it from another copy that belonged to the Shakain, a subtemple of the Daigoji monastery in Kyoto. That copy was dated 1230 and was signed by a monk named Eigen. Its second and third volumes were still in the library of Shakain in 1896, according to a catalog the monastery published that year, but neither could be found when Yamada Yoshio went there to see them in 1910, and they have never been relocated.58 Like the Toji Kanchiin copy, the Maeda-ke copy is virtually complete. Okurigana (kana following the kanji, indicating the Japanese reading of inflected words) are employed occasionally in it, and kaeriten and kutoten (punctuation marks that help transform the Chinese syntax into Japanese and indicate the ends of syntactic units) are provided in most of the text of the first volume and in part of the second. The Sonkeikaku published a photographic reprint of the entire Maeda-ke copy in 1935.59
Page 26 26 A Short History of Sanbbe Nothing in the dating or lineage of the surviving copies of Sanboe provides sufficient evidence for identifying any of them as a true copy of the original, and the fact that the book was written by a man for a woman only compounds the puzzle. It seems plausible, however, that Tamenori wrote his first version of the text (the putative soan?) in hentai kanbun and then rewrote it, or had someone rewrite it, in sogana. His original version in Chinese could then have served as the basis for the Shakain/Maeda-ke line of copies, while the s6gana version would have served as the source of the Todaiji-gire and TOji Kanchiin lines. The language of the sogana copies is close enough to that of a kakikudashi (a "break-down" of the literary Chinese into readable Japanese) to suggest that some such process may indeed have been followed. There is, of course, no reason to think that Tamenori was incapable of writing in Japanese. But in Sanboe, his style was governed by that of the sources from which he drew so extensively for the body of his work. The great majority of these sources, as well as most of the works from which he made direct quotations, were in Chinese. The result, even if written in Japanese from the start, would inevitably look and sound like kakikudashi. Scholars like Tamenori probably read Chinese texts by inserting kaeriten and kutaten themselves, or by following the marks of previous readers. It would not have taken too much work to write out what such edited texts gave the reader to produce something that looked and sounded like Japanese, in a style that would be quite suitable for reading out loud in Sonshi's chambers while the accompanying illustrations were studied and admired. So it seems quite probable that the three scrolls of Sanb6e that Tamenori presented to Sonshi in 984 looked more like the Todaiji-gire and TOji Kanchiin copies than the Maeda-ke copy, although something more akin to the Maeda-ke copy may have actually been the earliest draft. There are, surely, other ways besides those given here to account for the fact that the three copies of Sanboe differ so widely from one another. There are more differences, in fact, besides those of orthography. For example, only the TOji Kanchiin copy has tables of contents, and for the second and third volumes only. What is perhaps of greater significance is the issue of reliability, although few of the discrepancies among the copies seriously affect comprehension of the text. In general, scholars have focused on the TOji Kanchiin copy-the more complete of the older two-and have used the Maeda-ke and the Todaiji-gire copies to fill in gaps where the TOji Kanchiin copy is damaged or illegible and to correct obvious errors. All three copies have miscopyings and holes, but these can usually be rectified through reference to the other copies or to quotations from Sanboe in later works,
Page 27 A Short History of Sanbbe 27 which have been thoroughly cataloged. The pioneering edition of this kind was Yamada Yoshio's Sanbbe ryakucha, published in 1951.60 Working with the T0ji Kanchiin copy as his base text, Yamada replaced katakana with hiragana and had kanji, as found in the Maeda-ke copy, printed next to selected kana phrases to facilitate reading and to clarify meaning. In extensive notes, Yamada indicated some of the important differences in the content and orthography of the three major copies, with most extensive reference to the Maeda-ke copy. His notes also explain technical terms, trace obscure or unusual usages, and comment on the text in various ways. Most of Yamada's commentary is useful, as is his index of names, terms, and vocabulary. The essays he included in the volume present a summary of Sanbce reception and research up to that time, with particular attention to the histories of the copies. In 1981, Koizumi Hiroshi and Takahashi Nobuyuki produced Shohon taishi Sanbce shasei, an authoritative edition in which all three copies, including all known fragments and other miscellaneous versions and quotations, are reproduced along with detailed notation of all variations and discrepancies, an extensive bibliography, and essays on the textual history of Sanb~e, its role in later works, and other aspects.61 Along with Yamada's, their work provides the basis for the study of Sanbse today; both were used for the preparation of this translation. The question of the proper form of the name of the work is one that must be addressed with both internal and external evidence. In the "General Preface," immediately after the Ndgdrjuna quotation and Tamenori's interpretation of it, comes a passage that names the book from within. Figure 1 presents the passage as it appears in the TOji Kanchiin and Maeda-ke copies and in Yamada's Sanbde ryakucha. (There is no T~daiji-gire-type copy of the "General Preface.") My translation reads, "Its title is [Illustrations of] the Three Jewels, because what it would say is that you should form a bond with the Three Refuges. Its volumes are three because these correspond to the Three Periods." The brackets account for the fact that the title in the TOji Kanchiin copy is "Sanb6," while the Maeda-ke copy reads "Sanb6e." Koizumi and Takahashi suggest that the "e" character ("picture") may have been omitted in error in the TOji Kanchiin copy. But in all three versions above it is clear that these are sentences constructed in parallel, in typical Japanese kanbun style. The omission of the character e actually enhances the balance, and the fact that "Three Jewels" (sanb6) and "Three Refuges" (sanki) are synonymous (for both terms refer to the Buddha, his teachings, and his clergy and are formulaic synonyms for Buddhism as a whole) is only further justification. Furthermore, "sanbs" is in symbolic (rather than syntactic)
Page 28 28 A Short History of Sanbbe 7 (I) 7 '1' iA?I)I (2) I t ýpl Air 0lo $ -f 4. I) AL~ $6 (3) (r4. c 44 /)0A Figure 1. Passage (1) reproduces the orthography of the Taji Kanchiin bon, passage (2), the Maeda-ke bon, and passage (3), Yamada Yoshio's Sanbde ryakucha. (Sono no o Sanb6 to iu koto wa tsutaeiwamu mono ni sanki no en o musubashimemu to nari. Sono kazu o mimaki ni wakateru wa sanji no hima ni atetaru nari.)
Page 29 A Short History of Sanboe 29 balance with "sanji," "the Three Periods." Still, the context here is a discussion of the nature of the book, and Tamenori has already said that it will include illustrations, so the reader expects to see "Sanboe" here. In the Okagami passage about Sonshi, the name of the work that is said to have been written for her is, indeed, "Sanboe." This is the earliest known citation of the title in any other work. Okagami was written sometime between 1040 and 1140, and the earliest known complete copy dates from the latter half of the thirteenth century.62 Such works as Shachasho (ca. 1185-1187), Nihon kosoden yomonsho (1249), Rekidai koki (fourteenth century), and Sanetaka koki (in an entry from the year 1498) also refer to "Sanboe."63 In the Koyasan copy of Nihon ryoiki, dated 1214, the text of most of those tales that were used as sources for tales in Sanboe is abbreviated, and the reader is referred to "Sanbbe" (which suggests a presumption that some form of Sanboe would be known and available to readers).64 On the basis of such evidence, Yamada, together with Koizumi and Takahashi, concluded that Sanboe is certainly the correct form for the title of the book. Within the copies of the book itself, however, there are some inconsistencies. The only title that survives in the Sekido fragment is "Sanboe," and all the sectional titles in the Maeda-ke copy read likewise. In the Toji Kanchiin copy we find "Sanbee" in the title for the "General Preface" and in that of the preface to the first volume, the table of contents of the second and its preface, the table of contents of the third and at its end. The titles written at the very beginning of the portions devoted to each volume, however, are all "Sanboekotoba." Though no good explanation has been given for this anomaly, it is nonetheless the likely source for the frequent reference to the work by this alternate name. Its invention probably has something to do with the separation of pictures from text, for it means, most literally, "Three Jewels, pictures and words." One interpretation is "the words that went with the illustrations of the Three Jewels" (sanbo no e no kotoba), but another is "pictures and words about the Three Jewels" (sanbo no e to kotoba). And this is not the only variation on the title. In an entry of Sanetaka koki, written one month prior to that previously cited, we find "Sanbo monogatari, by Minamoto Tamenori" quoted as a source65; a 1487 copy of Taishiden gyokurinsho (a commentary on the traditional biographies of Prince Shotoku) refers to "Sanboekotoba," while an Edo-period copy of the same work cites "Sanboe monogatari," as does a similar work, Taishiden kingyokusho.66 In Fuso ryakki, "Ikeiki" (or Tamenori no ki, i.e., "Tamenori's chronicle") is cited, and elsewhere in Shachasho there is a quotation from "Ikeishi" (Tamenori no kotoba, "Tamenori's text").67 While all of these titles certainly refer to Sanboe, none of these forms is thought to be any more correct than is Sanbeekotoba.68 The latter form
Page 30 30 A Short History of Sanboe survives in much of the modern scholarship on the work, on the genre of tale collections (setsuwa bungaku), and in general studies of the literature of the Heian period. Following the example of Yamada and of Koizumi and Takahashi, however, I have used "Sanb6e" throughout. Sanb6e after Sonshi Even if the illustrations were lost or destroyed soon after they were made, and even if they were indeed the more important part of the work, the text of Sanboe has managed to retain a life of its own, largely through its use by later readers and writers such as those discussed above. In many such cases, close comparisons of later quotations, allusions, and adaptations with the copies of Sanboe itself can suggest which type of copy they refer to, but as yet there is insufficient evidence of this kind to establish the primacy of one or the other of the copies. Still, an examination of subsequent reference to Sanboe helps place it in larger contexts-of Japanese literature as a whole, of particular genres, and of the complex history of the development of Buddhism within Japanese culture. This aspect of Sanboe has been particularly well documented by Japanese scholars, for one of the key areas of inquiry in setsuwa bungaku studies has been the interrelationship of works within the genre and the question of how these works develop and alter the material that they share. Koizumi and Takahashi's edition treats this aspect of Sanboe in notes, charts, and appendices, to which readers of Japanese are referred. The notes in my translation also deal with some of these matters. What follows is a summary of what has been learned about the use of Sanboe in the centuries since its composition.69 Yasutane's Nihon ojogokurakuki was only the first of many works in the genre of setsuwa collections to borrow elements from Sanboe. When the Enryakuji monk Chingen wrote Dai Nihonkoku hokke genki (also known as Honcho hokke genki), a collection of tales about miracles resulting from devotion to the Lotus Satra, between 1040 and 1044, he also used Sanboe (as well as Nihon ryoiki and Nihon ojogokurakuki) as a source.70 Hobutsusha, another devotional collection compiled by Taira Yasuyori in the 1180s, and Shisha hyakuinnensha, a similar anthology assembled by the monk Jushin in the 1250s, also draw extensively on Sanboe.71 Fus6 ryakki is a collection at once sacred and secular; its accounts of the deeds of Prince Shotoku and En no gyoja and of the founding of Yakushiji, Hasedera, and Todaiji are all very similar to Tamenori's accounts, and, as noted above, they are so identified.72 The biographies of Prince Shotoku and En no gyoja in Mizukagami (usually attributed to Nakayama Tadachika [1131-1195] or Minamoto Masayori
Page 31 A Short History of Sanboe 31 [1129-1192], but perhaps the work of a later author) are also very similar to Tamenori's, but the Fusa ryakki recensions, rather than Sanboe itself, may have been its models.73 Konjaku monogatari sha is probably the best known and most thoroughly studied of the setsuwa collections. Its anonymous author(s) made no explicit acknowledgments of their source, but volumes 11 through 14 and 21 of Konjaku contain a total of thirty tales that are based wholly or in part on tales in the second and third volumes of Sanboe.74 Okagami and Eiga monogatari (ca. 1107) are both works of historical narrative related by content to the setsuwa collections, and both contain obvious borrowings from Sanb6e 's third volume. The two passages in Okagami that describe the "Three Great Services" (the Yuimae at Kofukuji, the Saishoe at Yakushiji, and the Gosaie) are based on Sanboe 3.1, 3.11, and 3.28.75 The "Utagai" chapter of Eiga monogatari tells of Michinaga's attendance at and patronage of a series of thirteen Buddhist ceremonies (two in the first month of 1016 and one in each of the succeeding months); the descriptions of the origins and conduct of these rites are clearly based on Tamenori's.76 Works quoting directly from Sanbde are quite diverse in nature, and they span several hundred years of literary history. The source of the quotation, of course, is not always fully acknowledged, and when it is, the form of acknowledgment varies to a considerable degree. In Shichidaiji junreishiki, Oe Chikamichi's record of visits to the great temples of Nara (ca. 1140), a brief passage about Bodhisena's attendance at the Todaiji dedication ceremony is quoted (from Sanboe 3.22), with a proper citation ("Tamenori sen Sanboe").77 And in Todaiji yoroku, a collection of various materials concerning that monastery's early history compiled in 1106 by the monk Kangon, a description of the founding ceremony includes a passage that corresponds to part of Sanboe 3.22; it begins with the words "aru nikki iwaku," which may refer either to Chikamichi's "diary" or to Sanboe.78 Poetic commentaries are another type of work that cite Sanb6e, usually for vocabulary usage or historical background. In Waka domosho, by Fujiwara Norikane (ca. 1145-1154), an explication of the pillow-word sasanami quotes at length from Sanboe 3.10, but without acknowledgment.79 The passages from Fujiwara Kensho's Shachasho mentioned above, with their variant forms of citation, are about devotions of the second month and the founding of Yakushiji and are taken from Sanb6e 3.6 and 3.11.80 Some medieval writers on Buddhist subjects also found Sanb6e useful. The author of Nihon khosden yomonshM (1249), a monk named Shfsho, observed in a note to his biography of Kfkai that the Sanb6e version of the origins of the Takaodera Hokke e (3.12) was somewhat
Page 32 32 A Short History of Sanb6e different from his own.81 A much more significant example appears in the writings of Shinran (1173-1262), the founder of the Jodo Shinshi school of Buddhism. In 1257, Shinran made a copy of a version of the preface to the second volume of Sanboe and the biography of Prince Shotoku that follows it, combining the two sections as if they were one. This was copied again by Shinran's disciple Jakunin in 1283 and again, in 1307, by Kakunyo. This text came to be known as J6ga Taishi gyoki and was regarded as an independent work of Shinran's own composition.82 At about the same time that he copied the Sanb6e sections, Shinran also wrote a series of one hundred and fifteen verses in praise of the prince. The title was "Dai Nihonkoku sokusan'b Shotoku Taishi hosan," but the set has come to be known as the Ippyakujashishu Taishi wasan ("One Hundred and Fourteen Verses in Praise of Prince Shotoku"), one verse having been dropped or lost at an early stage. These verses eventually became quite popular among Shinran's followers and among adherents of cults that centered on the worship of the prince. Similarities between many of these verses and portions of the J6ga Taishi gyoki text were noted by scholars in the early part of this century, and when it was recognized that the Gyoki was not Shinran's but Tamenori's work, it also became apparent that Shinran must have been familiar with some form of the Sanboe text or a part thereof.83 Sanboe was used in at least one other rather interesting way. Sometime before 1317, an anonymous writer assembled some legends about Bodhidharma and other patriarchs of the Zen school and called his work Shin Sanboekotoba (i.e., "The New 'Sanboe'"). Aside from the fact that this short text consists of stories about eminent monks, as do many of the tales in Sanboe volumes two and three, there is almost no similarity between the two works; nor is there any evidence that the latter work was really meant to include illustrations. Still, the author consciously named his work after Tamenori's, so he must have been familiar with it to some degree.84 Significant references to Sanbde dwindle over the next centuries. However, when Kariya Ekisai incorporated the commentaries of earlier scholars in his own work on Nihon rybiki (carried out over the period from 1801 to 1816), he included observations about the corresponding portions of Sanbbe.85 Ekisai's work was an important precursor to modern Sanbbe and setsuwa scholarship, with its emphasis on comparative textual study, but his approach also meant that Sanboe would invariably be considered an imitative, secondary work, always in the shadow of Nihon ry6iki. Even in the modern period, Sanboe has been studied and written about far less than has Nihon ryoiki or Konjaku monogatarisha, its monumental successor in the setsuwa genre. In one of his essays in Sanb6e ryakucha, Yamada admitted that he was
Page 33 A Short History of Sanboe 33 unaware of the existence of Sanboe until Nakagawa Chujun published an article in the January 1909 number of the journal Gakut6 in which he reintroduced the "forgotten" work by describing the Maeda-ke copy.86 Yamada's own article, "Bungaku shiry6 to shite no Sanboekotoba" ["Sanboekotoba as a Literary Source"], which first appeared in December 1914 (in Ongaku), effectively rekindled interest in the work87; it was soon followed by such studies as Hashikawa Tadashi's on the Prince Sh6toku biography (2.1), on Tamenori's representation of Saicho, and on the possibility of a relationship between aspects of the Kegon'e (as described in 3.13) and the modern doll festival (hina matsuri).88 To appreciate the range of modern research and commentary on Sanboe, the reader should consult the bibliography in Shohon taish6 Sanboe shasei. There has been much important work of a highly technical nature on the language and orthography of the Sanboe copies, and Kasuga Kazuo's publications in this area (especially on the T6daiji-gire) are particularly noteworthy. The most useful studies of Sanbe 's structure and sources are Izumoji Osamu's "Sanboe no hensan ishiki" (March 1975) and Mori Masato's "Sanb6e no seiritsu to Hoon jurin" (March 1977); the reader will see frequent reference to these in my own analysis.89 Just as other works in its genre overshadow Sanboe, other contemporary works in other genres have certainly surpassed Sanboe in importance. Genshin's Ojoyosha had a far greater impact; yet we can detect certain similarities in the religious goals and even in the method of the authors of both works, for Ojoyosha, too, is in a sense a pastiche of reworked materials from other sources, assembled to teach its readers the proper form of a religious practice (the nenbutsu) and the ensuing rewards. Murasaki Shikibu's diary and her Genji monogatari, Sei Sh6nagon's Makura no soshi and other ladies' diaries and journals may be greater works of art and may reveal more of Heian court life and courtly sensibilities, but Sanb6e may be placed beside them as literary documentation of the religious concerns of another denizen of that special world. Over one thousand years have passed since Tamenori wrote it for Sonshi, but for these reasons, and also as a work of literature per se-a work in which language is consciously and skillfully used to convey certain images and ideas in an effort to expand and reshape the reader's perceptions-Sanb6e continues to invite our interest and to deserve close study.
Page 34 34 A Short History of Sanboe Notes The title "Sanboekotoba" is also seen, but "Sanboe," for reasons that shall be discussed below, is preferred. 2In its original context, in Ryaju Bosatsui Sendakao seppb ybge (T 32:747a), Nagarjuna's verse is an exhortation to his disciple, a king, to study the descriptions of hell available through various media and to take them seriously lest, through ignorance, he find himself experiencing its horrors in person. Tamenori alters this to a recommendation that Sanboe, which consists of pictures and a text (to be read out loud), drawn in large part from "scripture and other [secular] writings," should be taken seriously and its lessons should be pondered and embraced by the reader. 3For general introductions to emaki, see Miyeko Murase, Emaki: Narrative Picture Scrolls (New York: The Asia Society, 1983); Okudaira Hideo, Narrative Picture Scrolls, Arts of Japan 5 (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Shibundo, 1973); and lenaga Sabura, Painting in the Yamato Style, The Heibonsha Survey of Japanese Art 10 (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1973). 4For studies and reproductions of the Genji monogatari emaki, see Genji monogatari emaki (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1971); the simultaneously published English version, with a translation of the text by Ivan Morris, entitled The Tale of Genji Scrolls; and Akiyama Terukazu, ed., Nihon emakimono zensha 2: Genji monogatari emaki (Tokyo: K6dansha, 1971). 5The notion that monogatari were primarily a form of diversion seems to have been a widely accepted one. In her list of "things that help to ease boredom" (tsurezure nagusamu mono) in Makura no soshi ("The Pillow Book"), Sei Sh6nagon included "go, sugoroku [another board game], monogatari, the amusing things a child of three of four may say." See section 140 in the Iwanami text, NKBT 19:195. 6None of the works that Tamenori names has survived. The first two titles (Iga no taome, Tosa no otodo) do not appear elsewhere, but in Kencha mikkan, a commentary on the Kokin wakasha by Fujiwara Kensh5 (1130?-?), edited by Fujiwara Teika in 1221, it is said that Genshin mentioned the latter two (Imameki no chiaj, Nagai no jija) in Kannyo ojogi, a lost work. For Kencha mikkan, see Mikan kokubun kochashaku taikei 4:426. See also Mitani Kuniaki, "San'itsu monogatari," in Heiancho bungaku jiten, pp. 251-52. 7Very similar doubts about poetic endeavors are voiced, and in very similar language, by Minamoto Shitago and Sone Yoshitada in prefaces to poems they exchanged in about 960. See Kansaku K6ichi and Shimada Ryoji, ed., Sone Yoshitada sha zenshaku (Tokyo: Kasama
Page 35 A Short History of Sanboe 35 Shoin, 1975), pp. 347-48, 475-76; NKBT 80:97, 114-15. 8NKBT 15:430-33; Edward G. Seidensticker, tr., The Tale of Genji (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976), vol. 1, pp. 436-38. 9It should be noted that the illustrations in the Kako genzai ingakyo scroll run parallel to and above the text, while the illustrations in most illustrated satras alternate with the text and fill the entire surface of the scroll in the portions devoted to them. In most cases, the latter are frontispieces to chapters of the satras; they are not intertextual illustrations. For the Kako genzai ingakyo, see lenaga, Painting in the Yamato Style, plate 15. For frontispieces from fourteenth-century satra copies, see John M. Rosenfield and Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis, Journey of the Three Jewels (New York: The Asia Society, 1979), pp. 61-71. 10The discovery of the fragment containing this note was announced by Yasuda Naomichi at a conference of the Zenkoku Daigaku Kokugokokubungaku Gakkai in the spring of 1977 (Shtsei, p. 394; see also 117, 541). Since there is no e ari notation before this note, and since such descriptions appear in no other tale and in no other copy, it is hard to judge the significance of this note. The passage seems to describe three scenes: the young prince with a light emanating from his forehead; the prince in battle with the foes of Buddhism, and the defeat of the enemy leader Yuge Moriya; and the prince lecturing on scripture in the presence of the emperor. All, of course, are episodes in the biography itself, and they also resemble scenes depicted in various versions of Shotoku Taishi eden, including the earliest, a set of door panels from Horyuji. See Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, ed., Sh6toku Taishi eden (Tokyo: Tokyo Bijutsu, 1969), pp. 227-35, passim. See also Yasuda, "Sanboe no e to etoki" in Issatsu no koza: etoki (Nihon no koten bungaku 3), pp. 147-55. 11The error has been traced to Arai Hakuseki's Gako benran (1672) and was retained in Hori Naonori's Fuso meigaden (1854) and in Kurokawa Harumura's Koko gafu (see Kurokawa Mamichi, ed., Kurokawa Mayori zenshC 1, pp. 204-5; ShCsei, pp. 373, 537-38.) 12KSTK 11:109. 3KSTK 11:126. 14William H. McCullough, "Japanese Marriage Institutions in the Heian Period," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 27 (1967):136. 15KSTK 11:142. 16NKBT 75:82; William H. McCullough and Helen Craig McCullough, tr., A Tale of Flowering Fortunes (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), vol. 1, p. 119; NKBT 21:134; Helen Craig McCullough, tr., Okagami, the Great Mirror (Princeton and Tokyo: Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 141.
Page 36 36 A Short History of Sanboe 17Fujiwara Sanesuke, Sh6yaki; see Tokyo Daigaku Shiryo Hensanjo, ed., Dai Nihon kokiroku (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1959), vol. 10.1, pp. 28-29. 18Ibid., pp. 29-30. 19There are several editions. One is in Waka Shi Kenkyokai, ed., Shikasha taisei, chako 2 (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1975), pp. 95-97. 20This theory, which suggests similarities between Sonshi and the "Lump Nun"-the heroine of Sanboe 2.4-was put forward by Fukushima Koichi in an article, "Sanboe chfkan to Nihon ryoiki," in Shiota Ryohei Sensei koki kinen ronbunsha Nihon bungaku ronko (Tokyo: Ofusha, 1970), pp. 32-64. However, the evidence is rather weak. 21See Imai Gen'ei, Kazan'in no shogai, Kokubungaku kenkyf sosho 8, rev. ed. (Tokyo: Ofusha, 1971), p. 13 passim. 22Shoyaki: Dai Nihon kokiroku 10.1, p. 96. 23KSTK 11:154. 24For the text of the ganmon, see Kakimura Shigematsu, ed., Honcho monzui chashaku 2 (1922; reprinted Tokyo: Fusanbo, 1968), pp. 985-94. 25The "opening and closing satras of the Lotus" (kaiketsuky6) are the Mury6gikyo (T 9:384-89) and the Kanfugengyo (T 9:389-94) (see also 2.18, n. 10). The "Satra on the Transformation of Women into Buddhas" ("Tennyo jobutsukyA," i.e., Tennyo shingyo, T 14:915-21) is designed to help women overcome the obstacles (gosho, hachinan) that, according to other scriptures, make it inherently impossible for them to obtain Buddhahood or other good forms of rebirth. Since Yasutane expresses his belief, at the conclusion of the ganmon, that Sonshi has already gone to dwell in Amida's Pure Land, it appears that he also must have believed that she had overcome those obstacles, or that they did not apply to her. The idea of these obstacles was certainly abhorrent, and women did not always find it easy to overlook; it is a theme of concern, for example, in Senshi's Hosshin wakasha (poems 2, 16, 36; see n. 19, above). 6See NST 7:10-41. For a translation, see Peter Michael Wetzler, "Yoshishige no Yasutane: Lineage, Learning, Office and Amida's Pure Land" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1977), pp. 193 -266. 27The biographical information that follows derives from a number of sources, including the biography in Tokugawa Mitsukuni et al., Dai Nihon shi (Tokyo: 1851?-1906), kan 217, retsuden, bungaku 5 [unpaginated]. This biography also appears in the introductory pages of Ryakucha. Other sources are Okada Mareo, "Minamoto Tamenori den ko," Kokugo to kokubungaku 19.11 (January 1942):25-37 and Okada
Page 37 A Short History of Sanboe 37 Mareo, "Minamoto Shitago oyobi d6 Tamenori nenpu," Ritsumeikan daigaku ronso 8 (January 1943):39-68; 12 (May 1948):1-24. 28Sonpi bunmyaku, KSTK 60a:370. 29One such occasion was a competition between senior, established poets and younger, up-and-coming talents, in 963 (the "Zenshusaitaku shiawase"); see Kawasaki Tsuneyuki, "Gaisetsu," in Jinbutsu Nihon no rekishi 3: Ocho no bunka (Tokyo: Sh6gakukan, 1976), p. 18. 30Kawaguchi Hisao, Heiancho Nihon kanbungaku no kenkyci, 3d ed. (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1982), p. 336. 31See, for example, Shitago's "Song of the Tailless Ox," in Kakimura, ed., Honcho monzui chashaku 1, pp. 123-26; translated by Burton Watson in his Japanese Literature in Chinese (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1968), vol. 1, pp. 65-66. 32Godansh5 Kenkyfikai, ed., Kohonkei godansh6 chakai (Tokyo: Musashino Shoin, 1978), p. 42; NKBT 74:280. 330n the university, its organization, and its curriculum, see Momo Hiroyuki, Jodai gakusei no kenkya (Tokyo: Meguro Shoten, 1947) and his "Gakumon to ky6iku" in Zusetsu Nihon bunkashi taikei 5: Heian jidai 2 (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1966), p. 174. 34Tamenori's name appears in a list of participants compiled by Fujiwara Arikuni, another early member, included in his Kangakue memoir in Honcho reisb (GR 6:639). Tamenori is listed as "the Governor of Mino," which is probably the post he held when Arikuni wrote the memoir. 35See Ito Shintetsu, Heian jodokyo shinkoshi no kenkya (Kyoto: Heirakuji Shoten, 1974), pp. 270-81. 36ZGR 8:743-46. See also Hori Ichiro, K6ya, Jinbutshu sosho 106 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1963), p. 22 passim. 37NKBT 74:108-19. Tamenori's poem is number 114. 38ZGR 32a:61-85. There is also a facsimile of the 1807 woodblockprinted version of a copy dated 1263, published by Kojisho Sokan Kankokai, 1975, with commentary by Kawase Kazuma. 39ZGR 30b:51-86. 40Kohonkei godansho chakai, pp. 112-13, 155; NKBT 73:154, 298; NKBT 84:125. 41Kakimura, Honchb monzui chashaku 1, pp. 920-26. 42The author of Tamenori's biography in Dai Nihon shi did not question the document's authenticity (see n. 27 above). 43Hagitani Boku, ed., Heiancho utaawase taisei 3 (Kyoto: DOmeisha, 1958), pp. 682-96. 44GR 15; Shakkebu, vol. 427, pp. 67-75. 45Choya gunsai, KSTK 29a:462-63.
Page 38 38 A Short History of Sanb6e 46See n. 16, above. 47Eigaku yoki, GR 15; Shakkebu, vol. 439, p. 533b. 48NST 7:19. 49Shczsei, pp. 483-86; Inoue Mitsusada, "Bunken kaidai," NST 7:716-17. 50See n. 8, above. 51See Shasei, pp. 391-98 for a description of all fragments and their location and publication data. 52Shasei, p. 379; Mizuta Norihisa, "Toji Kanchiin bon Sanboekotoba no kisai keishiki no seiritsu," Kokugo kokubun 21.7 (August 1952):33-41. 53Sanb6ekotoba, Koten hozonkai fukuseisho, 7th series (1939), with an introduction by Yamada Yoshio. 54DNBZ 90. Note that the numbering of volumes differs in some printings of DNBZ. 55Takase Shogon and Anzai Kakush6, ed., Sanb6ekotoba (Tokyo: Morie Shoten, 1932). 56Yoshida K6ichi and Miyata Hiroyuki, ed., Sanboekotoba (Tokyo: Koten Bunko, 1965), no. 215. 57Eguchi Toshio, Sanboekotoba, 2 vols., Koten bunko 64, 65 (Tokyo: Gendai Shichosha, 1982). (This "Koten bunko" is not to be confused with the more familiar series, as cited in n. 56.) 58Ryakucha, p. 407. 59Sanboe, j6-che-ge, Sonkeikaku sokan (1935), with an introduction by Ikeda Kikan. 6cYamada Yoshio, ed., Sanb6e ryakucha (1951; reprinted Kyoto: Hobunkan Shuppan, 1971). Cited throughout as Ryakucha. 61Koizumi Hiroshi and Takahashi Nobuyuki, Shohon taish6 Sanboe shisei (Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1980). Cited throughout as Shasei. 62McCullough, tr., Okagami, the Great Mirror, p. ix. 63For Shachash6, see Kyfsojin Hitaku, ed., Nihon kagaku taikei, bekkan 2, p. 52. For Nihon k6s6den yomonsha, see KSTK 31:15-16. Doin Kinkata (1291-1360), the author of Rekidai koki, uses Tamenori's figure of "one thousand nine-hundred and thirty-three years... since the Buddha Sakyamuni left this world," from the "General Preface." See Shintei zoho shiseki sharan 2, p. 122a. Sanetaka koki is the diary of Sanjonishi Sanetaka (1455-1537), courtier, poet, and scholar. See Takahashi Rikuzo, ed., Sanetaka k6ki (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijf Kanseikai, 1963), vol. 3b, p. 548. See also Shusei, p. 371. 64Shasei, p. 372. 65Takahashi, ed., Sanetaka k6ki 3b, p. 544. 66H6ryuiji, ed., Horyujizo son'eibon Taishiden gyokurinsho (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1978), vol. 1, p. 158; vol. 3, p. 67. Taishiden
Page 39 A Short History of Sanboe 39 kingyokushb, by Sojin, survives in copies dated 1584. It is not available in print. See Shasei, pp. 371-72. 67For Fuso ryakki, see KSTK 12:65, 86-87. For Shachiisho, see Kyisojin, ed., Nihon kagaku taikei, bekkan 2, p. 105. In addition to its use in the Toji Kanchiin copy and in Taishiden gyokurinsho, a listing for "Sanboekotoba: three volumes" has been found in an undated catalog of poetic commentaries in the Higashiyama Gobunko. See Shisei, p. 372. 69See also Yasuda Naomichi, "Kobunken ni in'yo sareta Sanboekotoba (1)" in Aoyama gobun 10 (March 1980):15-42. Reprinted in Kokubungaku nenjibetsu ronbunsha, chako 3.1 (Tokyo: Gakujutsu Bunken Fukyfkai, 1981), pp. 207-21. My notes use the original pagination. 70Hokke genki tales 1.10, 3.96, 3.98, 3.105, 2.106, and 3.108 are based on Sanboe 2.16, 2.9, 2.4, 2.10, 2.11, and 2.17, respectively. All of these are based on Nihon ryoiki (tales 3.6, 1.19, 3.19, 2.6, 2.15, and 3.13). Chingen's biography of Prince Shotoku (1.1) closely resembles both Tamenori's and Yasutane's versions, as do his accounts of the lives of GySki, Saicho and Ennin (1.2-1.4); see Shasei, pp. 486-94; NST 7:720 -21. 71Koizumi has identified forty-six passages of varying length in the various Hobutsusha texts that can be traced to Sanb6e. He also has found nine tales in Shisha hyakuinnensha that use material from Sanboe. Shusei, pp. 510-24. 72KSTK 12:54-55, 65, 70-71, 86-87, 99. 73Shusei, pp. 507-10. For a text of Mizukagami, see KSTK 21a:1 -107. 74For a detailed analysis, see Shisei, pp. 504-7. 75Shusei, pp. 501-4. 76See Shasei, pp. 494-501 for details. 77For Shichidaiji junreishiki, see Fujita Tsuneo, ed., Kokan bijutsu shiry, jiin hen 1 (Tokyo: Chfo Koron Bijutsu Shuppan, 1972), p. 40. 78Tsutsui Eishun, ed., Todaiji y6roku (1944; reprinted Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai, 1971), p. 45. See also ShCsei, pp. 509-10. 79Muromatsu Iwao et al., ed., Kokubun chashaku zensho (Tokyo: Kokugakuin Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1907-1910), p. 32. See nn. 63 and 67, above. 81See n. 63, above. Yasuda has cited a passage in a somewhat earlier work, Ruihisho, by the Shingon monk Kanshin who died ca. 1152-1153: a copy dated 1220 has a note about Indra's yearly evaluation of human behavior that quotes from Sanboe 3.1 (Yasuda, "Kobunken ni in'yo sareta Sanboekotoba (1)," p. 18). 82Kakunyo's copy survives and is housed in the library of Honganji. It is printed in Shinshf Shogyo Zensho Hensanjo, ed., Shinsha sh6gyo
Page 40 40 A Short History of SanbOe zensho 4 (1941; reprinted Kyoto: Oyagi Kabund6, 1974), pp. 5-21; see also Shisei, pp. 96-97 and 118-22. There is also a translation in German: see Hermann Bohner, Shbtoku taishi. Deutsche Gesellschaft fir Natur-und-Vdlkerkunde Ostasiens. Mitteilungen Supplementband 15 (Tokyo, 1940), pp. 414-35. See also Hashikawa Tadashi, J5gI taishi gyoki no kenkya (Kyoto: Teishiya Shoten Shuppanbu, 1921) and "J'ga taishi gyoki to Sanbeekotoba" in Shinran to sikoku 2.1 (January 1920):24-27. 83See Shasei, pp. 525-59. For an annotated edition of the verses, see Shinran Shanin Zenshi KankOkai, ed., Teihon Shinran Shdnin zenshi2 2 (Kyoto: Hazekan, 1969-1970), pp. 251-74. The early studies of the verses are Washio Kyed6, "J ga Taishi gyoki to Ippyakujashishu oyobi Shichijashichi Taishi wasan" in Rokuhi gakuh3 217 (December 1919):19-28 and Taya Raishun, "Ippyakujcshi Taishi wasan k6" in OtanigakuhO 13.2 (April 1932):183-231. Shasei, p. 535. For the text and a commentary on Shin sanbaekotoba, see Koizumi Hiroshi, "Shin sanbbekotoba (honkoku) to kenkyf" in Hokkaid6 Setsuwa Bungaku Kenkyikai, ed., Chasei setsuwa no sekai (Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1979), pp. 3-28. 85Yasuda, "Kobunken ni in'y6 sareta Sanbeekotoba (1)," p. 17; see also the notes by Izumi Michi in NKBT 70:19-20. 86See RyakuchCz, p. 44. Nakagawa's article, "Minamoto Tamenori no Sanb&e," is reprinted in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyfi Shiry6 KankOkai, ed., Setsuwa bungaku, Nihon bungaku kenkyi shiryo s6sho (Tokyo: Yiseid6, 1972), pp. 67-70. 87Reprinted in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyfi Shiryb KankOkai, ed., Setsuwa bungaku, pp. 71-75. 88The studies on Prince Shotoku are included in Hashikawa's Joga taishi gyoki no kenkya; the SaichO and Kegon'e articles are in his Nihon bukky6 bunkashi no kenkya (Kyoto: Chfigai Shuppan, 1924), pp. 103-29. 89Izumoji Osamu, "Sanbae no hensan ishiki" in Bungaku 43.3 (March 1975):241-66; Mori Masato, "Sanbee no seiritsu to Hion jurin" in Aichi Kenritsu Daigaku Bungakubu ronsha 26 (March 1977):15-28.
Chapter 2: A Reading of Sanbōe
pp. 41
Page 41 Chapter 2 A Reading of Sanboe Imagine, if you will, that you are Sonshi. It is a bleak afternoon in winter, and you have been finding it hard to keep warm in your black and grey nun's robes. It has not been easy to concentrate on your prayers. But one of your attendants has just come in to say that Tamenori has called and left a three-scroll book. It must be the one you have been expecting him to bring. Now the scrolls are set before you, and you reach for the one that is marked "The First Volume," undo its bindings, and start to unroll it. It is, indeed, Sanbee. The reading begins. The General Preface Tamenori begins with quotations, the first in a book replete with quotations, allusions, things borrowed from other sources, sometimes acknowledged, sometimes not. The first two such borrowings-one, a Chinese poem, the other, Japanese-are given to remind the reader of the insubstantiality of life, a fundamental Buddhist concept, the essential insight that allows men and women to shed their attachments to life and impels them to search for permanent release. Tamenori first introduces the idea through poetry rather than through scriptural quotation, and the poems also introduce an imagery of impermanence-rootless, floating weeds, a drifting boat lost in a mist, fragile bubbles (a conventional imagery, to be sure)-that will be sustained throughout the "General Preface" through the repetition of similar natural metaphors. By evoking the language of poetry at the outset, Tamenori effectively tunes his narrative voice to a secular key. Though much of what follows will be derived from scripture and will deal with specifically nonsecular 41
Page 42 42 A Reading of Sanboe concerns, there will be no permanent transposition from this key: Tamenori will continue to address his reader in the language of this world as he teaches the right way to prepare for the next. The next quotation, given in proof of the sentiments expressed in the Chinese and Japanese verses just quoted, is, appropriately enough, taken from the Lotus Satra, the central scripture in the Tendai tradition and the scripture that formed the basis of Tamenori's perspective on his subject, and the Buddhist text from which he quotes more than any other. Here, however, Tamenori does not identify the source as the Lotus as such; rather, he says, these are words that we find "in the teachings of the truly enlightened, universally compassionate Buddha." This is an appropriate way to introduce the first of many instances in which Tamenori, with considerable reverence and to considerable effect, employs the words of the satras, and of other respected, authoritative texts in Sanboe. Quotation, Allusion, and Citation Although it is an original creation, the "General Preface," like the prefaces to each volume of Sanbbe, is largely a tissue of quotations and allusions. Tamenori freely acknowledged this by naming many of his sources, however, and in return his own text gained authority; the respected words of others, identified as such, gave Sanboe strength and attested to the veracity of its content. Tamenori's citations of his sources are generally of two kinds. When a direct quotation or paraphrase is offered in the midst of a preface or tale it is usually preceded by the phrase "[title] ni iwaku" ("As it says in [title]"). Some of these tags say only "The satra [or 'a satra'] says..." and omit the proper name of the work. In many such cases, though not all, "the satra" means "the Lotus Satra." The other form of citation is found at or near the end of almost every tale. These citations name a primary text or texts as the source for the content-and in some cases, most of the words-of that tale. The form of most of these citations is "[title] ni mietari" ("This appears in [title]"). Close comparison, where it is possible, confirms that most of these citations do identify the works that Tamenori used as his models. Where multiple titles are cited, each is usually represented in some part of Tamenori's version. So these acknowledgments are not merely lists of texts in which related material is to be found; in most cases, they do tell us what we need to know about the way that Tamenori put this book together.
Page 43 A Reading of SanbOe 43 However, some citations of primary sources are offered even where Tamenori may have used a text other than that cited, or where he may have written his own version independently, without close reliance on the original or any other recension. It has been shown that in many instances, where Tamenori cited a work of scripture as his source, or paraphrased one without identification, his model text may not, in fact, have been the original scripture but, rather, the version of it that appears in Fa-ytan chu-lin, a Buddhist encyclopedia compiled by Tao-shih in 668.1 Tamenori's most extensive use of this work would appear to be in the tales of the first volume, which are discussed below. Various passages in the prefaces, the sources of which are not indicated by Tamenori, can also be found in Fa-yaan chu-lin; it is thought that he used it as his source or model in these instances as well. Even in these instances, nonetheless, where he did cite a title as a source he cited the title of the original work; he never mentioned Fa-yian chu-lin. His reasons were the same here as everywhere else that he cites a title: especially when the cited text was a Buddhist scripture, but even when it was not, such citation underscored and strengthened the authority of this text (Sanbbe). It did so by placing it in a lineage extending through time from those other texts to SanbOe and on beyond it, toward other texts that would, in turn, cite Sanb6e as a reliable and respected authority. There are, in addition, a great number of quotations and paraphrases from scripture and from secular works that are not set off by anything explicitly identifying them as derived materials. (The sources of most of these passages have been identified by modern scholars and are indicated in the notes to the translation.) The assumption behind these unspecified allusions may have been that the reader would recognize them as such and might even recall their original context; the intended function may then have been akin to the allusions that played such an important role in the kinds of poetry familiar to both Tamenori and Sonshi. Such allusive writing may also have been employed in Sanbbe in a conscious effort to involve the reader more deeply in the reading of the text. Reliance on allusion is certainly typical of the stylistic conventions of the time, especially those that governed the writing of Chinese prose in Japan. The effect in Sanb6e may have been to make this text, which had to deal with material and ideas that must have been unfamiliar to its first reader, at least stylistically closer to something she was used to reading. There is one other possible reason for the lack of identification of the source of some quotations and allusions. Tamenori may also have been working, at times, from secondary or tertiary materials in which the original source identifications were also omitted, and he may not have had the means or the time to check for further information.
Page 44 44 A Reading of Sanb6e Whether quoting from originals, from Fa-yiian chu-lin, or elsewhere, Tamenori is generally a careful and faithful adaptor of his sources. Sometimes, however, he reduces the amount of detail, changes a term or an expression here or there, or gives only a very loose paraphrase. More apparent discrepancies may arise from variations between the texts he used and those that are now standard. But at other points it seems that Tamenori has consciously edited his version, eliminating possibly puzzling terms or discursive digressions, generally simplifying and clarifying the narrative line to maintain momentum and clarity. (Instances of this are cited in the notes.) The motive for such editing is easy to perceive: anything that would help Sonshi to understand and absorb the information in Sanboe, and make the experience of reading it more rewarding, was entirely justified. Sanbo, Sanji, and Sonshi This tissue of quotations that is the "General Preface" initiates the process of edification by speaking to Sonshi about Sonshi. Elsewhere, Tamenori addresses her directly; here, perhaps in deference, he refers obliquely to her actions and her attitudes. He does so with sympathy and admiration and with flattering hyperbole that is reminiscent of Yasutane's; but, more importantly for the purpose of what is to come, he affirms her present circumstances and motives by showing that they are consonant with compelling Buddhist concerns. The urgency of her need to prepare for the next life is not discussed here as something stemming from any aspect of her personal condition, such as illness; rather, as Tamenori describes it, such urgency is dictated by grave conditions that pertain to all. That Sonshi has correctly perceived the need, and has decided to act upon it, is, in his view, all the more praiseworthy. Furthermore, the fact that she has done so has created not only the need for the book that he is writing but also an opportunity for him to gather merit as well through its composition. "One thousand nine hundred and thirty-three years have passed since the Buddha Sdkyamuni left this world," Tamenori observes. "We may now be in the Period of the Imitated Teaching [zoh6], but surely only a few years of this interim period remain to us." Tamenori was writing this in the year 984 (a date that appears, in fact, at the end of the "General Preface"), and the figure that Tamenori uses here is one that is based on the dating of the death of the Buddha to the year 949 B.C.E. This was, indeed, one of the dates used most frequently in calculations of the beginnings and endings of the predestined "three periods" (sanji), and, on the same basis, it was often predicted that the final period of
Page 45 A Reading of Sanbe 45 decline would begin in the year 1052 C.E.-only sixty-eight years beyond Tamenori's and Sonshi's "present."2 Tamenori thus reminds Sonshi that she and he are living in the second of the three periods through which Buddhism was to pass, and that the conditions of this period and the imminence of the next-the cataclysmic "Period of the Declining Teaching" (mappo)-have made most individual religious acts impotent and empty. The only alternative is to rely on "the Three Jewels" and, if possible, to become part of them by taking vows and joining the community of monks and nuns.3 Sonshi, of course, has done just that, for perhaps a variety of reasons-some of which may have been known to Tamenori only slightly better than they can be known to us. Here, however, he describes her deed as one inspired by an innate spiritual predisposition (as Yasutane also was to do in the ganmon). Sonshi's renunciation is ennobled, after the fact, by Tamenori's view of it as the realization of long-nurtured intent, with firm grounding in legitimate religious tenets, ample precedent-even in women of Sonshi's station, according to scriptureand as a reasonable response to the perception of this world's impermanence evoked in the preface's opening lines. The interpretation Tamenori offers may have been de rigueur but may nonetheless have been well taken, for it deftly placed Sonshi's deed on a higher plane than that of private, willful impulse. To the extent that renunciation can appear positive-a fulfillment rather than a resignation-Tamenori makes it appear to be so. And when Tamenori observes that there is "nothing among all acts of devotion to compare with the merit derived from one day and one night as a sworn monk or nun" (a point he would reiterate in several ways), he may be reminding Sonshi that even if her time as a nun is short it will have been well spent. Sonshi has done the best thing that she can, and she can make the most of it by reading this book (Sanbce) and following its injunctions. It is on these grounds that Tamenori makes bold to warn Sonshi against the temptations of go, koto and monogatari. Her time is precious, and her need to maintain a clear perception of truth and to focus on her future-whatever it may be-preclude such entertainments. It is unfair to take Tamenori's complaints about fiction as an absolute and categorical condemnation, as some commentators have done, though it is certain that monogatari suited neither his tastes nor his standards.4 But he dismisses them here, along with other trivial pursuits, mostly for Sonshi's sake; this book, Sanbee, was better than other entertainment and very fit to serve as a means through which the knowledge she needed could be obtained, and the spiritual progress she sought, enhanced. To achieve those ends Tamenori claimed to have planned his book with Ngdgrjuna's verse as his guide and with structure and content that
Page 46 46 A Reading of Sanb6e correspond more than simply symbolically to the "Three Jewels" and Buddhism's "Three Periods." His identification of sanb6 (which, as we have seen, is underscored as a motif by mention in this passage of its synonym, sanki, as well) with sanji was specious, without doctrinal support or any deep meaning that could be developed successfully within the book itself. This was Tamenori's way of suggesting that there was a wholeness in these three wide-ranging volumes and that the fact that they were three was somehow more than an accident, but in his persistent attempt to make these identifications complete he overreached himself. The content of volume one, the volume of the Buddha (the first jewel) comes, he says, from the distant past, which he equates with the first "period"; the second volume describes the progress and results of the propagation of Buddhist teachings (the second jewel) "in more recent times," representing the second "period"; the third volume deals with the "rites performed by monks" (who stand for the third jewel) "today." He must stop short here, for he cannot say that the present is the last "period"; he has, for one thing, already shown that mapp6 may be close but has not yet dawned, and he certainly does not want to imply that "today's monks" are corrupt or that their understanding of the teachings is in any way invalid. Another element of the balancing of "threes" also breaks down midway into this passage. Tamenori distinguishes the sources of the first volume's tales-"a variety of scriptures" (kusagusa no ky6)-from those of the second-"an array of secular documents" (ieie no fumi) in balanced phrases-but he makes no attempt to complete the triad when he reaches the third volume, and its varied sources remain unidentified here. Instead, Tamenori manages a graceful escape from this overly wrought imposition of abstract symbol and interpretive concept on content and form, this overextended attempt at parallelism. Returning once more to the sanb6 figure, he uses a scriptural paraphrase, again from the Lotus Satra, to praise the book that so fully elaborates upon it: "All of it concerns itself with the Buddha, his Teachings, and his Clergy, and therefore it is good at the beginning, good in the middle, and good at the end. The Three Jewels are to be found everywhere and in all things, and you must stand by them." Hereafter, the sanji concept recedes into the background, while other motifs and ideas take precedence, and the three volumes that follow portray them instead. Rather than presenting an account of Buddhism's progressive degeneration (a process described in the preface to the second volume, but for other reasons), the content of Sanb6e draws a picture of Buddhism as something that is very much alive, something that has grown and developed and spread, something that remains full of meaning and efficacy and is hence admirable above all things.
Page 47 A Reading of Sanboe 47 Were that not so, there would have been no reason, of course, for teaching Sonshi so much about it. Tamenori was pessimistic about the state of the world and the value of worldly pursuits, and in this he was in agreement with the standard pessimism of his time. This pessimism did not extend to Buddhism, however, for he believed that he, as well as Sonshi, would benefit from his service and his devotion to it. Kudoku, Zuiki, and Tamenori In the last section of the "General Preface," Tamenori steps forth to identify himself as Sonshi's servant and teacher and as aspirant to the same salvation that she seeks. He alludes to his relationship to her family and to his literary training, both of which have made it possible for him, now, to take up and carry out this task. It is a task that came to him when he was ready for it, for he had already fixed upon a good rebirth in the next life as his only meaningful goal. When he writes that "the feelings in my own heart got tangled in the very words," he shows that he has taken his task very seriously and that he knows that his injunctions apply as well to him as they do to Sonshi; when he says that "my tears fell like rain upon my brush tip," there is more here than melodrama. He reveals here a portion of his piety and his sincere concern for Sonshi's fate-which, as it may have seemed to Tamenori, might be submitted to judgment before much more time had passed. "This is my prayer," he concludes: he wants these efforts to produce merit for both Sonshi and himself, that he might follow her to his own reward in the same way that S&kyamuni's servant followed him. Tamenori's expectation is based on concepts that are developed in several ways in the tales that follow-and fittingly so, for they are fundamental tenets of Buddhist faith. Merit for good deeds (kudoku), of course, adds directly to the accumulated promise of a good reward in a life or lives to come. Offerings of flowers, incense, and light-all of which are documented in Sanboe tales-are conventional ways of gaining such merit and are among the simplest ways of doing so. The incipient Buddhas of the first volume's tales who strive in various ways to do good, the devout Japanese Buddhists of the second, and the observant monks and nuns of the third all do what they do largely in order to accrue such merit. Sanbbe is in large part concerned with the depiction of the rewards that they and those who follow them receive. If Sonshi emulates them, her expectations may be high. Tamenori himself expects to gain his reward, but only through a particular kind of good deed, one that is often favored by, and characteristic of, the selfsacrificing Bodhisattva of the Mah&ydna tradition: devoting himself to
Page 48 48 A Reading of Sanboe the spiritual progress of others before realizing his own. This, then, is zuiki-literally, "derived joy"-and, technically, it is one of the means that more advanced beings (such as Bodhisattvas) use to promote the eventual salvation of others and, secondarily, to proceed toward their own. Tamenori saw that he could emulate this method and claim a reward for doing so through the very act of writing SanbOe, but he does not use the terms for this method and its merit (zuiki h6ben, zuiki kudoku) until he reaches his summation, in the last verse at the end of the last volume. Still, the spirit of zuiki pervades the text as Tamenori strives at length to be a good teacher and good friend-like many that have gone before him, in Buddhist scripture and in history-and thus to win, through these efforts, an ultimate and everlasting reward. Preface to the First Volume "The first volume tells about the deeds of the Buddhas of long ago," Tamenori wrote in the "General Preface," and that is indeed so. But first, in the preface to this volume, he explains that the thirteen Buddhas of the past, who are the protagonists in the tales to follow, were, in fact, the Buddha Sakyamuni in his previous lives. Tamenori will remind the reader of this in a formal element repeated at the end of each of the tales. In the preface, he goes on to explain that in these former incarnations, which spanned an unimaginably vast period of time, the Buddha-to-be acted in specific ways that eventually produced, as a karmic reward, his birth as the historical Buddha. The various ways in which he "sacrificed" himself are particularly exemplary of this service, and sacrifice is an important motif in almost all of the thirteen tales included in the volume. Inga: The Pattern of Cause and Effect Even the physical attributes of the Buddha's person are said to be the results of his past virtues, according to scripture, and Tamenori proceeds to list these in some detail. At the conclusion of this description he says, "All of these marks were the result of his deeds in previous ages, the effect of his practice of the various perfections." Thus, Tamenori focuses specifically on the pattern of cause and effect (inga) as a key element in the formation of the Buddha. Similarly, in tale after tale throughout Sanb6e he will remind his reader of this incontrovertible fact: good deeds will duly result in good rewards, and evil deeds will likewise be duly punished. The concept is a simple but a fundamental
Page 49 A Reading of Sanbbe 49 one; it is the assumption behind the whole noti of karma, the force that shapes each being's life according to its past actions, good or ill, as long as that being remains within the cycle of life, death, and rebirth. But abstract philosophical and technical disquisitions on such concepts as karma have little place in a work like Sanboe; instead, Tamenori chooses to illustrate the workings of this principle by dramatizing a repeating pattern of reward and retribution, primarily in the context of memorable stories. Throughout the work, in fact, the philosophical principles of Buddhism, where explicitly stated, are stated very simply and without much explanation; Tamenori relies instead on implicit illustration of abstract principles in the concrete contexts of his chosen tales. This by no means represents condescension toward his reader, but, rather, an accurate assessment of the best way for her to learn and understand, and the method of teaching and the content of the lesson are adjusted to that assessment. This approach, of course, is not original with Tamenori. It is, in fact, espoused by scripture and securely rooted in Buddhist doctrine: what one teaches and the way one teaches it must suit the one who needs to learn. If this means that only part of the lesson or only part of the truth can be taught, then so be it. (This is one aspect of the concept of hiben, "expedient means.") Tamenori certainly could not teach Sonshi all of Buddhism, but he could amply represent the whole by illustrating some of its essential parts. That meant, however, that he had to make certain choices as to which parts to teach. Clearly, he decided that, if nothing else, she should learn a great deal about the law of cause and effect in human lives, as it is understood in Buddhism. In the materials available to him and the works that served as his models--especially Nihon ry6iki-the same idea was dominant, and so it naturally presented itself as an area of emphasis. The tales included in Sanbae range considerably in terms of both subject and source, but they are, inevitably, unified in their concern with the cause and effect pattern. It is perhaps this element, more than any other, that makes of them a cohesive, meaningful whole. The Eternal Buddha This volume's tales deal with Sakyamuni's previous lives, while this preface directs the reader's attention to a conception of Sakyamuni as the great "effect" of a great many admirable "causes." But Tamenori also wants to explain that Buddhism did not end with the end of this great Buddha's life, that in fact he was but one great manifestation of a Buddha who is everywhere, in all time, and always accessible. (This view of the Buddha is that of the Lotus Siitra, of the Tendai school, and of
Page 50 50 A Reading of Sanbbe Mah&ydna Buddhism in general.) Certain "causes"--certain acts of piety-will produce the much desired effect of contact with this eternal Buddha and his unbounded benevolence. The right practices, rightly practiced, will make visualization of this Buddha possible, as Tamenori promises: "When there is an affinity [en-a special predisposition, brought about through the cultivation of right attitudes and pious practices], he will show you his form," and "in response to your prayers he will let you hear his voice." The worship of images of the Buddha and the relics of his person are also, he says, ways of getting close to him; offerings of just "a single flower" or a single moment of sincere prayer are also ways of making contact. Like so many other passages in the prefaces, this one again foreshadows the content of many of the tales to come, where it will be repeatedly shown that even the most modest offerings, even devotions conducted on the smallest scale will nonetheless produce the desired results as long as they are undertaken in sincerity. A Reverent Gesture At the end of the preface-as at the end of the prefaces to the two remaining volumes--Tamenori describes a physical gesture that he might indeed have acted out: "The palms of my hands are joined in reverence; now I will illustrate the wonders of the Buddha." In each volume the final phrase is altered slightly to lead effectively into what follows, and the use of the repeating figure is another way of suggesting a unity among the book's diverse parts. The gesture may have been directed to Sonshi, the reader, but more likely it is a gesture toward the book itself; it is an acknowledgment of the awe its author feels when he steps outside of the text for a moment and recalls the gravity of its content, its meaning, and its purpose. The Tales of the First Volume Composition The line in the preface explaining that the Buddha's attributes "were the result of his deeds in previous ages, the effect of his practice of the various perfections," is also a key to the composition of the volume itself. Its thirteen tales divide into two closely related groups, the first six and then the remaining seven. The first group consists of versions of stories traditionally collected in scripture and elsewhere as illustrations of the Buddha's practice of
Page 51 A Reading of Sanbee 51 "the Six Perfections" (the six pdramitds; roku haramitsu in Japanese)categories of ideal behavior that, if cultivated to the greatest extent possible, produce vast merit and assure the future Buddhahood of the practitioner. The latter seven tales are about similarly virtuous doings, and though they do not form a conventional group, they do come from the same general source as do the first six, namely, the j]takas, the corpus of stories about the Buddha's previous lives. That Tamenori should have used jataka stories in Sanb6e at all is, in itself, remarkable, for though known and recognized in Japanese Buddhism, these stories were never particularly prominent as subjects in either Japanese literature or art. Their role in Chinese Buddhism was similarly limited, and it is only in Southeast Asian Buddhism that they have continuously functioned as an important canonical genre.5 Tamenori's use of them, however, is in fact in keeping with the rather special way that they have been used throughout their history. At least as early as the second century B.C.E., Indian Buddhists began to use elements from indigenous folk tales and story-telling traditions-elements such as the working of miracles, transformations, and metamorphoses-in narratives that illustrated specifically Buddhist concepts, especially those related to the Buddhist interpretation of the belief in transmigration. Many examples of this kind of appropriation can be seen in the jitakas. The protagonists of these stories are kings, princes, wealthy merchants and their sons and daughters, ascetics, and various other noble or humble creatures, including animals, whose virtuous deeds collectively contribute to the accumulation of merit that eventually produced the Buddha himself. They adhere sedulously to their promises to do good or to devote themselves to a particular principle or goal, often with the intention of sharing the benefits or merit thus attained with others, but primarily in order to garner merit toward future Buddhahood. They often face great odds or are subjected to physical torment, but they invariably persevere or are miraculously saved from their travails. Their determination, their sacrifices, and their eventual success prove their inherent possession of the qualifications for Buddhahood, and so most jdtakas contain some element (sometimes at the beginning, more often at the end) that reveals that the protagonist is, in fact, a former incarnation of Sakyamuni. Other characters are often identified as former incarnations of other members of Sakyamuni's family, and good characters who aid or support the hero or heroine are usually identified with his disciples, while adversaries and evil-doers are often identified with Sakyamuni's enemies or other opponents of Buddhism. The good or ill these characters do is thus interpreted as the cause leading to their eventual fortunate or unfortunate rebirths, and the protagonists, of course, are rewarded with the greatest prize of all when
Page 52 52 A Reading of Sanboe they become, at length, the Buddha himself. Thus, the jatakas repeatedly demonstrate the operation of karma, while simultaneously illustrating the tenets of Buddhist morality, and were therefore effective and appealing didactic tools. For the same reason, they were well suited to Tamenori's needs and goals in Sanboe. But in reproducing a selection of them in full, in the context of a work such as Sanboe, Tamenori was doing something that no known Japanese writer before him had done. Of the hundreds of known jatakas, relatively few are of significance in the Mahayana tradition that made its way from India through central Asia and China and eventually to Japan. These stories were of most interest in the earliest stages of the propagation of Buddhism in each region through which it passed. Jdtaka subjects were prominent, for instance, in the earliest known examples of Buddhist art in India, in central Asia, and then in China. But in each place they were soon eclipsed by other subjects-the life of Sakyamuni himself, then other Buddhas and Bodhisattvas and other celestial deities. This development in iconography generally parallels the shifts in interest occurring as particular texts rose to and then fell from favor. Though the jataka literature as such found no distinct niche in Mahayana, the small but select number of jatakas that were incorporated into a few satras in its canon did find a place there because they served effectively as illustrations of ideas of particular significance in that tradition. Others may have been created, with known jftakas or other stories as their models, to serve a similar function.6 Some came to be used repeatedly in descriptions of the sixfold path of virtuous practice whereby Bodhisattvas qualify themselves for Buddhahood. Versions of particular jatakas that lent themselves to the illustration of these "Six Stages" (rokudo), which are the same as the "Six Perfections"-charity, discipline, forbearance, effort, meditation, and wisdom-recur in many texts that deal with the Bodhisattva and his practices, which are, of course, major Mahayana preoccupations. The set of six jetakas illustrating the "Six Perfections" that Tamenori uses as the first six tales in Sanboe is one that is used in similar ways in well-known texts-specifically, a satra entitled Rokudojikky67 and a treatise, Daichidoron (a wide-ranging commentary on the Mahaprajndaparamita Satra), traditionally attributed to Nagarjuna.8 Tamenori's selection and inclusion of these six can be explained largely through reference to those texts, which are also the works he cites as his chief sources. His first three tales are those that are used to illustrate the same three "perfections" in Rokudojikky6: the Sibi, Srutasoma, and KQanti stories are in sections 2, 41, and 44 of the satra. The story of Prince Mahatyagavat, used in Sanbbe 1.4 to illustrate the perfection of effort, appears in Rokudojikkyo section 9, but there it
Page 53 A Reading of Sanbne 53 illustrates the perfection of charity. And, in a single passage in the fourth fascicle of Daichidoron, all six of Tamenori's jitakas appear in the same order and in correspondence to the same perfections.9 In addition, the same six appear in the same way in treatises of importance in the Tendai school. There is, for example, a close paraphrase of the Daichidoron passage in Chih-i's Ssu-chiao-i, where each story is introduced with a question-"How is the perfection of [charity, discipline, etc.] fulfilled?"-and each is concluded with a coda-like section that ends with the words "This is how the perfection of [charity, discipline, etc.] is fulfilled."10 An almost identical presentation appears in Chih-i's Kuanyin hsidan-i, and another variation appears in Ti-kuan's T'ien-t'ai ssuchiao- i.11 There can be little doubt that these presentations served as Tamenori's models, even for the sections that begin and end each of his first six tales. In Sanbbe, Chih-i's questions become short disquisitions on the meaning of each of the Six Perfections, expanded through the inclusion of allusions to and paraphrases from a variety of other texts. The subject of these disquisitions- grammatically and otherwise-is "the Bodhisattva," and Tamenori uses the term here, as does Chih-i in the model passages, to mean "the incipient Sakyamuni Buddha." Even the verb used in Tamenori's codas to say that the perfections were "thus fulfilled" (i.e., the verb mitsu) is the same as Chih-i's. One addition of Tamenori's to the codas, the revelations of the heroes as "the Tathagata Sdkyamuni of today," makes explicit what is implicit in Ssu-chiao-i and the other model texts. This addition serves one other important function for Tamenori: it is the only structural feature of the first six tales that is also repeated in the remaining seven, and thus it helps to bind them all together. The content of all the tales, of course, is also similar: all narrate the heroes' adherence to their principles or their vows despite all challenges and obstacles, and all of the protagonists act in ways that justify their identification with the Buddha at each story's end. All thirteen can also be said to be examples of the jitakas that are best known in the Mahdydna tradition (the number of which, as has been noted, is rather limited), but, perhaps surprisingly, there is no one place to which we can look-at least not in literature-for a good model or likely source for Tamenori's selection of the last seven or, for that matter, the entire grouping. That the literary evidence of precedents should be so sparse may also be surprising since some of these stories seem so "familiar" (insofar as a general East Asian tradition is concerned), but this may in turn suggest that the best indications of precedent lie elsewhere. The first known Chinese writers to include jatakas in a compendium of Buddhist materials were Pao-ch'ang and the other editors of
Page 54 54 A Reading of Sanboe Ching-lii i-hsiang, the first great Chinese Buddhist encyclopedia, which was completed in 516. Its twenty-first section is composed almost entirely of jdtaka recensions, including several about the past lives of Devadatta, Sakyamuni's violently rebellious cousin and disciple.12 Fayiaan chu-lin contains a great many jdtaka passages and related materials, including excerpts from Chinese pilgrims' descriptions of Indian memorials to various jdtaka heroes. (Some of these, from Hstiantsang's Ta-t'ang hsi-yii-chi, are also quoted by Tamenori in the conclusions to 1.11 and 1.12.) Some jatakas appear in brief form or are alluded to in T'ang pien-wen ("marvel" or "transformation" texts) found at Tunhuang. In the opening section of a version of the pien-wen entitled T'aitzu ch'eng-tao ching (Taishi jodokyo), dated 934, for example, the stories of K$anti, Sibi, and Mahasattva (Sanbie 1.3, 1.10, and 1.11) are briefly summarized.13 Fragments of other pien-wen specifically devoted to the Mahasattva and the Sudana (Sanboe 1.12) jatakas have also been identified.14 (The protagonist of the Sudana jdtaka is perhaps better known as Visvantara.) Pien-wen were probably meant to be read aloud, and readings were probably highlighted and explicated with corresponding pictures in popular proselytizing performances. For this reason, these works are often cited as forerunners of Japanese Buddhist didactic works that also employed texts and pictures, and particularly of those like Sanboe that may have been designed for oral readings. Attempts to show direct correlations between pien-wen and specific Japanese works of this kind have, however, been inconclusive.15 Likewise, it has not yet been shown that there was any direct line of transmission from the pienwen and their treatment of jdtaka material to Sanboe or any other of the very few works in Japanese that include jntaka versions, though such a lineage does seem plausible. The earliest known Japanese references to jdtaka are in Todaiji fujumonko, a manual of ritual texts compiled between 796 and 834, but these are only brief allusions to the stories of the "Himalaya Boy" and of Mahasattva (1.10 and 1.11 in Sanboe).16 There is also a brief allusion to the Mahasattva story in Kokai's Sango shiiki.17 There are, however, no other significant references or recensions in Japanese works that predate Sanbee; nor, it may be observed, are there all that many in works coming after it. The search for models and precedents must, of course, be made with the awareness that literary works that might have served in this capacity may have been lost. There are, on the other hand, some important works of art that can supplement this search, and these may be of particular importance if Sanb6e is viewed as part of a pictorial as well as a literary tradition. In fact, a survey of the jdtaka subjects depicted in sculpture and painting all over Asia (found mostly in a few transitional
Page 55 A Reading of Sanboe 55 epochs in Buddhism's history) reveals that the subjects Tamenori chose are also those that appear or predominate at every site where jataka depictions do occur. Eight jataka illustrations are to be found, for example, in friezes on a stone stapa carved in the second century B.C.E. at Bharhut, in central India, and one of these depicts the Mrga jataka, the story of a regal stag that is closely related to the jataka source of Sanboe 1.9.18 The stories of SudanaNiivantara and Syama (Sanb6e 1.12 and 1.13) are two of the eight jatakas depicted in the carvings on the gateways to the Great Stapa at Safichi, which date from the first century C.E.19 The Syama and Sudana/iivantara jdtakas are also seen in examples of Gandhdran sculpture that also date to the first or second century C.E.20 The same jdtakas are the subjects of carvings at Amaravati (executed between 150 and 200 C.E.) and at Mathura, and there is a depiction of the Srutasoma jataka (Sanboe 1.2) in Cave 2 at Aurangabad.21 And five of the Sanboe subjects-Sibi (1.1), Keanti (1.3), the Deer King (1.7), Sudana/Visvantara, and Syama-are represented in the great cave paintings at Ajanta, which were executed at various times between the second century B.C.E. and the sixth century C.E.22 Among the most famous examples of jataka art outside India are the eighth-century carvings in the temples at Barabulur, in Java; the Mrga jataka is one of the nineteen depicted there that have been identified with certainty.23 Jataka subjects were also of great importance in the art produced as Buddhism made its way east through Central Asia. In the cave paintings at Kizil, on the northern branch of the Silk Route in what is now part of the Soviet Union, the dominant jataka subjects are, again, many of those appearing in Sanbbe: in the early seventhcentury paintings in the "Cave of the Musicians," for instance, there are illustrations of the Srutasoma, Kýanti, Mahatyagavat (Sanb6e 1.4), "Himalaya Boy," Mahasattva, Sudana, and Syama jatakas. Other caves at Kizil have additional paintings of the Keanti and Mahasattva tales and also of the story of Safikhacarya (Sanb6e 1.5).24 Farther east into China, in the cave paintings at Tun-huang, jdtakas again provided a source of subjects, and the majority of those illustrated are once again the ones that appear in Sanboe. The story of Sibi (1.1) is depicted in three caves, while the Jalavahana jataka (1.7), that of the Lion (1.8), the Mrga jataka, and the story of the "Himalaya Boy" are all subjects of paintings in one cave each. The last three Sanboe tales are the most frequently depicted at Tun-huang: there are Mahasattva paintings in seven caves, SudinaNiivantara depictions are found in four, and Syama depictions occur in five.25 There are also four jataka friezes in the caves at Yiin-kang, one of which depicts the story of Syama.26 In the "Pin Yang" cave at Lung-men, the Sibi, Mahasattva and Sud&na/Visvantara jatakas are depicted in carvings in "minor
Page 56 56 A Reading of Sanboe decorative areas."27 There are also Chinese steles of the fifth and sixth centuries, in Western collections, that illustrate the Mahasattva, Sudana/Visvantara, and Syama stories.28 Jataka scenes appeared in China in one other instance that was known in Japan through written description as well as direct importation. According to Tao-hsiian's Chi-shen-chou san-pao kan-t'ung-lu (664), the A-yii-wang ssu in Mou-hsien possessed a stapa with jataka illustrations that was reputedly one of a set of 84,000 cast at the behest of King Asoka, the great patron of Buddhism and unifier of India in the third century B.C.E. (after whom the temple was named).29 The monk Chien-chen (Ganjin) visited the temple in 743 before leaving China for Japan (see Sanb6e 3.5), and his biographer Omi Mifune (Genkai) also reported that the four sides of the stapa Chien-chen saw there were decorated with jataka scenes, two of which were the Sibi and Mahasattva stories.30 In 955, Ch'ien Hung-shu, the prince of Wu-Yiieh, commissioned the casting of 84,000 similar stapas (apparently half the size of Asoka's) with illustrations of the same jdtakas.31 Several of Ch'ien's stCpas survive in China, and at least four of them eventually found their way to Japan.32 The only other example of depiction of jataka subjects in a Japanese artifact is far better known. It is the "Tamamushi no zushi," a miniature shrine dated to about 600 C.E. that is one of the great treasures of the H6ryfji monastery. Two of the shrine's panels are painted with scenes from the "Himalaya Boy" and Mahasattva jdtakas, and the paintings emphasize the motif of sacrifice in both stories: the "Himalaya Boy" 's fall out of a tree toward the arms of the demon and Prince Mahasattva's fall into the pit of starving tigers are both depicted with figures of the young men plummeting in similar postures toward the beasts that wait to devour them. The choice and pairing of these two subjects, as well as the method of depiction, may indicate that the anonymous artist or artists-probably Japanese-had some knowledge of a continental artistic tradition that combined them in this way.33 It is important to point out, however, that the stories of these two selfsacrificing heroes were known in early Japanese Buddhism not as jdtaka, as such, but rather because they figured in satras that were particularly prominent in the earliest phase of the religion's propagation in Japan. The "Himalaya Boy"'s story occurs in Daihatsu nehangyo, and Mahasattva's is featured in Konkomyo saish6oky6.34 Both texts were the basis of rites that were among the first to be sanctioned and sponsored by the state, and though other satras were to have greater significance for Japanese Buddhism, the rites based on these two (which are described by Tamenori in the third volume) continued to be observed long after their central role had come to an end. "Nehangyo" and
Page 57 A Reading of Sanboe 57 "Saishookyo," as he calls them, are also Tamenori's sources for his versions of the stories of these two great heroes, who are by no means the central figures of the satras but the protagonists of episodes. Did familiarity with the "Tamamushi no zushi" painting play some role in his placement of the two tales portrayed there together, following one another in Sanboe, with the effect of echoing the motif of the "sacrificial fall" as it is echoed on the shrine? Could an artist, commissioned to paint the pictures that were to accompany Tamenori's text, have been aware of a tradition of such depiction, and could he have suggested this arrangement? We cannot know. There are no "e ari" notations in the copies of these tales, and even if there were we could not be sure that they were ever illustrated, or in what manner-though they were surely meant to be. The coincidence of Tamenori's selection of these subjects and of almost all the subjects of the first volume with subjects known to have been painted, sculpted, or otherwise portrayed elsewhere (though chiefly on the continent) may suggest, at least, the possibility of some consciousness of a tradition of jdtaka depiction on someone's part-if not Tamenori's, then perhaps his artist colleague's (if there was one). And even if the direct influence of artistic tradition cannot be proven, Tamenori and the Asian artists who depicted the same jdtaka subjects did have this in common: they recognized that certain features of certain jatakas made them particularly apt for the illustration of certain features of Buddhism in memorable and affecting ways. The selections made by both Tamenori and these artists may have been determined in large part by the texts that came most readily to their hands, and by other factors as well, but in all cases the search for materials to adapt and include and the process of their reproduction were carried out in the same spirit and fulfilled the same desire: to teach about Buddhism in the most direct, appealing, and lasting ways possible. Some of Tamenori's acknowledgments of sources at the end of each tale can be read as indications of which texts came most readily to his hands. They also may show that in some cases he had to explore further for sources that could serve as the bases of complete, detailed presentations. Rokudojikkyo and Daichidoron are cited either as the single source or as one of the two sources for nine of the tales. "Hoongy6" (i.e., Daihobenbutsuhoongyo, another collection of jdtakas known in the Mahayana tradition35) is cited along with Rokudojikkyo as a source for the Mahatyagavat tale (1.4) and as the sole source of the tale of the "Lion Who Held Firmly to His Vows" (1.8). "Saishookyo," the source of the Mahasattva tale, is also the source cited for that of Jalavahana (1.7). And for the SudAna and Sy&ma tales (1.12 and 1.13), Tamenori cites two satras-Taishi Shudainakyo and "Bosatsu Senkyo" (i.e., Bussetsu
Page 58 58 A Reading of Sanboe Senjiky6), which are works devoted entirely to versions of these jdetakas-along with Rokudojikkyi.36 Tamenori may have taken some elements of many of these tales from elsewhere, particularly from Fayi.ian chu-lin (as notes to the tales show), but we can also assume with some certainty that Tamenori did consult versions of all the works he names at some point in the process of preparing his versions. There remains the possibility that some other models of jitaka renderings presented themselves to him, but none can be identified. The writing of these thirteen tales probably required some time and effort, but they are, by and large, well told. The Safikhacarya (1.5) and Govinda (1.6) tales are perfunctory recitations that stay close to their sources, but the Sudana and Syama tales, though equally faithful, are sustained, dramatic narratives skillfully retold and are perhaps the best examples of the way that good stories are allowed to speak for themselves in Sanbie. Jataka Motifs These thirteen tales, like all jdtakas, speak for themselves; there is not much subtlety here, and the moral lesson of each tale is made as clear as it can be. But where the story is a good one, with sympathetic, admirable characters in a gripping plot line, as in the last two tales, the method seems to justify itself. The morals and the motifs of these thirteen tales are representative of the jdtaka literature as a wholewherein, in turn, a very basic form of Buddhist ethics is shown at work in a mythic, ideal world of the past. In the jetaka world, the wise recognize what is good and what is not, and those who do wrong, whether knowingly or not, repent or are duly punished and duly forgiven. Only one of Tamenori's jttakas-that of Mahasattva (1.11)--has a less than perfectly happy ending; in all the others all wounds are healed, all injustices redressed, and ignorance and suffering are replaced by enlightenment and prosperity. But Mahdsattva, like all the other heroes, eventually became the Buddha, too, so even his sad story has its happy ending. In this sense, perhaps unwittingly, Tamenori did devise a volume of tales that suggests the ideal conditions of Buddhism's first period-"the Period of the True Teaching" (sh6bb), when the Buddha's teachings were perfectly understood and perfectly realized. This effect, however, is probably incidental. It comes about simply because Tamenori's jftaka sources represented such an ideal world, and not necessarily because he consciously sought to do so. He did not define sanji when he introduced the concept; he used it primarily to underscore the book's relationship to
Page 59 A Reading of Sanboe 59 various "threes." But a well-schooled reader of his time, perhaps an older monk or nun who might have read with Sonshi, might very well have known enough to point out that the perfect operations of cause and effect and the moral balance of the tales in this first volume do, in fact, portray a shobo world. In a similarly incidental manner, and also largely due to their derivation from jdtakas, these first thirteen tales also introduce certain motifs that, when taken together, begin to create a composite picture of Buddhist values. These motifs recur throughout the tales in the volumes that follow. A desire to achieve this effect was probably not a factor in Tamenori's selection of the tales, but the effect, deliberate or not, is unmistakable. The concept of respect for all forms of life and the abhorrence of killing, for example, which is developed in various ways in the stories of Sibi (1.1), Safikhicarya, Jalavahana, the Lion, the Deer King, Mahasattva, and Syama, reappears in both the second volume (in 2.13, the story of a virtuous woman who saves the life of a crab and is then saved by it) and the third (in 3.26, a description of the Hojoe, a ritual release of captured animals). Aspects of the ascetic life and its rewards are seen in Safkhacarya's, the Himalaya Boy's, Suddna's, and Sydma's stories; in retrospect, these become ideal examples for the devout Japanese men and women of volume two and the observant monks and nuns of volume three. The ultimate self-sacrifices offered in the name of principle, faith, and the welfare of others by such heroes as Sibi, Srutasoma, KSanti, Mahatyagavat, the Lion, the Deer King, the Himalaya Boy, and Sudana have their parallel, too, in the absolute, unswerving devotion of the protagonists of the later tales. The Himalaya Boy, for example, offers his life in order to hear the prajid (wisdom) doctrine of nonsubstantiality; in a sense he prefigures the fearless and determined monks who risked their lives on their way to Japan to propagate Buddhism and the Japanese monks who made the arduous journey to China and back in search of authoritative texts and transmissions. The charity practiced in the extreme by Sibi and Sudana is a magnified version of the acts of generosity described and recommended in later tales, and the miracles that restore Sibi, Kgdnti, and Syama foreshadow others that are also attributed to faithful reliance on Buddhism's powers. These recurrences appear in part because they are inherent features of the kind of material that Tamenori used, material to which he was naturally drawn in his search for good stories about cause and effect; that is also why these themes recur as they do even among the tales of this one volume.37 Nonetheless, they give the volume and Sanb6e as a whole a kind of motivic unity, and they work together to suggest what Buddhism, albeit greatly simplified, should mean to Sonshi.
Page 60 60 A Reading of Sanb6e The First Verse Like verse passages in saitras, which often serve as recapitulations of preceding prose sections, the verses at the end of each volume of Sanb6e echo particular elements of the corresponding prefaces and groups of tales. In his first verse Tamenori metaphorically and hyperbolically alludes again to the superhuman dimensions of the Buddha's character and achievements. In the preface these were enumerated in detail; here they can be referred to generally as his "accomplishments in the six stages," "his fulfillment of ten thousand tasks," "his awesome deeds and sufferings." The content of the preceding tales is thus summarized and recast as a portion of a much larger story. Here, too, the identity of the Bodhisattva (the Buddha-to-be) with the Tathdgata (the fully realized Buddha) is made explicit, as if in reiteration of the point of each tale's coda section. The verse also alters the narrative pace and, in closing the set of tales, reflects back upon it in assessment; the reader, too, is given time to pause and ponder. Preface to the Second Volume The focus of this second volume, according to Tamenori's scheme, is on the second jewel: the Buddha's teachings. The tales do not in fact expound those teachings but cast them as the causes of certain marvelous effects: a procession of Japanese devotees to various aspects of Buddhism appears here, demonstrating some of the many ways in which the power of these teachings is made manifest. Tamenori does begin this preface, however, with a description of S&kyamuni's progressive revelation of his teachings in a sequence of "five periods"; in so doing he follows a periodizing classification found in the writings of Chih-i, the patriarch of the Tendai school. (Although he does not cite it as a source, the language Tamenori employs and the imagery he uses to describe the periods is in fact very close to that of a passage in Chih-i's Mo-ho chih-kuan, one of several treatises in which this analysis appears.38) Once the Buddha had completed his task and left the earthly sphere, Tamenori explains, these teachings nonetheless remained behind, "like valuable jewels left in our keeping by a departed friend." Sooner or later, therefore, all sentient beings may learn them and reap the benefits.
Page 61 A Reading of Sanb6e 61 Buddhism Goes East Tamenori turns next to the description of another gradual process: it is that by which these Buddhist teachings found their way from their place of origin in India, through China, and, at last, to Japan, the setting of all the tales that follow (in contrast to the setting of the preceding tales, which is implicitly Indian). Buddhism, Tamenori reports, has declined in India to the point of invisibility; although it prospered intermittently in China, it was subjected to a series of violent suppressions that left it lifeless. "But behold," he exclaims, "the Buddha's teachings have spread to the east and have come to rest in our land, where they now flourish! Many sages have appeared here and left their marks, and our sovereigns have continuously fostered the spread of Buddhism." This, then, is Tamenori's view of Buddhism's "manifest destiny," its inexorable eastward course. In the third and the sixteenth tales of the third volume, Tamenori will allude to predictions made by Chinese Tendai patriarchs to a similar effect: whatever its travails in China might be (these sages foretold), Buddhism would inevitably find its safest haven and its fullest realization in Japan. All the tales of this volume, as well as those of the next, can be read as documentation of the truth of these predictions, for they show how Buddhism has taken root in Japan and how it thrives there, even though (in the Japanese view) it has virtually perished elsewhere. Other elements of the passage quoted above similarly anticipate the content of the tales that follow. The second volume will begin with an account of Buddhism's establishment in Japan under the aegis of the "sage"-Prince Shotoku, who served as regent for his aunt, Empress Suiko; it will then go on to describe the deeds of other acknowledged "sages." The miracles produced or witnessed by the pious men and women protagonists of the remaining tales are also "marks" of sagely insight and the results of their loyalty to the teachings. The third volume will also document many ways in which the nation's rulers "fostered Buddhism" through the founding of temples, the support of rites, and even through their personal devotions. And all this, Tamenori suggests, was predestined and made possible by "no slight affinity" (oboroge no en ni arazu): it is some great, inherent spiritual disposition in Japan, or at least in some Japanese, that has made it possible for Buddhism's blessings to be realized here. That this is so is in itself a miracle, for, as Tamenori shows through reference to several scriptural examples, access to the teachings is rare.
Page 62 62 A Reading of Sanbbe Some devotees (the "Himalaya Boy," hero of 1.10, reappears here as one example) have gone to very great lengths to obtain it, while others-even a dog and a bird-have received its blessings only through strange accidents. "What then may humans who offer their faith expect?" asks Tamenori, and he gives the answer in the following stories of devotions and pieties (the causes) that produce various miraculous rewards (the effects), including magic powers, fabulous escapes from danger, and even the evasion of untimely death. Immediate Rewards In the last section of the preface, Tamenori explicitly states-and bemoans the fact-that Buddhism did not reach China or Japan "until long after the demise of the Buddha and the advent of the Period of the Imitated Teaching." So, as in the "General Preface," he reminds the reader that he and she and their contemporaries are living in a zbhO world and must accept its limitations. Once again, however, Tamenori neglects to give details of what this means. According to most definitions, however, the salient feature of the second period is that, though those who live in it may uphold the Buddha's teachings, enlightenment is no longer possible. Is this reflected in the second volume's tales? In a sense, yes. The protagonists of the first volume are all intent seekers of enlightenment and the assurance of future Buddhahood even though these are rewards that they cannot expect to receive until they have passed through many more lives and won much more merit. But the goals and aspirations of the men and women who appear in the tales of the second volume are of a different sort. These people strive for and duly receive their rewards-magical power, victory over their enemies, escape from peril-in this life, in the here and now. Future enlightenment, it would appear, is not their primary concern, but, rather, the more immediate realization of the "effects" of their devotions. This can, perhaps, be thought of as an apt adjustment to a zOh6 world. Once more, however, these apparent extensions of the sanji element of Tamenori's scheme are best judged as incidental consequences of his choice of materials. The miracles and other amazing manifestations of Buddhism's power that are described in the following tales as the direct results of various devotions are also the focus of the works that are their sources. The retelling of such incidents was a very direct and uncomplicated way to show what the religion could do for its practitioners, and so it was very attractive and very useful as a method for many didactic Buddhist writers--including Tamenori. As in the previous volume, Tamenori's acknowledgments of sources in the
Page 63 A Reading of Sanboe 63 eighteen tales of the second volume are evidence of his place in a specific lineage-in this case, that of Chinese and Japanese writers and compilers of miracle tales and hagiographies. His use of jdtakas in volume one is, as observed, quite an anomaly in Japanese Buddhist literature, but his use here (and in the volume hereafter) of miracle tales and hagiographies emphatically places him in the setsuwa mainstream, showing him to be both heir and transmitter of a long and well-defined narrative tradition. The Tales of the Second Volume Composition Tamenori cites Nihon rybiki as the source, or one of the sources, of every tale in this volume except the last. Through such extensive use of Ryoiki, Tamenori places himself within a tale-telling lineage extending back through Ryoiki to Ryoiki's own sources in both the oral traditions of pre- and early-Buddhist Japan and in Chinese Buddhist tale collections of an even earlier period. In compiling Ryoiki, Kyokai organized and reproduced a corpus of stories that had developed earlier around legendary religious figures and certain texts and practices. Dissemination of tales of this kind may have played a fairly important role in the gradual process of Buddhism's integration into the Japanese ethos. In some cases, these stories were frank imitations of Chinese works that had been devised to achieve a similar effect. The method of the Chinese creators and compilers of Buddhist tales, like the method of the Indian creators and compilers of the jdtakas, consisted in great part of the adaptation of familiar, native story elements-feats of wizardry, magical metamorphoses, ghosts, and apparitions-to Buddhist contexts. The basic features of Buddhist thought could thus be introduced into the Chinese experience in a way that suggested a reconciliation of the inimical characteristics of both.39 Confronted with a similar need, Japanese Buddhist story tellers did very much the same thing; they adopted some of these miracle tales for their own uses (with which they were familiar through the importation of some of the collections, and perhaps by some oral transmissions as well) and simply substituted Japanese characters and Japanese settings for the Chinese names and places in the originals. Like their Chinese predecessors, they also introduced Buddhist elements into native tales and thus created new ones. Tales developed through both these methods can be found in Ryoiki, and when Tamenori included some of them in Sanbbe, he showed that the method was still viable; while he did not develop the technique, he did show how it could
Page 64 64 A Reading of Sanbie be applied to a specific situation in which certain kinds of tales were needed to teach certain ideas. The Biographies The first three tales of Tamenori's second volume form a subgroup that represents a Japanese development of another tradition in Buddhist literature begun in China-the compilation of biographies of saintly figures, primarily monks, and sometimes nuns and also lay men and women, which combine fact and legend with an emphasis on amazing deeds.40 Like the miracle-tale genre to which it is so closely related, this genre of religious biography was also adopted and imitated in Japan, and parts of Sanboe, such as the biographies at the beginning of volume two, can be considered important examples of it. These first three sections concern figures of prominence in the early stages of the establishment of Buddhism in Japan and thus begin the process of documenting the realization of Buddhism's "manifest destiny." These prominent persons are Prince Shotoku, traditionally considered the founding father of Japanese Buddhism (and the person to whom the longest single section of the whole book is devoted), E no ubasoku, a controversial ascetic whose amazing powers derive from esoteric practices, and Gyoki, a great early proselytizer who appears as the protagonist in more tales in RyOiki than any other single figure.41 Their biographies, like the tales that follow, focus on the amazing deeds and miracles performed by these three men; if these deeds are the "effects," the "causes" are their innate spiritual superiority and their absolute loyalty to their faith, rather than any one particular practice. While most of the remaining tales relate the circumstances surrounding one amazing occurrence, usually seen as the result of one particular deed or practice, these biographies relate several episodes, in sequence, in the lives of these renowned men. As sources for these first three biographies Tamenori cites official chronicles (Nihongi for the Prince Sh6toku biography, Shoku nihongi for the latter two), an early biography of Prince Shotoku (Shotoku Taishi den[ryaku]), and some other works that are now lost, in addition to Ryoiki. These three tales do in fact appear to be composites of elements from all these works. Passages in them that are based on Ryiiki are from multiple tales rather than from any single section of Kyokai's work; passages for which there is no parallel in any existing work must, it would seem, be based on passages in the lost ones. The fourth tale, on the other hand, is based solely on one section of Ry6iki and varies very little from it. It is about "the 'Lump Nun' of Higo
Page 65 A Reading of Sanbe 65 Province," a woman of strange birth and strange constitution who proves herself more knowledgeable than some very eminent monks and becomes the center of a cult. Her story is more like the previous three tales than those that follow: it is a full-scale biography of a wise saint; it narrates her story from her mysterious birth through her amazing career. All four of these tales, defined as a subgroup in this sense, also anticipate the biographical sections that occupy large portions of many of the tales in the third volume as well. The Ry6iki Tales Tales 2.4 through 2.17 are all straightforward adaptations of Rybiki tales. No extraneous elements are added, and what is left out or changed from Kyokai's versions is, for the most part, irrelevant or unnecessary detail and some narrative asides.42 Tamenori stays very close to Ryoiki; such differences as can be observed between his versions and the earlier work may be attributable to variations among texts of Nihon ryoiki itself, of which there are many.43 What kind of tales did Tamenori select from Rybiki for inclusion in this part of Sanbee? It is, in fact, rather difficult to discern a meaningful pattern in his choices, though some commentators have tried to do so.44 There are one hundred and sixteen tales in Rybiki's three volumes, all of which in some way illustrate its full title (Nihonkoku genpb zen'aku ryoiki): "amazing stories of good and bad karmic retribution in Japan." Ryoiki shows that those who uphold certain teachings, offer personal devotion to particular texts or practices or support more eminent practitioners who do so, or act in other ways that propagate the faith are rewarded, invariably, in the here and now; those who ridicule, thwart, or attack these efforts are immediately or eventually vanquished. Kyokai proves this with numbers of tales, many of which closely resemble one another; Tamenori does the same but with far fewer stories. Almost every conceivable form of Buddhist piety-flamboyant public patronage and rigid asceticism, devotion to the Lotus or the Kegon satras or to esoteric practices, and many more-and every type of Buddhist-royalty and commoners, monks and nuns, wealthy merchants and starving beggars-is depicted in Ry6iki, and Tamenori's selection is a fair representation of this diversity. Thirty of the Ry6iki tales feature a woman as protagonist, while female characters figure prominently in another ten; six of this total are nuns, and the rest are lay women.45 Tamenori's selection from Ryoiki includes just three tales (2.4, 2.12, and 2.13) with women as the featured characters, and in one other (2.11), the mother of the protagonist is quite important. The heroine of 2.4 is the
Page 66 66 A Reading of Sanb6e only nun in this group. It therefore does not appear that Tamenori consciously chose tales from Ry6iki that might appeal directly to Sonshi because they depicted Buddhist women. He seems instead to have made a random selection of tales from throughout Ry6iki that are, at any rate, varied with regard to the kinds of "causes" (devotions to certain texts or practices) and "effects" (miscellaneous, but all impressive) they document; they thus constitute a composite picture of the early Japanese (primarily pre- and early-Heian) Buddhist experience. Miracle-tale Motifs As in the previous volume, the tales of the second contain some recurring elements that emphasize certain aspects in the resulting portrait of Buddhism. Many of these elements are also found in the tales of other volumes, so once again there is an incidental effect suggesting unity. But these elements are recurrent in Tamenori's sources, are fundamental and pervasive ideas of Buddhism, and are thus inevitable foci for Buddhist literature. Here, Tamenori is concerned with the portrayal of the direct results of reliance on the Buddha's teachings, and the kinds of results he shows are indeed those that also fill many books of miracle tales-including, of course, Ry6iki. Most of the Prince ShOtoku biography is devoted to accounts of remarkable episodes that occurred as he acquired his own knowledge of Buddhism and applied the wisdom and insight it gave him in various ways, but, inter alia, the tale also documents Buddhism's capacity to overcome its foes, particularly in the form of those who remain loyal to indigenous traditions. When the young Buddhist institution is attacked, a plague ensues, and the instigators of the attack are chief among the sufferers; when reactionaries defy the state, which has embraced the faith at the prince's urging, the prince invokes the aid of the Four Guardian Kings, and the rebels die at the end of the battle. Similar confrontations are central in the next tale: the ascetic E no ubasoku is defied by a native deity and defamed by a jealous master of native magic, but his wizardry, acquired through devotion to an esoteric spell, enables him to control the kami and to escape from exile. Individual Buddhists under attack prevail in other tales as well. GyOki, for example, neatly outwits some hooligans who try to trick him into the sin of eating fish; inside his mouth, the sashimi turns back into whole, live fish that he spits back out into their pond. Another form of attack comes from Chik6, an eminent monk who protests Gyoki's elevation to office. However, a visit to hell for a preview of his fate teaches Chik5 humility, and he returns to this world a chastened man. The two
Page 67 A Reading of Sanb6e 67 monks who scorn the Lump Nun are not so fortunate: their punishment is instant death. The Lump Nun also shows that she knows more about Kegon doctrine than two scholarly monks do, and so, like GyOki's, her story illustrates a favorite Ry6iki and Sanb6e theme: the humble but sincere monk or nun, though lacking formal training or official rank, is often wiser and better than those who are, in name, superior. Harassments of other sorts befall the protagonists of still other tales; again, these characters are humble men who prevail while their ostensible superiors suffer. In 2.8 a mendicant devoted to the "Kannon darani," an esoteric text, enlists its power in his confrontation with a cruel local magistrate: while the mendicant is bound to a tree, the magistrate is bound to his horse, upon which he is lifted into the sky and then dropped to earth. In 2.9 a monk who makes fun of a beggar's way of chanting the Lotus is instantly and fittingly punished: his own mouth locks in the twisted shape he used to taunt the beggar, and it stays that way. The travails of other characters come not from Buddhism's foes but from their own bad karma; stories that focus on such revelations are, again, quite numerous in RyOiki and are common in the Buddhist miracle-tale genre. In 2.5 a man discovers that his deafness is caused by sins in previous lives, but Lotus Satra recitations "open" his ears. In 2.6 a fisherman is punished for sins in this life: his innards catch on fire in retribution for the many fish he has killed, but, once again, worship of the Lotus quenches the flames. The wonders wrought through devotion to specific texts are, as has been noted, favored focal points in Ry6iki and in several Sanb6e tales already described. Again, in 2.7, the monk Gikaku finds that constant recitation of the Heart Satra gives him superhuman vision. Repeated recitations of the Lotus make a box shrink to fit it in 2.10. And in 2.11 devotion to the Heart Satra's darani helps a beggar pressed into service as a lecturer make a great coup. He discovers in a dream that the lecture patron's mother has been punished for her sins with rebirth as an ox in her own son's herd. She is brought to the memorial service, and when he reveals her identity, she achieves final release. A subtheme in this tale is the son's desire to honor his mother's memory and improve her state beyond this life-an aspect of Buddhist filial piety that will play a role in later tales (such as 2.18 and 3.24). The power of unnamed satras is responsible for a woman's miraculous rescue from a falling house in 2.12. In 2.13, however, it is a pious virgin's own deeds that save her: she rescues a frog from a snake in exchange for a promise of marriage and sells her clothes to free a crab; the crab, grown many times its former size, reappears just in time to kill the snake when it tries to claim her as its bride. This tale obviously
Page 68 68 A Reading of Sanboe shares the "saved animal's gratitude" motif of tale 1.7 (Jalavahana), which also appears in 3.26 (on the Hojoe). A merchant gains protection in yet another way in 2.14. Three underworld agents set out to claim his life for Yama, ruler of the dead, but the Four Celestial Kings protect him because he has yet to repay a loan from Daianji's "satra fund." The merchant feeds the starving ghouls, who ask him to protect them from Yama's wrath with readings of the Diamond Satra. This tale also seems to suggest that this was the origin of an annual Daianji Diamond rite, but this aspect of the story is not so important as in 2.18 (see below). In 2.15 it is the chanting of unnamned, miscellaneous satras (perhaps the Lotus) that saves a monk from death by drowning, while the power of the Lotus is once again in play in 2.16: fish, bought to feed a sickly monk, turn into scrolls of the Lotus itself and then change back to fish again, all to protect an acolyte's ruse as well as his master's reputation. And in 2.17 it is Kannon, as portrayed in the Lotus, who rescues a man trapped in a fallen mine: specifically, the miner's promise to offer copies of the Lotus brings the Bodhisattva to his aid. These three tales may represent, as a group, a proof of the promise the Lotus text makes to save its sincere adherents from all sorts of perils. While worship of the Lotus is the force that brings rescue in the greatest number of these tales-as is the case in Rybiki-it should also be noted that other satras and, significantly, esoteric texts (including esoteric parts of Prajiic texts) are shown to be equally efficacious. Tamenori's ties to the Tendai school may account for the prominence he gives to Lotus miracle tales, but that school's eclectic, all-embracing approach may also have encouraged his inclusion of other stories about other forces. Overall, in Sanboe, he shows little interest in the esoteric side of Buddhism, but he does not entirely overlook it. The preface to this volume began with the claim that "among all the teachings of Sakyamuni... none are untrue," and elsewhere (in 3.24, for example) he proclaims the equality of all teachings. In his choice of tales he may show certain biases, but, as we see here, he does try to adhere to this ecumenical attitude. The Last Tale: "Eikd of Daianji" The last tale in the volume is distinct from the others in several ways. Its source-a lost work called Iwabuchidera engi ("The Origins of Iwabuchidera")-is unique, but so is its content. Its description of the monastic lives of Eik6 and Gons6 resembles elements of the first three biographical tales in this volume as well as many of the tales in the third, but its focus on the circumstances that lead to the initiation of an
Page 69 A Reading of Sanbe 69 annually observed rite-a "Service of Eight Lectures" (Hakk6) at Iwabuchidera-is very much like that of most of the tales in the volume that follows. No miracle, as such, occurs; rather, the story focuses on Eik5's faithful support of his mother and Gons6's efforts to continue that support after Eik6's death. Gons6 and Eik6's acolyte "cover up" Eik6's death, but this deception is perpetrated only in order to prolong Eik6's mother's life. The themes of respect for life and for parents, as well as the idea that adherence to a vow (in this case, the vow to be truthful) is vital but should be flexible in certain circumstances (as in 2.16), are all present here, but somehow this tale seems out of place in volume two. Still, it effectively transposes the cause-and-effect pattern from one form-that which dominates the Ry6iki based tales, with their repeated revelations of the immediate effects of pious practices on or for the practitioners-to another-that which characterizes the remaining thirty-one tales in the next volume. There, too, pious activities and deeds lead to some miracles, but these are also the factors that make possible another kind of outcome-the founding of monasteries, convents, and other institutions or specific rites observed in temples as annual events. The eighteenth tale is also a good, long story-somewhat more entertaining, and perhaps better retold, than many of those that precede it-so it effectively anchors the end of the volume and, at the same time, provides a meaningful transition to the next. The Second Verse In summation, Tamenori versifies about Prince Sh6toku's (a.k.a. Umayado's) "sagacious rule," under which, as his tale showed, Buddhism's foes were vanquished and the "Way of the Law" was established throughout the land. Thus, for four centuries since the prince's time, Japanese have "learned about causation and realized the effects/and have been saved from suffering and rewarded with joy!"-just as the tales of this volume have repeatedly shown. The verse recapitulates the time arch of the volume, from the prince's day up to the present, and prepares the reader to proceed to the next and final volume with its accounts of "the rites performed by monks today." Preface to the Third Volume Monks (and Nuns) of Sue no yo Tamenori begins this preface with an analysis of one more group of "three": the three types of monks, as described traditionally in scripture.
Page 70 70 A Reading of Sanboe His main point in doing so is to explain that the monks of "today"those who conduct the rites featured in the tales that follow-are all "common" monks of the third category (bonbu no so). The Bodhisattva monks ("Maitreya, Mafijusri, and the like") left this world when Sakyamuni died; Sravaka monks (Sariputra and Kasyapa are examples) eventually disappeared, too. But the "common monks" of today are still of immeasurable value. "In this final age [sue no yo]," Tamenori observes, were it not for these bonbu no so, there would be no one to "propagate the Buddha's Teachings, and upon whom could sentient beings then rely?" Tamenori's use of the term sue no yo (a synonym for mappo, as is the alternate reading masse) here is as imprecise as in most of its appearances in secular literature, where it refers generally to a degenerate fin-de-siecle kind of era. Tamenori cannot mean that the present is mappo, for this would contradict his statements in earlier prefaces. Furthermore, the monks and nuns whose activities fill the tales to come are certainly not shown to be incapable of fulfilling the requirements of Buddhist clerical life, as they should be by most definitions of mapp6. On the contrary, they personify Buddhist virtues: they perform many acts similar in spirit and intent to those of the jdtaka heroes of volume one and the pious men and women of volume two, and there is no lessening of their expectations of the merit accruing from these activities. These may be mere bonbu no so of sue no yo, but their deeds and doings, as Tamenori presents them, are nonetheless exemplary and full of potency, whatever the limitations of the present world may be. "Revere Them All" Tamenori goes on to say that "All of the Three Jewels"-including these bonbu no so-"are one and the same, and you should revere and serve them equally. You cannot revere the Buddha and his Teachings and, at the same time, slight his monks and nuns." This implies more than a symbolic unity in the content of Sanboe as a reflection of doctrine; it is also practical advice. Though Sonshi may emulate the examples given her in all these tales, it may be very difficult for her, in her circumstances, to act as these exemplary men and women did. But one of the most feasible modes for her expression of devotion would be the provision of support-especially financial-for worthy monks and nuns, as a gesture of respect for them and for the teachings they espouse and the practices they observe. In several tales in the third volume, Tamenori will urge her to seek out and help such "good companions"; he also will indicate those of their rites that are particularly accessible, since
Page 71 A Reading of Sanbe 71 some-in particular, those held within the all-male sanctuaries on Mt. Hie-are closed to her. In this preface, however, he also urges Sonshi not to consider any one teaching, rite, or practice-or anyone devoted to any of themsuperior to any other. Using conventional imagery from several sources, Tamenori describes the variety of monks' activities in a passage that refers generally, though obliquely, to the whole range of schools and traditions, to every type of service to which a Japanese monk or nun might be devoted. "All of them have passed through the many portals of the Buddha's teachings to go their separate ways," he says, "but all will converge upon the same shared goal of Buddhahood." Here, in its most explicit form, is Tamenori's affirmation of Tendai-style ecumenicalism, and a major theme in this third volume will be the idea that the good Buddhist reveres, supports, and accepts the guidance of all monks (and nuns), no matter what type of teachings they adhere to, no matter what their official qualifications are, no matter if (as one might expect from bonbu no so) they sometimes show that they themselves are less than perfect. He says, "I even revere those monks who violate the precepts" (like those of whom he told in several second volume tales-and he will tell about some more), and the same goes for the initiate (the not-yetfully ordained monk or nun, like Sonshi herself); again, he supports this view with scriptural examples and metaphors. Even he (or she) who simply looks like a monk (or nun, as Sonshi must) can visualize all Buddhas and claim a parent-child affinity with the Tathagatha; this is true of the high as well as the low, the fervent and the casual, the "deep" and the "shallow." No lay man or woman should judge or differentiate among them, "for all are vessels of the Law," and physical attacks upon these members of the clergy are among the worst of sins and invite the worst kinds of punishment. The second volume has already presented tales that show these principles to be true, and the third volume will do so, too. The Ritual Year "The reverent rites they observe throughout the year, and the teachings whereby they guide us toward our future goal, all must be counted as the contributions of this community." Thus, having established the sanctity of monks and nuns and the proper spirit of respect for all of them, Tamenori prepares to turn to descriptions of what they do, and why. As suggested here, he will do so within the frame of a calendar of one year. Like the semisecular Heian nenja gy6ji (annual ritual) screens and courtly almanacs, this volume will list, in
Page 72 72 A Reading of Sanb6e order, the major Buddhist events of the year.46 It will do so, however, with special attention to the historical origins and scriptural bases of these rites-the "causes" behind these impressive "effects"-also treating the rites themselves as the powerful "causes" of the most desirable of "effects": valuable merit for the participant or patron. And so, with one last reverent folding of his hands, Tamenori begins this survey of the ritual year. The Tales of the Third Volume Composition The "Table of Contents" for this volume (found only in the TOji Kanchiin copy) provides a useful preview of what lies ahead.47 It is preceded by these words: "In this volume are described the rites performed at various places in each month, from the First Month through the Twelfth." A list of section titles under headings with the number of each month follows. The "various places" named in the titles are mostly monasteries and convents in and around Heian-ky5 or in or near the old capital, Nara, but a few rites described are those observed at the imperial court. Most of these monasteries are at places that would have been well within the reach of someone like Sonshi should she have wished to see these rites or sites after reading about them; if that were not feasible, they are all places that would have been within the reach of her imagination, and all sites of which she would have been likely to have heard. The list also reveals that the allotment of tales per month is uneven, though perhaps not random. Nineteen sections are devoted to descriptions of rites observed in the first four months (five for Sh6gatsu, the first month, four for the second, six for the third, and four for the fourth). Thereafter, only one or two rites for each of the remaining eight months are covered. Does this mean that there was more ritual activity in the early months of the year? Nenja gydji lists may give a similar impression but would also lead us to expect an increase in ritual activity at year's end, too. This lopsided distribution may suggest that Tamenori's energy or other resources flagged here, or that, for some reason, he was pressed for time; Sonshi, or someone in her retinue, may have called for the completed manuscript before Tamenori had a chance to do all that he meant to do. Still, the thirty-one tales included here, in a volume that is about as long as the other two combined, do represent a fair selection of the many rites that were observed by Japanese Buddhists circa 984. How did
Page 73 A Reading of Sanbe 73 Tamenori make the selection? We can only speculate since no known nenja gyoji or almanac offers a similar list or covers this material in quite this way. Sources for parts of many of the tales can be identified, but no one of them could possibly have served as Tamenori's general model. The extent of and even the imbalance in Tamenori's selection may reflect similar patterns in his sources. He may have had more material about rituals for some months than for others, or he may have gone looking for certain kinds of material, writing only about those rites for which such information was available. The line that closes the above-mentioned "Table of Contents" and the actual content of the tales all point in this direction. "Descriptions of the beginnings and endings [hajime owari] of these rites are what are recorded here," comments the "Table of Contents" compiler (either Tamenori or a later editor), as if to inform the reader of what he or she should and should not expect. Indeed, the tales that follow are not so much concerned with the procedural details of rites; far more space is devoted to narration of their historical inception (who started them, when, where, and why), their scriptural bases (in particular the merits that accrue), and subsequent developments. Thus, "hajime owari" may here mean "origins and consequences," and Tamenori's sources would seem to be those that helped him address these aspects. He uses state and monastic documents to retell the stories of the founding and early histories of the institutions where these rites are observed or to describe the circumstances surrounding their first observance there; he draws, as well, from official or literary biographies of those individuals (several important monks, as well as emperors, empresses, and ministers) who founded these institutions or introduced specific rites; and he quotes or paraphrases satras or other canonical works that served as the major ritual texts or that illustrated the benefits of the rites in some detail. Almost every tale offers such information about each rite, to greater and lesser degrees, but the order in which the tales do so varies considerably; this, too, may result from adherence to the order in which Tamenori found the relevant information in his sources. Only two tales differ radically both in the type of material included and the sources thereof: these two, 3.14, on the Kangakue, and 3.27, on the esoteric initiation (kanj6) practiced at Enryakuji, go into more detail about ritual procedure. The accounts of these rituals seem to be based on Tamenori's first-hand knowledge (3.14) and on a personal interview (3.27). For this reason, and for some others, these two tales call special attention to themselves. Though it is frequently mentioned in contemporary documents, there is no comparably complete account of the Kangakue, so the Sanbbe tale about it is itself a unique historical document. In some
Page 74 74 A Reading of Sanboe ways, Tamenori's account conforms to the pattern of the other third volume tales, but its components are unusual. Throughout Sanboe Tamenori is sparing in his use of the first person, and there is no "I" in the text of this tale, either. But "we" is used here, and it seems to include Tamenori, for he describes aspects of the society's creation and its meetings that might be known only to a member. The founding members' manifesto serves here to account for the originating "cause" of the rite, and the sitra verses and lines by Po Chti-i (including the famous "kyogen kigo" line) chanted by the members in procession take the place of ritual text quotations as evidence of a doctrinal base. No descriptions of benefits received are given-perhaps because the rite, the most recently instituted of all those in the volume, is still too new-but the expected future benefits are clear: participation in the Kangakue and the offering of verses written in this setting will contribute to a collective store of merit that will help save all its members. The kanjo section is unique in other ways. Like several other tales, it does begin with biography: in this case, a portion of the life of Saicho (Dengyo Daishi), founder of Enryakuji and the first man to perform a sanctioned esoteric initiation in Japan. But, having explained how Saicho acquired the kanjb "teaching" in China and brought it home, and how official provisions were later made for its performance in facilities on Mt. Hie, Tamenori says, "All the teachings of the Tathagata are equal, but none leads faster to the attainment of Buddhahood than this one. In order to explain it to you in detail, I asked a monk of Hie to describe it." Thus, Tamenori reiterates his ecumenical attitude. At the same time, he acknowledges the special character of esoteric ritual, which is said to produce instant enlightenment, here and now (in contrast to most of the rituals he describes, the long-range effects of which are not realized until some future rebirth of the practitioner). Esoteric ritual is also, by definition, secret, its details known only to the initiated. Even if the kanjo procedures were recorded in manuals, those manuals probably would not have been available to an outsider like Tamenori-unless he himself undertook the rite, and, perhaps, not even then. So, he says, he obtained his information by special interviewmaybe surreptitiously-and he presents a full list of the offices of the rite as well as an explanation of its significance, presumably acquired through this unusual means. It is the only such interview mentioned in Sanboe. "The pouring of water upon the head and the throwing of a flower from the hand may seem simple," he observes as he sums up the kanjo, "but this is a teaching full of mystery, and it is, indeed, a way to become a Buddha." Tamenori seems to anticipate some skepticism about esoteric ritual and perhaps reveals his own. It would seem that such
Page 75 A Reading of Sanb6e 75 practices were beyond his ken, somehow alien to his experience of Buddhism, and perhaps alien to Sonshi's, too; still, he felt that a description of the Hie hanjb had its place here. With the exception of the two or three Rybiki tales in volume two in which protagonists are devoted to esoteric spells, this is, however, the only tale in the book that is so focused on the esoteric side of Buddhism, the only tale in the third volume to deal specifically with an esoteric rite. Even here, Tamenori chose to describe the Hie kanjo--a rite of the eclectic Tendai schoolrather than the version of the same ritual performed in the quintessentially esoteric Shingon school. Similarly, his brief biography of Kfikai (K6bO Daishi), the Japanese Shingon founder, is relegated to a small part of the account of a Tendai ritual (the Hokke e) observed at Jingoji (also known as Takaosanji), where Kfikai happened to live for some time (see 3.12). In 3.16 and 3.30 he also includes biographies of the Tendai patriarchs Ennin and Enchin, but he does not deal with their important contributions to the esoteric side of the Tendai school. The only Shingon monastery besides Jingoji mentioned even incidentally in volume three is Tbji, but the rite in question (the Monjue; see 3.23) is not an esoteric rite. How is this bias to be explained? Tamenori's and Sonshi's ties were, as has been shown, to Enryakuji, to the Tendai. Five third volume tales are devoted to rites performed on Mt. Hie, so more are set there than at any other site, and many other tales are concerned with rites performed at institutions that were literally or figuratively in Mt. Hie's shadow. Enryakuji libraries may, indeed, have served as Tamenori's resource for scriptural and other research. But this would still not explain his slighting treatment of the esoteric tradition, which was a strong, almost dominant element in the Buddhism of his time and, in particular, within the Tendai church of his day. Again, the answer probably lies in Tamenori's sources-in this case, in the absence of them. Information on esoteric ritual was, ipso facto, secret, hence unavailable or inaccessible to him; he had to respect such secrecy and violated it only with his kanjo interview. As a result, esoteric Buddhism had to play a minor role in the picture of the religion that he made for Sonshi. Still, at the end of the kanj6 tale he tells Sonshi how she, too, may obtain this "teaching" if she wishes. Though she may not participate in a Hie kanj6-since the mountain is off-limits to women-she is free to go to Tbji or to Hosshbji (her family temple) where the kanj6 is also performed. Implicitly he thus offers her a choice between the Tbmitsu (Shingon) and the Taimitsu (Tendai) esoteric transmissions. The distinction, however, may not have been very meaningful or important to her, or to him, and the exoteric-esoteric distinction was perhaps
Page 76 76 A Reading of Sanboe equally insignificant. All these "teachings" may, after all, have been "equal" in Tamenori's eyes, not merely rhetorically or symbolically but in practice and in fact. By putting these and all the other tales together as he did, Tamenori also implied that the merit to be derived from all the practices he described might lead to varied kinds of rewards-from the promise of good harvest and protection for the state, to pleasant physical and mental attributes and financial prosperity for the individual in this life or the next, to visualizations of Buddhas and eternal Buddhahood itself-but that all merit-generating activities are equally commendable. Where Tamenori specifically suggests that one type of practice is superior to another, or that one form of recompense is better than others, he does so largely because his sources, which are texts devoted to the propagation of specific modes of worship, do so. But Tamenori's equalizing principle subsumes and overrides these passages. What emerges in the end is not a recommendation that Sonshi pursue any single practice, but that she should at least be aware of the merits of all and should consider devoting herself, if possible, to several. Tamenori also makes it clear, through many examples and some direct admonitions, that the chosen practices, no matter what they are, should be performed with a clear mind, a sincere heart, and a humble attitude. It makes no difference, then, what Sonshi makes up her mind to do, but she must act, and act properly, if her practices are to achieve their desired effects. Origin Tale Motifs The eighteenth tale of the second volume-which, it was observed, has many characteristics in common with the tales of the third-might well have been titled not "Daianji no Eik6" ("Eiko of Daianji") but "Iwabuchidera Hakkee no engi" ("The Origins of the Service of Eight Lectures at Iwabuchidera"). A similar label would be apt for many of the tales of this third volume, too. "Engi" entered Japanese as a Chinese translation of two Buddhist technical terms. One, pratitya-samutpada, means "dependent (or interdependent) origination," the process by which all existences arise out of a conjunction of conditions and causes; the other, nidana, can be a synonym for pratitya-samutpada but can also denote those canonical works that explain how and why certain satras and books of discipline and other canonical works came into being.48 But, eventually, the word "engi" came to be used generically in Japan in the titles of literary works that describe the origins of religious institutions, Buddhist and non-Buddhist-temples, shrines, even the
Page 77 A Reading of SanbOe 77 revered images they house-usually by narrating the amazing feats of those monks who founded or created them, invariably with supernatural aid.49 Many of the tales in the third volume of Sanb6e are based in part on a specific engi about the sites of the rites described or about the first observance of those rites. In other tales, the biography of the institutional founder or the first patron of the ritual takes focal precedence and fulfills the engi role of explaining origination. In still other tales, it is a passage from the satra that is read, expounded, or worshiped in the rite that fills this role; many of these quoted passages also contain the descriptions of rewards that make up an integral part of each tale. The engi or engi-like elements in almost every tale are one means of developing the cause-and-effect pattern to which all Sanbbe tales conform. Another means, of course, is the explicit indication of the reward resulting from practice or patronage of these rituals. While the engi elements are the more interesting as story content-turning as they do on portents, miracles, and the deeds of great men and women-the descriptions of rewards were, perhaps, of more direct relevance to Sonshi. Like advertisements for miracle drugs, the tales promise fabulous results, and she may have been thirsting terribly for knowledge of such cures. Tale 3.28, for example, offered several compelling suggestions to her. She would learn, first of all, that it was her Fujiwara forebears that founded K6fukuji ("Yamashinadera") and that the Yuimae (Vimalakirti Service) was performed with the expectation that it would cure or prevent their illnesses. Sonshi would then be offered a paraphrase of a portion of the Vimalakirti nirdeba itself, in which she would be shown that physical illness is merely a metaphor for the spiritual illness that Vimalakirti sought to cure in all sentient beings, that is, ignorance of the very idea that all things in this world are nonsubstantial. She might use this information in several ways: she could go to Kafukuji and observe its Yuimae or contribute something for its performance, or she could read the text itself or have someone lecture to her about it. Either way, Sonshi might seek to cure her own illness, whether metaphoric or real. Many other tales might inspire her through similar means. Several of them (3.11, for example) would tell of Fujiwara or imperial patronage of monasteries, convents, or particular rites, and in these tales she might recognize the names of her ancestral kin. Several, like 3.7 and 3.13, which tell how women first claimed their place as nuns in the Buddhist community despite initial opposition on the grounds that their admission would shorten the shibb era, would specifically address the issue of women's role in the church. These would offer specific examples of rites and supportive activities that she, as a woman, might emulate.
Page 78 78 A Reading of Sanb6e Other tales might describe formal rites less accessible to or less practical for her while suggesting activities she could imitate with the expectation of comparable rewards. She might not, for instance, be able to attend or sponsor a Mand6e (an offering of ten thousand votive lights, as described in 3.15) or a Senke e (a presentation of a thousand flowers, as in 3.22), but she might make her own offerings of candles, flowers, or incense (as in 3.6) and hope, with good reason, for future recompense similar to that promised the practitioners in the story. The description of the building of the tiniest and crudest of stapas (3.9) and the parable (in 3.15) about the poor laywoman whose single votive light burned longer than the thousands offered by a king would remind her, too, that the scale of her offering was irrelevant and that its merit would not be diminished by her status or her sex; only her sincerity would matter. Sonshi might not read every tale with an eye for its relevance to herself, but she would learn something useful from every one. Some pairs of tales, for instance, would teach her about the public and private forms of penance (3.2 and 3.3), or the differences and the similarities in the two types of ordination received by monks (3.19) and lay men and women (3.20). She would see how the legitimate transmissions and lineages so graphically described in the third volume's preface were stressed in history. She would understand why Ganjin (Chien-chen) journeyed from his native China to establish a school of monastic discipline in Japan (3.5) and why Saich6, Kfikai, Ennin, and Enchin all went to China to study and to obtain ordinations and texts, and how they then, with new authority, introduced the new teachings and practices they had learned to their own country (3.3, 3.12, 3.16, 3.30). She would also read about the life of the revered Chinese Tendai patriarch Chih-i and would know why his memory was honored in an annual rite at Enryakuji (3.30). The Chinese precedents for some particular rites (3.30, 3.31) would also be stressed. Still other tales would remind her of principles suggested in the tales of the previous volumes. She would learn about the many forms and benefits of charity, whether directed to monks (3.1, 3.4, 3.21, 3.29, 3.24, 3.31) or to common beggars (3.23). The virtues of strict adherence to clerical precepts would be reemphasized (3.5), as would the notion that every monk, regardless of rank and training, deserves respect (3.10, 3.29), the idea that Buddhism can be reconciled with native spirits (3.8), and the principle of reverence for all forms of life (3.26). Still, what might be the most memorable aspect of many of these tales was not these concepts and principles but the dramatic stories that illustrated them, such as that of the nun Utpalavarn.a's initial travails and subsequent career (3.7 and 3.13), the narrative of the strange events that preceded the construction of the Hase temple (3.20), the account of the
Page 79 A Reading of Sanbe 79 miracles that attended the dedication of the Great Buddha at Todaiji (3.22), or the saga of Maudgalyayana's search for his mother in the underworld (3.24). In 3.13 Tamenori describes a rather curious rite practiced by the nuns of Hokkeji. Hokkeji was a convent founded by an empress-consort, Komyo, a daughter and granddaughter of Fujiwara ministers-like Sonshi's mother-and an exemplary, generous, and pious royal woman. As one part of the Hokkeji Kegon service, K6my6 had the nuns make images of the youth Sudhana and of the fifty-odd "worthy teachers" (zenjishiki, a translation of the Sanskrit kaly.namitra) he encountered in his search for insight, as described in one of the most familiar parts of the Kegon Satra.50 Quoting the Lotus, Tamenori explains what a zenjishiki is: "These teachers teach us, guide us, and inspire the wish for enlightenment within us"; quoting from Shinjikangy6, he also observes that "it is easier to attain the full fruition of enlightenment than to find a truly worthy teacher," adding from Butsuhongyokyo (indirectly, through Fa-yidan chu-lin), that "if you touch good incense, the scent perfumes your hand. If you have contact with a worthy teacher, his teachings will pervade your mind."51 In the middle of the tale Tamenori summarizes the Satra on the Life of the Nun Utpalavarna, which justifies once again the presence of nuns in the Buddhist institution. Then, at the end of the tale, instead of describing the benefits of the Kegon'e, he simply draws these parallels: "The merit generated by the empress's introduction of this service is equal to that generated by Utpalavarin's encouraging words to the nuns of long ago. A meeting with a worthy teacher is a repetition of the experience of Sudhana in former times." The relevance of these observations for Sonshi is clear: he reminds her of her mission as a nun, and her right to be one, while he encourages her in her own search for "worthy teachers." These teachers are, of course, to be found among the "worthy monks and nuns of today" who carry out the rites he has described. In 3.21 he again exhorts her: "You, too, should find yourself a monk who lives in quietude, who is neither too familiar nor too aloof, with whom to associate." But how practical were these suggestions? What if Sonshi were too ill to move? Who, then, would be her worthy teacher? Would Ry6gen really come down from Hie to help her? The Third Verse Tamenori's answer is in the last verse. He returns here to the idea of zuiki, describing the reward that he expects to earn for teaching Sonshi:
Page 80 80 A Reading of Sanboe When I rejoice in your planting of good roots, My own merit is increased. Whether I myself worship, Or witness worship from afar and rejoice therein, If my heart is as one with the worshiper, I will be rewarded in just the same way as he. We will both be imbued with the same scent of incense; We will both be illuminated by the light of the same candle. For "he" we may as well read "she." In the next lines Tamenori makes it clear that he is referring to Sonshi and then summarizes what he has taught her here: I have recorded all manner of public and private rites and ceremonies of Buddhism in China and Japan. For learning about all these admirable things without stepping beyond her door, Nothing can be better than this volume. So, through these tales and through the writing of all of Sanboe Tamenori has sought to fulfill the role of a "worthy teacher"; he has tried to teach her enough about her religion to make her feel that she can participate in it and obtain its blessings even if her physical capacities are diminished, even if her time is short. He has, indeed, created a work that fulfills the idea of Nagarjuna's verse: Sanboe has given Sonshi much to see and hear, much to learn and remember, and-if needed-the inspiration to act. And now, citing the words of Buddhas in his penultimate lines of verse, he shows why he expects a share in the resulting rewards. Maitreya, he says, explained the "expedient of rejoicing in the works of others" (zuiki hoben); Samantabhadra guaranteed the merit in rejoicing (zuiki kudoku). Tamenori thus is assured that he will profit spiritually from Sonshi's progress. In final summary, Tamenori reiterates his praise of the zenjishiki who appeared in this volume: "The endeavors of monks are myriad, and all are admirable/How very admirable indeed!"but the whole verse has shown that Sonshi's real zenjishiki is none other than himself. He has only occasionally used an insistent, lecturing form of direct address (as at the end of 3.29, with its imperative "kimi kikitore [Listen well!]"); for the most part, his attitude has been that of a concerned older friend. And a good teacher is, after all, a good friend (zen'ya or zen'nu, another translation of kalyanamitra52), that is, one who guides another to the right path, as he has done.
Page 81 A Reading of Sanbbe 81 Now the reading has come to an end. The last of the scrolls can be bound up once again and taken away. The reading of Sanb6e has filled many hours, perhaps many days; perhaps there have been many readings, stretching over months, and winter has at last given way to spring. And now, having read it, you (Sonshi) have a new sense of what it means to be a Buddhist-and a woman in Buddhism-in these times and in this sphere in which you have lived. You know now-perhaps better than many men and women like yourself-what it means to say, "I place my faith in the Three Jewels." The book has proven a good companion and a useful guide, just as its author wished it to be. But perhaps, in your concern for what tomorrow may bring and how you will face it, you do not give much thought to the future disposition of this book. You do not realize that the copy you have read will someday-perhaps soon-be lost. You cannot know that this text will nonetheless survive, and that its pleasures and its lessons will be imparted to many generations of men and women to come, for as much as a thousand years and more. Their experience of reading it will be very different from yours but will surely have its own rewards. But there is no time to dwell upon such things; you must return to your prayers. And so you do. Notes 1T 53:269-1030. Tamenori's use of Fa-yaan chu-lin was first discussed in detail in an article by Mori Masato, "Sanbde to H6on jurin" (cited above). Mori's findings are expanded and corrected in the appendix chapter on Sanbbe's sources and structure in Shasei, pp. 416 -37, 444-49. Some further corrections appear in my notes to the translation. 2This periodization, which gives each period a length of one thousand years, is probably derived from the description of the three periods in DaihikyO and other texts. See Ajia bukkyoshi, Nihon hen 2 (Heian bukky6), pp. 202-4. One of the interesting things about the calculation used here is that it does not agree with the dating in a controversial fragment of the preface to the third volume of Nihon ryaiki. This passage, in what is known as the "Maeda-ke itsubun," has been used in some attempts to propose an exact date for the composition of Ryeiki and to assess the influence of the concept of mappO on its author. It contains the year 789 as an internal composition date, like the last line of Tamenori's "General Preface." That year is said, in turn, to
Page 82 82 A Reading of Sanboe mark the "seventeen hundred and twenty-second year" since the death of the Buddha. The calculation places the surcease in 944 B.C.E., which is five years later than the date more frequently used. This may reflect a miscalculation by the author of the fragment, who may or may not have been Ky6kai, or it may be a copyist's error. Tamenori may not have known of the passage, or, if he did, he may have chosen to correct it. For further discussion of the passage, see Kyoko Motomachi Nakamura, Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition: The Nihon Ry6iki of the Monk Kyokai (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), pp. 9-14. 3Translations of the names of the three periods are taken from Stanley Weinstein, "The Concept of Reformation in Japanese Buddhism," in Ota Saburo, ed., Studies in Japanese Culture (Tokyo: Japan P.E.N. Club, 1973), pp. 75-86, especially p. 79. A useful article on the origins of the three periods concept is Yamada RyOjo, "Mapp6 shis6 ni tsuite," in Indogaku Bukkybgaku kenkya 4.2 (March 1956):54-62. 4See, for example, Uesaka Nobuo, "Minamoto Tamenori Sanboekotoba no monogatari kan" in Kodai monogatari no kenkya (Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1971), pp. 55-70. 5There are 547 jatakas in the standard Pali collections. See John Garret Jones, Tales and Teachings of the Buddha: The Jdtaka Stories in Relation to the Pali Canon (London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1979). For comprehensive studies of the genre and its role in various Buddhist traditions, see Hikata Ryfsho, Jataka gaikan (Tokyo: Suzuki Gakujutsu Zaidan, 1961), and Hikata, Honjokybrui no shisashiteki kenkya, 2 vols. (Tokyo: Toyo Bunko, 1954). For translations, see E. B. Cowell, ed., The Jataka, or Stories of the Buddha's Former Lives, Translated by Various Hands, 6 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1895-1907). Six of the jetakas used by Tamenori-1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.9, 1.11, and 1.12-correspond to those numbered 499, 537, 313, 12, 546, and 540 by Cowell. In making comparisons, however, the reader is reminded that Tamenori's versions are based on works that do not descend directly from the Pali tradition. 6It should be noted here that some of the jatakas most prominent in Mahayana texts do not have counterparts in the Pali collections. As indicated in the preceding note, for instance, seven of the thirteen jatakas contained in Sanb6e are not known in Pali. 7T 3:1-52. The satra contains some ninety-one jatakas and jatakalike stories grouped according to the particular "perfection" they illustrate. For an outline that shows the relation of the included jetakas to those in other collections, see Hikata, Honjokyorui no shisoshiteki kenkya, 1, p. 96; 2, pp. 35-39. 8T 25:57-75b.
Page 83 A Reading of Sanboe 83 9T 25:87c-89b. The stories corresponding to the first two perfections (and to Sanbee 1.1 and 1.2) are told in detail, followed by summaries of the remaining four. For a French translation, see Etienne Lamotte, Le traite de la grande vertu de sagesse de Nagarjuna 1 (Louvain: Bureaux de Museon, 1944-76), pp. 255-77. 10T 46:744c-46b. 11T 34:885b; 46:777b. 12See T 53:113-17. 13The text of this pien-wen (Stein 548v) is in Wang Chung-min, ed., Tun-huang pien-wen chi 1 (Peking: Jen-min wen-hsiieh ch'u-panshe, 1957), pp. 285-96. A Japanese translation by Iriya Yoshitaka appears in Iriya, ed., Bukkyo bungaku sha, Chfgoku koten bungaku taikei 60 (Tokyo: Heibonsha 1975), pp. 3-15. 14See Kanaoka Sh6ko, Tonko shutsudo bungaku bunken bunrui mokuroku tsui kaisetsu (Tokyo: T6yo Bunko, 1971), pp. 6-17 and Kanaoka, Tonkb no bungaku (Tokyo: Daizo Shuppan, 1971), p. 108. 15See, for example, Kawaguchi Hisao, "Tonk6 henbun no seikaku to waga kuni sh6d6 bungaku: Setsuwa to sekky6shi no keifu," in Kanazawa daigaku hobungakubu ronsha, bungaku hen 8 (January 1960):1-20. Kawaguchi is right, however, in treating Sanbbe as an early example of shodo bungaku, literature read out loud for proselytizing purposes. See Kawaguchi, Heiancho Nihon kanbungaku shi no kenkya, 3 vols. (1959-61; revised, Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1982), pp. 445-50. 16The relevant passages may be found in Nakada Norio, Todaiji fujumonk5 no kokugogakuteki kenkya (Tokyo: Kazama Shobo, 1969), pp.31,65, 77. 1NKBT 71:122. 18Benjamin Rowland, The Art and Architecture of India: Buddhist, Hindu, Jain (Baltimore: Penguin Books [The Pelican History of Art], 1953; revised, 1967), p. 53 and plate 15a. 19Sir John Marshall, The Buddhist Art of Gandhara (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), p. 11 (and figure 6), pp. 13-14 (figure 10a). 20Syama is the subject of a "narrow frieze of phyllite from the Dharmarajika at Taxila," now in the Taxila Museum; the Visvantara carving is in the British Museum (Marshall, The Buddhist Art of Gandhara, pp. 106-7 [and plates 81-82], p. 99 [plate 130]). 21Alfred Foucher, L'art Greco-Bouddique du Gandhara, 2 vols. (Paris: E. Leroux, 1905-1918), pp. 280-81, figures 142-43; James Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship (1868; reprinted Delhi: Oriental Publishers, 1971), plates LXV, LXXIX; Douglas Barrett, The Sculpture of Amaravati in the British Museum (London: The Trustees of the British Museum, 1954), p. 71 (plate XXVII); and Barrett, A Guide to the
Page 84 84 A Reading of Sanboe Buddhist Caves of Aurangabad (Bombay: Bhulabhai Memorial Institute, 1956), pp. 11-12. 22Sibi, Deer King, Sudana, Visvantara and Syama paintings are in cave 17. Cave 2 had a KýAnti illustration, but it has been defaced; a portion of text incised on the wall has survived. Additional depictions of Sudana/Visvantara are in caves 16 and 18, and another Syama painting is in cave 10. See Ghulam Yazdani, Ajanta: The Colour and Monochrome Reproductions of the Ajantd Frescoes Based on Photography with an Explanatory Text, 4 vols. text with 4 vols. plates (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933-1955): 1:4-7, plate V; 4:103-6, plate Lb, LXIXc, LXXA-b; 4:43-52, plates XIX-XXVI; 3:29-31, plates XXVIIb-XXIXa-b and 4:79-80, plates XLIXb; 2:58-61. See also A. Ghosh, ed., Ajantd Murals (New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1967), p. 17, plates LVII, LXIX-LXXI, and figures 15 and 19. 23Rowland, The Art and Architecture of India, pp. 262, 266, plate 180; Hikata, Honjoky6rui no shisoshiteki kenkya, 2, pp. 1-3. 24Hikata, Jdtaka gaikan, pp. 63-72; Herbert Hartel et al., Along the Ancient Silk Routes: Central Asian Art from the West Berlin State Museums (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1982), pp. 84 (plate 21), 100-1 (plate 34), 104 (plate 36). 25See Takada Osamu, "Bukkyo setsuwa to Tonko no hekiga: Toku ni zenki no honne setsuwazu" in Chagoku sekkutsu: Tonko bakukokutsu 2 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1981), pp. 229-31. Takada identifies eleven jataka subjects among the paintings of the Tun-huang caves decorated in the "early period" (i.e., Northern Dynasties through Sui); seven of these are Sanboe subjects or variants thereof. Here is a list of the depicted Sanboe subjects, with cave numbers: Sibi: 254, 175, 302 Mahaty&gavat (variant): 302 Jalavahana: 417 The Lion: 846 Mrga jltaka (Deer King variant): 257 "Himalaya Boy": 285, 302 Mahasattva: 254, 299, 301, 302, 417, 419, 428 Sud&na/Visvantara: 422, 427, 428, 492 Sy&ma: 299, 301, 302, 438, 461 26Mizuno Seiichi, Unko sekkutsu 6 (Kyoto: Kyoto Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyijo, 1951-1956), p. 126-28, plates 19-26. 27Eduard Chavannes, Mission archeologique dans le chin septentrional 2 (Paris: E. Leroux, 1909-1915), pp. 555-56 and plate XXXVI, figure 220 (no. 1737-38). See also Patricia Dina Eichenbaum, "The Development of a Narrative Cycle Based on the Life of the Buddha
Page 85 A Reading of Sanboe 85 in India, Central Asia and the Far East: Literary and Pictorial Evidence" (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1979), p. 235. 28The stele illustrating the Mahasattva and Syama stories, dated 455, is in the Peking Museum; that which illustrates the Sudana/ Visvantara story is dated 531 and is in the University of Pennsylvania Museum. See Matsubara Sabur6, Zoku chagoku bukkyo chakokushi kenky& (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1966), p. 231, plates 16a-b; Osvald Siren, Chinese Sculpture from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century, 4 vols. (London: E. Benn, 1925), 1, p. 62; 3, plate 234. 29T 52:404c. 30The biography is entitled To daiwaj6 t6seiden. See Kuranaka Susumu, T6 Daiwajo t6seiden no kenkya (Tokyo: Ofusha, 1976), p. 588; And6 Kosei, Ganjin Daiwaj6 den no kenkya (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1960), pp. 162-66; Alexander C. Soper, "Japanese Evidence for the History of the Architecture and Iconography of Chinese Buddhism," Monumenta Serica 4 (1939-1940):638-79, especially 641-42. As evidence that jataka subjects were rare in Chinese Buddhist art, Soper observes that Chienchen is said to have called the depictions on the reliquary "unusual" (hijo) (Soper, p. 648). 31Soper, "Japanese Evidence," p. 465; Ono Genmy6, "Goetsu Sen Koshukuz6 kintot6 shiko" in Bukkyb no bijutsu oyobi geijutsu (Ono Genmyo Bukky6 geijutsu chosakusha 2), pp. 614-40; Sasaki Ko6z, "Sen Koshuku hachimanshisento ni kansuru ichini no mondai" in Yamato bunka kenkyu 33 (January 1961):16-20. 32According to a document entitled Hokyoingyoki, by D6ki, dated 965, now in the possession of the K6zanji monastery, the Ch'ien Hungshu stapa at Kontaiji in S6raku-gun, Kyoto Prefecture was brought from China by the monk Nichien in the Tenryaku era (947-957), quite soon after Ch'ien began the project. Two other stapas of the set are at Seiganji in Imazu, Fukuoka-shi and at Kawachi Amano Kongoji, near Osaka; another, found at Nachi in Wakayama Prefecture, is in the collection of the Tokyo National Museum; and the fourth is in the private collection of the Hosokawa family (BD 3:2959c-60c and plate 931). 33Mizuno Seiichi, Asuka Buddhist Art: Horyuji (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1974), pp. 40-52; Uehara Kazu, [Zoho] Tamamushi no zushi no kenkya (Tokyo: Nihon Gakujutsu Shinkokai, 1968), pp. 31-36. 34T 12:449b-51b; T 16:450c-53a. 35T 3:124-66. 36T 3:418-24, 438-43. 37In his article on Tamenori's editorial concepts, Izumoji tried to explain the selection and composition of the first volume tales in terms of these recurring motifs, but his argument overlooks the fact that the
Page 86 86 A Reading of Sanboe motifs identified are inherent characteristics of almost all jatakas (Izumoji, "Sanboe no hensan ishiki," pp. 243-49). 38T 46:2c, 90c. 39For studies and descriptions of the Chinese Buddhist tale collections, see Donald Edward Gjertson, "The Early Chinese Buddhist Miracle Tale: A Preliminary Survey" in Journal of the American Oriental Society 101.3 (July-September 1981):287-301; Kageyama Tadaharu, "Chfgoku Bukkyo setsuwashi josetsu: Nihon Bukkyo setsuwashu to no kanren ni oite" in Meiji Daigaku Izumi Kosha Kenkyashitsu kiyb 18 (April 1961):139-64. The direct relationship between some of these collections and the content of Rybiki has been documented elsewhere. It has been shown, for example, that Ming-pao chi, compiled in the mid-seventh century by T'ang Lin, is the source of nine Rydiki tales (Nakamura, Miraculous Stories, p. 38, n. 162). 40The best examples of this tradition in China, of course, are the various Kao-seng chuan, which begin with Hui-chiao's work of that title, dated 519; see T 50:322-423. It has been observed that some aspects of these collections of biography are, in turn, developments of aspects found in the early Chinese dynastic histories. See also Arthur F. Wright, "Biography and Hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives of Eminent Monks" in Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zinbunkagaku Kenkyasho (English volume), pp. 383-432. 41He appears in seven (Nakamura, Miraculous Stories, p. 69). 42For comparative studies, see Fukushima Koichi, "Sanboe chfkan to Nihon ryoiki" in Shiota Ry6hei koki kinen ronbunsha Nihon bungaku ronko (Tokyo: Ofusha, 1970), pp. 32-64 and K6yashi Takamitsu, "Rydiki to Sanboe o megutte" in Kokugo to kokubungaku 50.10 (October 1973):65-75. Differences in the details of Sanboe 2.6 and 2.8 and the Ryoiki versions are examined in Terakawa Machio, "Ryoiki gekan rokuen to Sanboe oyobi Konjaku" in D6shisha kokubun 11 (February 1976):24-35 and Inada Koji, "'Jitsu ni reitoku araba ima iriki shimese'" in Ochanomizu Joshidaigaku kokubun (October 1973):6-18. 43See Nakamura, Miraculous Stories, p. 76. 44See, for example, Izumoji, "Sanboe no hensan ishiki," pp. 249-56. 45Nakamura, Miraculous Stories, p. 69. 46The earliest nenja gyoji text is probably the Nenja gyoji goshojimon, which was painted on a screen in the Seiryoden, the main ceremonial hall of the Inner Palace, under the direction of Fujiwara Mototsune in 885. See Koda Toshio, ed., Nenja gyoji goshojimon chakai (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1976). The major almanacs of the tenth and eleventh centuries include Fujiwara Morosuke's Kujo nenja gyoji and Sanesuke's Ononomiya nenja gyoji (GR 5:152-252). They list such court observances as the Gosaie (3.2) and Butsumyoe (3.31), but they are not
Page 87 A Reading of Sanbe 87 concerned with rites at temples and institutions elsewhere. For a general study, see Yamanaka Yutaka, Heiancho no nenja gyoji (Tokyo: Hanawa Shob6 1972). 47See Shasei, p. 218. 48Taya Raishun, Bukkyogakujiten (Kyoto: Hozokan, 1955), p. 43. 49The earliest Japanese engi were written at the behest of the S6g6sho, the ecclesiastical bureaucracy, in 747 and concern the early histories of HOryuji, Daianji, and Gangoji (DNBZ 117:1-25; 118:115, 130, 138-46). See also Nakano Takeshi, "Ryoiki izen no engi ni tsuite" in Mabuchi Kazuo hakase taikan kinen setsuwa bungaku ronsha (Tokyo: Taishfkan Shoten, 1981), pp. 1-20. The most famous engi presented in emaki format is, of course, the Shigisan engi, which dates from the twelfth century; several other illustrated engi from the Kamakura period and later also survive. 500n the term zenjishiki, see Taya Raishun, Bukkyogaku jiten, p. 296 and Mochizuki Shinko, Bukkyo daijiten, 7 vols. (1933; revised, 10 vols., Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kank6 Kyokai, 1958-1963), vol. 1, p. 480c. For a discussion of the Sudhana story and its role in art, see Jan Fontein, The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of the Gandavyaha Illustrations in China and Japan (The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1967); for an analysis of this section of the Kegon satra, see Kawada Kumataro and Nakamura Hajime, ed., Kegon shis5 (Kyoto: Hoz6kan, 1960), pp. 5, 54-62. The rite mentioned here is the one believed to have played a role in the origins of the doll festival, as noted in the preceding chapter. 51T 9:90c; 3:305a; 53:668c. 52See n. 50, above.
Part 2 Translation
Page 89 Part 2 Translation
General Preface
pp. 91
Page 91 General Preface (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon) Long ago it was written: Contemplate the body: it is but rootless grass lying on the riverbank; And as for this life: it is but a small boat drifting at the channel's edge.1 And elsewhere: To what shall I compare this life? To white waves of foam trailing behind a boat putting out at break of day.2 Thus, in both China and Japan, people who understood the essence of things expressed the same thought. Indeed, in the teachings of the truly enlightened, universally compassionate Buddha we find these words: "This world is absolutely insubstantial, like the bubbles on the water, the shadow of the mist. You must reject this world as soon as possible and free yourselves from it."3 The Buddha is the father of all sentient beings; with what fatherly wisdom did he offer this guidance to his children! There are many people in this land who have heard this teaching, but they assume that summer insects are safe as long as the dew is on the grass, and then mourn them when they go up in smoke-what foolishness!4 That "Rude Courier" will rush them headlong toward the way of 91
Page 92 92 General Preface darkness, and the "Harassing Demon" will say, "You were born as a human being and you had your chance, but you failed to practice the Way! It is as if you had gone into a mine full of treasure and come out empty-handed! And it is your own fault; you have no one to blame but yourself."5 Your shame and contrition will be of no avail when you face his pitiless attack! One thousand nine hundred and thirty-three years have passed since the Buddha Sakyamuni left this world. We may now be in the Period of the Imitated Teaching, but surely only a few years of this interim period remain to us.6 Those who have the misfortune to be born as human beings at this time have less chance of receiving the Buddha's teaching than a thread dangled from heaven has of going through the eye of a needle in the middle of the sea. Even if they manage to free themselves from this life, they will never have any assurance of what will become of them hereafter.7 At this time there is nothing to do but contemplate the Buddha, hear his Teachings, and revere his Clergy. Have you not heard of the elder of Rajagrha who gathered treasures and rejoiced in the flourishing of his household, only to die and become a snake whose lot it was to guard his former mansion and storehouse?8 And do you not know of the lady of Sravasti who constantly gazed into her mirror in order to admire her own beauty, only to become an insect at the end of her life and dwell in what was formerly her own skull?9 While they lived they never thought they would become a snake or an insect, but they took inordinate pride in wealth and beauty, and so they brought their fate upon themselves. So, a flourishing household is a likely site for sinning; you must abandon it and seek out the Buddha's Country. Have no second thoughts for your worldly beauty; forget it and pray that you may attain the Buddha's Body. Follow his traces in the satras that survive today to discover the Buddha's Way.10 The kalpas pile up, the ages pass one after another, and though you strive, the goal is difficult to reach.11 If each day you give yourself over to your true desire, even if only for a moment, you will surely attain it. You may build one hundred thousand million trillion jeweled stapas, or copy eighty-four thousand holy scriptures, or donate countless wonderful treasures to the poor, or even cut up your body and give it away, but the Buddha never said that these acts were superior to all others. There is, however, nothing among all acts of devotion to compare with the merit derived from one day and one night as a sworn monk or nun.12 All the inhabitants of the Buddha's world rejoice in this act, while the forces of evil tremble with fear. This is the boat that will carry you across the endless seas of life and death, the provision for your journey to the mountain of Nirv.na.13 Look, for example, at the Brahman who was always drunk; he wore the garb of a monk but briefly, but this enabled
Page 93 General Preface 93 him to hear the Teaching. Think of Utpalavarn.a, who wore nun's clothing as a joke but was thereby able to meet the Buddha of that age.14 Even these cases of drunken bumbling and playful masquerade produced good seeds that were certain to yield good effects; so if you have a clever mind and sincere intentions, you are all the more capable of generating unlimited merit! How admirable! The second daughter of my liege, the Retired Emperor Reizei, whose beauty puts the spring flowers to shame and silences even the cool wind in the pines, was chosen to live in the Ninefold Palace, but now she despises and seeks release from this world with its Five Pollutions.15 Srimald, the daughter of King Prasenajit, needed no one to inspire her faith.16 Candraprabhi was the wife of King Udiyi, and she voluntarily shaved her head, without anyone having suggested that she do so.17 They were born into noble families and achieved high station, but since their sacred destiny was to be reborn upon the lotus, they made haste to plant the seeds of the Law; since they nurtured lofty intentions of becoming as perfect as the full moon, they strove constantly toward the light that shines on those who take the Buddha's vows. When we compare the present age to the ancient past, the time may seem different, but the act is essentially the same. Jeweled blinds and brocade curtains may have graced your former abodes, but now you shall tend to the dew on the flower and the perfumed incense.18 Even so, the spring days linger, with nightingales warbling softly in the grove, and the autumn nights seem endless, as the light from your candle and its shadow on the wall grow dim.19 Go may seem like a pleasing way to pass the time, but there is no profit to be had in challenging others to games of skill. The koto may also serve as your companion for the night, but you should not let yourself become too attached to its sound. Then there are the so-called monogatari, which have such an effect upon ladies' hearts. They flourish in numbers greater than the grasses of Oaraki Forest, more countless than the sands on the Arisomi beaches.20 They attribute speech to trees and plants, mountains and rivers, birds and beasts, fish and insects that cannot speak; they invest unfeeling objects with human feelings and ramble on and on with meaningless phrases like so much flotsam in the sea, with no two words together that have any more solid basis than does swamp grass growing by a river bank.21 The Sorceress of Iga, The Tosa Lord, The Fashionable Captain, The Nagai Chamberlain, and all the rest depict relations between men and women just as if they were so many flowers or butterflies, but do not let your heart get caught up even briefly in these tangled roots of evil, these forests of words.22 You may well ask, then, where you should look for the inspiration that will make your aspirations lofty and put your heart and mind at
Page 94 94 General Preface rest. In the verses that Bodhisattva Nagarjuna taught King [Satavahana] it says: Whether you look at what is shown in the pictures Hear what is said in the words of others Or follow the scriptures and other writings Be sure to understand and remember!23 With this in mind, I have had illustrations of several exemplary stories made, and I submit them to you together with these words from the scripture and from other works. Its title is [Illustrations of] The Three Jewels because what it would say is that you should form a bond with the Three Refuges.24 Its volumes are three because these correspond to the Three Periods.25 The first volume tells about the deeds of the Buddhas of long ago and is drawn from a variety of scriptures. The middle volume discusses the propagation of Buddhism in this land in more recent times, and I have selected these accounts from an array of secular documents. The last volume describes the rites performed by monks today, from the first month of the New Year through the twelfth month. Each volume is prefaced with an explanation of its purport, and each volume is concluded with a verse in praise of the virtuous teachings contained therein. All of it concerns itself with the Buddha, his Teachings, and his Clergy, and therefore it is good at the beginning, good in the middle, and good at the end.26 The Three Jewels are to be found everywhere and in all things, and you must stand by them. I, Minamoto Tamenori, Provisional Governor of Mikawa, with my burdens of obligation heavier than a mountain and my sincere intentions deeper than the sea, am your humble servant. As a young man I studied literature, and I managed to pass the examinations.27 But now that I am old I devote myself entirely to the study of religion, and my only desire is for the attainment of the Nine Lotus Stages.28 When you look at Buddhism and other teachings, you learn that the human heart can be a slave to obligations and duties, whereas the seeds of Enlightenment arise from karmic affinities.29 And so I have labored assiduously to gather these leaves from the vast forest of merit, and as I prepared for you this picture of the solid roots of the tree of Enlightenment, the feelings in my own heart got tangled in the very words, and my tears fell like rain upon my brush tip.30 This is my prayer: may my endeavors guide us both through this world and to the next, just as it was when the son of King Suddhodana became the Buddha, and his faithful servant Kaupdinya was converted and saved before all others.31
Page 95 General Preface 95 This was written in the winter of the second year of the Eikan era [A.D. 984]. Notes 1This Chinese verse appears in the same form in Wakan roeisha, in a section with other poems on the topic of "Impermanence" (see NKBT 73:254), where it is attributed to Lo-wei, which may be a mistranscription for Yen-wei. The image of the drifting boat is from the "Lieh Yuk'ou" chapter of Chuang-tzu. (See Burton Watson, tr., Complete Works of Chuang-tzu, p. 354.) Izumi Shikibu composed a sequence of fortythree verses beginning with each syllable of the poem as it is read in Japanese. (See Shimizu Fumio, ed., Izumi Shikibu sha (sei, zoku): Koteibon, pp. 32-35.) There is also an allusion to this verse in Makura no sbshi (NKBT 19:104). 2This verse appears in slightly different form in Man'yosha 3 (no. 351), where it is attributed to the monk Mansei (NKBT 4:179). In Wakan roeishu (NKBT 73:255, 284) and in Shaisha (no. 1327; see Yamagishi Tokuhei, ed., Hachidaisha zencha 1, p. 616) it appears in exactly the same form as it does here. Tamenori's literary mentor Shitago wrote a sequence of ten verses that begin with the first eleven syllables of Mansei's poem (Zoku kokka taikan 1, p. 280). Fukuro soshi, a poetic miscellany compiled by Fujiwara Kiyosuke in about 1156, contains a story (in section 82) about Genshin and this poem: it is said that he rejected secular poetry as "wild words and fanciful phrases" (kyogen kigo), but one morning at Yokawa he heard some boaters rowing through the mist, singing these lines by Mansei. Genshin realized that such poetry could be an aid to the cultivation of advanced meditative states, and thereafter he read and studied poetry, including the verses in the Lotus Satra, and composed ten verses on the "ten delights of the Pure Land." (No such verses appear among his extant works. See Ozawa Masao et al., ed., Fukuro soshi chashaku 1, pp. 333-36.) In Hojoki, Chomei said he recalled this verse when he saw boats in the morning mists at Uji (NKBT 30:38). 3This is a verbatim quotation from the sixth chapter of the Lotus Satra (T 9:47b). 4The images of summer insects and summer grasses burning are common in poetry, but usually as symbols of burning passion; see, for example, poem 544 in Kokin wakasha (NKBT 8:211) and Shika wakasha poem 79 (Yamagishi, ed., Hachidaishc zencha 2, p. 244; see also NKBT 80:69). Tamenori has recast this imagery in a Buddhist context to mean:
Page 96 96 General Preface "He who thinks he is safe in life is deluded, for he will soon perish (like the dew, the insects, and the grass) and must be prepared for retribution." 5"Rude Courier" (araki tsukai) appears to have been devised for balance here with "Harassing Demon" (gokusotsu). The former refers to the couriers of Yama, ruler of the land of the dead (i.e., "the way of darkness," kuraki michi). Gokusotsu is a translation of Sanskrit bandhanapdlaka, torturers of those who are condemned to suffer in hell for their crimes (BD 2:1146b-c). Gokusotsu are often described and depicted with heads of beasts and semihuman bodies, as in Jigoku zoshi. (See Shinsha Nihon emakimono zensha 7:44). The words of the demon paraphrase a passage in Shobonenjoky6 (T 17:189c). If the year A.D. 984 is the starting point for Tamenori's calculation, this places the Buddha's demise in the year 958 B.C.E. The "Period of the Imitated Teaching" (z6h6) is the second of the "Three Periods" (see below). It was widely believed that this period was to end in the year A.D. 1052. This and the preceding sentence are quoted in notes following the biography of Emperor En'yi in Rekidai koki. (See Shintei z6ho shiseki sharan 2, p. 122a.) 7The figure of the thread and needle is borrowed from a passage quoted from Daiibariky6 in FYCL (T 53:455b). 8This story from Senja hyakuengy6 (T 4:228a) is quoted in FYCL (T 53:868b). Rajagrha (Oshaj6) was one of the great Indian cities at the time of Sakyamuni. (Elsewhere, drawing on another source, Tamenori uses another transliteration, Raetsuki; see 3.4.) 9This story is quoted from Gengukyo (T 4:378b) in FYCL (T 53:443a), but Tamenori's version differs slightly. Gengukyo does not say that the woman, a wealthy merchant's wife, became an insect, but various other punishments for her pride are described. The FYCL version does not mention the skull. Sravasti, another Indian city, is here transliterated Shaekoku. 1OIn the Toji Kanchiin bon, "The Buddha's Country" is bukkoku, "The Buddha's Body" is busshin, and "The Buddha's Way" is read hotoke ni naru michi. In the place of these terms, the Maeda-ke bon has buppo ("The Buddha's Law"), shoshin ("a saint's body," probably a mistranscription), and jobutsud6. Bukkoku means a Buddha's Pure Land, a place where a Buddha or Buddhas dwell, or a nation that has embraced Buddhism (KGD 17:429a). Busshin is probably used here in a nontechnical sense, meaning "a body that has the characteristics of a Buddha." The last phrase in the group, in both versions, literally means "the way to become a Buddha." 11A kalpa (k6) is an extremely long period of time. In Zoichi agongyo it says that if a fortress measuring one yojana (another infinite
Page 97 General Preface 97 measure) in each direction were filled with mustard seeds and one seed was then removed every hundred years, all the seeds would be gone before one kalpa had passed. Similarly, if a boulder one yojana square is brushed with a white feather once every hundred years, the boulder will be worn away and will disappear before a kalpa has passed (BGD 1:392b; BD 2:1018-21c). 12"The merit... as a sworn monk or nun" is shukke no kudoku. This passage is loosely adapted from FYCL (T 53:447c-48a), which quotes a number of assessments of the vast merit of shukke from various sftras, including Shukke kudokukyo (T 16:814a). Kudoku translates Sanskrit guna, merit accrued through good deeds, the accumulation of which produces favorable karmic rewards (BD 1:689c-90a). The example of "cutting up your body" suggests the stories of King Sibi and the hermit Keanti, i.e., Sanboe tales 1.1 and 1.3. 13This passage is loosely adapted from a quotation from Monjushirimongy6 (T 14:505b-c) in FYCL (T 53:447b). "The forces of evil" (magun) is literally "Mara's army." Mara is an extremely malevolent spirit, the personification of evil. His "army" symbolizes ignorance and other obstacles to enlightenment or anti-Buddhist forces of all kinds. In the FYCL passage cited above it says that Mara is frightened by the act of shukke itself. The term "Nirvaia" (nehan) does not occur in the cited passages, nor does the mountain image, although the metaphor of the boat does occur. The original passage consists of repeated variations in the pattern "he who lives a secular life (jake) experiences [various negative aspects of worldly existence]; he who lives a life under vows (shukke) experiences [various ideal aspects of enlightened existence]." 14These stories appear in Daichidoron (T 25:161b) and are quoted in FYCL (T 53:448a-49a). (See also Etienne Lamotte, tr., Le traite de la grande vertu de sagesse 2, pp. 844-46.) The Brahman took vows in a drunken stupor and then, when sober, regretted having done so. The Buddha said he had admitted him to the order because, though drunk, he had expressed the wish to be admitted, though he had never expressed such a wish in many kalpas of previous existence. Utpalavarna's name appears here in the translated form Rengeshiki; Daichidoron, using the form Uhatsurake, tells how the nun, who has become an arhat (a fully enlightened being with exceptional powers), exhorts other women, despite their protests, to follow her example by taking vows. The story is repeated in Sanboe 3.13. 15"The second daughter" is, of course, Sonshi Naishinno. Her marriage is indicated by the expression "chosen to live in the Ninefold Palace," i.e., the imperial enclosure. The "Five Pollutions" are marks of a degenerate age, during which (1) life spans are shortened; (2) kalpas
Page 98 98 General Preface are shortened; (3) ignorance and evil desires proliferate; (4) heretical views prevail; and (5) human life is extremely corrupt (BD 2:1259b-61a). 16Srimala (Shoman), the daughter of King Prasenajit (Hashinoku6), is the protagonist of the Sh6mangyo, i.e., Sh5man shishiku ichijo daih6ben hakokyo (T 353). As an example of a devoted laywoman of royal birth, she is an appropriate model for Sonshi. 17Candraprabh& (Uso) and King Udayi (Udasen'o) are the subjects of a story in Zappoz6kyo (T 4:495a-96b) summarized in FYCL (T 53:449a). Udagi is given as an alternate reading for Udasen in the Toji Kanchiin bon. 18The "jeweled blinds and brocade curtains" are poetic emblems of a royal lady's chamber which, in Sonshi's case, have now been replaced by emblems of a nun's way of life. 19These lines about long spring days and autumn nights allude to a poem by Po Chii-i describing the life of an abandoned courtesan: The autumn nights are long, And through the long, sleepless night it seems that dawn will never come; The candle, still sputtering into flame, casts its shadow on the wall, And the rain, falling desolately in the darkness, spatters the windowpane. The spring days are endless, And through the long bright hours of solitude, it seems the day will never end. Though warblers chatter in the garden, frustration spoils their song for me. Though pairs of swallows nest in the eaves, this aging heart feels no more envy. The warblers fly, the swallows leaveBut how long will my sorrows last? See Uchida Sennosuke, ed., Hakushi monja, pp. 87-91. The lines about autumn appear in the "autumn evening" section of Wakan roeisha (NKBT 73:106), and there are many allusions to them in Heian literature; for example, in the "Maboroshi" chapter of Genji monogatari, Genji quotes these lines as he mourns Murasaki in the midst of a long autumn rainstorm (NKBT 17:209; Edward G. Seidensticker, tr., The Tale of Genji 2, p. 729).
Page 99 General Preface 99 20The phrases Oaraki no mori no kusa and Arisomi no hama no masago employ place-names and imagery associated in poetry with the idea of "that which is numberless (or uncountable)," and, by extension, the infinite or eternal. Mori, in this phrase, is sometimes written with the character for a shrine or tomb (i.e., yashiro); that is how it appears in the Maeda-ke bon, while it is written in katakana in the Toji Kanchiin bon (Shasei, p. 5). A locus classicus for the phrase may be in Man'yoshC 11 (poem 2839, NKBT 6:253). Arisomi is probably an elided form of arisoumi-a place where rocks are dashed by churning waves-but it is also associated with certain place-names for beaches (see Takeshita Kazuma, ed., Bungaku isekijiten, shika hen, pp. 26-27). An early occurrence is in Man'y6shC 12 (poem 3163, NKBT 6:319). Hama no masago ("sands of the beach") is itself a recurring phrase, as in Man'yosha 4 (poem 596, NKBT 5:275) and in Ki no Tsurayuki's kana preface to the Kokin wakashC (NKBT 8:103). 21"Swamp grass" (sawa no makomo)-perhaps "water oat" or wild rice (zizania latifolia)-is a symbol of instability because its roots grow under water. 22The titles in Japanese are Iga no taome, Tosa no otodo, Imameki no chajo, and Nagai no jija. None of these works survive. The first two titles do not appear elsewhere, but in one of Fujiwara Kensho's commentaries, collected and edited by Teika in 1221 as KenchC mikkan (or Kokin hichuisho), it is said that Genshin mentioned the latter two in a work called Kannyo ojogi, now lost. (For Kencha mikkan, see Mikan Kokubun Kochashaku taikei 4:426.) 23NLgarjuna (ca. A.D. 150-250) is here honored with the epithet Bosatsu, indicating the reverence in which he was held. The name of the king, Sendaka6, is in the form that appears in Gunavarman's translation of the verses (T 32:747a); Satavahana is a reconstruction. He is said to have fostered Buddhism under Ndgarjuna's guidance. (See Hirakawa Akira, Indo bukkyoshi 2:34-37; Shizutani Masao and Suguro Shinjo, Ajia bukky6shi, Indo hen 3 (Daijo bukky6), pp. 211-14. 24See the introduction for a discussion of this passage and its relation to the title and structure of Sanboe. 25The "Three Periods" (sanji) are the "Period of the True Teaching" (shab6), the "Period of the Imitated Teaching" (z6ho) and the "Period of the Declining Teaching" (mappo); see the introduction for further explication. 26The phrase "good at the beginning, good in the middle, and good at the end" is borrowed from the Preface to the Lotus Satra (T 9:3c), where it means that the whole sftra is good, but here it is used in reference to the three parts of Sanboe.
Page 100 100 General Preface 27Literature (fumi no michi in the Toji Kanchiin bon), literally "the Way of Literature," is contrasted with "the study of religion" (nori no kado, literally "the gate to the Law"). "I managed to pass the examinations" is literally "I have broken off my branch of the katsura tree," a literary Chinese expression meaning "a modest beginning in public service." (On its origins, see Hosoda Michio, Chagoku koji tatoe jiten, p. 74.) In poetic usage, the expression is a circumlocution for "obtaining a post in the civil service." 28According to Kanmuryojukyo and other texts, there are nine levels of existence in Amida's paradise, in three major groups, each divided into three subgroups, representing gradations determined by the specific devotional activities performed in worldly life. Each reborn being is seated on a different type of lotus-pedestal (T 12:344c; BD 1:707a-8a). Tamenori means, "I yearn for rebirth in the Pure Land." 29Confucianism is, of course, the "other teaching" that emphasizes the proper recognition of social obligations. There may be a reference here to a poem in Wakan roeisha (NKBT 73:244), originally from the Hou Han shu, which refers to the stories of four men who, according to Shih chi, sacrificed themselves in situations demanding loyalty to their superiors or to principles. Tamenori's intent, in these parallel phrases, is to acknowledge both his social obligations to Sonshi and her family (based, as it were, on Confucian principles) and his hope of forging a spiritual bond that will unite and reward both patron and author. He also suggests that he is destined to perform this task for her. 30The phrase "forest of merit" (kudoku no hayashi) occurs in a poem by Po Chti-i quoted in Wakan roeishi (NKBT 73:200) and in the processional chant of the lay participants in the Kangakue (see Sanboe 3.14). The "tree of enlightenment" (bodai no ki) perhaps suggests the tree under which Sakyamuni achieved that state, but it also extends the floral imagery. 31"The son of King Suddhodana" (Jobon'O) was Sakyamuni. Kaundinya (Kyochinnyo) was a servant in Sakyamuni's household who followed him on his quest for enlightenment. He became discouraged and scornful when his master undertook extreme ascetic practices, and abandoned him. Eventually, however, he returned and was the first among the five original disciples to follow Sakyamuni in attaining enlightenment, and he became an arhat (KMJ 43a).
The First Volume: The Buddha
pp. 101
Page 101 The First Volume The Buddha
Preface to the First Volume
pp. 101
Page 101 PREFACE TO THE FIRST VOLUME (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) Our Great Teacher Sakyamuni was in this world as an unenlightened mortal for three incalculable aeons during which he devoted himself to the cause of saving all sentient beings, and throughout the great chiliocosm he never refused to sacrifice himself utterly for their sakes.1 Then he was born in the palace of a king and, while still in his youth, rejected the Five Cravings and left his father's house, and when he sat under the Tree of Enlightenment, he subdued the Four Forces of Evil and became a Buddha.2 Internally, he mastered the Three Modes of Training, the Four Modes of Expression, the Five Modes of Vision, and the Six Supernatural Faculties, and externally he displayed the Thirtytwo Marks and the Eighty Signs.3 The crown of his head was like the vast canopy of heaven, and his face was as perfectly round as the full moon. The curls on his head resembled twisted cords of dark blue thread, and the downy hairs between his eyebrows were like strands of polished white jewels. His eyebrows were like two crescent moons, his teeth like a mass of white snow, his eyes like blue lotus blossoms, his lips like red berries. His skin was the color of burnished gold and shone brilliantly, without blemish. On the sole of each of his feet was the mark of a wheel with one thousand spokes, and when he walked he did not touch the ground. All of these marks were the result of his deeds in previous ages, the effect of his practice of the various perfections.4 Even the heavenly eye of Brahmd could not see the top of his head; even the supernatural hearing of Maudgalyayana could not detect all the nuances of his voice.5 In a satra it is said, "If all those who slander the Mahaydna 101
Page 102 102 The First Volume: The Buddha satras, or steal the property of monks, or commit any of the Five Transgressions, or violate any of the Four Great Prohibitions will contemplate one of these marks or signs of the Buddha for one day and one night with great concentration, all their sins will be erased, and eventually they shall not fail to see the Buddha."6 Also, the Six Supernatural Faculties endowed him with a wondrous capacity for subduing other creatures. He turned fire into a lake and so was able to pass Srigupta's house without accident, and he walked on the water just as if it were solid ground, avoiding the hazard of Kasyapa's boat.7 Also, he had a very compassionate heart and saved all living things from their sufferings. A heretic put insects that he himself had killed in the Tathagata's footsteps, but they immediately came back to life.8 When the dove that Sariputra had rescued came under the protection of the Bhagavat, it was freed from all its fears.9 He is the one relied upon by all the beings of all the three worlds, the one revered by all the four kinds of creatures.10 Though he takes various forms, you may not be able to see him; though he speaks, you may not be able to hear him. But when there is an affinity, he will show you his form, as does the moon in the sky when its reflection floats upon the water. In response to your prayers he will let you hear his voice, like thunder in the heavens that echoes your thoughts. His body fills the whole vault of heaven, but for expedience he appears to be sixteen feet tall. His life span is endless and incalculable, but he made it seem as if it came to an end when he reached the age of eighty.11 If you smashed the earth and counted every one of its particles, you still would have no concept of the age of the Buddha. If you scooped up all the waters of the great seas until they were dry, you still could not measure the depth of his wisdom.12 From the time he entered Nirvana to this day, many wondrous things have taken place. He left his shadow inside a cave guarded constantly by a poisonous dragon.13 He left his footprint upon a stone, and though an evil king tried to rub it out, he could not do so.14 Thus, you must know that though the Buddha chose to hide himself from the sight of mankind for a brief time, he did not disappear for eternity. The Buddha lives always in our hearts. You must never think that he is far away. Moreover, you should pay homage to his images, made ever since he rose into Trdyastrips'a heaven, and you should worship his relics, left behind ever since he made his way toward the grove of Sala trees.15 Even when your thoughts are in disarray, offer up a single flower; even when you are only pretending to pray, clasp your ten fingers together. Even if your sincerity lasts for but a moment, even if you intone his name but once, he will certainly fulfill your desire for
Page 103 Preface to the First Volume 103 the extinction of your sins, just as he would have done when he himself was in this world. In all the heavens and all the realms of earth below, there is nothing like the Buddha; nor in all the worlds in the Ten Directions is there anyone comparable to him.16 The palms of my hands are joined in reverence; now I will illustrate the wonders of the Buddha. Notes 1"An unenlightened mortal" (bonbu) here describes the condition of the Buddha in his existences prior to birth as Sakyamuni, which are said to have occurred in "three incalculable aeons" (san daiascgi). He passed through forty progressive stages in the first aeon, seven in the second, and three in the third (BGD 1:454c). This process is recounted in detail in the fourth fascicle of Daichidoron (T 25:84ff). "The great chiliocosm" is sanzen daisensekai. The world in which humans live was thought to have a great mountain at the center, surrounded by four continents, in turn encircled by seven mountain ranges and eight oceans. This is called "one small world" (issh6 sekai), and it includes the several heavens and the sun and moon. Such worlds exist in infinite multiples (literally, "three thousand 'great thousand'"-a number produced by several multiplications of a thousand) in the universe or "great chiliocosm" (see William McGovern, A Manual of Buddhist Philosophy 1 (Cosmology), pp. 48ff). 2"The Five Cravings" (go yoku) are the desire to see forms, hear sounds, smell smells, taste tastes, and to touch and be touched, all produced by the five corresponding sensory organs. Freedom from these desires is a fundamental aspect of enlightenment (BD 2:1385c-86b). "The Tree of Enlightenment" here is doju; the tree under which Sdkyamuni attained enlightenment is usually called bodaiju. "The Four Forces of Evil," shi ma, are literally "four demons," personifications of four fundamental causes of suffering in the unenlightened person: (1) desire for the fulfillment of bodily cravings, (2) the various sufferings that arise from the function of the "five aggregates" (the five skandhas, which make up the person: matter, sensation, volition, actions, and consciousness), (3) death, and (4) attachment to the belief in the existence of the sixth desire heaven, which destroys the will to do good in this world (BD 3:1997a-c). 3This sentence is balanced by the phrases uchi ni sonae ("attained within") and soto ni akiraka nari ("are evident on the outside"); the attainments listed with these two phrases are the internal and external
Page 104 104 The First Volume: The Buddha aspects of Buddhahood. "The Three Modes of Training" (san gaku) are discipline, concentration, and wisdom (kai, jO, e), i.e., the three general areas into which the activities of one striving for Buddhahood are classified (and three of the "six perfections") (BD 2:1472c-73c). The "Four Modes of Expression" (shi ben) attained by Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are: (1) unlimited powers of expression in expounding doctrine and (2) in explaining the inner meaning of the doctrine, (3) absolute command of all manner of language, and (4) personal rejoicing in the doctrine, which produces an unlimited capacity to share it with others (BD 3:2020a-c). The "Five Modes of Vision" (go gen), cultivated at various stages in the progress toward Buddhahood, are: (1) conventional vision with the human eye; (2) the vision of celestials, which allows one to see the future rebirths of any given sentient being and to see events occurring at great distances; (3) the vision of the sravaka and pratyekabuddha, i.e., the capacity to see that all things are nonsubstantial; (4) the vision of the Bodhisattva, which illuminates all manner of doctrines for the sake of all sentient beings; and (5) the vision of a Buddha, constituted by the possession of the four other modes simultaneously (BD 2:1170a-c). The "Six Supernatural Faculties" (roku tsa) are special powers possessed by enlightened beings, such as arhats. One list includes: (1) clairvoyance, (2) the ability to hear all sounds in the world, (3) the ability to know what another person is thinking, (4) the ability to know one's past lives as well as those of others, (5) the ability to manifest one's body whenever, wherever, and in whatever form one chooses, and (6) the ability to extinguish one's illusions and end the cycle of rebirth (BD 5:5060a-61b). The use of many of these modes and faculties by various kinds of beings is illustrated in the tales that follow. Various satras have lists of the "thirty-two marks and eighty signs" (sanjuniso, hachijisshugo) that distinguish a Buddha; Tamenori proceeds to describe some of the most remarkable and well-known marks and signs, perhaps abbreviating and adapting lists in FYCL (T 53:347c-48c, 381b, etc.). 4The idea that the marks and signs are the results of the Buddha's experiences in former lives is stated in almost the same words in FYCL (T 53:458b), which quotes Bussetsu taishisetsugoky6. The "perfections" (haramitsu) are the virtues specifically illustrated in tales 1.1-1.6; the other tales in this volume illustrate these same virtues in various combinations. 5This sentence closely paraphrases FYCL (T 53:469b), which in turn quotes Mo-ho chih-kuan (T 46:66b). Many Buddhist stories tell of Indra's and Brahma's "heavenly eye" (tengen), i.e., the organ through which they exercise the first of the "six supernatural faculties" (clairvoyance); Maudgalyayana (Mokuren), one of Sakyamuni's disciples, is
Page 105 Preface to the First Volume 105 the quintessential possessor of the second (universal hearing). (See n. 3 above.) 6The sOtra quoted has not been identified. The "Five Transgressions" (gogyaku no tsumi) are (1) patricide, (2) matricide, (3) killing an arhat, (4) causing a schism in the community of monks, and (5) inflicting bodily injury on the Buddha (BGD 1:357a). The "Four Great Prohibitions" (shija no toga) are the four worst possible violations of the rules of behavior for monks: (1) sexual intercourse, (2) theft, (3) murder, and (4) pretending to be enlightened. These prohibitions are also called shiharai or shijazai (BGD 1:522c; BD 2:1976b-77c). 7The first part of this sentence is a paraphrase of a story in FYCL (T 53:615c) quoted from Jajuritsu (T 23:464b-65a), but FYCL has Shiriguta instead of Shomitsu for "Srigupta." After hearing Sakyamuni preach, Srigupta, a wealthy merchant and heretic, tried to test the Buddha in such a way as to discredit him. He invited the Buddha to his house but set a pit full of flames in his path and put poison in the food and drink to be served. Sakyamuni transformed the burning pit into a pond full of lotuses, and neither he nor his disciples were affected by the poison. Duly impressed, Srigupta became a disciple. The phrase referring to "Kayapa's boat" has not been explained or traced. 8FYCL (T 53:549b) quotes Funbetsu kudokuron (T 25:35c) for this tale. An evil monk put the dead insects in the Buddha's tracks and accused him of stepping on them (in violation of the vow against the taking of life), but as a result of contact with his feet they were miraculously revived. 9FYCL (T 53:812c) quotes Daichidoron (T 25:138c-39a). Sariputra (Shinshi) is one of the disciples who figures frequently as interlocutor in various sftras. According to this story, he and the Buddha were strolling in the Jetavana garden when they saw a dove being chased by a hawk. (Note the similarity to tale 1.1.) When the Buddha's shadow covered the dove, it became calm; after he passed, it trembled again with fear. The Buddha explained that Sariputra's own shadow had no such effect because he was not yet completely free of illusions (see also Lamotte, 2, pp. 647-49). Tathagata (Nyorai, "the one who has come thus [to enlightenment]") and Bhagavat (Seson, "the one who is honored by the world") are standard epithets for the Buddha, used here to create balanced phrases with a slight variation in nomenclature-a typical pattern. 10The "three worlds" (sangai)-the desire world, the world of matter, and the world of nonmatter-are all inhabited by various mortal beings. All living things are classified as the "four kinds of creatures": (1) those born from wombs (humans and other mammals), (2) those hatched from eggs (birds and reptiles), (3) those born from larvae, and
Page 106 106 The First Volume: The Buddha (4) those born in supernatural circumstances (i.e., celestial beings and denizens of hell) (BD 2:1842b-c). "lThe idea is that the Buddha's physical existence was an expedient means for enlightening sentient beings, while his essential existence is universal and eternal. Kanmuryojukyo (T 12:244c) explains that Amida took human form-sometimes large enough to fill the heavens, at other times at the height of sixteen feet-but only for the sake of expedience. In the second chapter of the Lotus Satra, Sakyamuni reveals that he appeared as a mortal in this world for eighty years for expedience, but that in fact his Buddhahood is without beginning or end. 12A verse in the Lotus Satra (T 9:43c) may be the source, but the figures are probably Tamenori's device. The "scooping out" of the sea suggests the story of Prince Mahatyagavat (1.4). 13The dragon-king Gopala, who keeps the Buddha's shadow inside his cave, is mentioned, for example, in Ta-t'ang hsi-yii-chi (T 51:879a; see also Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India 1:184). 14The king's name was Sas~ika; his attempt to erase the footprint is also mentioned in Ta-t'ang hsi-yu-chi (T 51:911c; see also Watters, 2, pp. 92-93). 15Trayastrirpsa heaven (Toriten) is the second of the desire heavens; a translated form of the name, Sanjusanten, also occurs. A total of thirty-three deities-Indra and the deities of eight heavens in each of the four directions-were said to dwell there (BGD 1:472a; 2:448c). Z6ichi agongy5 says that when Sakyamuni left this world and rose into Trayastrirpsa heaven, King Udayana of Kausambi was so filled with yearning for him that he set up an image in the likeness of the departed sage (T 2:706a). This is said to have been the first man-made image of the Buddha (BD 1:223c). "The grove of Sila trees" (Shararin) was the site of Sakyamuni's death. The grove is also known as the "White Crane Grove" and by several other names. 16This sentence is a verbatim quotation from Mo-ho chih-kuan (T 46:6b).
1.1 The Perfection of Charity: King Śibi
pp. 107
Page 107 1.1 The Perfection of Charity 107 1.1 THE PERFECTION OF CHARITY: KING SIBI (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon) The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Charity.1 He reflected: "If I do not teach myself to be willing to give what I have, I will forever be reborn to miserable poverty. I want to cultivate the power to save others and thus attain Buddahood, so I will give anything I have to anyone who asks for it. Giving away my domains, my palaces, my wife and children is even easier than throwing away so much wood and grass. Giving away my head, eyes, hands, and feet is even easier than throwing away so many stones and clods of earth. Why, then, should I lament the loss of any other treasures?"2 Long ago there lived a king named Sibi.3 He had a deeply compassionate heart and treated all other beings as if they were his own children. Indra decided to test Sibi's compassion and gave orders to his lieutenant, Viivakarman4: "Change yourself into a dove, and then hide yourself in the folds of the king's robes. I will change myself into a hawk and chase you. This will be the king's test." They transformed themselves, and the dove went and hid inside the king's robe; the hawk came after it and then landed in a nearby tree. "Give me back that dove," it begged. The king replied, "I have made a vow to save all sentient beings, so I cannot give it back to you." "Am I not a living thing as well?" protested the hawk. "Is it not cruel to deprive me of my daily sustenance?" The king wanted to save the dove's life, but he also wanted to keep the hawk from starving, so he took up his sword and cut off some flesh from his own thigh. The hawk said, "I'll take as much as the dove weighs." Each time the king measured the weight of the dove on a scale, it grew still heavier, while his own flesh grew lighter. When he added the flesh of his other thigh, it all weighed even less. He added the flesh from his arms and back and finally all the flesh on his body, but it all weighed too little. The hawk said, "You have used up all your flesh, but the dove still weighs more. What have you got left to add? Hurry up and give me back that dove!" Despite his insistence, the king replied, "I simply will not give it to you," and when he tried to put what was left of his body on the scale, its sinews fell apart. He had lost all strength and collapsed in a heap. But he pressed himself further, saying to himself, "This suffering is nothing
Page 108 108 The First Volume: The Buddha compared to the immeasurable sufferings in hell. Even if I were enlightened at this very moment but faltered in this trial, all those who are in hell would never be enlightened, and what could I do about their suffering then? It was my own idea to make this vow to save all sentient beings. I cannot let such a trifling thing as this cause me pain; I must not weaken or collapse. Someone must come and help me get up!" Once more he managed to raise himself. He took hold of the ropes of the scale, and with great effort he managed to get up on it. His mind was clear and he felt no rancor. At that moment the earth moved in six ways and flowers fell like rain from the sky; waves rose high on the sea and blossoms burst forth on withered trees.5 A Celestial appeared and praised the king, saying, "For the sake of a tiny bird you did not shrink from the sacrifice of your own body. You are indeed a Bodhisattva, and you will surely become a Buddha very soon."6 Then the hawk told the dove, "Our error has caused injury to the body of this Bodhisattva. Let us use our heavenly powers to heal him quickly." The hawk became Indra again and said to the king, "Do you regret this experience that has caused you so much pain and suffering?" "No, I feel only the greatest happiness," replied the king. "I have no regret at all." Then Indra said, "Without proof of what has happened, who will ever believe that it is true?", whereupon the king made a vow, saying, "I was prepared to sacrifice my life in search of the Way of the Buddha. If you do not want to make a lie of what is in my heart, or let what has happened here be in vain, then I ask you, please, restore my body at once to its former state." And so Indra poured heavenly medicine on him, and suddenly his flesh reappeared, all his wounds were healed, and he was just as he had been before.7 Everyone who witnessed this rejoiced and revered him. After this, Sibi's generosity was even greater than before. He cared nothing for his own life: that is why it is said that he exemplified the Perfection of Charity. King Sibi of old is the Tathagatha Sakyamuni of today.8 This story appears in Rokudojikky6 and Chidoron.9 There is an illustration. Notes 1"The Perfection of Charity" (dan haramitsu, from Sanskrit danapdramitd) is the cultivation of unlimited generosity. The transliteration
Page 109 1.1 The Perfection of Charity 109 danna haramitsu also occurs, but the transliteration seen here is the same as that used in Daichidoron. The Sibi jdtaka (which follows) and the Sudinajdtaka (1.12) are both emblematic of this "perfection." 2This passage follows lines at the opening of the twelfth chapter of the Lotus Satra (T 9:34b), but it also foreshadows the stories of Sudana (1.12) and Kqanti (1.3). A similar allusion to the sacrifices of Sudana, Mahasattva (1.11), and Sibi in FYCL (T 53:877c) may also be Tamenori's model here, but the parallel phrases "so much wood and grass" and "so many stones and clods of earth" appear to be his own devices (Shusei, pp. 443-44). 3The story of Sibi (ShibiO) in Daichidoron (T 25:87c-88c) is the primary basis for Tamenori's version (see also Lamotte, 1, pp. 256-60). A few details not found in Daichidoron are taken from the Rokudojikkyo version (T 3:lb-c), where the king's name is Sarvadatta (Sapada). The story does not appear in full anywhere in FYCL, though it is alluded to frequently (e.g., T 53:498b). Other versions may be found in the Mahdbhdrata, Jetakamala, etc. (see KMJ:62a; Hikata, Honjbkybrui, 1, p. 61 -c, 2, p. 18b; BD 2:1980a-82a; J.A.B. van Buitenen, ed. and tr., The Mahabherata 2, pp. 470-73; J.S. Speyer, tr., The Gatakamald, pp. 18 -19). 4Indra (or Sakra; Taishaku) frequently appears in jdtaka to test and bear witness to future Buddhas. Visvakarman (Bishukatsuma), who lives in Trayastrirpsa with Indra, frequently appears as his assistant (BD 5:4308b-9a). 5The movements of the earth, along with the other phenomena described, are signs that reveal the presence, realization, birth, or death of a Buddha. (They recur, in the same context, in 1.8 and 1.11.) The six types of movement are (1) side to side, (2) up and down, (3) a "boiling up" out of the earch, (4) sudden crashing noises, (5) groaning sounds, and (6) wailing sounds (BGD 2:1453d). 61n jdtaka, Celestials (tennin) appear to rejoice in or acknowledge a Buddha's accomplishments, often bringing celestial instruments, flowers, or perfumes with them. Daichidoron (T 25:88c) has a tennyo, a female Celestial, appearing here. The message delivered is a prophecy of future Buddhahood, the giving of which is also a recurring feature in jdtaka. 7This sentence is taken from Rokudojikkyo (T 3:1b-c); Daichidoron has "As soon as he had spoken, his body was restored to its former state." This suggests that Tamenori consulted both texts in the preparation of his own version, as he indicates below (Shasei, p. 450; Izumoji, "Sanboe no hensan ishiki," p. 242). 8This identification is made explicit at the beginning of the Daichidoron version. 9See n. 3 and n. 7.
1.2 The Perfection of Discipline: King Śrutasoma
pp. 110
Page 110 110 The First Volume: The Buddha 1.2 THE PERFECTION OF DISCIPLINE: KING SRUTASOMA (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, Todaiji-gire1) The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Discipline.2 He reflected: "If I do not uphold the precepts, I will repeatedly fall into the Evil Realms; if I cannot obtain a good rebirth, how then can I practice the Venerable Way?"3 So he placed little value on his own life and great value on the observance of the precepts, treasuring them like the pearl in his topknot, relying upon them as upon a boat that floats over the sea.4 Long ago there lived a king named Srutasoma.5 He upheld the precept that forbids the telling of lies. One day this king was on his way to a park, accompanied by many women. When his carriage was about to pass through the palace gate, a Brahman appeared and said to the king, "I am poor, I am suffering. I beg you, give me something." The king said, "I will give you something when I return," and went on his way. But while the king was taking his pleasure in the park, Kalmdsapada swooped down from the sky and took him away.6 It was just like a hawk capturing a bird.7 He flew into the mountains, and King Srutasoma was set down among ninety-nine other kings already captured by KalmiSapada, who was going to behead them all. King Srutasoma's tears fell like rain. Kalmdgapada said, "Why are you crying like a baby?" "I am not sorry to lose my life," replied the king, "but I am sorrowful because I have just become a liar. From my birth to this day I have never told a lie. But today, when I left the palace, a beggar came up to me, and I told him I would give him something when I returned. I had no idea that I would lose my life in this unexpected manner and so commit the crime of telling a lie. It is in grief over this that I am crying." KalmdSapada said, "If you are sincere about this, I will let you have seven days' respite." The king rejoiced and went home. He summoned the Brahman and gave him treasure. He abdicated in favor of the crown prince and turned the kingdom over to him. He gathered the people together and gave them treasure, too, and then he prepared to leave the kingdom. All the nobles strove as one, and all the people of the kingdom wept as one. With one voice they pleaded: "Please, remain in this kingdom and continue to rule it as generously as before. We will build a house with a roof of iron, and you will live there under the protection of your most excellent warriors. Then, even if Kalmdgapada comes out of the sky, you need fear nothing."
Page 111 1.2 The Perfection of Discipline 111 The king said to them, "I cannot do so. Rather than violate the precepts and make my life meaningless, I will stand by my vow and willingly part with my life. The Vow of Truth is the first of the precepts. Truth is a bridge by which we mount to Heaven; lies lead to Hell. So, even if I must give up my life to protect the Truth, I shall have no regrets."8 And so saying, he left them and went back. Kalmdsapada had seen this from afar, and he rejoiced and praised him, saying, "Indeed, you do not tell lies. There is nothing men value more than their own lives. I have already released you once, and you went away. Now you have come back. You have not broken your promise; you are indeed a superior man." The king said, "To do what is true: this makes me human. To do what is false: this makes me not human." In this manner he praised all of the Ten Good Ways.9 Kalmdgapada listened to him and said, "I have heard your words, and already my heart is transformed; I am enlightened, and my spirit is purified. I will let you live, and I will release the ninety-nine kings to you as well. Let them all return to their own countries." Then all the kings rejoiced, and they returned to their countries and lived out the rest of their lives ruling their realms. He lived his whole life to the point of death without telling a lie; that is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Discipline. King Srutasoma of old is the Tathagatha Sakyamuni of today.10 This story appears in Daichidoron. There is an illustration. Notes 1One fragment has been identified. See ShCsei, p. 17. 2"The Perfection of Discipline" is jikai haramitsu (Sanskrit sllapdramitd), usually illustrated, as here, as devotion to a particular precept (as the translation jikai suggests). 3Tamenori uses the expression "The Venerable Way" (totoki michi) to balance akudo, a technical term for the three lowest and least desirable levels of the six realms of life into which beings who have not escaped from the cycle of rebirth are likely to be reincarnated, i.e., as (1) creatures in hell, (2) hungry ghosts, and (3) animals; the three slightly better realms are (4) quasi-celestial beings, (5) humans, and (6) celestial beings (BGD 2:1457d-58a). In contrast, "The Venerable Way" refers to a mode of life exemplified by Buddhas and Bodhisattvas.
Page 112 112 The First Volume: The Buddha 4The pearl in the topknot is a mark of a king. In the Lotus Satra, a king's circumspection in parting with this jewel, his most precious sign of office, is compared to the circumspection of the Tathagata, who gives his most precious teaching (i.e., the Lotus) only when the time and circumstances are right (T 9:38c). A passage in FYCL (T 53:889c), which contains the similes of the jewel and the boat, may be Tamenori's source; the context there is also "upholding the precepts" (Shasei, p. 445). But these are generally recurring figures; the boat figure was also used, for instance, in the "General Preface." 5For Srutasoma, Tamenori has Shudama, while Daichidoron, the primary source, has the full transliteration Shudashuma (T 25:88c-89b; see also Lamotte, 1, pp. 260-63). In other versions of this story the king's name is translated Fumyo ("Far-reaching Brilliance") (e.g., in Rokudojikkyo, T 3:22b, which has some other major differences with the Daichidoron version). JItaka 537 in PJ is the prototype of the many versions of this story, incorporated into various works, including Gengukyo (see KMJ 673a; Hikata, Honjoky6rui, 2, p. 36; BD 3:2485b86b). 6Kalmasapada (Rokusokuo) means literally the "deer-footed" or "cloven-footed" king. A winged, quasi-celestial being, he swoops out of the sk to plague those on earth (KMJ 271a-b). The Daichidoron description of the attack ("It was like a goldenwinged bird plucking a dragon out of the sea") has been replaced with a figure that recalls the preceding story of the hawk and the dove. 8The latter half of the king's statement follows a verse in the Daichidoron version, with a few alterations: The truth is foremost of all vows; The truth is a stairway to heaven. The truth makes great men; lies lead to hell. Now I shall protect the truth, And shall freely sacrifice my life, But there shall be no regret in my heart. 9This statement is also adapted from Daichidoron, which says "he praised the truth and condemned falsehood in various ways." Tamenori substitutes "he praised all of the Ten Good Ways" (juzen no michi). These are fundamental aspects of behavior dictated by Buddhist precepts: (1) abstention from killing, (2) abstention from stealing, (3) abstention from sexual intercourse, (4) abstention from lying, (5) abstention from the devious act of giving two people different versions of the same story, (6) abstention from rough speech, (7) abstention from frivolous speech, (8) abstention from covetousness, (9) abstention from
Page 113 1.2 The Perfection of Discipline 113 anger, and (10) abstention from the holding of wrong views (BD 3:2282b83c). 10There is no such explicit identification in Daichidoron, but all the tales in the group from which this tale is drawn are understood as stories of Sakyamuni's former lives. Other versions also identify Kalmigapada as a previous incarnation of Afigulimala, an evil king of Sakyamuni's time.
1.3 The Perfection of Forbearance: The Ascetic Kṣānti
pp. 114
Page 114 114 The First Volume: The Buddha 1.3 THE PERFECTION OF FORBEARANCE: THE ASCETIC K$ANTI (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire1) The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Forbearance.2 He reflected: "If I do not cultivate forbearance, my experiences will make me angry and resentful, and I shall not attain a beautiful and gentle form. So I shall endure that which is hard to endure, and though I am chastised with words of scorn, I shall think of them as tiny murmurs in a valley; though I am beaten and slashed with poles and swords, I shall remember that this body is a mere bubble upon water."3 There once was an ascetic named Ksanti.4 He lived in the forest on the outskirts of a great city. At that time there was a king in that country named King Kali.5 He went out to take his pleasure in the forest, accompanied by many women. When the king dozed off, a number of the women went into the forest to look for flowers. In the distance they spotted the ascetic and gathered before him. The ascetic expounded the Law, explaining why this world is to be despised and rejected. When the king awoke, he looked around for the women but could not see them. "Who has made off with them?" he roared, pulling out his great sword and setting off to find them. Then he saw them in the distance, gathered around the ascetic, and he went up to them and furiously inquired, "Who are you?" "I am an ascetic." "And what do you do?" asked the king. "I practice the Way of Forbearance." The king thought, "That must mean that he can maintain his forbearance even when he sees this furious countenance of mine!" and then he asked, "Have you already attained the World of Matter and the World of Nonmatter?"6 The ascetic replied, "No, I have not attained them." The king grew angrier still and said, maliciously, "You are still not free from worldly desires, so how can you trust yourself when you look at my women?" But the ascetic merely answered, "I only practice the Way of Forbearance." "Is that so?" cried the king. "Stick out your arm!" The ascetic stuck out his arm, and the king cut it off with his huge sword. "Who are you?" asked the king.
Page 115 1.3 The Perfection of Forbearance 115 "I am one who can endure this easily," answered the ascetic. The king then made him stick out his other arm and cut it off, too. "Can you endure that so easily?" he asked. "I can," answered the ascetic. Then his two legs, his two ears, and his nose were cut off, and each time he was asked the same thing and responded in the same way as before. It was not until the king noticed that the greater part of the ascetic's body lay scattered on the ground that his rage subsided. But the ascetic asked, "Why do you not cut me up some more? Though you chop me and mash me like a mustard seed, though I become like so much dust, I shall not be angry or resentful for a single moment." Then he made this vow: "Today, oh king, the anger in your heart made you cut my body into seven parts, and I have sustained seven wounds. If I become a Buddha in the future, I pray that I may convert you through the power of my compassionate heart, show you how to cultivate the Seven Enlightened States, and free you from the Seven Illusions."7 His body was cut to pieces, but he felt no resentment; that is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Forbearance. The ascetic Kdnti is the Tathagata Sakyamuni of today.8 This story appears in Dairon.9 There is an illustration. Notes 1One fragment, of seven lines, has been identified. See Shasei, p. 19. 2"The Perfection of Forbearance" (ninniku haramitsu) is the cultivation of the capacity to withstand hardships, suffering, or torture without becoming angry or vengeful, particularly for the sake of a moral principle or, more generally, the cultivation of patience and determined application. Ninniku is a translation of Sanskrit ksdnti. 3It has been shown (Shasei, pp. 445-46) that the Buddha's "reflections" combine elements from Daichidoron (T 25:164b), FYCL (T 53:893c), and the Lotus SLztra (T 9:50c-51a). The first two passages appear in general discussions of the practice of forbearance, but the latter, from the twentieth chapter of the Lotus, concerns the Bodhisattva Sadaparibhfita (JAfugyo bosatsu), who was abused as a fool by members of the Buddhist community, to all of whom he responded with the words, "You shall become a Buddha." "When he spoke these words, some in the multitude beat him with sticks and staves, with tiles and stones" (Leon Hurvitz, tr., Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma, pp.
Page 116 116 The First Volume: The Buddha 280-81). This paragon of forbearance is held up as an example to those who may suffer for their adherence to the Lotus. The figure "murmurs in a valley" does not occur in the abovementioned texts; it may be Tamenori's own insertion. 4Ninniku sennin combines the translation of KSanti with the word for a person who dwells alone in the mountains or some other isolated place, cultivating wisdom and striving for spiritual progress through austere practices and communion with nature. In Daichidoron, sennin is used as a translation for rsi. The Sanskrit name for this character in several other versions of the same story in various sfitras (including Rokudojikky6, T 3:25a-c) is Kgdntipala. In another version (Pindolabhdradvaja-jjtaka, which Akanuma says is the prototype) he is an elder whose adversary, King Udena, vents his wrath by dumping a basket of red ants on the old man's head. In Ta-t'ang hsi-yi-chi, Hsiian-tsang describes a stapa located at the site of the ascetic's dismemberment (T 51:882b). Although Tamenori quotes similar passages from Ta-t'ang hsi-ya-chi in subsequent tales (1.11 and 1.12), he does not do so here. It has been shown that Tamenori's version of this tale follows that in FYCL more closely than it does that in Daichidoron (Mori, "Sanboe no seiritsu to Hoon jurin," pp. 22-24). The FYCL version (T 53:896a) is a quotation from Shinbasharon (i.e., Abidatsuma daibibasharon, T 27:914c-15b). In general, Tamenori rearranges and simplifies the FYCL version into a recension uniquely his own. 5See KMJ 262b-63b for other forms of the name of the evil King Kali (Kario). 6"The World of Matter and the World of Nonmatter" is shikikai mushikikai. FYCL has hisohihisojojo, a type of meditation in which there is neither perception nor nonperception. Shikikai mushikikai usually refers to two worlds in which normal mortals are likely to be reborn. Though beings in the "World of Matter" retain their bodily existence, they are free of fleshly desire, so all things in that world are pure, and there are no sexual distinctions (BGD 1:575a). In the "World of Nonmatter," beings have no bodily existence or distinctive physical qualities, such as purity, whatsoever; they retain only their spiritual essence and dwell in a permanent state of deep meditation. The most advanced level of this meditative state is hisohihisojojo (BGD 2:1326c-d). The substitution does not lessen the likelihood that such terminology would probably have been rather abstruse for Sonshi. The next few lines, however, reveal the intent: the king means to ask the ascetic whether or not he is free from worldly cravings, because he suspects that the ascetic has designs on his concubines. 7"The Seven Enlightened States" (shichishu no michi) refers to seven components of the enlightened condition: (1) discretion in
Page 117 1.3 The Perfection of Forbearance 117 selecting the proper doctrines, (2) right effort, (3) joy in practicing the proper doctrines, (4) cheerfulness and physical relaxation, (5) rejection of attachment to objects, (6) concentration (meditation), and (7) tranquility (BGD 1:587b). Most texts list six fundamental illusions (zuimen or zuimin): (1) craving, (2) anger, (3) pride, (4) ignorance, (5) possession of false views, and (6) doubt. Occasionally, two types of desire are distinguished, yielding "seven illusions" (BD 2:1379a; 3:2877c). 8FYCL includes this identifying statement and also identifies King Kali with the Buddha's disciple Kaunilinya, who was eventually enlightened, as promised in the present tale. 9Both the Maeda-ke and Toji Kanchiin copies have this shortened form for Daichidoron.
1.4 The Perfection of Effort: Prince Mahātyāgavat
pp. 118
Page 118 118 The First Volume: The Buddha 1.4 THE PERFECTION OF EFFORT: PRINCE MAHATYAGAVAT (Maeda-ke bon, T3ji Kanchiin bon, T~daiji-gire1) The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Effort.2 He reflected: "If I do not strive with great effort but allow myself to live in ease and comfort, I shall not free myself from the cycle of life and death, and it will be impossible to turn to the way toward enlightenment."3 He resolved to accomplish many things but never abandoned any of them. If you light a fire but stop blowing on it, there will be no fire; if you go swimming but do not keep your arms moving, you cannot move through the water. It is just the same in this striving; if you allow yourself a respite, it becomes impossible to attain the goal. Long ago there was a prince, the son of the king of Vard.asi, and his name was Prince Mahdtyagavat.4 Once, on an excursion outside the palace, he saw a farmer at work in a field. He was digging a hole in the ground with a spade, and crows had gathered to catch the insects. He also saw people spinning thread, weaving cloth, slaughtering cattle, shearing sheep, trapping birds, and catching fish. When he asked his attendants about what he had seen, they said, "They are doing this to make clothing and food." The prince felt sorry for them, and when he returned to the palace, he asked the king to open up his storehouses, and he took out many jewels and distributed them to the poor. The king's ministers expressed their outrage. But the prince said, "I have heard that there is a Magic Pearl in the ocean, and I would like to go and try to find it."5 The king was shocked. "This kingdom is your kingdom, and all its treasures are yours as well. What can be lacking that makes you want to search for this pearl in the ocean? There are poisonous dragons, giant fish, wild winds, high waves; out of ten million men who go there only one or two return. I cannot allow you to go!" The prince prostrated himself before the king. "If you will not let me go," he said, "I will not rise from this spot, and I will die here." Though both the king and queen tried to reason and plead with him, he refused to eat or to rise from the spot for the next seven days. The queen wept, and said, "It is impossible to change his mind. Rather than watch him die before our eyes like this, would it not be better to let him go and hope that by some chance he may come back again?" The king agreed, and, with tears in his eyes, he gave the prince permission to go. There was a certain old man in that country who was very well versed in the ways of the sea.6 He was eighty years old and blind in both eyes. The king himself went to him and said, "Go with the prince." The
Page 119 1.4 The Perfection of Effort 119 old man wept and said, "It is impossible for those who go into the sea to return, but I cannot refuse your command. I shall accompany him even to my death." The prince prepared a ship and set sail. Five hundred merchants had asked to accompany him. He bound their ships together with seven chains of iron. Every morning the prince beat a drum and called out, "If there is any one among you who wishes to go no further, turn back now!" and each day he unfastened one of the chains.7 The wind filled the sails, and they arrived at a mountain of treasure. The prince left his ship and told the merchants, "Take this treasure and go home in this ship," but he kept back one ship and some of the people. Then he and the old man walked off. When they had walked for seven days, they were in water up to their knees. After another seven days the water was up to their necks. For another seven days they floated and finally came to a beach. The old man said, "We have reached the Beach of Silver Sand. Look, there in the distance, in the southeast; you can see the Silver Mountain." "Let's go there!" said the prince. Once they had reached it, they saw the Beach of Golden Sand lying still further ahead. But the old man was exhausted, and he collapsed, saying, "I will die here. If you go on for seven days from here, you will come to the place where the Blue Lotus grows. If you go on for yet another seven days, you will find the Red Lotus.8 If you continue on from there, you will reach the Palace of the Dragon King."9 Having given these directions, the old man died. The prince wept for him and then went on alone as he had been directed. When he found the Lotuses, there were poisonous blue snakes entwined around the stems. They glared at him, but they did not attack. When he reached the king's palace, there were poisonous dragons guarding the moat and beautiful women guarding the gate.10 When they made the prince tell how and why he had come, the Dragon King was amazed and incredulous. But he realized that no mere mortal could possibly have come this far, and so he came forth to receive him and bade him sit down on a jeweled couch. "What can you be searching for that has brought you so far?" he asked, and the prince replied, "The people of Jambudvipa are poor, and consequently their sufferings are many.11 I have come here to ask you to give me the jewel that is in your left ear." The Dragon King said, "If you will stay here for seven days and accept my hospitality, I will give you what you ask." So the prince stayed for seven days and received the jewel. Then the dragon deity carried him through the sky and took him to the shores of his own country.
Page 120 120 The First Volume: The Buddha But many dragons had converged upon the palace with complaints: "That jewel is the most prized treasure in the ocean, the most excellent of all your adornments! It must be returned!" So saying, one of the ocean spirits took human form and appeared before the prince and said, "I have heard that you have acquired a rare jewel. Show it to me." When the prince took it out and showed it to him, he stole it and went back into the sea. The prince cried out in grief, and made a vow: "If you do not give me back the jewel, I will empty the sea until it is dry!" The ocean spirit came out of the sea, laughing, and said, "How stupid you are! Perhaps you would like to try to make the sun set, or stop the winds from blowing. Where do you think you're going to put all the water you scoop out of the sea?" The prince replied, "Bonds of love are hard to break, but I still intend to break them. The cycle of life and death is hard to end, but I still intend to end it. Indeed, there may be a great deal of water in the sea, but it, too, is finite. Even if I cannot empty it completely in this age, I will continue scooping it through ages to come until it is all dry." Having made this vow, he took up a shell and began to scoop the sea water. All the Celestials, who saw that his vow was sincere, took pity on him and came to his aid. They poured the sea water beyond the Cakravadla Mountains, carrying it in the sleeves of their heavenly robes.12 When the prince had scooped once or twice, eight tenths of the waters of the seas were gone. In a frenzy the Dragon King came forth, crying, "My house will soon be emptied!" and he returned the jewel. The prince went back to the palace, and on the fifteenth day of the month he lit incense, raised a banner, and placed the jewel on top of the banner post. With the censer in his hand he worshiped the jewel, and said, "For the sake of all sentient beings I endured many hardships to obtain this jewel. I pray, let many jewels fall from heaven like rain and fulfill all the wishes of the people." In response to his words a gentle breeze swept all the clouds from the sky, and a fine rain fell to the earth, laying the dust. Then jewels fell everywhere like rain and piled up kneehigh upon the ground. There was no place in Jambudvipa where this rain of jewels did not fall. He endured his trials, steeled his will to fulfill his vows, and emptied the sea; that is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Effort. Prince Mahatyagavat of old is the Tathagata Sgkyamuni of today.13 This story appears in Rokudojikky6 and H6ongy6.14 Notes 1Four fragments have been identified. See Shasei, pp. 23, 27.
Page 121 1.4 The Perfection of Effort 121 2"The Perfection of Effort" is shojin haramitsu, a translation of vurya-pdramitd, sometimes transliterated biriya haramitsu: dedicated practice of the other five perfections; fervent, active striving to do good and thereby make progress toward enlightenment. Devotion to various types of ascetic practices is often referred to as shojin (BGD 1:731c-32a; Taya, Bukky6gaku jiten, pp. 265c-66a, 363b). 3"The way toward enlightenment" is bodaido; it may mean the state of enlightenment itself. 4Vrranasi (Harana-koku) is the early name for the modern Benares (KMJ 76b-77b). The name "Mahatyagavat" (Daise taishi), actually an epithet meaning "the generous prince," does not appear in the texts Tamenori cites as his sources for this tale, i.e., Rokudojikky6 (T 3:4a-5a) and Hoongy6 (Daih6benbutsu hoongyo, T 3:142c-47a). The prince is called Fuse in the former and Zen'ya taishi in the latter; the names mean "the generous one" and "the prince who is a good friend," respectively. The name Daise bosatsu is used in a very brief version of this story in Daichidoron (T 25:89b; see also Lamotte, 1, p. 265) and in a version in Gengukyo (T 4:404b-9b). Elsewhere in Daichidoron, the story is retold using the name Fuse (T 25:151a-52a; Lamotte, 2, pp. 755-62). It has been maintained that the H6ongy6 version was Tamenori's model text (Shasei, p. 451), but I think his recension bears a greater resemblance to the longer of the two Daichidoron versions. "Mahatyagavat" is the equivalent of Daise given in T Index 2:115, referring to Genguky6. Other possible translations are Mahajanaka (KMJ 364) and Mahadena (Groner, Saich6, p. 118n). 5The "Magic Pearl" is nyoishu, a translation of Sanskrit mani, sometimes transliterated (e.g., mani hoshu in Hoongyb, T 3:142b; Daichidoron has nyoi hOshu, T 25:151b). Those who possess the jewel will have all their wishes granted. The jewel is said to have been found inside a divine fish, or to be a fragment of a jewel that was once Indra's, or a transformed relic of the Buddha (BGJ 422b-c). The prince wants the jewel so that he can wish for treasures that will make his countrymen's lives still easier. 6Hoongyo calls the old man kaishi and doshi, "master of the sea" and "master guide" (T 3:144a). In Daichidoron he has a name, Dasha, a transliteration of Ddsa (T 25:151b; Lamotte, 2, p. 759). 7In Daichidoron we are told that the merchants were fractious and that they argued with the prince about their course, but Disa insisted that they should let the winds blow them in the right direction. 8The blue lotus is associated with compassion and the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara (Kannon) in esoteric symbolism (BD 3:2817a); the red lotus is associated with wisdom (BD 1:736c). Perhaps what is meant here is that the prince will attain these additional virtues in the process of reaching his ultimate goal of "perfection in effort." On the other hand,
Page 122 122 The First Volume: The Buddha the lotuses may simply be emblems of the exotic regions through which the prince must pass before he reaches his destination. 9The Dragon King (Ryo6; Sanskrit Nagaraja) appears in Buddhist texts as both a malevolent and benevolent figure. His palace, which lies beneath or beyond the seas, is often idealized (see also 3.11). 10"Beautiful women" (tama no onna) may mean, literally, "women of jade." 11ambudvipa (Enbudai) refers to the continent lying south of Mount Sumeru and is the area in which human beings of the present age dwell, close to the center of the universe (in other words, India itself) (BD 1:317a-b). 12The Cakravada Mountains (Techii no yama) are iron ranges that encircle the four continents and the seas that surround them. 13This identification was made at the end of the Hoongy6 version, along with identifications of the king as Sakyamuni's father Suddhodana, the queen as his mother May&, and an adversary to the hero, an evil prince called Akuya Taishi ("the prince who is a bad friend") as Devadatta (T 3:147a). The absence of this last-mentioned character is one of the main differences between the H6ongyo and Daichidoron versions, suggesting again that the latter may have been Tamenori's model. Devadatta was a disciple who turned against Sakyamuni, caused a schism in the community of monks, and plotted unsuccessfully to kill the Buddha. Jdtaka villains are frequently identified as previous incarnations of Devadatta (see 1.8, for example). 14See n. 4.
1.5 The Perfection of Meditation: The Ascetic Śaṅkhācārya
pp. 123
Page 123 1.5 The Perfection of Meditation 123 1.5 THE PERFECTION OF MEDITATION: THE ASCETIC SANKHACARYA (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon) The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Meditation.1 He reflected: "The mind is like a drunken elephant; when it goes wild, it cannot be restrained.2 The mind is like a playful monkey; you can cage it, but it still escapes.3 If I do not control my thoughts, they will constantly throw my mind into disorder. It is hard to part with worldly illusions, but can I let them prevent me from attaining perfect insight?"4 So he went to a quiet place, put his thoughts in order, calmed his heart, and was never disturbed. As a result, his meditations and his wisdom joined to help him achieve enlightenment.5 They acted like the two wings of a bird, the two wheels of a cart. If you have wisdom but you do not meditate, your mind will not come to rest.6 The radiance of enlightenment will not be able to shine but will merely flicker as a lamp flickers in the wind, and you will be like a sea tossed by waves. But if you add the quiescent mind of meditation to the radiant enlightenment attained through wisdom, your mind will be as luminous and serene as the light of a lamp when all the winds have ceased, like a lake free of ripples in which bright reflections can float peacefully.7 If you focus your whole mind on one thing, this result is guaranteed. There is nothing more virtuous and wonderful than meditation. Long ago there was an ascetic, and he was called Safikhacarya.8 He lived alone in a quiet cell and remained in meditation for long periods, with his eyes closed and his breath in control, and for days he did not rise. Some birds, seeing that he was as stationary as a tree stump, made a nest and laid eggs in the hair on his head. When the ascetic came out of his meditation, he realized that there was a bird's nest on his head. He was afraid the eggs might fall and break, or that the mother bird might be frightened and refuse to come near. So great was his concern that he immediately reentered the state of meditation. He waited until the young birds had all hatched and flown away, and then once more he emerged from meditation. He maintained quiescence and did not move; that is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Meditation. The ascetic Safikhacarya of old is the Tathagata S&kyamuni of today.9 This story appears in Chidoron.10 There is an illustration.
Page 124 124 The First Volume: The Buddha Notes 1"The Perfection of Meditation" (zenjo haramitsu) is devotion to the practice of meditation, the object of which is clarity in the mind. Intense concentration on one object or concept is a common form of such meditation. Zenji is one of many transliterations and translations of Sanskrit dhyana (BGD 2:855b). 2This description originates in the Nirvana Satra (T 12:512a, 756a): a drunken elephant, the Buddha says, may go on a rampage and threaten injury and damage, but when controlled by a skillful driver, he becomes docile and harmless. Similarly, sentient beings, intoxicated by greed, anger, and ignorance, may commit evil acts, but this tendency is suppressed when a good teacher reveals the Buddhist doctrines to them. 3This description appears in Daijo honjo shinjikangyo (T 3:327b): "The mind is like a monkey, scampering constantly among the branches of the tree of Five Desires, never resting long on any one." The elephant and monkey similes are combined in a passage in FYCL on the merits of meditation (T 53:902a; Shasei, p. 446). 4Here, "worldly illusions" (bonno) are contrasted with "perfect insight" (kannen). Bonno is the state of spiritual confusion and suffering that exists as long as the mind is controlled by worldly appetites; kannen is the state of mind produced through meditation, producing a focused, quiescent mind that fully grasps or "visualizes" the truth. Although the terminology is somewhat technical, Sonshi would probably have perceived the implied contrast between mental chaos and mental clarity. 5E is used for wisdom here, chi for the same thing elsewhere in this tale; Tamenori seems to use both terms interchangeably. E translates Sanskrit prajnii, while chi corresponds to jifna. While there are some technical differences in these terms, both may be understood as types of wisdom (Taya, Bukky6gaku jiten, pp. 38c-39a, 321b-22c). It is e, however, that joins kai (discipline) and jo (concentration) in the formulaic "three modes of training." (See "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3.) What follows is an elaboration of the idea of the interrelated function of jo and e. "Enlightenment" here is bodai. 6Here, "wisdom" is chi (see n. 5). 7The figures of the lamp and the rough and still waters may be based on the same passage in FYCL that contains the simile of the monkey (see n. 3). 8Tamenori uses the transliteration Shojari sennin. Sahkha means a mollusk or its shell; acarya is a master teacher (Ogiwara Unrai, Kan'yaku taisho Bon'wa daijiten, pp. 1306a, 184b). The source,
Page 125 1.5 The Perfection of Meditation 125 acknowledged by Tamenori, is Daichidoron (T 25:188a; see also 89b and Lamotte, 2, p. 1046 and 1, p. 266). The protagonist is introduced there as "rakei sennin...na wa Shojari to su." Rakei describes tight ringlets of hair, curled tight like mollusk shells; Ra translates sahkha. On the term sennin, see 1.3, n. 4. 9Daichidoron makes this explicit identification at the beginning of the story. 10See n. 8.
1.6 The Perfection of Wisdom: Prime Minister Govinda
pp. 126
Page 126 126 The First Volume: The Buddha 1.6 THE PERFECTION OF WISDOM: PRIME MINISTER GOVINDA (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) The Bodhisattva spent many ages practicing the Perfection of Wisdom.1 He reflected: "If I do not strive toward the dawning of enlightenment, I shall remain forever in the dark realm of ignorance. I shall wander into the dense forest of wrong views and lose my way on the true path to enlightenment."2 So he sought the venerable Way and cultivated deep insight. With the Five Perfections heretofore described, you are still like a blind man unable to see the path before him; with the Sixth Perfection, you are like a sighted man for whom the path is clearly revealed.3 The Five Perfections already described serve as the arms and legs serve the body; the Sixth Perfection is like the head that holds the life force.4 Through the eye of the flower you are directed toward Nirvana; through the head of the flower you grasp the essence of the Dharma Body.5 This much is certain: if our heart can be freed from its illusions, we know that the realization of Buddhahood is nigh, just as we know, when we see the leaves beginning to swell and open in the trees, that spring will soon be here; or, when we see the sandy shores spreading before us, we know that the waves of the sea must be close at hand. So it is with the Bodhisattva: when the deep flowering of wisdom is attained, it is certain that his enlightenment cannot be far beyond. Long ago there was a prime minister named Govinda.6 His mind was illuminated; his insight was vast. When there was fighting among the kingdoms, he divided Jambudvipa into seven equal parts.7 Furthermore, he saw directly into the minds of all the people of kingdoms and cities far and near, and he divided each kingdom and city into seven parts as well, and thus brought all the fighting among them to a stop. He understood perfectly that which was so difficult to understand; this is why he is said to have exemplified the Perfection of Wisdom. Govinda of old is the Tathagata Sakyamuni of today.8 This story appears in the Dairon.9 There is an illustration. Notes 1"The Perfection of Wisdom" (hannya haramitsu) is the achievement of perfect knowledge, insight, and understanding. Hannya transliterates prajii, which is also translated as e and chie (see 1.5, n. 5).
Page 127 1.6 The Perfection of Wisdom 127 2In the figure "forest of wrong views," "wrong views" is jaken: "misconceptions," "ignorance," or, in a more technical sense, nonrecognition of the principle of cause and effect (BGD 1:61lb-c). The figure of the "forest" of such views is not an original device; it occurs, for example, in the Lotus Satra (T 9:8b). 3There is a similar comparison of wisdom with vision in Daichidoron (T 25:498a) quoted in FYCL (T 53:833b). 4This figure is also in the same Daichidoron and FYCL passages (see n. 3). 5Yamada suggested that the use of the flower figure here derives from a reading of the characters hannya as ha-ni-ya, suggesting a homonym for hana, "flower" (Ryakucht, p. 44). "Dharma Body" is hosshin, here meaning "the essential truth of the Buddhist teachings" (BGD 2:1253d-54b). The poetic effect of this imagery may have been of greater interest than its doctrinal import. 6In Tamenori's acknowledged source, Daichidoron, Govinda (Kuhin) is identified as Kuhinda baramon daijin (T 25:89b; see also Lamotte, 1, p. 266). The story is retold or alluded to in various sftras, including one devoted entirely to this jataka, i.e., Daikengo baramon engikyo (T 1:207-13; see also KMJ 217b). 7See 1.4, n. 11. 8This identification is implicit in the Daichidoron version. 9The Toji Kanchiin bon has this abbreviated title; the Maeda-ke bon has Daichidoron.
1.7 The Elder Jalavāhana
pp. 128
Page 128 128 The First Volume: The Buddha 1.7 THE ELDER JALAVAHANA (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon) Long ago there was an elder named Jalavahana.1 Once, on an excursion with his two sons, he noticed that all the birds and animals were flying and dashing off together in one direction. Mystified, he followed them and came to a large pond. It was called [Yash6 Pond].2 Its water was almost gone, but there were many fish in it. Jalavahana pitied them; then a tree spirit addressed him, saying, "Your name is Jalavahana; bring water and keep the fish alive."3 Jalavahana was startled, but he asked, "How many fish are there?" and the tree spirit replied, "There are ten thousand." The pond was baking in the sun, and the death of the fish was at hand. Jalavahana rushed off to search for water in every direction, but there was none to be found. He climbed a big tree and broke off a leafy branch, and then he went and stood in the middle of the pond, making shade for the fish. He looked this way and that, trying to discover how the pond was draining, and he spotted a big river in the distance. Some fishermen had let out the water in order to trap the fish; they would very soon be beyond all rescue. Jalavahana ran back to the city, went to see the king, and reported what was happening. "Please, let me have twenty elephants that can carry water and save the fishes' lives!" he said. The king immediately gave him the elephants. Then Jalavahana and his two sons found some vintners, from whom they borrowed many leather pouches. Then they went to the river and filled the pouches with water, and the elephants carried the pouches to the pond. The water soon regained its previous level. As Jalavahana paced along the banks of the pond, the fish kept following him. He was puzzled, but then he realized that they must be starving and were following him in hope of getting some food. So he said to his sons, "One of you, take the elephants and hurry home. Gather up all the food we have, mine and your mother's and even the servants', and bring it here," and one of them set off. He soon returned with the food, and Jalavahana cast it all over the pond, and all the fish ate their fill. Jalavahana thought, "I have supplied food and saved the fish from starvation. Now I should introduce them to the flavor of the Law and give them guidance for the life hereafter," and so he stepped into the pond and expounded the Law for the benefit of the fish.4 He explained the Twelve Causes and Conditions as he had heard them described long
Page 129 1.7 The Elder Jalavahana 129 ago by a monk, and he sang the praises of the Jewel-Haired Tathagata as described in the satras he had heard.5 Then he went home. Not long thereafter, these ten thousand fish died at the same time and were all reborn together in Trayastrirpsa heaven.6 They said to one another, "In our last incarnation we were all born as fish. Jalavahana gave us water and fed us and explained the Law and sang the praises of a Buddha, and as a result we have been reborn in this heaven where we will dwell forever. Let us all go and repay our debt to him." At this time, Jalavahana slept every night in a room high up in his mansion. The ten thousand Celestials appeared there and placed ten thousand jeweled bracelets on all four sides of the spot where he lay, so that in all there were some forty thousand jeweled bracelets.7 Flowers fell from heaven and piled up knee-high, and the Celestials played heavenly music; everyone in the house was awakened. While Jalavahana was still in awe and astonishment, the Celestials departed. High in the sky they gave off a bright light and dropped flowers all over the countryside. Then they went to the pond where they had once lived and dropped many flowers upon it, and then went back to heaven. When he heard about these events the next morning, the king was amazed, and he wanted to investigate further, so he sent for Jalavahana, questioned him, and dispatched an attendant to examine the pond. Thus it was discovered that the fish of the pond had been reborn in heaven and had demonstrated their gratitude in this way. All the people of the land were deeply impressed. Jalavahana of old is the Tathagata Sakyamuni of today.8 This story appears in the Saishookyo.9 Notes 1Jalavahana means "he who causes water to flow" or "water bearer" (Ogiwara, Bonwa daijiten 5, p. 496b). The translated form Rusui has been omitted in the TOji Kanchiin but appears in the Maeda-ke bon. Tamenori cites Saishookyo (i.e., Konk6myo saishooky6, T 16:488c-50c); FYCL quotes part of this version of the story (T 53:782c-83b). Tamenori may have followed the FYCL abridgement, but he uses some names and terms that appear only in the fuller version (see notes following). In Konkomyo saishookyo, Rusui is identified as "the son of an elder" (choja, which may mean "a man of property," "an elderly man," or "a virtuous man"; see BGD 2:963a). This story does not occur in the jdtaka collections or in other sftras based on them, other than in the various versions of Konk6myo saishookyo. The story may form part of the background of the Hojoe described in 3.26 (Ryakuch&, p. 49).
Page 130 130 The First Volume: The Buddha A photographic reproduction of an early Japanese copy of Konkomyo saishookyo (Kasuga Masaji, ed., Saidaijibon Konkomyo saishookyo koten no kokugogakuteki kenkya; see pp. 8-9 and 178-86 for the chapter on Jalavahana) has been used for comparison with Tamenori's version in Shasei. See also the translation of the shorter Konkomyoky6, which contains an almost identical version of the story (R.E. Emmerick, tr., The Satra of the Golden Light, p. 79ff). 2The characters used for Yasho in the two texts differ, but those in the Maeda-ke bon are the same as those in Konkomyo saishookyo and accurately translate Atavisambhavd, "a pond in the fields" (Ogiwara, Bonwa daijiten 1, p. 18a). The pond is not named in the FYCL version. 3The tree spirit may simply be a forest deity, or perhaps, as Yamada suggested, the "female Celestial of the Bodhi tree" (Bodaijushin zennyoten) who is the Buddha's interlocutor in Konkbmyo saishookyo (Ryakucha, p. 49). When she repeats the protagonist's name, she is saying, "You are called 'he who sets water flowing'-so do so!" 4The expression "introduce them to the flavor of the Law" ("ho no aji o hodokoshite" in the Toji Kanchiin bon) does not appear in FYCL; Konkomyo saishookyo reads "hojiki o hodokoshite" (T 16:449c). Hojiki usually means food prepared according to monastic regulations (BGD 2:1232d); homi (i.e., ho no aji) means the essence of the Law, "the subtle flavor of the essential Buddhist doctrine." What is suggested is a relationship between the sustenance just given the fish and the spiritual food about to be offered them. 5The "Twelve Causes and Conditions" (jani innen in FYCL and Sanboe; jani engi in Konkomyo saishookyo) are factors that cause the unenlightened person to remain in the cycle of life and death; each factor gives rise to the next in a chain of causality. This constitutes a fundamental analysis of the cause of worldly suffering, suitable for preaching to fish in the hope that they may obtain a better rebirth. Neither FYCL nor Konkomyo saishookyo enumerate them. One standard list is: (1) ignorance, (2) predispositions, (3) consciousness, (4) selfhood, (5) the six senses, (6) contact, (7) feeling, (8) craving, (9) grasping, (10) arising, (11) birth, and (12) death (Taya, Bukkyogaku jiten, pp. 235a-36a). In referring to the "Jewel-Haired Tathagata" (H6kei nyorai), Tamenori follows Konkomyo saishookyo. This is Ratnasikhin-tathagata, a Buddha of the distant past who made a vow that if any sentient being in any of the ten directions were to hear his name at the moment of death, that being would be "reborn to the same lot as the thirty-three gods," i.e., in Trayastrirpsa heaven (BGD 2:1144; Emmerick, pp. 80-81). FYCL reads Hosho nyorai, i.e., Prabhftaratna-tathdgata, another great
Page 131 1.7 The Elder Jalavahana 131 Buddha of the past who figures prominently, for example, in the Lotus Satra. Since the fish are reborn in Trayastrirpsa as a result of hearing this name, H6kei nyorai would appear to be correct. 6Sanboe has the translated form Sanjusanten, as does Konkomyo saishookyo; FYCL has the transliteration T6riten (see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 15). 7The "Celestials" here are called Tenshi (see 1.1, n. 6). These are, of course, the reborn fish. 8This identification is made by the Buddha himself at the end of the story in Konk6myo saishooky6. He also says that the elder's two sons were Rahula and Ananda (the Buddha's son and his chief disciple) and that the elder's wife was the Buddha's wife Gopa (or Gopi) (T 16:450c). The FYCL version does not have these identifications. 9See n. 1.
1.8 The Lion Who Held Firmly to His Vows
pp. 132
Page 132 132 The First Volume: The Buddha 1.8 THE LION WHO HELD FIRMLY TO HIS VOWS (Maeda-ke bon, Thji Kanchiin bon, TOdaiji-gire') Long ago, there was a mountain in the land of Vdri.asi called the Mountain of Sages.2 Five hundred self-enlightened sages lived there.3 A lion lived on the mountain, and his name was "The Lion who held firmly to his vows."4 The hair on his body was the color of gold, and he had the strength of a thousand lions. When he lifted his voice and roared, birds flying in the sky were so frightened that they fell to the ground, and animals running on the ground lay huddled in fear. This lion used to watch for one of the self-enlightened sages who came to sit beneath the trees, and he gradually fell into a daily habit of listening to the sage as he chanted the si2tras and expounded the Law. One day a hunter came by and saw this and thought, "If I could get his hide and present it to the king, he would surely grant me high office and riches in return. But this is the King of the Beasts, and he cannot be shot with a bow or trapped with a rope. This will require a special plan. As it happens, he has grown used to being close to this monk, so I will shave my head for this purpose, and I will hide a bow under priestly robes, and I will sit under that tree. Then, when he comes close, he won't know that I am going to shoot him!" He went home and told his wife, "I have never, ever heard of a beast with golden hair, but today I saw one. If I can manage to kill it and get the hide and present it to the king, our house will prosper and our descendants will thrive for many generations to come." So saying, he immediately shaved his beard and the hair on his head, put on a black robe, went back to the mountain, and sat beneath the tree. When the lion saw him he danced for joy and ran up close and licked the hunter's feet. The hunter drew the bow, which was concealed beneath his robe, and shot the lion with a poisoned arrow. The lion roared and snarled and was about to devour the man, but then he had a change of heart. He thought, "It would be very easy for me to eat this man, but he looks like a monk and he is wearing priestly garb. To injure a monk's body is the same as injuring the body of the Buddha."5 So he tried to calm himself and withstand the pain, but his suffering was too hard to bear, and he was about to open his jaws to bite the hunter when once more he regained control and rejected the idea. For, though the man harbored evil intentions within his heart, he still looked like a monk on the surface. "If I were to kill this man today," thought the lion, "I would violate the severe prohibitions established by the Buddhas of many ages. We
Page 133 1.8 The Lion 133 revere forbearance, while lack of forbearance is despised, for it gives rise to additional illusions that lead to interminable rebirths in the Evil realms, separation from good companions, failure to hear the True Dharma, and further delay in attaining enlightenment. Therefore, I must not heed these evil thoughts," 6 and with this resolve, the lion intoned a verse, saying, Though it may cost me my own life Let no evil thoughts turn me against the robes of the Law; Though it may cost me my own life, Let no evil thoughts turn me against a man of the Law.7 As soon as he had uttered these words, the lion died. At that very moment the earth shook six times, and the birds and beasts were startled into flight; though there were no clouds, blood rained from the sky, and no light shone from the sun in the heavens.8 The hunter threw off his robes and cut off the lion's hide with his sword. Clutching it gleefully, he rushed home. Soon he presented it to the king, who was filled with wonder and delight and asked, "How did you acquire this hide?" The hunter explained in detail, as above, how he had plotted and succeeded in killing the lion. Hearing this, the king was shocked, and he wept with grief. As his tears fell, he said, "Long ago I heard a wise man say that beasts with golden hair are invariably Bodhisattvas.9 As a result of your evil plotting, you have killed a Bodhisattva. If I were to reward you with high offices and riches, I would be no better than you are!" He immediately had the man arrested and executed. The king took the lion's hide and climbed up the mountain. He found the spot where the lion had died, gathered a pile of sandalwood, and placed the lifeless remains upon the funeral pyre. Then he burned the hide and collected the bones and worshipped them. The "Lion who held firmly to his vows" of old is the Tathagata Sakyamuni of today; the king of that land is the Bodhisattva Maitreya of today.10 This story appears in H6ongy6.11 Notes 1Six fragments have been identified. See Shasei, pp. 39-41. 2In the details of the location (Harana-koku: see 1.4, n. 4; "Mountain of Sages" is Sensh6sen), Tamenori follows his cited source, H6ongyo (T 3:162c-63b). The story of the lion appears in other works, including
Page 134 134 The First Volume: The Buddha Gengukyo (T 4:438a-c), which is quoted in FYCL (T 53:558-59a), but in this case Tamenori seems to have consulted Hoongyd for at least some of the details (see following notes). 3The word for "self-enlightened sages" used here is engaku, a translation of pratyekabuddha. The pratyekabuddha is an individual who has achieved enlightenment through his own efforts, as distinguished from the sravaka (Japanese shimon), who hears the doctrine from others and is thereby enlightened, and the bodhisattva, who postpones the enlightenment he has achieved in this world in order to help others (Taya, Bukkyogaku jiten, pp. 42c-43a; BD 1:292b-95b). In some Mahayana satras, the pratyekabuddha is an object of great scorn since his enlightenment is "selfish," but there is no such pejorative nuance here. Hoongyo has the transliterated form byakushibutsu (as do Gengukyo and FYCL, but these versions do not specify how many "sages" there were). 4The name Kensei Shishi appears here as it does in H65ngyo and FYCL. Gengukyo has a transliterated Sanskrit name, Sakarabi, for which the reconstruction Samkalpa has been suggested (T Index 2:59b; Hikata, Honjokyorui, 2, p. 71). 5This is an interpolation; there is no direct parallel in the model texts, but a statement to this effect is to be found in a quotation in FYCL (T 53:428a) from Daih6d6 daijikkyo, and the same idea is repeated in the "Preface to the Third Volume." 6This speech closely follows the Hoongyo version. On the "Evil Realms," see 1.2, n. 3. The lion is afraid that he will be reborn again as an animal, or worse. "Separation from good companions" (i.e., zen'ya) means the inability to come into contact with guides and comrades who can help one toward spiritual progress. 7This verse is found in the Hoongyo version; in the Genguky5 and FYCL versions the lion utters an esoteric spell, followed in the text by an interpretation of the spell that shows its purport-respect for monksto be quite similar to that of the Hoongyo verse. 8The Maeda-ke bon says "the earth shook in six ways," while the TOji Kanchiin bon says "the earth shook six times," which is quite literally what the Hoongyo version has as well (see 1.1, n. 5). The other strange phenomena also signal the death of a Buddha-to-be and his rebirth as a Buddha. 9"Bodhisattva" here means an incipient Buddha. 10The identification of the lion with Sakyamuni appears at the end of the Hoongy5 version, but the king's identification with Maitreya (Miroku bosatsu, a Buddha of the future) appears only in the Gengukyo and FYCL versions, along with an identification of the hunter as Devadatta (see 1.4, n. 13). 11See n. 2.
1.9 The Deer King
pp. 135
Page 135 1.9 The Deer King 135 1.9 THE DEER KING (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) Long ago, there was a grove that stood in a vast meadow. Two Deer Kings lived there, and each was the leader of a large herd.1 When the king of the country came out on a hunt, all the deer ran away.2 Some fell into holes or collided with rocks and were injured or killed. In grief at the sight of this carnage, one of the Deer Kings decided to go and see the king.3 This Deer King was very large, and he had antlers of five colors.4 Everyone who saw him was amazed and impressed. The Deer King knelt and said to the king, "Whenever you go out to hunt, or when your courtiers go hunting, many deer are killed. Sometimes mothers are parted from their young, and that is especially tragic.5 A great many deer may be killed in a single day, and so many of them are simply left to rot! You cannot possibly need so many each day! If you will tell me how many your cooks require, I will deliver that many every day. Then the king will always have fresh meat, and we deer will survive a little longer." The king was impressed, and he said, "I can do easily with just one a day. I had no idea that so many of your herd were dying each time! What you have said is very reasonable; I will adopt your suggestion," and with these words of praise he abandoned the hunt and went home. The two Deer Kings took turns offering their subjects to the king on alternate days. With tears in their eyes, they would go to the deer chosen for the next day's sacrifice and give counsel, saying, "All living things must die. Who is spared this fate? Invoke the Buddha's name as you go. Do not go before them with a resentful heart."6 Then it happened that a pregnant deer in one of the herds was chosen, but she pleaded with her king, saying, "I will soon give birth to my child. I beg you, send another deer in my place and let me go another time. Once the expected child is born and raised, I will be willing to die."7 But the Deer King said angrily, "What makes you think that feelings should be a reason for excusing you from your turn?" Since he would not excuse her, the unhappy deer went to the other Deer King to complain. When he heard her story he exclaimed, "Ah, a mother's heart beset by grief-mourning a child that is not yet born!" In pity for her, he summoned the deer of his own herd who would be sent next and told him, "Go in her place today." But this deer complained, too. "Who does not covet even the shortest portion of his life?" he argued. "I know that it will be my turn
Page 136 136 The First Volume: The Buddha tomorrow, and it cannot be avoided. But to lose the one night I still have left by dying today-it is too cruel!" The Deer King said, "Yes, you have good reason to refuse. Very well; I myself will go in your place and give my own life." With these words, he left them.8 The king was amazed and bewildered. "Why has the Deer King himself come today? Are all the deer in your herd already gone?" "In the other herd there is a pregnant deer, and it was her turn today. When I heard her mourn the fate of her unborn child, I could not bear it, and so I decided to die in her place," replied the Deer King. The king's sorrow was deep, and he wept and said, "I maintain my own existence by taking the lives of many others. You sacrifice your own existence to save the lives of other creatures. I am truly ashamed!"9 Then the king uttered a verse: I am truly an animal! I should be called "the beast in human form." You may be an animal, But you should be called "the man in beastly form." Men are men if they have the true character of men; Men are not made men by their appearance! From this day forth, I shall no longer eat animals!10 Having made this vow, he gave an order to the nation: "Those who hunt will be treated as criminals." He also made the meadow where the deer lived into a park. This is the origin of what is known as the "Deer Park." It was there that the Buddha first propounded the Dharma.11 Also, the Deer King of old is the Tathagata Sakyamuni of today.12 This story appears in Rokudojikkyo.13 Notes 1Tamenori cites only Rokudojikkyo as his source (T 3:12b-13a), but I have found evidence that he referred to the version in Daichidoron (T 25:178b-c) as well (see notes following). In Daichidoron, this story is given as an illustration of the Buddha's freedom from attachment to mortal life and his practice of the "Perfection of Effort" (see also Lamotte, 2, pp. 972-75). There is only one Deer King in the Rokudojikkyo version, while two are clearly identified in Daichidoron: the Daichidoron version begins by identifying one Deer King with Sakyamuni, while the other is called "Devadatta."
Page 137 1.9 The Deer King 137 2Neither king nor country is named in Rokudojikkyo, or by Tamenori, but Daichidoron identifies them with transliterated forms of names that correspond to those in Pali jdtaka 12 (PJ 1:36-42). 3In specifying that only one of the two Deer Kings goes to plead for his herd, Tamenori appears to follow Daichidoron, where it is clear that this is the deer identified with Sakyamuni. 4Rokudojikky5 says his hide was of five colors; Daichidoron says his body had the colors of seven jewels. 5This particular point is not made in the Deer King's speech in either Rokudojikkyo or Daichidoron. The theme of compassion for the pregnant mother and her unborn child is the larger context in which this story is presented in the Pali jdtaka collection. 6Nothing that quite corresponds with this speech appears in Rokudojikkyo or Daichidoron. 71n Daichidoron it is clear that the protesting female deer is from the herd of the less admirable, inflexible Deer King identified with Devadatta. Her speech follows Daichidoron more closely than it does that in Rokudojikkyo, although part of her argument there-that two deaths will result, though only one is required-has been omitted. In the Pali jdtaka version this question of the proper treatment of pregnant females is the central issue. The introduction tells of a nun of Devadatta's order who was expelled when she was found to be with child. Sakyamuni received her in his order, and she gave birth to a virtuous son who faithfully served Buddhism. The narrative then presents the story of the Deer Kings as a demonstration of a predetermined, repeating pattern of events, contrasting Devadatta's inflexible and heartless adherence to regulations with Sakyamuni's compassion and willingness to overlook them. This in itself is a repeating pattern in the jdtaka genre. 8The attempt to find another deer from the sympathetic Deer King's herd to take the place of the pregnant doe does not occur in the Rokudojikkyo or Daichidoron versions. 9The king's speech is not to be found in either of the model texts. 10This is a condensed version of a gatha in Daichidoron (overlooked by Yamada); see T 25:178c; Lamotte, 2, p. 974. "lThe statement that these events led to the creation and naming of the "Deer Park" (Rokuon, the site of the Buddha's first discourses) does not occur in either of the model texts. A similar story is presented as "The History of the Deer Park" in Mahavastu (J. J. Jones, tr., The Mahavastu, 1, pp., 305-11). There are, however, several other stories about how the "Deer Park" came to be so named; see, for example, the version in Shutsuyoky5 (T 4:685b-c), which bears some resemblance to
Page 138 138 The First Volume: The Buddha the present tale. The story of the origins of the Deer Park given in Tat'ang hsi-yil-chi is basically the same as that given by Tamenori (T 51:906a-c). 12See n. 1. 13See n. 1.
1.10 The Himalaya Boy
pp. 139
Page 139 1.10 The Himalaya Boy 139 1.10 THE HIMALAYA BOY (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire1) Long ago there was someone who lived all alone in the Himalayas, and he was called "the Himalaya Boy."2 He drank elixirs and picked mushrooms and made his heart serene; thus did he cultivate the Way. Indra observed this and thought, "Fish give birth to many young, but few will grow into mature fish. The mango tree has many blossoms, but only a few of the flowers will turn into fruit. Men are the same. Many have the intention, but only a few become Buddhas.3 It is possible for every heart that seeks enlightenment to reach the Pure Land, but too many are too easily deterred; the fear of discomfort and the burden of diligence are too much for them, and so they are as easily swayed as is the moon's reflection when it is disturbed by waves; they are like soldiers clad in armor who nonetheless flee in terror when they face combat."4 So he resolved to go and put the heart of the youth to the test. At that time there was no Buddha in this world, and so, though the Himalaya Boy had sought far and wide for the Satras of the Great Vehicle, he could not find them.5 Suddenly he heard a dim voice saying, "All things are impermanent; They are entities that rise and fall."6 He was startled and looked about, but he could see no one. Then he noticed a demon standing nearby. His appearance was fierce and frightening. The hair on his head blazed like fire, and his teeth were like sabres. There was fury in his eyes as his glance darted in every direction. The boy saw him but he was not afraid. Rather, he was in rapturous wonder at the words he had heard spoken, just like a calf that has been parted from its mother for some years and then hears her lowing again in the distance.7 "Who is it that spoke those words? Surely there must be more to the verse!" he said, and he looked everywhere, but since there was no one else there, he wondered if it could have been this demon who had spoken. But he thought, "That is impossible!" He thought that the demon's form must be its punishment for past crimes. When he heard the verse, he knew that the words were those of the Buddha's teaching. He did not think it possible for such words to come out of the mouth of such a demon, but since there was no one else to be seen, he asked, "Can it be you who spoke these words?"
Page 140 140 The First Volume: The Buddha "Do not speak to me!" responded the demon. "I have gone for many days without eating, so I am weak and starving and can remember nothing. Besides, whatever I have said may have been a lie, for I was not even aware of what I was saying." But the boy said, "I have heard but half the verse, and I feel like I have seen but half the moon or found but half a jewel. It must have been you that spoke. I pray you, let me hear the rest of the verse." "If you had any insight at all," said the demon, "it would make no difference to you whether you heard the rest or not. I am near the point of starvation, and I have not the strength to say one word. This is too much. Ask me no more!" But the boy persisted. "If you have something to eat, will you then be able to speak?" "In that case, yes." "Then what will you eat?" the youth asked eagerly. "You had better not ask. If I tell you, you will certainly be very frightened. Even if I tell you, it is not something that you would be able to provide." The boy was insistent. "Nevertheless, tell me what it is. At least I can try to find it," he said, and so the demon told him, "I eat only the warm flesh of human beings and drink only their warm blood. I have been flying through the sky in search of nourishment, but I have found that, though the world is full of people, they have many ways of protecting themselves, and I cannot simply devour them as I would like." The boy thought, "I shall die today in order to hear the entire verse," and he said, "Here is your food; you need not look elsewhere. I am not yet dead, so my flesh is still warm. I am not yet grown cold, so my blood is still hot. So hurry, speak the rest of the verse, and then you may have this body of mine." The demon laughed and said, "Who can testify to the truth of what you say? I want a witness so that you can't hear the verse and then run away." "This body of mine will inevitably perish," argued the boy, "before I have accomplished a single act of merit. By giving up this filthy, impure body for the sake of the Law today, I know I will attain a pure and perfect body as a Buddha in the hereafter. It is like exchanging a clay pot for a jeweled vessel. Let Brahma, Indra, the Four Celestial Kings and all the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of the Ten Directions be my witnesses.8 I do not speak falsehoods." The demon relented. "If what you say is indeed the truth, I will speak the verse." The boy rejoiced, and he removed the deerskin robe he had been wearing and spread it out as a cushion for the propounder of the Law. He clasped his palms together and knelt on the ground and
Page 141 1.10 The Himalaya Boy 141 said, "Now, I beg you, let me hear the rest of the verse," and he concentrated and grew very reverent. The demon said, "The rest of the verse is as follows: When an entity has risen and fallen, That absolute extinction creates happiness."9 When he heard this, there was no limit to the boy's joy and awe. "I shall not forget it in all the worlds to come," he said, and he repeated the words many times so that they were engraved upon his heart. "How happy I am that I have been enlightened in this doctrine of the Void taught by the Buddha!10 How sad I am that only I have heard it and cannot convey it to others!" he thought, and so he wrote the verse on rocks and cliffs and on every one of the trees that stood by the road.1 "I hope that those who come here after me will see what I have written here," he said to himself, and then he climbed high up into a tree and threw himself down at the demon's feet. But even before the boy struck the ground, the demon reverted instantly to the form of Indra and caught the boy's body as it fell.12 He set the boy down on the ground and worshiped him, saying, "I have temporarily borrowed the Tathagata's verse, to see whether or not you have the heart of a Bodhisattva, but I have caused you to be distressed. I beg you, forgive me my sin, and grant me salvation in the future." Then Celestials appeared and sang the youth's praises: "Hail! Hail! This is truly a Bodhisattva!" By offering his life for half a verse, he transcended the sins of twelve kalpas of life and death.13 The "Himalaya boy" of old is the Tathagata Sakyamuni of today.14 This story appears in the Nirvana Satra.15 Notes O1ne fragment has been identified. See Shasei, p. 49. 2In the name Sessen Doji, sessen translates "Himalaya." The story of the ascetic youth tested by Indra appears as an episode from the previous lives of Sakyamuni described in the Nirvana Satra (T 12:449b51b), which Tamenori cites as his source. In some other versions, doji becomes daiji, "a great sage" (BGD 2:917c; e.g., in Mo-ho chih-kuan, T 46:272a). In the Nirvana Satra, the boy addresses Indra, disguised as a demon, as "daiji." The site of the boy's attempted suicide is described in Ta-t'ang hsi-yii-chi (T 51:882c-83a), but only briefly, and Tamenori does
Page 142 142 The First Volume: The Buddha not quote the description as he does in 1.11 and 1.12. The story was probably familiar in Japan from an early time through the widespread liturgical use of the Nirvana Satra and is one of the two stories illustrated on the Tamamushi no zushi. 3As Yamada pointed out (Ryakucha, p. 61), this part of Indra's internal monologue appears as a verse he utters in the Daichidoron version of the story of Sibi (i.e., 1.1; see T 25:88a; Lamotte, 1, p. 257). However, Yamada failed to mention that similar lines also appear in the Nirvana Satra (T 12:450a). He did observe that there is an allusion to this verse in Okagami but placed it incorrectly in the chapter on Emperor Ichijo; it occurs in the biography of Emperor Go-Ichij6 (NKBT 21:60; see also Helen McCullough, tr., Okagami, the Great Mirror, p. 86). The Okagami allusion is very probably based on the verse as it appears in Ojoybsha (T 84:45c; also overlooked by Yamada). Hosaka Hiroji (Okagami shinko, 1, p. 177) mistakenly takes issue with the note on this passage in Okagami uragaki, which in fact reproduces the verse exactly as it appears in the Nirvana Satra (see GR 16:232-33). 4A "heart that seeks enlightenment" is bodaishin (bodhicitta), the determination to seek salvation, which is a Bodhisattva's initial resolve (Taya, Bukkyagaku jiten, pp. 407c-8b). The term appears in the Nirvana Satra a few lines before the verse discussed in the preceding note. The rest of Indra's internal monologue (including the figures of the moon's reflection and the frightened soldiers) is an adaptation of this passage. 5This is an adaptation of a line in the Nirvana Satra: "He had not heard that the Tathagata was present in the world, nor the names of the Satras of the Great Vehicle (daijokyo)" (T 12:449b). Though the youth has been searching and striving, he has not yet found the key to enlightenment. 6In the Maeda-ke bon, "he heard a dim voice" becomes "it sounded like the wind" (Shusei, p. 47). 7The Buddha, narrating this episode in the Nirvana Satra, employs a number of similes to describe his reaction to hearing the first half of the verse, but the simile employed by Tamenori is not among them. From this point on, Tamenori's adaptation becomes rather free, and much of the verbiage in the original is abbreviated and reduced to the dialogue between the boy and the demon. Among other things thus eliminated is material dealing with the philosophical significance of the verse; its effect is thus rendered somewhat more mystical than in the original. 8Brahma (Bon'o) dwells in a "meditation heaven" (which bears his name) and governs the world of mortal beings (BD 4:3426a-29b). He frequently appears with Indra to "give witness." The four Celestial
Page 143 1.10 The Himalaya Boy 143 Kings (Shidaiten'o) are guardians of the four directions (and of Buddhism in general) (BD 2:1958a-59b). The "ten directions" are the four cardinal points plus southwest, southeast, northwest, northeast, and up and down (Taya, Bukkyogaku jiten, p. 68c). This list of invoked witnesses is formulaic. 9The verse is actually a simple definition of nirvana. 10The expression "doctrine of the Void" (munashiki oshie) does not occur in the model text. It is a nontechnical summation of the verse. 110n the left side of the panel illustrating this story on the Tamamushi no zushi, the boy is shown writing the verse on rocky cliffs. 12The boy's fall through the air out of the tree toward Indra's arms is depicted in the center of the Tamamushi no zushi panel. 13The Nirvana Satra continues with a list of many other benefits of the boy's act. 14This identification is clear from the beginning of the story in the Nirvana SCtra; it is narrated by the Buddha himself in the first person. 15See n. 1.
1.11 Prince Mahāsattva
pp. 144
Page 144 144 The First Volume: The Buddha 1.11 PRINCE MAHASATTVA (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-girel) Long ago there was a king. He had three sons. The eldest son was called Mahapala. The second son was called Mahadeva. The youngest was called Mahasattva.2 One day the king went out to take his pleasure in a mountain grove. The princes accompanied him. They came to a large bamboo grove and saw a tiger that had given birth to seven cubs. She was on the verge of starvation, weakened and withered. It seemed that she was close to death. The eldest prince exclaimed, "How sad! Seven days have passed since this tiger gave birth. She has seven cubs. She has been searching constantly for food, and so she herself is starving and is about to devour her own children." Prince Sattva asked, "What does she usually eat?" "Tigers eat only the warm flesh of human beings," his brother told him. The second eldest brother said, "That is indeed very hard to find. Maybe someone will sacrifice himself in order to save her," but his elder brother observed, "Of all things, there is nothing harder to give up than one's own life." But the youngest brother said, "We protect and covet our own lives only because we are not enlightened. A wise man would sacrifice his own life in order to save that of another creature," while in his own heart he reflected: "This body of mine has been reborn in many ages since the distant past and has died many times in vain, and since there is no merit to be gained by simply letting it spoil and decay, why should I not use it to save this tiger here and now?" Speaking thus among themselves, the three princes were deeply moved, and they found themselves unable to take their eyes off the tiger. Finally they left, but with every step along the way Prince Sattva grew more pensive. "If I am going to sacrifice my life, this is the time to do it," he thought. "This body is putrid and impure. There is no reason to treasure and pamper it. It is as fragile as a bubble. It knows as much fear as if it faced an army of soldiers. It is a construct of sinews and bones, a mass of flesh and blood. All those who are enlightened thoroughly despise it. Let me give it up and fully attain the ultimate degree of concentration and wisdom, so that I may gain a state of pure, wondrous Buddhahood replete with very virtue."3 Though he had reached this decision, he was afraid that his two brothers would try to stop him, so he said to them, "You two, please go
Page 145 1.11 Prince Mahasattva 145 on ahead. I will come a little later." His brothers, suspecting nothing, continued on without him. Then Prince Sattva ran back into the forest and soon reached the tiger's lair. He tore off his clothes and hung them on the bamboo branches.4 "For the sake of all sentient beings in the Dharma world," he proclaimed, "I am seeking to attain the highest Way. I will now give up this human body that the ignorant love, in order to have the great compassion for which the sages strive."5 So saying, he approached the tiger and fell at her feet.6 Because of the power of compassion, the tiger would not eat him. He thought, "This tiger is so tired and weak, it is not even capable of devouring me," so he stood up and broke off a stalk of dead bamboo and slashed his throat with it so that the blood ran out, and again he went up and stood close by the tiger. At that moment the earth shook and rolled like waves upon the sea when stirred by the wind; the light of the sun disappeared from the sky, and there was darkness everywhere; flowers rained out of the sky and fell in torrents all over the forest.7 When the starving tiger saw the blood running from the prince's throat, she lapped it up, and then she devoured his flesh, leaving only his bones. The prince's brothers said to one another, "The earth moves and the light is gone from the sky! Flowers are falling, filling up the sky! This can only mean that our brother has taken pity on the tiger and has sacrificed his life for her."8 Alarmed, they ran back to the spot and saw their brother's clothes hanging on the bamboo. The blood he had spilt had soaked into the ground. There was a corpse of bones and dishevelled hair, full of perfume. When they saw this they were utterly griefstricken, and they threw themselves down upon the remains. Weeping, they cried, "Our brother was very handsome, and our mother and father doted on him. They will wonder why we all went out together but returned without him, and why he has sacrificed himself. What will we tell them?" and they wailed and wept. Finally, they went home, but because they were afraid they did not go to the king. They asked their brother's servants, "Where can he be? Go and find him!" At this time their mother, the queen, was in the palace, asleep in a high tower. She had three dreams. Her breasts burst open and blood ran out. One of her canine teeth fell out. One of three doves was captured by a hawk. When the earth shook, she awoke. Her breasts were indeed dripping with blood. She was wondering and worrying about this when one of her servants ran in and said, "Have you not heard? Everyone is looking high and low for the princes, but it seems they are nowhere to be found!"
Page 146 146 The First Volume: The Buddha The queen was shocked and bewildered, and she went to the king and said, "Have you lost my sons?" The king himself was shocked, and he wept; he sent many more people to go and search in the forest. Then one of his ministers came forward and said, "The two elder princes are here, but Prince Sattva still has not been found." The king wept again and said, "What grief! When first my son was born to me, how happy and joyous I was! Now I have lost him, and how I suffer and lament!" Once again the minister came forward and informed them, "The prince has indeed sacrificed himself." The king and queen were overcome, and, still in tears, they went together to the spot and fell together upon the ground. They poured water over the remains, and after a while their voices returned to them. "If only we had died before our son, we would not then have known this misery!" they said, and their bodies shook with weeping. They beat their chests and rolled on the ground like fish cast up on the shore. They gathered up the bones and placed them in a stapa. The Prince Sattva of old is the Tathagata Sakyamuni of today.9 This story appears in the Saishookyo.10 [This is a record of events in India.]11 In the Record of Travels to the Western Regions it says: The earth and trees and plants there are still red. It is as if they have been painted with blood. When people step upon this place they are startled to find their body stinging as if pierced by rose thorns. [Believers as well as nonbelievers,] all, without exception, lament, and there are none who do not feel that pain.12 Notes 1One fragment has been identified. See Shasei, p. 55. 2In Konk6my6 saishookyo (T 16:450c-53a), which Tamenori acknowledges as his source, the king's name is Daisha, apparently a translation of Maharatha. In Gengukyi his name appears as a transliteration of Maharatna (T 4:352c). The kingdom is not named in either case. In a sfitra devoted entirely to a version of this tale (Bosatu tbshin shigako kito innengy6 [On the origins of the stfpa commemorating the Bodhisattva's sacrifice to the starving tigers], T 3:424b-28a), all the characters have different names. Tamenori's version does appear to be based directly on the Konkomyo saishooky6 rather than on the version in FYCL (T 53:989c-91a), which is a quotation from Konkomy6kyo. He
Page 147 1.11 Prince Mahasattva 147 gives the names of the three princes in the same transliterated forms that appear in Konkomyo saishookyo (i.e., Makahara, Makadaiba, Makasatta). Hereafter, Tamenori abbreviates the name of the hero to "Prince Sattva" (Satta oji). Though the story is not found in the P&li jetaka collection, it is included in Jatakamala (see Speyer, tr., pp. 2-8; see also Hikata, Honjokybrui, 2, p. 34). There is also a very short version of the story in Daichidoron (T 25:179b-c). Like the preceding story of the Himalaya boy, this story was widely known in Japan from an early time through the liturgical use of Konkomyo saishookyo, and it is the subject of the other illustrated panel of the Tamamushi no zushi. 3The special interacting effect of concentration and wisdom (joe) was defined in the opening section of 1.5. 4This is depicted in one corner of the Tamamushi no zushi panel. 5In the Konkomyo saishookyo these sentiments are expressed in a verse; Tamenori abbreviates and simplifies it (T 16:451c-52a). 6The Tamamushi no zushi panel shows Mahasattva plummeting from a precipice and then being devoured by the tiger; graphically, this parallels the Himalaya boy's fall out of the tree on the opposite panel. 7Again, nature bears witness to the death of an incipient Buddha. 8The TOji Kanchiin bon reads sora ni shirinu, an idiom that means "we know intuitively." The Maeda-ke bon reads sadamete shirinu, "we know without doubt." The latter duplicates the passage in Konkomyo saishookyo. The characters for sora and sadamete could easily have been interchanged. 9This identification is implicit in Konkomyo saishookyo, where Sakyamuni narrates the story as an experience recalled from one of his own previous lives. 10See n. 2. 11This line may mean "this appears in Indian records," in which case it may refer to the following quotation from Ta-t'ang hsi-ya-chi. The line appears only in the Toji Kanchiin bon. Obviously, all the tales in the first volume are about "events in India," and all are based on texts that are ultimately of Indian origin. Yamada suggested that this is probably a copyist's marginal note that has strayed into the text (Ryakucha, p. 69). 12Tamenori refers to Hstian-tsang's account of his sixteen year tour of India (629-645) by the abbreviated title Saiikki (i.e., Hsi-yii-chi). The Chinese pilgrim describes a "great stone gate" marking the site, and a nearby stfipa, in a region called Sirphapura. Tamenori's translation is rather loose compared to the original (T 51:885c): About two hundred leagues southeast of the Sindhu River we passed through a stone gate. This is the place where long ago
Page 148 148 The First Volume: The Buddha Prince Mahasattva cast his body to the starving tigers. About one hundred forty or fifty paces to the south is a stapa. Mahasattva pitied the tigers in their weakened state. He came here and cut his throat with a piece of dried bamboo and fed them his own blood. Ah, how those beasts devoured it! Some of it fell upon the plants thereabouts. They still retain the marks of red color, stained by that blood. People who step on the spot feel as if they have been pricked by thorns and needles. Whether a believer or a nonbeliever, there is no one who is not saddened by this tale. To the north of the spot where he sacrificed himself is a stapa, about two hundred feet high. It was built by King Asoka. Hstian-tsang's visit to the site is depicted in the early Kamakura-period scroll based on his life and travel writings, Genjo Sanzo e; see Zoku Nihon emaki taisei 7, pp. 156-59. For "believers as well as nonbelievers" in Tamenori's version, the TOji Kanchiin bon has kokoro aru mono mo kokoro naki mono mo, an apparent mistranscription; the Maeda-ke bon is better, with shinjin contrasted with mushinjin.
1.12 Prince Sudāna
pp. 149
Page 149 1.12 Prince Sudana 149 1.12 PRINCE SUDANA (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire1) Long ago there was a king of the land of Sibi, and he had only one son, whose name was Suddna.2 His body was extraordinary, and it shone luminously. In his heart he had great sympathy for others. Poor people from near and far came to him to beg for alms. The king had entrusted all his treasures to him, and whatever the prince was asked for he gave away. The king had one albino elephant. It was as strong as sixty elephants. Whenever enemies invaded the country, this elephant always overcame them. One enemy king devised a plot. He disguised eight men as beggars, dressing them in deerskins and giving them staffs to carry, and he sent them to the prince to ask for the elephant. The prince thought, "This is one of the king's great treasures. To lose it would surely be a crime," but when they repeated their request he thought, "Were I to refuse their request, I would violate my fundamental vow," and so he put a golden saddle on the elephant and gave it to them. All eight of them climbed onto the elephant, and, rejoicing and laughing, they departed. The king's ministers were alarmed, and they went to the king and said, "The prince is exhausting the treasury with his charity, and all of the storehouses will soon be empty. Now he has taken the elephant and given it to our enemy, and the nation is on the verge of destruction. He must be severely censured." The king was terribly alarmed and very unhappy. The ministers insisted that the prince be banished and sent beyond the borders of the kingdom. "Let him be sent deep into the mountains and kept there for twelve years," they demanded. The king assented and sent couriers to carry out the order. They were told to say: "The treasured elephant was our protection against our enemies. By giving it to the enemy you have destroyed the kingdom. Such a deed cannot be forgiven. Leave the kingdom immediately and go to the Dapnaka Mountains."3 The prince responded, "The king entrusted all of his treasures to me and told me to use them as I thought best. The elephant, too, was one of these treasures, and I thought it was included among those entrusted to me, and so I gave it away without consulting him. But I would not dare to defy his command." The prince had a wife who was the daughter of a king. She was extraordinarily beautiful and extremely good-hearted. They had two small children, a boy and a girl. The prince woke his wife from her sleep and said, "Get up, quickly. Have you not heard? The king has banished me and has ordered me to go to the Dap.nlaka Mountains."
Page 150 150 The First Volume: The Buddha His wife was bewildered. "What is the reason for this?" she asked. The prince replied, "It is because I gave the elephant away," and his wife wept and said, "I shall go too." The prince said, "Those mountains are very far away. The sky is always cloudy and dark and full of thunder, and the rain never stops. The place is full of tigers and wolves and other fierce beasts, and there are many poisonous creatures. The mountains are full of rocky cliffs. The paths are covered with thorny bushes. There is never a moment free from fear. There is no place to walk with ease. We have been brought up in palaces and have never known worldly suffering. Suddenly we will find ourselves in the wilderness, where we will have to live on nuts and fruits and sleep on a bed of grass. How will you be able to bear it? Please, stay here." But his wife said, "There may indeed be all those hardships, but what of the hardship of separation? I depend upon you as a child depends upon its parent. Even if it means going with you and dying together, I shall not violate my vows to you." And so the prince relented, and they went together to his mother, the queen. The prince said, "You must not have another thought for me. But you must go on serving the king faithfully. If the government adopts policies that are likely to cause suffering to the people, you must speak out clearly." The queen wept and said, "My body is like a stone, my heart is no longer within me. You are my only child. Even if I could gaze upon you forever, I would never tire of it. Since I heard that you must go so far away, my spirit has faltered, and I have lost my senses. When I was pregnant with you, I was as happy as a tree when it bears its blossoms. Since I gave birth to you, I have doted on you as a tree dotes on the fruit it bears. I never thought that you would leave this kingdom and go so far away, abandoning me here," and she gazed into his face as they all wept without respite. Twenty thousand ladies-in-waiting and four thousand ministers also wept in grief over this parting. And when the prince left the palace, all the people wept as they watched him go. They filled the roads, and their wailing voices echoed throughout the kingdom. The prince had sent back those who had seen him off and had gone a great distance when a man came to him and asked him for a horse. He got off his own horse and gave it to the man. He continued on, and another man asked him for his cart. He made his wife get out of the cart and gave it to the man. Then many people came and asked them for their clothes. The prince and his wife and their children all removed their clothes and gave them all away.
Page 151 1.12 Prince Sudana 151 Since all their companions had gone away, the prince carried his son and his wife carried her daughter, and they continued on foot for a long time. It was a very great distance to the mountains from their kingdom. There were people who could have given them a place to rest along the way, but they were forbidden to do so by order of the king. After three weeks of hard travel they reached the DanIlaka Mountains with unusual speed. At the foot of the mountains was a big river. He helped his wife, and they crossed it. In the mountains lived an ascetic.4 They looked for him, and when they found him, they asked where they might live in the mountains and told him that they wished to cultivate the Way. The ascetic was impressed, and he pitied them and suggested a place where they might live. The prince built three huts in a row by the edge of a cliff in the mountains. He took up residence in one of them. His wife lived in another, and he let his children play in the third. The boy was seven years old, and he followed his father everywhere he went. The daughter was six years old, and she followed her mother everywhere she went. They all drank spring water and ate the fruits of the trees. Thus did they live for days and months, with the water of the valley stream flowing gently, the mountain birds singing sadly. Sometimes they went to visit the ascetic and made vows to practice the Way with him. At that time, in a distant kingdom called Kuru, there lived a poor, feeble old man.5 His hair was white, his face was black, his eyes festered, his mouth twisted. He looked altogether like a demon. He had a young, nagging wife. "When I go to draw water," she complained, "everyone who sees me laughs spitefully. If you won't hire a servant, I will leave you." "I am a poor man. Who can I hire?" the old man replied. "I have heard that Prince Sudana has been exiled deep in the mountains," said his wife. "I believe he has two children. If you go and ask him for them, he is sure to give them to you," and upon this suggestion the old man took up his walking stick and made his way to the place where the prince was living. The prince's wife had gone off to gather fruit. The two children were so frightened at the sight of the old man that they ran off and hid. The old man said, "I have just travelled a very long way. My whole body aches, and I am weak with hunger, too." The prince felt sorry for him and gave him hot water to drink and fruit to eat. "Word of your generosity brought me here," said the old man. "I have already used up all my treasures," responded the prince. "I am old and poor, and it is hard to get through even the few days that are left me," the old man pleaded. "Give me your two children so
Page 152 152 The First Volume: The Buddha that they can help me in my dotage." He repeated this earnest entreaty three times. The prince wept because his love for his children was boundless, but the old man's account of his suffering only grew more poignant. "The belief that I would help you has brought you all this way!" said the prince. "I cannot refuse your request." The old man was delighted. The prince called out to his children, but they were hiding and would not answer. The prince went to look for them, and when he found them he said, "Do you acknowledge me as your father? Then you must go with this old man." But they hid in his arms and wailed and wept. "This old man is a demon," they cried. "To send us with him is to kill us. When mother comes back and looks for us, she will run wild like a mother cow who has lost her calves, and you, father-what of your own regret and sorrow? Please, wait until mother comes back." But the old man protested. "If their mother comes, she is sure to interfere. If you really intend to grant me my request, then do so quickly, and let us go."6 The prince forced himself to scold his children and took them by the hand to give them over, whereupon the earth shook and swayed.7 The children broke loose and hid among the folds of the prince's clothing, saying, "What sins could we have committed in the past that cause us now to meet with this trial! We were born from the seed of kings, and now we will be the servants of peasants!" and they both wept. But the prince scolded them again. "Parents and children must inevitably be parted forever," he said. "Nothing in this world is permanent. There is nothing one can depend upon. But when I become a Buddha, I myself shall lead you to salvation." With these chastening words, he once more tried to hand them over, but still they lamented that they would part forever from their mother without having seen her face once more, and they wept and cried, "Why is mother so late in coming home today, of all days? We are about to go away. If only she would come home soon so that we can see her!" and they collapsed in tears upon the ground and would not go. The old man said, "I am old and weak, and my legs are so lame that I can hardly walk. What shall I do if these children run away from me to their mother? You must tie them together and give them to me." The prince consented and held the two children by the arms while the old man came up and tied them together. The old man took hold of the rope and pulled, but they fought back and would not move. Then the old man beat them with a stalk of bamboo. Their blood ran out and stained the earth. The prince stood watching this in the yard, and his tears fell upon the ground. Once more the earth shook and swayed, and the creatures of the mountain wailed and whimpered. As the prince stood watching, his children disappeared into the distance.
Page 153 1.12 Prince Suddna 153 When their mother returned, she found their father alone. She asked three times about her children, but he would not answer. She questioned him relentlessly, and finally he told her, "A poor old man came and asked for them, so I gave them to him." She fell upon the ground and collapsed in a heap. She wept and wailed loudly. "Oh, where have my children gone, and with whom, and without me! Sleeping and waking, they were always at my left and right. If I was carrying fruit in my arms, they scampered up to ask for some; if there was dust on me, they fought for the privilege of brushing it off. They played and frolicked and rolled on the ground and made models of birds and animals, and the traces of their little games still lie here and there; the sight adds to my grief, and my heart is about to break. Please, just tell me which way they went. I will run after them and find them!" she cried, weeping wildly all the while.8 "Your vows to me include a promise never to defy my wishes, no matter what trials befall us," admonished the prince. "Now your cries of grief are twisting my heart and confusing me, in violation of your vow." But despite his scolding, she wept hysterically and would not get up. After a little while a man came and said, "I have heard that you have a wife of great beauty and intelligence. Give her to me." "Indeed, it is just as you say," the prince replied. "She has just come home. I will let you have her." His wife heard this and said, "If I am taken away, who will stay with you and look after you?" "Were I to refuse to give you up," replied the prince, "I would betray my vow to fulfill any request that is made of me," and so he took her and handed her over, whereupon the earth shook and swayed again. The man took hold of the prince's wife and had gone seven steps, but the prince felt no regret. The man came back and gave the prince back his wife. "I am Indra," he said.9 "When I saw you give your children away, I decided to test you by asking you for your wife. What do you wish for? It will be yours!" He reverted to the form of Indra. The prince's wife bowed to him and said, "I ask that you make the man who took my children away decide to sell them, and that they be sent to our native land. I ask that they be protected and that they may never know hunger or suffering. And I ask that the prince may soon be returned to our native land." The prince said, "I only wish that I may find the Way of the Buddha and may save sentient beings, and that I may continue to give things in charity to others," whereupon Indra intoned their praises"Excellent, excellent!"-and disappeared. By this time the old man had reached home with the two children. But his wife said, "These children are not capable of doing the work of servants. Sell them and buy a slave-girl!" And so the old man went to the
Page 154 154 The First Volume: The Buddha neighboring kingdom to sell the children, but he lost his way and happened to come to the palace where they had once lived. Everyone who saw them said, "These are the prince's children, the grandchildren of the king!" When the king heard about this, he sent for the old man and questioned him. "I asked for them, and the prince gave them to me," he reported. "I came here to sell them." The king was filled with sorrow and wanted to take the children on his knee, but they would not go to him. "Have they forgotton me?" he wondered. "We were once the grandchildren of a great king," they said, "but now we are the servants of peasants." The king wept and embraced them anyway, and he asked what the price for them was, but the old man was speechless. The children said, "The price for the boy must be small, and the price for the girl must be great." "And why is that?" asked the king. "The prince was the son of the king of the land," said the boy, "and yet he was exiled deep into the distant mountains and met with many hardships. So a boy must be worthless. His ladies-in-waiting were daughters of peasants, but they still serve in the palace of his father amidst many luxuries. So a girl must be worth more." When the king heard this, his sorrow was even greater, and he said, "These words are very wise indeed-and from an eight-year-old child!" He gave the old man some money and sent him away. Then he asked the young prince, "How fares my son?" "He lives by eating fruit and nuts and such," replied the boy. The king wept even more and sent a courier to the prince. When the courier found the prince, he conveyed the king's words: "'Since the prince left, the queen and I have pined and sorrowed for him. We do not eat, we cannot sleep, and as the months and years pass we grow more weak and feeble every day, and our very lives will soon be in danger. Come back quickly and let us see you!' This is the king's message," said the courier. The prince said, "The king's sentence for my crime was for twelve years. Only one year has passed. When all the years of the sentence have passed, I will be ready to go back." The courier returned and reported to the king. Then the king himself wrote a letter that said, "The prince is a man of great wisdom. When he went away, I thought highly of him; upon his return, I shall respect him all the more. As long as he is angry with me and will not come back, I will wait, but I will eat nothing until then." When the prince read the king's letter, he thought about how the queen must be pining for him, and so he left the hut and climbed into the
Page 155 1.12 Prince Sudana 155 carriage that had been sent for him. He cast a look back toward the mountains, and he wept. The people of the kingdom rejoiced, and they swept the road and burned incense and played music to welcome him back. The king of the enemy country put an ornamental saddle on the albino elephant he had begged from the prince and decorated it with many jewels. He filled golden bowls with silver millet and steel bowls with silver [and gold] millet,10 and he sent a courier at once to express his repentance, saying, "In ignorance I begged this of you, and my crime caused the prince to be judged a criminal. When I heard that he had been sent to the mountains, I could not bear my sorrow. Now I hear that he has returned to the palace, and there is no limit to my rejoicing. I am returning the albino elephant, and with it this offering of golden millet. I ask you to set my heart at rest by forgiving me my crime." The prince sent the elephant back again with expressions of the pleasure he had taken in the message. His own father, the king, rode out on an elephant to meet him, and when the queen saw her son, she was filled with joy, and they greeted each other affectionately. The king gave away all his treasures, keeping nothing back, and the prince's acts of charity exceeded all that had gone before. Thereafter, the houses of the people of the land all prospered, and there were no thieves, and no more prisons. All the other countries followed the example of the enemy king and put a stop to their fighting, and the whole world was at peace.11 Prince Sudana of old is the Tathagata Sakyamuni of today.12 This story appears in Taishi Shuda[i]naky6 and Rokudojikkyo.13 In the Record of Travels to the Western Regions it says: In the Dapdaka Mountains there stands a stapa. This is where the prince lived long ago. Nearby there is another stapa. This is the spot where the prince handed over his children. When the Brahman took the children and beat them, their blood ran out and stained the earth. Even now it is said that all the trees and grasses there are red.14 Notes 1Six fragments have been identified. See Shasei, pp. 63-67. 2In all the versions of this tale from which Tamenori seems to have drawn material-Taishi Shudainakyo, Rokudojikkyo, and FYCL-the name of the kingdom is written Sheba, a transliteration of Sibi (T
Page 156 156 The First Volume: The Buddha 3:419a, 7c; T 53:879b; T Index 2:75a, 92a). This form also appears in the Maeda-ke bon, whereas the Toji Kanchiin bon has Shakuhara, and Hobutsusha, perhaps on this model, has Sh6hara (Ryakucha, p. 80). This transliteration of the name of the prince, Shudaina, appears in all these versions. The Maeda-ke bon and TOji Kanchiin bon both read Shudana, though with inconsistent orthography (see Shasei, p. 65; Ryakucha, p. 80). The story of Sudana is one of the most familiar in jdtaka literature. In the Pali jetaka 547 his name is Vessantara (PJ 6:246ff); in Jdtakamala, it is Visvantara (Speyer, tr., p. 93). Daichidoron makes only brief mention of the tale but does so in association with the tales of Sibi (1.1) and Mahasattva (1.11) (T 25:304c). Mori has suggested that the FYCL recension of Taishi Shudainakyo may have been Tamenori's main reference ("Sanboe no seiritsu to H6on jurin," p. 22), but it has been shown that the satra itself must have also been in Tamenori's hands, since certain passages eliminated from the FYCL version appear as details or dialogue in the Sanb6e version. Furthermore, some details correspond only to the Rokudojikky6 version (Shasei, p. 451; see also notes following). For a translation of Taishi Shudainakyo, see Eduard Chavannes, Cinq cents contes et apologues extraits du Tripitaka Chinois 3, pp. 362-95. 3The Danýaka (Dandoku) Mountains are a range in the Gandhara region (BD 4:3520c-21c). 4The ascetic (gy6nin) is identified in Taishi Shudainakyo as "a devotee of the study of the Way" (gakudosha; T 3:421a); Rokudojikkyo has d6shi ("sage" or "holy man") and names him Ashada (Acyuta) (T 3:9a; see also KMJ 4a). 5Although the name "Kuru" is written in slightly different ways in the reference texts, Tamenori duplicates the form found in Taishi Shudainakyo and Rokudojikkyo rather than that in FYCL. These two texts identify the man in Kuru as "a poor old Brahman." 6The discussion between the prince, his children, and the old man corresponds roughly to Taishi Shudainaky6 (T 3:422a-b); it does not occur in FYCL. 7Here, and in the two repetitions that follow, the shaking of the earth is a response to the prince's ultimate sacrifices, which prove that he is a Buddha-to-be. 8The mother's collapse and her impassioned speech are based on passages in Rokudojikkyo (T 3:10a); no such speech occurs in the other versions. 9In all the versions to which Tamenori referred, it is clear from his first appearance that this "man" is Indra in disguise. Tamenori builds suspense by withholding this information. He also eliminates a long passage in which the prince explains to his wife that they have
Page 157 1.12 Prince Sudana 157 confronted these same troubles in their previous lives (compare Taishi Shudainakyo, T 3:422c). 10The Maeda-ke bon is the most consistent here, including both silver and gold millet, as does Taishi Shudainakyo (Shusei, p. 70; T 3:423c). 11This part of the happy ending is based on Rokudojikky5 (T 3:12a); the other versions have nothing similar. 12Sakyamuni, narrating the story in Rokudojikkyo, makes this identification explicit at both the beginning and the end. 13See n. 2. 14As in the previous tale, Tamenori's quotation from Ta-t'ang hsiyii-chi is rather free (see T 51:881b; see also Watters, 1, p. 217). Some twenty leagues to the northeast of the city of Paluga we reached Mount Dandaloka. On top of the peak is a stapa, erected by King Asoka. This was the site of Prince Sudana's hermitage. Nearby is another stapa. On this site the prince gave his children to the Brahman. When the Brahman beat the children, their blood ran out and stained the earth. Even today the plants retain their red color. On the mountain is a cave where the prince and his wife practiced austerities. The branches of the trees in the valley droop as if to form a curtain. Alongside is the spot where the prince's journey ended. Nearby is a stone cottage. There is where the ascetic used to live.
1.13 Śyāma
pp. 158
Page 158 158 The First Volume: The Buddha 1.13 SYAMA (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire1) Long ago there was an elder who lived in the kingdom of Kapilavastu.2 Both he and his wife were very old, and both of them were blind in both eyes. They had only one child, and his name was Sydma.3 [In some texts his name is Zenshin.]4 In his heart he cherished the Ten Good Practices, and he looked after his two parents diligently.5 His father and mother wanted to go deep into the mountains to practice the Way of the Buddha. But they were reluctant to leave their only son at home, and besides, they knew of no one who could lead them into the mountains. So the months and years passed in vain, and their dreams remained unrealized. Sydma said to them, "Why should you concern yourselves about me, and why, on my account, should you hesitate to fulfill your greatest wish? Nothing in this world is permanent. There is no way to live forever. It is best to carry out your plans without delay. I will go with you and take care of you." His father and mother rejoiced, and they immediately put their household things in order and gave them all away to the poor. Then Sydma led his parents deep into the mountains. He built a hut of straw, spread layers of rush mats, collected water from springs, and gathered the fruits of the mountain trees. Every morning he went out to gather fruit, but he would not eat it by himself. Every night without fail he woke three times to find out if they were too cold or too warm. He looked after his parents by himself, and thus the months and years piled up, and all the birds and animals came to know his compassionate heart, and they sang about it. One day his parents asked him for water. He went down into the valley to fetch it, wearing a deerskin cloak, and when he bent down with his jug to scoop up the water among the deer who had also gathered to drink, he looked just as if he were one of them. Just then the king of that country had come into the mountains to hunt, and when he saw the deer, he shot at them, and by mistake his arrow struck Syama in the chest. Syama fell and cried out, "Who is it that with this one arrow has slain three people? An elephant is slain for its tusks. A rhinoceros is slain for its horn. But there is nothing to take from me, so why do you slay me?" When the king heard this voice, he realized with shock that this was a man, and he got off his horse and went up to him. "Who are you? You look just like a deer, and that is how I came to shoot you, by mistake!" he said.
Page 159 1.13 Syama 159 "I live here in the mountains," answered Sydma, "looking after my aged parents." The king wept when he heard this, and all his attendants also wept. At that moment a great wind suddenly began to blow, breaking branches off the trees, and all the birds cried mournfully, and all the animals scurried and screeched; the sun went dark, and there was no light in the sky; thunder was heard, and the earth shook.6 The king grew frightened, and he said, "By mistake I have killed a filial son. This is a very heavy sin. How sad, to have come in search of a small morsel only to reap this heavy weight of sin. What can I do to keep you alive?" Still weeping, he tried to pull the arrow out with his own hands, but it was deeply lodged and would not come out. "Do not blame yourself, oh king," said Sydma. "This is the result of sins in my own past. I do not regret the loss of my own life, but I am very sorry for my father and mother. They are very old, and both of them are blind. After one day without me they are sure to die." This made the king even sadder, and he wept again and said, "If, in the end, you do not live, I shall not go home again. I shall remain here in the mountains forever and take care of your parents in your place. May all the deities, dragons, and divine creatures bear witness. I will not break this vow." When Syama heard this, there was no limit to his joy and admiration. "If the king will indeed take care of my parents, I have no reason to be sorry to die." "But before you die," said the king, "tell me where your parents are." "If you follow this narrow path, you will soon come upon a small grass hut," Sydma told him. "You will find them there. Go calmly and step softly; do not startle them, please. Plan what you will say to them carefully, or they will be overwhelmed by the shock. But do not fail to convey these words: 'Men cannot live forever, and from this moment I shall be parted from you forever. I am worried about who will take care of you, and how you will manage to live out the rest of your days. Such worries are making it hard for my spirit to accept death peacefully. Yet, death is the way that we must all take in the end; no one can escape it. I absolutely forbid you to mourn for me; there is nothing to be gained in lamentation.' And tell them that I died giving them the assurance that they will meet their son again in the next life, and he will never neglect them or leave them again," and with these last words, he died. Hearing this, the king and all his attendants wept and raised their voices together in grief. Then they followed the path he had shown them, and soon they came to the hut. When the two blind parents heard the noise of the crowd, they asked, "Who is there?"
Page 160 160 The First Volume: The Buddha The king replied, "I am the king of this land. I heard that you have come into the mountains to practice the Way. The truth is, I came here to bestow an offering on you." They were very surprised, and said, "We are deeply honored. Can we offer you a fresh mat of straw on which to be seated? Rest here a while, if you will." And so saying, they spread out the mat. The king asked them, "Do you find it easy or difficult, living here in the mountains?" They answered, "The nation has a great king; we have a filial son. Thanks to your virtue, the world is at peace and the times are prosperous. Thanks to our son's care, we eat fruit and drink spring water. We want nothing and never suffer. Let us offer you some of this mountain fruit. Our son has gone to fetch water. He should come back soon." The king could bear it no longer, and he began to weep and said, "When I see you waiting for your son, my pain is enough to tear me asunder. I came into the mountains to shoot deer, and by mistake I shot your son. The truth is, my utter remorse has brought me here. Now you must depend upon me alone. I will take care of you in his place." When the parents heard this, they threw themselves down on the ground and collapsed, like two great mountains crumbling into dust. The king went and helped them to their feet. Weeping, they cried, "Our son was very circumspect, and, as far as we know, he was faultless. What error could he have committed against the king to cause you to kill him today? When that great wind blew up suddenly, and the birds of the mountain cried so mournfully, we thought, 'We have been here for more than twenty years and have never known anything like this before.' That was when our son was at the stream. We wondered and worried that something might have happened, when in fact he was already lost! How much time has passed since then? Is he dead, or does he still live?" The king repeated every word their son had said and told them, "With these words your son died." Hearing this, they grew even more distraught and said, "Our only son is dead! Who can we rely on now? We are sure to perish soon ourselves. We beg you, oh king, take us to the place where our son died. Let our corpses lie with his!" The king was terribly distressed, and he took them by the hand and led them to the place where their son lay. The father embraced his son's feet, the mother embraced his head, and each took one hand and together they pulled on the arrow in his chest. The mother licked his wound with her tongue and said, "May the poison enter my mouth and kill me, and let my son live! I am old, and I am blind. Surely, I should die instead of him!" Weeping, they both raised their voices in grief: "Our son was filial. He served the Buddha, upheld the teachings, and revered
Page 161 1.13 Sya-ma 161 the clergy. If heaven knows how virtuous he is, let the arrow in him come out by itself, and let the poison lose its effect, and give him back his departed spirit. Restore this life cut short! If his virtuous heart was not truly filial, or if our words have not proven it so, we too will end our lives here and become deer like him."7 At that moment, Indra's throne crumbled and all the palaces in heaven shook, for, with his heavenly eye, Indra had seen them from on high. He had heard the parents mourning their son and was moved by the true filiality the son had shown his parents, and so, in company with Brahma and a tumultuous assemblage of all the spirits of the heavens and earth, he made himself visible to the parents and said, "This was truly a filial son. I will bring him back to life," and he poured heavenly medicine into Syhma's mouth.9 Instantly, the arrow came out, and he came back to life. His parents were amazed, and they discovered that their sight had been restored as well. All the birds and animals came flying and scurrying, raising their voices in joyous cries. The wind ceased, the clouds dispersed, the sun shone brightly, and flowers bloomed. The king, too, was truly stunned and overjoyed, and he bowed to Indra and also to the father and mother and their son and said, "I shall gather all the treasure of my kingdom and give it all to you. I shall stay here forever and look after you both day and night." But Syama said, "If you wish to make amends, you would do better to return quickly to your kingdom and look after your own people and encourage them to uphold the precepts. And you, king-do not go hunting ever again! Your life in this world will not be easy, and in the next life you will go to hell. Long ago you garnered perfect merit, and so you are now a king. But do not succumb to the willfulness of your heart and thereby commit sins through your headstrong actions!" The king was deeply repentant, and he said, "From now on I shall do as you instruct me." When the king's attendants saw how Indra descended and instantly saved the youth's life with his medicine, and how the parents were made to see again, they all were greatly amazed and filled with awe, and they thought seriously, for a long time, about their lives to come and resolved to live the rest of their present lives correctly. The king returned to his kingdom and issued a general proclamation, saying: "Everyone whose parents are blind should look after them according to Syama's example. Anyone who molests or harms such persons will be treated as a heinous criminal." All the people in the land were inspired with faith, like Syama, and the high as well as the low taught each other. They upheld the Five Precepts and cultivated the Ten Good Practices, and when they died,
Page 162 162 The First Volume: The Buddha they were all reborn in heaven; none of them were reborn in the Three Evil Realms.10 The Buddha told Ananda that Syama of old was his very self: ["The father and mother were King Suddhodana and the Lady Maya of today. I owe the fact that I have become a Buddha to them and to the power of filial piety. All men have fathers and mothers, and they must be filial to them. There is a righteous Way in this world, and all must study it." This story appears in Bosatsu Senkyo and Rokudojikky6.]11 Notes 1Ten fragments, some contiguous, have been identified. See Shasei, pp. 77-83. 2Kapilavastu (Kairakoku) was the city of SBkyamuni's birth. On the meaning of "elder" (choja), see 1.7, n. 1. There are two translations of Bussetsu Senjikyo in the Chinese canon (T numbers 174 and 175); it has been assumed that Tamenori referred to the latter (T 3:438b-40a), but it has been shown that he also incorporated some unique details from the version in Rokudojikkyo (T 3:24b-25a) (see following notes). In the Pali jdtaka version of this story (number 549) the elder is named Dukila, and his wife is named Palika (PJ 6:72; see also KMJ 570b). 3In the TOji Kanchiin bon the name is written with two characters that give the phonetic reading Semu; the Maeda-ke bon has the single character Sen (phonetically semu) used in the title and text of Senjikyo and in Rokudojikky6. In some versions "Syama" becomes Syamaka (e.g., in Mahavastu; see KMJ 370b; HJSK 2:24). 4This interlinear note appears only in the TOji Kanchiin bon. Zenshin means "good-hearted one," which accurately describes the protagonist. It may be an attempt to transliterate Senji in some meaningful way. It is not a translation; Ogiwara suggests that Syama probably means "black and beautiful" (Bonwa daijiten 14, p. 1351a). 5"The Ten Good Practices" (jazen): see 1.2, n. 9. 6Again, these signs warn of the death of a Buddha-to-be. 7The couple's speech up to this point corresponds to the Rokudojikkyo version. Senjikyo has no such passage. Note that Syama is praised here for his respect for "the three jewels." To "become deer" must mean "to be slain like a deer, as was our son."
Page 163 1.13 Syama 163 8Indra, like Brahma, possesses the "heavenly eye" (tengen), enabling him to see events throughout the universe. 9This speech does not occur in Senjikyo but is derived from Rokudojikkyo (T 3:25a). 10The "Five Precepts" (go kai), which apply to both monks and laymen, are injunctions about killing, stealing, fornicating, lying, and drinking alcoholic beverages (Taya, Bukky6gaku jiten, p. 52a). On the "Ten Good Practices," see 1.2, n. 9; on the "Three Evil Realms" (san'akudo), see 1.2, n. 3. 1Ananda (A'nan), one of Sakyamuni's closest disciples, is the interlocutor in Senjiky6; the Buddha tells him that he presented himself to the blind couple as the child Syama, and thus makes the identification explicit. The text in brackets appears only in the Maeda-ke bon. The Toji Kanchiin bon breaks off here; the verse concluding the volume is also missing. Suddhodana (Jobon'6) and May& are the names of Sakyamuni's parents. These identifications are also explained by Sakyamuni to Ananda at the conclusion of Senjikyo. "Bosatsu Senkyo" is a mistranscription of "Bussetsu Senjikyo." Ta-t'ang hsi-yii-chi has a description of a stfpa commemorating Syama immediately preceding the passage quoted at the end of 1.12 (T 52:881b; see also Watters, 1, p. 217), but Tamenori, somewhat inexplicably, does not refer to it here.
Verse
pp. 164
Page 164 164 The First Volume: The Buddha VERSE (Maeda-ke bon) In praise I sing: Until you have climbed to the top of the mountain, You do not know how high the heavens are. Until you have found the valley's depth, You do not know how thick the earth is. And if you are not aware of the Bodhisattva's strivings In three immeasurable chiliocosms and a hundred kalpas, How can you know of the Tathagata's accomplishments In the Six Stages, his fulfillment of ten thousand tasks, Or of Sakyamuni's awesome deeds and sufferings?1 Note 1While the first quatrain appears to be Tamenori's own invention, the second is an adaptation of a prose passage in Mo-ho chih-kuan (T 46:27c). The "Six Stages" (rokudo) are, of course, the "Six Perfections."
The Second Volume: The Teachings
pp. 165
Page 165 The Second Volume The Teachings
Preface to the Second Volume
pp. 165
Page 165 PREFACE TO THE SECOND VOLUME (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon1) Among all the teachings of SBkyamuni-from the day he was enlightened to the night he entered Nirvana-none are untrue.2 First, like the sun rising at dawn and casting its light upon lofty peaks, he expounded the Kegon for the enlightenment of Bodhisattvas.3 Next, like the sun mounting high in the sky, casting its rays deep down into the valley, he delivered the Agamas for the edification of his disciples.4 Then he propounded the diverse Mahayana scriptures in many different places, and though he spoke with one voice, all sentient beings responded in their own way and attained enlightenment. It was just like the rain, which is the same no matter where it falls but causes all the various kinds of trees and flowers to flourish in their special ways.5 At sixteen assemblies he taught the Prajid doctrine of nonsubstantiality, and after more than forty years he opened up the marvelous Way of the Lotus.6 He propounded his views on Vulture Peak, and after his voice had died away in the midst of the White Crane Grove, K&yapa transmitted his teachings by ringing a bell, and Ananda passed through a keyhole in order to hear them. Finally, one thousand arhats were chosen, and they recorded all the holy teachings he had given during his lifetime.8 Thereafter, a succession of more than twenty sages transmitted them, and the kings of sixteen great nations spread them and protected them.9 The Blessed Sakyamuni died, but his teachings remained after him, like a prescription left by a physician.10 Why should there be anyone, then, who cannot be cured of the plagues of passion? The teachings are like valuable jewels left in our keeping by a departed friend. Eventually, we must all awaken from our ignorant stupor.11 It was in India that the Buddha appeared and propounded his teachings, and it was to China that they were transmitted. But from all 165
Page 166 166 The Second Volume: The Teachings accounts it seems that Buddhism there has grown weak and superficial. In the third year of the Chen-kuan era [629] the monk Hsiian-tsang "Tripitaka" went to India and traveled all over the country, but he found that the old pathways on Mount Kukkutapada were choked with bamboo and deserted.12 All the buildings in the ancient Jetavana garden were gone, and not even one monk could be found living there.13 When he went to see the Bodhgaya Monastery in the kingdom of Magadha, he found the images of Kannon that had been made by kings, but they had sunk below the ground and were so deeply buried that only the parts above the brows could still be seen. It was said that when the Buddha's teachings were entirely lost, these images would be completely buried.14 There were many great sages in China, and Buddhism flourished there, but there was frequent turmoil. In the Latter Chou Dynasty, devils stirred up a terrible tempest that threatened to extinguish the torch of Buddhism.15 The monk [Ching-]ai, in grief over the state of the world and in disgust with this life, killed himself, while the monk [Hui]yiian, deploring the fate of Buddhism, confronted the emperor and accused him of his crimes.16 In the K'ai-huang era [581-600], Buddhism flourished anew, but in the Ta-yeh era [605-617] it declined once more, causing demons to weep, gods to sigh, mountains to rumble, and oceans to boil.17 The Hui-ch'ang emperor burned many satras and treatises, though many of the nobles within his court bowed their heads and wept, and state officials before the gates sobbed streams of tears.18 More than 360 years have passed since those days of the Chenkuan era, and those images of Kannon in India have no doubt disappeared. More than 140 years have passed since the Hui-ch'ang suppressions, and it is unlikely that much, if anything, is left of Buddhism in China. But behold, the Buddha's teachings have spread to the east and have come to rest here in our land, where they now flourish! Many sages have appeared here and left their marks, and our sovereigns have continuously fostered the spread of Buddhism. It is no slight affinity that allows us here and now to be witnesses to the words of the Mahdy&na scriptures, which, it is said, are rarely found among all the lands in the ten directions, rarely heard in countless kalpas. The sound of the Law is as efficacious as a "poison drum": even if you hear it just once, your enemy-ignorance-will be destroyed immediately.19 The names of the satras are just like medicinal trees: you have only to utter them for the illness-the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth-to be cured.20 That Himalaya Boy gave up his life to obtain half a verse, and [Pravara] destroyed himself in order to gain a whole one.21 SadAprarudita's yearning sent him to the east, while the youth Sudhana searched in the south.22 Bhaigajyaraja burned his own flesh, and Samantaprabha was willing to give up his head.23 If, in one day, three times as
Page 167 Preface to the Second Volume 167 many people as all the sand in the Ganges were to sacrifice themselves, they would not even begin to repay our debt for a single verse in the Buddha's teachings.24 Long ago there was a dog who heard a satra while he lay under a bed; he was reborn in Sravasti and became a sage.25 And then there was the bird in the forest who heard the teachings and was reborn in Trayastriip'a Heaven, to dwell forever amidst its pleasures.26 Birds and animals have been thus rewarded; what then may humans who offer their faith expect? How sad that it was not until long after the demise of the Buddha and the advent of the Period of the Imitated Teaching that Buddhism was first transmitted to China from India, in the reign of Emperor Ming of the Han, and that it was not until still later, during the reign of Emperor Kinmei, that it came to Japan from the kingdom of Paekche!27 I am now pressing my palms together, and I shall display the wonders of the teachings of the Buddha. Notes 1A version of this preface, recorded contiguously with the biography of Shotoku Taishi (2.1), appears in Jbga Taishi gyoki; see Shasei, pp. 96-97. In the Toji Kanchiin bon, the text of the preface is preceded by a table of contents for the second volume; see Shasei, p. 89. 2The word used here for enlightenment is shogaku, one of many translations of samyaksambodhi (BD 3:2561c). 3The Buddha is said to have preached the Kegon (Avatamsaka) satra during the twenty-one days immediately following his attainment of enlightenment. The figure of the sun illuminating the mountaintops (the Buddha enlightening the Bodhisattvas) is employed in Chih-i's description of gradual revelation in Mo-ho chih-kuan (T 46:2c, 90c), but it is derived from the Kegon Satra itself (T 9:616b; quoted in FYCL, T 53:463a). The extension of the sunlight figure in the following lines also follows Mo-ho chih-kuan, as does Tamenori's whole presentation of the gradual revelation. 4Agamas (Agon) here refers to the group of scriptures that epitomize the Hinayana teachings. The Buddha is said to have spent the twelve years following his enlightenment propounding these teachings. For "disciples," the Toji Kanchiin bon has the word shamon (i.e., srdmana); the other three texts have the word shomon (Srdvaka). 5"The diverse Mahayana scriptures" refers to the satras grouped under the term Vaipulya, by which Chih-i meant the MahAyana satras other than the Kegon, Prajiipdramitd, Lotus and Nirvana Satras
Page 168 168 The Second Volume: The Teachings (which are classified in other periods). The Buddha is said to have spent the next eight years of his career propounding the Vaipulya satras. Tamenori paraphrases Chih-i's description of the effect of these teachings; the figure of the rain and the plants it nourishes appears in the fifth chapter of the Lotus Satra (T 9:19b). 6"The Prajfit doctrine of nonsubstantiality" refers to the content of the Mahaprajnidpdramita Satra, which is said to have been propounded at sixteen assemblies (jarokue) occurring over the next twenty-two years of the Buddha's career. The Lotus is said to have been delivered forty years after the Buddha's initial enlightenment, during the last eight years of his life. In this sequence, Tamenori omits specific mention of the Nirvana Satra. According to Chih-i, it was given after the Lotus to reach those who had been alienated by the universalist doctrines of the Lotus; Chih-i nevertheless held that the Lotus was the supreme teaching. 7"Vulture Peak" (Washi no mine, Sanskrit Grdhrak&.ta) is the place where the Prajnidpramitd and Lotus Satras were given. The "White Crane Grove" is another name for the "grove of Sala trees" (see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 15). When the Buddha entered Nirviana, the trees in the grove turned white, it is said, and looked like a flock of cranes. In the opening section of Mo-ho chih-kuan, Chih-i lists the three main venues of the Buddha's teaching activities: their beginnings in the Deer Park, continuation at Vulture Peak, and conclusion in the "Grove of Cranes" (T 46:1a). After the death of Sakyamuni, his disciple Mahakisyapa (Kasho) called for a gathering of all disciples to record the Buddha's teachings. Daichidoron says that he went up on Mount Sumeru and rang a bell to summon the dispersed followers of the Buddha to this first convocation (T 25:67c, quoted in FYCL, T 53:647c; see also Lamotte, 1, pp. 91-92). Daichidoron also says that Mahakasyapa excluded Ananda (A'nan) from the convocation because of various charges of disloyalty to the Buddha (see 3.7, n. 16). Furthermore, the thousand disciples chosen as authoritative transmitters of the teachings were all arhats, but Ananda was not. On the eve of the convocation, Ananda entered deep meditation and attained arhatship, as well as the Six Supernatural Faculties. The next day, he asked for admittance; when Mahakasyapa asked for proof of his arhatship, Ananda passed through a keyhole and entered the hall (using his newly attained ability to alter his shape) (T 25:69a, quoted in FYCL, T 53:375b; see also Lamotte, 1, p. 100). 8The recording of the teachings is recounted in Daichidoron, T 25:67c. 9Fuhazo innenden (T 50:297ff) records the transmission through twenty-plus patriarchs, beginning with Mahakasyapa. The same record
Page 169 Preface to the Second Volume 169 of transmission is summarized in FYCL (T 53:511c). The latter part of this sentence may refer to Ninno hannyaharamitsukyo, a discourse attended by sixteen kings, all of whom receive the transmission of the Prajii doctrine from Sakyamuni (RyakuchC, p. 101). 10This passage is paraphrased in Kunkai's Taishiden gyokurinsho, but "his teachings" is changed to "his relics" (Horyaji Son'ei bon Taishiden gyokurinsho 1, p. 158). 11The figure of the jewels is based on one of the "seven parables" of the Lotus Satra. In the seventh chapter, five hundred newly converted arhats compare their experience to that of a man who got drunk while visiting a friend's house and was unaware that his host had put jewels inside the lining of his robe. Much later, starving and suffering in a distant land, he met his former host, who revealed the treasure hidden inside his tattered robes and advised his friend to exchange the jewels for food and shelter (T 9:28a). Thus, the hidden jewels symbolize a priceless treasure, the existence of which may be unknown to the possessor. 12Hsiian-tsang (660-664), the great translator and pilgrim of the T'ang period, described his sojourn in India in Ta-t'ang hsi-yui-chi, the work quoted several times in the tales of the first volume. Because he brought back a great number of scriptures, many of which he then translated, he earned the sobriquet "The Tripitaka Monk" (Sanzb hoshi) (see BD 1:964c; Weinstein, "Imperial Patronage in T'ang Buddhism," pp. 291-97). Mount Kukkutapada (Keisokusen), in Magadha, the site of the death of Mahaksyapa and closely associated with the early Buddhist community, is described in some detail by Hsiian-tsang: "The peak is so lofty, it seems limitless; the valleys are so deep, they seem bottomless... on the peak, the flourishing grasses have made the rock faces crumble" (T 51: 919b-c; see also Watters, 2, p. 143). 13The Jetavana garden (Kodokuen), near Sravasti, was donated by Sudatta (Anathapindada) as a refuge for the Buddha and his disciples. Hsuan-tsang reported: "Where great halls once stood there is only decay... the buildings have collapsed and only the foundations remain" (T 51:899b; Watters, 1, p. 384). The Jetavana ruins are depicted in Genjo Sanza e (Zoku Nihon emaki taisei 8, pp. 4-7). 14The Bodhgaya Monastery (Bodaijuin) was a complex of buildings that were constructed around the site of Sakyamuni's attainment of enlightenment. Hsiian-tsang found them almost deserted: After the Buddha entered NirvaBa, the kings of several nations put up two images of Kannon, facing east, marking the north and south boundaries. When I asked an old man about them, he said, "When these images of the Bodhisattva are completely buried, the Buddha's teachings will be extinct."
Page 170 170 The Second Volume: The Teachings The image in the south is buried so that only the chest remains visible above ground. (T 51:915b; see also Samuel Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, p. 116) This scene is also depicted in Genjo Sanz6 e, where both images are shown buried to the shoulders (Zoku Nihon emaki taisei 8, pp. 27-28). 15"The Latter Chou Dynasty" refers to the Northern Chou (557 -581). At the behest of Emperor Wu, a number of temples and their images and scriptures were destroyed. Their treasuries were confiscated and redistributed to members of the nobility, and their monks and nuns were laicized. The persecution lasted from 574 to 577 (see Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism in China, pp. 190-94; Tsukamoto Zenryi, "Hokushf no haibutsu ni tsuite," in T6ho gakuh6 16 [1948]:29-101 and 18 [1950]:78-222; Nomura Y6sho, Sha-Bu honan no kenkya). 16Tamenori refers to Ching-ai as "Ai zenshi." His biography in Hsu kao-seng-chuan (T 50:625c-27b) describes his reaction to the Northern Chou suppression and is probably Tamenori's source. He was an active participant in the debates at court between Buddhist, Taoist, and Confucian leaders, which preceded Emperor Wu's harsh action. Ching-ai used Taoist texts as well as the classical Chinese histories and chronicles to defend Buddhism, and the emperor was impressed with his eloquence and passion. The emperor proposed a test: Buddhists and Taoists would be put into cauldrons of boiling oil, and, presumably, the righteous would not be injured. But the test was never carried out. Ching-ai withdrew from court to the mountains with thirty followers, and he built twenty-seven monasteries as refuges for the thousands of monks displaced by the destruction ordered by Wu. He also compiled a work called San-pao-chi ("Record of the Three Jewels") in ten (or twenty) fascicles, now lost. (It is mentioned in Li-tai san-pao-chi [T 49:96b] and Fo-tsu t'ung-chi [T 49:347b].) The emperor died in the sixth month of 578, and the violence of the suppression abated, but in the following month, in despair over the violence against his religion, Chingai committed suicide. He is said to have been forty-five at the time, and he was buried in the mountains by his followers (Nomura, Sha-Bu honan no kenkya, pp. 179-81). Hui-ytian is called E hoshi here. In his biography in Hsu kao-sengchuan (T 50:489c-91a) he is identified as "Hui-yiian of Ching-ying ssu" and is thus distinguished from the more famous Chin Dynasty monk of the same name. Hui-yian of the Northern Chou is far better known than Ching-ai because of his authorship of several important treatises. He registered an official protest against the emperor's actions, either in the spring of 578 or perhaps just after the first suppressions in the spring of 577. He was threatened with the death penalty for this challenge to
Page 171 Preface to the Second Volume 171 imperial authority, but he survived, and most of the work for which he is remembered was written in the period of revival after Emperor Wu's death (Nomura, Sha-Bu honan no kenkya, pp. 228-30; BD 1:263c-64a). 17The downfall of the Northern Chou and the accession of the Sui (581-617) led to a revival of Buddhism. Emperor Yang was an active supporter of Chih-i. The only anti-Buddhist act during his rule was the issuance of an order that monks would be required to do homage to secular rulers and officials. This was a radical departure from custom; monks had, until then, been held exempt from worldly demonstrations of obedience (Ch'en, Buddhism in China, p. 202). This may be the evidence of decline that Tamenori describes so melodramatically, or there may be a confusion of dates and periods. The next persecution, which he describes less colorfully, was by far the worst in Chinese history. 18The "Hui-ch'ang emperor," identified here by the name of the era of his rule, is Emperor Wu-tsung of the T'ang Dynasty. This most destructive of the Buddhist suppressions began in 842. Again, many temples were destroyed, thousand of monks and nuns were laicized, and, in 845, Buddhism was officially banned. The diary of the monk Ennin (see 3.16) is the best surviving record of these events (see Edwin O. Reischauer, Ennin's Travels in T'ang China, pp. 217-71). Tamenori omits reference to one later suppression, that of 955, under Emperor Shih-tsung of the Latter Chou Dynasty, when over 300 temples were dismantled (see Kamata Shigeo, Chagoku Bukkyoshi, pp. 280-81). 19The parable of the poison drum appears in the Nirvana Satra: a man painted a drum with special poison, and everyone who heard him beat the drum died instantly. The teachings uttered by the Buddha are said to be equally efficacious and universal in effect, transforming even those who do not choose to listen (T 9:420a). 20This simile is also in the Nirvana Satra: the satra itself is said to be like the most efficacious of all medicinal trees, unsurpassed in its curative powers (T 9:418a). 210n the "Himalaya Boy," see 1.10. "Pravara" is a suggested reconstruction for the name that appears here, Sais6; the story appears in Shuissai fukutoku zanmaiky6 (T 12:995c; see also FYCL, T 53:996a; Ogiwara, Kan'yaku taish6 bonwa daijiten, 870). A demon told this former incarnation of Sakyamuni that he would teach him a Buddha's verse if he would write it on his skin with his own blood. The sage agreed, flayed himself, and waited to hear the verse. But the demon fled, awed by the sage's devotion. A great number of Buddhas then appeared and healed the sage's wounds. 22Sadaprarudita (Jotai; also Sad&paribhfita) is a Bodhisattva whose story appears in Daihannya haramittagyo (T 6:1059a-68b). In a
Page 172 172 The Second Volume: The Teachings dream he learned that the PrajiVt doctrine was to be found in the east, so he traveled in that direction and, after an arduous journey and many trials, attained perfect wisdom. Sudhana (Zenzai) is the hero of the latter half of the Kegon Satra. Inspired by Mafijusri's preaching, he traveled south, met and studied with fifty-three sages, and finally attained enlightenment (see also 3.13). 23"Bhaisajyaraja" (Yakuo) is a Bodhisattva who disperses medicine that cures all the ills of both the body and the mind. The twenty-third chapter of the Lotus Satra describes his devotion to that scripture, culminating in his self-immolation as a demonstration of absolute faith (T 9:53b). All texts of this passage read literally "he burned his arm." The story of Samantaprabha (Fumyo; also Samantaprabhasa) is the same as that of Srutasoma (1.2), and in Rokudojikkyo the protagonist's name is Fumyo. The preceding passage, citing four examples of extreme devotion to Buddhism, is closely modeled on a passage in the first section of Mo-ho chih-kuan (T 46:2b): "Sadaprarudita sought in the east; Sudhana searched in the south; Bhaigajyaraja burned his arm; Samantaprabha cut off his head." 24"The sands of the Ganges" is a figure frequently employed to suggest infinite numbers. Here, Tamenori continues his paraphrase of Mo-ho chih-kuan (see preceding note). 25The story of the dog is from Kuzo hiyuky6 (T 4:512b, quoted in FYCL, T 53:466b). The dog slept under the bed of a monk who chanted satras day and night. So attentive was the dog that when it died it was reborn as a nun in the city of Sravasti, and as such attained enlightenment. 26This story is from Genguky6 (T 4:437b, quoted in FYCL, T 53:412c). The bird heard a monk chanting in the woods. When it flew closer to hear him better, it was shot by a hunter, but it was reborn in Trdyastrirpsa as a reward for its good intentions. 270ne of the traditional accounts of the introduction of Buddhism to China claims that Emperor Ming (who reigned from A.D. 58 to 75) had a dream (in about the year 65) that inspired him to send envoys to the western regions to obtain Buddhist texts. They returned in 67 with two monks for whom the first Chinese Buddhist monastery was built in the capital, Lo-yang. The monks are said to have brought a "(Satra) in Forty-two Sections" with them, and it is the preface to that sCtra (incorporated in Ch'u san-ts'ang chi-chi, T 55:42c) that is the primary source of this legend (see Ztircher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, p. 22). A version of this story, quoted from Ming-hsiang-chi, appears in FYCL (T 53:383b; overlooked by Mori and Koizumi et al.).
Page 173 Preface to the Second Volume 173 Traditionally, an event during the reign of Emperor Kinmei (540 -571) is said to mark the introduction of Buddhism to Japan: a Korean king sent Kinmei a gift of Buddhist images and scriptures. Nihon shoki says this occurred in 552, but other documents give 538 as the date, and this is generally thought to be more accurate.
2.1 Shōtoku Taishi
pp. 174
Page 174 174 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.1 SHOTOKU TAISHI (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon, Todaiji-gire, Sekido-ke bon, Jagfi Taishi gyoki1) Long ago there was a sage named Jgfi Taishi.2 He was begotten by the Emperor Yamei, when he was still a prince, in the womb of Princess Anahobe Hashihito.3 First the mother-to-be had a dream in which she saw a golden monk who said, "I intend to save the world. Let me rest in your womb for a short time. I am the World-saving Bodhisattva, and my home is in the west." So saying, he flew into her mouth, whereupon she found that she was with child.4 On the first day of the first month of the first year of the reign of the prince's uncle, Emperor Bidatsu [572], she was strolling in the palace grounds and was approaching the stable when suddenly the child was delivered. Her servants cradled the infant in their arms, and just when they reached the main hall of the palace, a red light shown down on them from the west. The infant's body was very fragrant.5 By the age of four months he spoke with great skill. At dawn on the fifteenth day of the second month of the following year, without any encouragement, he seated himself, placed his palms together, faced the east, and prayed, chanting "Namu butsu."6 When the prince was six years old, monks and nuns came from Paekche for the first time, bringing scriptures and commentaries.7 The prince asked the emperor for permission to open the scriptures and commentaries, burn incense, and examine the texts, and when he had finished doing so, he asked that the eighth, fourteenth, fifteenth, twentythird, twenty-ninth, and thirtieth days of each month be set aside as Six Ritual Days. On these days, Brahma and Indra were to be worshiped, and the killing of animals was to be forbidden. The emperor was very pleased, and he gave an edict to this effect, forbidding the killing of animals on those days.8 In the winter of the prince's eighth year, an image of the Buddha arrived as an offering from Silla. The prince said, "This is an image of the sage Sakyamuni Buddha, who lived in India."9 A man named Nichira came from Paekche.10 His body shone with a bright light. The prince, secretly disguised in humble clothing among a group of boys, went to the palace at Naniwa to see him. Nichira pointed at the prince and was suspicious. The prince was startled, and he tried to get away. Nichira bowed down on the ground, put his hands together, and said, "Hail the World-saving Kannon, bringer of light, king of this wild little eastern country!" and as he spoke a great light emanated from his body. A light also emanated from the prince's brow.11
Page 175 2.1 Sh6toku Taishi 175 Another time, a stone image of Maitreya was brought from Paekche. The prime minister, Lord Soga Umako, took charge of it, and he built a temple in the eastern quarter of his mansion to house it, and he worshiped it. He placed three nuns in the temple to care for the image.12 The prime minister built a pagoda in the temple. The prince said, "A pagoda is supposed to hold a relic of the Buddha. Perhaps a relic of the Tathagata Sakyamuni will appear here." So Umako prayed, and a relic of the Buddha was found lying upon the offertory rice. It was put into a jar of lapis lazuli, which was placed upon an altar, and they worshiped it.13 The prince and the prime minister were united in their desire to foster the Three Jewels, but a plague spread through the land, and many people died. Great Chieftain Moriya and Nakatomi Katsumi went to the emperor and said, "From ancient times our people have prayed only to our own deities. But the Soga Minister reveres and worships this thing called Buddhism. This has caused the plague to strike, and the entire populace is sure to perish. Their lives can be saved only if we put an end to Buddhism now!"14 "Indeed, it is as you say," replied the emperor. "Let Buddhism be banned forthwith," and an edict to that effect was issued. But the prince petitioned the emperor: "These two have not yet understood cause and effect. Good actions yield good fortune; evil actions lead to disaster. These two are certain to meet with disaster very soon."15 In spite of his words, the edict went into effect; Moriya was dispatched to Umako's temple, and he destroyed the halls and the pagoda and burned the image and all the satras. Then he threw the remains into the canal at Naniwa. The three nuns were humiliated, chastised, and driven away. On that day, the heavens turned black, though there were no clouds, a tempestuous wind blew, and torrential rains fell. The prince said, "The worst disaster is yet to come."16 Indeed, a plague of smallpox struck, and many people suffered.17 They felt as if their flesh were being burned and flayed. The two ministers were punished with especially severe attacks of the disease, and in their pain and suffering they petitioned the emperor: "Your ministers can no longer bear this misery. We ask that prayers be addressed to the Three Jewels for our sakes." And so the emperor ordered the reinstatement of the three nuns and allowed [the two ministers] to worship. He also called for the reconstruction of the temple they had burned. Thus [Buddhism], which had been burned and discarded, [was] revived, and it began to flourish.18 The prince's father, Emperor Yomei, took the throne, and during his two-year reign Buddhism spread and prospered. He said, "We shall place all our trust in the Three Jewels," and, at his command, the Soga Minister invited a Buddhist monk to the palace. The prince rejoiced;
Page 176 176 The Second Volume: The Teachings shedding tears of joy, he grasped the minister by the hand and said, "Many are those who have yet to learn about the marvelous Three Jewels. But you, prime minister, have given them your heart. How happy this makes me!"19 Later, someone secretly reported to Moriya: "Certain persons are plotting against you. You had better get your soldiers ready." So he barricaded himself in his mansion at Ato and gathered his private army around him. Nakatomi Katsumi also raised an army to aid Moriya. At the same time, there was a rumor that they had placed a curse on the emperor. The Soga Minister reported this to the prince and led his army in an attack on Moriya. Moriya raised his army, and they put up their shields and fought off the attack. His army was extremely fierce, and the imperial forces were frightened and were thrown back three times.20 The prince was sixteen years of age. He stood behind the leaders of the army and ordered the Minister of War, Hata Kawakatsu, to cut down some sumac trees and carve them into images of the Four Celestial Kings. These were placed in the soldier's topknots and on the tips of their spears, and they all prayed: "If we are granted victory over our enemies, we will make images of the Four Celestial Kings and dedicate halls and pagodas to them."21 The Soga Minister prayed, too, and he regrouped his forces and attacked once more. Moriya climbed into a large nettle tree and invoked the tutelary deities of his clan, the Mononobe, and then he let his arrows fly.22 One of them struck the prince's stirrup. The prince then gave an order to his retainer, Tomi Ichihi, to pray to the Four Celestial Kings and shoot back.23 Ichihi's arrow struck Moriya in the chest, and he fell out of the tree. His army scattered, the imperial forces advanced, and they cut off Moriya's head. All the treasure of his household and his entire estate became the property of the temple. The Temple of the Four Celestial Kings was established on the Tamatsukuri Heights, and Buddhism flourished ever afterward.24 The prince's uncle, Emperor Sushun, took the throne. During his reign the prince, now nineteen years of age, had his first capping ceremony.25 Then his aunt, Empress Suiko, took the throne. She gave all responsibility for governing the nation to the prince.26 A prince named Asa came as an envoy from the state of Paekche. He bowed to the prince and said, "Hail the World-saving Bodhisattva Kannon who has brought the wondrous teaching to the eastern nation of Japan, who will illuminate and expound the teachings for forty-nine years." At that moment, a white light shone from Prince [Shotoku] 's
Page 177 2.1 ShOtoku Taishi 177 brow; the beam of light was three yards long. After a while, it shortened and then disappeared.27 When a black pony with four white legs was sent as a gift from Kai Province, the prince mounted it and flew off into the clouds toward the east. His retainer, Tsukai Maro, went with him, at his right side. Everyone looked up into the sky to see them fly by. They reached the province of Shinano and skirted the boundaries of Mikoshi. After three days they returned.28 In the presence of Empress Suiko the prince took the seat of honor and lectured on the Srlmdla Satra. Many learned monks questioned him, and they were amazed by his responses. When he completed the three days of lecturing, lotus flowers fell from the night sky. The flowers were three feet in diameter, and they fell to earth in piles that reached a height of four feet, completely covering the site of the lecture. When the empress saw this on the following morning, she commanded that a temple be built on the spot. This is the present Tachibanadera.29 The prince sent Ono Imoko to look for a satra that, he said, had belonged to him in a former life, when he had lived on Mount Heng in China.30 "In the southern part of China," said the prince, "there is a mountain called Mount Heng, and on the mountain is the Pan-jo temple.31 All of my comrades of those by-gone days must be dead by now, but three of them may still be alive. Tell them that you are my messenger and that I had a copy of the Lotus Satra in one fascicle when I lived there. Ask them for it, and bring it back." Following these instructions, Imoko went to China and made his way to the temple. A monk was standing at the gate, and when he saw Imoko he went in and said, "A messenger has come from Meditation Master Nien."32 Then three aged monks came out, leaning on staffs, and they gladly showed him where the satra was and let him have it. He immediately took it home. The prince put up a building adjacent to his living quarters in his palace at Ikaruga and called it the "Yumedono".33 Three times each month he bathed and purified himself and then entered this hall. The next morning he would come out and tell all about Jambudvipa.34 Also, while inside the hall, he wrote a number of commentaries on the satras.35 On one occasion he did not come out for seven days and seven nights. The door remained closed, and no sound could be heard inside. The monk Hyeja of Kogury6 said, "The prince has entered meditation; he must not be disturbed." On the eighth day the prince finally came out. He carried a satra in one fascicle on a jeweled tray. He sent for Master Hyeja and told him, "This is the satra that belonged to me in my
Page 178 178 The Second Volume: The Teachings former life on Mount Heng. Imoko brought one back this year, and I have just sent my spirit over to get this one." When the two satras were compared, it was found that one character was missing from the former one. The new satra in one fascicle was written on gold paper and rolled around a jeweled shaft.36 The monk Dogon and a party of ten came from Paekche to assist him. "In your former life," D6gon explained, "when you lectured on the Lotus Satra on Mount Heng, we were monks on Mount Lu, and sometimes we went to Mount Heng to hear you."37 Ono Imoko went to China again and returned to Mount Heng. One of the aged monks was still alive and told him, "In the autumn of last year, your prince, formerly the Meditation Master of this temple, came out of the sky from the east in a chariot drawn by a blue dragon, with 500 attendants, and he took a satra in one fascicle that had been hidden in the wall of his former cell and flew off into the clouds with it." Thus, it was known that this is what had taken place when the prince stayed so long inside the Yumedono.38 The prince's consort was a woman of the Kashiwade clan.39 The prince said to her, "You are always obedient to me and never challenge anything I say. How fortunate I am! When I die, you and I shall be buried together in one grave." "If I could," she responded, "I would serve you day and night for a thousand autumns and ten thousand years. Why do you speak as if this day were your last?" "All things that have a beginning must also have an end," he answered. "This is the inherent nature of all things. For every birth we experience, we also experience a death; this is the way we all must follow. I have lived many lives in the past, and I have striven in the Way of the Buddha in many incarnations. Now I am just a prince in this small nation, trying to spread the wondrous Teachings, propounding the doctrine of the Single Vehicle where there was no doctrine before. But I do not think that I am long for this evil world corrupted by the Five Pollutions." His words brought tears to his wife's eyes.40 When the prince was traveling from Naniwa to the capital, he encountered a starving man who was lying on the slope of Kataokayama. The prince's black pony stopped and would not go forward, so the prince got down and spoke with the man. He took off his purple cloak and covered the man with it, and uttered this verse: Here on Kataokayama Lies a poor man, starving for food. How sad! Has he no parents?
Page 179 2.1 Sh6toku Taishi 179 The starving man lifted his head and uttered this verse in reply: Though the rich rivulets of Ikaruga run dry, The name of our great Lord Shall not be forgotten! By the time the prince reached the palace, the man was dead. The prince mourned him and supervised his funeral service. At the time, seven of the highest-ranking ministers criticized him for this. The prince responded, "Go to Kataoka and see what has become of him." When they got there, they found that there was no corpse. Fragrance filled the empty coffin. They were all astounded.41 Then the prince spoke with his wife. He bathed and washed his hair and put on fresh robes and told her, "I am going to die tonight." He spread out their sleeping mat, and they lay down upon it. The next morning, although the sun had risen high in the sky, the prince did not get up. Everyone became anxious, and someone opened the door of his room and looked and saw that both the prince and his wife were dead. Their features were unaltered, and their fragrance was stronger than ever.42 The prince was forty-nine years old. On the day he died his pony whinnied and whimpered and refused to eat or drink. It followed the cortege to the grave site, gave a final cry, and fell dead. It too was buried with the prince.43 Also, on the day of the prince's death the satra he had brought from Mount Heng suddenly disappeared. The satra in the possession of the temple is the one Imoko brought back from China.44 The image of the Buddha brought from Silla is now in the Eastern Hall of Yamashinadera.45 The stone image brought from Paekche is now in the Eastern Hall of Gangoji in Nara.46 The prince founded Shitenn-ji, Horyuji, Gangoji, Chfigiji, Tachibanadera, Hachiokadera, Ikeshiridera, Kazurakidera, and Hy-igadera.47 The prince is known by three names. First, he is called Umayado Toyotomimi no Miko. This is because he was born by the side of the royal stable and could hear about the sufferings of ten people all at one time without missing a word. Second, he is called Shotoku Taishi. This is because he behaved like a monk from the time of his birth and later wrote commentaries on the Srimdld SCtra and the Lotus Satra, spread Buddhism, and saved many people. Third, he is called J6gai Taishi. This is because he lived in the southern wing of the palace during the reign of Empress Suiko and conducted all the affairs of state himself.48
Page 180 180 The Second Volume: The Teachings His story appears in Nihongi, in the Taira's Shotoku Taishi den, Jcgaki, and in Nihonkoku zen'aku ryoiki, edited by the monk Kyokai of Yakushiji in the capital of Nara.49 Notes 1There is a gap in the Sekido-ke bon from a point near the end of this section to a fragment of the last sentence of 2.3. Three fragments of the Todaiji-gire type have also been identified. As noted above, Joga Taishi gyoki contains a complete version of this tale (see Shusei, pp. 115-22). 2"Jogf Taishi" is one of the many names for Shotoku Taishi, discussed also at the conclusion of this section. The word used here for "sage" is hijiri. 3Yomei was the fourth child of Emperor Kinmei and reigned from 585-587. Anahobe Hashihito was also a daughter of Kinmei, by a daughter of Soga Iname; she was YOmei's half-sister. This reading of her name follows that in the Toji Kanchiin bon and Yamada's commentary thereon (see Shasei, p. 115; Ryakuchu, p. 118). 4The "World-saving Bodhisattva" (Guze bosatsu) is Kannon. By association with Amida, this Bodhisattva is also believed to dwell in the west. Iconographical representations of the Guze kannon are common, and one of the most famous is the image in the Yumedono (see n. 33, below), which is popularly believed to be modeled on Shotoku Taishi's own features (see BD 1:677b-78a). The account of this dream in Shotoku Taishi denryaku (hereafter cited Denryaku) contains this explicit identification of the prince as Guze bosatsu (STD 1:71). In the earlier J6ga Taishi den hoketsuki the monk in the dream says only, "I have vowed to save the world" (STD 1:55; see Hayashi Mikiya, Taishi shink6, pp. 40-51 for a full discussion of the birth legend). 5Bidatsu was Kinmei's second child and Yomei's elder half-brother. He reigned from 572 to 585. The story of the prince's birth near a stable (umayado) appears in Denryaku (STD 1:71-72). It is sometimes thought to be the source of one of the prince's names (discussed below), but was perhaps developed to explain the name itself. The account of the birth in Joga Sh6toku Taishi Ho6tei setsu gives a birthdate corresponding to the year 574, which is generally held to be accurate (STD 1:12; see Hayashi, Taishi
Page 181 2.1 Shotoku Taishi 181 shinko no kenkyi, pp. 116-20). A similar birth story appears in Nihon shoki but without any indication of a date (NKBT 68:172-73). 6The description of this incident, indicating the prince's precocious religiosity, is based on Denryaku (STD 1:72). The fifteenth day of the second month is the traditional anniversary of the death of Sakyamuni (see also 3.8). "Facing east" suggests that a Buddha other than Amidaperhaps Maitreya-is the object of worship of the ritual salute, "Namu butsu." 7Denryaku says that these events occurred in the tenth month of 577 (STD 1:73-74), but Nihon shoki has it in the eleventh month (NKBT 68:140), where it is said that the envoy Owake no Okimi, returning from his mission to the Korean kingdom, brought back "scriptures and treatises, a Vinaya master, a meditation master, a nun, an expert in the chanting of dharan! and other curative and protective spells (jugonshi), a sculptor of Buddhist images, and a temple carpenter." The Toji Kanchiin bon and Sekido-ke bon include the phrase "for the first time," suggesting that this was the actual introduction of these Buddhist artifacts, officiants, and artisans; there is a gap in the Maedake text at this point, and Denryaku contains no such phrase. 8The account of these events follows Denryaku (STD 1:74), slightly abbreviated. The "Six Ritual Days" (rokusai) originate in the Indian belief that on six days each month the Four Celestial Kings record all good acts, while evil spirits record all evil acts; as a result, these days were marked with circumspect behavior, particularly abstinence from eating after mid-day. Several satras prescribe strict adherence to certain rules of behavior on six days in each month (with some variation in the days so designated). Monks and nuns must chant the precepts (i.e., hold a Convocation; see 3.5) on these days, while laymen should strictly observe the "Eight Ritual Precepts" (hachisaikai), i.e., abstention from (1) killing living things, (2) stealing, (3) sexual intercourse, (4) lying, (5) drinking alcoholic beverages, (6) dressing in a showy manner and attending entertainments, (7) sleeping on a high bed, and (8) eating after mid-day (BD 5:5057a-b). 9The arrival of the image from Silla, with returning envoys in 579, is recorded in Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:140). The story of the prince's identification of it is in Denryaku (STD 1:174). 10The arrival of Nichira in 583 is recorded in Nihon shoki (NKBT 69:142). He seems to have been an ethnic Japanese who spent most of his life in Paekche and rose to a high position in its government. He served as envoy between Paekche and the Asuka Court at a time when the Japanese were hoping to regain control of the Korean state of Imna.
Page 182 182 The Second Volume: The Teachings On his way back to Korea, Nichira was murdered by members of his own party who suspected that he had revealed to the Japanese the fact that Paekche also had designs on Imna (BD 5:4088b-c; KJJ 5:1278c-79b). 11The story of Nichira's encounter with the prince is based on Denryaku (STD 1:76). Naniwa (now part of modern Osaka) was the port used by envoys to and from the continent. The palace mentioned here may have been a ceremonial hall where arriving and departing diplomats were entertained. All three Sanboe texts record Nichira's salutation in Chinese, without transcription. The last five characters of the salutation literally mean "king of this nation in the east that is like scattered millet," i.e., a disordered, fractious state; the terminology is found in early Chinese documents referring to Japan (KGD 12:348d; Morohashi, Dai kanwa jiten 8, p. 896a). In the J6ga Taishi gyoki the salutation continues with two more five-character lines that mean: "You come from the west; you are born here to deliver all the wondrous teachings and save all sentient beings" (ShCsei, p. 118). 12As head of the influential Soga clan, which enjoyed close ties to the throne, Umako was one of the most powerful men at the Asuka Court, and he is portrayed in Nihon shoki as the champion of Buddhism at the time of its introduction. The events described here, in the year 584, are recorded in some detail in Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:148). One of the three nuns mentioned here, Zenshin, figures prominently in that account but is not mentioned by name in Denryaku (STD 1:77); this is probably the reason for Tamenori's omission. 13The construction of what may have been the first such pagoda (a model of a stapa) in Japan is recorded in the Nihon shoki passage cited above, but with no mention of Shotoku Taishi. Again, Tamenori depends on Denryaku (STD 1:77) but alters the sequence of events; Denryaku mentions the discovery of the relic before the construction of the pagoda by Shiba Tatto, a devout layman. 14Moriya was the head of the Mononobe clan who, with their allies, the Nakatomi, were the chief rivals of the Soga and the main opponents of Buddhism, according to Nihon shoki (see KJJ 6:1744a-54a). The name Nakatomi Katsumi appears in some early Nakatomi genealogies but not in Sonpi bunmyaku (KJJ 5:1223). The following account of Moriya's and Katsumi's anti-Buddhist activities corresponds to that in Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:150ff), embellished with elements from Denryaku (STD 1:78). 15While the ministers' statement of opposition to Buddhism and the emperor's response are recorded in both Nihon shoki and Denryaku, the prince's protest appears only in the latter.
Page 183 2.1 Shotoku Taishi 183 16There are several historiological problems with this traditional account, not the least of which is the fact that it duplicates an earlier Nihon shoki section in which anti-Buddhist ministers (the Mononobe and Nakatomi chieftains of the previous generation) are said to have thrown a Buddhist image into the same canal, in 552 (see NKBT 68:102). Furthermore, Gangoji garan engi says that Emperor Bidatsu himself was the instigator of the plan to destroy the nascent religion (DNBZ 114:138), while Nihon shoki simply says, "he did not accept Buddhism" (NKBT 68:132). According to Nihon shoki, the nuns were flogged in a public marketplace (NKBT 68:150; see also Denryaku, STD 1:78). The natural omens and the prince's prediction are in Denryaku only. 17The TOji Kanchiin bon specifies "smallpox" (kasa no yamai), although both Nihon shoki and Denryaku have eyami, a word for a general plague or epidemic. 18All texts include the words "the two ministers," but this is clearly a misreading of Denryaku, which says that "the minister" (i.e., Umako) "was allowed to worship." According to Nihon shoki, the emperor allowed Umako to practice Buddhism but forbade all other citizens to do so (NKBT 68:51). Also, the TOji Kanchiin bon and Maeda-ke bon read, "the image and satras that had been burned and lost," but this is not supported by the Nihon shoki or Denryaku accounts. The Sekido-ke bon and Joga Taishi gyoki versions read, "Buddhism, which had been burned and lost." 19On Emperor Y6mei, see n. 3. Bidatsu seems to have been a victim of the smallpox epidemic. The Soga and Mononobe struggled briefly over the succession, but the Soga candidate prevailed (NKBT 68:152). According to both Nihon shoki and Denryaku, the motive for the emperor's acceptance of Buddhism in 587 was his hope of being cured of a chronic illness. His utterance is a vow called Sanki ("reliance on the Three Jewels"). Debate between the Soga and Mononobe factions over the advisability of this adoption of the new faith ensued. Then "a monk from Toyo Province" (i.e., northern Kyfshi) was brought to the palace (the first time a Buddhist monk had entered the precincts) by the emperor's brother or by Umako (according to Nihon shoki and Denryaku, respectively). The prince's words of praise for this event appear only in Denryaku (STD 1:79). 20Ato is now called Atobe, in Osaka-fu. The account of these events follows both Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:158-59) and Denryaku (STD 1:79-80). In Denryaku it is not entirely clear who was bewitched by Moriya, but Nihon shoki says that he made images of the emperor's sons and placed murderous curses on them. In fact, Yomei was ill and died in
Page 184 184 The Second Volume: The Teachings the fourth month of 587. Tamenori, following Denryaku, omits mention of the succession dispute that resulted. 21The prince's participation in the battle is recorded in Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:163), but Tamenori's wording is closer to that of Denryaku (STD 1:80-81). Little is known about Hata Kawakatsu; he is named in Denryaku but not in the Nihon shoki account of the battle (see KJJ 5:1349b-50a). The invocation of the Four Celestial Kings may be based on a passage in Konkomy6 saishookyo in which they promise to protect Buddhism from its enemies. On Shotoku Taishi and the worship of the Four Celestial Kings, see Hiraoka Jokai, "Shitenno shink5 ni tsuite," in Shotoku Taishi kenkya, pp. 65-81. 22The contrast between the imperial forces' invocation of Buddhist deities and Moriya's invocation of the native gods is more explicit in Denryaku; in Nihon shoki, Umako is said to have called on both the Buddhist and the Shinto deities (NKBT 68:164). 23Tomi Ichihi is specifically named in both accounts, but little else is known (see KJJ 5:1167c). 24The forerunner of ShitennOji, the great temple in Osaka, was probably located near the present site of Osaka Castle (Sakamoto Taro, Shotoku Taishi, pp. 181-83; Hiraoka, "Shitenno shinko ni tsuite," pp. 78-81). 25Sushun (?-592) was the twelfth child of Kinmei and the brother of Shotoku Taishi's mother. Umako overcame the Mononobe effort to crown a different brother and put Sushun on the throne in the expectation that he would be compliant, but Sushun proved to have a mind of his own, and in 592 Umako engineered his assassination (KJJ 4:965a67a). Denryaku mentions the assassination (STD 1:84) without any indication of Shotoku Taishi's possible role, or even his attitude toward it, although the event led to his appointment as regent. A cap-rank system was adopted at Shotoku Taishi's instigation in 603, and it was expanded in 647. According to Denryaku the prince's adulthood ceremony was performed in the third year of Sushun's reign (590), but it is imprecise to call this a "first capping." 26Suiko (554-628) was a daughter of Kinmei, a full sister of YOmei, and Bidatsu's consort (Sakamoto, Shotoku Taishi, pp. 37-39). Umako chose her to replace Sushun, and Shotoku Taishi's selection as regent was also based on close family ties: the prince's grandmothers on both sides were Umako's sisters, and one of his wives was Umako's daughter. 27Nothing is known about Asa except that he seems to have been the son of the king of Paekche. Nihon shoki records his visit in the fourth month of 597 (NKBT 68:175). The account of his praise for the prince and the accompanying sign is based on Denryaku (STD 1:88).
Page 185 2.1 Shotoku Taishi 185 The legend has obviously been adjusted to the facts; Shotoku Taishi did die at the age of forty-nine according to most accounts (see below). This legendary incident also reflects another element of the popular notion that the prince was an incarnation of Kannon. 28Tsukai Maro is otherwise unknown. The incident is described in Denryaku (STD 1:89). The ability to travel through the air is frequently attributed to saintly figures (hijiri); see the story of E no ubasoku (2.2), for example. "Mikoshi" comprises the three provinces of Echizen, Etchf, and Echigo. 29The Srimald Sutra (i.e., Shbman shishiku ichijo daih6ben hokoky6) is a work in one fascicle about the devout queen of Sravasti, emphasizing, among other ideas, universal salvation attainable by both men and women on an equal basis; hence, it would be an appropriate text for a lecture given before the empress. The three-day lecture is only briefly mentioned in Nihon shoki, in the seventh month of 606 (NKBT 68:189), where it also says that the prince lectured on the Lotus Satra in the same year, but Tamenori omits this and continues with the story of the falling flowers that accompanies the account of the Srimala lectures in Denryaku (STD 1:95). The fact that Tamenori's narrative moves next to an account of the prince's devotion to the Lotus may result from the association of the two texts in the legend of his lectures. According to the chronicles of Tachibanadera (in Asuka-son, Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken), it was originally Yomei's detached palace and the site of Shotoku Taishi's birth (BD 4:3472c-73b). The identification of the site as that of the prince's lectures appears in an interlinear note in Denryaku. 30According to Nihon shoki, Ono Imoko went to China for the first time in the seventh month of 607 and returned in the fourth month of 608 (NKBT 68:189; see also KJJ 2:282b-c). The following account of his adventure follows Denryaku (STD 1:96-98). Mount Heng (Kwzan), in Hunan, was the site of a number of monasteries associated with Hui-ssu and other Buddhist figures (BD 2:1044a-45a). 31The word used here for China, Sekiken, is one that appears in such early Japanese documents as the Shoku nihongi (see KGD 11:684a). The "Pan-jo" (i.e., Prajfia) "temple" is Hannyatai (i.e., "Prajfid peak") in Denryaku. 32"Meditation Master Nien" (Nen zenshi) is understood here as Shotoku Taishi's name in his previous existence. Later in the Denryaku version the prince explains that he led five previous lives as Chinese monks (two of whom lived on Mount Heng) before his present life (STD 1:106-7). Because of the association of Mount Heng with Hui-ssu, the theory that the prince was a reincarnation of Hui-ssu himself became popular; both Saicho and Kfkai espoused it. (Hui-ssu died in 577, three
Page 186 186 The Second Volume: The Teachings years after the accepted date of Shotoku Taishi's birth. See Ryakucha, p. 128.) 33According to Nihon shoki, construction of the palace at Ikaruga began in 601 (NKBT 68:177). It has been suggested that the prince left his aunt's palace and established this separate residence in order to pursue his activities away from the direct cynosure of Umako (Ajia bukkyoshi, Nihon hen 1: Asuka-Nara Bukkyo, pp. 69-70). The site was eventually incorporated into the monastery that became HOryiji, and the Yumedono is now part of Horytji. It is an octagonal structure, said to have been used by the prince as a meditation hall; "yume" ("dream") probably refers here to the meditative state. The design of the present structure dates from 1230. It houses the revered Guze Kannon image, said to resemble the prince's own features (see Kuno Takeshi et al., Nihon no bijutsu: H6ryaji, pp. 105, 207-8). 34"Jambudvipa" here means India. Denryaku says, "He talked all about things in foreign lands" (STD 1:99). The implication is that while in meditation he was able to travel to other times and places. 35See the discussion of the commentaries below. 36Hyeja (Eji,?-623) came to Japan in 595, spent twenty-three years at Hokoji, and then returned to Korea, where he died. He is identified as one of the prince's teachers in Nihon shoki (NKBT 1:174; see also BD 1:275b). The word used here for meditation, sanmaijo, is as in Denryaku (STD 1:99). The implication of the story, which Tamenori does not make particularly clear as yet, is that the prince had detected the tiny error in the satra brought by Imoko and suspected that it was not the one he had once possessed. In meditation, he transported himself to China and found the correct and perfect copy. 37The arrival of Dogon, ten monks, and seventy-five lay followers from Kyfishfi at court in 609 is recorded in Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:193), where it says that the party was blown off course while attempting to reach the Chinese province of Wu. D6gon and the monks eventually took up residence at Gangoji (see KJJ 5:1179a-b). The "Mount Lu" to which he refers may be the peak in Shantung associated with both Taoist and Buddhist ascetics; the word used for "monks," doshi, could mean either Taoists or Buddhists. Denryaku has donin (STD 1:100). 380no Imoko was sent back to China in the ninth month of 608 and returned one year later. The account of his second visit to Mount Heng is based on Denryaku (STD 1:100). 39The marriage, according to Denryaku, took place in 598 (STD 1:89), and she is said to have borne the prince four sons and four
Page 187 2.1 Sh6toku Taishi 187 daughters (KJJ 2:492c-93a). Shotoku Taishi is said to have had as many as four wives (see Naganuma Kenkai, Shotoku Taishi ronkO, pp. 267-72; Ono Tatsunosuke, Shotoku Taishi no kenkya, pp. 34-35). 40This section paraphrases Denryaku (STD 1:100-1). The phrase "the doctrine of the Single Vehicle" (ichij5 no gi) may be construed as a reference to the Lotus Satra. On the "Five Pollutions," see "General Preface," n. 15. 41This story appears in Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:198-200), dated 613, in Denryaku (STD 1:102-3), and in both H6otei setsu and Hoketsuki. There is also a version in Nihon ryoiki, which Tamenori acknowledges as one of his sources at the end of this biography (see NKBT 70:77-81). The first verse appears in Nihon shoki in a slightly different form and as poem number 1350 in Shaisha (see Yamagishi Tokuhei, ed., Hachidaisha zencha 1, p. 621). It does not appear in the Ryoiki version. The second verse does not appear in Nihon shoki but appears in this form in Denryaku and as poem 1351 in Shaisha. In Ryoiki it is said to have been written on the door of the beggar's empty tomb. In HOatei setsu it is given as one of three verses composed as memorials to the prince by Kose Sanjo Daifu (STD 1:16; NST 2:372). Denryaku names Umako as one of the ministers who protest the prince's kindness to the beggar. There is perhaps an echo here of the legend of Asoka's ministers' opposition to his patronage of mendicants (see "Preface to the Third Volume"). In Genk6 shakusho (KSTK 31:27) this beggar is identified as Bodhidharma, and this story became the basis of the belief that Bodhidharma visited Japan (see Ogisu Jundo, "Shotoku Taishi to Datsuma Nihon dorai no densetsu o megutte," in Sh6toku Taishi kenkya, pp. 297-309). Kataokayama is in Oji-cho, Nara-ken (Takeshita Kazuma, Bungaku iseki jiten, shikahen, pp. 117-18). 42This account of the prince's death follows Denryaku (STD 1:112) up to the last two sentences, which appear to be Tamenori's own embellishments or derived from another unidentified source. Nihon shoki cites the fifth day of the second month of 621 as the date of the prince's death. Documents at HOryfji, the Tenjukoku tapestry, and H6otei setsu all give the twenty-second day of the second month of 622 as the date, which is generally accepted (Sakamoto, Sh6toku Taishi, p. 192). 43The prince's age at his death agrees with H6otei setsu and with the generally accepted dating of his birth, 574. Denryaku says he was fifty (see Hayashi, Taishi shinko: sono hassei to hatten, pp. 137-39). The events following the death of the prince are as described in Denryaku (STD 1:112-13).
Page 188 188 The Second Volume: The Teachings 44The disappearance of the sitra is not mentioned in any of Tamenori's acknowledged sources. 45Yamashinadera is another name for Kofukuji (see 3.28). The information reported here appears in a parenthetical note in Denryaku (STD 1:74). The image was destroyed when the troops of Taira Shigehira set fire to the temple in 1180 (Heike monogatari, p. 5; NKBT 32:383). 46The private temple in which Umako originally placed the image may have been the forerunner of Gangoji. This passage is based on an interlinear note in Denryaku (STD 1:77). The image was not to be found in the temple's Eastern Hall (Tokond6) when Oe Chikamichi visited it in 1140, according to his Shichidaijijunreiki (see Fujita Tsuneo, ed., Kokan bijutsu shiryo, jiinhen, p. 56). There is no record of what became of it. 47The list is the same as that in Denryaku (STD 1:113); other biographies have different lists (see Sakamoto, Shotoku Taishi, pp. 180 -91). On ShitennOji, see n. 24. Horyuji is said to have been built by Shotoku Taishi and Suiko in memory of YOmei in 607. It was destroyed by fire in 670, rebuilt in 693, and in 739 incorporated the neighboring precincts of the prince's Ikaruga mansion, including the Yumedono. It is one of the greatest repositories of the art and architecture of the Asuka and Nara period. Gangoji, the Soga clan temple founded by Umako, was known as Asukadera and Hokoji. The original site, now a Shingon temple, is in Asuka-son, Takaichi-gun, Nara-ken. "Shin" Gangoji (the "new" Gangoji), in Nara proper, was founded in 718, in conjunction with the building of the capital city, and was regarded as one of the Seven Great Nara Temples. Few of its buildings have survived (see Ota HirotarS, Nanto shichidaiji no rekishi to nenpyo, pp. 3-30). Chfigji is said to have been the prince's mother's private residence adjacent to his Ikaruga Palace and was made a convent after her death in 621 (BD 4:3650b-51b). Among other treasures it houses fragments of the Tenjukoku tapestry believed to have been made by one of the prince's widows. On Tachibanadera, see n. 29. Hachiokadera is now known as K6ryuji, in Uzumasa, Ukyo-ku, Kyoto. Hata Kawakatsu built it in 603 (BD 2:1110b-12a). Ikeshiridera is now known as Hokkiji, near Horyuji. The prince is said to have built it in 607. Some accounts say that his son, Yamashiro Ge no 0, built it for him when he was near death, or as a memorial (BD 5:4536a-b). Kazurakidera is also known as My6anji. It does not survive; a possible site in Asuka-son has been identified (see Sakamoto, Shotoku Taishi, p. 189). "Hyfgadera" may refer to a temple in northern Kyfishfi, in the district of that name, where the Soga clan are said to have dwelt before moving to Asuka. It may also have been a temple near Daikandaiji (the forerunner of Daianji) in Takaichi (see Naganuma Kenkai, Shotoku Taishi ronko, pp. 104-6).
Page 189 2.1 Shotoku Taishi 189 48This section follows a passage in the Nihon ryoiki tale previously cited (NKBT 70:77). For discussions of the prince's various names, see Sakamoto, Sh6toku Taishi, pp. 10-18; Naganuma, Shotoku Taishi ronko, pp. 143-52. The name "Umayado Toyotomimi no Miko" is used several times in Nihon shoki. Since umayado means "stable," the name is thought to have some relation to the legend of the prince's birth. But Umayado may have been a place-name near the present site of Tachibanadera, which is also associated with his birth. "Toyotomimi" may describe ears with supernatural capabilities, and the name may suggest the attribution to the prince of the universal hearing possessed by Bodhisattvas. The element mimi appears in the names of many Shinto deities and may have some other ritualistic or honorific meanings of non-Buddhist origin. "Shotoku Taishi" probably came into use as a name for the prince soon after his death. The phrase Sh6toku muryo ("the sage's virtues are limitless") appears in Shomangyo gisho (see below), but this only suggests the name's general Buddhist character and probably does not directly account for the application of the name to the prince. In addition to the two commentaries mentioned here in connection with this name-the Shomangyo gisho (on the Srtmald Satra) and the Hokkekyo gisho (on the Lotus)-a third commentary, the Yuimakyo gisho (on the Vimalakirti Satra), is also attributed to the prince. Shoku nihongi mentions only the Srimald and Lotus lectures, with no reference to written commentaries. Shotoku Taishi's authorship of these works has long been an article of faith for Japanese Buddhists, and they are considered the first native Japanese works of this kind. There are, however, a number of controversies concerning their actual provenance and authenticity. It has been shown that the commentaries rely to a considerable extent on Chinese commentaries that may not have been known in Japan during the prince's lifetime. On the Lotus commentary, see Hanayama Shinsho, Shotoku Taishi gyosei Hokke gisho no kenkyc and Hanayama's edition of the Hokke gisho. On the Srimald commentary, see Hanayama's Sh6mangyo gisho no Joguc ni kansuru kenkyz and his edition of the commentary; see also Shomangyo gisho ronshi and Kanaji Isamu, Shomangyo gisho no shisoteki kenkya. Another text of the commentary, annotated by Hayashima Kyosho and Tsukishima Hiroshi, is to be found in NST 2:25-352, and all three commentaries are in T 56 (nos. 2185, 2186, 2187). On all three commentaries, see Shirai Shigenobu, Sh6toku Taishi gosen sangyo gisho no rinrigakuteki kenkyCz. The name "JogO Taishi" appears in Nihon shoki in the sections covering the reigns of both Yomei and Suiko. There are several other possible explanations of its origins besides that given by Tamenori. Joga, literally "upper palace," may mean that his quarters were on higher ground than the sovereign's. It may mean that he governed (as regent)
Page 190 190 The Second Volume: The Teachings from the "former" palace (at Ikaruga). It may simply be an honorific expression, or an indication that he was heir apparent, or may be derived from a place-name. 49Nihongi is an abbreviation of the name of the Nihon shoki, which was compiled by about 720. On its dating and authorship, see NKBT 67:6-12. "The Taira's Shotoku Taishi den" identifies Shotoku Taishi denryaku, which was once believed to have been written by various members of the Taira family but has been shown to be the work of Fujiwara Kanesuke (877-933) and has been dated to 917 (BSKD 5:381b; Fujiwara Yfsetsu, "Kaisetsu," in STD 1:38-48). Jogaki (author and date unknown) survives only in fragments in Shaku nihongi (a commentary on Nihon shoki by Urabe Kanekata, compiled between 1274 and 1301) and in Shotoku Taishi Heishiden zakanmon, compiled by the monk Hoki in 1314. These fragments are printed in STD 1:1-20.
2.2 E no Ubasoku
pp. 191
Page 191 2.2 E no Ubasoku 191 2.2 E NO UBASOKU (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire1) E no ubasoku's lay surname was Kamo no E no Kimi, and he belonged to the clan now known as Takakamo no Ason; his personal name was Otsunu.2 He came from the village of Chihara in Upper Kazuraki District in Yamato Province.3 He was born with knowledge of a great variety of matters, and through study he became enlightened in diverse ways. His reliance and respect for the Three Jewels were constant. He wanted to attain skill in wizardry, so he went to live on Mount Kazuraki.4 For over thirty years he lived in a cave, wearing clothes made from wisteria bark, eating pine needles, and washing the dirt from his body with pure spring water, and through his practice of the Dharani of the Peacock King he learned how to perform miracles. On one occasion he rode on a cloud of five colors to the city of the wizards.5 Karakuni Hirotari, of the Junior Lower Fifth Rank, admired him and accepted him as his master. But later, when he saw how the gods obeyed him, Hirotari submitted an official petition that said, "This evil man is deceiving the world. This is bad for the nation."6 The Gyoja commanded many spirits and deities to draw water and gather firewood for him.7 None of them refused to obey. He summoned a crowd of these spirits and deities and said, "Build me a bridge between Mount Kazuraki and Mount Kinpu. I will use it when I travel back and forth between them." The deities all moaned and wailed, but he insisted. Coerced into service, they complained [as they set about collecting boulders, cutting them, and moving them into place], "We do not want to be seen by day!" and so they continued the project under the cover of night.8 They worked and worked night after night, but the Gyoja summoned the deity of Kazuraki, Hitokotonushi, made him his captive, and scolded him angrily. "What are you embarassed about? Why are you hiding? Why isn't it finished yet?" With a spell, he tied the deity up and imprisoned him deep down in the bottom of the valley.9 When the world was ruled from the Fujiwara Palace, Hitokotonushi possessed someone and said, "E no ubasoku is plotting to overthrow the king." This alarmed all the officials, and they sent men to arrest the sage, but he flew into the sky where they could not reach him. When they took his mother hostage, he realized that he would have to give himself up to save her, and so, of his own accord, he came down out of the sky and allowed himself to be captured.10 On the twenty-fourth day of the fifth month of the third year of the reign of Emperor Monmu [699] he was banished to Izu Island. He
Page 192 192 The Second Volume: The Teachings floated over the waters of the sea as if he were running on them; he lived up on the mountain peaks and flew around them as if he were a bird. During the day he was obedient to the law and stayed on the island, but at night he went to Mount Fuji in Suruga Province [to practice austerities]. He prayed constantly to be released from the island and to be able to go to court and acquit himself of his alleged crimes.11 After three years, in the fifth month of the first year of the TaihO era [701], he was recalled to court. Just before he reached the imperial palace, he flew up into the sky and out of sight. He rode on the moon, hid among the clouds, and floated across the seas to a very great distance, and he did not come back.12 The Japanese monk Dosh6 received an imperial command to search for the Law in China, and five hundred tigers in Silla invited him to speak. There, among the mountains, he was lecturing on the Lotus Satra in a temple courtyard when a man asked him a question in Japanese. Dish6 asked, "Who are you?" and the man answered, "I used to live in Japan; I am E no ubasoku. Certain persons in that country perverted the minds of the gods and planted evil in the hearts of the people, so I left. But even now, I occasionally travel back and forth." Then D6sh6 knew him to be the Japanese sage, and he came down from the lecturer's seat to worship him, but suddenly the sage was nowhere to be seen.13 It is said that Hitokotonushi, the deity of Kazuraki who was bound up by the Gyoja, has still not been released.14 This story appears in Shoku nihongi, Ry~iki, and in the Biographies of Famous Monks of Japan compiled by Koji Ono Nakahiro.15 Long ago someone said, "E no gy0ja could fly on a grass mat, and he put his mother in a bowl and they flew off to China together. Ceaseless groaning was heard from the bottom of the valley below Mount Kazuragi, and when people went to investigate, they found a big stone encircled by a huge wistaria vine. This seemed suspicious, so they cut the vine, but the groaning went on just as before. They say that many of the boulders cut to build the bridge are still to be found on the mountain and in the valley."16 Notes 1Eight Todaiji-gire fragments have been identified. See Shasei, pp. 131-35.
Page 193 2.2 E no Ubasoku 193 2Ubasoku transliterates Sanskrit upasaka, "a devout layman." In Japan, as in this case, it usually refers to a religious individual who has not taken full, formal vows and who functions independently of formal Buddhist institutions (BD 1:226). The protagonist is also known as En no gyoja. Gyoja is sometimes used to translate upasaka and usually indicates an ascetic practitioner of some kind. Tamenori refers to him as "Gyoja" in the text itself. This opening biographical section is based on Nihon ry6iki 1.28 (NKBT 70:135). The legend of E no ubasoku has been discussed at some length elsewhere. See Tsuda Sokichi, "En no gyoja densetsu k6," in Nihon no Shinto, pp. 358-84; Sato Torao, "En no Shokaku den," in Tenri Daigaku gakuho 21 (August, 1956):33-52; Hori Ichiro, "On the Concept of Hijiri (Holy Man)," in Numen 5.2-3 (April, September 1958), especially pp. 141ff; and Nakamura Munehiko, "En no Shokaku den shiki: sono gensho densho," in Otani joshidai kiyo 14.12 (January 1980):19-38. Concerning his significance in the history of Shugendo, see Carmen Blacker, The Catalpa Bow, pp. 96-99, 248-49, 267, 342; H. Byron Earhart, "Shugendo, the Tradition of En no gyoja and Mikkyo Influences," in Studies of Esoteric Buddhism and Tantrism, pp. 297-317; and Wakamori Taro, Shugendo shi kenkya, pp. 31-35. According to Shoku nihongi, the names "Kamo no E no kimi" and "Takakamo no Ason" were granted to the family in 719 and 760 (KSTK 2:77, 364). The Kamo were a branch of the Miwa clan; Kazuraki (see below) was the seat of the Takakamo family (see Ota Akira et al., eds., Shinpen seishikakei jisho, pp. 215, 755). Many members of the Kamo families held hereditary posts as Shinto priests or On'yoji (Yin-yang prognosticators) (see Ikeda Genta, "Kamoshi," "Kamonokimi," in Nihon rekishi daijiten 5:50d, 52c-d). The name "Otsunu" (also read "Otsuno," "Ozuno," or "Shokaku") does not appear in Ry6iki, but it does appear in the Shoku nihongi account of his career, which Tamenori also acknowledges as one of his sources. The entry is dated Monmu 3 (699) and begins with a report of his exile (KSTK 2:4). 3Chihara is now Chiwara in Gose-shi, Nara-ken. A temple, Kichijosoji, which is said to have been founded by E no ubasoku, stands on the traditional site of his birthplace (Nihon chimei daijiten 3:276). 4These two sentences seem to indicate his interest and proficiency in both Buddhist and non-Buddhist (probably Taoist) techniques. "To attain skill in wizardry" (sen o motomuru) may mean "in order to gain immortality" through a unity with natural forces. Mount Kazuraki, one of the peaks on the border between Nara and Osaka prefectures, was associated from a very early time with mystical religious activities and supernatural presences. The name is also pronounced "Katsuragi."
Page 194 194 The Second Volume: The Teachings 5The ascetic practices described are typical of Taoist austerities conducive to the attainment of immortality. The "Dharani of the Peacock King" (Kujakub no ju) is a spell prescribed by several esoteric texts for the protection of the state. The earliest fourth-century translations (Kujakuo jinjukyo and Kujakuo zojinju) are lost. Versions by Saighavarman and I-ching are listed in Shossin catalogs (see Ishida Mosaku, Shakyo yori mitaru Narachb Bukkyo no kenkya, appendix, p. 87). They may be found, along with several other versions, in T 19. It cannot be determined which version, if any in particular, was the basis of E no ubasoku's magic, and the identification of this text as the one on which he relied may be a late accretion to the legend. Shoku nihongi simply says that he used spells, but the Dharani of the Peacock King is clearly the focal point of the Nihon ry6iki version. Nakamura Kyoko maintains that the "cloud of five colors" is a rainbow, which represents a bridge to the land of the dead in many Taoist tales (Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, p. 113, n. 31 and n. 141). But it could also be a cloud of the five Buddhist colors (variously defined), generally taken as a good omen in Pure Land texts, a sign of future rebirth in paradise. In esoteric texts it is said that he who possesses a cloud of five colors possesses immortality (BD 2:1190a-b); this is perhaps the result of a mixture of Taoist and Buddhist notions. In Kamakura-period illustrated narrative scrolls (for example, the scenes of the death of Honen in Honen shonin den; see Zoku Nihon emaki taisei 3, pp. 6-7), clouds of five colors appear in illustrations corresponding to texts that read "shiun" ("purple cloud"). Purple clouds are also good omens and signs of an affinity with the Pure Land or saintly beings. (A number of purple clouds appear in the biographies of revered personages in Sanboe volume 3; see 3.3, 3.16, and 3.17.) The "city of the wizards" (sennin no miyako) suggests the dwelling place of Taoist immortals. 6This account of Karakuni Hirotari's relations with E no ubasoku is based on Nihon shoki. He is not mentioned in the Ryoiki version. Two other, later entries in Shoku nihongi record his elevation to the Junior Lower Fifth Rank (in Tenpy6 3.1 [731]; KSTK 2:125) and his appointment as Chief of the Imperial Bureau of Physicians (Ten'yaku no kami; Tenpy6 4.10 [732]; KSTK 2:130). The latter appointment indicates that he was a practitioner of healing magic, which could explain the story of his conflict with the protagonist and his brand of magic. He is also identified in Toshikaden as a jugonshi ("master of divine healing") (Takeuchi Rizo, ed., Nara ibun 3, p. 886a; KJJ 2:363a-b). 7See n. 2 on "Gyoja." The protagonist's ability to control the native deities through powers learned from "foreign" religions is emphasized in the Ry6iki version.
Page 195 2.2 E no Ubasoku 195 8The account of the bridge-building episode follows Ry6iki. Mount Kinpu is a peak in the Yoshino district, southeast of Kazuraki, also known at "Kane no mitake" or simply "Mitake." It has long been thought to be a place replete with spiritual affinities. See also 3.22, n. 6. The phrase in brackets appears only in the Maeda-ke bon, but evidence in later recensions of the tale indicate that it is appropriate (see Shasei, p. 459). 9Hitokotonushi is a kami associated with and worshiped on Kazuraki. He is said to possess the power to do good or evil by uttering a single word, hence his name, which means "master of the single word." The concept suggests Taoist and esoteric Buddhist influences in the cult of this "native" deity. His encounter on the mountain with the Emperor Yfryaku is described in Kojiki (NKBT 1:317) and Nihon shoki (NKBT 67:466-67) (see the analysis of this episode in Kawazoe Taketane, Kojiki no kenkyu, pp. 215-33). The episode described here is not in Ryoiki; however, at the end of that version we are told that the sage bound the kami and that he is still a captive. Tamenori's specific source for this episode has not been identified. It is perhaps from one of the lost acknowledged works (see below). The point seems to be that the kami resisted the sage's authority and was punished for his insolence. Most commentators see this as a dramatization of conflict between indigenous and imported religions. 10This episode is based on Ryoiki, but Tamenori changes a phrase understood to mean "the deity went insane" to "the deity took possession of someone." Tamenori adopts Kyokai's manner of identifying the date by the location of the ruler's palace, i.e., the Fujiwara Palace used by Jit6, Monmu, and Genmei. On the basis of the date of the Shoku nihongi account (which appears in the following paragraph), the reference is clearly to the reign of Monmu (697-707). 11As noted above, the date is in Shoku nihongi; it is not specified in Rybiki, although the latter is clearly Tamenori's main reference for this episode. As in Shoku nihongi, the date citation includes astrological signs (reproduced inconsistently in the various Sanboe texts; see Shasei, p. 459). The "Izu Island" mentioned here is probably Izu Oshima, the largest in the chain lying east of the Izu Peninsula. Ryoiki compares the sage's flying to that of a phoenix. "To practice austerities" is one possible reading of the Toji Kanchiin bon and Todaiji-gire texts for this passage; the Maeda-ke bon has only one character that may mean "go" or "worship" (see Shusei, pp. 132-33). 12The description of the release and disappearance follows Ryoiki up to the point of "he rode on the moon." This and the other discrepancies noted above may indicate that Tamenori's account of this episode was based on Meis6den (see below) rather than on Ry6iki. There may
Page 196 196 The Second Volume: The Teachings also be differences between his Ry6iki text and those that are standard today. 13This episode follows Rybiki. Another Ryoiki tale (1.22) also describes Dosho's Chinese sojourn and his subsequent career. Dbsh6 (629-700) was one of the most eminent monks of the Nara period. He went to China in 653, studied with Hsiian-tsang and with monks of the Ch'an school, and returned to Japan in 661 with a number of relics, texts, and ritual implements received from Hsiian-tsang. With this authoritative transmission, he established the Japanese Hoss6 (Fahsiang) school and lived at Gangbji, which served as its headquarters (BD 4:3876a-b; Nakao Takashi and Imai Masaharu, Nihon meiso jiten, pp. 140-42). In later recensions of this story (in Fuso ryakki and Konjaku monogatarisha), the "five hundred tigers" become "five hundred sages" (NKBT 70:137, n. 13). 14See n. 9. 15The work cited, i.e., Nihonkoku meisoden, is lost, and nothing is known about its author. A work with this title is quoted as a source in Sogcbunin shoshutsu, compiled by Echin in 1165 (GR 3:221a), but there are no later references or evidence of its survival. Koizumi et al. suggest that most of the passages in Tamenori's version that are not supported by Ryoiki or Shoku nihongi may be based on Meisoden (see Shasei, p. 459). 16This paragraph does not appear in the Ryoiki. It is perhaps based on Meis6den.
2.3 Gyōki Bosatsu
pp. 197
Page 197 2.3 GyOki Bosatsu 197 2.3 GYOKI BOSATSU (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Todaiji-gire1) Gyoki Bosatsu was originally a monk of Yakushiji.2 His lay surname was that of the Koshi clan, and he came from Otori District in Izumi Province.3 While still a youth he shaved his head and began to chant the Yugaron.4 He soon attained enlightenment. He traveled widely in the provinces, teaching the people about Buddhism, turning them toward the path of the Buddha, and performing Buddhist rites. Wherever he went, there was not a home that was not deserted as the people rushed out and fought to get a close look at him and to worship him. When he encountered impassable roads, he built bridges and levees. When he found auspicious places, he built halls and established temples. He founded thirty-nine of them in the capital region and a great many others in the provinces. These temples are still in use, and their prosperity continues to this day.5 He traveled all over the country, and none of the places he visited failed to reap benefits through him. Once, when he came home to his own village, a number of people were gathered around the banks of the pond, catching fish and eating them. As he passed by, some ruffians stopped him and forced him to take some of the raw fish. He gave in, but as soon as he put it into his mouth he spat it out again, and each piece instantly turned into a small fish, which he returned to the pond. Everyone who saw this was amazed, and they regretted the mischief they had done.6 His amazing and miraculous feats of this kind were numerous indeed. The people living in the vicinity of Gangoji in the old capital organized a great Buddhist rite and invited Gy6ki Bosatsu to lecture for seven days. Many laymen and laywomen and monks and nuns came to see him. Among them was a woman who had used a tiny bit of rendered deer fat to dress her forelocks. She was just part of the crowd, seated at some distance from Gy6ki, and even those seated next to her took no notice. But Gy6ki spotted her in the distance and said, "I noticed an abominable odor, and when I looked I saw that woman over there who has dressed her hair with animal fat." The woman was mortified, and she ran away. Everyone who witnessed this was amazed.7 There were many incredible incidents. The emperor revered him deeply and took him as his sole teacher, and in the winter of the sixteenth year of the Tenpy6 era [744] he gave him the newly created title "DaisojW" and assigned four hundred monks to his service.8
Page 198 198 The Second Volume: The Teachings At that time there was a venerable monk named Chik..9 He was a wise and virtuous teacher. As Gyoki's reputation spread and his commentaries on various satras and treatises added to the public's esteem for him, Chiko became jealous. "I am a learned monk of high rank," he said. "Gyoki is an ignorant amateur. How can the government honor him and ignore me?"10 In spite, he withdrew to live in isolation at Sukitadera in the province of Kawachi, where he suddenly fell ill and died.11 But ten days later he came back to life and said, "I was following King Yama's couriers, and at one side of the road I saw a palace made of gold.12 When I asked the couriers about it they said, 'That is where Gyoki Bosatsu will be reborn.' We continued on to a place where I could see nothing but burning clouds of smoke. When I asked the couriers, they told me, 'That is the hell into which you will be reborn.' When we got there, they poked me with steel rods and made me clutch a burning steel pillar, so that my flesh tore and my bones crumbled. I cannot begin to describe all my torments. King Yama said, 'Your crime of slander against Gyoki, the Bodhisattva of the rich and fertile land of Japan, is serious.13 I have summoned you in order to pass judgement. Go home now, and reverse your fate.' He dispatched his courier to bring me back and has given me this chance." To show his repentance, he took up his walking stick and went to find Gyoki in Naniwa, where he was building bridges, digging canals, organizing ferry systems, and planting trees. Gyoki instinctively knew what was in Chiko's mind, and unable to suppress a grin, he said, "Why do you find it so hard to look me in the eye?"14 Chiko was more deeply awed and ashamed thari ever, and he wept with remorse. When the emperor built Todaiji and was planning the dedication service, he chose Gyoki to be the lecturer.15 But Gyoki said, "I am not fit to serve in such an office. A great teacher will come from a foreign country; it is he who should serve." When the day of the dedication service drew near, Gyoki went to the port of Naniwa in Tsu Province to welcome the expected teacher. At his request, the government sent one hundred monks to accompany him. Gyoki took his place at the end of the procession. Officials of the Civil Affairs Ministry's Bureau of Religious Affairs and of the Bureau of Court Musicians got into boats, and as the musicians played, they all went out to meet the visitor.16 But when they reached Naniwa, there was no one to be seen. Gyoki prepared a welcoming bowl of perfumed water and set it adrift. Rafts of flowers and burning incense were also set afloat in the currents. They did not scatter or dissolve but drifted far off toward the west. After a while a small boat appeared bearing the Brahman Abbot named Bodhi.17 The bowl of perfumed water was floating in front of his boat, undisturbed. This Bodhisattva had come from Southern India to
Page 199 2.3 Gy6ki Bosatsu 199 be present on the day of the dedication of Todaiji. He got out of the boat, came up on the shore, and grasped Gyoki by the hand, smiling joyfully. Then Gyoki Bosatsu uttered this verse: We made our vow before Sakyamuni at Vulture Peak; We have not failed to fulfill it, Now that we stand face to face. The Brahman Abbot replied: The vow we exchanged in Kapilavastu Has had its effect, And now I gaze upon Mafijusrl's face once more. and then they went to court together. Thus it was discovered that Gyoki was Mafijuri.18 He died on the second day of the second month of the first year of the Tenpy6 era [749].19 He was eighty years old at the time. His story appears in the Biographies of Famous Monks of Japan compiled by Koji Ono Nakahiro and in Ryoiki by the monk Kyokai.20 Notes 1Three Tbdaiji-gire fragments have been identified (see Shasei, pp. 139-43). 2Gyoki (688-749) is one of the most famous figures in Nara-period Buddhism, best known for his proselytizing and participation in public works. He was called "Bosatsu" (Bodhisattva) on the basis of the belief that he was a reincarnation of Mafijusri (see below) and because of the supernatural powers attributed to him. For an authoritative and detailed modern biography, see Inoue Kaoru, Gyoki. I have followed Inoue's reading of the name, although "Gy6gi" is common. Yakushiji, one of the "Seven Great Nara Temples," was a monastery of the Hosso school (see also 3.11 and 3.15). Although Gyoki was officially registered as a monk of this temple, he did not reside or practice there but moved freely about the countryside (Inoue, Gyoki, pp. 124-26). In this biographical section, Tamenori follows Gybki's obituary in Shoku nihongi (dated Tenpy5 ShSh6 1.12 [749]; KSTK 2:196-97). 3The Koshi clan claimed descent from the immigrant Korean scholar Wani. Otori, which was probably the seat of Gyoki's mother's
Page 200 200 The Second Volume: The Teachings family, is now part of Osaka Prefecture. In Ryoiki 2.7, Gyoki's lay name is given as "Koshi no fuhito," and his birthplace is said to be "Kubiki District in Echigo Province." This was probably the seat of his father's family, but he seems to have been born in Izumi. He later founded a temple in Otori called leharadera (Inoue, Gyoki, pp. 1-3). 4"Yugaron" probably refers specifically to Yugashijiron, one of the major treatises of the Hosso school (T 1580). The Shoku nihongi obituary for Gyoki says he also studied Yuishikiron (i.e., Yuishiki nijuron, another important treatise, T 1590, or perhaps "the various 'consciousness-only' treatises"). Gyoki's master was Dosho (see 2.2, n. 13), about whom there arose legends quite similar to those about Gyoki (Inoue, Gyoki, pp. 30-32). 5The distinction between halls (do) and temples (tera) may be that of informal halls for public, lay worship, on the one hand, and officially sanctioned monasteries, on the other. Shoku nihongi refers here to dojo, a term that originally translated Sanskrit bodhi-marnda, the site of a Buddha's attainment of enlightenment. The term was used in China and Japan in reference to informally established halls in which the public could worship (BD 4:3897a-98). The biography of Gyoki in Nihon Ojogokurakuki also has thirtynine as the number of temples he founded, probably on the basis of the Sanboe account. The number forty-nine is more widely accepted. It appears in the Shoku nihongi obituary and in the Maeda-ke bon (Inoue, Gyoki, p. 168). 6This episode, illustrating Gyoki's superhuman powers and his adherence to dietary precepts, and also providing another variation on the "release of animals" theme, does not appear in Ryoiki. It may have been in the lost Meis6den. The episode is included in the Nihon oj6gokurakuki biography (NST 7:16-19), which is probably based on Sanboe. 7This episode is based on Ryoiki 2.29 (NKBT 70:265); it is not repeated in the Nihon ojogokurakuki biography. "Gangoji in the old capital" refers to the first temple of that name in the old Asuka capital (see 2.1, n. 47). 8"Ame no mikado" refers throughout Sanboe to Emperor Shomu (see also 3.5, 3.13, and 3.22). Although Gyoki was officially chastised for his extra-institutional proselytizing activities, Shomu demonstrated his approval by granting him ecclesiastical office, probably in order to enlist his aid in the construction of the Great Buddha at Todaiji (Inoue, Gyoki, pp. 133-34). The title "Daisojo" made Gyoki the honorary head of the Buddhist establishment. The date here is as in Ry6iki 2.7, which is the basis for the account of the following episode. Nihon shoki gives Tenpy6 17 [745] 1.21 as the date of the bestowal of the title.
Page 201 2.3 Gyoki Bosatsu 201 9Chiko (709?-780?) was an influential Sanron monk, patriarch of its Gangoji faction (as distinguished from Doji's Daianji faction), and author of a number of commentaries and is traditionally believed to be the creator of the Pure Land mandala in the Gokurakub5 at Gangoji. Although he is portrayed as an arrogant and ambitious monk in this story, he actually lived modestly in a rural temple, Sukitadera (or Suitadera) in Kawachi Province, and declined all official appointments. While this episode is repeated in Gyoki's biography in Nihon ojogokurakuki, a much more complimentary biography of Chiko is also included therein (NST 7:24-25; see also BD 4:3527a-b; Nakao and Imai, Nihon meiso jiten, pp. 122-23). 10Chiko contrasts himself as a daiso with Gyoki as a shami (i.e., a monk without full, formal ordination). Interpreters of this story in Rybiki emphasize the fact that it fits Kyokai's theme of the superiority of "unofficial" monks who devote themselves to the people at large over monks who devote themselves to narrow exegetical studies. The tale may also personify the rivalry of the Hosso and Sanron schools. 11The monastery no longer stands, but the site is in Minami Kawachi-gun, Osaka-fu. 12"King Yama's couriers" are the servants of the ruler of the land of the dead (see also 2.14, 3.1, 3.16). In Ryoiki it is clear that there are two couriers. 13"The rich and fertile land of Japan" is expressed with a formal epithet, "toyoashihara no mizuho kuni," which is supposedly derived from the appearance of Japanese terrain when viewed from the sea (Maruyama Rinpei, J6daigo jiten, p. 724a). 14Gybki is demonstrating his ability to know what Chiko is thinking-a Bodhisattva attribute. 15See 3.22 for an account of the founding of Todaiji. The title "lecturer" (koshi) designates the main officiant at a large Buddhist ceremony. The following episode does not appear in Ryoiki; it may be based on Meis6den. Gyoki died in the second month of 749; the dedication of Todaiji took place in 752, a discrepancy that has not diminished the popularity of the story of Gyoki's meeting with Bodhisena (see below) who did, in fact, attend the ceremony. The story is repeated in Shichidaiji junrei shiki (see Fujita, ed., Kokan bijutsu shiry6, jiin hen 1, p. 40). 16The Civil Affairs Ministry (Jibu) included two subdivisions in charge of "Buddhism and aliens" (Genban) and court music (Uta no tsukasa). 17"The Brahman Abbot named Bodhi" (Baramon soj... Bodai) identifies the Indian Bodhisena (704-760). According to a memorial inscription dated 770 (Nantenjiku Baramon Sojo hi; T 51:987a-88a), he
Page 202 202 The Second Volume: The Teachings came to Japan from China in 736 in the entourage of the returning envoy Tajihi Hironari, as did the Vietnamese monk Buttetsu and the Chinese monk Tao-hsuian (see 3.22). Bodhisena was appointed Sojo in 751, conducted the Todaiji dedication in 752, and died at Daianji in 760 (BD 5:4670a-b). 18The first verse suggests that Gyoki and Bodhisena formed a bond in Sakyamuni's time that has brought them together in their present lives; the second reveals Gy6ki's "identity." Both appear in the same form in Shaisha, nos. 1438 and 1439 (Yamagishi, ed., Hachidaisha zencha 1, p. 620). "Vulture Peak" is the site of Sakyamuni's last discourses; Kapilavastu is the city of his birth. 19The date agrees with that of the Shoku Nihongi obituary. 20See 2.2, n. 15 on Meis6den.
2.4 The "Lump" Nun of Higo Province
pp. 203
Page 203 2.4 The "Lump" Nun 203 2.4 THE "LUMP" NUN OF HIGO PROVINCE (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) The wife of Lord Toyobuku of Toyobuku village in Yasshiro District in Higo Province was pregnant, and at four o'clock in the morning on the fifteenth day of the eleventh month of the second year of the Haki era [771], she gave birth to a lump of flesh.1 It was as round as the bright moon. The couple thought, "This is terrible!" and they put it in a bucket and hid it in a cave in the mountains. Seven days later they returned and discovered that it had opened up like an egg to reveal a [mysterious] little girl.2 They rejoiced, and they took the child to be suckled and nurtured. Everyone who heard about this was amazed. During the next eight months the child grew rapidly to a height of three feet and five inches. She was born clever, with a marvelous gift for speaking, and she was very wise. Before she was seven years old she had completely memorized the eight fascicles of the Lotus Satra and the eighty fascicles of the Kegon Satra.3 Out of her desire for the religious life, she shaved her head, put on holy robes, and became a nun. She practiced Buddhism and taught it to others. Her voice was awesome, and everyone who heard her was moved to tears. Her body was unusual: though she had the figure of a woman, her private parts were strange, for she had no vagina. She had only a small opening through which she urinated. Ignorant people made fun of her for this, calling her an "ape sage."4 When a monk of the Kokubunji of that province and another of the Usa Daijin[gOi]ji in Buzen Province saw her, they denounced her, saying, "You are a heretic!" and they laughed at her and made fun of her.5 In the midst of this harassment, a mysterious being came down out of the sky and grabbed the two monks by their arms and held them captive. Before long, they both died. In the eighth year of the Haki era [777], Lord Saga, the Senior Officer of Saga District in Hizen Province, sponsored a Service of the Retreat and invited the venerable monk Kaimy5 of Daianji, who was the ecclesiastical governor of Tsukushi Province, to lecture on the Kegon Satra in eighty fascicles.6 The nun attended every day, missing not one single session, and she asked questions as a member of the congregation. The monk singled her out and berated her, saying, "What kind of nun are you? Mixing indiscriminately with the congregation!" but she answered, "Because his compassion was so deep, the Buddha taught a universal doctrine. Now you are propounding his teachings, which he intended for the benefit of all sentient beings. On what grounds do you
Page 204 204 The Second Volume: The Teachings censure me? Furthermore, I have some questions [about the text of the satra you have been explicating. I wonder if you would clarify these uncertain areas for me.]"7 She quoted a verse from the Kegon Satra and asked him about it, but he was unable to respond. All the venerable monks of great repute at this gathering were startled and amazed. Each one quoted a verse and tested her knowledge, and the nun answered each one easily, without the least hesitation. Then she was revered and worshiped by the congregation, and it was understood that she was the reincarnation of a sage. She was called "Bodhisattva Sariputra," and she gained a following of clergymen and laymen who relied on her and worshiped her; they took her as their spiritual leader and followed all her teachings.8 Long ago, when the Buddha was in this world, Sumana, the daughter of Sudatta, an elder of Sravasti, gave birth to ten eggs, all of which became male children who eventually became arhats.9 The wife of an elder of Kapilavastu became pregnant and gave birth to a lump of flesh, and after seven days the lump of flesh opened and one hundred children came out, and all of them took vows at the same time, and all became arhats at the same time.10 Births of lumps of flesh in this country are to be compared to those in ancient times, according to Ryoiki. There is an illustration.11 Notes 1This story is based on Nihon ry6iki 3.19. There is also a version in Hokke genki 3.98 (NST 7:179). Toyobuku is now part of Matsubasecho, Shimomashiki-gun, Kumamoto-ken. The identity of the Lord with the place-name indicates that he was probably the major land owner or village headman (DNBZ 6:306). The hour and year, as in many Ryoiki tales, are indicated by their Chinese cyclical signs. As noted at the end of the tale, there are a number of Indian as well as Chinese and Japanese stories about "lumps of flesh" (shishimura) that turn into remarkable humans, often exemplary Buddhists. 2The word "mysterious" (ayashiki) does not occur in Ry6iki or in any but the TOji Kanchiin text. 3The version of the Kegon Satra in eighty fascicles is that translated by Sikgdnanda (T no. 278). 4"Ape sage" is saruhijiri. There may be a pun here on the verb saru, "play," suggesting that the woman is a "false sage" as well as a nonhuman one. See also n. 8. 5The Higo Kokubunji site is now part of Kumamoto-shi (DNBZ 6:307). The temple at Usa, identified in Ry6iki as "Yahata no Daijinji,"
Page 205 2.4 The "Lump" Nun 205 was attached to the Hachiman Shrine there and was also known as Mirokuji (NKBT 70:379, no. 30-21; 500, no. 35). The word used for "heretic" here is gedo. 6The officer's title (Dairyo) indicates that he is the highest civil official in the district. Ryoiki identifies him as "Kogimi of the Senior Upper Seventh Rank"; he is otherwise unknown. The "Service for the Retreat" (Angoe) is one held during the traditional period of retreat observed by both monks and nuns from the middle of the fourth month through the middle of the seventh (see also 2.6 and 3.21). The Toji Kanchiin bon has "Agon'e"-"an Agama service"-clearly in error. Kaimy6 was a native of Sanuki Province. He studied Kegon doctrines at Daianji, went to China to study during the H6ki era (770-780), and spent most of the rest of his life at Daianji. He died during the Enyraku era (782-805). His biography appears in Honcho kosoden (DNBZ 102:99b; see also BD 1:399c). Here he is identified as the holder of the office of Kokushi. These "ecclesiastical governorships," paralleling the civil office of kokushi (i.e., kuni no tsukasa), were part of a complex system of decentralized control of the Buddhist establishment instituted early in the eighth century (see Nanba Toshinari, "Kodai chih6 sokan seido ni tsuite," in Nanto Bukkyo 28 [1972]:30-50). 7The text in brackets does not have a parallel in Ryoiki and appears only in the Toji Kanchiin bon. 8The Bodhisattva Sariputra (Shari bosatsu) was a disciple particularly known for his wisdom and learning (BD 3:2192b-2193c). As LaFleur has suggested, there may be an intentional linguistic play on the names "Saru hijiri" and "Shari bosatsu," but the latter name surely refers to the disciple, not to the "ashes" of the Buddha (LaFleur, The Karma of Words, pp. 42, 169, n. 32). The term for "spiritual leader" here is keshu, literally "one who has a good effect" as the leader of a religious group (BD 1:883c-84a). 9According to a story in Gengukyo (T 4:440d-41d), Sumand's sons were hunting enthusiasts, but she persuaded them to give up the killing of animals, and they became devoted Buddhists and, eventually, arhats (see also BD 3:2486c). 10This story appears in Senja hyakuengy6 (T 4:237a-b). It may be the progenitor of all stories with the "lump of flesh" motif. "Both of the scriptural examples are as cited in Rydiki. In some cases, however, Tamenori omits such additional references provided by Kyokai (see, for example, 2.6, n. 4; 2.8, n. 8). This is the only tale other than those in the first volume for which an illustration is indicated, and the indication appears only in the Sekido-ke bon. There are no known examples of illustrations of this story.
2.5 Kinunui Tomo Miyatsuko Gitō
pp. 206
Page 206 206 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.5 KINUNUI TOMO MIYATSUKO GITO (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon1) Long ago, during the reign of the empress who ruled from the palace at Owarida, there was a man named Kinunui Tomo Miyatsuko Git6.2 He was suddenly stricken with a terrible illness and became deaf in both ears, and ugly pockmarks appeared on his body, which remained unhealed one year later. Then he realized, "This affliction has come upon me in retribution for something in the past. It has nothing to do with this present life. Rather than live a long life in which I shall be despised, I should quickly generate merit and die." So he went to a temple and swept the courtyards and decorated the halls and invited the monk Gi to recite satras, and he prayed and bathed in perfumed water to purify his body.3 He concentrated with all his might and had the monk read the Mahayana satras. Then Git5 told the monk, "I just heard the name of a Bodhisattva in one ear. I ask you, reverend Master, lead me to the next world." They worshiped the names of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in the siCtras with even greater zeal, and Git6 heard the names clearly in his other ear. He was overjoyed, and as the monk continued with still more fervent prayers, he regained his hearing in both ears. There was no limit to the awe and wonder of people everywhere when they heard about this. If people are firm and deep in their faith, the power of the teachings cannot fail to have its effect. This story appears in Ry6iki. Notes 1A complete version of this tale also appears in Taishiden gyokurinsho. See Shasei, p. 153. 2This story is based on Nihon ryoiki 1.8. There is also a version in Konjaku monogatari shuf 14.36. "The empress who ruled from the palace at Owarida" is Suiko; the palace was near modern Takaichi. Gito, the protagonist, is otherwise unknown. His name suggests that he may have been head of a court guild of weavers and clothiers. Each text gives a slightly different transcription and reading of the name; I have used the form that appears in Nihon ryoiki and in Yamada's Ryakucha. 3"The monk Gi" is otherwise unknown. It has been suggested that this is not a name but a phrase meaning "a learned monk" (NKBT 70:95,
Page 207 2.5 Kinunui Tomo Miyatsuko Gito 207 n. 21). There may have been some error in the copying of various versions, whereby a character from the name of the protagonist has become part of the name of the monk. The Sekido-ke bon has "Tengi zenji," but this may be an incorporation of the te suffix of the preceding verb "to invite" (Shasei, pp. 153-54).
2.6 An Old Fisherman of Harima Province
pp. 208
Page 208 208 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.6 AN OLD FISHERMAN OF HARIMA PROVINCE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bonl) At the invitation of the patrons of N6dera in Shikama District in Harima Province, the revered monk Ji6 of Gangoji in the capital spent the period of the Retreat with them. He gave lectures on the Lotus Satra.2 An old fisherman lived near the temple. From youth to old age, catching fish had been his only occupation, and he knew no other. One day he suddenly crawled up into a mulberry tree in his garden and raised his voice in wails and cries: "Red hot flames are coming at me and burning up my body! Help!" A crowd of people gathered, and they were going to try to help him, but he called out, "Don't come near me! You too will be burned!" So some of his friends ran to the temple and asked the exorcist to come and try his spells.3 He tried for a long time, but the flames still threatened. The man's jacket and trousers were all burned to shreds. Quaking with terror, the old man went to the temple and, along with the congregation, begged forgiveness for his sins. Spiritually renewed, he cast off his tattered robes and chanted the satra. He never went fishing again.4 This story appears in Ry6iki.5 Notes 1The Sekido-ke bon text breaks off at the point corresponding to "He tried for a long time, but the flames still threatened." 2This story is based on Nihon ryoiki 1.11. Shikama is now part of Himeji-shi. N6dera may have been the Kokubunji of Harima Province (NKBT 70:100, n. 5). "Patrons" is dan'ochi (or dan'otsu), from Sanskrit danapati, the financial supporters of a temple or religious group. Jio is otherwise unknown. He is identified here as "daitoko," a term of respect rather than a formal title. On the Retreat, see 2.4, n. 6 and 3.21. 3I have translated "gyoja" here as "the exorcist," since he uses "spells" (kaji) and appears to be some kind of expert in the treatment of curses and possession. It is not entirely clear that this is not Jio; see following note. 4Since the cure is achieved when the man is at the temple and chants the satra (presumably the Lotus), we are perhaps to understand that Ji6 was at the temple all along and is not to be identified as the
Page 209 2.6 An Old Fisherman 209 gyoja. The point may be that the spells had no effect, while the chanting of the satra led by the revered monk was immediately efficacious. 5Tamenori omits Ky6kai's reference to a similar Chinese story in Yen-shih chia-hsiin, by Yen Chih-t'ui (531-591): a man sold eel soup for a living, and in retribution his own son was born with the head of an eel (Utsunomiya Kiyoshi, ed. and tr., Ganshikakun, in Chagoku koten bungaku taikei 9, p. 545; Teng Ssu-yti, tr., Family Instructions for the Yen Clan, p. 149). The story also appears in FYCL (T 53:841b).
2.7 The Monk Gikaku
pp. 210
Page 210 210 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.7 THE MONK GIKAKU (Maeda-ke bon, Thji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon1) The monk Gikaku was born in Paekche.2 When that kingdom was destroyed, during the reign of the empress who ruled at the Latter Palace of Okamoto, he emigrated to Japan.3 He lived in Kudaradera in Naniwa.4 He was seven feet tall. He studied widely in the teachings of the Buddha and chanted the Heart Satra.5 Another monk of the same temple, Egi, was taking a solitary stroll one night, and when he looked toward Gikaku's quarters, he saw that the whole building was shining with radiance.6 When he approached and looked through the window, he saw that Gikaku was seated, chanting the satra, and that the light was emanating from Gikaku's mouth. Egi was amazed. The next morning he told everyone about it, and they were all impressed. The saintly Gikaku himself told his disciples, "Last night I chanted the Heart Satra one hundred times. Then I opened my eyes, and when I looked around the room, I realized that I could see right through the walls into the courtyard. I was amazed, and I left my room and walked around the temple and then went back to confirm it, but all the walls and the sliding doors were solid. When I continued to chant the Heart Satra, I found that I could see through the walls again, just as before. This is evidence of the miraculous power of the Heart Satra." This story appears in Ry6iki.7 Notes 1Only four lines of the end of the story survive in the Sekido-ke bon. 2This story is based on Nihon rydiki 1.14. There is also a version in Konjaku monogatari sha 14.32. Gikaku is otherwise unknown. 3Paekche was overwhelmed by the armies of Silla and the T'ang in 660. "The Latter Palace of Okamoto" was one of the palaces at Asuka used during the reign of Saimei (655-661). 4Kudaradera was probably located in a village of the same name, now part of Osaka; it is sometimes identified with the modern Shariji (NKBZ 6:93, n. 27; NKBT 70:107; n. 16). "Kudara" is a Japanese name for Paekche. 5The Heart Satra (Hannya shingy5, i.e., Hannya haramitta shingy6) was and is a popular liturgical text, ending dramatically with a
Page 211 2.7 The Monk Gikaku 211 well-known dharamn (see 2.11, n. 4). Hstian-tsang's translation is the most widely used (T 8:848c; see also BD 5:4265c-67b; Edward Conze, tr., Buddhist Wisdom Books, pp. 77-107). Rybiki calls it Shin hannyagyo, a form that also appears in Nara-period catalogs. 6Egi is otherwise unknown. 71In Ry6iki, Kyokai concludes with a verse that summarizes the preceding story.
2.8 Ono no Ason Niwamaro of Echizen Province
pp. 212
Page 212 212 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.8 ONO NO ASON NIWAMARO OF ECHIZEN PROVINCE (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) In Kaga District in Echizen Province there was a magistrate in charge of vagrants. When such persons came there from other provinces, he recorded their names and assigned them to such duties as corv&e labor, public construction, and tax-collecting.1 At that time there was a man who lived in Nara named Ono no Ason Niwamaro who had become a lay devotee and who constantly chanted the Dharan! of the Thousand-armed Kannon.2 He came to this district and was wandering through the mountains when, at noon on the twenty-sixth day of the third month in the spring of the third year of the Jingo Keiun era [769], he came to the village of Mimakawa and encountered the magistrate, who asked him to identify himself.3 He answered, "I am an ascetic monk. I am not concerned with worldly affairs."4 The magistrate became angry and said, maliciously, "Your appearance is still that of a man of the world. You have come wandering here from the next province. I'm going to put you to work for the common weal, whether you're an ascetic or not, and I'll make you help with the tax collecting." He tied Niwamaro up and beat him and put him to work. But the ascetic said, "When a louse leaves your robes and goes up to your head, it turns black; when a louse leaves your head and goes down to your robes, it turns white. Just as the insect adjusts its color to the place in which it lives, I who carry my faith with me must adjust its form to different circumstances.5 I carry the Dharan! in my head; I bear the Satra of the Thousand-armed Kannon on my back.6 I rely on the power of these teachings to protect me from all dangers. I uphold the Great Vehicle. I am innocent of crimes and violations. What makes you think you can beat me and tie me up and harass me and subject me to such humiliation?" "If this Dhararn really works," the magistrate retorted, "let me see some proof right now!" He took a rope, hung the satra up in a tree and went away.7 The distance from this place to the magistrate's house was about one league. When the magistrate reached the gate of his house and was about to get off his horse, he discovered that he was stuck firm and could not get down. Thus attached, they flew off into the sky. They reached the place where he had left the ascetic tied up, stopped in mid-air, and remained there for a day and a night, unable to descend. The next day, at the very hour that he had captured the ascetic the day before, he fell
Page 213 2.8 Ono no Ason Niwamaro 213 out of the sky and was killed. His shattered bones clattered like a handful of divining rods in a sack. This story appears in Ry6iki.8 Notes 1This story is based on Nihon rybiki 3.14. A fragmentary version appears in the Kanazawa bunko manuscript of Kannon riyaku sha as tale number 37 (Kond5 Yoshihiro, ed., Chasei shinbutsu setsuwa [Koten bunko 38], pp. 204-5). Since Kaga was separated from Echizen and organized as a separate province in 823, this line in Ryiiki has been used to show that the work was probably completed before that year. Vagrants (rbnin) were declared criminals in 709 because, by leaving the communities in which they were registered, they evaded taxation (Naoki Kojiro, "Nara jidai ni okeru fur6 ni tsuite," in Shirin 34.3 [1957]:19-39). "Corvee labor" is zoyaku, actually labor extracted as a form of taxation, usually applied for the construction of levees, public buildings, and roads (KGD 12:321b). "Public construction" is karitsukai, synonymous with z6yaku (KGD 5:230d). Choyo refers to the collection of food-stuffs and other materials due to the provincial administration as local taxes; vagrants were apparently employed in the labor of hauling rice bales from private to public storehouses (KGD 13:545a). 2Niwamaro is otherwise unknown. "Lay devotee" is ubasoku (see 2.2, n. 2). "Dhdrani of the Thousand-Armed Kannon" (Senju no ju, i.e., Senju darani) refers to an esoteric text, known also as Daihishin darani, of which there are many translations (e.g., T no. 1060). The full name is Senju sengen kanzeon bosatsu k6dai enman muge daihishin daranikyo. It invokes the aid of the merciful Kannon, who has the capacity to avert or reverse all ills and evils throughout the world. 3Mimakawa has been identified as Minma, part of Kanazawa-shi (NKBZ 6:294, n. 15). 4"Ascetic monk" is shugyoja. 5The aphorism about the louse occurs in Chi Shu-yeh's Yang-sheng lun, a Taoist "pure-discourse" text quoted in Wen-hsian. In his commentary on Wen-hsian, Li Shan attributes it to Pai P'u-tzu, but the passage cannot be found in his extant works (NKBT 70:355, n. 5; Obi Koichi, Monzen 7 [Zen'yaku kanbun taikei 32]:16-18). In the original context the point is that the apparent colors black and white do not exist in and of themselves but are merely the result of dependent causation. Niwamaro, however, is using the figure to indicate his adaptability to
Page 214 214 The Second Volume: The Teachings conditions and to express the idea that religious observance must fit its time and circumstances. 6Here, the satra of which the dharapn is a part is named. 7Tamenori interprets a line in the Rybiki version as the magistrate's challenge to the mendicant. It can also be read as the mendicant's pronouncement: "This dharani really has wondrous effects; now I'll show you some proof." 8Tamenori omits two scriptural quotations with which Kyokai concludes the tale. One, from the Senju darani itself, warns of punishment to those who disparage it (see T 20:111c). The other, from "a Mahayana satra" (H6okky6), warns against the disparagement of sages. Matsuura Teishun has identified similar passages in Sassha nikengyb (T 9:336b) as a possible source (Matsuura, Nihonkoku genpo zen'aku rybiki chashaku, pp. 379-80; see also Nakamura, tr., Miraculous Tales, p. 241).
2.9 The Go-Playing Monk of Yamashiro Province
pp. 215
Page 215 2.9 The Go-Playing Monk 215 2.9 THE GO-PLAYING MONK OF YAMASHIRO PROVINCE (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) Long ago there was a monk of the province of Yamashiro.1 He was playing go with a layman when a beggar approached them, chanted the titles of the chapters of the Lotus Satra, and asked for food. The monk laughed, mocking and disparaging him. He twisted up his own mouth and, in an affected, silly voice, he imitated the beggar's chant. The layman, going on with the game, exclaimed, "What a thing to do!" As they played, the layman won every match. The monk lost every match. Then the monk discovered that his mouth was still twisted. A doctor was called, and he tried to cure the monk with medicine, but he never was cured. In the Lotus Satra it says, "If you laugh [at those who chant and sing the praises of the satra], for many rebirths your teeth will fall out and leave ugly gaps in your mouth, your lips will turn black, your nose will become flat, you arms and legs will be crooked, and you will squint in one eye."2 This story appears in Ryoiki. Notes 1This story is based on Nihon rydiki 1.19. There are also versions in Hokke genki 3.96 and Konjaku monogatari sha 14.28. In the latter, the names of characters from Ryoiki 2.18 are borrowed; the monk is named EijA, of Komadera in Sagaraka District, Yamashiro. In Tamenori's version the monk is called a shami, perhaps indicating incomplete or unofficial ordination; in Ryoiki he is a jido, a "selfordained" monk. In contrast with most Ryoiki tales about such irregularly ordained, noninstitutional monks, this protagonist is ignorant and irresponsible, and he is duly punished. 21n Ryoiki, the passage is quoted verbatim from the Lotus Sctra (T 9:62a): "Those who belittle and joke about this satra will immediately lose many of their teeth, their mouths will become ugly, their noses will be flattened, their hands and feet will be crippled, and they will squint." Tamenori omitted the bracketed clause.
2.10 The Sūtra-Box Patron of Yamashiro Province
pp. 216
Page 216 216 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.10 THE SUTRA-BOX PATRON OF YAMASHIRO PROVINCE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) During the reign of Emperor Shomu, a man who lived in Sagara[ka] District in Yamashiro Province vowed to perform devotions.1 His name is unknown. In order to repay the Four Obligations, he made a copy of the Lotus Satra.2 He wanted to make a box to hold the satra. He wanted to use white and red sandalwood, and he had some brought from the capital, Nara, for which he paid a price of one hundred strings of coin. He hired carpenters, and when they presented him with the completed box, he discovered that the satra was too long and the box too short, and the one could not be placed inside the other. The patron was very distressed, and he tried to get more wood but could find none. But he concentrated on his goal, made vows, invited a number of monks, and had them conduct services for three weeks, praying that more wood might be found. After two weeks he tried to put the satra into the box, but it still would not fit, though the box seemed to have stretched a little. He was pleased, and amazed, and he prayed even more fervently. At the end of the third week he tried again, and the satra fit right into the box. Everyone was amazed and incredulous. Had the satra gotten smaller? Had the box gotten larger? They got out the original satra and compared the new copy, but they were the same size. They put the satras side by side, and though the new one fit in easily, the old one would not go in. Thus it was known: the wonderful power of the Great Vehicle had matched the deep sincerity of the devout practitioner.3 This story appears in Ryoiki. Notes 1This story is based on Nihon ryoiki 2.6. There are also versions in Hokke genki 3.105 and Konjaku monogatari sha 12.26. On Emperor Shomu (reigned 742-749), see 3.22. He is identified here, as in Ryoiki, without circumlocution. Most commentators, citing Wamyosho, give "Sagaraka" as the correct place-name. The Toji Kanchiin bon reads "Sagara" (Shasei, pp. 166-67). The name is retained as S6raku-gun, in Kyoto-fu (NKBZ 6:160, n. 2).
Page 217 2.10 The Sutra-Box Patron 217 2"The Four Obligations" (shion) are listed in Shinjikangyo as obligations to one's parents, other sentient beings, one's king, and the Three Jewels (T 3:297a). There are several variations (BD 2:1725c-26c). 3The "Great Vehicle" (Daijo), given the context, probably refers to the teachings of the Lotus Sitra as the epitome of Mahayana Buddhism.
2.11 Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito
pp. 218
Page 218 218 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.11 TAKAHASHI NO MURAJI AZUMAHITO (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito lived in the village of Hamishiro in Yamada District in Iga Province.1 He was very rich and owned many treasures. He had a copy of the Lotus Satra made in memory of his late mother. In preparation for the offertory service, he decorated a hall, and on the day before he planned to hold the ceremony he dispatched a courier to find a monk to serve as lecturer, telling him, "The first man you meet will be someone who has a special affinity to serve as my teacher, and it is he who should conduct the ceremony. It does not matter what he looks like. You must invite him, in any case." With these instructions, the courier departed, and in the village of [Mashi], in the same district, he encountered a beggar.2 With a begging bowl and an alms-bag under his arm, intoxicated by wine, he lay asleep in the road.3 When the servant spotted him, he gave him his master's invitation and took him back to the house. When the patron saw him, he bowed respectfully. He gave the beggar lodging in his house for one day and one night. Ceremonial robes were hastily prepared for him. The beggar asked, "Just what are you doing?" "You are going to lecture on the Lotus Satra," the patron answered. "But I am too ignorant! I only know how to chant the Dharan! of the Heart Satra, and I live by begging."4 But the patron would not excuse him. The beggar decided, "I'll sneak away." But the patron suspected that he might do something of the kind, so he set a guard to keep watch over the beggar. That night, the beggar had a dream in which a light brown female ox appeared and said, "I am the mother of the master of the house. There is one light brown ox in his herd. Know, then, that it is I. When I lived, I stole my son's property. That is why I was reborn as an ox, in retribution for my sin. Tomorrow you will expound upon the Great Vehicle for my benefit, so I have appeared before you tonight to make this sincere confession. If you want to know whether or not this is the truth, prepare a seat for me in the lecture hall. Then I will come and take my place." Waking with a start, the beggar was filled with wonder. The next morning he demurred again, but the patron still would not excuse him, and so he took the lecturer's seat and said, "I am a humble man, ignorant and unenlightened. I do not know how to address the Buddha or interpret the scripture. It is only out of obedience to the patron that I have
Page 219 2.11 Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito 219 taken the lecturer's seat. However, last night I learned something in a dream." He described his dream. The patron was amazed, and he spread the mat himself. Then one of his oxen-a light brown one-came into the hall, bent her knees, and lay down on the mat. The patron wept profusely and said, "How could I have known? How terrible! To think of all the years that you have been in suffering because of my ignorance! But how marvelous! Today I have learned the truth, and I rejoice in the power of the Great Vehicle. From this day on I shall look after you with special care, and I will end your long period of servitude." He continued to weep and grieve. At these words, the ox herself was moved, and she wept, too. As soon as the ceremony came to an end, the ox died. The entire assemblage raised their voices in mournful cries, and the sound echoed throughout the courtyard. "Nothing like this has ever been known to happen!" they exclaimed. The patron called for additional rites of offering in his mother's memory. Thus it was known: the patron's desire to fulfill his obligations to his mother brought about a revelation of the truth, and the beggar's devotion to the Dhdrani produced a miracle. This story appears in Ryoiki. Notes 1This story is based on Nihon ry6iki 2.15. There are also versions in Hokke genki 3.106 and Konjaku monogatari sha 12.25. Azumahito is otherwise unknown. Hamishiro has been identified as Hojiro-cho, Uenoshi, Mie-ken (NKBZ 6:185, n. 9). The TOji Kanchiin gloss is "Kuishiro." 2Ryciki has "Mitani no sato." The Sekido-ke bon reads "in a village in the same district." 3In the Ry6iki version it is clear that someone has disguised the drunken beggar as a monk: "Some mischievous person had shaved his head and hung ropes on him to look like a kesa. But he was too drunk to notice." The motif can perhaps be traced to the story of the drunken Brahman who inadvertently became a monk, in Daichidoron (see "General Preface," n. 14). 4The "Dhdrani of the Heart SCtra" is the familiar spell that concludes the text (see also 2.7, n. 5; T 8:848c). Even an uneducated beggar might be expected to have memorized it.
2.12 A Woman of Yamato Province
pp. 220
Page 220 220 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.12 A WOMAN OF YAMATO PROVINCE (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) There was a woman who lived in the village of Yamamura in STkami District in Yamato Province.1 Her name is unknown. This woman had a daughter who married and had two children. Her husband was appointed governor of another province. He took his wife and children with him and had been living in that province for two years when his wife's mother, back home in their native village, had an inauspicious dream about her daughter. When she awoke, she was full of dread and grief. She wanted to sponsor readings of the saitras, but she was poor and had no property. She took off her own clothes and washed and purified them and gave them as a fee for the readings. Her daughter lived in the governor's mansion with her husband. Her two children, who had been playing out in the courtyard, called inside to her: "There are seven monks on our roof, chanting satras! Come out quickly and see!" Indeed, when she listened for sounds from the roof, she could hear voices chanting, just like a crowd of droning bees. Incredulous, she went out into the yard to have a look. In the next instant, the house collapsed. Just as suddenly, the seven monks had disappeared. In fright and alarm she thought to herself, "Heaven has come to my aid and kept me from being crushed to death beneath the falling house!" Later, her mother sent a courier who reported the inauspicious dream and how she had sponsored the satra readings. Hearing this, her daughter's reverence for the Three Jewels was many times increased. Thus it was known: the power generated by the chanting of the satras brought her the protection of the Three Jewels. This story appears in Ryikhi. Note 1This story is based on Nihon rytiki 2.20. The place has been identified as what is now Obitoke-ch6, Nara-shi (NKBZ 6:200, n. 3; Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten 3 (Kinki), p. 106).
2.13 Okisome no Omi Taime
pp. 221
Page 221 2.13 Okisome no Omi Taime 221 2.13 OKISOME NO OMI TAIME (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) Okisome no Omi Taime was the daughter of the abbess of a convent in Nara.1 Her devotion to Buddhism was deep, and she had never had intercourse with a man. Every single day she picked flowers and presented them to Gyoki Bosatsu.2 One day, when she went as usual to pick flowers in the mountains, she saw a big snake devouring a big frog. Aghast, she said, "Let me have that frog!" but the snake went right on swallowing it. Utterly distressed, she thought, "What can I say to make the snake give him up?" Then she had an idea. "I will be your wife; let the frog go," she said, whereupon the snake raised its head, looked her in the eye, and spat out the frog. Then she was worried. Hoping to postpone the day of their union, she told him carelessly, "Come to me in seven days," and she ran away. When the night of the seventh day came, she remembered what she had done and became frightened. She closed up her bedchamber, covered all the entrances, made her body impervious, and hid inside the house. The snake arrived and knocked on the wall with his tail, but he could not get in, and he went away. The next morning the woman was all the more frightened, so she went to the mountain temple where Gyoki Bosatsu was staying and asked him for help. "You cannot save yourself," he told her, "so you had better take vows and hold firmly to them." She immediately took the initiation of the Three Refuges and the Five Precepts.3 On her way home she met a stranger, an old man who was carrying a big crab. "Who are you?" she asked. "Will you give me that crab?" "I live in Uhara District in Settsu Province, and my name is Suchand-such," he answered.4 "I am seventy-eight years old, but I have no children. I have no means of support in this world, so I went to Naniwa and I happened to catch this crab. I have promised it to someone, so I cannot give it to anyone else." The woman took off her robe and offered it in exchange, but he refused. Then she took off her skirt, which he accepted, and he gave her the crab. The woman took the crab, returned to the temple, and had Gyoki Bosatsu pronounce blessings over it, and then she took it to a river and let it go.5 "Very good! Very admirable!" Gyoki exclaimed.
Page 222 222 The Second Volume: The Teachings Then she went home, and she thought she would be safe that night, but the snake came down through the ceiling and entered her room. She was terrified, and she hid under the bed covers. Through the quilts she heard the sounds of a struggle. The next morning she looked out and saw the big crab and the snake's body, chopped up in pieces and scattered about the room. Then she realized that the crab had repaid its obligation and that the Buddhist vows she had taken had generated great power. To obtain further proof she sent someone to Settsu Province to find out where the old man lived, but there was no such person to be found in that village or district. Then she knew that the old man was the avatar of a deity.6 This story appears in Rybiki. Notes 1This story is based on Nihon ry6iki 2.8, and Ry6iki 2.12 is also quite similar. Hokke genki 3.123 has a similar plot, but Kannon replaces Gy6ki as the advisor, the young woman's father is the one who strikes the bargain with the snake, and the frog becomes a handsome young man who marries the young woman. The Hokke genki version is presented there as the origin-tale of the temple in S6raku-gun, Kyoto-fu, known as Kanimanji. "Okisome no Omi Taime" is otherwise unknown. Ry6iki says her mother was abbess of "Tomi no amadera" in Nara. This has been identified as Tomidera (NKBZ 6:169, n. 5) or Ryfifukuniin (KSTK 2:412). Both are near Nara and are associated with Gy6ki. 20n Gyoki, see 2.3. In the Ry6iki version he is called "Gybki Daitoko," and he is said to have been in residence at Ikomadera (i.e., Chikurinji, in Ikoma-gun, Nara-ken) at this time (NKBZ 6:166, n. 16). 3The "Three Refuges and the Five Precepts" are sanki (see 2.1, n. 19) and gokai, against killing, stealing, fornicating, lying, and consuming alcoholic beverages. Together they constitute informal admission to the Buddhist orders (BGD 1:459a; BD 1:1118c-20b; 1474a75c). 4All three texts have the name in slightly different form; the Maeda-ke text agrees with Ry6iki. The place has been identified as Ubara, in Nishinomiya-shi and Ashiya-shi, Hy6go-ken (NKBZ 6:170, n. 12). In Rybiki the man is named "Edoi no Nimaro." 5Ryoiki says that Gy6ki invited a number of other monks to attend the service, perhaps a kind of hojoe (see 3.26).
Page 223 2.13 Okisome no Omi Taime 223 6"Avatar of a deity" is henge no hito (or henkenin). Rybiki has "ishbke," "the reincarnation of a sage" or "saintly avatar."
2.14 Nara no Iwashima
pp. 224
Page 224 224 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.14 NARA NO IWASHIMA (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) Nara no Iwashima lived during the reign of Emperor Shamu, on the sixth avenue at the fifth street, in the western part of the capital.1 His residence lay in the neighborhood west of Daianji.2 He borrowed thirty strings of coin from the temple's sittra fund and went to the port of Tsuruga in Echizen, where he purchased goods and loaded them onto a ship.3 On his way home he suddenly fell ill. He was put ashore, where he borrowed a horse and hastened homeward on his own. In Takashima District in Omi Province he noticed that three men were following him at a distance of about a mile.4 When he reached the Uji Bridge in Yamashiro Province, they caught up and rode alongside him.5 Iwashima asked, "Where are you going?" "We have been sent from King Yama's palace to bring Nara no Iwashima to him," they answered.6 "But I am Iwashima!" he exclaimed. "Why am I summoned?" "We went to your house," one of the demons went on, "but they said you had gone away on business and had not yet returned. We went to Tsuruga and found you there. Just when we were about to take you, a courier from the Four Celestial Kings appeared and said, 'This man is doing business with funds received from a temple. Let him be released for awhile.'7 So we gave you your freedom until you could reach home. We have been following you for many days, and we have grown weak with hunger. Do you have any food with you?" "Yes, I have some dried rice cakes to eat as I travel," he said, and he gave them to the demons. Then one of them said, "It is our breath that can make you ill. But we won't come close, so do not be afraid." Together they traveled onward to his house. He ordered food and served them a lavish feast. The demons said, "We want to eat beefl Get some for us! We are beef-eating demons!" "I have two dappled oxen," Iwashima said. "I will let you have them if you will release me." "You have fed us well, and we are in debt to you," they admitted, "but if we release you, we will be guilty of a great crime, and we will get poked a hundred times with steel rods. Do you know someone else who is your age?" "I can't think of anyone," said Iwashima. "How old are you?" asked one of the demons. "I was born in the Year of the Tiger," he answered.8
Page 225 2.14 Nara no Iwashima 225 "I know someone who is the same age as you," said the demon. "We will take him instead of you.9 But first we are going to eat one of the oxen you offered us. And to prevent our punishment with those rods, you must sponsor one hundred readings of the Diamond Satra in our names.10 We are called Takasamaro, Nakachimaro, and Tsuchimaro."11 Having pronounced their names, they disappeared into the night. The next morning, Iwashima found that one of his oxen was dead. He immediately went to the Nantoin of Daianji, asked for the monk Nin'y6, and asked him to carry out the chanting of the satra.12 The readings continued for two days. On the morning of the third day one of the demons appeared and said, "Thanks to the power of the Great Vehicle, we have escaped the punishment of one hundred rods. Also, we have been given much more food than usual! We are very happy, and very much in awe. From now on, on every Ritual Day, please conduct offertory services in our behalf and present food in our names," and he swiftly disappeared.13 Iwashima was over ninety when he died. In China, during the T'ang dynasty, a man named [Te-hstian] escaped the summons of King Yama through the power of Prajid.14 In Japan, Iwashima received money from the temple and escaped the demons.15 This story appears in Ry6iki. Notes 1This story is based on Nihon ryoiki 2.24. There is also a version in Konjaku monogatari sha 20.19 (see also n. 14, below, concerning the evolution of this tale). Iwashima is otherwise unknown. The TOji Kanchiin bon has "Tachibana no Iwashima," as does the Konjaku version-in both cases, a mistranscription of nara. Rybiki places his residence in the capital city's eastern quarter. The Toji Kanchiin bon and Sekido-ke bon read "eastern quarter"; Maeda-ke bon reads "in the old capital." 2Daianji (see 2.18, n. 2 and 3.17) was at the intersection of the sixth avenue and the fourth street (Ota, Nanto shichidaiji no rekishi to nenpy6, p. 82). 3A "satra fund" was used by some monasteries for making loans, the interest from which supported various ceremonies, readings, or research. Daianji garan engi narabi ni ruki shizaich6 (dated 747) mentions such a fund (Takeuchi, ed., Nara ibun 2, p. 370). 4Takashima is on the western shore of Lake Biwa. Ryoiki adds "at Karasaki in Shiga."
Page 226 226 The Second Volume: The Teachings 5The bridge at Uji lies on the route from Omi to Nara. 6The men are "King Yama's couriers," from the realm of the dead (see 2.3, n. 12). 70n the "Four Celestial Kings," see 1.10, n. 8 and 2.1, n. 21. Since the funds belong to a temple, the kings, protecting the cause of Buddhism, argue for Iwashima's reprieve from death until he can make good on the loan. 8"The Year of the Tiger" (tsuchinoe tora no toshi) corresponds to the seventh year of the reign of Tenmu, i.e., 678, making Iwashima at least forty-six years old (NKBT 6:210, n. 5). 9In Ryoiki, the demon specifically names the alternate victim: "A prognosticator who lives near the shrine at Izagawa" (NKBZ 6:210, n. 6). 10The Diamond Satra (i.e., Kongo hannya haramitsukyo, T 8:748c57a), like the Heart Satra, was used primarily as a liturgical text (see BD 2:1347a-48b and the translation by Conze, Buddhist Wisdom Books, pp. 21-74). As noted below, the text was thought to have special miraculous powers; note that the demons specifically ask for as many readings as the number of potential "pokes" per person. 11The demons' names have been variously interpreted: "Tall, medium, and short" (NKBT 70:249, n. 17) or "tallest and oldest, middle and 'frightful'" (NKBZ 6:210, nn. 10-12). 12"Nantoin of Daianji" seems to refer to a "southern pagoda subtemple," but no such name appears in Daianji records (NKBZ 6:210, n. 13). Nin'yo (?-796), a native of Upper Kazuragi District, was ordained at Todaiji, where he studied Kegon doctrines. He would have been seventeen or eighteen at the time of this story, so he may not yet have been fully ordained, which perhaps explains why he is here called a shami. According to his biography in Honcho kosoden (DNBZ 103:836), he observed the precepts strictly. On hot summer nights he sat in meditation, unclothed, without a mosquito net, enduring the bites of insects (Washio Junkei, Zotei Nihon Bukka jinmei jisho, p. 998a). 13"Ritual Day" here is sechinichi. Yamada suggested that the "Six Ritual Days" are intended (see 2.1, n. 8). The notion of pleasing the good spirits and appeasing the evil spirits on these days seems to support this. 14None of the Sanboe texts correctly transcribes the name Tehstian as it appears in Rybiki. His story originates in Ching-kang panjo-ching chi-yen-chi (Kongo hannyakyo shagenki), a Chinese collection of tales about miracles attributed to the Diamond Satra (see Dai Nihon zokuzokyb, part 1, section 2b, case 22, vol. 1). He was a high-ranking courtier during the reign of Emperor Kao-tsung (650-683). On his way to a provincial post he encountered a demon who took him to the land of the dead, where he was subjected to numerous tests, all of which he passed because he had chanted the satra a thousand times. Finally, the
Page 227 2.14 Nara no Iwashima 227 demon predicted that he would enjoy a very successful career and eventually rise to the office of Minister of the Left, and set him free. The same story appears in T'ai-ping kuang-chi, in which Pao-ying chi is cited as the source (see the Peking edition, T'ai-ping kuang-chi 2, pp. 695-96). The story of "Shih-tung of T'ang" in Sangokudenki (compiled by GentS, ca. 1431) 4.11 is similar, though its specific source is unidentified (see Ikegami Jun'ichi, ed., Sangokudenki 1, pp. 216-18). 15This sentence seems to take the place of Kyokai's reference to two stories from Daishogonron about rewards for good deeds. The omission is perhaps well justified since the stories are not particularly relevant to the present tale. Kyokai adds, "The woman who sold a flower was reborn in Trayastriipsa, and Srigupta, who offered poison, later reformed and became virtuous; these are further examples." The first allusion (a brief one in Daishogonron; see T 4:284c) is to Sumati (Shuman), who sold the flower that Sumedha, who was the Buddha Sakyamuni in a former life, offered to the Buddha of that time, Diparpkara. Srigupta's story is told at some length in the sCtra (T 4:327c-33a; see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 7). The only resemblance between these stories and the main tale is that they involve merchants who were eventually rewarded for various acts of devotion.
2.15 A Monk of Nara
pp. 228
Page 228 228 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.15 A MONK OF NARA (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) There was a certain monk who lived in Nara. He constantly chanted the Mah~ydna satras, but to support himself he saved money, and he had a wife and child.1 His daughter married and went to live with her husband's family. In the reign of Empress Shotoku [764-770], her husband was appointed Provisional Secretary in Michinoku.2 He borrowed twenty strings of coin from his father-in-law the monk and left for his post. After one year, his debt had doubled.3 He was able to pay back the original sum, but he could not yet return the interest. As the months passed, his father-in-law continued to press him for payment. Secretly, the son-in-law sought an opportunity to kill the monk. He said, "Come with me to the provinces, and I will pay you what I owe you. Let's go!" So the monk joined him on his ship, and they set sail. The son-inlaw enlisted the boatman in his plot. They tied the monk up by the arms and legs and threw him into the sea. When he got home, the son-in-law said to his wife, "Your revered father wanted to see you and was on his way here with me. Suddenly we came into rough waters, and the boat sank to the bottom. We tried to save him, but he was gone. I myself only barely managed to survive." His wife wept. "Alas, I shall never see my father's face again! I wish I could go to the bottom of the sea myself, if only to see his lifeless corpse!" she cried. At the bottom of the sea, the monk was concentrating and chanting the Mah&ydna satras with all his might. The waters of the sea parted around him and stayed that way. After two days and two nights, some people passed by the spot in a boat. The end of his rope was floating on the surface, and the boatman caught it, pulled it up, and out came the monk. His features were unaltered. The boatman was utterly amazed. "Who are you?" he asked. "I am So-and-so," replied the monk. "I was kidnapped by pirates, and they tied me up and threw me into the sea." "And how did you manage to survive down there on the bottom?" asked the boatman. "I am always chanting the Mahaydna satras. It is their power that saved me," said the monk. He was careful not to mention his son-inlaw's name, and he asked to be taken home.4 The boatman complied. The son-in-law organized a lavish offertory service for monks in honor of the drowned monk. He was serving food to the assembled
Page 229 2.15 A Monk of Nara 229 monks when his father-in-law, who had disguised himself, came in with the others and received the offering just as they did. When the son-inlaw saw the monk's face, his own turned red, and he ran away in fright. The monk smiled benevolently, pitying him, and he never told anyone what had happened. Thus it was known that he was saved from drowning in the sea and from being swallowed by poisonous fish, and that he lived out the rest of his days without incident, all because of the great power of the Mahyayna sCtras. This story appears in Ryoiki. Notes 1This story is based on Nihon ry6iki 3.4. There are also versions in Fuso ryakki 6 and Konjaku monogatari sha 14.38. The story of Suchang in Ming-pao chi (T 51:795a) is often compared to this group of tales, but it tells of a concubine saved from drowning through her faith in the Lotus Satra (see also Donald Gjertson, "A Study and Translation of the Ming-pao chi: A T'ang Dynasty Collection of Buddhist Tales," doctoral dissertation, Stanford University, 1975, p. 330). The twentyfifth chapter of the Lotus Satra contains specific promises of Kannon's protection for those in various perils, including drowning at sea (T 9:56c, 57c). Early Chinese Buddhist tales often focused on this aspect of the Bodhisattva's benevolence; Sanboe tale 2.17 is part of the same tradition. The protagonist of this tale is a rather irregular monk. He "saves" money for the purpose of lending it at interest. The fact that he has a family (unusual for monks of this period) also indicates that his status may be somewhat informal. 2Sh6toku is identified by the epithet "Teiki abe no sumeramikoto," as in Ryoiki. Michinoku comprised the present Fukushima, Miyagi, Iwate, and Aomori prefectures and was something of a frontier region in the Nara and Heian periods. The post of secretary was the third highest in the provincial hierarchy. 3The accumulated interest equaled the amount of the original loan. 4In Ry6iki he asks to be taken to his son-in-law's province, and it is there that their confrontation takes place. It appears that Tamenori misread this; he does not make it clear where the subsequent encounter occurs.
2.16 A Monk of Mount Yoshino
pp. 230
Page 230 230 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.16 A MONK OF MOUNT YOSHINO (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) There was a certain mountain temple in Yoshino called Amabenomine.1 During the reign of Empress Genmei [707-715] there was a certain monk who lived there. He had practiced austerities for many years, but finally his strength was so diminished that he was unable to raise himself or to lie down. One of his disciples said, "You are physically exhausted, and you are very ill. The Buddha has told us to fortify ourselves in order to continue our devotions. He made certain allowances for monks who are ill. The sin of buying goods is not too great; how would it be if you were to try eating some fish?" He was so insistent that the monk said, "All right, let us see what will happen."2 The disciple sent a servant to the coast of Ki Province, where he bought eight fresh mullet that he put inside a small chest. On his way home he met three laymen who were familiar with his master, and they thought he must be carrying something for the revered monk, so they asked, "What have you got there?" Casually, the youth answered, "It's a copy of the Lotus Satra." But juices from the fish were dripping out of the chest, and there was a distinctly fishy smell about it. Believing it their duty to expose the attendant as a liar, the laymen grabbed him right there in the marketplace, in the midst of the crowd, and said, "You've got fish in there! Why did you say it was the satra?" But the attendant insisted, "It is the satra! It isn't fish!" "Oh, yes, it's fish all right; that is no satra!" they argued. They tried to make him open the chest so that they could be certain of its contents. At a loss for other defenses, he made a silent prayer: "Oh Lotus Satra of the Single Vehicle! My master has read you and revered you all these years! Help us now! Do not let my master be humiliated!" When the laymen opened the chest and looked inside, there lay a copy of the Lotus Satra in eight fascicles. They were all amazed and perplexed. They finally went away. But one of them was still suspicious, so he stayed behind and followed the attendant back to the temple. Secretly, he watched as the attendant went to the master and reported what had happened in detail. The monk was amazed and pleased, and he would not eat the fish.3 The layman prostrated himself on the ground and worshiped the master, saying, "They really were fish, but on account of your saintly virtue they became the satra! I am ignorant and unenlightened, and I do not understand causality. I have caused anxiety and distress to your
Page 231 2.16 A Monk of Mount Yoshino 231 Holiness's attendant. I beg you, forgive me for my sins. Please, henceforward, be my master." So he became a Major Patron and spent the rest of his life worshiping and giving offerings.4 Thus be it known: if you try to save the flesh for the sake of the teachings, even poison can be turned into good medicine; even fish can be turned into a satra. This story appears in Ry6iki. Notes 1This story is based on Nihon ryoiki 3.6. There are also versions in Hokke genki 1.10 (where the protagonist is named Koon), Konjaku monogatari sha 12.27, and in several versions of Hobutsusha (see Shasei, p. 511). The specific temple and peak in the Yoshino range have not been identified. 2In Ryoiki it is the master who asks his attendant to go and buy some fish, on these grounds. He maintains that the Buddha sanctioned the eating of otherwise forbidden foods in order to save the life of a valued spiritual leader. Matsuura cites two passages in Konponsetsu issai ubu binaya yakuji that justify the taking of such food, including fish, for medicinal purposes (T 24:la, c). 3In Rybiki he eats the fish after all. For a detailed discussion of this difference in the two versions, see Terakawa Machio, "Ry6iki gekan rokuen to Sanbde oyobi Konjaku," in Dbshisha kokubun 11 (February 1976):24-35. 4"Major Patron" is daidan'ochi (see 2.6, n. 2).
2.17 A Miner of Mimasaka Province
pp. 232
Page 232 232 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.17 A MINER OF MIMASAKA PROVINCE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon) In Agata District in Mimasaka Province there was a mine from which the government took ore.1 In the reign of Empress K6ken [749-758] the governor of the province ordered ten men to go up to the mine and bring out some of the ore.2 While they were inside, the entrance suddenly crumbled and collapsed. The men were frightened, and they scrambled out. Nine of them managed to escape, but just as the tenth and last man was about to come out, the entrance caved in and was completely closed. The governor of the province was terribly upset, and the man's wife and children grieved. Images of the Buddha were painted, satras were copied, and a forty-nine-day period of memorial rites was observed.3 The man inside the mine made a vow: "Long ago I planned to offer a copy of the Lotus Satra, but I have not copied or presented it. If I am saved, I swear that I will complete the project without delay." Just then, a crack about as wide as his finger opened between the rocks, and a tiny beam of sunlight shone through. A monk appeared and passed through the crack, gave him some food, and said, "This was given to me by your wife and children. I have come to you because you are suffering." Then he disappeared through the crack. Scarcely a moment after his departure, a crack opened immediately over the miner's head, through which he could see the sky. This opening was more than three feet wide and about five feet long. Just then, thirty villagers had come to the mountain to cut vines. They happened to pass close to this opening. The man inside heard them draw near and shouted, "Help!" The villagers heard him, though his voice seemed no louder than a mosquito's buzz. But the sound made them curious, so they tied a vine to a rock and lowered the end down through the opening, and the man inside pulled on it. Then they knew there was a man inside, so they tied vines together and made a basket, and they twisted more vines together to make a rope and lowered them through the opening. The man inside got into the basket, and the men above pulled him out. They took him to his parents' house, and when his family saw him, there was no limit to their joy. The governor of the province was amazed, and when he made inquiry, the miner told him all about it. The miner, full of respect and awe, gathered together all the faithful of the province, and following his lead, they all contributed to the preparation of a copy of the Lotus Satra and a grand offertory service.
Page 233 2.17 A Miner 233 He survived that which was difficult to survive: this was made possible through the power of his faith in the Lotus Sutra. This story appears in Ry6iki. Notes 1This story is based on Nihon ry6iki 2.13. There are also versions in Hokke genki 3.108, Fuso ryakki 6, and Konjaku monogatari sha 14.9. There is a similar story about trapped miners saved through prayer in Ming-p'ao chi 1 (T 51:790). "Agata" is also read "Aida"; it is in the northwest part of modern Okayama-ken. Lead ore was taken from mines in this region as early as 728 (Shoku nihongi, KSTK 2:112). 2The same empress reigned twice under two names, first as K6ken and later at Shatoku. She is identified here with the same epithet as in 2.16; see n. 2. 3In Ry6iki it is, specifically, an image of Kannon that is made, and a seven-day period of mourning is observed. 4It is probably safe to assume, from the situation and from the fact that he appears in response to prayers for and from the man in distress, that this monk is a manifestation of Kannon.
2.18 Eikō of Daianji
pp. 234
Page 234 234 The Second Volume: The Teachings 2.18 EIKO OF DAIANJI (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon, Todaiji-gire1) Long ago there was a monk of Daianji named Eiko.2 He supported his aged mother, who had lodgings just outside the temple, and he had one young servant who lived with him in his own quarters. In former times there were no stoves or rice pots in the living quarters of monks in the Seven Great Temples.3 Rice was cooked in the temple offices and loaded onto carts, and each morning someone was sent to the carts from each monk's cell to receive four servings of rice per monk. When he received his portion, Eiko gave one serving to his mother. Another he gave to beggars, and one he ate himself, and he fed the other to his servant. He always waited until he received word that his mother had had her portion before he would eat his own. When the master finished eating, the servant ate. This routine was observed without interruption for many years. In quarters adjacent to those of Eik5 lived a monk named Gonso.4 He also lived in poverty and in religious devotion. He and Eiko had been close friends for many years before the following events occurred. One morning, listening through the wall, Gonso heard the sound of stifled tears. Gonso was perplexed, and he secretly summoned the servant and asked, "Why were you crying?" "My master died this morning, suddenly and painlessly," replied the boy. "How am I to make arrangements for his funeral all by myself? And how is his mother, who depends on him for her food, to survive?" He continued to weep. There was no limit to Gons5's own grief and distress, just as if he had lost his own mother and father. "Don't worry any more," he told the servant. "You and I will take care of his burial tonight, in secret. As for his mother, I will take his place and provide her with food and look after her. You, too, will get your portion just as before. From this time forward you must rely upon me as you did your former master. But his mother must never be allowed to know what has happened. She is old and weak, and if she were to hear of it, she would surely die from the shock. Now, before the usual hour has passed, go quickly and take her her portion." At these words, the servant felt joy in the midst of his sorrow. Wiping away his tears, he tried to act as if nothing were amiss, and he delivered the rice to Eiko's mother, just as always. He said nothing, afraid that he might burst into tears, but simply handed it to her and
Page 235 2.18 Eik6 of Daianji 235 immediately left. The old woman sensed that something was amiss that morning. That night, Gons6 and the servant took Eik5 to a spot deep in the mountains. They told no one in the temple, saying only that Eik6 had gone away for a while. Gons6 divided his own portion of food, giving some to Eik6's mother and some to the servant, just as it had been before. Occasionally, Eik6's mother would ask, "Why hasn't he been to see me for such a long time?" The boy would reply, "His devotions leave him no time for outings, and visitors constantly interrupt him. As long as he hears that you are resting comfortably, he is pleased, and so he doesn't need to hurry over to see you. But perhaps he will come this evening." Months passed in this fashion. In the spring of the following year, a man came and made an offering to Gons6. Many visitors crowded into his cramped quarters, and the servant had his hands full with them, and his delivery of rice to Eik6's mother had to be postponed. The guests pressed Gons6 to take some wine for his health, and he became drunk and fell asleep. When he awoke with a start, he realized that the sun had already set. He gave the servant a look in the eye that told him to deliver the rice. Eik6's mother said, "How terrible it is to be old! I've been so anxious ever since the usual delivery time came and went this morning!" The servant's grief now overwhelmed him. He suddenly collapsed in tears. Suspicious and perplexed, Eik6's mother questioned him. Unable to keep the secret any longer, and weeping uncontrollably, he said, "I know you think that your son has been alive all this time, but in fact he died last year." "How can it be? How can it be!" she cried, and she died instantly. In even greater distress than before, the servant tried every means he knew to revive her, but he couldn't bring her back to life. He was full of remorse, but there was nothing to be done. He told Gons5 what had happened. There was no end to Gons6's grieving and weeping. "If I were indeed her son, this never would have happened. If only I had not drunk that wine, which the Buddha has forbidden me, I would not have let down my guard even for an instant." His weeping and his grief were truly intense. That night, having informed several of his colleagues, and including the boy in the party, they buried Eik6's mother at the foot of the mountain on which Iwabuchidera stands.5 The next morning, the eight monks returned to Daianji and entered a hall where they rested briefly. Then Gons6 said, "I took Eik6's place and looked after his mother. But I was unable to fulfill that wish for long, and now she is dead. There is no point in grieving now. Rather,
Page 236 236 The Second Volume: The Teachings I am concerned about her guidance to the world beyond. Here in this very hall we have the Buddha before us, and there before the Buddha lies a satra. I see that it is the Lotus Satra. Its eight fascicles have been granted to the eight of us. This is surely the sign of a special affinity! Let us come here every day of the seven days of the mourning period with a bowl of rice, and let each one of us lecture on one fascicle in turn. And on the memorial day each year, we eight should gather again and conduct a four-day lecture service culminating on that day, during which we will explicate the eight fascicles of the satra. We will call this the 'Colleagues' Service of Eight Lectures.' And we will observe it every single year."6 All the other seven monks said, "What an admirable idea! We must indeed do as you say!" and they vowed to do so. She died in the fifteenth year of the Enryaku era [796], and in the years thereafter the observance began on the anniversary of the fortyninth day after her death and continued year after year without interruption.7 Gons6's saintliness was praised throughout the world, and he was honored and venerated both publicly and privately. As the years passed, the Service of Eight Lectures was observed on an increasingly grand scale. After his death he was granted the official title of Sojo.8 Following the respected example of the Eight Lectures of Iwabuchidera, the monks of Todaiji have observed it for many years in the Tenchiin; it continues to this day.9 Later, many other temples adopted it, and it spread widely. Sometimes they add the Opening and Closing Satras, making a Service of Ten Lectures.10 In the tradition established long ago by Gons6, all the monks of each temple join cooperatively to observe these rites. The firewood procession, which occurs on the day of the fifth fascicle, recalls the devotion of an ancient king.11 The origin of the Service of Eight Lectures is described in the Annals of Iwabuchidera.12 The words of the hymn sung during the firewood procession are: I have acquired the Lotus Sftra By gathering firewood and plucking herbs and scooping water; Through these labors, I acquired it! It is sometimes said that this hymn was composed by Empress K6myo, or that it was written in her name by Gy6ki Bosatsu. The exact truth is not known.13
Page 237 2.18 EikO of Daianji 237 Notes 1The Sekido-ke bon breaks off at the point corresponding to the end of Gons6's speech proposing the Hakko. There is also an eight-line fragment of the T6daiji-gire type, corresponding to the section on the "firewood" hymn (see Shusei, pp. 205-7). 2This is the only tale in the second volume that has no relation to material in Nihon ryoiki (see notes following). On Daianji, see 3.17. Eiko is otherwise unknown. His quarters are labeled in a plan of the monks' quarters of Daianji in Nanto shichidaiji junreiki, an anonymous and undated work of which only a copy of the first volume, dated 1452, survives (ZZGR [Kokusho kankokai s6sho] 11 [Shfkyobu 1]:561). The quarters are arranged in the shape of the letter 'U'. Eiko's is shown on the east side, separated by one from Gons6's, in the northeast corner. (In the story we are told that they were neighbors.) The various quarters are labeled with the names of a number of great Buddhist figures (Saich6, Kfkai, etc.) who were associated with Daianji at various periods, but these appear to be memorial names for these quarters or are perhaps entirely fanciful, as the plan of the quarters itself may be. 3The traditional list of the "Seven Great Temples" (Shichidaiji) of Nara includes Todaiji, Kofukuji, Gangoji, Yakushiji, Saidaiji, Horyiji, and Daianji. The designation appears in Shoku Nihongi and elsewhere. 4Gonso (753?-827) was a figure of considerable importance in early Heian Buddhism, primarily because of his relations with Saich6 and Kfkai. (His name is occasionally glossed "Kins6.") He received his first ordinations at Kofukuji at the age of twelve or thirteen, and from the age of sixteen is said to have spent several years engaged in ascetic practices in Yoshino or at Omine. At age twenty he returned to Nara and took up the study of Sanron doctrines under Zengi. His progress through the ecclesiastical hierarchy culminated in his service as Betto of Todaiji, then of Saidaiji, and his appointment as Daisbzu. Two days after his death he was appointed SOjO posthumously. Though primarily a Sanron scholar, he also studied esoteric practices and Tendai doctrine. He attended the Jingoji retreat devoted to Tendai studies in 802 (see Eizan Daishi den, DDZ 5:8), was among the monks commissioned to study the Mo-ho chih-kuan at Nodera (DDZ 5:21), and was one of two monks named by the emperor to receive the Kanj6 initiation from Saicho at Jingoji in 805-the first time this rite was conducted in Japan (Kenkairon engi, DDZ 1:283-84; see also 3.27). Among the various
Page 238 238 The Second Volume: The Teachings sources of information about Gonso are some verses, with a biographical preface, composed in his honor by Kfkai (Mikky6 Bunka Kenkyujo, ed., Kobo Daishi zensha 3, pp. 539-43) and other writings by the Shingon founder, who claimed that Gonso initiated him in the Kokfzo ritual (see 3.12). The nature of Gons6's association with Iwabuchidera is uncertain. Presumably, the lost Iwabuchidera engi that Tamenori cites as the source of this story would have contained further details. The site of the monastery itself is not known, although it must have been close to Nara. It is mentioned in Saidaiji den'en mokuroku (dated 1298), so it may have survived until the time of that document (see Ikeda, "Iwabuchidera Gons6 to Heian Bukky6," in Nanto Bukkyo 5 (1958):193; see also DNBZ 118:210a). His affiliation with Daianji, on the other hand, is well documented, and his association with the Hakkbe-the real subject of the present tale-is a matter of historical record, even if the story of its origin presented here is apocryphal (see Takagi Yutaka, Heian jidai hokke bukkyo shi kenkya, pp. 209-11; BD 2:1367b-c). 50n Iwabuchidera, see preceding note. Yamada said that it may have been on Takamadoyama, which lies south of Kasugayama on the outskirts of Nara. It is not clear in the text if the temple already existed when Eiko's mother was buried there or if the temple was constructed later on that site as a memorial. The lost Iwabuchidera engi would, no doubt, have given some clues. 6GonsO's proposed name for the service is "DhaO hakk6"; the word "doh6" was used as a translation of Sanskrit sahadharmika, "comrades in the dharma." As noted above, this story is the earliest surviving evidence of Gonso's origination of the Hakkoe, services of eight lectures on the Lotus Satra (also called Hokke hakko), also observed at several temples and by many private sponsors in the Heian period. The twentyeight chapters of the satra are grouped in eight fascicles. The Hakkoe were usually held for four days, with a morning and afternoon session each day; two fascicles were chanted in each session. There were some variations in this arrangement, including abbreviated and extended versions (see Willa Jane Tanabe, "The Lotus Lectures: Hokke hakko in the Heian Period," in Monumenta Nipponica 29:4 [Winter, 1984]:393 -407). 7Todaiji yOroku gives the same date (796) for the first Hakkoe at Iwabuchidera, but Hokke hakko engi, compiled in 1010 and included in Shoji engi sha (DNBZ 118:1-3), gives 793 as the date of origin. The annals of Kasagidera (DNBZ 118:89), where a similar service was held, say the Iwabuchidera services began in 783 (see Takagi, Heian jidai hokke bukkyo shi kenkya, pp. 209-11). 8See n. 4, above.
Page 239 2.18 Eik6 of Daianji 239 9The Tenchiin subtemple of T6daiji is said to have been founded by Gy6ki as Horenji in 708. It was destroyed by fire in 1053. Todaiji yoroku says its Hakkoe began in 798 (Tsutsui Eishf, ed., T6daiji yoroku, pp. 108-10). 10The addition of the "Opening and Closing Sctras" (kaikechikyo) of the Lotus created a "Service of Ten Lectures" (j'ak). In the Tendai school, the Muryogikyo ("kaikyo") and the Kanfugengyo ("kechikyo") were treated as appendages to the main satra. A service of ten lectures on all three works usually lasted five days. See also 3.30. "The reading of the fifth fascicle, during the morning session of the third day, was the highlight of the service. It includes the twelfth ("Devadatta") chapter, which says that the most evil of men (Devadatta, who tried to kill the Buddha) eventually became a Buddha, as did an eight-year-old girl, the Naga-girl (daughter of the dragon king). Thus, the promise of universal salvation is dramatically illustrated and proven. It is this particular section of the satra that seems to have most thoroughly captured the imagination of many lay devotees in the Heian period, particularly women, as can be seen in the Minori chapter of the Genji monogatari, for example. The firewood procession is based on the opening section of the chapter, in which Sakyamuni tells how, in a former life, he was born as a king but abandoned his throne to serve an ascetic by gathering fruit, water, and firewood in order to obtain the teachings of the Lotus from him. This is also the subject of the "hymn" quoted below. 120n the lost Iwabuchidera engi, see n. 4. 13The text of the hymn is also found in Shaisha, where it is attributed to Gyoki (Yamagishi, ed., Hachidaisha zencha 1, p. 620; see also Ishihara Kiyoshi, Shakkyoka no kenkya, pp. 44-49). Komyo was the consort and successor of Shomu; see 3.22. This verse was a familiar part of the Hakkoe conducted throughout the Heian period; as noted above, there are references to it in the description of the service conducted by Murasaki shortly before her death in the Minori chapter of Genji monogatari (NKBT 17:176).
Verse
pp. 240
Page 240 240 The Second Volume: The Teachings VERSE (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon) Threatened by Great Chieftain Moriya's ignorant words, The seeds of Japanese Buddhism were almost destroyed, But thanks to Prince Umayado's sagacious rule The Way of the Law survived to this day.1 In the four hundred years since then,2 How many sentient beings have learned about causation and recognized the effects And been saved from suffering and rewarded with joy! How marvelous, how wonderful is the power of Sakyamuni's teachings! Notes 1The reference of the first verse is to the battles over the acceptance of Buddhism in the time of Shotoku Taishi ("Prince Umayado"); see 2.1. 2In fact, 397 years passed between Moriya's death in 587 and the writing of Sanboe in 984.
The Third Volume: The Clergy
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Page 241 The Third Volume The Clergy
Preface to the Third Volume
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Page 241 PREFACE TO THE THIRD VOLUME (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon1) Among the disciples of Sakyamuni are three types of monks. First, there are the Bodhisattva monks, such as Maitreya and Mafijusri and the like. Second, there are the Sravaka monks, such as Maudgalyayana and Sariputra and their fellows. Third, there are the common monks of this world, such as the Sojo and Sozu of today.2 Obligations to them are shared by all sentient beings. We have received the benefits, but it is impossible to repay the debt. Still, all those who make offerings unto the clergy in order to fulfill this obligation duly garner equal merit.3 All Bodhisattvas save the world by making all-encompassing vows of great compassion, and those vows are truly far-reaching.4 The Sravakas possess the Three Insights and the Six Supernatural Faculties, and so they too are capable of saving others.5 However, after the death of the revered Sakyamuni, [Kannon went to the west, and] Samantabhadra returned to the east, so there are no Bodhisattva monks for you to see.6 Gavlippati's body dissolved into a torrential stream, and Kasyapa expired in the mountains, so no traces of the Sravaka monks have been left behind.7 In this final age-when there is no Buddha in the world, nor any Holy Sages, and we move from darkness only into greater darkness, while our hearts fall into ever greater confusion and our sins grow ever heavier-if there were no shaven-headed, saffron-robed monks in this world, who would propagate the Buddha's Teachings, and upon whom could sentient beings rely?8 All of the Three Jewels are one and the same, and you should revere and serve them equally. You cannot revere the Buddha and his Teachings and, at the same time, slight his monks and nuns.9 How admirable they are, whether expounding the scriptures and casting the bright torch of the Law far and wide, or upholding the precepts, never letting a drop of oil spill from the bowl, or transmitting the True Word, never letting a drop of water escape from the pitcher, or reading the Mahdyana satras, sewing jewels into the seams of many a robe, or 241
Page 242 242 The Third Volume: The Clergy devoting themselves to meditation and abandoning their worldly pursuits, or going out into the world to give encouragement to the hearts of others. All of them have passed through the many portals of the Buddha's teachings to go their separate ways, but all will converge upon the same shared goal of Enlightenment.10 I even revere those monks who violate the precepts.11 In a saitra it says that though a monk may violate the precepts, he is still superior to a Wheel-King, and even though he may fall into one of the Evil Realms, he will be a king there.12 Though the campaka flower ma wilt, it is still superior to all other flowers in their freshest bloom.' The scent of sandalwood incense may burn away to nothing, but still it perfumes countless robes. If one among a thousand oxen dies, there is no need to turn out all the rest. Though one among the many precepts is overlooked, there is no need to take all the others lightly. A bag that has held incense may lose some of its scent, but still it remains fragrant. A monk may have taken vows and then may break one, but still, the Buddha says, he is worthy of reverence.14 I also greatly revere the initiate who has yet to take full vows. In a satra it says that the baby dragon may be small but is not to be taken lightly, for he can move the clouds and cause the rain to fall. The initiate may be yet immature, but he is not to be held in contempt, for he will obtain the Way and save many others.15 In sum: as Daihikyo assures us, if your appearance is like that of a Sravaka, you will not fail to see all the Buddhas of the present age. 16 He who wears the robes of a monk is truly a child of the Tathagata.17 A warning is contained in a verse of Daijikkyo: "If you strike a monk you strike me; if you slander him you slander me," the Buddha admonishes.1 "The peacock has showy, colorful plumage, but it cannot fly as far as the wild goose can. Robes of white reflect wealth and awesome social station, but they are nothing compared to those of monks who dwell in poverty and humility," he says.19 Therefore, revere those who fervently practice as well as those who do not, for all are vessels of the Law.20 Whether their insight is deep or shallow, think of them all as apostles of the Buddha.21 Whether they speak the truth or falsehoods, they are not to be punished. Whether they are venerable or humble, their virtue should be praised. A common man should not use his worldly mind to judge the sincerity of those who follow the path of Holy wisdom. The monk Afigulimala was an evil man, and no one recognized him as a Tathagata from the past.22 The Bodhisattva Sadaparibhfita was humble in appearance, and those who scorned him never realized that he was a Great Teacher of the future.23 It is hard to recognize their true stature, to identify them in their temporary guises.24 So you must simply revere them all. The inner virtue, the outer form are hard to judge. So you
Page 243 Preface to the Third Volume 243 must praise them all. In ancient times there was a foolish Provost who scoffed at monks and was punished with rebirth as an insect for ninetyone kalpas25; and a young monk who laughed at an older monk was condemned to suffer five hundred lives as a dog.26 The wise people of long ago all revered the disciples of the Buddha. King Bimbisara supported one thousand monks, and his crown prince continued the legacy.27 King Asoka's ministers criticized his worship of the clergy, but that did not stop him.28 The Elder Sudatta built monasteries for monks to live in, and Jivaka, King of the Healers, prepared baths for them and invited them to bathe.29 Indeed, the great elephant who was attacked by a hunter forgave his assailant when he saw his shaven chin and head.30 And the demon who was eating a criminal noticed that his victim was wearing robes of the Law, and he was so upset that he ran away.31 Even ogres and beasts revered these monks! How, then, can they be mocked or made fools of in men's hearts? They should all be called lights unto the world, and treasures of the nation.32 The reverent rites they observe throughout the year, and the teachings whereby they guide us toward our future goal: all must be counted as the contributions of this community. I now press my palms together and shall display the admirable virtues of the clergy. Notes 1A table of contents for the volume precedes the text of the preface in the Toji Kanchiin bon. The Sekido-ke bon begins at a point corresponding to "casting the bright torch of the Law far and wide," and the title and text of the following section (3.1) continue without a break after the conclusion of the text of the preface. See Shasei, pp. 221-23. 2Many texts classify monks in three types. A classification used in Tendai literature, based on Shinjikangy6 (T 3:299c-300a), is that which appears here. In this context, "Bodhisattva monks" are those who have actually attained that high spiritual level. "Sravaka" (sh6mon) literally means "those who hear the word"; the examples given here are disciples of the historical Buddha Sakyamuni, and in this classification they represent monks of the Hinayana tradition, in contrast to the strong Mahayana connotation of "Bodhisattua monks." "Common monks" is bonbu no sb, mortal monks of this world who strive in various ways to serve other mortals (BD 4:3019b). The examples for the first two types are those given in Shinjikangyo, while "the Sojo and Sozu of today" is Tamenori's way of referring to monks whose activities are like those described in the following sections.
Page 244 244 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3The passage in Shinjikangyo cited above concludes with a statement that all monks of all three types together comprise a "field of merit" (fukuden); in other words, their existence creates many opportunities for the generation of merit by those who support them. Tamenori has given a free interpretation of this idea. 4Daihi ("great compassion") and guzei (hiroki chikai; "allencompassing vows") are terms associated with the Bodhisattva's determination to save all sentient beings. The Maeda-ke bon reads gugan ("far-reaching prayers") instead of guzei. 5The "Three Insights" (sanmyo) are knowledge of the past, knowledge of the future, and clear perception in the present. These combine with the "Six Supernatural Faculties" (see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3) to enable srdvakas, as arhats, to recognize the karma from the past that determines the present shapes of their lives and those of others, to see into their future lives and those of others, and to overcome all impediments to wisdom in the present life (BD 2:1685a-c). The attribution of these powers to sravakas is explicit in Kanmury6jukyo (T 12:345c). 6The clause in brackets appears only in the Maeda-ke bon. Kannon is believed to reside in the west, where he/she is closely associated with Amida. Samantabhadra (Fugen) is generally associated with the east, but there does not seem to be a scriptural basis for his "disappearance" there. The point, however, is that there are no Bodhisattva monks in the present world. 7Gavaippati (Kyabon, an abbreviation of Kyobonhadai) was a disciple of Sakyamuni and of Sariputra (BD 1:618b-c). According to Daichidoron, he learned about their deaths when Mahakasyapa (Kasho) sent him a messenger, urging him to come to the convocation at which the scripture was to be recorded. Grief and shock turned his body into fire, and he perished. Later, Mahakasyapa went to Grdhrakfita ("Vulture Peak"), passed into a deep meditative state, and entered nirvana (T 25:68c-69a, 78c-79a). Both passages are quoted in FYCL, T 53:375b, 372b (see also Lamotte, 1, pp. 98-99, 192-96). The point of these two allusions is that all the "original" srdvaka monks who heard the Buddha's words eventually departed this world. 8"Final age" is "sue no yo," an era so distanced in time from that of the Buddha that its Buddhism is weak and corrupt. The expression is not as technical as the term mapp6, but it is essentially synonymous. The phrase "from darkness into darkness" (kuraki yori kuraki echoes a verse in the Lotus Suitra ("passing from darkness into darkness, never hearing the Buddha's Name"; T 9:22c) and a passage in Muryojukyo ("The evil man passes from evil into evil, from suffering into suffering, from darkness into darkness"; T 12:277a).
Page 245 Preface to the Third Volume 245 9This sentence duplicates a statement in the introduction to a section of FYCL on "Reverence for Monks," but no scriptural source is cited there (T 53:423a). 10The figures in this passage seem to represent all of the major types of Buddhism in the Heian period (see Ryakucha, p. 214; Shisei, p. 434). The first group would be those monks primarily devoted to study of scriptures and treatises, particularly those of the Sanron, Hoss6, and Kegon schools based in Nara. "[N]ever letting a drop of oil spill from the bowl" alludes to a story in Daichidoron about Upagupta, a revered monk who lived about one hundred years after the death of Sakyamuni and was one of King Asoka's mentors. He heard that there was an old nun who had seen the Buddha when she was a child, and he sent one of his disciples to tell her that he wanted to visit and ask about her memories. The old nun set a bowl full of oil near the doorsill, with the intention of testing Upagupta's wisdom and circumspection. When he came in, he made a few drops of oil spill from the bowl. The nun answered his questions but told him that his own deportment was inferior to that of six reprobate monks of Sakyamuni's time who flaunted many rules and caused much mischief but never would have allowed a drop of precious oil to be spilt (T 25:129c). Such strict adherence to certain precepts would typify Vinaya masters and monks of the Ritsu school. The "True Word" is shingon, and the term refers to esoteric teachings (not only of the school of that name). The image of water poured from one vessel to the other is commonly used to describe a perfect transmission from master to disciple. At the end of the Nirvana Satra, Sakyamuni describes the transmission of his teachings to Ananda in this way (T 12:601c). In Himitsu mandarakyo fuhoden, the transmission from Hui-kuo, the Chinese esoteric master, to Kfikai is so described by Wu-yin, Hui-kuo's lay disciple (see Kobo Daishi zensha 1, p. 44). Authoritative transmission of secret teachings was stressed in both the Tendai and Shingon esoteric traditions, and it is probably to both of these that Tamenori refers. The story of the jewels sewn into a robe was alluded to in the "Preface to the Second Volume" (in which refer to n. 11). Propagation of faith in the power and truth of Mahayana scripture, particularly the Lotus, as well as systematic practice of meditation, were hallmarks of the Tendai school. The last group of monks to whom Tamenori seems to refer are those who operate outside the confines of monastic establishments as charismatic preachers, like Koya. The sentence closing this passage suggests that all these aspects of Buddhist practice share the same goals and are manifestations of a single phenomenon.
Page 246 246 The Third Volume: The Clergy 1The introduction to the FYCL section previously cited (see n. 9) also contains the statement, quoted from an unidentified source, that monks are to be respected whether or not they uphold the precepts. 12"Wheel-King" is rinn6 (an abbreviation of tenrin shoo, Sanskrit cakravartirdja, "a king who turns the wheel of wisdom"). This status must be won through the accumulation of vast stores of merit (Taya, Bukkyogakujiten, p. 333b). 3Campaka (senpu) is Michelia champaka, a much admired, exotic bloom (BD 3:3002c). 14FYCL (in the same section cited in nn. 9 and 11) quotes a passage in Jaringyo (i.e., Daihido jaringyo) that states that a monk, whether he upholds his vows or breaks them, is superior to "Wheel-Kings, SageKings, ministers and generals" and continues with the comments on oxen, sandalwood, and the campaka; Tamenori has reorganized and paraphrased this passage. 15FYCL quotes Aikuigyo, comparing the initiate (Sramanera) to the baby dragon (T 53:425a). 16This is a paraphrase of a quotation from Daihikyo in FYCL (T 53:427b). Sravaka here means "monk." The term for "the present age" is genko, the second of three kalpas during each of which one thousand Buddhas appear (see 3.31, n. 5). 17The Maeda-ke bon reads "the child of the Tathagata," but the Toji Kanchiin bon has "the true body of the Tathagata." The former is more correct if Tamenori is following the quotation from the verse in Daihado daijikky5 found in FYCL (T 53:427b), also the source of the material that follows. 18See preceding note. For the original, see T 13:379c. 19These lines paraphrase a verse in Daichidoron quoted in FYCL (T 53:449b). 20The figure "a vessel of the law" (nori no utsuwamono, hoki), meaning a person who has the capacity to absorb and transmit Buddhism, appears, for example, in the Lotus Satra, in a debate about whether or not a woman can be a "vessel of the Law" (T 9:35c). 21"Apostles of the Buddha" is "Hotoke no tsukai." In the Lotus Satra, S&kyamuni says that those who repeat just one word of the satra after his death will be true "apostles" of the Tathagata (nyoraishi) (T 9:30c). 22The name Ahgulimala (also Ahgulimalika) is Shiman biku in the Maeda-ke bon and in Tamenori's probable source, FYCL (T 53:977b). The TOji Kanchiin bon has Kubara biku. The most common transliteration is Okutsumara. This king of Sakyamuni's time was convinced that he could attain nirvana by killing people, and he wore a necklace made from the fingers of his 999 victims. When his mother was about to
Page 247 Preface to the Third Volume 247 become his thousandth victim, the Buddha heard about him, preached to and converted him, and accepted his confession of past sins. He became a disciple and eventually an arhat. His story is told is several sctras, including Okutsumarakyo (T 2:512b-44b), and in most it is said that he was enlightened in his former lives as well (BD 1:332a-b). 230n Sadaparibhiita, see 1.3, n. 3. After telling his story in the Lotus Satra, Sakyamuni explains that he himself was Sadaparibhfta (T 9:51a). 24"Temporary guise" is kari no ato, i.e., gonshaku, a term referring to an avatar of a Buddha or Bodhisattva. Several tales in this third volume describe such manifestations. 25"Provost" is ina or yuina, a civil official or high-ranking monk in charge of clerical affairs in a given monastery or region. The reference here is probably to a story in Senja hyakuengyo (T 4:250c-51a) quoted in FYCL (T 53:856b). At the beginning of the summer retreat (see 2.4), a group of monks elected their eldest member to serve as provost. They also made a rule that any of their number who attained the Way during the retreat would be excused from the confession at its conclusion. Only the provost failed to be enlightened, and so he was not excused. With harsh words, he vented his anger at this fellow for this repayment of his absorption in administrative duties. He withdrew to his cell, saying that its darkness was no worse than the ignominy into which he had been cast, and there he committed suicide. He fell into hell and suffered there through several rebirths. The satra does not say that he became an insect for ninety-one kalpas. 26The allusion is to a story quoted in FYCL (T 53:381b) from Genguky6 (T 4:444c-45a). Among a group of monks there was a young acolyte who chanted scripture with a particularly beautiful voice. There was also an aged monk whose voice was cracked and unsteady but who still liked to chant every day. The younger monk teased the elder: "Your chanting sounds like the howling of an old dog." The elder proceeded to tell the younger all he knew about priestly regulations, and the young monk was so impressed with his knowledge that he repented of his teasing words and was forgiven by the old monk. Nonetheless, he was punished with five hundred rebirths as a dog until he was saved by Sariputra, achieved rebirth as a brahman's son, and became the Buddha's disciple Cunda. 27Bimbisara (Yoken'o in the TOji Kanchiin bon, Yohiken'o in the Maeda-ke bon) supported a thousand monks in the kingdom of Magadha during Sakyamuni's time, and the patronage was continued after his death. These thousand are said to have formed the core of the Buddhist community after the death of S&kyamuni (Daichidoron, T 25:78a; BD 3:2982b).
Page 248 248 The Third Volume: The Clergy 28There are several stories about Asoka's ministers' efforts to bridle his patronage of monks in the traditional biographies. FYCL, quoting "FuhoazkyE," tells of such a conflict with a minister (T 53:297-322), but the extant Fuhozo innenden contains no such story. Also, the FYCL story uses different transliterations of various names than those in Fuhozo innenden, so that sCtra may not be the source indicated in FYCL. Another version of the same story occurs in Aikuaden (T 50:129c-130a; see also Jean Przyluski, The Legend of Emperor Asoka, p. 195). 29Sudatta (Shudatsu) is another name for Anathapin~ada (see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 13). FYCL quotes a Gengukyo account of his activities, but these are recorded in many other places. Jivaka (Giba) is mentioned in FYCL (T 53:544a), and the baths he offered to monks are described again in 3.4 (see also BD 1:535b-c). 30There are several versions of this story. Tamenori may have referred to that quoted in FYCL (T 53:867a-b) from Rokudojikkyo (T 3:17a-b) or to the version in Daij6 daija jizo juringyo (T 13:741c-42a). These appear to be variants of the story of the lion (see 1.8). The king of elephants was killed by a hunter disguised as a monk who coveted the elephant's tusks. The elephant's refusal to attack the hunter demonstrated, as did the lion's, the perfections of charity and forbearance, as well as respect for the clergy. 31The reference is, perhaps, to a story in Daijo daiju jizo jaringyo that immediately follows the story cited in the preceding note (T 13:742b-43c): a criminal exiled to a wilderness disguises himself as a monk and thus avoids being devoured by demons. 32The description of monks as "treasures of the nation" derives from a Chinese expression originating in non-Buddhist contexts. In Moho chih-kuan, Bodhisattvas and teachers of Buddhism are called "treasures of the nation" (T 46:49a), a usage based on the Lotus SCtra (T 9:26). Shoku nihongi also uses the phrase in reference to Buddhist teachers (KSTK 2:171a), and Saicho used the term frequently in his petitions (see Paul Groner, Saichb, p. 116). Tamenori appears to have devised the phrase "lights unto the world" for balance.
3.1 New Year Rites
pp. 249
Page 249 3.1 New Year Rites 249 The First Month 3.1 NEW YEAR RITES (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon1) The Buddha taught: "Even one day's observance of purifying rites will earn 600,000 years of sustenance. One step in the direction of a temple erases the sins of infinite kalpas."2 In another satra it says, "In the first month, fifth month, and ninth month, Indra records the good and evil acts committed by sentient beings in Jambudvipa. In these months, bathe and observe the rites of purification and cultivate other virtuous practices."3 It must be on this basis that everyone in the world strives to be abstemious in the first month. There are official grants of food to monks and nuns in the various provinces of the seven regions, and prayers and rites are commissioned, while, privately, men and women gather in many temples to light votive candles and practice other devotions.4 Also, in the belief that lifespans can thereby be lengthened, there are individuals who make offerings of gruel to monks. In Shibunritsu it says there are four benefits from this; in S6giritsu it says there are ten benefits.5 In a verse it says: "He who wishes to enjoy a long life of ease in heaven should take gruel and offer it to the clergy."6 There is not a temple in the land where prayers are not offered for health and welfare and the successful conduct of all the rites of the coming year, nor any individual who does not purify himself; thus, in many places the planting of good roots starts at the very beginning of the year. We know that the brilliance of these deeds is reflected in Indra's jeweled mirror, and the merit is recorded on King Yama's golden tablet.7 Notes 1See "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 1. 2A quotation in FYCL (T 53:954a) from Kuzo hiyukyo has been identified as the source, but only the first half of this quotation is to be found there or in the original satra (T 4:513a). "Observance of purifying rites" in both the Maeda-ke bon and FYCL passage is jizai; the TOji Kanchiin bon and Sekido-ke bon read imoi o tamote in kana. Imoi can mean any kind of purification ritual, but Yamada suggested that Tamenori was referring to saikai, purifying abstinences carried out
Page 250 250 The Third Volume: The Clergy according to the Vinaya. The use of the word "sustenance" introduces the idea of a pure feast, which is a feature of the next section and a preoccupation in various kinds of rituals, Buddhist and non-Buddhist, that were observed during the first month. (For a study of the nonBuddhist rituals, see Robert S. Ellwood, The Feast of Kingship: Accession Ceremonies in Ancient Japan.) 3A quotation in FYCL (T 53:932b-c) from Daiikyo (i.e., Daiibarikya) is the identified source, but it does not contain the instructions to bathe and to observe rites. This and the preceding quotation may be free renderings or are perhaps from some source that has not been identified. 4All of the provinces except those in the immediate vicinity of the capital were grouped into seven divisions. There were separate provisions for the rites observed in the capital region (Kinai). 5Shibunritsu is the Vinaya of the Dharmagupta school; Sogiritsu is that of the Mahasaxpghika. Tamenori's reference, and the source of the quotation that follows, is probably FYCL (T 53:611b), but "four benefits" should be five: the prevention of starvation, of dehydration, of hunger in the middle of the night, of constipation, and of bad vision. The ten benefits listed in Sogiritsu are expansions of these same five. 6This verse is quoted verbatim from the FYCL passage cited above. 7Indra and Yama, the ruler of the land of the dead, record men's good and bad deeds as a basis for determining subsequent rewards or punishments. In mentioning them here, Tamenori followed the previously cited Daiikyo quotation in FYCL (see n. 3).
3.2 The Feast
pp. 251
Page 251 3.2 The Feast 251 3.2 THE FEAST (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Thdaiji-girel) In SaishO6ky6 it is said2: "If the king of a nation lectures on this satra, he will be rewarded with endless happiness, while his people shall always be free from trouble. Winds and rains will come in their due seasons and will sweep the nation clean of all its plagues. When the king wishes to hear this siatra, he should adorn the most excellent hall in his palace, the one that is most important to him, and set up a Lion's Seat there.3 He should raise banners and light incense. The king should sit in a somewhat humble seat and listen intently to the satra. He should look up to the presiding monk with reverence and think of him as a Great Teacher, and he should look upon all of his people with sympathy and cultivate compassion in his heart. He himself should take up the white silk parasol and, as festive music plays, go out to greet the lecturer as he approaches.4 This is most excellent! If the king is moved to do these things, then, with each step, he will be reverently serving infinite numbers of Buddhas. With each step, the long sufferings of life and death will be overcome. For each step, the long sufferings of life and death will be overcome. For each step he takes he will earn an age of rebirth as a Wheel-King, and with each step he will increase his store of merit in this world."5 On this basis the court prepares the Great Hall of State, and for a week there are lectures on the SaishOmky6 each day and observances of the Penance of Srimahddevi each night.6 Srimah~devi was the wife of Vai'ravapa.7 She made a vow to fill all storehouses with the five grains and to answer all manner of prayers.8 The sfltra explains how all the lords and ministers should faithfully execute their duties and cooperate with one another in their efforts.9 In some years there are imperial excursions.10 The audience and the various offices for the various parts of the ceremonies are filled by monks selected and invited from various temples, while the task of providing the offerings and adornments is assigned to the various imperial bureaus.11 This rite is also observed in the various provinces, beginning on the same day.12 It has been observed since the second year of the Jingo Keiun era [768], during the reign of Empress Sh~toku, who was the daughter of Emperor Shomu.1 I believe it is so recorded in the Regulations.14
Page 252 252 The Third Volume: The Clergy Notes lOne fragment has been identified. See Shasei, p. 229. 2Tamenori's "quotation" is a fairly loose adaptation from Konkomyo saishooky6 (T 16:428b). 3The "Lion's Seat" (shishi no za) is taken by a formal lecturer who presides in place of the Buddha himself. The satra has shishi shush6h6za, "the Lion's Extraordinary Dharma Seat." 4The satra says that a white parasol (byakugai) should be placed over the lecturer's seat. 50n "Wheel-King," see "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 12. 6The "Great Hall of State" (Daigokuden), the main audience hall in the imperial palace, was certainly the "most important hall in the palace," as specified in the satra. The Penance of Srimahadevi (Kichijo keka) was based on the seventeenth chapter of the Konkbmy6 saishooky6 (T 16:439b-40a). This female celestial deity promises good harvests to those who revere the satra. Supplications to her were conducted under imperial auspices beginning in the mid-8th century and were regularly held in conjunction with the various New Year rites at court (which also were intended to insure good harvests). The several days of observance, including this Penance rite, were highlighted by a formal vegetarian feast for the attending monks, called the Gosaie. (Gosaie is the title given to section 3.2, but the word does not appear in the body of the text.) Between the eighth and fourteenth days of the first month, large numbers of monks were invited to the palace to participate in readings, lectures, and formal debate on the Konkomyo saishookyo, which, as seen in the passages quoted here, proclaims its own power to protect the state and promote its welfare. For descriptions of Gosaie, see Yamanaka Yutaka, Heianchb no nenjagy6ji, p. 139. Nenjagyaji emaki contains a lively depiction of the general festivities of the Gosaie, including the procession of monks, the services in the Daigokuden and the concurrently observed esoteric rites conducted in the Shingon'in (Shingon'in no mishuh6)-which Tamenori does not mention (see Nihon emaki taisei 8, pp. 34-39). 7Vaisravaea is one of the Four Celestial Kings and is sometimes identified as SrimahAdevi's brother (BD 5:4304a-7b). 8The "Five Grains" (gokaku) are listed in various ways, but rice, barley, soybeans, and two types of millet are usually included (BGD 1:360b). As noted above, the purpose of the annual Kichij6 keka was to insure good harvests for the coming year.
Page 253 3.2 The Feast 253 9The satra repeatedly states that all the king's court must participate in the rite if it is to have the desired effects. "Imperial excursions" is miyuki. On several recorded occasions in the Heian period, the emperor left the palace during the Gosaie period to observe associated rites at important shrines and temples and to pay his respects to retired emperors and empressess living away from court. Miyuki also refers to the crown prince's formal New Year's greeting to the emperor (Yamanaka, Heiancho no nenjagyoji, pp. 112-14). 1 To be invited to be part of the "audience" (choja) or designated an "executor" (hoyo) for the Gosaie was a high mark of distinction. There were four major offices to be performed by monks in this and most other important state-sponsored rites: Bai hoya, the leader of sitra recitation; Sange hoyo, "scatterer of flowers"; Bon'on hoyo, Sanskrit chanter; and Shakuj6 hoy6, a monk who beat time during the rhythmic satra chanting (BD 2:1734b-35a). The distribution of assignments for providing the "offerings of adornments" (kuyo shogon) among the various imperial bureaus was specified in Engishiki. 12Reading the Konkomyo saish6okyo for the protection of the state was one of the fundamental responsibilities of the Kokubunji (see Inoue Kaoru, Naracho Bukkyoshi no kenkya, pp. 61-77). 13There were, in fact, earlier observances, but Tamenori appears to have relied on Shoku Nihongi for this information (KSTK 2:339). Empress Shotoku (see 2.15, n. 2) is identified here as "the daughter of Emperor Shamu (i.e., Ame no mikado), Princess Takano." This method of identification may have been used here intentionally to draw a parallel to Srimahadevi. 14The "Regulations" (kyaku) were official decrees compiled in various collections, and they formed the basis of much of the material in official histories. Ruija sandaikyaku includes decrees issued during the reigns of Saga, Seiwa, and Daigo (809-930), but it does not contain any relevant decrees. The Shoku Nihongi record cited above is probably based upon such a decree.
3.3 The Rites of Penance at Hie
pp. 254
Page 254 254 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.3 THE RITES OF PENANCE AT HIE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Todaiji-girei) The monastery on Mount Hie was established by Dengy6 Daishi.2 The master's lay family name was Mitsu, and he came from the district of Shiga in (Omi Province.3 From an early age he displayed remarkable intelligence. By the age of seven he had attained great wisdom. He was knowledgeable in a wide variety of subjects. At the age of twelve he shaved his head.4 He went up to Mount Hie for the first time and built a hut in which to practice austerities. In the ashes of an incense burner he found a relic of the Buddha. He then prayed for a vessel in which to place it, and found a golden vase amid the ashes.5 In the twenty-third year of the Enryaku era [804] he went to China and climbed the T'ien-t'ai Mountains, where he met Master Tao-sui, who gave him Buddhist texts from India to study.6 The abbot Hsingman of the Fo-lung-ssu said of him, "Long ago I heard that our founder Chih-i said, 'Some two hundred years after my death the teachings of our school will be transmitted to the Land in the East.' The words of the revered sage were not mistaken; now this man has come to us. Let him return swiftly to his homeland to spread these doctrines." So saying, he presented him with many scriptures.7 He returned home in the twenty-fourth year of the Enryaku era [805]. When he lectured on the Lotus Saitra before the deity of the Yahata Shrine, the deity gave him a purple surplice from the shrine storeroom in gratitude for the instruction he had received. When he lectured on the Lotus Satra at the Kawaru Shrine, purple clouds rose from over the mountain peaks and covered the courtyard where he was speaking. The robe he received from the deities is still kept at Enryakuji. His prayer was: "Save us in this age of the Imitated Teaching!" So, with his own hands, he made an image of Bhaisajyaguru for his Central Hall, and with the vow "to spread the wondrous teaching of the supreme Lotus Satra," he dedicated himself to the propagation of the Tendai doctrines of the founder Chih-i.9 In the seventh month of the third year of the K6nin era [812] he built the Hokked6 and had the Mahayana satras read there constantly, night and day.10 Down in the valley a voice was heard every night, chanting the Lotus Satra. A search was made, but no one could be found. When the place from which the voice emanated was located, there was nothing to be seen but a pile of dried human bones. These were reburied next to the hall, and people were forbidden to step upon
Page 255 3.3 The Rites of Penance 255 the burial place.11 He wrote many sets of vows that were read on particular occasions.12 He made a vow to light candles, and these still have not been extinguished.13 During the first moon of spring, summer, autumn, and winter, he and the twelve monks of the hall observed the Rites of Penance.14 The master died on the fourth day of the sixth month of the thirteenth year of the Konin era [822]. Mysterious clouds covered the mountaintop and did not disperse for some time. People who saw them from afar thought it strange: "Something must have happened on the mountain to cause this," they said.15 Now then, this Service of Penance is based on the Samantabhadra Satra.16 Among the four types of meditation is one called the "HalfWalking Half-Sitting Meditation."17 The founder of the T'ien-t'ai school practiced this and suddenly attained the Lotus meditation, and he was enlightened, and his heart was free. He saw Samantabhadra riding toward him on an elephant, and then he came and touched him on the head.18 Passages that were unclear in the satra were explained in full detail in the master's writings compiled in the Manual of Practice of the Lotus Meditation in one fascicle, which has been transmitted to the world.19 If it is followed, the power of the Single Vehicle will erase the sins of the six fundamental sources.20 Hinaydna penances only have the effect of erasing minor transgressions; Mahayana penances effectively save us from heavy sins. In the Manual it says: "All those who wish to see Sakyamuni and the many manifestations of Prabhftaratna Buddha, to cleanse themselves of the sins of the six sources, to enter into the world of the Buddha, overcome all obstacles, and attain the state of the Bodhisattva: if you commit the Five Transgressions or violate the Four Great Prohibitions, you must be disqualified from practice as a monk, but if you reverse this, you will attain perfection. Those who wish to earn excellent merit should go to an isolated, quiet place and practice this meditation for three weeks."21 Furthermore, it says in the Samantabhadra Satra: "If you practice this with a settled mind, you will see Samantabhadra on the first day and on every successive day of the entire three weeks. Those with heavy obstructions will not see him until after forty-nine days have passed. Those who have even heavier obstructions will see him in the next life, or in the second or third rebirth."22 Also, in Mo-ho chih-kuan it says: "This Rite of Penance is a great treasure for the world. Its proper observance will surely yield other treasures. Offerings of flowers and incense yield treasures of the lower ranks. The Buddha was unable to expound all there was to expound to Mafijusri, but he did expound upon the merits of these lower ranks. Indeed, how much more so was this true concerning the middle and
Page 256 256 The Third Volume: The Clergy upper ranks! Indeed, rather than build a pile of treasures from earth to Indra's heaven as an offering to the Buddha, it is far better to give one devotee of scripture his daily meal, and to look after him."23 Indeed, the merit of the practice of meditation is extraordinary! Notes 1A short fragment of the Todaiji-gire type, corresponding to the beginning of the section and contiguous with the end of the preceding section, has been identified (see Shasei, p. 231). 2"The monastery of Mount Hie" is Enryakuji, the Tendai headquarters founded by Dengy6 Daishi (Saicho, 767-822). Throughout Sanb6e, "Hie" means Enryakuji. Tamenori's biography of Saicho is based on a number of sources, particularly Eizan Daishi den, a work attributed to Saicho's disciple Ninchu, completed perhaps as early as 840 (see Dengyo Daishi zensha, bekkan, 5, pp. 80-110; for an authoritative, annotated text, see Nakao Shunpaku, Sange gakushoshiki josetsu, pp. 367-453). Paul Groner has observed that the general emphasis of Eizan Daishi den is on Saicho's interest in the Lotus Satra and Tendai teachings, while his interests in Esoteric Buddhism are largely disregarded. The same bias is apparent in Tamenori's treatment. The honorary posthumous name Dengyo Daishi was conferred in 866, some forty-four years after Saicho's death. Tamenori uses "Dengyo Daishi" only. 3Saicho's family lived in the area of modern Otsu-shi. Tamenori omits mention of the fact that the Mitsu claimed descent from an emperor of the Latter Han Dynasty and other details of family background that open the Eizan Daishi den. 4Tamenori follows Eizan Daishi den but does not make it clear that this was not the occasion of Saicho's initial ordination. At age twelve he went to the Kokubunji of Omi and began to study under the monk Gy6hy6. Two years later he became a novice monk, but his full ordination did not take place until he was nineteen (Groner, Saicho, pp. 22-26). 5According to Eizan Daishi den, Saicho was living in seclusion in Jingi zen'in, a meditation hall built by his father, when he found the relic and the vessel (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 375). 6The T'ien-t'ai area in southeastern China had long been a center of religious activity, and the Chinese school of Buddhism established there by Chih-i in the sixth century took its name from the site. For a
Page 257 3.3 The Rites of Penance 257 detailed account of Saicho's activities in China, see Groner, Saicho, pp. 38-63; see also Robert Borgen, "The Japanese Mission to China, 801-806," in Monumenta Nipponica 37.1:1-28. Tao-sui (Dosui) was the seventh patriarch of the T'ien-t'ai School; his dates are unknown. The texts he had copied and presented to Saicho were not only satras but also many T'ien-t'ai treatises, including a manual for the Hokke senb6, the rite that is the subject of the present section (Groner, Saicho, pp. 41-43; Kiuchi Hiroshi, Dengy6 Daishi no sh6gai to shiso, pp. 104-7). 7Hsing-man (Gyoman,?-823?) has a biography in the Sung Kaoseng-chuan and is the reputed author of a number of works. Fo-lung-ssu (Butsuroji) was one of the many monasteries at T'ien-t'ai. Tamenori's account of this incident closely follows Eizan Daishi den (Nakao, Josetsu, pp. 400, 405). Chih-i is identified by his posthumous name, Chih-che (see 3.30, n. 10). 80n his way to China Saicho had petitioned the gods in Kyfshf for aid on his journey, and in 814 he returned to Kyfshf to fulfill his vows to them. Again, Tamenori draws upon details of these events reported in Eizan Daishi den (Nakao, Josetsu, pp. 421-23). Both Sanboe texts say he went to the "Kasuga Shrine," clearly an error for "Kawaru." 9The "age of the Imitated Teaching" (Zho6 no toki) is the middle period (after Shoho, before Mapp6) during which the Buddha's teachings are still transmitted and understood, but imperfectly. The quotation is probably a paraphrase of Saicho's intent in carving the image, without specific source. Bhaigajyaguru (Yakushi nyorai) is a Buddha who dwells in the pure land in the east and who has vowed to protect all sentient beings from illness. The central image of Yakushi nyorai in the main hall (Konpon Chado) of Enryakuji is said to have been made by Saicho in 788. This is not mentioned in Eizan Daishi den, but the legend does appear in such later documents as Eigaku yoki (fourteenth century; GR 15:530. see also Groner, Saicho, pp. 75-76). 16The full name of the building is Hokke sanmaido. It was the site for the practice of meditation on the Lotus Satra and such related rites as the Hokke senbo (BD 5:4579c-80c; Groner, Saicho, pp. 75-76). 11The source of this episode has not been identified. The motif of human remains that chant the scripture is common in Buddhist tales, particularly involving devotion to the Lotus; there are examples in Ryoiki. 12Tamenori is apparently referring to the works collectively called Ganmon, many of which are incorporated into the text of Eizan Daishi den. The Ganmon has a complex textual history; see Groner, Saicho, pp. 28-30.
Page 258 258 The Third Volume: The Clergy 13The historical circumstances of this "vow" are not recorded in Eizan Daishi den, but the legend is well established. A poem Saich6 is said to have written on the occasion of the dedication of the Konpon Chid6 in reference to these eternal lights appears in Shin shai wakashi (KochC kokka taikei 8, p. 204). 14The Hokke senb6 was held at Enryakuji on the first day of the first, fourth, seventh and tenth months. The word senbo has the same meaning as keka, i.e., a rite of penance (see 3.2, n. 6) for past sins and exorcism of their ill effects. As Tamenori explains below, this rite was prescribed by Chih-i in his Fa-hua san-mei ch'an-i (T 46:94ff.), on the basis of passages in Kanfugen bosatsugyoh6kyo. 15This account of Saicho's death follows that in Eizan Daishi den (Nakao, Josetsu, pp. 442-43). 16The "Samantabhadra Satra" (Fugengyo), i.e., Kanfugen bosatsugy6ohky6, is the so-called "closing satra" of the Lotus trilogy. 17The four types of meditation (shishu zanmai) were prescribed by Chih-i and formed the heart of Tendai practice. Sanmai transliterates samadhi, one of the words used for "concentration" and "meditation." The "Half-Walking Half-Sitting Meditation" (hangy6hanza zanmai) requires twenty-one days of circumambulation of an image of Samantabhadra, in alternation with seated meditation. The Hokke senbo was observed as an adjunct to this practice. The other types of meditation are "Constant Moving" ('ogyo zanmai; see 3.25, n. 2), "Constant Sitting" (joza zanmai), and "Free meditation" (higyohiza zanmai) (see Leon Hurvitz, Chih-i [Melanges chinois et bouddiques 12], pp. 318-31). 11In Mo-ho chih-kuan, Chih-i states that when the proper spiritual level is attained in this meditation, the practitioner will be able to visualize Samantabhadra (T 46:13a). 19The work indicated ("Hokke zanmai no gyoho ikkan") is probably Chih-i's Fa-hua san-mei ch'an-i, or perhaps one of his several other treatises on Lotus meditation. 20The "sins of the six fundamental sources" (rokkon no tsumi) are those that arise from the functioning of the sensory organs (the eyes, ears, nose, and tongue), the body, and the mind (BD 5:5056b-57a). The "single" vehicle is Buddhism as a whole, from the perspective of the Lotus. In the nineteenth chapter of the Lotus Satra it is said that those who uphold the satra will receive vast stores of merit to offset many generations of accumulated sins (T 9:47c). 21This quotation paraphrases Fa-hua san-mei ch'an-i (T 46:949b), but elements of the original passage have been rearranged. On Prabhftaratna, see 1.7, n. 5; here, he is called "Taho." On the "Five Transgressions" and "Four Great Prohibitions," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 6.
Page 259 3.3 The Rites of Penance 259 22The passage is quoted verbatim from the satra (T 9:389c). 23This quotation is also very close to the original (T 46:14a). The term "devotee of scriptures" is jikyosha, literally "one who holds the scripture"-in this case, the Lotus.
3.4 The Bath
pp. 260
Page 260 260 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.4 THE BATH (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, Thdaiji-gire1) On the fourteenth and twenty-ninth days of each month, a great bath is prepared in every temple, and all the monks bathe. This is because the Convocation is held on the following day.2 The bath is also prepared on many other unspecified days in accordance with the needs of individual monks. In the Satra on Baths and Bathing for the Clergy3 it is said: "The Elder Jivaka, son of Amrapdli,4 had an idea one night as he was falling asleep, and the next morning he went to the Buddha and said, 'I have busied myself with worldly affairs and have not yet earned merit. Now I would like to invite the Buddha and his disciples to wash themselves in the bath I have prepared. I pray that all sentient beings may be cleansed of the worldly filth of ignorance.' "The Buddha said, 'Very good! There is no measure of the merit in this. For priestly bathing, seven objects are used in the bathroom. There are seven salutary effects of bathing, and seven benefits accrue. The seven objects are firewood, pure water, bean husks for scrubbing, bath oil to moisten, cool, and soften the body, finely ground ashes, willow-twig toothpicks and bathrobes. The seven salutary effects of bathing are relaxation of the body, avoidance of colds, avoidance of pains, avoidance of chills, avoidance of fever, avoidance of filth, and refreshing of the body and clearing of vision. As for the seven benefits, the first is that disorders of the Four Elements are prevented, and in every life into which you are reborn you will be lovely in form and pure in person.5 Second, filth is washed away from the place where it lodges and pollutes. Third, the body is always kept fragrant, and one's garments remain clean and fresh. Fourth, the skin of the body is made soft, smooth, and lustrous, as it can be made by nothing else. Fifth, many persons will follow and serve you, and brush away the dust and sweep away the filth from your path. Sixth, the odor of the mouth is fragrant and clean, and the words you speak will be followed by the people. Seventh, at birth you will be naturally clothed and adorned with everlasting brilliant jewels. Indeed, those who are born into this world with pleasant features admired by others, and who are pure and clean and lustrous skinned, are those who in their former lives provided baths for monks and have been thus rewarded. These rewards are also obtained as the result of providing baths for monks: birth as the son of a great minister and enjoyment of a wealth of treasures; birth in the house of a
Page 261 3.4 The Bath 261 great king, where you are bathed with fragrant incense and perfumed water; protection in all four directions through the power of the Four Celestial Kings; illumination of the darkness of night by the sun, moon, and the constellations; and adornment with the Seven Jewels of Indra, enjoyment of a long life, reaching the world beyond the Four Seas ruled by the Great Kings, where you may revel in many pleasures and have a fragrant body, revel in the pleasures of the Six Desire Heavens to the utmost, and dwell in the perfect quiescent state in Brahma's Heaven.'"6 In another satra it is said: "The Buddha's disciple Pindola wanted to earn merit for the world to come, so he did not enter Nirviaa, but remained for a long time in the Malaya Mountains. If you intend to prepare a bath for monks, first prepare the hot water in the morning, and then summon Pipdola. Spread flowers and prepare a seat. Close the doors for a while, and then, when you open them, you should be able to see that he has come and bathed," and on this basis everyone in India did so.7 There are those in this country who observe this practice, too. In various other satras it is said: "In a former birth, during the age of the Vipasyin Buddha, Suddhavasa was the son of a very poor man. He managed to find a small amount of money that he used to prepare a bath and meal to which he invited the Buddha and his disciples, and they accepted. After his death, he was reborn in heaven in an extraordinary form, with bright luminescence. When he becomes a Buddha, he will be called the Tathagata of the Pure Body."8 Also: "In a former birth, Ananda was the son of a commoner in the land of Rajagrha. He suddenly broke out in strange pockmarks that, though treated, would not heal. Someone told him, 'If you prepare a bath for monks and take the water used for the bath and wash your pockmarks with it, they will heal immediately. Also, you will gain other fortunate benefits as well.' So he went to a temple and did these things, and he was immediately cured. In every life into which he was born thereafter, he was lovely in form and pure in person. For ninety-one kalpas he received this fortunate benefit. Now he is with the Buddha, and all the pollutions within his mind have been extinguished."9 Also: "In a former birth in the time of Vipasyin Buddha, the monk Nanda prepared a bath for a group of monks, and as a result he was born into a line of kings and bore the Thirty-two Marks upon his person."10 Also: "Sariputra suffered terribly from the heat during a long dry spell. A man came along with water, which he poured on the plants in the garden. Seeing Sariputra, he called to him, had him sit under a tree, and bathed him with the water he had poured on the tree. When this man died, he was reborn in Trdyastrirpsa Heaven. He immediately came down to Sariputra and cast flowers about him, to show his gratitude, and he listened to the Buddha's teachings and thus claimed his reward."1
Page 262 262 The Third Volume: The Clergy In the Chinese Stories of Rebirth it is said that during the Liang Dynasty a monk named Tao-chen lived on Mount Lu and meditated on the Buddha.12 One night he meditated upon the waters of the Pure Land, and then he fell asleep. In a dream he saw a huge body of water. Upon it was a boat in which a hundred people were sailing westward. "Let me go with you," he said, but the boatman would not let him. In the dream Tao-chen said, "All my life I have dedicated myself to the worship of the Western Land. Why won't you let me go?" The boatman replied, "Your devotions are not yet complete. You have not yet chanted the Amida Satra.13 You have not yet prepared a bath for monks," and with this refusal he sailed away. Tao-chen was left behind to weep and grieve. When he awoke, he immediately chanted the satra and prepared a bath. Later, he had another dream. Someone came to him, riding on a silver lotus, and said, "Your devotions are now complete. You will certainly be reborn in the Western Land." On the night he died a bright light shown above the mountain, and his cell was filled with perfume. While he lived, he told no one of his dream, but he wrote about it and put what he had written in a sitra box. This was taken out after his death, and thus it became known. From all these examples we learn that providing a bath for monks is a simple deed, but its benefits are great. In the Agongyi, five merits are listed; in Jajuritsu five benefits are listed.14 Notes 1Eight fragments of the Todaiji-gire type have been identified. See ShCsei, pp. 235-41. 2The "bath" is onshitsu, onjitsu, or unshitsu. On the Convocation (Fusatsu), see 3.5. 3The source is Onjitsu sennyoku shusokyo (T 16:802c-3c) quoted in a discussion of the merits of the provision of baths for monks in FYCL (T 53:543c). 4Jivaka (Giiki) was a devout lay supporter of Sakyamuni and a renowned physician (BD 1:535b-36c). In the "Preface to the Third Volume," his name appears as "Giba" (see n. 29 there). His mother Amrapdli (Na'nyo) was one of the first Buddhist nuns (BD 1:92a-b). The "Four Elements" are earth, water, fire, and wind, and they embody four physical properties, i.e., solidity, moisture, warmth, and movement. The human body is made up of these elements and shares these properties, and any imbalance or disorder among them produces illness or physical disorders (BD 2:1874b-75b).
Page 263 3.4 The Bath 263 6"The Seven Jewels of Indra" are, in one list, gold, silver, lapis lazuli, quartz, giant clamshells, jade, and agates (BGD 1:587c). To travel beyond the "Four Seas" that encircle Mount Sumeru and its surrounding continents, thus passing beyond the boundaries of the worlds ruled by Great King, would mean that one had left the mundane physical world behind (BGD 1:509d). The "Six Desire Heavens" (rokuyokuten) are part of the world of desire and are located above Mount Sumeru. They include the Trayastrimrsa and Tuqita Heavens. "Brahma's Heaven" (Bonten) is beyond the world of desire and its six heavens, hence "quiescent." It is the dwelling-place of Brahma, as Trayastrirpsa is the dwelling-place of Indra (BD 4:3426a-29b). 7The satra is Shabinzuruh5 (T 32:784b-c), quoted in FYCL (T 53:610a-b) in its entirety. Tamenori paraphrases it briefly to introduce Pindola (Binzuru), one of the disciples of Sakyamuni. To symbolize his overseership of daily rituals in the monastery, it was common to display his image in those rooms where monks cooked and ate their meals and bathed, and on an altar at the Convocation. (This practice was rejected by Saicho as one that was inappropriate in a Mahayana monastery; see Groner, Saicho, p. 140.) The Malaya Mountains (Mareisen) are a range in southern India (Ogiwara, Bonwa daijiten 11, p. 1009a). 8"Various other satras" refers to several works cited in the FYCL passage on the merits of baths (T 53:543c-44a), Tamenori's source for this and the following two stories. This one originates in Gengukyo. Vipasyin Buddha (Bibashibutsu) is said to have lived ninety-one kalpas before Sakyamuni; stories of the previous lives of Buddhas, arhats, and the like are often set in the time of this Buddha (BD 5:4324c-25b). Suddhavasa (Shudaeten) is the name of a group of heavens in which sages dwell eternally and eventually attain arhatship, but this story seems to be about one of the chief denizens of those heavens (BD 2:1228b; 4:3771c). "Tathagata of the Pure Body" is Joshin nyorai. 9This story is quoted in FYCL from "Fukudengyo" (i.e., Shotoku fukudengyb). Here, Rajagrha is Raetsuki. 10Nanda was a son of Mahaprajapati and half-brother to Sakyamuni, as well as his disciple. He is sometimes called "Sundarananda" (BD 4:4007b-8a). FYCL quotes his story from Zohiyuky5 (T 4:501a), and Tamenori retains the form of the name of Vipasyin used there (Yuiebutsu). "The Thirty-two Marks" are essentially the same as the "Thirty-three"; see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 4). Nanda's attainment of the marks is not mentioned in the FYCL passage, but it is confirmed in other texts (KMJ 443b). On Sariputra, see 2.4, n. 8. FYCL quotes Jajuritsu as the source.
Page 264 264 The Third Volume: The Clergy 12The work referred to as "Chinese Stories of Rebirth" (Morokoshi no ojoden) cannot be identified (see Shusei, pp. 472-73). The biography of Tao-chen (Dochin) in Hsui kao-seng-chuan is very similar to this story (see also Konjaku monogatari shu 6, p. 4). Mount Lu (Rosan, i.e., Lushan), in southeastern China, was a center for ascetic religious practices, both Taoist and Buddhist (BD 5:5080c-81b). 13The boat sailing westward, to the "Western Land," is, of course, bound for Amida's paradise. The "Amida Satra" is one of the three major Pure Land scriptures (T 12, n. 366). 14FYCL quotes Z6ichi agongyo as the source. The five merits are avoidance of colds, quick recovery from illness, riddance of dirt and dust from the body, lightening and regulation of the body, and whitening of the skin. Jajuritsu, also quoted in FYCL, lists riddance of dirt, whitening of the skin, moderation of body temperature, regularity, and minimal pain when ill.
3.5 The Convocation
pp. 265
Page 265 3.5 The Convocation 265 3.5 THE CONVOCATION (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon) On the fifteenth and thirtieth days of each month, a convocation is held in every temple.1 This practice was brought here by Master Ganjin.2 Master Ganjin was the abbot of Lung-hsing-ssu in Yang Province in China.3 He was well versed in many satras, and he was especially learned in the rules of monastic discipline. When the monks Eiei and K6gy6 went to China, they earnestly entreated him, saying: "The teachings of the Buddha have flowed to the East and reached our land, but, though we have the scripture, there is no one to transmit and explain its teachings to us. We pray that the master will go back with us."4 In the fourth year of the Sh6h6 era [752], when an embassy was leaving China to return to Japan, Ganjin came with them, accompanied by twenty-four disciples, on the ship of the vice-envoy, Otomo Komaro.5 The empress honored him and installed him in the Thdaiji under her own patronage.6 In order to correct the texts of satras, he recited them, and many errors were rectified. When he was asked the name of a particular medicine, he could identify it by its smell. He offered prayers for the [retired] emperor and presented medicines to the empress. At first he was granted the rank of DaisOzu, but he disliked the administrative duties in the Bureau of Clerics that came with it, so he was given the title Daiwaj6 and allowed to live in retirement in his Vinaya monastery; this is the temple presently known as T6shadaiji.8 The master was the first to ask imperial permission to hold a convocation at T6daiji.9 Later, it was introduced and conducted everywhere. Many monks gather in a great hall, and one Master of Precepts recites the scripture.10 In Bonm6ky6 it is said: "Newly inspired Bodhisattvas should hold a convocation fortnightly. They should recite the Ten Major Precepts and the Forty-eight Minor Precepts. Whether one hundred or one thousand monks attend, only one should recite. He who recites should take the highest seat, and the audience should be below him. That which is recited has been recited by all the Buddhas of the Three Ages. I also recite it. All sentient beings and all kings and princes and monks and nuns and faithful laymen and laywomen shall, by upholding that which the Bodhisattva has ordained, be kept from falling into the Evil Realms."11 While the recitation proceeds, those who are not monks may not watch or listen. When the Buddha was in this world, there was a certain
Page 266 266 The Third Volume: The Clergy boy who hid himself and overheard the monks in convocation. The Buddha was not present, but he knew about this, and he sent Vajrapani to drive him away. Vajrapapi struck the boy on the head and killed him; it was then seen that he was not, in fact, a real boy.12 The convocation is certainly an important element of monastic discipline and an ancient artifact of the Buddha's teachings. During the last days of the sixth month, a census is taken in both monasteries and convents so that the measure of their merit can be ascertained.13 Notes 1The convocation (fusatsu, Sanskrit posadha) is a fortnightly recitation of the precepts, followed by confessions of violations and a renewal of vows (BD 5:4410a-11b). 2Ganjin (Chien-chen, 688-763) is one of the most important figures in Nara-period Buddhism. Tamenori's account of his life is a close paraphrase of the biography in Shoku Nihongi (Tenpy6 HOji 7, fifth month, reporting his death; KSTK 2:293-94). Other traditional biographies are To Daiwajo t6seiden and that in the Sung Kao-sengchuan, but Tamenori does not seem to have used these (see Takeuchi, ed., Nara ibun 3, pp. 895-908 and T 50:797a-c; see also Ando Kosei, Ganjin). Several incidents described here are depicted in Toseiden emaki, completed ca. 1298 (Shinsha Nihon emakimono zensha 21). 3The Lung-hsing-ssu (Ryakoji) was a state-supported temple in Yang-chou (Ando, Ganjin, p. 8). The title "abbot" here is daitoku (taite), denoting monks of high rank in the Sui and T'ang dynasties (BGD 2:925d). 4Eiei (also "Y6ei") was a monk of Kofukuji. He went to China in 733 and remained there for nine years. His first meeting with Ganjin occurred in 742. Shoku Nihongi calls his colleague Kogy6, as does Tamenori, but all other accounts call him Fush6 and identify him as a monk of Kofukuji or Daianji (Ando, Ganjin, pp. 30-31). All of the traditional biographies include a speech of invitation like the one recorded here. T6seiden inserts a phrase in praise of Shotoku Taishi's efforts to establish Buddhism in Japan (Nara ibun 3, p. 69a). 5Tamenori omits details that he might have found in Toseiden, including the account of Ganjin's five abortive attempts to cross to Japan, during which time he became blind. Toseiden also has a list of the twenty-four disciples (Nara ibun 3, pp. 904-5). Otomo Komaro was second in command in the mission of 752; the leader was Fujiwara
Page 267 3.5 The Convocation 267 Kiyokawa, but he died after remaining in China for ten years, while Komaro took the mission home in 754. 6The empress at the time was K6ken. 7Ganjin apparently introduced a number of medicinal plants (Watanabe Takeshi, "Ganjin Wajo shorai no yakuhin," in Ando, ed., Ganjin Wajo den no kenkya, pp. 129-52). 8The appointment as Dais6zu in 756 made Ganjin chief of all monks and nuns and head of the bureau that regulated their ordinations and other activities. In 758, when Junnin ascended the throne, Ganjin's title was changed to Daiwajo, and he retired to Tosh6daiji. The reference to this temple as a "Vinaya monastery" (kaiin) is to its function as a center for the study of monastic discipline; it is still the headquarters of the Ritsu school (Ando, Ganjin, p. 198). 9Details of the first convocation at Todaiji, including the date, are unclear. Although Genk6 shakusho says that it took place in 756, it is likely that some form of convocation was held at Kokubunji before Ganjin established a regular procedure (see Ishida Mizumaro, "Ganjin ni okeru fusatsu no igi," in Nanto bukkyo 21, pp. 5-8). 10The "Master of Precepts" (kaishi) title indicated a monk qualified to administer vows to newly ordained monks. 11The full name of "Bonm6kyo" is Bonmokyo rushanabussetsu bosatsu shinjikaibon daija; it is probably a Chinese forgery but was associated from early times with the administration of vows in Mahayana monasteries. The translation is attributed to Kumdrajiva. Tamenori's quotation seems to be a free adaptation of various passages of the satra (see T 24:1008a, for example) but may in fact be based on some other intermediary source. "Newly inspired Bodhisattvas" (shingaku bosatsu) refers, in Bonmokyo, to newly ordained monks or those who want to renew their vows. The "Ten Major Precepts and the Fortyeight Minor Precepts" are enumerated in various parts of the satra. The ten are abstention from killing, abstention from lying, abstention from selling alcoholic beverages, abstention from speaking of the past violations of others, abstention from praising oneself and denigrating others, abstention from selfishness in sharing the teachings, abstention from anger, and abstention from slandering the Three Jewels (Taya, Bukkyogakujiten, p. 53b-c). The Forty-Eight Minor Precepts are largely refinements and variations of these. The "Buddhas of the Three Ages" are those of the past, present, and future. The expression "faithful laymen and laywomen" translates shinnan shinnyo, itself a translation of Sanskrit upasaka and upasika. 12Vajrapdii (Kongo misshaku) is a Yaksa, a celestial being armed with lightening bolts who attacks defilers of the Buddhist order at the Buddha's bidding (BD 3:2247a-48b). The source of the story of his
Page 268 268 The Third Volume: The Clergy attack on the interloper at the convocation is probably a passage in the Nirvana Satra (T 12:380c). 13"The census is taken" is cha o uku. A specially prepared piece of wood (cha) was passed among those in attendance at the end of the convocation, and each monk or nun made a mark on it (BD 4:3624b43c). Tamenori euphemistically describes this as "measuring the merit" of the temple.
3.6 Second Month Rites
pp. 269
Page 269 3.6 SECOND MONTH RITES (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Todaiji-gire1) From the first day of this month, for three nights or five nights or seven nights, large ceremonies are held in various temples in the capital and in the provinces.2 The preparation of artificial flowers, burning of incense, decorating of the Buddha altar, and all the efforts of the devoted are special and unique to these occasions.3 Cutting up silk to make flowers may seem like a trivial pastime for idle hands, and the smell of burning incense may often be thought of as a stimulant to the senses, but these offerings are made in accordance with the teachings of the Buddha. In a satra it is said: "The color of the flower is an adornment of the Buddha world. When there are no flowers, artificial flowers should be used. The smoke of burning incense is a message of welcome to the Buddha. Human beings are foul smelling and unclean; all the more reason, then, for burning good incense."4 This is the basis for these practices. The Buddha takes no pleasure in the sensation of color, nor is he pleased by perfume, but these are his ways of teaching us how to increase our merit and to deepen the power of our faith. Here is an illustration of an offering of incense to the Buddha and its generation of immeasurable merit: Long ago, there was an elder who lived after Vipasyin Buddha had already entered Nirvana.5 He noticed a crack in the plaster at the back of a statpa, so he prepared some fresh plaster and repaired the crack. Then he scattered sandalwood incense around the stalpa, uttered a prayer, and went away. As a result, he did not fall into the Evil Realms through ninety-one kalpas of rebirth but was always reborn as a Celestial or as a man with a fragrant body and a fragrant mouth. Then he was reborn as the son of an elder of Kapilavastu, and the beauty of his person exceeded that of all others. The scent of sandalwood emanated from his body, and the scent of lotus blossoms emanated from his mouth.6 His mother and father were overjoyed, and they named him "Sandalwood."7 Eventually, he became one of the Buddha's disciples, and attained the state of an arhat. Also, in a satra it is said: "Blowing air from your mouth onto the ashes of incense and scattering them is a terrible crime."8 It is also said: "When you light incense, recite this verse:
Page 270 270 The Third Volume: The Clergy This is the incense of the Three Modes of Training, Of freedom from desire and of self-realization. May it spread throughout the Ten Directions Perfuming the entire world forever. May this incense be ever thus, And may I and others fully attain the Five Dharma Bodies."9 Thus be it known: one color, one scent; even these are a part of the Middle Path.10 Notes 1Two fragments have been identified. See Shusei, p. 247. 2According to Yamada, the term Shunigatsu, which appears as the title to this section but not in the text itself, was specifically associated with a rite first observed by the monk Jitchf in 752 in a hall of the T6daiji known as the Kensakuin, later the Nigatsudo. The central image was an eleven-headed Kannon that Jitchf claimed to have found in Naniwa Bay. This rite is said to be the forerunner of the Mizutori rite now observed in the Nigatsudo (see Nishitsunoi Masayoshi, Nenja gyoji jiten, p. 383-84). The use of flowers made of paper, silk, and other materials as altar decorations is based on scriptural instructions and was practiced from an early time in Japan (BD 4:3048c-49a). This paragraph is quoted in Fujiwara Kensho's Shachash& (Nihon kagaku taikei, bekkan 2, p. 105; Shasei, p. 247). 4The source of this quotation has not been identified. The description of incense as a "message of welcome to the Buddha" resembles a passage in Hsing-shih-ch'ao (i.e., Ssu-fen-lii shan-fan pu-ch'ieh hsingshih-ch'ao) compiled by Tao-hstian between 626-630, which in turn quotes Zoichi agongyo (Shasei, p. 473; T 40:136b). 5The story that follows appears in a FYCL section on offerings of flowers and incense, as a quotation from Senjc hyakuengyi (T 53:571a). On Viasyin Buddha, see 3.4, n. 8. Lotus blossoms" here is uhatsuke. 7The name is Sendank6, a translation of candana-gandha, "sandalwood incense" (Ogiwara, Kanwa taishc bonwa daijiten, p. 459a). 8FYCL, in the same section cited above, quotes Yamongyo, a lost work. Tamenori omits the specific punishment for the crime: the
Page 271 3.6 Second Month Rites 271 miscreant falls into "Blue Lotus Hell," where his body and those of other sinners turn blue. 9The source is Yokuzo kudokukyo (T 16:799b). The verse is also quoted in Kuchizusami (GR 32a:71a). On the "Three Modes of Training," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3. The "Five Dharma Bodies" (goshushin; also goshuhosshin, gobunhosshin) are five states embodying a progressive attainment of enlightenment: this begins with discipline, which make concentration possible, which produces wisdom, through which one attains liberation and, finally, the realization that one is liberated (BD 2:1288a-c). 10The term "Middle Path" (chado) has several technical meanings, but Tamenori uses it here as a synonym for Buddhism. The phrase echoes Mo-ho chih-kuan (T 46:1c, 9a, etc).
3.7 The Ānanda Rite of Penance at Saiin
pp. 272
Page 272 272 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.7 THE ANANDA RITE OF PENANCE AT SAIIN (Maeda-ke bon, T6ji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire1) Junnain was the palace of the consort of Junna; it is also called Saiin. The consort was the daughter of Emperor Saga, and she became the wife of Emperor Junna.2 She deeply revered the Three Jewels and devoted herself to obtaining the salvation of others. In the fifth month of the second year of the Jogan era [860] she held a great reading of the Lotus Satra in the Junnain.3 On the last day, she asked the abbot of Enryakuji, Jikaku Daishi, to stay behind, and she had her head shaved and received the Bodhisattva precepts and the Buddhist name "Ryoso" from him.4 She gathered abandoned children from both the eastern and western quarters of the capital, found wet-nurses for them, and raised them. She also made the old Saga palace into a temple and called it Daikakuji.5 She constructed another building, the Saijiin, at one side of it, and it was a place where monks and nuns could be cared for when they were ill.6 The Junnain was also made into a temple, but its name remained unchanged.7 There, she supported nuns who worshipped both day and night, and she remained in residence there for a long time. Abbesses and their disciples have followed one another, and still the practice of the Way continues there, uninterrupted to this day. This is recorded in the Nihonkoku sandaijitsuroku.8 A major rite observed at the temple is the Ananda Rite of Penance, held twice each year.9 This is its basis: Long ago, the Buddha's aunt Gautami came to him and asked three times for permission to shave her head and become his disciple, but the Buddha refused.10 Full of disappointment and grief, she left the Jetavana garden; Ananda found her in tears outside its gates when he returned from an excursion, and he spoke sympathetically to her and then went inside.11 Ananda said to the Buddha, "Seven days after you were born, the lady M&ya died, but Gautami resolved to raise you in her place. You encourage all sentient beings to enter into the Buddha World; why do you not give her, of all people, your permission?"12 The Buddha replied, "It is not because I do not acknowledge my obligation to her. But I cannot allow women to enter the Buddha World. If I were to do so, the Period of the True Teaching would be shortened by five hundred years."13 Then Ananda said, "All the Buddhas of the past had disciples of the Four Classes. Why does our Great Master, the Tathagata
Page 273 3.7 The Ananda Rite of Penance 273 Sdkyamuni, refuse to permit even one woman?"14 So fervently did he plead that at last the Buddha gave his permission for Gautami's ordination, and thereafter numbers of women shaved their heads and were allowed to take vows. The Buddha said, "In the future, women who wish to become nuns, as well as those who have that virtuous intention, should concentrate on the recollection of their obligation to Ananda, and they should chant his name, make offerings to him, and sing his praises."15 After the Buddha's death, his aged disciple Mahka&syapa accused Ananda of six transgressions, and among them he included his promotion of the admission of women to the Buddhist community on the grounds that this had caused the shortening of the Period of the True Teaching by five hundred years.16 But Ananda was also a very wise sage, and he answered the charges cleverly.17 Thus be it known: all women who become nuns owe a debt of gratitude to the revered Ananda. In Hoongy6 it is said: "If a woman seeks an expedient way to earn good karma, on the eighth day of the second month and the eighth day of the eighth month, she should purify her garments and wholeheartedly observe the Eight Precepts through the Six Watches. Ananda will then use his supernatural power to respond to her voice, and he will protect her and answer every one of her prayers."18 The Rite of Penance, which has been observed for such a long time at this temple, is thus intended to repay this obligation to Ananda; the commitment to observe these two days of worship is in accordance with the teachings of the Buddha himself.19 Notes 1Four fragments of the Thdaiji-gire type have been identified. See ShuCsei, pp. 251-53. 2Junna (786-840) was the third son of Emperor Kanmu and reigned from 823 to 833. His wife was Emperor Saga's eldest daughter Seishi. Tamenori acknowledges Nihon sandai jitsuroku (below) as the source of his account of her life. He follows the biography that appears there under the date of her death (the twenty-third day of the third month of Kangyo 3, 879) very closely (KSTK 4:450). Junnain was the emperor's residence from his abdication until his death. Saiin was the designation for several retired emperor's residences, including this one. Seishi remained there with her son until her death in 879, restoring the building after it burned in 874. It continued in use as a convent until the
Page 274 274 The Third Volume: The Clergy end of the eleventh century, when it became a monastery under the jurisdiction of Ninnaji. The building ceased to exist sometime in the Muromachi period, although the honorary title "Junnain bett6" was retained by the Ashikaga and Tokugawa shoguns (RyO Susumu, "Junnain," in Nihon rekishi daijiten 10, p. 150). 3Jitsuroku reads "She held a Great Feast (Daisaie) to which many famous monks were invited, and they lectured on the Lotus Satra." 4"Jikaku Daishi" is the honorary posthumous name of Ennin, the third Tendai abbot (794-864) (see 3.16). The Bodhisattva Precepts (Bosatsukai) were a set of vows administered to both monks and nuns as well as laypersons; the scriptural basis is the Bonmbkyo rather than the Vinaya (see 3.19 and 3.20). 5Daikakuji is in Ozawa-cho, Ukyo-ku, Kyoto. It was originally Saga's detached palace and his place of retirement. Seishi named her second son its first abbot. Today it is the headquarters of a branch of the Shingon school (Zenkokujiin meikan, Kinki hen, p. 142c-43b). 6Saijiin seems to have been a place in which indigent monks and nuns without formal institutional ties sought refuge and medical care. It no longer survives (Ryakucha, p. 254). 7Although it had been known as Saiin during Junna's residence, the convent, by Seishi's design, was called "Junnain" (Ryf, "Junnain," p. 150). Actually, both names seem to have been used concurrently. 8This official history was compiled by Fujiwara Tokihira and others in 901. It covers events in the reigns of Seiwa, Yozei, and Kok6 (858-887). 9The rite (A'nan keka) was held on the eighth day of the second and eighth months, as prescribed in the section of Hoongyo on which it was based, quoted below. 10The name Gautami (Ky6donmi) means "woman of the Gautama clan"; she is also known as Mah&prajapati (sometimes translated Daiaid5). She was the sister of Sakyamuni's mother Maya, and she acted as his stepmother after Maya died seven days after the birth of the Buddha (BD 5:4728c-29b). This account of the Buddha's acceptance of women into his order is similar to that in Hoongy6 (T 3:153b-154b), but the same story is repeated in several texts. 110n Jetavana, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 13. On Ananda, see 1.13, n. 11. 12"Buddha World" is bukhai; in Hoongyo, Ananda speaks of admission to "the Buddha's Teachings" (buppo). Both terms have technical meanings, but here the intent is "access to Buddhism" embodied in membership in the Buddha's clerical order. 13The "Period of the True Teaching" (shobo) is that which begins immediately after the presence of the Buddha in this world, during
Page 275 3.7 The Ananda Rite of Penance 275 which his teachings are perfectly understood and practiced. Hoongyo does not specify here how long this period should last, but in another story it says that each period should last "twenty short aeons" (T 3:128b). 14"The Disciples of the Four Classes" (shibu deshi; Hoongyo has shibushu) are monks, nuns, devout laymen, and devout laywomen (BD 2:1800a-b). 15The quotation is an abbreviation of a passage in Hoongyo (T 3:154b). 16On Mahakaiyapa, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 7. The number of his charges against Ananda varies according to different texts. Daichidoron says there were six, but only five are enumerated. These are seeking the inclusion of women in the Buddhist order, failing to give the Buddha water when he asked for it in his last moments, failing to ask the Buddha to delay his death, stepping on the Buddha's robe when it was being folded after his death, and allowing women to see the Buddha's private parts (T 25:68a-b; Lamotte, 1, pp. 94-97; BD 1:44a). 17In some versions of the story, Ananda argues against the charge but agrees to accept responsibility for the foreshortening of the "Period of the Correct Law" if the assembly insists that he must do so. 18The quotation is from the same part of Hoongy6 cited above. The "Eight Precepts" (hachikai) include vows against the commission of the Five Transgressions (see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 6) plus vows to refrain from sleeping on a high bed, using perfume or cosmetics, and eating after mid-day. These vows are kept for one day and one night, i.e., through the "Six Watches" (rokuji): dawn, mid-day, sundown, dusk, midnight, and the hours before dawn (BD 5:5057c-58a; BGJ 52b). 19Tamenori concludes without presenting a description of the rite itself, and descriptions of it are rare. We can assume that it may have involved readings of the relevant portions of the H6ongy5 or other texts dealing with nuns' obligations to Ananda.
3.8 The Nirvāṇa Service at Yamashinadera
pp. 276
Page 276 276 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.8 THE NIRVANA SERVICE AT YAMASHINADERA (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) When the Tathagata Sakyamuni sensed that he was about to enter Nirvgaa, he left the land of Magadha for the city of Kusinagara, and on the fifteenth day of the second month, in a grove of sala trees on the banks of the Ajitavati, "the fuel was exhausted and the fire was quenched."1 The sandalwood trees that had flourished from the day of his birth until that day suddenly withered. After the Buddha died, it was noticed that all the leaves had suddenly fallen from the tree under which he experienced enlightenment. Even these trees, which have no hearts, reacted to the events of that day.2 How could all those people who owed so much to him not yearn for the return of bygone days! Therefore, his disciples in later ages, unable to forget the ancient past, commemorate that day by seating themselves upon gold-embroidered cushions, and they give lectures on the Nirvana Satra, which he himself uttered and had recorded, and thus they demonstrate the principle of the Buddha's Eternal Nature. He said, "All sentient beings have the seeds of Buddhahood; all will eventually become Buddhas."3 The celebration of this principle is intended as a recognition of gratitude to the Buddha, and the rite is called the Nirvana Service. Among the many rites observed at Yamashinadera, this Nirvana Service is conducted with special cooperative efforts among all the monks.4 At first the rite was a minor one, but then, many years ago, there was a young secretary in the service of the governor of Owari Province who discovered corruption in the provincial administration, and so he shaved his head and came to live in this temple. He was called Juk6.5 His heart was pure and wise. He earned the title of "Master."6 He was familiar with the Way of Music. He himself rearranged the rite and regulated the offices of the participants and their proper implements, thus bringing new grandeur to the rite. Once, on a certain day immediately following an observance of this rite, the Great Deity of Atsuta in Owari Province took possession of a small child and, speaking through him, said: "Juko used to live in my province. I heard that this venerable rite was to be held, and I believed that it would reproduce the rites conducted in former times, so I set out to attend it myself. But the borders of your province were guarded by all the Buddhas of the Buddha World, and Nara Grade was guarded by Brahma and Indra, who would not let me come near. I am sorely grieved. How may I attend the service?"7
Page 277 3.8 The Nirvana Service 277 Juk6 felt sorry for him and said, "You have come a great distance for the sake of the Law, only to be kept away from yesterday's service. For your sake we will perform it again today, with renewed devotion. During intervals in the rites we will have one hundred readings of the Lotus Satra. By next year I shall have one hundred copies of the Lotus Satra made, and forever afterward this satra will be read as part of the service of the second day." He immediately set about these preparations and held the service as promised. It has continued in this manner to the present day.8 I will describe the founding of Yamashinadera in my discussion of the Vimalaktrti Service.9 This Nirvana Service is also observed as one of the rites at Ishiyama.1' There is also a group of devotees who observe it on Mount Hie.11 In the Nirvana Satra it is said: "If you hear this satra even once, all your sins-even those worthy of eternal punishment-will be expunged. You will know that the Tathagata is always present and never left the world, and when you hear the words 'He abides eternally' you will instantly be reborn in Heaven. If you hear the name of the satra, you will not fall into the Evil Realms."12 Thus be it known: those who observe this rite and hear this satra discover the seeds of Buddhahood inside their own body, and they can count them just as they might count up all the gold pieces in their family storehouse. Notes 1Magadha (Makadakoku) and Kusinagara (Kushinajo) are the names of Indian city-states; RajagTha was in the former. On the "grove of i~la trees," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 15. The Ajitavati (Batsudai no kawa) is a river that flows through Kusinagara; the site of Sakyamuni's death was on its western bank. The euphemism "the fuel was exhausted and the fire was quenched" comes from a verse spoken by Mafijusri at the end of the preface to the Lotus Satra (T 9:5a). 2The source of this description of events following Sakyamuni's death has not been identified. It is probably an amalgamation of elements from several texts, including the Nirvana Satra. Tamenori's emphasis on the reaction of the trees seems to contradict his criticism, in the "General Preface," of such attributions of emotion to inanimate objects; the scriptural context makes this acceptable. 3The idea of "The Buddha's Eternal Nature" (Bussho joja) is stated repeatedly, with this term, in the Nirvana Satra. The quotation
Page 278 278 The Third Volume: The Clergy promising Buddhahood to all is also based on repeated statements in the satra. Tamenori's point is that the emphasis on the Buddha's eternality in this rite acts as an antidote to residual grief over the demise of his temporary, corporeal form, and that the eternal presence of the Buddha insures universal salvation. 4As Tamenori observes, the Nirvana Service (Nehan'e) was only one of several major ceremonies observed at this temple, and it was observed at many other temples as well. "Yamashinadera" is one of the early names of Kofukuji (see 3.28). The Nehan'e was also called Jorakue, "The Service of Everlasting Joy" (BD 5:4149c-50c). 5The specific source of this story has not been identified. Brief biographies of Juko appear in Sanne joichiki (DNBZ 123, Kofukuji sosho 1, p. 290) and Sogabunin (DNBZ 111, Denki sosho, p. 380), compiled in 840 and 833, respectively. This story is also included in an account of the origin of the J6rakue in Shoji engisha, a work compiled at about the same time as Sanboe (DNBZ 118, Jishi sosho 2, p. 142; see also BD 3:2832c-33a). 6"Master" is wajo. 7Atsuta no daijin refers to the chief deity of the shrine at Atsuta, in modern Aichi-ken (the Maeda-ke bon has Atsuta myojin). Tamenori does not give a source for this legend, nor has one been identified. It seems to suggest a conciliation of native cults with Buddhism. "Nara Grade" (Nara sakaguchi) lies on the main road between Yamashiro and the city of Nara, along which the deity would have had to pass on his way from Owari (KGD 15:343c). 8In an account of the Nehan'e at Kofukuji in Nenja gyojisha, it says: "According to K6zeiky6sho, they hold the Nehan'e on the fifteenth; the Nehan'e is known as the Jorakue. On the sixteenth they hold the Hokke e [Lotus Service; see 3.12] for the benefit of the great deity of Atsuta" (ZGR 10a:280a). Kozeikyosh6 is another name for Gonki, the diary of Fujiwara Yukinari (971?-1027). It covers various parts of the years 991-1011. The passage quoted in Nenja gyojisho, however, does not seem to be in the existing text, which is fragmentary. 9See 3.28. 10Ishiyamadera was founded by Roben as a branch of Todaiji in 762 (see 3.22). According to Ranshosho, a late Muromachi-period compendium of the origins of historical sites and rites, the Ishiyama Nehan'e was first held in 805 (GR 16:979). 11This assertion has not been documented. 12This passage from the satra (T 12:406b) is also quoted in FYCL (T 53:415a).
3.9 Stone Stūpas
pp. 279
Page 279 3.9 Stone Stapas 279 3.9 STONE STUPAS (Maeda-ke bon, T6ji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire1) The building of stazpas of stone is an act of devotion undertaken by many in the spring.2 Civil and military officials commission their assistants and lieutenants to see to the construction. Noble clans and royal households charge their retainers and courtiers with the task. They select a day and go to the river bank, and there they pile stones in the shape of a stipa. Copies of the Heart Saitra are gathered, and monks are invited to chant it and to worship at altars dedicated to the deity associated with the administration for that year, and prayers are offered for everyone in each sponsoring household. Many are inspired by the words of the presiding monk and are won over to the faith he expounds. Great joy is derived from the anticipation of the merit thus generated; much rice and wine are collected, and the faithful believe that this collection will help guard against famines and other misfortunes. But there are ignorant people who think of it merely as a pleasant excursion. They are responsible for setting the date of the annual observance, and they are the arbiters of taste regarding the adornments upon the altars, but in the evening they get drunk and collapse and tumble down in the streets. Nevertheless, they will reach the garden of merit, and they too shall plant their own good roots there. In the Satra on Earning Merit for the Extension of Life through Stapa Building it is said5: King Prasenajit said to the Buddha, "A prognosticator has examined me and says that I am going to die in seven days. I pray you, save me, oh Buddha!" The Buddha said, "Fear not. Cultivate compassion, vow not to kill living things, and build a stapa; by performing these excellent deeds, you will lengthen your life and increase your fortune. Among all excellent deeds, nothing exceeds the excellence of stapa building. Once, long ago, there was a small child who tended cattle. Some prognosticators examined him and said, 'This child will surely die in seven days.' The cowherd saw some other children at play, building little piles of sand pebbles that they called 'the Buddhas stapas.' The young cowherd joined them, and he also built a stapa of sand pebbles. It was only as tall as the span between his thumb and middle finger, but, as a result, his life was immediately lengthened by seven years. At that time a certain selfenlightened sage was going around with his begging bowl. The mischievous children offered him some sand pebbles, saying, 'Here is some flour.' The sage put out his bowl and accepted the sand pebbles.
Page 280 280 The Third Volume: The Clergy Then, through his magical powers, they turned into flour. When the children saw this, they were inspired with real faith. The sage told them, 'When you build your stapas of sand pebbles, make them as tall as your hand, and in the next world you will become an Iron Wheel-King and rule one world. Make them two hands tall, and you will become a Copper Wheel-King, and you will rule two worlds. Make them three hands high, and you will become a Silver Wheel-King, and you will rule three worlds. Make them four hands tall, and you will become a Gold Wheel-King, and you will rule four worlds.'"6 Though these small children only built them in play, they received these great rewards. What, then, can be expected by a Great King who undertakes this task with sincere devotion? The Buddha said that anyone with faith in his heart, who is free from doubt, who follows the teachings and builds a staipa no taller than the first joint on his finger, "will earn immeasurable merit"; that is how he explained the practice of building stapas of clay. "He who builds a stapa will be immune to poison for the rest of his life. His lifespan will be very long. He will not die of unnatural causes; evil spirits will not come near him, and he will escape all his enemies and assailants. He will never be ill, and his sins will be expunged."7 And in the Lotus Satra it is said: "All children who, while at play, gathered sand pebbles together and built stapas for Buddhas have become Buddhas themselves."s Thus be it known: great merit is embodied in stapas of stone! Notes 1Three fragments have been identified. See Shasei, pp. 259-61. 2Yamada observed that this is one of the few surviving contemporary descriptions of lay gatherings at which small model stfipas (shakuts) were made, but such gatherings seem to have occurred with some frequency in the Heian period. Eventually the practice became almost exclusively associated with blind monks (Ryakucha, p. 264). 3According to Yamada this took place on the sixteenth day of the second month, perhaps in association with the previous day's observances of the anniversary of the Buddha's death. In the capital, the banks of the Kamo River were the favored site (Ryakucha, pp. 264-65). 40n the Heart Satra, see 2.7, n. 5. The meaning of "the deities associated with the administration for that year" (toshi no naka no matsurigoto no kami) is unclear, but Yamada suggested that this may mean the deity or deities associated with a given year according to Yinyang cyclical divination (Ryakucha, p. 265).
Page 281 3.9 Stone Stapas 281 5Zoto enmy6 kudokukyo is a short work dealing mainly with the story of King Prasenajit (T 19:726a-b). 6Prasenajit (Hashinokuo) was mentioned in the "General Preface" as the father of Srim&la. "Self-enlightened sage" is byakushibutsu, i.e., a pratyekabuddha (see 1.8, n. 3). The various "Wheel-Kings" (Techirin'o, Dorin'o, Gonrin'6, Konrin'o) represent four gradations of that high status. As the Wheel-King accumulates merit and progresses through these grades, he commands a greater number of the continents that lie around Mount Sumeru. 7The quotations are from the same sCtra (T 19:727b). 8This quotation paraphrases a portion of a verse in the second chapter of the Lotus Satra (T 9:8c). It is often alluded to in support of the notion that simple forms of devotion yield great rewards; see, for example, an essay by Yasutane on the Kangakue, in Honcho monzui 10 (Kakimura, Honcho monzui chashaku 1, pp. 368-69).
3.10 The Service of the Propagation of the Teachings at Shiga
pp. 282
Page 282 3.10 THE SERVICE OF THE PROPAGATION OF THE TEACHINGS AT SHIGA1 (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Todaiji-gire2) Emperor Tenji wanted to build a temple.3 At the time, the capital was at the palace of Otsu in the province of Omi.4 One night he offered prayers for guidance in choosing a site for the temple, and later he had a dream in which a monk appeared and said, "In the northwest quarter there is an auspicious place. Go out immediately, and you will see it." He got up and went out to look. A ray of light was shining down out of the sky upon the spot. The next morning he sent a courier to investigate, and when the courier returned, he reported, "A small monastery stands on the spot where the light was shining. One lay devotee lives there, circumambulating and praying. I questioned him, but he would not answer me. He looks very strange; he does not look like a man of this world."5 The emperor was impressed and very pleased. He went to the monastery himself. The lay devotee came out to welcome him. The emperor questioned him, and he replied: "Long ago this was the secret grotto of sagely spirits, and now a great treasure lies buried here at Nagarayama in Sasanami," and then he disappeared.6 The construction of the temple was completed in the first month of the following year. When the ground was broken and the mountain was leveled, a bell was found.7 White stones that shone luminously in the night were found as well. These discoveries increased the awe and reverence of the emperor, inspiring him to build a great hall in which the Buddha was enshrined.8 The emperor cut off the third finger of his left hand and placed it in a stone casket, which was buried beneath a stone lantern. Thus he perpetually held up a light with his own hand to express his devotion to Maitreya. This is recorded in the Annals of the Origins of Shiga.9 The Consultant and War Minister, Lord Tachibana Naramaro, held the first "Service of the Propagation of the Teachings" in this temple on the fifth day of the third month of the eighth year of the Tenpyo Shah6 era [756].10 In the Annals it says11": "Thus have we heard: the Sufukuji is a venerable temple; its monks were great in number, but their learning was not vast. Therefore, they were given many satras, beginning with the Kegon Saitra, and many other satras of the Greater
Page 283 3.10 The Propagation of the Teachings 283 and the Lesser Vehicles and the Vinayas and commentaries and treatises, and they studied them. They were granted 10,000 kin of rice for their sustenance and twenty rice fields for their support."12 From that time until the present, members of the Tachibana clan have worshiped there.13 In Chidoron it is said: "The Buddha said, 'Among the many acts of charity, a gift of the Teachings is first. Why? Because a gift of property has limits, but a gift of the Teachings has no limits. A gift of treasure earns merit for the donor; a gift of the Teachings benefits both the donor and the recipient.'"14 In other satras it is said: "Propagation of the Teachings, whereby people are encouraged to read the Word and are thereby enlightened, generates merit beyond measure."15 Thus be it known: he who has high regard for the Teachings does not despise a monk just because he is humble. If a robe is malodorous, do not cast it away along with the gold that may be sewn inside its seams. The Himalaya Boy acquired the verse by obeying the demon, and Indra obtained the Teachings by venerating a fox. It is certainly incumbent upon us to read the scriptures bequeathed to us by the venerable monks of the past.16 Notes 1The section title in the Maeda-ke bon is followed by the note "beginning on the fourth day of the third and ninth months"; the Toji Kanchiin bon erroneously reads "the ninth and fourth days." 2Five fragments have been identified. See Shusei, pp. 263-65). A quotation of approximately the first half of this section appears in Fujiwara Norikane's Waka domosh3 (see Shisei, p. 266; Muromatsu Iwao, ed., Kokubun chashaku zensho 17, p. 32). 3Tenji ruled from 668 to 671. What follows is the story of his founding of Sufukuji. This temple was damaged by many fires and earthquakes in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and in 1163 it was set afire again by warrior-monks from Enryakuji, who burned the nearby Onjoji at the same time. Sufukuji was not rebuilt thereafter (BD 4:3106a-7a). Tamenori's account of the founding of the temple is probably based on Sufukuji engi, to which he refers below as "Shiga no engi" ("Shiga" being another name for the vicinity of Otsu). The work is lost, but Fus5 ryakki contains a few quotations (KSTK 12:60). 4Tenji moved the capital from Asuka to Otsu, on the southwest shore of Lake Biwa, in 667. After a fire destroyed the palace, Tenji's successor Tenmu returned the seat of government to Asuka in 672.
Page 284 284 The Third Volume: The Clergy 5"Lay devotee" is ubasoku; in this case, the term refers to an ascetic who practices alone, without formal ties to any particular institution. 6The ascetic's words-recorded in kanji, with furigana, in the TOji Kanchiin bon-read like a coded, oracular message. The first clause is "senrei no kutsu"; senrei is a Chinese word for semidivine sages. In the second clause, "fukuzo no chi," fukuz6 refers to holy treasures, perhaps relics, sacred jewels, or implements. "Sasanami" ("whispering waves") is an ancient name for the area on the southwestern shore of Lake Biwa. There is a mountain in the vicinity of Otsu named Nagarayama, but it is nowhere near the site of Sufukuji (KGD 15:208d; NKBZ 21:182a). Reference to it here, along with "Sasanami," probably arises from poetic convention (see Takeshita, Bungaku iseki jiten, sanbunhen, pp. 298-99 and shikahen, p. 287). It is in explanation of the use of "Sasanami" in a poem from the Man'y6shc that Norikane quotes this section of Sanboe in Waka domosh6 (see n. 2). 7The bell (h6shaku) seems to be the "great treasure" to which the ascetic alluded. Fuso ryakki gives 668 as the date of its discovery (KSTK 12:60). 8The central image at Sufukuji was of Maitreya; hence, the reference to this Buddha that follows. 9See n. 3. 10Naramaro (602?-757) was a son of Tachibana Moroe, a Minister of the Left, by a daughter of Fujiwara Fuhito. Naramaro was imprisoned and died during the Jowa Uprising, one of the political crises that led to the solidification of Fujiwara control of the throne (KJJ 4:1088b-89c). The rite described here (Denboe) appears to have been unique to Sufukuji. Since Maitreya was the main image in the main hall, the rite was also known as Mirokue. It is referred to as such in Eiga monogatari, where it is said that Michinaga attended the service in the third month of 1019 (NKBT 75:453; McCullough and McCullough, tr., A Tale of Flowering Fortunes 2, p. 510). "Both the Maeda-ke bon and one of the Todaiji-gire fragments have "the Annals" (sono engi), but TOji Kanchiin bon has, erroneously, "the Procedures" (sono shiki). 12A modern kin is 600 grams. Under the Ritsuryo system, sixteen ryo comprised one kin. 13Tamenori seems to emphasize the relationship between the rite and the temple and the Tachibana clan. Despite their imperial descent and long history, this clan was entirely overshadowed by the Fujiwara and held little power in Tamenori's day. 14A section of FYCL on "Propagation of the Teachings" (T 53:882b) contains this quotation from Daichidoron.
Page 285 3.10 The Propagation of the Teachings 285 15This quotation amalgamates several quotations in the section of FYCL cited above. 16These remonstrances refer to the deceptively humble appearance of the mysterious ascetic and to the fact that Naramaro initiated the rite for the benefit of monks who were somewhat lacking in erudition. The image of the "gold inside the robe" is reminiscent of the parable of the jewels in the robe in the Lotus Sitra (see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 11). The story of the boy and the verse is that of tale 1.10; the wording here follows that of FYCL (T 53:413a). A story quoted in FYCL (T 53:882c) from Mizou innengy6 (T 17:577c) is the source of the story of Indra and the fox. The fox fell into a hole while he was being chased, but he did not lament his death. Indra praised him for having thus demonstrated the principle of nonattachment to worldly existence. Mo-ho chih-kuan also has allusions to the story of the boy of the Himalayas and the story of the fox in a single passage (T 46:45b), and this may be Tamenori's point of reference. The idea, of course, is that lofty things may be learned from unlikely sources.
3.11 The Saishō Service at Yakushiji
pp. 286
Page 286 286 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.11 THE SAISHO SERVICE AT YAKUSHIJI (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire1) Yakushiji was built by Emperor Tenmu for his mother.2 This is how the temple was designed: the emperor's Buddhist mentor [Soren] entered meditation and envisioned the palace of the Dragon King. He remembered his vision in detail and built the temple in its image. In the seventh year of the Tencho era [830], the Middle Counselor of the Junior Third Rank and Minister of Central Affairs, Lord Naoyo, petitioned the emperor: "Let a service be conducted in this temple for seven days each year, at which prayers will be offered for the welfare of your empire. Let there be lectures on the Saishookyo for all eternity." The imperial edict was given immediately, in accordance with the petition. From this beginning the rite has continued to this day.4 All the emperor's descendants in succeeding ages have been its patrons, and they have adopted the procedure of the Vimalakirti Service at Yamashinadera as the procedure for this rite.5 The Vimalakirti Service, the Feast, and this Saish6 Service are called "The Three Great Services."6 There are no more important services in Japan than these. The same monk serves at all three as "Lecturer." When he is finished, he is called the "Former Lecturer." Afterward, he is called "Risshi."7 This is recorded in the Regulations.8 Notes 1There are two fragments of the T6daiji-gire type; one contains only a title for the section and one line of text. Both it and the Maeda-ke bon read "beginning on the seventh day" after the title (see Shasei, pp. 268-69). 2Tenmu is identified here as "the Kiyomihara emperor." He reigned from 672 to 686. Ruija sandaikyaku (KSTK 25:49) and Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:444) both say that he built Yakushiji for his wife when she was ill, and the temple's documents agree. Tamenori's source of information has not been identified. The original site of the temple was at Kashihara, and it was moved to the new capital at Nara in 718 (Machida Koichi, Yakushiji, pp. 7-9; Ota, Nanto shichidaiji no rekishi to nenpy6, p. 107). This opening sentence is quoted in Fujiwara Kensho's ShachashM (see Kyisojin Hitaku, ed., Nihon kagaku taikei, bekkan 2, p. 52; Shcfsei, pp. 532-33).
Page 287 3.11 The Saisho Service 287 3The name appears as "Sore" in katakana in the Toji Kanchiin bon and with the character "Sore" in the Maeda-ke bon. Biographies of Soren appear in Fuss ryakki (KSTK 12:65) and Genk6 shakusho (KSTK 31:135). Some versions of Yakushiji engi include similar accounts of the design of the temple (ZGR 27b:286b). Oe Tadamichi's Shichidaiji nikki (1106) says it was a monk named Joei who was responsible (ZGR 27a:504a). 4Naoyo's lineage is unknown, but he may have been an imperial prince. The name appears in the same form in several entries in Ruiju sandaikyaku, including that which reproduces this petition (KSTK 25:49). The emperor at the time was Junna. In the Heian period the Yakushiji Saishoe, consisting primarily of readings of the Konkomyo saishooky6, was conducted for seven days in the third month. 5See 3.28. 6The "Three Great Services" (San'e or Sanne) were the Kofukuji Yuimae, the Gosaie at court (also based on Konkomyo saishookyo), and the present Saishoe. 7The first two titles are Koshi and IkA. In this context it would be misleading to translate "Risshi" as "Vinaya Master" since the title's main significance was to denote a monk who had completed this progression through honorary offices. The monk selected lectured first at the Yuimae, in the tenth month. In the first month of the following year he would preside at the Gosaie, and then at this Saishoe. Sanne joichiki contains a record of all the Koshi appointments from 646 through 1565 (DNBZ 123, Kofukuji s6sho 1, pp. 289-431). 8"Regulations" (kyaku) probably refers to the petition and decree in Sandaikyaku (see above), or perhaps to the various decrees that established the Koshi system.
3.12 The Lotus Service at Takao
pp. 288
Page 288 288 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.12 THE LOTUS SERVICE AT TAKAO (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, T6daiji-gire') The Lotus Service at Takao has been observed for a long time.2 The patrons of the temple, University Chancellor Wake Hiroyo and Matsuna, sent a letter to Dengyo Daishi in which they invited him to serve as a lecturer, saying, "This is an opportunity to set an example that will last for a thousand years." This was the beginning of this observance.3 Later, K6bo Daishi of Nara resided in this temple.4 K6ob Daishi came from Tado District in Sanuki Province.5 His lay name was Saeki.6 At the age of eighteen he went to the university, and he became a monk at the age of thirty-one.7 When he practiced the meditation on Akasagarbha on Mount Otaki in Awa Province, the Morning Star appeared as a sign.8 Later, his studies of scriptures led to new insights and achievements, and his calligraphy was widely praised. In the twenty-third year of the Enryaku era [804] he went to China, where he met Master Hui-kuo of Ch'ing-lung-ssu and received instruction in Shingon from him.9 When he returned to Japan, he called for the construction of the Shingon'in.10 Later, he sought refuge from the mundane world; he died in the spring of the second year of the Jowa era [835], at Kongobuji in Ki Province. He was sixty-two years old and held the rank of Daisozu. During the Saiko era [854-857] he was given the posthumous name K6bo Daishi.12 His disciples continued to live at Takao for several generations, and they inherited the tradition of this rite. On the day of the reading of the fifth fascicle, they tie offerings to branches plucked from the Takao cherry trees, and they chant hymns in harmony with the sound of the waters of the Kiyotaki River.13 Men and women come to pray, and there is much for them to see and hear that will bring them joy and inspiration. Read the chapter on "Taking Joy in the Merit of Others" to find out about the merit earned by those who encourage others to hear this satra.14 "If you take joy in hearing but one verse, you will be given a prediction of future Buddhahood": so it is said in the chapter on "The Preacher."15 Notes lOne fragment has been identified. See Shasei, p. 271. 2Takao is a scenic area in the mountains north of Kyoto and the location of Jingoji, known as "Takaodera" or "Takaosanji." The Lotus
Page 289 3.12 The Lotus Service 289 Service (Hokke e) consisted of readings of and lectures on the Lotus Sftra and related commentaries. Major Hokke e were also held at Todaiji, Kofukuji, and Yakushiji. This rite should not be confused with the Hakkhe, also known as the Hokke hakko (see 2.18 and 3.29). 3The Wake brothers were sons of Wake Kiyomaro (733-799). He first established a temple called Jinganji in Kawachi Province. This was moved to its present site and renamed Jingoji just before the establishment of the new Heian capital, and soon the temple began to receive imperial patronage. The letter of invitation quoted here is recorded in Eizan Daishi den (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 386), where the rite is called a Tendaie. This occasion was the beginning of a series of lectures on Tendai texts that lasted through much of the year 802, in which many distinguished monks participated, including Saicho (see Groner, Saicho, pp. 34-37). 4K6bo Daishi (Kfkai, 774-835), founder of the Shingon school in Japan, is associated with Nara because he received his early training and ordinations at Todaiji and became its Betto in 810. In 812 he became abbot of Jingoji, and the temple was presented to him for his private use in 829. He has no association with the Hokke e. This biography is based on Kakai Sozuden, a work traditionally attributed to Shinzei (780-860); see Kob& Daishi den zensha 1, pp. 31-33. Another source for Tamenori was the obituary in Shoku Nihon kIki; see KSTK 3:38-39. For more on the biography of Kfkai, see Yoshito Hakeda, Kakai: Major Works. 5Kfkai's birthplace is near the present Zentsuji, in modern Kagawa-ken, Shikoku. 6The Saeki were a branch of the Otomo, one of the most powerful clans of the Nara period. 7The traditional biographies differ on Kfikai's age at the time of his matriculation and ordination, but his formal ordination does seem to have occurred fairly late. 8kasagarbha (Kokazo) is a Bodhisattva who figures prominently in esoteric Buddhism (BD 2:1136a-38b). In Sangi shiiki, Kfkai explained that the meditation was based on a passage in Kokaz6 bosatsu noman shogan saishoshin darani gumonjiho (T 20:601c-3a), which promises that one million repetitions of the Dharani in the text will enable the practitioner to memorize and grasp the meaning of any passage in scripture. Kfkai said that he learned this practice from Gons6 (see 2.18; Kobo Daishi zensha 3, p. 324). The appearance of the morning star (myojo) over Mount Otaki was taken as a favorable sign because it was believed to be a manifestation of Akasagarbha. 9Here, "Shingon" is the Japanese translation of Chen-yen, the Chinese school of esoteric (Tantric) Buddhism. Kfikai and Saich6 traveled with the same mission to China, but their ships were separated en route, and they landed at different points on the Chinese coast.
Page 290 290 The Third Volume: The Clergy Kfikai soon made his way to Ch'ang-an, where he met Hui-kuo (Keika), a disciple of Amoghavajra, the translator of many major esoteric texts. Hui-kuo extended the direct transmission of esoteric Buddhism through Amoghavajra to Kfkai (as alluded to in the "Preface to the Third Volume"; see n. 10). The ordinations Kfkai received from him at Ch'ing-lung-ssu, in Ch'ang-an, were the basis for Kfkai's claim to the legitimate transmission of esoteric Buddhism. Most of what is known about Hui-kuo comes from Kfkai's own writings (BD 1:836c-37a). Their meetings are depicted in various versions of Kob6 Daishi den emaki (see Shinsha Nihon emakimono zenshc, bekkan 1, pl. 22). 10Hui-kuo died in 805, and Kikai left Ch'ang-an shortly thereafter. He was in Kyfshf in the tenth month of 806, but he did not reach the capital until 809, at which time he took up residence at Takao. The Shingon'in, a chapel for esoteric rites within the imperial palace, was not established until 834, the year before Kfkai's death. "Emperor Saga granted Kfkai a tract on Mount Koya (in modern Wakayama Prefecture) for the development of a Shingon monastery; Kong6buji, the main temple of what eventually became a large complex of temples, was established in 818. 12Kkai became Dais6zu in 827. The posthumous title Daisojo was awarded at the request of Shinzei in 857. Kikai was granted the name K6b6 Daishi in 921, at the request of Kangen, who was then the abbot of the Shingon school. 13As in the Hakkoe, the chanting of the fifth fascicle was the high point of the service (see 2.18, n. 11). The hymns (santan) are probably like those of the Hakkoe, or they may have been specially composed for the Hokke e. 14The chapter referred to here as the Zuikibon, i.e., Zuikikudokubon, is the eighteenth. The promised rewards for propagation of the satra are "perfection of person, seeing the Buddha, hearing his Law, and receiving his teaching" (T 9:47a). 15The tenth chapter of the satra (H6shibon) promises a prediction of Buddhahood (juki) to those who foster the Lotus (T 9:30c).
3.13 The Kegon Service at Hokkeji
pp. 291
Page 291 3.13 The Kegon Service 291 3.13 THE KEGON SERVICE AT HOKKEJI (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Todaiji-gire1) Hokkeji was established by the Empress Komyo.2 The empress was the granddaughter of the palace minister Kamatari and the daughter of the posthumously entitled chancellor, Lord Fuhito.3 She revered Buddhism, she was compassionate, and she sought to relive the sufferings of others. She established an alms house and a dispensary, where she gave succor to her ailing and suffering subjects.4 It was at the empress's suggestion that the emperor established Thdaiji and the Kokubunji in the various provinces.5 She herself established the Hokkeji as the official convent of the province of Yamato.6 This is recorded in the Shoku Nihongi.7 She also commissioned a service of lectures on the Kegon Satra at this temple, and it is called the Kegon Service.8 All the offices of the service were performed by nuns. They made a representation of the youth Sudhana as he is described in the satra, and of his meetings with more than fifty worthy teachers, from whom he heard a variety of wondrous doctrines.9 The images were seven or eight inches high. On each day of the service they dressed the images in garments made of silk and linen, placed them on an altar, and made offerings to them. Later, this service introduced by the empress came to be known as the "Doll Service."10 Since the founding of this convent by the empress, there has been no interruption in its habitation by nuns. In the Sutra on the Life of the Nun Utpalavarndi it is said that she obtained the Six Supernatural Faculties and became an arhat.11 She encouraged many women to become nuns, but some protested: "We are young and in our prime; it will be difficult for us to uphold our vows," they said. "If you are going to break the vows, then break them-but be nuns!" she insisted. "But if we break our vows we will fall into hell!" they countered. "If you are going to fall into hell, then fall-but be nuns!" "But if we fall into hell we will suffer ghastly torment!" they cried, laughing at her. "When I think of myself in a former life," she said, "I think I was a very bold woman. I amused myself by wearing many different kinds of garments and altering my voice and my manner of speaking; finally, I put on the robes of a nun and pretended that I was a nun. But through this simple act I earned sufficient merit to be born as a human in the age of Kasyapa Buddha, and I became a real nun.12 But I was proud of this
Page 292 292 The Third Volume: The Clergy special accomplishment, and I became conceited and nurtured evil thoughts. I committed many sins and frequently broke my vows, and so I fell into hell. For a while I suffered its torments, but soon I was reborn in the realm of human beings. Then, because of the good roots I had planted ages before, I came into this world of the Tathagata Sakyamuni, and I have become a nun again and have attained the status of an arhat. So even though you say that you might break your vows, I would still urge you to become nuns, since you will rapidly attain the Way by so doing." You will recall that they made images of Sudhana's worthy teachers and made offerings to them. Meetings with such worthy teachers are not every-day occurrences. In a satra it is said: "These teachers teach us, guide us, and inspire the wish for enlightenment within us."13 In the verse of a satra it is said: "It is easier to attain the full fruition of enlightenment than to find a truly worthy teacher."14 Elsewhere it is said: "If you touch good incense, the scent perfumes your hand. If you have contact with a worthy teacher, his teachings will pervade your mind."15 The merit generated by the empress's introduction of this service is equal to that generated by Utpalavarna's encouraging words to the nuns of long ago. A meeting with a worthy teacher is a repetition of the experience of Sudhana in former times. Notes 1Two fragments have been identified. See Shasei, p. 275. 2The temple still stands in Hokkeji-ch6, Nara-shi. Komyo (701 -760) was the consort of Emperor Shomu and, like him, a devout supporter of Buddhism. Tamenori's account of her life follows that in her obituary under the date of her death, Tenpy6 Hoji 4.6, in Shoku Nihongi (KSTK 2:271-72; see also Hayashi Rokuro, Komy6 k6go). 3Kamatari (614-699) is the progenitor of the Fujiwara clan (see 3.28, n. 1). On Fuhito (659-720), see 3.28, n. 6. His daughter's appointment as K6go in 729 marked a departure from precedent, for until that time there had been no empresses from outside the imperial clan. For centuries thereafter, the Fujiwara clan maintained control of the throne by marrying its daughters to emperors. 4These institutions (Hiden'in, Seyakuin) were established in 723 and were administered by the Office of the Empress as divisions of the Kofukuji. Each year, specific provinces were selected to provide financial support for these institutions, as a meritorious act (Hayashi, Komyo kogo, pp. 86-94).
Page 293 3.13 The Kegon Service 293 5This statement also appears in Shoku Nihongi and is thought to be accurate (see also 3.22). 6Hokkeji was originally Fuhito's private residence. K6my6 inherited it after his death and used it as a private temple before it was designated the official convent of Yamato and named Hokke metsuzaishiji, as were the convents established in each province at the same time as the Kokubunji. 7See n. 2. 8Tamenori's is one of the few descriptions of the rite as it was observed at Hokkeji, but his source of information has not been identified. 9"The youth Sudhana" (Zenzai doji) heard the preaching of Mafijusri and decided to travel and meet as many "worthy teachers" (zenjishiki, from Sanskrit kalyanamitra) as possible. The story of his travels comprises the Nyahokkaibon section of the Kegon Satra (Kawada Kumatar6 and Nakamura Hajime, ed., Kegon shiso 5, pp. 54 -62). The number of zenjishiki encountered ranges from fifty-three to fifty-five among the three versions of the satra (and according to the way they are counted); this is why Tamenori says there were "more than fifty," which perhaps indicates a lack of certainty as to which version formed the basis of the Kegon'e. 10The "dolls" used in the early Kegon'e do not survive. They may have been something like the clay figures in the H6ryiji dioramas that depict Sakyamuni's life and death (Jan Fontein, The Pilgrimage of Sudhana, p. 79, who suggests that the figure of Sudhana may have been moved from the figure of one of the sages to another as an abridged reading of the related portion of the satra was read. He also describes an early Kamakura-period illustrated scroll, Zenzai doji emaki, which portrayed the fifty-odd sages in detail). It has been suggested that the use of dolls in this rite had some relationship to the early forms of Hina matsuri, the "Doll Festival" celebrated today by young girls in the third month of each year (Hashikawa Tadashi, "Hina matsuri to Hokkeji no Kegon'e," in Nihon Bukkyb bunka no kenkya, pp. 113-29). "This satra (Uhatsurake bikuni honjokyd) is quoted in Daichidoron (T 25:161a-c; Lamotte, 2, pp. 844-48), which is in turn quoted in FYCL (T 53:448c), and the last is probably Tamenori's point of reference. The name Utpalavari& is sometimes translated Rengeshiki, "Color of the Lotus," and that name is used in the "General Preface" (in which see n. 14). The story that follows has no direct relationship to the Kegon Satra or the Kegon'e but is inserted here because it bears upon the history of women in Buddhism. On the "Six Supernatural Faculties," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3.
Page 294 294 The Third Volume: The Clergy 12KASyapa Buddha (Kashabutsu) is the sixth of seven major Buddhas of the past, and the last to appear in this world before Sakyamuni. 13The quotation is from the Lotus Satra (T 9:60c). 14The verse is from Shinjikangyo (T 3:305a). 15This quotation is based on FYCL (T 53:668c) and amalgamates elements of prose and verse passages from Butsuhongyokyo quoted there.
3.14 The Kangakue of Sakamoto on Hie
pp. 295
Page 295 3.14 The Kangakue of Sakamoto on Hie 295 3.14 THE KANGAKUE OF SAKAMOTO ON HIE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) In the first year of the Koh6 era [964], in the reign of Murakami, a group of like-minded students from the Northern Hall of the university formed a society.1 They said, "Man's existence in this world is as fleeting as a glimpse of a speedy colt seen through a crevice.2 While we may collect the snow upon our window sills, we would also avoid the smoke outside our gate.3 We would like to form a bond with monks and meet with them at a temple to hold services. Let us select the fifteenth day of the third month and the fifteenth day of the ninth month. Let there be lectures on the satras and meditations on the Buddha. Let us be comrades forever, in this world and in the world to come, and let us give encouragement to one another in our studies of the Way of the Law and the Way of Literature." On this basis, they gave their society its name, "The Society for the Advancement of Learning." On the evening of the fourteenth day, monks come down from the mountain and gather at its foot, while the laymen set forth toward the temple when the moon rises in the sky.4 Along the way their voices join in the chanting of a verse of Chti-i: The seeds of enlightenment last for billions of kalpas; The virtuous rewards of eighty-three years create a forest.5 When they draw close to the temple, the monks come out to join them, chanting a verse from the Lotus Satra: Those who seek the Buddha's Way Are countless, billionsBut those who do so with reverent hearts Will certainly attain his realm.6 At dawn on the fifteenth they discuss the Lotus Satra, and in the evening they meditate on Amida Buddha. Then, until dawn on the following day, they compose Chinese verses in praise of the Buddha and of his teachings, and these verses are recorded and kept within the temple.7 They also chant this verse that Chti-i wrote when he presented a collection of his poems to the Hsiang-shan-ssu:
Page 296 296 The Third Volume: The Clergy May my worldly works conceived in error in this lifeAll the wild words and fanciful phrasesBe transformed in the next into hymns of praise That will glorify Buddhism through age after age And turn the Wheel of the Law forever and ever.8 as well as this verse: Why should I feel any love for my body? It is the source of ten thousand kalpas of suffering. Why should I feel any hatred for this body? It is only a pile of dust in a void.9 In response, the monks chant a verse from the Lotus Satra: Hear the Law and sing its praises: Even if you produce a single sound, It is the same as if you made an offering To all the Buddhas of the Three Ages.1 or they chant the Bodhisattva Nagarjuna's Twelve Hymns until the night is over.11 Denizens of this world of suffering who add their voices to these reverent prayers, or chant the holy hymns and anthems with the monks, or hear the venerable poems and verses of the laymen are deeply inspired, and their sleeves are soaked with tears for the duration of the gathering.12 The monks and laymen in the society share this vow: As long as this mountain stands without crumbling, As long as this Way does not come to an end, Our society will never perish; It will survive to see the Three Assemblies of the Dragon Flower!13 Notes 1Emperor Murakami reigned from 946 to 967. The date Tamenori gives for the founding of the Kangakue concurs with that in a letter of Yasutane's (Honcho monzui, KSTK 29:305). The division of the university formally called the Tod6in and known familiarly as the Kita no d6 ("Northern Hall") was primarily concerned with the study of secular literature (kidendc). It was the only division of the institution to
Page 297 3.14 The Kangakue of Sakamoto on Hie 297 prosper in the ninth century, relying on the continuing support of a handful of scholarly families. The pessimism of its students, destined for limited civil careers in a bureaucracy completely dominated by the Fujiwara, has been much discussed as a motive for the foundation of the Kangakue (Momo Hiroyuki, "Gakumon to ky6iku," Zusetsu Nihon bunakshi taikei 5 (Heian jidai 2), p. 174). 2The figure of the colt seen through a crevice is derived from Chuang-tzu (Burton Watson, tr., The Complete Works of Chuang-tzu, p. 240). 3To "collect the snow upon our window sills" refers to the scholarly way of life. This figure is derived from a verse in Meng-chiu, a collection of exemplary anecdotes compiled by Li Han in the early tenth century, probably introduced almost immediately to Japan. The verse describes the impoverished scholar Sung Kang; unable to afford a candle, he read by the light of the moon reflected in the snow piled on his window ledge (Hayakawa Mitsusaburo, Mogya 1, pp. 8-9, 95, 460-62). "Avoid the smoke outside our gate" has no comparably definitive source, but the phrase is an expression of the scholars' wish to avoid the tainting, evanescent values of the world outside their scholarly milieu. "Outside the gate" certainly means "beyond our world of scholarship"; the smoke may be that of funeral pyres. Tamenori appears to be quoting a manifesto for the Kangakue, but these expressions do not recur in any other surviving Kangakue writings. 4The expression for "when the moon rises," tsuki ni norite (literally "riding on the moon") may be derived from a poem by Hsieh Ling-yun (385-422); Po Chti-i also used the expression (Tanaka Katsumi, ed. Hakurakuten, p. 184). The appearance of such a usage here may suggest that Tamenori is drawing from another account of the Kangakue (perhaps his own, Yasutane's, or another member's) that has not survived. 5These are the first two lines of Po Chii-i's poem honoring the monk Ju-man, with whom he studied for some nine years and who was eighty-three when the poem was written. The verse is included in Hakushi monja and in Wakan roeisha (NKBT 73:200); see also the "General Preface," n. 29. For "verse," both Sanboe texts have ge, i.e., gdtha, although the poem is not "scripture." Its form, however, may be imitative of verse in scripture. 6The verse occurs in the second chapter of the Lotus (T 9:10a). 7Some prefaces to such verses, by Yasutane and other Kangakue members, are included in Honcho monzui, volume 10. 8The lines are from the poem-preface "Po-shih Lo-chung chi-chi"; see Wakan roeisha (NKBT 73:200). Hsiang-shan-ssu was a monastery at Lung-men, known chiefly for its association with the poet.
Page 298 298 The Third Volume: The Clergy 9These lines are from another poem by Po Chii-i, "Hsiao-yao yung," in Chang-ch'ing chi 11 (unpaginated), Pai Hsiang-shan shih-chi. 10These lines are from the same chapter as those cited above (T 9:10b). The "Three Ages" are, of course, the past, present, and future. "The twelve hymns (Ryaju bosatsu no jani raihai), traditionally attributed to Nagarjuna (and translated by Jfiinagupta) are in praise of Amida. They appear in several recensions in Chinese Pure Land works, notably Chia-ts'ai's Ching-t'u lun (T 47:96c-97a), Shan-t'ao's Wangsheng li-tsan chieh (T 47:442a-43a), and Chih-sheng's Chi-chu-ching lich'an-i (T 47:469c-70b). 12"This world of suffering" is shaba sekai, from Sanskrit sahalokadhdtu, the world of mundane existence from which release is sought through Buddhism (BGJ 218). In his Chin-kung-ming-ching hsian-i, Chih-i says, "In this world of suffering, the sound of voices constitutes a Buddhist rite" (T 39:1b). This statement is, in turn, said to be based on a line in the Vimalakirti Satra: "With the sound of voice and of words, thus are Buddhist rites composed" (T 14:533c). Thus, indirectly, Tamenori provides support for the idea that the Kangakue poem offerings embody great merit. 13This verse is either Tamenori's own composition or perhaps that of another Kangakue member. The "Three Assemblies of the Dragon Flower" is ryage san'e. In Miroku geshokyo (T 14:423b) it is said that Maitreya's attainment of Buddhahood will occur several million years in the future; he will be sitting under a "Dragon-flower" (pumnaga) tree that is in bloom and, after realizing his enlightenment, will deliver three discourses. Ninety-six billion people will become arhats after hearing the first discourse, ninety-four billion after the second, and ninety-two billion after the third (BGD 2:1422c-d). This is a very auspicious way of saying that the Kangakue should last forever.
3.15 The Service of Ten Thousand Lights at Yakushiji
pp. 299
Page 299 3.15 The Service of Ten Thousand Lights 299 3.15 THE SERVICE OF TEN THOUSAND LIGHTS AT YAKUSHIJI (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon1) The Service of Ten Thousand Lights at Yakushiji was begun by the monk Etatsu.2 He continued to observe it for the rest of his life, and he bequeathed it to his comrades in the monastery at his death. Before he died, he attained the rank of Risshi.3 He was buried in the western sector of the monastery. It is said that a luminescence emanated from his grave on nights when this rite was performed. The merit in the giving of lights is described at length in many satras. In Ajaseo juketsuky6 it is said4: "King Aj~ta'atru received the Buddha and made offerings to him. When the Buddha took his departure, the king used one hundred stone-weights of oil to kindle rows of lamps that stretched from the gate of his palace to that of the Jetavana garden.5 "A poor woman saw this, and she was deeply moved. She found two coins of her own and bought some oil. The merchant said, 'You are extremely poor. Why do you buy oil instead of food?' "'I have heard that it is very difficult to meet a Buddha,' she replied, 'but I am fortunate enough to have been born into a world in which he is present. I cannot afford to give him offerings. But I have just seen how much merit the king has created with his lights, and I want to offer at least one light of my own in the hope that I, too, can plant a good seed for the world to come.' "The oil merchant sympathized with her and gave her more oil than she could afford. Then she set her light beside the Buddha's path. She was afraid that it would go out before the night had passed, and so she prayed: 'If I am to become a Buddha in the world to come, then let this light not die; let it burn all night long.' "The Buddha said to Maudgaly&yana,6 'The dawn has come into the sky. The lights should be extinguished.' And so Maudgalydyana went out to extinguish all the lights and found that all those of the king had already gone out. He tried three times to blow out the poor women's light, but still it burned. He covered it with his robe, but it burned still brighter. The Buddha said, 'Stop! Stop! This is the light of a Buddha of a world to come; you cannot put it out with your own powers. Thirty kalpas from now this woman will become a Buddha, and she will be called the Tathagata Sumeru of the Brilliant Light.'7
Page 300 300 The Third Volume: The Clergy "When the woman heard about this she was filled with joy. When the king heard about it, he thought it very strange, and he said to Jivaka, 'I kindled many lights, while that woman kindled only one. Why does the Buddha not predict future Buddhahood for me when he predicts it for her?'8 "Jivaka replied, 'The king's lights may have been great in number, but his mind still has not reached the degree of concentration that that woman has attained.' Thus did the king come to know the truth, and when he offered lights to the Buddha again, the Buddha gave him this prediction: 'After eighty-thousand kalpas you will become a Buddha.'" Also, in Hiyukyo it is said: "Ananda asked the Buddha, 'What did Aniruddha do in the past to attain universal vision?'9 "The Buddha answered, 'Long ago, after Vipasyin Buddha had already entered Nirvana, Aniruddha was reborn as a thief.10 He entered a temple and was going to steal its property when he noticed that the lights set before the Buddha were about to go out. He rekindled one light, and he was about to carry off his plunder when a great light emanated from the Buddha's image. He was frightened, and as he took flight he said to himself, "Other people do all they can to create merit. I, too, will be like them. How my thievery shames me!" and he threw down his plunder and ran away. The merit he had earned by offering up one light led to a good rebirth after ninety-one kalpas. Then he met me, became a monk, and attained the state of an arhat. And that is how he came to have universal vision.'" If a single light could make a Buddha, what, then, of ten thousand lights? A thief who offered up one light found the Way; what, then, of monks who offer lights? There is no doubt that the merit of this service causes the light of wisdom to shine and to illuminate all places in which the darkness of ignorance may linger. Notes 1The Sekido-ke bon has only a portion of this section (see Shasei, pp. 281-83). Both the Maeda-ke and Toji Kanchiin bon have a note "on the twenty-third," following the section title. 2Tamenori does not discuss the rite (the Mandoe) in any detail, and there are no other surviving accounts of its observance at Yakushiji. Yamada said that it consisted of a reading of the Yakushi ruri nyorai hongan kudokukyo (T 14:404c-8b) during the day and the ceremonial lighting of ten thousand votive candles or lanterns in the evening.
Page 301 3.15 The Service of Ten Thousand Lights 301 Bosatsu zokyo (T 24:1086-89), which specifically enumerates the blessings that result from the offering of ten thousand lights, is usually cited as the scriptural basis for such rites, but this text is not mentioned here. Nor does Tamenori note that similar offerings were made at Todaiji, Kong6buji and elsewhere as early as 744 (Ryakucha, p. 295; NKBZ 21:229; BD 5:4716c-62b). According to Etatsu's biography in GenkO shakusho, his lay surname was Hata, and he was born in Mimasaka. He studied Hosso doctrine, began the Yakushiji MandOe at age 38, and died in 878 at the age of 83 (KSTK 31:147). This would make 833 the year of the first Yakushiji Mandoe. 3In the account of the Yakushiji MandOe in Konjaku monogatari sha, which is based largely on the Sanboe version, Etatsu is given the title S6zu. Various details also seem to have been added to the Konjaku version (NKBZ 21:229). 4FYCL (T 53:564a-b) summarizes this sitra in a section that deals specifically with the merit in offerings of lights (see T 14:777a-78a for the original). Ajitasatru, the protagonist, was a king of Sravasti who killed his father and imprisoned his mother, but when he heard the preaching of Sakyamuni, he repented and was enlightened. The Buddha told him that he would be reborn in hell but nevertheless gave him a promise of future salvation. 50n the Jetavana garden, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 13. 60n Maudgalyayana, see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 5. 7The future Buddha's name is Shumi tbko nyorai. "Shumi" transliterates Sumeru and suggests that the illumination she personifies will be as vast as the mountain of that name. 80n Jivaka (here, Giba), see "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 29. 9This quotation appears in the same FYCL section cited above, and Tamenori reproduces almost every word. Aniruddha (Anaritsu) was one of Sakyamuni's disciples, renowned for his cultivation of "universal vision" (BD 1:46a-c). 100n Vipasyin Buddha, see 3.4, n. 8.
3.16 The Relics Service at Hie
pp. 302
Page 302 3.16 THE RELICS SERVICE AT HIE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon1) The Relics Service was initiated by Jikaku Daishi.2 He came from Shimotsuke Province.3 When he was born, a purple cloud filled the house.4 A saintly monk known as Kochi Bosatsu lived in that province.5 He saw the cloud from a distance, and he went to the house. He admonished the parents: "Look after this child, and guard him well." When the boy was nine years old he went to live with Kochi. He prayed for and received a copy of the Kannon Satra.6 Eventually, he grasped the meaning of many satras and treatises. In a dream, he saw a venerable monk who touched him on the head and spoke to him. Another voice in the dream said, "Know ye, this is the Great Master of Hie."7 Later, he went to Hie and saw Dengyo Daishi himself; the manner in which he smiled and spoke of his happiness in receiving him was just like that of the monk in the dream-but Jikaku kept this knowledge to himself. In the fifth year of the Jowa era [838] he went to China. He went to Mount T'ien-t'ai and Mount Wu-t'ai, and he spent many years searching for the Teachings, meeting many masters, and learning many doctrines.8 In China a man told him, "All of the Buddhism of our country has passed with the Masters to the lands of the East."9 He returned to Japan in the fourth year of the J6wa era [847], and he brought many relics of the Buddha with him.10 In the second year of the J6gan era [860] he conducted this Service for the first time, and made provision for its continued observance in the Sojiin.1 He designated the various offices of the rite. The Sojiin was allocated a number of officiants as well as two intendants a long time ago, and so the designation of offices was made in accordance with their capacities.12 There was no specific date for its observance; rather, it was held when the cherry blossoms on the mountain were in their fullest bloom.13 Long ago, the Buddha said: "Whether you make offerings to the Buddha's relics or to the living Buddha, the merit is exactly the same, and there is no difference in the benefits yielded. One instance of relic worship will erase all sins and lead to rebirth in heaven. Prepare jeweled caskets and place the relics inside them. Build jeweled stapas and place the caskets inside them."14
Page 303 3.16 The Relics Service 303 He gave these instructions many times, but when he entered nirvana, his followers yearned and lamented for their Tathdgata, and they struggled and competed for his relics. The Four Celestial Kings wanted to take them up to heaven; the Dragon Kings wanted to take them into the sea. But his disciple stopped them, saying, "Those are very bad ideas! If the relics are kept up high in heaven or down deep beneath the seas, how will those of us who live on the land be able to go and worship them?"15 Having received permission to do so, Indra took away one tooth.16 A demon in disguise stole two teeth and ran off with them.17 The great kings of the various states were ready to go to war and were threatening to seize the relics, but finally all the relics were placed in one king's palace, under heavy guard, and, in accordance with the Buddha's wishes, their distribution was controlled. There were many who grieved and wept over their failure to obtain a single relic. King Yama was desperate with craving, but he went away empty-handed and disappointed; envoys from the Sakya clan came from their distant home but left in tears of frustration.18 Finally, the upright Brahman Doxa was chosen to make a fair and even distribution. He spread honey inside the vessels and weighed each portion generously.19 No one who comes in contact with the Buddha's relics goes away without a purified heart. Those who did not receive his relics may have his ashes, and these, too, are worshiped. The body of the Buddha is eternal; there is no end to his existence, and his person was pure and void. You may think that his bones would not have been left behind. But he left them here in accordance with his destined task, and as an act of great compassion; in order that all sentient beings might plant good roots for the life to come, he adopted this compassionate expedient and allowed his invincible body to deteriorate.20 In India, when the relics were placed in stapas or stored in temples, flowers fell and lights shone forth, kings presented offerings, and common men and women gathered to worship there. Our sins in former lives prevented our birth in the age in which he lived, but now, because of the nature of his destined task, we too can worship his relics. How many years have disappeared in the smoke of funeral pyres since then? The haze spreads as far and wide as do the vast clouds that drift across the Gobi Desert.21 Great joy is instilled in those who can be present at the Relics Service. But women, who are forbidden access to Mount Hie, are apparently not satisfied with second-hand accounts. I have heard that Relics Services are also observed each year in the fifth month at Thshadaiji, in a tradition established by the Master Ganjin, and also, on occasion, in the third month at the Hanayama monastery of Bishop Henj6. The offices of these services are assigned to ladies from far and
Page 304 304 The Third Volume: The Clergy wide. Go, then, to these services and worship the Buddha's relics there.22 Notes 1There is a lost Sekido-ke version, preserved in Yamada's copy. See Shasei, pp. 287-89. 2Worship of the Buddha's relics (shari) was widespread in India and China. Ganjin, Kiikai, Ennin (i.e., Jikaku Daishi), and Engy6 (789 -852, a disciple of Kfikai who went to China at the same time as Ennin) and others brought relics from China to Japan. These became the focus of Sharie at Thshodaiji, Toji, Enryakuji (described here), HSryuji, Yakushiji and Chfsonji (BD 3:2189a). Ennin (793-863) was a disciple of Saicho and the third Tendai abbot. The title of Daishi was posthumously awarded for the first time in 866, when it was granted to both men. It has been claimed that Tamenori's account of Ennin's life bears greater resemblance to the official biography in Sandai jitsuroku (KSTK 4:124-27) than to Jikaku Daishi den, a work that was begun by an imperial prince, Tokio Shinno (a.k.a. Kanpyo nyido) and completed by his son, Minamoto Hideaki, between 912 and 929 (ZGR 8b:683-99; Shusei, pp. 475-76). In fact, the two biographies are very similar to one another. The opening sections of the biographies of Ennin in Nihon ojogakurakuki and Hokke genki are also similar (NST 7:19-20, 58). On these works, see Fukui Kojun, "Jikaku Daishi den no keisei" in Fukui, ed., Jikaku Daishi kenkyi, pp. 659-794 and the second chapter of E.O. Reischauer's Ennin's Travels in China, as well as Reischauer's translation of Ennin's diary. 3Shimotsuke is modern Tochigi Prefecture. Ennin's lay surname was Mibu. 4This purple cloud is a sign of affinity with the Pure Land. See 2.2, n. 5. 5K6chi was a disciple of D6chi, who had been Ganjin's disciple and an ally of Saicho. Kochi lived at Daihiji, also known as Onodera, of which the Mibu were patrons. He is credited with the promotion of Tendai influence in the eastern provinces (Washio Junkei, Zotei Nihon bukkejinmeijisho, p. 375b). Kannongyo is a popular name for the twenty-fifth chapter of the Lotus Satra, often treated as an independent work. 7Hie no Daishi refers to Saicho. 8Tamenori follows the account in Sandai jitsuroku, but, in fact, Ennin never went to T'ien-t'ai. The error is corrected in Nihon 5jogokurakuki and Hokke genki. He spent fifty days on Wu-t'ai, where
Page 305 3.16 The Relics Service 305 he studied esoteric and Pure Land teachings (Reischauer, Ennin's Travels, p. 119 and Diary, pp. 227-60). 9This is an abridgement of the corresponding passage in Sandai jitsuroku (KSTK 4:126). It refers indirectly to the decline of Buddhism following the violent persecutions carried out under Emperor Wu-tsung during Ennin's stay in China (see also "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 17). The quotation in Sandai jitsuroku continues: "From now on, those who seek the Teachings will have to go to Japan to find them." This is a rendering of statements made to Ennin by a provincial official and recorded in his diary in the entry for the ninth day of the sixth month of 845 (Reischauer, Ennin's Travels, p. 262; Diary, pp. 370-71). The biography of Ennin in Hokke genki has a more accurate reproduction of the official's words (NST 7:54). 10Sandai jitsuroku makes no mention of the relics; nor do Ennin's diary or Jikaku Daishi den provide any information about his acquisition of the relics. 11The inception of the Sharie is not mentioned in Sandai jitsuroku. The date agrees with that in Jikaku Daishi den (ZGR 8:693b). The Sojiin was part of a complex of buildings at Enryakuji first erected in 853. 12"Intendents" is betto. Apparently, the Sojiin was chosen as the site of the Sharie because it was continuously staffed and supported by official patronage. 13jikaku Daishi den states that the date of the observance ranged from late spring to early summer, although the first Sharie was held in the fourth month. It was attended by one hundred laymen, "lords of the court, men from town and country" (ZGR 8:693b). 14The specific source of this quotation has not been satisfactorally identified. The following sentence suggests that it may be a loose paraphrase of elements collected from various texts. 15The account of these struggles follows that in Daihatsu nehangy6 gobun, an appendix to the Nirvana Satra that describes events immediately before and after Sakyamuni's demise (T 12:909c-10a). There, Aniruddha is identified as the disciple who deters the Celestial Kings and the Dragon Kings. 16Indra was granted one tooth so that it could be worshiped in his heaven (T 12:910a). 17The demon slipped into the vault that held the Buddha's remains when Indra went in to take his tooth, and the demon stole two teeth "when no one was looking" (T 12:910a). 18Yama is the ruler of the underworld; see note following. The Sakya are the Buddha's own clan.
Page 306 306 The Third Volume: The Clergy 19The source here may be Makamayakyo (T 12:1014b-15a) or Yugy6kyo (in Joagongy6, T 1:29c-30b). Neither mentions King Yama, so this may be a mistranscription of the name of one of the Indian kings involved in the struggle. Doia (K6sh6) accepted the task of dividing the relics into eight equal portions, but neither of the satras cited above mentions the spreading of honey or his generous weighing (BD 2:1063a). 20"Destined task" (kien) is the Buddha's predetermined purpose for coming into the world-to give his teaching to mankind-causally interacting with the need of mankind for that teaching (BGD 1:213c-d). "Invincible body" is kongo fueshin, an epithetic description of the Buddha's Dharma body (hosshin: see 3.17 n. 11) meaning "firm and impervious as a thunderbolt" (BD 2:1331b-c). The point here is that the presence of the Buddha's relics in the world may seem to be a contradiction of the notion of his eternality, but the relics in fact represent one of the many means through which he sought to save mankind. 21Tamenori's point is that, though hundreds of years have passed since the cremation of SAkyamuni, worship of his relics remains efficacious. 220n Ganjin and Toshodaiji, see 3.5. Shodai senzai denki (1701) says a Sharie was performed there on the fifth and sixth of the fifth month, in Ganjin's memory (DNBZ 105:95b). Henjo (816-890) was the founder and first abbot of Gankeiji (also Gangyaji), familiarly "Hanayama"; it was formerly his private residence, in Yamashina, near the capital (BD 1:784a).
3.17 The Great Prajñā Service at Daianji
pp. 307
Page 307 3.17 The Great Prajii' Service 307 3.17 THE GREAT PRAJNA SERVICE AT DAIANJI (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon1) The establishment of Daianji was originally the project of Prince Sh6toku, and it was completed through the efforts of many emperors.2 The prince wanted to build a temple in the village of Kumagori, but he departed this world before it could be completed. Then, beginning with Empress Suiko and continuing until Emperor Sh6mu, nine generations of emperors and empresses inherited the project and saw it to completion.4 In the reign of Emperor Jomei a wide space by the Kudara River was selected, and the Kumagori Temple was transferred to the site and renamed Kudaradera.5 The officials in charge of the temple's construction cut down many trees from the shrine of the local deity and used them in the building. The deity was enraged, and he spat out flames that burned the temple. Empress K6gyoku hastened the progress of the construction. In the reign of Emperor Tenji a six-foot image of Sakyamuni Buddha was made and installed in the temple. The emperor passed an entire night in silent prayer, and the next morning two Celestials appeared and worshiped before the image. They made offerings of magical flowers and passed some time in reverent prayer. Then they told the emperor, "This image is a perfect likeness of the real Buddha of Vulture Peak," and then they rose into the sky and disappeared.8 When the image was dedicated, purple clouds filled the sky and magical voices were heard singing in the heavens. In the reign of Emperor Tenmu the temple was moved and reconstructed in Takaichi and renamed Daikandaiji.9 In the reign of Emperor Monmu a pagoda was built.10l He wanted to make another six-foot image of Sakyamuni, and so he prayed: "Help me find a master craftsman!" That night, a monk appeared in his dream and said, "The man who made the first Buddha image was, in fact, an avatar, and he will not come here a second time. No matter how skilled the craftsman, his chisel may leave scars. No matter how masterful the painter, there may be errors in the coloring. You should place a large mirror in front of the image and pray to it. Without sculpting or painting, all three bodies of the Buddha will be manifest. The form you will see is his Body of Expedience; the reflection is his Body of Recompense; and when you
Page 308 308 The Third Volume: The Clergy understand the emptiness of these, you will possess his Dharma Body. Nothing could be more meritorious!"1 The king awoke and was filled with joy. Following the instructions received in the dream, he placed a large mirror before the Buddha. He invited five hundred monks into the hall and held a large offertory service. In the reign of Empress Genmei, in the third year of the Wad6 era [710], the image and the temple were moved and installed anew in the capital of Nara. When Emperor Sh6mu inherited it, he made plans to enlarge it. At this time there was a monk named Doji who was very wise and who was held in high regard and venerated by the entire nation.12 He had been in China in the first year of the Taih6 era [701]. Now he told the emperor, "I have been thinking of building a large temple, and I have made drawings of the plans and designs of the Hsi-ming-ssu."13 The emperor was very pleased. "My wish has been fulfilled!" he said, and in the first year of the Tenpyo era [729] he gave Doji a commission to rebuild the temple. He also granted Doji the rank of Risshi.14 The Jetavana garden in Srdvasti, in central India, was built on the model of the palace in Tugita Heaven. The Hsi-ming-ssu in China was built on the model of the Jetavana garden. And Daianji in Japan was built on the model of the Hsi-ming-ssu.15 In the fourteenth year [742] a great service of dedication was held. In the seventeenth year of the Tenpy6 era [745] the name "Daikandaiji" was changed to "Daianji." Risshi DOji said, "This temple was burned once before because trees from the shrine of the great deity Kobe in Takaichi district were cut down.16 This god is a god of lightning, and when he gets angry he spits out burning flames. The reconstruction has continued through nine reigns. The site has been changed several times, incurring great expense. Let us invoke the power of the Teachings to please the deity and insure his protection for the temple," and so he copied the Mahaprajiihpramita Sitra, and initiated this service. The text of the satra was read in alternation with performances of songs and dances. The deity was pleased, and he became the protector of the temple. This is recorded in the Annals.17 The Mahaprajnapdramita Satra was first translated by Hstiantsang "Tripitaka" during the reign of Emperor T'ai-tsung in the Lin-te era, and when it was placed in the Chao-ming Hall, it emitted a bright light.18 In the satra it is said: "Wherever this satra may be placed, all the Heavenly Dragons will come and join their hands before it and worship it."19 It also says: "With the Dharma Rain, they will anoint all poisonous dragons and free them from their deep suffering." Clearly,
Page 309 3.17 The Great Praji n Service 309 this is why the Buddha's Word can be used to quell the burning fires of angry deities.20 Notes 1There is a lost Sekido-ke version preserved in Yamada's copy (see Shtsei, pp. 293-94). Both the Maeda-ke and TOji Kanchiin bon have the note "on the fifth and sixth days" following the section title. 2The source for Tamenori's account of the early history of the temple is Daianji engi, compiled in 896 (GR 15:406-9). There is also an earlier chronicle, Daianji garan engi narabi ni ruki shizaicho (compiled 747; GR 15:391-406). On the basis of their compilation dates, they are known as the "Kanpyo engi" and the "Tenpyo engi," respectively. "Prince Shotoku" is here called Jogu Taishi (see 2.1). 3Kumagori is in modern Ikoma-gun, northwest of Nara. A temple called Gakuanji was later built on the site of the unfinished Kumagoridera. Prince Sh6toku died in 622. 4In fact, Tamenori only describes the efforts of eight monarchs. 5The Kudara River flows from Takaichi and joins the Hirose River to form the Yamato River. One of Jomei's palaces was at Kudara, a site near modern Kita-Katsuragi-gun, Nara-ken. 6The Tenpy6 engi says that the fire destroyed a nine-story pagoda and the carved ornaments on the roof of the temple (GR 15:392a). 7According to the Kanpyb engi, Jomei's dying wish was that his wife, who succeeded him, should rebuild the temple. After her ascent to the throne, she ordered the work to continue day and night (GR 15:407b). 8"The real Buddha of Vulture Peak" refers to Sakyamuni. 9Apparently the temple was moved to the site of each new ruler's palace. This is seen as evidence of the close tie between the imperial family and this particular Buddhist institution (Ota, Nanto shichidaiji no rekishi to nenpyo, pp. 77-106). Remains of the palace of Tenmu and Jit6 have been found at Asuka, near Takaichi. 10It was a nine-story pagoda (GR 15:408b). "The "three bodies of the Buddha" are defined in various ways. The three listed here are a standard Mahayana group: ojin, the Buddha manifest in human form to meet the needs of other sentient beings; hojin, a Buddha who comes into being through the merit generated by Bodhisattva practices, such as Amida; and hosshin, the eternal, universal Buddha (Taya, Bukkyogaku jiten, p. 384). The Kanpyo engi
Page 310 310 The Third Volume: The Clergy has ojin, keshin, and hosshin, but both Sanboe texts replace keshin with the synonymous hojin. 12A biography of Doji appears in Shoku Nihongi under the date of his death in 744 (KSTK 2:179). He is the patriarch of the Daianji branch of the Sanron school. There is also a biographical sketch, accompanying some of his poems, in Kaifaso (Hayashi Kokei, ed., Kaifaso shincha, pp. 221-30). 13The Hsi-ming-ssu (Saimyoji) was a major temple in Chang-an, completed in 658 on a site selected by Emperor Kao-tsung with Hsiiantsang's approval (BD 2:428a). Doji returned from China in 718. 14The date is in agreement with that in the Shoku Nihongi biography. 1On the Jetavana garden, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 13. Tuqita (Tosotsuten) is the fourth of the six desire heavens and the dwelling place of Maitreya and other future Buddhas (BD 4:3953a-54c). 16"The great deity Kobe" (Kobe myojin) is worshiped at a shrine in Shiki-gun, some distance from Kudara; Yamada thought there may have been confusion in the naming of this deity as the responsible party (Ryakucha, p. 312). This speech, attributed to Doji here, does not appear in either engi. Yamada suggested that there may have been another work to which Tamenori may have referred. See the following note. 17It is this reference to "Annals" (engi), and the absence of any mention of the rite in the surviving works cited above, that suggested to Yamada the possibility of a missing source, a "Daihannyae engi"; but no such work is known. A stone inscription (Daianji himon, dated 757, text by Omi Mifune) confirms that the original purpose of the rite as conducted at Daianji was the prevention of natural disasters (DNBZ 118:132a). No detailed description of the rite itself survives. Yamada noted that Engishiki called for Daihannyae on the sixth and seventh days of the fourth month, at which one hundred and fifty monks were to take part in an abbreviated reading (tendoku) of the satra (Ryakucha, p. 312). Tendoku is a method for obtaining the meritorious effect of a reading of an entire sftra by chanting only selected portions, usually the title and a few lines from the beginning, middle, and end (BGD 2:989b). This would be quite appropriate in the case of the Mahapraj'nipdramitd, a six-hundred fascicle work that fills about 4,000 pages in three volumes of the Taisho Daizokyo. 180n Hstian-tsang, see "Preface to the Second Volume," n. 12. T'ai-tsung, the second T'ang emperor, reigned 627-649; the Lin-te era is 664-665. The completion and presentation of the translation is recorded in several of Hstian-tsang's traditional biographies. In Ta-t'ang ta-tz'oen-ssu san-ts'ang fa-shih-chuan, for example (T 50:276b), the satra is
Page 311 3.17 The Great Prajna Service 311 said to have given off a bright light when it was placed in the "Chai-shou Hall." I can find no mention of a "Chao-ming" Hall, but the name seems to suggest a commemoration of this miraculous event. 19This, and the following quotation, are loose adaptations of lines in a chapter "On Worshiping the Satra" in the Mahaprajniparamita Sitra (T7:780c). 20Tamenori equates the dragons in this passage with the firebreathing deity of Kudara, thus providing a scriptural basis for the origin of the Daianji rite.
3.18 The Anointment of the Buddha
pp. 312
Page 312 312 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.18 THE ANOINTMENT OF THE BUDDHA (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon1) The Anointment of the Buddha was observed in the Seiryoden for the first time on the eighth day of the fourth month of the seventh year of the Jowa era [840]. Risshi Joan officiated, having submitted a proposal for the proper observance of the rite, based on the provisions in the Scripture.3 At long last, the day had come for him to serve as master of ceremonies. Later, the observance spread. This is recorded in A Courtier's Diary.4 In the Satra on the Anointment of Buddha Images it is said: "All the Buddhas of the ten directions were born on the eighth day of the fourth month. Between spring and summer great numbers of all kinds of living things are born. At that time it is neither too cold nor too hot, and so everything is wholesome and harmonious."5 And, in the Satra on the Anointment of Images the Buddha said: "I shall now explain the practice of anointing images. Among all offertory acts, this is the most excellent. To anoint a Buddha, perfume the water with many lovely scents and bathe his image. As you scoop the water, chant this verse. [Those who find this verse too hard to learn employ monks to chant it and to sing hymns of praise.]" I anoint all the pure wisdom, all the merit, and all the splendor of all the Buddhas; May all sentient beings be freed from the Five Pollutions, And may they know the purity of the Tathagata's Body.w This verse was uttered by the Tathagata Sakyamuni; Gyoki Bosatsu composed this one: If I do not now repay My obligations to my mother Who nursed me with her abundant breasts Then when shall I? For the years fly by as quickly As the passing of one short night.7
Page 313 3.18 The Anointment of the Buddha 313 Notes 1Although the Sekido-ke version is fragmentary, Yamada's copy of it is complete (see Shasei, p. 297). 2The "Anointment of the Buddha" is Kanbutsu. The custom of washing images of the Buddha on the anniversary of Sakyamuni's birth began in India, appeared in China in the second century, and was practiced widely there by the seventh and eighth centuries. The first recorded Japanese observance of the eighth day of the fourth month as the Buddha's birthday was a rite performed at court in 606, under Prince Sh6toku's supervision, according to the Nihon shoki (NKBT 68:186-87). The term Kanbutsu first appears in reference to the court observance of 840 in Shoku Nihon k6ki (KSTK 3:100). There are accounts of Heianperiod Kanbutsu at court in Minamoto Takaaki's Saigaki and Oe Masafusa's G6keshidai (Shintei z6oh kojitsu sosho 2, pp. 207b-10a; 6, pp. 88a-b). Early in the morning special robes for the emperor were laid out, the screens of the Seiryoden (a hall in the inner, private quarters of the imperial palace frequently used for court rituals) were lowered, and the emperor's seat was prepared. An image of Sakyamuni was placed on a pedestal, from which colored threads trailed into a basin of colored water said to represent the divine waters in which the infant Buddha was first bathed. Ecclesiastical and court dignitaries entered in procession. Then the emperor scattered flowers over the image, and the presiding monk bathed it with five scoops of the colored water. The emperor, his ladies, and other courtiers then did likewise. Offerings were presented to the presiding monk on behalf of all those attending, and then he led the procession out again (see Yamanaka Yutaka, Heiancho no nenju gyoji, pp. 190-95). Similar rites were held in monasteries in the Nara period. Eventually, the bathing of Buddha images on the Buddha's birthday became a popular lay custom. 3Joan (or Seian; 789?-844) is named in the Shoku Nihon koki account (see preceding note). He was a monk of the Hosso school and was originally affiliated with Gangoji or Saidaiji but spent most of his life practicing austerities on Hirayama in Omi, where he is also said to have founded several monasteries. He was appointed Risshi in 838 and participated in the Butsumyoe at court that year (see 3.31). It is said that he was particularly devoted to the sixteen-fascicle Satra of the Buddhas' Names (Jaroku butsumy6ky6). His biography appears in
Page 314 314 The Third Volume: The Clergy Genk6 shakusho (KSTK 31:147). See also Takei Akio, "Butsumyoe ni kansuru shomondai (1)," in Dbshisha Daigaku jinbungaku 135 (Oct. 1980), p. 33 and Hirabayashi Moritoku and Koike Kazuyuki, Gojaon'in sogobunin soreki soran, pp. 195-96. 4The work referred to, Tenjo nikki, may be the lost work mentioned only here and, with a brief quotation, in Shunki, the diary of Fujiwara Sukefusa. The intent, however, may be to refer to court diaries in general, such as those cited in n. 2. 5The satra named is Kanbutsu zokyo (i.e., Kansen butsugyo zokyo). There are two translations; Fa Chti's is quoted in FYCL (T 53:543a; see T 16:796c for the original). Tamenori omits a few lines. 6The satra named is Yokuzbkyo (i.e., Bussetsu yokuzo kudokukyo). The quotation is a summary of the entire satra, which is very short (T 16:798c-99b). The parenthetical note is Tamenori's. The verse is also quoted in Kuchizusami (ZGR 32a:70a). 7The attribution to Gyoki (see 2.2) is traditional. He is said to have written this poem in 734, although it was given out as the work of Empress Komyo. It appears in Shaisha as Gy6ki's work (Yamagishi, Hachidaisha zenchi 1, p. 620; Taya Raishun, Wasanshi gaisetsu, pp. 64-67). Tamenori's citation of the poem here probably occurs by general association with the subject of birthdays and the notion of worship as an expression of gratitude. Still, it seems rather out of place.
3.19 The Ordination at Hie
pp. 315
Page 315 3.19 The Ordination at Hie 315 3.19 THE ORDINATION AT HIE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Sekido-ke bon, T6daiji-gire1) The Sravaka Precepts were transmitted to this country long ago.2 Then Dengy5 Daishi went to China and studied both exoteric and esoteric Buddhism. He received the Bodhisattva Precepts there, and when he established the Tendai school, he adopted this form of ordination.3 In the last year of the Enryaku era [806] he requested and was granted annual stipends for yearly ordinands.4 In the last years of the K6nin era [810-824] he made this announcement: "The two great Masters of Nanyuieh and T'ien-t'ai received the Bodhisattva Precepts. This tradition has been handed down continuously to this day. For this reason, all the monks of our school should receive these precepts."5 He submitted a request to this effect to the government, but he had difficulty in obtaining a response. So the master brandished his brush and sent his letters flying. He produced the Kenkairon in three fascicles, and he wrote many treatises in defense of his position.6 In the sixth month of the thirteenth year of the K~nin era [822], permission was granted in a ministerial decree, and the new ordination platform was constructed.7 This Mahayana ordination is praised in many satras. In Bonm6ky6 it is said: "Those who do not receive the precepts of the Bodhisattva are no different from dumb beasts and are called ignorant heretics. If a monk can convert one person and cause him to take the Bodhisattva precepts, the merit thereby generated is greater than that in the construction of eighty-four thousand stapas. What then, indeed, if two or three persons take the precepts, or ten thousand?"8 And in Shinjikangy6 it is said: "Those who uphold the Upper Precepts will attain the status of Dharma-Kings, and they will lead all sentient beings. Those who uphold the Middle Precepts will attain the status of WheelKings, and they will be rewarded with much happiness. Those who uphold the Lower Precepts may even violate them and fall into the Evil Realms, but since the powers of those precepts are excellent, they will always reign as kings within those realms.9 They will surpass all their comrades in reverence, and they will attain liberation in their hearts. Therefore, all sentient beings should receive the Pure Bodhisattva Precepts. Let the Bodhisattva Precepts be your rudder as you cross the deep seas of life and death. Wield the Bodhisattva Precepts as a liberating sword, to slash the bonds of craving and attachment to the
Page 316 316 The Third Volume: The Clergy self. Let the Bodhisattva Precepts be your good medicine, purging all the plagues and sufferings that evil demons inflict upon you." The Bodhisattva Precepts are divided in three collections of pure precepts. The first are "Precepts for Proper Behavior." They countermand various evil practices. The second are the "Precepts for the Good," which call for the cultivation of many good practices. The third are the "Precepts for Saving through Compassion," which bring about the salvation of all sentient beings.11 Thus be it known: the inspiration to undertake the precepts of the Great Vehicle is far superior to the attainment of the highest levels in the other two vehicles.12 Long ago there was an arhat who employed an acolyte to carry a sack containing his robes when he went traveling. For some time, this acolyte had cherished the desire to become a Bodhisattva. The arhat perceived this, and so he took the sack and carried it himself, plodding along with it slung across his back. The acolyte reflected on the difficulty of practicing the Way of the Bodhisattva and decided that he would give it up. The arhat perceived this, and so he handed the sack back to the acolyte and walked on ahead of him. The acolyte thought this strange and asked him to explain his actions. "Until now you were inspired by a great ambition," said the arhat, "and so you were superior to me. But now, if you have given it up, you are inferior to me."13 This shows that you should uphold the precepts as assiduously as possible. The monks who were trapped in the grass were saved when the king came along on his progress; and the monk who was suspected of the theft of a jewel found it after the goose had died.14 All the Bodhisattva Precepts of the Tendai and the Sravaka Precepts of the Southern Capital are means through which the Buddha's Law is perpetuated.15 This is proven in detail in many satras, Vinayas, and treatises. Prayers for abundant harvests are offered at the same time as the ordinations every year. This is done on the basis of the Daiikyo, in which it is said: "The ordination should be performed at the beginning of the year."16 The Ministerial Edict of the Kash6 era [848-851] calls for the ordinations to be held on the third day of the fourth month, while that of the Kanpyo era [889-898] says that they should be conducted before the fifteenth day of the fourth month.17 Notes 1The Sekido-ke version is contiguous with the text of the preceding section but breaks off at a point corresponding to "the second are..." in the description of the "three collections of pure precepts." In addition,
Page 317 3.19 The Ordination at Hie 317 two fragments of the Todaiji-gire type have been identified. See Shasei, pp. 303-4. 2The section title is "Hie no jukai," but the ordination described is the Bosatsukai. Here, Tamenori discusses its relationship with other forms of ordination and its application to Tendai monks; in 3.20 he is concerned with the administration of the Bosatsukai to laymen. "Sravaka Precepts" (shamonkai) refers to the ordinations based on the Vinaya, viewed by Saich6 as a Hinayana practice inferior to the Bosatsukai ordination. For a study of Saicho's views on ordination and their role in the early history of the Tendai, see Groner, Saich6, especially chapters 8-12. 3Dengy6 Daishi is Saicho (see 3.3). While in China, Saicho received both exoteric ordinations (such as the Bosatsukai) and several esoteric ordinations (see 3.27). The Bosatsukai were administered by Tao-sui at Lung-hsing-ssu on the second day of the third month of 805 (see Groner, Saichb, p. 49). 4Enryakuji was granted imperial financial support for twelve "yearly ordinands" (nenbundosha) in 806. By providing for direct support of the study and practice of Tendai, the state thus recognized the school as a legitimate and independent entity (see Groner, Saicho, pp. 68-71). 5"The two great Masters of Nan-yiieh and T'ien-t'ai" are Hui-ssu (525-577) and Chih-i, identified by the sites of the monasteries where each resided. This "announcement" is recorded in Eizan daishi den (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 429), but it is not quoted or mentioned in any of the works of Saicho and his disciples that deal with his position on ordinations. Groner says that the Eizan Daishi den "quotation" may be an "exaggerated dramatic rendering" of statements made by Saicho (Groner, Saich6, p. 114). Tamenori somewhat abbreviates Saicho's words. 6The Kenkairon is "a detailed refutation of the objections made by Nara monks to Saicho's Shij6shiki" (Groner, Saicho, pp. 137, 148). Shijoshiki was the main petition of several submitted by Saich6 in 818 and 819 in his quest for Tendai nenbundosha. 7The decree is dated Konin 14.2.27 and is included in Ruiju sandaikyaku (KSTK 25:83). Permission for the construction of the ordination platform was actually given one week after Saicho's death, in the sixth month of 822. Until this time, there were only three ordination platforms in Japan, all under the supervision of the Sbgo; the construction of a platform at Enryakuji was therefore a great departure from precedent, and the independence gained thereby for the Tendai insured its preeminent influence for centuries to come.
Page 318 318 The Third Volume: The Clergy 8Though Tamenori cites Bonm6kyo, the passage is actually from Yorakuky6 (T 24:1021b), correctly identified in FYCL (T 53:939b). Both satras discuss the Bodhisattva precepts and are often associated with one another, so the confusion is, perhaps, not surprising. Tamenori's editing of the original passage is similar to that in FYCL. Compare the similar statement in the "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 12. 10This "quotation" is a simplified and abbreviated rendering of a verse passage in Shinjikangy6 (T 3:303b-4b). Tamenori omits the division of the "Lower Precepts" into three subclassifications. An explanation of the "Upper, Middle, and Lower Precepts" follows. ""Three collections of pure precepts" is sanju jokai; the three subgroups are shoritsugikai, sh6zenbikai, and ny6yaku ujokai. This classification appears in both Bonmoky6 and Yorakkyo. The three groups comprise a total of twenty-three precepts (five, eight, and ten). 12The "other two vehicles" are the Srdvaka and the Pratyekabuddha "vehicles," considered inferior because they lead only to the enlightenment of the practitioner, who does not undertake the vows to save others (i.e., the nyoyaku ujokai) that are the hallmark of a Bodhisattva. This sentence may also be read as an endorsement of Saicho's rejection of the Hinay~na precepts in favor of those of the Mahayana tradition. 13The source of this story has not been identified. 14Lines containing similar allusions appear in the ordination certificate of Saicho's disciple Kojo (dated 823) and in later Tendai certificates as well (Tendai kahyo, in DNBZ 125:162a; Ch6ya gunsai, in KSTK 29a:403-4). Both stories are based on Daishogonron. In the first, a group of monks are captured by bandits and tied up with stalks of live grass. They refrain from cutting their bonds because to do so would constitute the destruction of living things. When a king happens by on a hunting excursion, he sets them free (T 3:368c-69a). In the second story, a monk is accused of stealing a jewel that he knows to be in the nest of a goose. His innocence is proven only when someone else kills the goose, since he refuses to do so himself (T 3:319a-21a). 15Here, Tamenori specifically associates the shomonkai with the Nara schools. This statement would seem to be at odds with the position taken a few lines earlier, or perhaps it reflects the notion that there is really only one all-encompassing vehicle (ichijo). 1FYCL quotes a passage from Daiibarikyo (T 53:932b-c), describing the desirable qualities of the "first month" in the same terms used to recommend the fourth month in the quotation from Kanbutsuzokyo in 3.18 (n. 5), but there is no mention there of the desirability of holding ordinations at this time.
Page 319 3.19 The Ordination at Hie 319 17The edict of Kash6 3.12.14 (850) provided for two additional Tendai nenbundosha, fulfilling a request from Ennin, and specified that they be ordained on the third day of the fourth month. The edicts of Kanpy5 7.3.6 and 7.10.28 (895) specified that all ordinations be held before the middle of the fourth month, when the annual retreat began (KSTK 25:84-85, 79, 90).
3.20 The Bodhisattva Ordination at Hatsuse
pp. 320
Page 320 3.20 THE BODHISATTVA ORDINATION AT HATSUSE (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon, Thdaiji-girei) Long ago, in the Year of the Rooster [601], there was a great flood, and a very large tree was set adrift until it came to rest at Miogasaki in Takashima District in Omi Province.2 The house of a villager who cut off one end of the tree suddenly burned down. The destruction spread, and many villagers died. Investigations were conducted by each household in which death struck, and in every case it was found that the tree was the source of the curse. The surviving villagers would not go near the tree. Then a man called Izumo Omitsu, who lived in Lower Kazuraki District in Yamato Province, came to the village.3 When he heard about the tree, he made a vow: "I shall make that tree into an Eleven-faced Kannon."4 But he had no means of transporting it home with him, so he left empty-handed. Then he received several encouraging omens, so he gathered supplies for the journey and, taking several of his townsmen with him, returned to the spot where the tree lay. It was so large that the sight of it made them all feel weak and helpless, and some of them wanted to go home right away. But they tied a rope around it, tried to pull it, and were surprised to find that they could move it easily. Those who saw them along the way were thoroughly amazed, and they stopped their carts, got down from their horses, and joined in the work. At last they reached the village of Taima in Lower Kazuraki in Yamato.5 But means for the project were lacking; time passed, and Omitsu died. Eighty years elapsed, and the tree still had not been put to good use. Then a plague struck the village of Taima, and there was great suffering. It was said that the tree was to blame. The district governor and the village headmen summoned Omitsu's son Miyamaro and ordered him to do something about the tree, but he was unable to move it by himself. In the Year of the Dragon [668?], Miyamaro and a group of other villagers managed to remove it and cast it into the Hatsuse River in Upper Shiki District.6 There it lay for thirty years until a novice monk named TokudO heard about it.7 He thought, "There must be something divine about this tree. I will make it into an Eleven-faced Kannon." In the fourth year of the YOr6 era [720] he moved it to the peak upon which Hatsusedera now stands. But Tokud6 was without means for
Page 321 3.20 The Bodhisattva Ordination 321 completing the carving of the image. He grieved and lamented over this for seven or eight years, constantly seating himself before the tree and chanting: "May my worship of your wondrous power enable the image of the Buddha to be formed!" The Iitaka empress had not taken much notice of the project, but she lent her support when the Fusasaki minister himself made a contribution.9 In the fourth year of the Jinki era [727] the image was completed and dedicated. It was two yards and three feet high. In a dream Tokudo saw a deity who pointed to a peak in the north and said, "A large rock lies buried at its base. Unearth it, bring it here, and place the image of Kannon on it." Tokud6 awoke, and he went and unearthed the stone. It was eight feet wide and eight feet long. Its surface was flat, like the palms of someone's hands. They placed the image of Kannon upon it. The Chronicle of the Image of Kannon and Miscellaneous Matters, compiled in the fifth year of the Tenpyo era [733], tells about Tokud5 and Domyo.11 The benefits produced by the image were widespread, and reports of its miraculous powers reached as far as China.12 The Bodhisattva Ordination is administered once each year under this temple's auspices. Ordination masters and proxies are designated, and devout laymen and laywomen gather to participate. There are others who come simply to watch and listen.13 The Bodhisattva Precepts are the first stage in becoming a Buddha. I described them in the foregoing sections on the Convocation and the Ordination.14 The Masters of T'ien-t'ai and Nan-yieh promoted this ordination; Ganjin and Dengyo fostered it here.15 Monks stand on platforms to receive them, and in some places laymen may receive them as well. In Bonmokyo it is said: "He who wishes to attain the status of a King, or of a Wheel-King, or of the Hundred Ministers should first receive the Bodhisattva Precepts. All the Buddhas will rejoice in this."16 It also says: "Those who take the Buddha's preceptswhether they are Kings or Princes or one of the Hundred Ministers or clerks or monks or nuns or denizens of Brahma's worlds or of the Six Desire Heavens or peasants or eunuchs or lascivious men and women or slaves or spirits or Heavenly Guardians or animals or avatars-they need only to hear the words of the ordinator and to accept the precepts without discrimination, and they will be considered ordained. They will be called The First Perfected."17 On this basis, in both China and Japan generations of emperors and empresses and gentlemen and ladies of good family, inspired with faith, have asked monks to administer these precepts to them. Eunuchs may be thought of as degenerates; lascivious women are sensual sinners.
Page 322 322 The Third Volume: The Clergy Spirits and demons have fierce hearts; dumb animals dwell in ignorance. But all have access to this blessing. What, then, of other kinds of beings? You would do well to commission a monk to administer the precepts to all those who have only limited knowledge, or who cannot be inspired with faith, or have not the means to commission monks themselves, and you should encourage as many of them as possible to take the precepts at this opportunity. At first they may not seem too pleased, and they may even laugh scornfully at the idea, but if they can just hear the Word they will be moved. Indeed, they should not hold such sceptical views. In the everlasting, dark night of ignorance, these precepts will cast a luminous light. For the journey down the long roads of life, the Precepts will serve them as a trusty staff.18 Notes 'One fragment has been identified. In addition, a portion of this section is quoted in Fuso ryakki, in reference to the origins of the Hatsuse temple (see Shusei, p. 309). 2The first part of this section is devoted to an account of the origins of the temple at Hatsuse (Hase) called "Hatsusedera," "Hasedera," or Chokokuji. The second part describes the tradition of the administration of the Bosatsukai to laypersons. In the Heian period, Chokokuji was controlled by the Todaiji, in Nara, so the Bosatsukai given there was probably not quite the same as that given monks at Enryakuji (see 3.19). The text Tamenori cites as the basis for his account of the origins of the temple, "Kannon no engi narabi ni z6ki" (see n. 11) is lost, but his account bears considerable resemblance to that in a later work, Shoji engi sha (DNBZ 118:24-27), and to Sugawara Michizane's Chokokuji engimon (dated 896; DNBZ 118:326-33). For a modern history of the temple, see Tsuji Hidenori, Chokokuji shi no kenkya. In this section, some dates are given according to their kanshi designation, and this manner of dating may reflect that used in the lost reference text. These dates are expressed in terms of the conjunction of the signs of two cycles. For simplicity, I have translated only the second element, which includes familiar animals of the zodiac. The date of the flood given in the opening sentence (kanoto tori) agrees with that in Michizane's chronicle. Miogasaki is a cape on the west bank of Lake Biwa. It was regarded as a supernatural place from early times and was said to have been the site of the palace of the semihistorical Emperor Keitai (Ryakucha, p. 326; Takeshita, Bungaku iseki jiten, shika hen, p. 384a).
Page 323 3.20 The Bodhisattva Ordination 323 3The texts vary on the form of the name. "Izumo" is probably correct; the personal name should perhaps be "Omizu" (Shasei, pp. 309 -10). 4Depictions of the "Eleven-faced Kannon" (Jaichimen Kannon) originated in Indian esoteric iconography and are common in China and Japan. The eleven countenances represent the Bodhisattva's capacity to see all those who need her aid throughout the cosmos (BD 3:2206c-10a). The Hatsuse Kannon is one of the most famous such representations in Japan and is associated with the working of many miracles (see n. 12). 5Taima is a very ancient Yamato place-name; the modern town of this name lies between Osaka and Nara. 6Michizane's account also has "in the seventh year... of the reign of Emperor Tenji, the year of the dragon (tsuchinoe tatsu)," which corresponds to the year 668. But if the year of the flood, a "year of the rooster," was 601, a full eighty years had not yet passed (see NKBZ 21:187-89, nn. 1 and 24). The temple is situated on a height overlooking the Hatsuse (Hase) River where it descends from the Yamato Plateau into the Nara Plain, in modern Sakurai, Nara-ken. The old place-name Shiki is still in local use. 7Tokudo's dates are unknown. Shoji engi sha identifies him as a native of Harima Province whose lay surname was Kara Yatabe. He is said to have held the rank of Daisozu and to have lived at Kofukuji. There is a biography of Tokud5 in Honch6 ko6sden (DNBZ 107:332b; see also BD 4:3941b-42a). Here, he is identified as a novice monk (shami), suggesting a lack of formal ordinations or ties to a specific institution. Perhaps these events took place early in his career. Some translations of versions of this story suggest that Tokudo is asking the tree to form itself into an image, but he may be praying for the means to carve it himself. In both the Toji Kanchiin bon and the Maeda-ke bon, the prayer is recorded in Chinese, suggesting that the utterance is a spell or formula (see also McCullough and McCullough, tr., A Tale of Flowering Fortunes, pp. 510-11). 9The litaka empress is Genmei, who reigned from 707 to 715. The "Fusasaki minister" is Fujiwara Fusasaki (681-737). According to Michizane's chronicle, he met Tokudo on one of his tours of the province of Yamato (where he was overseer of imperial estates) and reported Tokudo's project to the empress, who granted her support (DNBZ 118:329a). 10Michizane's chronicle has 729 for the completion date (DNBZ 118:329a). The height is two jo, three shaku. 1As noted above (n. 2), this work does not survive. Tsuji says that Tamenori's account up to this point probably represents an accurate
Page 324 324 The Third Volume: The Clergy summary of its contents (Tsuji, Chokokuji shi no kenkyc, pp. 173-74). D6my6 has not been mentioned before this in Tamenori's account. His name appears in the Shoji engi sha version (DNBZ 118:24) and in an inscription on a pagoda at Chokokuji that he constructed in honor of Emperor Tenmu. He is said to have assisted Tokudo in the founding of the temple and the construction of the image. The chronicles differ in their descriptions of the two monks' specific responsibilities. Domy6 was formally affiliated with Kofukuji (KJJ 5:1183). 12In the "Tamakazura" chapter of Genji monogatari, Tamakazura is advised by her nurse's son to seek the aid of the Hatsuse Kannon: "Of all the Buddhas," he says, "that of Hatsuse in particular is known for producing many miracles in Japan, and its fame has reached as far as China" (NKBT 15:466). In his commentary on Genji, the Kakaish6, Yotsutsuji Yoshinari made this note on the passage: "The consort of T'ang Emperor Hsi-tsung [reigned 874-888], Lady Ma-t'ou, was distressed by her ugliness. At the suggestion of an ascetic practitioner, she faced east and prayed to the Hatsuse Kannon. Then, in a dream, a monk appeared on a purple cloud and poured water from a jug onto her head. When she awoke she found herself miraculously beautified. Later, she sent an offering of jewels to Hatsuse, in gratitude" (Kokubun chashaku zensho 3, pp. 227b-28a). Yoshinari gave no indication of the source of this story. In addition, Konjaku monogatari sha and Uji shai monogatari both have versions of a story of a Chinese empress whose prayers to the Hatsuse Kannon produced miracles (NKBT 24:462 and 27:394). Hasedera reigenki, compiled by the monk Gy6y6 in 1435, contains several more tales of miracles occurring in China and Korea attributed to the benevolence of the Hatsuse Kannon (DNBZ 118:334 -418, tales 6, 9, 12, and 13 in the first fascicle). 13"Ordination masters and proxies" is denkai kokkai. SBkyamuni is regarded as the true ordinator, so the presiding monk is called denkaishi ("transmittor of the vows"), the Buddha's representative (BGD 1:164a). The proxy is a monk who asks the ordinator to administer the vows, and he acts on behalf of the ordinees as a group. Something of the atmosphere of these occasions can be gathered from Sei Shonagon's description of a pilgrimage to Hatsuse, in Makura no soshi (NKBZ 11:251-57; Ivan Morris, tr., The Pillow Book of Sei Shonagon, pp. 139-43). 1See 3.5 and 3.19. 15In the first clause, and in referring to Dengy6 Daishi (Saich6), Tamenori alludes to the Tendai Bosatsukai ordination. Saicho claimed that the ordinations introduced by Ganjin should also be viewed as part of this tradition. In fact, Ganjin's ordinations were based on the Shibunritsu (the Dharmagupta Vinaya) (Groner, Saichb, pp. 182-83,
Page 325 3.20 The Bodhisattva Ordination 325 199-200, 202-3). See 3.19, n. 5 on "the Masters of T'ien-t'ai and Nanytieh." 16A king rules one land or continent; a Wheel-King rules many. The "Hundred Ministers" (hyakkan) are the various officials of a kingdom; the term is neither specific nor technical. The quotation is from Bonm6kyo, as quoted in FYCL (T 53:939c). 17This quotation from Bonmokyo is also in FYCL (T 53:937a). "Brahma's worlds" (daibonten) here probably refers to the worlds of form in general, in contrast to the "Six Desire Heavens" (see 3.4, n. 6). Eunuchs (6mon) were used as inner palace guards in India (BGD 1:129b). "Lascivious men and women" is innan innyo. "Heavenly Guardians" is kongojin, i.e., shakongojin; see 3.5, n. 12 on "deities who wield the lightning bolt." "Avatars" is henkenin, the temporary manifestations of Buddhas or deities in human form. "The First Perfected" is daiichi shojo. 18There are lines similar to these last two sentences in Kojo's ordination certificate (see 3.19, n. 14). The word used here for "precepts" is mokusha, an abbreviation of haradaimokusha, from Sanskrit pratimoksa. Moku- is synonymous for "wood," and this pun is worked into the metaphor of the staff.
3.21 The Rice Donation
pp. 326
Page 326 326 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.21 THE RICE DONATION (Maeda-ke bon, Tji Kanchiin bon) The rice donation is a practice that has been observed by the government in this month for a very long time.1 Three hundred bushels of rice from three selected provinces are distributed among those monks who spend the period of retreat in the mountains surrounding the capital.2 Chamberlains of the library act as couriers, making their deliveries to the assigned locations.3 Private individuals, if so inspired, may also make similar offerings. Mountain hermitages are invariably destitute. In the spring the bracken grows in thick profusion, but clouds on the peaks keep the monks from gathering it. Before the nuts and fruits upon the trees can ripen they are blown away in the forest gales. As the days lengthen, the monks grow ever more exhausted from their chanting of satras. The rains fall in torrents and obliterate their tracks when they try to reach the village to go begging. The sincere devotion of those who venture across the raging rivers to bring them sustenance must be very deep! The admiration of the monks for those who seek them out among the towering peaks to bring these gifts must be very high! Every one of them weeps grateful tears, and in a trice the starving looks upon their countenances are gone. In the Agama, when the Buddha discussed the offerings appropriate to each season, he said: "Make your invitations and your offerings to monks in accordance with the season. Even if I am not present in the world to come, you will be duly rewarded for these deeds by receiving everything you may need."4 This is the basis for the offering of these gifts in the rainy season. In the satra it also says: "All the Buddhas will rejoice." The merit of those who concentrate and meditate in tranquility is very great indeed. In H6shakkyo it is said: "In ages to come there will be those who hoard their goods and even deride those monks who depend on charity. None of them will go to pay respect or worship at those places where monks live in isolation from the world they despise, in constant devotion to tranquil, diligent austerities. Worldly people think only of worldly things, and never think about the world to come. But those who recognize karma in their past lives should be close to monks, revere them, and honor them."5 This practice is observed in every house of virtue in this land. You, too, should find yourself a monk who lives in
Page 327 3.21 The Rice Donation 327 quietude, who is neither too familiar nor too aloof, with whom to associate. Notes 1It is not known when the custom of sending imperial gifts of rice (semai) to selected monasteries was begun. Montoku jitsuroku (compiled 871-878) mentions the shipment of rice and salt from the court to temples in the capital region in the sixth month of 857 (KSTK 3:100). Goke shidai and Saigaki confirm Tamenori's statement below that private donations of rice and salt were also made at this time of year (Z6ho kojitsu zensha 2, p. 235; 6, p. 134). Yamada suggested that Tamenori's placement of this account in the fifth month is the result of a confusion with the custom of shinkya, the granting of rice and salt from imperial stores to regions stricken by drought. That practice began in the Nara period, was institutionalized under the Ritsuryo codes, and, in the Heian period, became a ritual observed in the fifth month of each year (Ryakucha, p. 321; Hirokatsu Teiji, "Shinkyf," in Nihon rekishi daijiten 11, pp. 276b-c). 2Goke shidai and Saigaki both indicate that for this annual distribution 150 koku of rice were regularly collected from Bizen Province, 50 from Owari, and 50 from Ki. During the Retreat (ango; see also 2.4, n. 6), monks and nuns were expected to stay inside their temples or in more secluded quarters and to devote themselves to intense worship and study. Originally, this period of limited outdoor activity may have been intended to prevent them from accidentally stepping on and killing sprouting plants and newly hatched insects proliferating at this time of year (BD 1:79c-80c). 3"Chamberlains of the library" (Fumidono no hito) were courtiers of the rank of kurodo and below who served in the Kyoshoden, the palace library also known as the "Fumidono" (KGD 6:176c). Goke shidai and Saigaki give examples of the precise distribution of delivery assignments among these officers. This passage bears some resemblance to a quotation in FYCL (T 53:886) from Z6ichi agongyo, but the exact source has not been identified (Shasei, pp. 313, 477). 5This passage has not been found in "Hoshakkyo," i.e., Daih6shakkyo.
3.22 The Service of One Thousand Flowers at Tōdaiji
pp. 328
Page 328 3.22 THE SERVICE OF ONE THOUSAND FLOWERS AT TODAIJI (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon, Todaiji-gire1) Todaiji was established by Emperor Shomu.2 "If the project is carried out under the exclusive auspices of the ruler," he said, "the people of the nation will still suffer great hardships," and so the Council of State issued his edict calling for patronage and distributed it to every province: "Whether it is one tree, or one lump of clay, make your contribution in accordance with your capacities."3 The compliance of the nation with this edict was like that of grass bending in the wind. At the groundbreaking ceremony, at which the hall's foundations were laid, the emperor began by taking up a spade and digging into the earth. The empress carried the overturned earth in her sleeve. Their ministers and many others participated enthusiastically.4 The Great Buddha was completed and all the halls and pagodas were finished, but there was no gold anywhere in the land for their decoration.5 The emperor prayed to the deity Zao, of "Golden Peak": "We have built a temple and created a Buddha for the sake of all sentient beings in this world, but since there is no gold in our country, we cannot properly complete this cherished project. We have heard that there is gold in the mountain of which you are guardian. We pray that you will let us have some."6 Zao responded with this revelation: "The gold in this mountain is to be saved for the future world of Maitreya. I am only its guardian; I cannot give you any. On the banks of the river in Shiga District in Omi Province lies a stone fished out by an old man many years ago. Make an image of the Wish-granting Kannon, place it on this rock, and worship it." The stone was soon found, at what is now the Ishiyama Temple.8 The image of Kannon was made, and prayers were addressed to it, whereupon the emperor received word that gold had been discovered in Mutsu Province. The era name was immediately changed to "Tenpyo Shoho."9 When the temple was dedicated, Gyoki Bosatsu, the abbot Roben, the Brahman Abbot, Buttetsu, the Old Man of Fushimi, the Old Man of Konomoto-all of whom were said to be reincarnations of Buddhasand many others, natives of this land as well as those who came from
Page 329 3.22 The Service of One Thousand Flowers 329 India, all came to assist the emperor.10 Many strange and wondrous things happened, but they are all described elsewhere, so I will not retell them. You may consult Shoku Nihongi and the Annals of T6daiji.11 A great many Buddhist rites are observed at this temple every year, and I cannot possibly include them all. In this month, the Service of One Thousand Flowers is held.12 A great number of lotus flowers are offered to the Buddha. In the satra it is said: "If you gather flowers and scatter them in the air as an offering to the Buddhas of the Ten Directions, numberless good roots will be implanted."13 See what it says in Gengukyo: "The monk Pugpadeva was the son of an elder. His physical beauty was without equal. At his birth, many flowers fell out of the sky and filled his parents' house. Delicious foods materialized on their bejeweled floor whenever they wished for them. In a former life he was a poor man. A number of monks came to his village in their wanderings, and he was thrilled to see them. But he became anxious when he thought about what he might offer them, for his house was completely bare. So he went out to a spring amidst the fields and picked some flowers, which he scattered over the monks. He prayed fervently, made a wish, and then withdrew. For ninety-one kalpas thereafter he never fell into the Evil Realms. Now he has met the Buddha once again and has become an arhat."14 And in another satra it is said: "The monk Vapuqmdn was born with soft skin and a beautiful countenance. His father and mother rejoiced at the sight of him, and everyone admired and adored him. Long before, he was a man who went inside a staipa and found a withered flower. It was covered with dust and stained with mud. He picked it up, brushed it off and made it clean again, and then he offered it and withdrew. Through the merit of this act he was born repeatedly thereafter in heaven or in the human realm, and he enjoyed many pleasures in those realms. Then he heard the Buddha's words and became a sage."15 The reward for scattering flowers on monks was endless; how much more so when they are offered to the Buddha! The effort to save a withered flower yielded very good results; how much more so when the flower is fresh! Utpalavarii& was blessed with a face as lovely as a flower in every one of her rebirths.16 Lotus flowers sprang up in every one of Mrg&ra-m&tr's footsteps.17 These were all rewards for offerings of flowers in their former lives. If you seek the blessing of wisdom and wish to contact the Buddhas of the Ten Directions, recite this verse from the Kegon Satra: I scatter these flowers in the Ten Directions, In offering to all the Tath&igatas.18
Page 330 330 The Third Volume: The Clergy And if your inspiration should move you to offer a whole branch of blossoms, recite this verse from the Lotus Sctra: When your heart is in confusion, Offer up a single flower; You will then see within that flower All the countless Buddhas, in succession.19 Notes 1Five fragments have been identified. A summary of the text of this section up to a point corresponding to "so I shall not retell them" appears in T6daiji y6roku, in kanbun (see Shtsei, pp. 315-19; Tsutsui, ed., Todaiji y6roku, p. 45). 2Sh6mu is identified as "the Celestial Emperor," Ame no mikado. In 743 he made a vow to bring about the construction of a large image of Vairocana Buddha, and the Kokubunji of Yamato Province was enlarged to house it. In the first half of this section Tamenori relates some of the events leading up to the dedication of the temple and its great image in 752. See also 3.2. 3The full text of Shomu's chishikimon of Tenpyo 15.10.15 is in Shoku Nihongi (KSTK 2:175). The notion that the magnitude of contributions should be in line with the donor's fiscal capacities is repeatedly stated in scriptural discussions of religious offerings. 4The ground-breaking ceremony of 747 is described in an inscription at Todaiji, the Daibutsuden himon (Tsutsui, ed., T6daiji y6roku, pp. 33-35). 5Daibutsuden himon gives the tenth month of 749 as the date of the completion of the casting of the image. It was customary to paint images as well as parts of temple buildings with gold leaf. Gold, like most other rare metals, is not found in significant quantities in Japan. 6The deity Za6 was believed to be the guardian of treasures on Mount Kinpu, also known as "Kane no mitake" ("Golden Peak"); he was also thought to be a Japanese manifestation of the esoteric Buddhist deity Vajrasattva (Zao gongen) (BD 2:1420c-31b). The source for Tamenori's quotation of the emperor's supplication cannot be identified. It may be from a lost work. Shoji engi sha contains similar lines (DNBZ 118:31a); Todaiji yoroku quotes Sanb6e for this material (Shasei, p. 478). 7In this iconographic form (Nyoirin Kannon), the Bodhisattva is shown holding the "wish-granting jewel" (nyoi hoshu; see 1.4, n. 5) in one
Page 331 3.22 The Service of One Thousand Flowers 331 hand and the wheel of the Law (h6rin) in the other. It is believed that the Bodhisattva responds particularly to prayers for longevity, safe childbirth, and the avoidance of natural disasters (BD 5:4133c-35c). 8Ishiyamadera (in modern Otsu-shi) was founded in 762 by Roben. 9At this time, Mutsu was a vast province comprising most of the northeast coast of Honshfi. The provincial governor sent nine ryo of gold to the capital in the fourth month of 749 (Mayuzumi Hiromichi, ed., Nenpyo Nihon rekishi 1, p. 152). Until this time, era names consisted of only two auspicious characters. In celebration of the discovery of gold in 749, Kanp6 ("treasure received") was added to the era name already in use, Tenpyo; later that year, this was changed again to Tenpyo Shoho ("excellent treasure"). 10The dedication took place in the fourth month of 752. On the legend of Gyoki's attendance and his revelation as an incarnation of Mafijusri, see 2.3. Roben (689-773) was Shomu's preceptor, a leading participant in the drive for the construction of Todaiji, and its first Betto. He was also responsible for increasing the prominence of the Kegon school at this time. He was appointed Sojo in 773. It was said that he was a reincarnation of Maitreya (Tsutsui, ed., Todaiji yoroku, p. 30; Nakao, Nihon meiso jiten, pp. 188-90). The "Brahman Abbot" is Bodhisena; see 2.3 about his revelation as a reincarnation of Samantabhadra. Buttetsu was a monk of Annamese (Vietnamese) origin who came to Japan with Bodhisena in 736 and taught Sanskrit at Daianji. His contributions to the Todaiji dedication ceremony include a set of musical pieces called rin'yagaku, probably of Southeast Asian origin. These contributions are mentioned in Daianji bodai denraiki, a work quoted in Todaiji yoroku (Tsutsui, ed., pp. 54-55). "The Old Man of Fushimi" (Fushimi no okina) is also the subject of a story in Daianji bodai denraiki. An old man lay motionless and silent for three years on a hillside near Sugawaradera, at Fushimi, in Nara. He was thought insane; occasionally he was seen to lift his head slightly and to gaze eastward. At a festive reception for Gyoki and Bodhisena at Sugawaradera in 736, this mysterious man joined in the dancing. Bodhisena identified him as an attendant who had served him in India. His eastward glances were interpreted as omens for the Todaiji construction, which was begun a few years later (see also Genko shakusho, KSTK 31:224-25). "The Old Man of Konomoto" (Konomoto no okina) is identified with the mysterious old man who appeared before the Todaiji on the morning of the dedication ceremony with a sack full of mackerel and, in accordance with a revelation in the emperor's dream the previous night, was designated chief lecturer for the service. After the service, the mackerel, given in offering, were found to have turned into the eighty fascicles of the Kegon Satra (see also Konjaku monogatari sha 12.7,
Page 332 332 The Third Volume: The Clergy NKBZ 21:226-27). Note the resemblance of this legend to the plots of 2.1 (the beggar appointed lecturer) and 2.16 (the fish transformed into a satra). 11The Shoku Nihongi record of the dedication is generally confined to factual information (KSTK 2:213-14). The "Annals of Todaiji" (Todaiji no kimon) mentioned here cannot be precisely identified. No such work is included or mentioned in T6daiji y6roku, which was compiled in the early twelfth century, but other texts therein describe the various miracles in detail. 12According to the list of annual rites in T6daiji y6roku, a "Service of One Thousand Flowers" (Senke e) was regularly observed on the twenty-third day of the sixth month in the Kensakudo. On the fourteenth day of the same month, Todaiji observed a Service of Ten Thousand Flowers (Manke e) on an even grander scale. 13The source of the quotation has not been identified. Yamada suggested that it may be from a text specially prepared for reading at the Senke e itself, now lost (Ryakucha, p. 340). 14The story of Pugpadeva (Keten biku) in Gengukyo (T 4:359a-b) is greatly abbreviated here to emphasize the element of the flower offering and of the merit it produces. 15The story of Vapueman (Itoku biku) comes from Senja hyakuengy6 (T 4:235b-c). Like the previous story, it has been abbreviated to emphasize the element of the flower offering. Vapugman was a disciple of Sakyamuni (KMJ 737b). 16Here, Utpalavarna is called "Keshiki no nyonin" ("the woman who was the color of the flower") (see "General Preface," n. 14; 3.13, n. 11). 17According to two related stories in Zohozokyo, Mrgara-matr (Rokumo bunin) was the child of a female deer who drank an ascetic's urine and subsequently gave birth to a beautiful human child. Wherever the girl went, lotus flowers sprang up in her tracks. In a previous life, it seems, she had scattered lotus petals over a pratyekabuddha, and this was her reward. In the first Zoh6zokyo version she is called Renge bunin, Rokunyo bunin in the second, and in the latter she is the mother of a thousand lotus flowers that turn into valiant soldiers (T 4:451-53c). The second version is quoted in toto in FYCL (T 53:488c-89c). There are a number of variants on this story; see BD 5:5060-61; KMJ 772-74a; Chavannes' translation, 1, pp. 80-84; 3, pp. 1-12. The Z6h6zokyo stories are also the basis for Konjaku monogatari sha 5, pp. 5-6 (NKBT 22:352 -56). 18The verse, from the sixth fascicle of the satra (T 9:435a), also appears in FYCL (T 53:583b-c). 19The verse is from the second chapter of the satra (T 9:9a).
3.23 The Manjuśrī Service
pp. 333
Page 333 3.23 THE MANJUSRi SERVICE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) The Mafijusri Service originated in the inspiration of monks, and now it is sponsored by the government.1 The [posthumously entitled] Zosoj5 Gons5 and the monk Taizen of Gangoji conducted it in many villages and districts throughout the provinces of the capital region, gathering rice and greens and offering them to the poor.2 This practice is based on the text of the Monju hatsunehangy6: "Any sentient being who hears the name of Mafijusri shall be freed from the sufferings of twelve hundred million kalpas of life and death; and if he undertakes to make an offering, Maiijusri will immediately manifest himself and appear before him in the guise of a starving beggar, an orphan, or an invalid."3 After Gonso's death, Taizen tried to continue this practice on his own, though doing so only increased his grief for Gonso. With the support of the Ecclesiastical Bureau, he petitioned the government, and on the twenty-fifth day of the second month of the fifth year of the Tench5 era [828], a lengthy decree in several sections was issued. It provided for annual observance of the service in the capital and in each province of the seven regions, on the eighth day of this month.4 The grant of rice to be made in each province is specified. The governor and district administrators are allowed to add more when the farmers of their districts can manage it. All arrangements are made through the cooperation of the lecturers and readers with the governors.5 In the capital, rice and salt are presented by each governor. Cash contributions are collected from imperial princes and other members of the nobility, as well as all the governors. Beggars are gathered in the Toji and Saiji.6 First, a monk administers the Three Refuges and the Five Precepts, and then he leads the congregation in singing the praises of Bhaigajyaguru and Mafijusri.7 Each governor leads a separate group of beggars through these rites. No government can use its might to make its people offer charity, but, as it says in the Zohoketsugikyo: "Rather than practice charity by yourself throughout your life, you would do better to encourage your comrades to join you and to have each one contribute his small portion of the whole and present it all at once to the poor, the aged, and the sick. The merit from this will be far, far greater."8
Page 334 334 The Third Volume: The Clergy Some of the beggars present may be avatars of the Buddhas and Sages of the Ten Directions; therefore, they are not to be looked down upon. All are reincarnations of fathers and mothers of previous ages; therefore, they must be shown compassion. That is why the Buddha Sakyamuni called such persons "a field of merit," and that is why Vimalakirti distributed his jewels among them.9 In the Ubasokukaikyo it is said: "As long as there are poor people, let no one say he cannot be charitable. Even the poorest people in the world must eat a small amount of food each day. Among all the poor, beggars should be singled out for special charity." 0 And in the Satra on Rewards it is said: "The giving of food generates five kinds of merit, all at the same time. The first is in the giving of life, because if people cannot eat they die. The second is in the giving of color, because if people do not eat they become pale. The third is in the giving of strength, because if people do not eat they grow weak. The fourth is in the giving of contentment, because if people do not eat they cannot feel content. The fifth is in the giving of speech, because if people do not eat they do not have the strength to speak. Therefore, for giving food you will receive the rewards of long life, exceptional strength, splendid color, a luxuriant body, and marvellous speech."11 In the Agongy6 it is said: "He who has a happy youth but suffers in old age does so because, in a former life, he generated merit while he was young but committed sins when he grew old. He who suffers when young but has a pleasant old age does so because, in his former life, he committed sins when he was young but generated merit when he grew old."12 I have known people in this world who flourished at one time but declined at another; it seemed to me that they were two completely different people. But now, having heard the teachings of the Buddha, I know that this was determined in their own hearts in their former lives. You, with your healthy, rosy cheeks would do well to learn this lesson, and you, with your tousled gray hairs and grizzled faces-you listen, too!1 If someone comes to your gate and begs for food, do not fail to give him ýomething. If you see a sick person lying in the road, you must do your best to care for him.14 The Buddha has discussed the rewards for these deeds at length. Just look at what happened to Sudatta, and to Jyotigka.15 Notes 1The section title does not mention a specific temple because the service (Monjue) was observed nationwide. However, in this account
Page 335 3.23 The Mafijusri Service 335 Tamenori focuses on the observance in the capital, which was centered at Saiji and Toji (see below). On Gonso, see 2.18. The honorary title of SOjo was conferred shortly after his death. Very little is known about Taizen other than his association with Gonso and the Monjue. In an entry for the seventh month of Tencho 10 (833) in Shoku Nihon k6ki he is named as the leader of the Monjue in the capital, and the noble families supporting the rite are also named (KSTK 3:14). In the decree of 828 (see below, n. 4) he is identified as a monk of Gangoji. (Taizen is not to be confused with another monk of the same name who founded Kokugenji in Izumi Province and whose biography appears in Honcho kosoden.) 3Monju hatsunehangyo (i.e., Monjushiri hatsunehangy6) is a very short satra in which Sakyamuni describes Mafijusri's activities in the future, following his attainment of nirvana. This passage (T 14:481a-b) is also quoted at greater length in the decree of 828 (see n. 4); Tamenori's abbreviated quotation is probably based upon this document. This scriptural passage may be the basis of a number of stories in which beggars are identified as manifestations of Mafijusri, one instance of which occurs in some biographies of Koya (see Hori Ichiro, Koya, pp. 40-43). 4The decree, in Ruija sandaikyaku (KSTK 25:53-54), is an act of the Council of State. One village per district was to be designated as the site of the service; in the capital, TOji and Saiji (see n. 6) were so designated. On the "Seven Regions," see 3.1, n. 4. 5The original decree specifically called for joint planning between the civil governors and the lecturers (koshi) and readers (dokushi). 6These two temples stood at the right and left of the southern gate to the capital at Kujo, the southernmost east-west avenue. The designations "East Temple" and "West Temple" are informal; both temples had several formal names during their long histories. The construction of both was completed in about 796. As the Shingon center in the capital after 823, TOji prospered and greatly overshadowed Saiji in historical importance (BD 2:1410b-11a; Kyoto-shi, ed., Kyoto no rekishi 1, p. 366). 70n the "Three Refuges and Five Precepts," see 2.13, n. 3. The decree for the Monjue specified that these should be administered to the participants. Bhaigajyaguru is probably invoked here as the curer of the sick. 8Z6ohketsugikyb is a spurious work, but Chih-i referred to it in several treatises, and it was still used in the Tendai in Tamenori's time (BSKD 7:57a-b). This quotation closely follows the original text (T 85:1336b).
Page 336 336 The Third Volume: The Clergy 90n "a field of merit" (fukuden), see "Preface to the Third Volume," n. 3. The poor are so designated in the section of the Z6hoketsugikyo cited above. On Vimalakirti (here, Jomyo), see 3.28. He was known for his generosity as well as his wisdom and rhetorical skills. The dispensing of his keyura is described at the end of the fourth chapter of the Vimalakirti Satra (T 14:544a). 10The satra describes the ideal life of the religious layman. Tamenori's quotation is close to the text of the original (T 24:1056a), which is quoted in FYCL (T 53:888a). 1The "Satra on Rewards" (Fukuhakyo, i.e., Bussetsu jikisegyaku gofukuh6ky6, T 2:854c-55a) is a very short work quoted in its entirety in FYCL (T 53:611b). Tamenori gives a summary. 12The quotation is from Zoichi agongy6 (T 2:655c). Tamenori paraphrases the original passage. 13Tamenori uses a poetic figure, kashira no yomogi shiroki tomogara, to refer to elderly people with unruly white hair. 14This is perhaps a reference to the story of Prince Shotoku's encounter with the beggar on Kataokayama (see 2.1). 15Sudatta (Shudatsu) is another name for Anathapipdada, donor of the Jetavana garden. A passage in Zo6h6zkyo quoted in FYCL (T 53:714a) tells how he gave away all his wealth at his death and was duly rewarded in his future lives. Jyotigka (Judai, i.e., Judaiga) was a wise and wealthy elder of the city of Campa; his birth as such was a reward for his generosity in former lives, according to Judaigaky6, quoted in FYCL (T 53:711b).
3.24 The Rite for the Dead
pp. 337
Page 337 3.24 The Rite for the Dead 337 3.24 THE RITE FOR THE DEAD [AND THE CONFESSION] (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon2 The Rite of the Dead was initiated in the age when the Buddha was in this world.3 In the Urabon Satra it is said: "When Maudgalydyana attained the Six Supernatural Faculties and wanted to try to save his father and mother, to repay his obligation to them for having raised him, he discovered that his mother had been reborn in the Realm of Hungry Ghosts, where she suffered perpetual starvation.4 There was little left of her but skin hanging on bones. Grieving and weeping, Maudgalydyana filled a bowl with rice and took it to her. She clutched the rice in her left hand, picked up a tiny bit of it with her right hand, and was about to eat it, but before she could put it in her mouth it turned to fire and then into cinders, so she could not eat it. "Lamenting and grieving, Maudgalyayana reported this to the Buddha, who said, 'Your mother's sins are very great. You cannot save her through your own efforts. On the fifteenth day of the seventh month, prepare a hundred delicacies and the Five Fruits and many other good things, put them on trays, and offer them to the Buddhas of the Ten Directions.5 On that day, all the Srdvakas and Pratyekabuddhas and Bodhisattvas of the Ten Stages who have already sought and attained those states will temporarily appear in the guise of monks, and they will come and take the food.6 If you make this offering to these monks while they are holding confession, your own father and mother in this life and in seven other lives will escape the sufferings of the Evil Realms.'7 "On that day, Maudgaly&yana's mother was saved from one kalpa of suffering as a Hungry Ghost. MaudgalyAyana told the Buddha, 'My mother was saved through the power of the Three Jewels. What if all your disciples in future worlds were to do this, too?' "The Buddha said, 'Let monks and nuns, kings and princes, prime ministers and counselors, chamberlains and officers and all the common people and all those who practice filial piety observe a day of rejoicing on this day when monks make their confession, and let them prepare delicacies, place them in trays, and offer them to monks. Let them pray that their parents in this life may live for one hundred years without illness, that their fathers and mothers in seven other lives may be freed from the sufferings of Hungry Ghosts, and that they may be granted the pleasures of life in the Heavens. Those who cultivate filial piety must
Page 338 338 The Third Volume: The Clergy reflect upon it day after day, and obligations must be repaid year after year.'" On this basis, this practice was observed in India and in China as well.8 It is observed by the government as well as the private citizenry of Japan.9 See what the Buddha says in Shinjikangy5: "People commit many sins on account of their children. They fall into the Three Evil Realms and suffer there at length. If their child is not a sage, and has no superhuman powers, he will not see their reincarnated state and will not know how to repay his obligations. But if at some time that child should remember these instructions and should generate merit in this way, then a great golden light will shine into Hell, and from the midst of this light a voice will call out to that father and mother and help them to remember their former sins. One instance of repentance in their hearts will erase all those sins and free them from their punishments."10 The feelings of a parent for a child are especially deep, but the feelings of a child who leads his parent out of Hell on this day can be no less extraordinary! The Retreat ends on this day, and so the monks hold confession. The courtyards before their halls are swept clean, and the monks gather at the center of the grounds. They seat themselves in order of seniority and conduct themselves in accordance with instructions set forth in the Vinaya.11 Some people prepare offerings and present them to the seated monks at this time; among them are whittled willow twigs. In the Vinaya it says: "Monks are permitted to use willow toothpicks. This has Five Benefits."12 Some come with packages of magnolia bark, dried ginger, and myrobalan.13 In Fuhozokyo it is said: "Long ago, Bakkula met a monk who had pains in his head. He gave him one myrobalan. For ninety-one kalpas thereafter he received good rebirths and experienced many pleasures, and in this life he lived one hundred and sixty years without ever falling ill."14 There are also those who prepared offerings of paper, ink, and brushes. In Daijikkyo it is said: "If you make an offering of paper, ink, and brushes to a monk, thereby enabling him to copy the satras, you will attain great wisdom."15 There are also those who give fans. In Sh6bonengyo it is said: "When you see a monk, spread a fan over him and let him chant the satras. At the end of your life you will be reborn in the 'Heaven Where the Winds Blow,' where wonderful perfumes are wafted in the air and unsurpassable pleasures abound."16 The rewards for any act of giving are neither slight nor few, but among the many kinds of giving, charity to monks generates the most excellent kind of merit.
Page 339 3.24 The Rite for the Dead 339 Notes 1Both texts, as well as the Kozanji text for this section (see below) have this note (jishi o kuwaete) following the section title, but the Maeda-ke bon has an incorrect character for the -shi of jishi (see Shasei, p. 325). 2There is, in addition, the so-called Kozanji bon, a full text for this section in mixed script (see Shasei, pp. 327-29; Kobayashi Yoshimi, "Kozanjiz6 Sanboe shisho itsubun," Kamakura jidaigo kenkya 1 [March, 1978]). 3The name of the "Rite for the Dead," urabon, is said to have been derived from Sanskrit ullambana. These rites are traditionally performed in the middle of the seventh month to earn merit for the souls of departed parents and ancestors. The rites certainly do have scriptural and historical precedent in India, but the festival, as observed in China and Japan, displays many elements that are accretions from Taoism and the folk religions of both countries (see Fujii Masao, "Urabon to minzoku," in Koza Nihon no minzoku shakyo 2, Bukkyo minzoku, pp. 121-42). Tamenori's claim that the rite originated in Sakyamuni's time is supported by his scriptural citations, which follow. 4Urabongyo is a very short satra (T 16:779a-c); Tamenori's paraphrase is a summary of the whole. On Maudgalyayana, see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 5. On the "Six Supernatural Faculties," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 3. On "Hungry Ghosts," see 1.2, n. 3. Beings reborn in this hell are punished for their sins with insatiable hunger and thirst. When they do find something to eat it turns into flames and burns before they can swallow it. 5The "Five Fruits" are (1) "fruits with pits" (jujubes, apricots), (2) "fruits with edible skins" (pears, plums), (3) "fruits with hard shells and soft centers" (walnuts, pomegranates), (4) "fruits with rough shells" (pine nuts, acorns), and (5) "curved fruit" (beans) (BGD 1:356). The use of the character bon as an abbreviation for the transliteration of ullambana in the satra passage has perhaps led to this traditional misinterpretation, "on trays"; "gather them at the time of ullambana" may be the original intent (Ryakucha, p. 352). 6The "Bodhisattvas of the Ten Stages" (juji no bosatsu) are those who have reached stages 41 through 50 of the 51 progressive stages toward enlightenment. They experience (1) perfect joy and (2) purity; they (3) emit bright light and (4) shine with wisdom; (5) ignorance is overcome; (6) they see all their former incarnations; (7) they leave the mundane world and the two lesser vehicles (i.e., sravaka and
Page 340 340 The Third Volume: The Clergy pratyekabuddha) far behind; (8) they are immovable (there is no backsliding); (9) they have the capacity to preach all doctrines; and (10) they spread their wisdom throughout the universe "like sweet rain falling from the clouds" (BGD 1:654b-c). 7The word for "confession," jishi, is a translation of Sanskrit pravarana. The three month period of retreat ends on the fifteenth day of the seventh month. Monks and nuns then convene and confess any violations of their vows that may have been committed during the retreat (BGD 1:552d). An example of a manual for the conduct ofjishi is included in Todaiji yoroku (Tsutsui, ed., T6daiji yoroku, pp. 337-40). The word used here for the "Three Evil Realms," sanzu, is a synonym for san'akudo (see 1.2, n. 3). 8According to Ching-ch'u sui-shih chi, a description of customs and annual events in the state of Ch'u in the sixth century, by Tsung Lin, the first observance of a Buddhist rite for the dead probably occurred around 538 (Moriya Mitsuo, ed., Keisosaijiki, pp. 159-64). Ennin's diary mentions an observance at the Tu-t'o-ssu temple in 840 (Reischauer, tr., Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law, p. 268). 9The earliest recorded observance in Japan occurred during the reign of Saimei, in 657 (NKBT 68:187, n. 19). Shomu gave the annual observance an official basis in 735 (BGD 1:90). For additional descriptions of Heian-period observances, see Ikeda Kikan, Heian jidai no bungaku to seikatsu, pp. 576-78. 10Tamenori closely paraphrases a verse passage from a section of Shinjikangyo on the "repayment of obligations" (T 3:302b). ""In order of seniority" is r6 no tsuide. Ro refers to a year-end festival of worship of ancestral gods. Hor6 is a term for the number of years (i.e., year-end festivals) passed since a monk's or nun's entry into the order, and the basis for determining seniority (BGD 2:1448). 12Willow twigs were one of the eighteen items of property permitted a monk; they are also included among the approved implements of the bath in 3.4. Jajuritsu (T 23:413c), quoted in FYCL (T 53:1016b) lists "five benefits": removal of bad tastes from the mouth, removal of bad odors, avoidance of colds, avoidance of fevers, and prevention of respiratory disorders. 13"Magnolia bark" (hoho no kawa, from hoho no ki, i.e., magnolia hypoleuca) was brewed and taken as an antidote for colds, headaches, and nervous disorders (KGD 18:97a). The treatment of a mental disorder with magnolia bark tea is mentioned in Eiga monogatari. (It was not successful [NKBT 75:148; McCullough and McCullough, tr., A Tale of Flowering Fortunes 1, p. 174].) Dried ginger (kanko) was also used in herbal medicine. Myrobalan (kariroku, from Sanskrit haritaki, i.e., terminalia chebula Petzius) is the fruit of a large deciduous tree
Page 341 3.24 The Rite for the Dead 341 found in China and Southeast Asia. Its medicinal use is said to have been introduced to Japan by Ganjin. The fruit is oval shaped and the size of a date. It is very high in tannin and is eaten to regulate the bowels (KGD 5:240d-41a; Watanabe, "Ganjin Wajo shorai no yakuhin," in Ganjin Waj6, pp. 138-40). 14The quotation is an abbreviation of a passage in Fuhazokyo (T 50:308a-b) and also in FYCL (T 53:615b). The name Bakkula (Hakkura) appears in several other forms. He was one of Sakyamuni's disciples (BD 5:4191b-92a; Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary 2, p. 397a). 15Daijikkyo (i.e., DaihBd6 daijikkyo, T 13:206c) lists paper, ink, and brushes as one of four kinds of ideal gift (also in FYCL, T 53:886a). 16Tamenori abbreviates the passage in Shobonengyo (i.e., Shbo6nenjogy6, T 17:131a; also in FYCL, T 53:542b). The name "Heaven Where the Winds Blow" (fagyoten) appears in the satra, but I have not found any other uses of this name.
3.25 The Continuous Nenbutsu on Hie
pp. 342
Page 342 3.25 THE CONTINUOUS NENBUTSU ON HIE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) The Nenbutsu was introduced from China and practiced here first by Master Jikaku in the seventh year of the Jogan era [865].1 Among the four types of meditation, this is the one called "continuous moving meditation."2 When the cool mid-autumn wind is blowing and the clear mid-month moon is shining, the meditation is begun at dawn, on the eleventh day of the eighth month, and it continues without interruption until the seventeenth. The two thousand monks of the monastery are divided into four watches.3 Their bodies constantly circle the Buddha, and all the sins of the body are negated. Their mouths constantly chant the satra, and all the transgressions of speech disappear. Their minds constantly contemplate the Buddha, and all confusion comes to an end.4 In the Amidaky6 it is said: "Any devout man or woman who is inspired with faith, remembers the name of Amida Buddha, and meditates upon it intensely for one day, two days, three days, or as many as seven days shall not falter even in the last moment before death, but shall immediately be reborn in Paradise."5 The seven-day length of this rite is based upon this passage. Now, this Buddha made a great vow for the sake of all sentient beings on this earth. The sentient beings of this earth have a great affinity with this Buddha.6 At the sound of one utterance of his name, sins from eighty billion kalpas of former life will be erased, and you will be reborn in that land where your outstretched arms can reach beyond the boundaries of a million billion lands.7 Those who want to reach the Pure Land must despise this world and pray for that one.8 Whether you are standing or sitting, despise your body for all its sufferings. Whether you are asleep or awake, pray for the joys of that other world. In the morning, when you see the lovely flowers of spring, you should yearn for the beauty of the Grove of Seven Rows, and in the evening, when you hear the autumn wind, you should imagine the sound of the rippling Waters of the Eight Good Qualities.9 At the end of each day let your heart follow the setting sun into the west.10 There is no doubt about the good effect of good intentions acted upon for one day or one instant. Trust in this, and even punishments for the Five Transgressions will be cancelled, and you will surely be reborn there.1
Page 343 3.25 The Continuous Nenbutsu on Hie 343 Notes 1According to Ennin's biography (Jikaku Daishi den; see 3.16, n. 2), he introduced the monks of Hieizan to the techniques for meditating on Amida that he had learned at Wu-t'ai in 851 (ZGR 8:693). The J6gyo zanmaido at Enryakuji became a center for these practices. At Ennin's death in the first month of 864, he expressed the particular wish that the "continuous nenbutsu" (fudan nenbutsu), one of the forms of meditation that he had emphasized, be carried on without cessation. In the eighth month of 865, Soo (831-918), who had been one of his closest disciples, began an annual observance of the fudan nenbutsu in Ennin's memory. Tamenori appears to have confused the two dates. 20n the "four types of meditation," see 3.3, n. 17. The "continuous moving meditation" (jogy6 zanmai) consists of up to ninety days of continuous circumambulation of an image of Amida while chanting his name and mentally contemplating his Pure Land or his thirty Buddha marks. The result of proper practice, as outlined by Chih-i in Mo-ho chih-kuan, is visualization of Amida himself. It is said that Ennin taught a meditation technique that involved musical chanting according to a score he had learned in China (BD 2:1834a-35a, 3:2596-70c). 3The phrase mentioning the division into "watches" (ban) appears only in the Maeda-ke bon (Shasei, p. 332). A note in the TOji Kanchiin bon (apparently a copyist's) says that monks representing the three factions on Hie (Toto, Sait6, and Yokawa) each practiced the meditation for one week, totaling three weeks of observance, although in China it was literally practiced for three continuous weeks. In each watch of 500 monks were approximately 166 monks from each faction; they were divided further into rotating groups, so that at any one time during the period of observance thirteen of fourteen monks would actually be engaged in the meditation. This system is described in Oe Masafusa's account of the origins of the fudan nenbutsu at Iwashimizu (Iwashimizu fudan nenbutsu engi, dated 1070; see Takahashi Keiz6, ed., Iwashimizu Hachimanga shiryo sosho 2, pp. 41-43 or GR 15:63-64; Ryakucha, p. 356). The Iwashimizu fudan nenbutsu was introduced by monks of the Sait6 faction. 4Many satras prescribe practices designed to purify and harmonize the body, the mouth, and the mind (i.e., the physical person, his expressive faculties, and his mental faculties) simultaneously (shingoigyo). Chih-i incorporated this concept into the jogyo zanmai, in which the movement of the body, the words spoken, and the images contemplated in the mind all focus upon Amida. The similarity of this analysis to the
Page 344 344 The Third Volume: The Clergy esoteric concept of harmonizing the body, the voice, and the mind to achieve instantaneous enlightenment has been noted by many scholars. 5This is a slightly abbreviated and edited version of the original passage (T 12:347b). For example, the phrase "inspired with good faith" is an addition. "Shall not falter" (tendo sezu, literally "without a falling backward of the mind") and the term for "meditate intensely" (isshin furan) are used here just as they appear in the satra. The term "great vow" (daiseigan) refers to Amida's promise to save all sentient beings. In some later interpretations of Pure Land thought, the term refers specifically to his forty-eight vows (the conditions for his final acceptance of Buddhahood) as a group (BGD 2:923a; BD 3:2891b-c). "A great affinity" is daiinnen. The idea is that there is a relationship of mutual cause and effect between the sufferings of sentient beings and Amida's very existence in this world; the sufferings of these beings motivate him to strive for them and to create his Pure Land for their sake. Other technical terms in Pure Land parlance refer to this idea; Tamenori uses this one to create a balance with daiseigan. 7A couplet in the verse-preface to Kanmuryojukyo says that eighty billion kalpas of sin are erased by one utterance of Amida's name (T 12:340c). The latter half of this sentence is slightly less close to the line in AmidakyO, on which it appears to be based; the original reads "A million billion Buddha-lands to the west of here is a land called 'Paradise'" (T 12:346c). 8This sentence uses the same terms as those in the formulaic exhortation "Despise and reject this corrupt world; pray that you may attain the Pure Land" (onriedo gonguj6do); this phrase is particularly familiar from its use in Genshin's Ojoyosha (NST 6:10-11). 0One of the features of Amida's Pure Land is a grove of trees in seven rows (shichija no hayashi) adorned with fabulous jewels and stones (Amidakyo, T 12:346c). The Pure Land also has waters with eight ideal characteristics (hachiku no nami): sweetness, coolness, softness, lightness, purity, fragrance, gentleness in the throat, and gentleness in the stomach (T 12:347c). 10Amida's Pure Land lies in the west. "On the "Five Transgressions," see "Preface to the First Volume," n. 6. The Maeda-ke and Toji Kanchiin texts differ in the wording of this last sentence, which is slightly vague in both cases. The idea that even the worst kind of criminal will be saved if he has faith in Amida is fundamental Pure Land doctrine.
3.26 The Liberation of Animals at Yahata
pp. 345
Page 345 3.26 The Liberation of Animals 345 3.26 THE LIBERATION OF ANIMALS AT YAHATA (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) The Great Bodhisattva of Yahata was originally our nation's Sage Emperor.1 In the Decree of the Council of the tenth year of the K6nin era [819] it says: "The High Priest Omiwa Kiyomaro submitted a petition, to wit: 'This Great Bodhisattva is the Honda Emperor. Long ago, during the reign of Emperor Kinmei, he made his first appearance, and his shrine was established on the peak of Maki in Usa District in Buzen Province. Later it was moved to Mount Ogura in Hishikata. This is the present Usa Shrine. In the third year of the Tenpy6 era [731], in response to a divine pronouncement, the government made an offering of ritual papers.'"2 And in the old chronicle submitted by the Kachi clan of Karashima it says: "The Yahata Trinity was first called 'Hirohata no Yahata Daimyojin.' It is now called 'Gokoku Reigen Iriki Jinzu Daijizatoi Bosatsu.' In the fourth year of the Y6r6 era [720] there was a revolt in Osumi and Hyfiga provinces. In response to prayers, the great deity joined the troops of the government when they faced the enemy, and the Priestess Karashima no Kachi Hazume also served. Once the enemy had been attacked and overcome, the deity returned to the shrine."3 Then, in an oracle, the deity said, "Many of the Hayato have been slain. To counteract this sin, a service for liberating animals should be held each year."4 On this basis, seashores and river banks in various provinces were chosen as the site for the performance of this auspicious ritual, the Liberation of Animals. Monks, laymen, and shrine officials of the province of Yamashiro buy a great many fish that fishermen and others who make their living from the sea are about to kill. Then the monks chant spells and prayers and return the fish to the water.5 As the Buddha said, there are no sentient beings that do not cling to life. Their forms may vary, but the pains of the flesh are shared by all. In Bonmokyo it is said: "Cultivate compassion, and set living creatures free. All sentient beings of the Six Realms are our fathers and mothers from former lives. If you kill them and eat them, you are killing and eating your fathers and mothers. For this reason, always liberate living things. If you see someone about to kill a dumb beast, you should use some expedient means to save that animal."6 And in Rokudojikky6 it is said: "Long ago, there was a man who went to market and saw someone selling a turtle. He asked how much it cost, and paid an exhorbitant price for it. He carried off his purchase
Page 346 346 The Third Volume: The Clergy and released it in a stream, and as he watched it swim away, he was filled with both joy and pity. Later, in the night, this turtle came knocking at his door. In amazement, the man went out to have a look, and the turtle said, 'I have been thinking about my debt to you for rescuing me and setting me free. But there is no way to repay you. All I can do is tell you what I know: a great flood is about to occur. Prepare your boats immediately.' The next morning the man went to the gate of the palace and asked that the king be informed of this. Since this man was known for his wisdom, the king took his advice and moved to high ground, whereupon the flood waters burst forth. Later, the king made the man prime minister. He led him by hand into the palace, and they sat next to one another and held discourse on the Way."7 In Zohazokyo it is said: "Long ago there was an arhat. He had an acolyte as his servant. One day he looked at the acolyte and realized that the boy would die in seven days, so he released him from service. On his way home the boy saw an army of baby ants caught in a stream, about to perish, and he was very upset. He took off his cloak, filled it with mud, and dammed the stream with it. He scooped up the baby ants and set them on higher, dry ground. All of them were saved. Seven days later he returned to his former place of service. His master, the arhat, was amazed. He entered meditation and found that there was nothing more to worry about. He realized that the power gained through the rescue of the ants had served to extend the acolyte's own life as well."8 If you want to make spiritual advancement, practice the liberation of animals; the purchase of the turtle certainly yielded its reward. Those who want to ensure long lives for themselves should practice the liberation of the living; they can be sure of the same power that was attained by the boy who rescued the ants. Notes 1This sentence identifies the chief deity of the Yahata (or Yawata) Shrine at Usa, in Kyushu, as "Hijiri no mikado," i.e., the semihistorical Emperor Ojin. His description as a "Great Bodhisattva" (daibosatsu) is an early application of the honji suijaku doctrine (identifying native deities as manifestations of Buddhist ones). According to Nihon shoki, Ojin was the son of Emperor Chfai. Ojin's mother Jingu Kogo ruled as regent from Chfai's death in 201 until her own death in 269; Ojin then ruled from 270 to 310. His tomb is at Honda in Habikino City, Osaka-fu (KJJ 2:316-17; NKBT 68:340, 362-63). Tamenori's account of the early history of the shrine and its ritual "liberation of animals" (hojoe) closely
Page 347 3.26 The Liberation of Animals 347 resembles the undated H6joe engi in the records of the Iwashimizu Hachimangu Shrine (a branch of the Usa Shrine), which quotes the same documents as Tamenori does (Iwashimizu HachimangQ Shamusho, ed., Iwashimizu Hachimanga shiryi sosho 2, pp. 102-3). 2The decree is quoted in the Hojoe engi (see above); it does not appear in the official collections of such decrees. The name of the high priest (Kannushi), Omiwa Kiyomaro, appears in a slightly different form in a decree issued at Dazaifu in 821 (Takeuchi Riz6, ed., Dazaifu, Dazaifu TenmangC shiryo 1, p. 322). Members of the Omiwa family hereditarily served as priests at Usa. "The Honda Emperor" refers to Ojin (see n. 1, above). Emperor Kinmei's rule is believed to have begun in 531; Nihon shoki gives 570 as the year of his death. The site of the present Usa shrine was apparently once called "Maki no mine." Three peaks near Usa are known as "Hishigatayama" because of their resemblance to the triform leaf of the plant of that name; one of these is Ogurayama (Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten 44, Oita-ken, p. 688). The nature of the "divine pronouncement" is not recorded, but it would seem to have been some kind of oracle. "Ritual papers" (gohei) are a typical Shinto offering; strips of white or colored paper (or cloth) are tied to a bamboo or wooden stand and placed upon an altar (Ono Sokyo, "Heihaku," in Shinto jiten, pp. 549b-50b). 3The work referred to as "the old chronicle" (koki) does not survive, but it is quoted in the Hojoe engi. "Karashima" is a place-name in Usa; the "Kachi" clan may have been of Korean origin, and its members appear in Usa Shrine records as hereditary patrons (KJJ 2:559a-b). The "Yahata Trinity" (Yahata sansho) includes Ojin, Jingf Kogo, and Chiai (see n. 1). The Buddhist name of the deity means, roughly, a Bodhisattva who employs the power of Buddhism to protect the state. The revolt described here is recorded in Shoku Nihongi (KSTK 2:79-81), but no mention is made there of the deity's participation in the struggle. The governor of Osumi was killed by rebellious members of an ethnic group who inhabited the southern part of Kyishi. This group, the Hayato, had formally submitted to imperial authority at the end of the fifth century; some of them had migrated to the Kinki region, where they served as palace guards. Otomo Tabito was sent at the head of an army to quell the rebellion, and he did so after three or four months of fighting (KJJ 2:362-64; Inoue Tatsuo, "Hayato to gatei," in Kodai no Nihon 3; KyCshC, pp. 213-27). 4This oracle (takusen) is quoted in the Hojoe engi. 5Since Tamenori describes activities in Yamashiro, he would appear to have the HOjoe of the Iwashimizu Shrine in mind. This shrine was founded at Otokoyama as a branch of the main Usa Shrine in 859, at the request of the monk Gy6kyo. A Buddhist temple, Gokokuji, was
Page 348 348 The Third Volume: The Clergy attached. These institutions received considerable imperial patronage and were frequently visited by royalty (Nishida Masao, "Iwashimizu Hachimangu," in Shint6 jiten, p. 12). 6This passage from Bonmokyb is quoted in the Hojoe engi almost exactly as it appears here. The last sentence of Tamenori's version, however, is not in the engi but appears in a quotation of the same passage in FYCL (T 53:780b). In the case of this quotation, Tamenori's version is almost identical to that in the Hajoe engi. Both are much simpler and shorter than the Rokudojikkyo version (T 3:15a-16a) quoted in FYCL (T 53:664b-65a) (see also Chavannes' translation, 1, pp. 87-90). This would suggest either that the engi itself was Tamenori's reference, or that he and the anonymous engi author used the same references (perhaps FYCL). This story is obviously related to that of the young woman and the crab; see 2.13. 8This story is presented exactly as it appears in the Hajoe engi, which is also very similar to the FYCL quotation (T 53:782c; see T 4:469c-70a for the original; Chavannes' translation, 3, pp. 41-42). In FYCL, this story immediately precedes the passage that is the basis of Tamenori's version of the story of Jalavahana (see 1.7, n. 1).
3.27 The Anointment Initiation at Hie
pp. 349
Page 349 3.27 THE ANOINTMENT INITIATION AT HIE (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) When we inquire into the origins of this Anointment Initiation, we find that Dengy6 Daishi received it when he met Master Shun-hsiao in the fourth month of the twenty-first year of the Chen-ytian era of the T'ang [805] at the Lung-hsing-ssu in [Yueh] Province.1 In the ninth month of the twenty-fourth year of the Enryaku era [805], having petitioned Emperor Kanmu for Fermission, he conducted this initiation at Takaodera, in Kiyotaki. The imperial decree stated: "The important teachings of esoteric Buddhism have not yet been introduced to this land. The Ajari has now introduced them. He is qualified to be the teacher to the nation."3 He assigned an imperial representative to oversee the service and selected master painters to paint the Buddhas.4 Later, this rite was transferred to Hie, and it is held there as an annual observance of that temple. In the first year of the Kash5 era [848], at the request of Jikaku Daishi, the government issued a decree calling for the construction of the SOjiin and an Anointment Initiation Hall, and it has been observed there continuously ever since, as a service to the state.5 All the teachings of the Tathagata are equal, but none leads faster to the attainment of Buddhahood than this one. In order to explain it to you in detail, I asked a monk of Hie to describe it.6 Initiates into this teaching are anointed upon the head with water, and that is why it is called "the Anointment Initiation."7 The basis of this practice is that when Bodhisattvas become Buddhas, they are initiated by having water poured upon their heads by the Tathdgata.8 The Taizakai and Kongokai initiations are administered in alternate years.9 Four persons called "Priestly and Lay Guides" prepare and direct the initiate. Four persons called "Anointers at the Gate" wait for him at the entrance to the temple, and they pour water upon his head. Four persons called "Priestly and Lay Cantors" chant incantations over the anointed one. Two persons called "Blindfolder and Guide" cover the initiate's face with a red cloth and take him by the hand to the platform. Four persons called "Guides in the Throwing of the Flower" hand him the flower and have him throw it on the Buddha images that are painted on the mandala. Eight persons called "Readers of the Flower Sign" watch the flower as it falls and determine the Buddha thus designated. Four persons called "Designators of
Page 350 350 The Third Volume: The Clergy the Secret Name" inform him of the name of the Buddha he has chosen. A Daiajari directs the whole rite.10 If the Buddha designated is the Buddha Mahavairocana, the initiate is seated on the Lotus Throne and they sing his praises; if the Buddha designated is of another type, they sing his praises accordingly.1 For this purpose, twenty singers are provided by the government. In addition, the Ajari provides thirty-four hymn singers. Eight persons called "Bearers of the Tooth-twig" are employed within the hall.12 The pouring of water upon the head and the throwing of a flower from the hand may seem very simple, but this is a teaching full of mystery, and it is, indeed, a way to become a Buddha. This is also observed at Toji and Hosshoji, where it has been conducted annually for a very long time. Anyone may go to these temples and receive the initiation there; so it is recorded, in the Regulations. Notes 1The subject is the kanjo (a translation of Sanskrit abhiseka, "anointment of the head"), an esoteric ritual of importance in both Tendai and Shingon. Tamenori focuses on the Tendai kanjo; his account of its transmission is based on Eizan Daishi den (Nakao, Josetsu, pp. 401-2; see also Groner, Saicho, pp. 52-61). Shun-hsiao (Junkya) took Saich6 and his companion Gishin into the mountains northeast of the Lung-hsing-ssu and initiated both of them in a private chapel. 20n Takaodera, see also 3.12. According to Eizan Daishi den, Saicho asked permission to perform the kanjo on the twenty-fourth day of the eighth month, received permission on the first day of the ninth month, and performed the rite on the sixteenth. Eight monks, including Gonso (see 2.18) were initiated (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 409; Groner, Saicho, pp. 66-67). 3Tamenori excerpts a few lines and simplifies some terms from the quotation of the document that appears in Eizan Daishi den. The "Ajari" is Saich6. 4The "imperial representative" (chokushi) was Ono Minemori (778-830), designated kengy6 (supervisor or overseer) for this particular ceremony. More than twenty painters (eshi) were set to work under his direction, and they produced a large image of Vairocana Buddha, a "great mapdala," and more than fifty pennants for the occasion (Kiuchi, Dengyo Daishi no shogai to shiso, p. 134; Groner, Saicho, p. 67).
Page 351 3.27 The Anointment Initiation 351 50n Jikaku Daishi (Ennin), see 3.16. Records of his petition and the resultant decree of the Council of State are in Ruija sandaikyaku (KSTK 25:69-70). Ennin specifically stated that the kanj would serve to protect the state. Although Tamenori implies that the initiation received by Saicho from Shun-hsiao and that received and instituted by Ennin are one and the same, this was probably not the case. On the Sojiin, see 3.16, n. 11. 6This is the only time that Tamenori mentions what would seem to be a live informant. The initiation described is the kechien kanjo in the tradition introduced by Ennin. The object is the establishment of a spiritual connection with a divinity of the esoteric pantheon. Both monks and laymen were so initiated. The kechien kanjo is also called toge sanmaya, "the flower-throwing purification," because the initiate stands blindfolded on the ceremonial platform and throws a flower onto a manliala, thereby establishing a spiritual connection with the divinity represented at the spot where the flower falls (BD 1:892-97c). 7I.e. kanjo. 8A passage in the Kegon Satra (T 9:572b) may be the scriptural basis cited here. Indian kings and princes were anointed with water at their coronations, and the custom seems to have been carried into the descriptions of the coronations of Bodhisattvas upon entry into the last ten of the fifty-two stages toward Buddahood. The esoteric Buddhist anointment, however, marks, ipso facto, the annointed's attainment of Buddhahood. In practice, the kanjo initiate is merely touched upon the head with a ceremonial dipper that has been immersed in water (BD 1:811c-13c). 9The Taiz6kai (garbhadatu, "womb realm") and Kong6kai (vajradhatu, "diamond realm") are the two main forms of manClala used in esoteric Buddhism in Japan, representing two conceptions of the universe and the symbolic positions of the many Buddhas within that universe. The two types of initiation using these manialas were apparently practiced alternately, without any implication of the superiority of one over the other. 10"Priestly and Lay Guides" is shinshi dozoku; "Anointers at the Gate," monzen shasui; "Priestly and Lay Cantors," d6zoku kaji; "Blindfolder and Guide," fumen innya; "Guides in the Throwing of the Flower," juyo mikke; "Readers of the Flower Sign," kanke shii; "Designators of the Secret Name," juyo mitsugo. "Mahavairocana (Dainichi nyorai) is the central Buddha of the esoteric pantheon and is portrayed in the center of the manClalas. The "Lotus Throne" (renge no za) is the seat of honor on the initiation platform. Designation of the central Buddha by the throwing of the flower indicates an especially powerful and auspicious spiritual relationship,
Page 352 352 The Third Volume: The Clergy and the initiate is granted this mark of honor and reverence accordingly. It is not clear if it is the initiate or Mahavairocana whose praises are sung. 12The "Bearers of the Tooth-twig" (shimoku) may be low-ranking monks or acolytes who assist their superiors and the initiate in dressing and purifying themselves before the rite. Elaborate toothpicks made of various materials were actually a kind of ritual object (BD 3:2106b-8a). 13Both the kechien kanjo and the denbo kanjo, another level of esoteric initiation, were authorized at Toji in 843 at the request of the monk Jitsue (786-847; a disciple of Kfikai and his successor as abbot of Toji). The Toji kanjo represents the continuation of Kukai's transmission. The Hosshoji kanjo was probably that of the Tendai tradition of Ennin, as the monastery had close ties with the Sanmon faction on Hie (BD 5:4617b). Decrees pertaining to both the TOji and Hosshoji kanjb are in Ruija sandaikyaku and Nihon kiryaku (KSTK 25:68-69; 11:34). These rites are mentioned here because they are more accessible than those of Enryakuji, the precincts of which were closed to women.
3.28 The Vimalakīrti Service at Yamashinadera
pp. 353
Page 353 3.28 THE VIMALAKIRTI SERVICE AT YAMASHINADERA (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) Long ago, the Chief Courtier and Minister of the Center Kamatari lived at a place called Suehara in the village of Yamashina in the district of Uji in Yamashiro.1 He fell ill, and for a long time he was unable to attend to official duties. Then a nun from Paekche [named Homyo] came to his mansion.2 The minister asked her, "Do people in your country have this sickness, too?" "Yes, they do," she replied. "What is the treatment?" he inquired. "They make an image of Vimalakirti, and when the Vimalaktrti Satra is read, they are cured," she told him.3 So the minister set up a chapel in his house, constructed the image, and held a series of readings of this satra. The nun was asked to serve as lecturer. On the first day she lectured on the "Visitation" chapter.4 The minister was immediately cured. He held the service again in the following year, and every year thereafter. His second son, Fuhito, succeeded him at a very early age.5 Eventually he rose in rank and became a minister. Then he too fell ill. When the nature of the curse was divined, it was found to have been caused by the cessation of the services his father had conducted. Therefore, he held a Vimalaklrti Service.6 The site for the service was transferred from the mansion at Suehara to the Hokoji.7 From Hok0ji it was moved to the Uetsukidera.8 Later, Lord Fuhito established the Kofukuji.9 The furnishings of the chapel at Suehara in Yamashina were moved there and incorporated in the building of the new temple, and that is why the temple in Nara is known as Yamashinadera. Hokoji was first known to the people of that time as Nakatomidera. After the Minister of the Center was granted the name Fujiwara, it became known as Fujiwaradera.1o Thereafter, many generations of Sage Emperors were born to women of this clan. Many generations of stalwart ministers have inherited the stewardship of the temple. Its prosperity and the grandeur of its services must be credited to them. Their contributions, from the noble members of the clan down to those of the fifth rank who sew quilts as offerings to the monks, are recorded in its Annals and their Appendices.11
Page 354 354 The Third Volume: The Clergy Now then, this "Visitation" chapter tells how the Buddha called for an investigation of Vimalakirti's illness. Vimalakirti suffered this illness temporarily as an expedient means.12 The king and his ministers and countless numbers of others came to see him. To all of them he said, "This body is like a dream and should not be thought of as real. This body is like a cloud, and before long it will disappear completely. All of you should reject this body and pray for that of the Buddha." Then the Buddha sent Mafijusri to visit Vimalakirti. Vimalakirti anticipated this, and he emptied his room, leaving only one mat. Mafijusri arrived and said, "What is the cause of this illness? Has the treatment had any effect? How can it be cured? The Buddha is seriously concerned and wants to know." Vimalakirti answered, "I am ill because all sentient beings are ill. If all sentient beings are relieved, then I too shall be relieved. The illnesses of Bodhisattvas arise from their great compassion." Then Mafijusri asked, "Why is this room empty and deserted?" "The realms of all the Buddhas are likewise empty," answered Vimalakirti. And they continued to discourse in depth upon the wondrous doctrines, which were manifested in many good signs. All those who heard and saw them were deeply inspired with the desire to attain enlightenment, and the wisdom of the Great Vehicle became accessible to them. Then Vimalakirti arose from his sickbed and went with Mafijusri to see the Buddha. Vimalakirti was a Great Bodhisattva.13 This sCtra explains the nonsubstantiality of illness, and that is why it has this miraculous effect when it is read. Notes 1Kamatari (614-699) was the progenitor of the Fujiwara clan. He was instrumental in bringing about the downfall of the rival Soga clan and the enactment of the Taika reforms. At his death Emperor Tenji conferred upon him the title Daishokkan, the highest cap rank in the system he himself had established. He was the only person ever to hold the title, equivalent to "Senior First Rank." The kabane Fujiwara no ason was also conferred on Kamatari's line (until then called Nakatomi) at his death. The exact location of Suehara is not known although several places in Yamashina, southeast of the central part of Kyoto, have been suggested as the possible site. Tamenori's account of the origins of the Vimalakirti Service (Yuimae) is quite similar to, but much more
Page 355 3.28 The Vimalakirti Service 355 detailed than that in the Kofukuji engi of Fujiwara Yoshiyo, dated 900 (DNBZ 115:321-22). Another comparable account is in Shichidaji junrei shiki, by Oe Chikamichi, dated 1140 (see Shuisei, pp. 343-44). There are also several different accounts of the founding of the Fujiwara clan temple that later came to be called Kofukuji. In some accounts the temple at Suehara is said to have been built by Kamatari's wife. 2The nun's name appears in the Kofukuji engi; it is omitted in the Toji Kanchiin bon but appears in the Maeda-ke bon. A brief biography of Homyo appears in Genk6 shakusho (KSTK 31:260; see also KJJ 6:1612b). 3Here, the protagonist of the Vimalaklrti Satra is identified by the transliterated form of his name, Yuimakitsu, but the translation Jomyo appears below in Tamenori's summary of the fifth chapter of the sctra, and "Jomyo" was also used in 3.23 (see n. 9). He was a wealthy elder of the city of Vaisali, and he earned a great reputation as an effective debater who criticized Hinayana and praised Mahayana doctrines and practices (BD 5:4907c-8b). 4The "Visitation" chapter (Monshitsubon, i.e., Monjushiri monshitsubon) is the fifth chapter of the satra. Vimalakirti was ill for some time, and Sakyamuni, concerned about his faithful supporter, tried to send several disciples and Bodhisattvas to inquire into his condition, but they were all reluctant to confront Vimalakirti's sharp tongue. Finally, Mafijusri agreed to go. Tamenori provides a summary of what passed between them below. 5Fuhito (659-720) was actually about forty when his father died. Fuhito was also an eminent statesman. Two of his daughters married emperors, and thus he initiated the pattern of Fujiwara control of the throne through marriage (KJJ 6:1543a-45b). 6The word used here for "curse," tatari, suggests a malignant possession. Such afflictions were usually diagnosed and treated through divination. Fuhito revived the Yuimae in 707. After his death, it lapsed again to be revived by his grandson Nakamaro (706-764). The site of Hokoji, also known as Nakatomidera, is unknown. The site of Uetsukidera may have been near modern Koriyama. According to Shoreish6, a Yuimae was held there in 708 (GR 15:22a). 9Kofukuji was counted among the seven great Nara temples and is still an important site in Nara, although it has suffered considerable vicissitudes, including virtual destruction by fire at the hands of Taira troops in 1180. While the capital was at Asuka, the Fujiwara established their temple at a place nearby called Umayasaka, and it was known as Umayasakadera. When the capital was transferred to Nara, the temple was moved to its present site at Kasuga, near the new city, and was renamed Kofukuji. In reference to its earliest site, it was familiarly
Page 356 356 The Third Volume: The Clergy called Yamashinadera (Ota, Nanto shichidaiji no rekishi to nenpyo, pp. 143 and passim). 10The chronology here is slightly askew. Hokaji did not exist until long after Kamatari received the name "Fujiwara." 11The work referred to (Engi narabi ni zoki) may be to some work other than Yoshiyo's engi, with much more detail (Ryakucha, p. 376). 12Here, the term "expedient means" (hoben) refers to a deliberately created opportunity for the demonstration of a particular philosophy in a readily comprehensible manner. In the summary of the central action of the "Visitation" chapter that follows, Tamenori paraphrases the dialogue (see T 14:544-46a for the original). In this sentence he uses the name Jomyo; in the summary he uses Yuimakitsu and Makitsu. 1Here, the name reverts to Jomy5. Tamenori is no longer paraphrasing the satra. The identification of Vimalakirti as a "Great Bodhisattva" (daibosatsu) does not appear in the satra but is based on the observation that, though he remained a layman, his supernatural powers and insights were tantamount to those of a fully enlightened being.
3.29 The Service of Eight Lectures at Kumano
pp. 357
Page 357 3.29 THE SERVICE OF EIGHT LECTURES AT KUMANO (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) Deities inhabit Muro District in Ki Province. They are worshiped there as the Kumano Dual Deities and the True Deity. The Dual Deities are mother and daughter, and are called "Musubi-Hayatama." The third deity is in an attached shrine and is said to be the original deity of this mountain.1 The Service of Eight Lectures is held in both the New Shrine and the Old Shrine.2 The province of Ki lies adjacent to the Southern Sea; the village of Kumano lies in the inland district. Mountains rise in range upon range, and many rivers make the road to Kumano a long one. Spring comes and autumn goes, but those who reach this place are few. Those who live in the mountain shadows eke out their days by gathering fruits and nuts. Those who live by the edge of the sea commit the sin of catching fish. Were it not for these shrines, the service of Eight Lectures probably would not be held there. Were it not for this service, they probably would never have heard of the Three Jewels. The fact that the Wondrous Doctrine has thus been introduced to this out-of-the-way place, where it is hard for word to travel among even fifty people, must surely be evidence of the work of Bodhisattvas.3 The assignment of the various patrons' offices for the four-day service is determined by those in attendance. The choice of Lecturers and audience for the eight sessions is left to the discretion of the assembled monks.4 Neither wooden nor metal begging bowls are used to receive the offerings to the monks. Instead, they receive them in hollowed pieces of wood and put them inside the bags they carry at their waist. The monks who lecture do not wear their usual formal robes; they appear in deerskin coats and leggings.5 No distinctions are made between the elite and the lowly, or between the old and the young. In Genguky6 the Buddha extolls the Five Charities. The good fortune earned through them is limitless. The rewards are obtained within this life. The five are: giving to those who come from afar, to those who are far away, to those who are starving and weak, to those who are ailing, and to those who know the Teachings.6 When we look at the monks gathered in the Kumano courtyard for the offering, we see all five kinds in this assemblage. They have traveled a long way to get here. They must travel a long way to get home again. Those who have run out
Page 358 358 The Third Volume: The Clergy of food are starving and weak. Those whose feet are swollen suffer great discomfort. They chant the satras and utter spells, so they know the Teachings.7 So there is no doubt that the patrons will be rewarded with great good fortune. Also, in Ubasokukaikyb it is said: "When the Buddha practices charity, he makes no distinction between good and bad people; nor does he choose between the elite and the lowly; nor does he admonish the recipients with harsh words."8 This is discussed in Chidoron, too. There was a certain elder who invited monks-but only old ones-to receive offerings, in order of seniority. He did not invite acolytes. A number of acolytes who had attained the state of arhat changed their form into that of elderly monks and went to this elder's house. Their brows were as white as snow; the wrinkles on their faces were like rippling waters. Once they had taken their seats, they changed back into their natural forms. The patron was shocked and ashamed. The acolytes explained to him: "In your ignorance you made a distinction between good and bad monks. All the waters of the sea cannot be swallowed in the mouths of mosquitoes and flies. Nor can human faculties be used to take the measure of the virtue of a monk. There is no such thing as superiority and inferiority among the Three Jewels."9 I am giving you many recommendations and admonitions. Pay close attention! Cultivate impartiality in your heart and maintain equality in your offerings. There is no other correct way! Notes 1"Muro no gori" comprised the southeast portion of the province of Ki, about half its total area, and now part of Wakayama-ken. The Kumano "Dual Deities" (Kumano ry6sho) and the "True Deity" (Shajo issho) are worshiped at the Shingfi ("New Shrine") and the Hongo ("Main Shrine") of Kumano, respectively. "Shojo," in the name of the "True Deity" (also called the "original deity," mototsukami), means "Witness of the Truth" and has Buddhist overtones. This deity was identified with Amida, while the "Dual Deities," Hayatama and Musubi, were identified with Bhaigajyaguru (Yakushi) and the Thousand-armed Kannon, respectively. The "Dual Deities" tended to overshadow the earlier deity from an early time, and so the HongO came to be referred to as an "attached shrine." A third shrine, at Nachi, is now included in the tripartite Kumano group (Shinto jiten, pp. 26-27). The Kumano shrines were the destination for many high-ranking pilgrims in the Heian period, despite their remote location. They were reached either by a
Page 359 3.29 The Service of Eight Lectures 359 tortuous overland route through the mountains that stretch south from Nara to the tip of the Kii Peninsula, or by sea from the west. 20n the origins of the "Service of Eight Lectures" (Hakko) on the Lotus Satra, see 2.18. Tamenori's account of the observance at Kumano is the only detailed record in existence. As he describes it here, the Kumano rite seems to be similar to the Hakko said to have been conducted by K6ya at Rokuharamitsuji, since both were for the benefit of and were attended by commoners. These rites lack the memorial aspect of Gonso's Hakko and the related Shimotsukie of Hie (see 3.30). As Tamenori suggests, one motive behind the Kumano rite was the alleviation of the burden of the accumulated sins of local hunters and fishermen (their sin was the killing of living things). The identification of one of the Kumano deities as Kannon, who figures prominently in several sections of the Lotus Satra, may also have been a contributing circumstance (see also Takagi, Heian jidai hokke bukkyoshi kenkya, pp. 243-50; Tanabe, "The Lotus Lectures," pp. 406-7). 3See n. 1. on the identification of the Kumano deities with Bodhisattvas. "The Wondrous Doctrine" (mybh6) refers to the Lotus Satra. 4These details are indicative of the informality of the Kumano rite. This sentence and the one preceding have parallel structures. 5"Hollowed pieces of wood" is kinoko in the TOji Kanchiin bon, mokusetsu in the Maeda-ke bon. These seem to be burls cut in half and hollowed into bowllike shapes. Takagi observes that such rustic customs as these were unique to the Kumano Hakko. There is a suggestion here of the influence of the ascetic Shugendo cult, particularly in the ceremonial costumes. 6The list of "Five Charities" (gose) from Gengukyo is quoted in FYCL (T 53:823c). 7The word for "spells" here is ju: dharani, mantras, or other brief chants. 8Tamenori paraphrases the quotation in FYCL (T 53:878b). He omits the list of five specific admonitions to the generous layman, an outline of the proper manner of giving. 9This story from Daichidoron (T 25:224a-25c) is quoted in FYCL (T 53:608b-9b; see also Lamotte's translation, 3, pp. 1393-1406). There are a few differences of detail in Tamenori's version; in the satra, the acolyte's speech is in verse form.
3.30 The Service in the Month of Frost
pp. 360
Page 360 360 The Third Volume: The Clergy 3.30 THE SERVICE IN THE MONTH OF FROST (Maeda-ke bon, T0ji Kanchiin bon) The Service in the Month of Frost is held at Hie on the anniversary of the death of the Great Master of T'ien-t'ai in China.1 The master was the disciple of Master Hui of Nan-yuieh, and mentor to the rulers of both the Ch'en and Sui dynasties.2 The Nan-yUieh master achieved the Perfection of the Six Senses, while the T'ien-t'ai master attained Wisdom in the Five Categories.3 When the T'ien-t'ai master was born, a brilliant light filled the room. Two monks suddenly appeared and said, "This child must definitely become a monk," and then they disappeared. At the age of seven he went to the temple, and upon one hearing he comprehended the "Fumon" chapter.4 At the age of eighteen he shaved his head and went to Mount Ta-su.5 The Nan-ytieh master grasped his hand and said, "Long ago at Vulture Peak we heard the Lotus Satra together, and now, because of the everlasting bond we share, we have met here once again."6 The T'ien-t'ai master perfected the Lotus Meditations. His wisdom and insight were deep and luminous; the skill of his speech knew no bounds.8 There was no limit to his ability to expound the Teachings. The Nan-ytieh master always had him lecture on the satras in his place. In a dream, the T'ien-t'ai master saw a monk on top of a tall mountain, beckoning him. Later, when he went to Mount T'ien-t'ai for the first time, the saintly monk known as the Bodhisattva Ting-kuang was joyfully waiting to welcome him, and he looked just like the monk in the dream.9 So he stayed and lived on that mountain. The emperor of the Ch'en Dynasty took the Bodhisattva precepts from him and showed his regard by granting him the title "Great Master Chih-che."10 Whenever the master cleared his throat and began to expound upon the scriptures, his disciple, Master Kuan-ting, took up his brush and recorded his words on paper. The many works thus inscribed were presented to the government and eventually spread throughout the world.11 On the twenty-fourth day of the eleventh month of the seventeenth year of the K'ai-huang era [597] he told a provost, "My life will soon come to an end. When I hear the sound of the bell, my concentration grows even deeper. Let it ring, then, until my breathing stops." He sat upright, perfectly still. At death, it seemed as if he had entered meditation. Clouds piled up and towered in the heavens, and the wind turned bitter cold. The trees bowed low, and the streams whispered their
Page 361 3.30 The Service in the Month of Frost 361 lament. For ten days the color in his face remained unaltered. Perspiration came out of all the pores of his body, just as it had when he was alive.12 On each anniversary of his death, the government ceased its normal activities. Couriers were dispatched with offerings for one thousand monks. When the number of monks in the feast hall was counted, it was found that there were one thousand and one. When attendance was taken and all the monks' names were called out, the correct number responded. When the offerings were distributed, there was one monk too many. But when the ceremony came to an end, none was empty-handed. Thus it was known that the master had been present among the other monks.13 I need not describe all the miraculous events that occurred. If you wish to know about all of them, you may consult the texts in which they are recorded: you will find them in the T'ang Lives of Eminent Monks and in the Story of the Sacred Portrait.14 Dengy6 Daishi felt a deep obligation to the master. In the eleventh month of the [seventeenth] year of the Enryaku era [798] he invited ten great monks from the Seven Great Temples to a small room on Mount Hie and held the Service of Ten Lectures for the first time.15 After ten days, the services were concluded, and on the next day, the twentyfourth, the Offering to the Master was held. His sacred portrait was put up in the hall, and offerings were laid before it.16 As the offerings were brought forward from the courtyard, tea was prepared and sweets were served, just as offerings were made at T'ien-t'ai long ago. The profusion of flowers and the billowing incense are reminiscent of the mists of China. From time to time cymbals are struck, and the "Hymns to the Portrait" are sung with great enthusiasm.17 Offerings are also made in the same manner to all the Indian, Chinese, and Japanese patriarchs of the various doctrines.18 The "Hymns to the Portrait" were written by Yen, the Duke of Lu, in honor of the T'ien-t'ai master; Master Chish5 introduced them from China.19 Chish6 came from Sanuki Province. In a dream his mother saw the sun enter her mouth, and afterward she found that she was pregnant. From early childhood he could read and chant the satras. In the Tencho era [824-834] he went to Mount Hie. The abbot Gishin rejoiced and gladly accepted him as his disciple.20 In the autumn of the third year of the Ninju era [853] he went to China to search for the Teachings. In the summer of the second year of the Ten'an era [858] he returned and introduced the forms of worship he had learned.21 Now, all temples that uphold the legacy of the T'ien-t'ai master conduct lectures on the Lotus Satra and make many offerings to the patriarchs. In Bonm6ky6 it is said: "On the anniversary of the death of their parents, or of their masters or ajaris, all Buddhists should chant
Page 362 362 The Third Volume: The Clergy the satras of the Great Vehicle and lecture and expound upon them."22 This rite is observed on this basis, and out of the desire of many generations of the patriarch's disciples to repay their obligations to him. Notes 1The service (Shimotsukie) takes its name from a traditional one for the eleventh month. The rite was also called a Hokke jakb, or "Service of Ten Lectures" on the Lotus Satra. The first j]k6 at Hie was held by Saicho in 798, with lectures on each of the eight fascicles of the satra plus the "opening" and "closing" satras (see 2.18, nn. 6 and 10). The custom of commemorating the anniversary of the death of Chih-i in this manner may have originated in China, but Gonso's Iwabuchidera Hakko was perhaps also a model (see Groner, Saicha, p. 591). 2"Master Hui of Nan-ytieh" (Nangaku no E daishi) is Hui-ssu (514-577; see also 3.19, n. 5). His biography precedes that of Chih-i in Hsiu kao-seng chuan (T 50:562b-64a; see also Hurvitz, Chih-i, pp. 86-99). Chih-i attracted the attention of princes of both the Ch'en (557-589) and Sui (581-617) courts while in residence at Wa-kuan-ssu in Chin-ling between 568 and 575. Tamenori's account of his life seems to be based on the biography in Hsi kao-seng chuan (T 50:564a-68a; see also Kyodo Jiko, Tendai Daishi no shogai). As shown below, Tamenori may also have referred to the biographies of Chih-i in Tendai ryoozu hondensha, compiled by Saicho (Dengyo Daishi zensha 3, pp. 352-96). 3"Perfection of the Six Senses" (rokkon shojoi) is defined in Chihi's Ssu-chiao-i as the purification of the six sources of error (i.e., the faculties of seeing, hearing, smelling, and speaking, and the body and mind). This attainment makes possible the further attainment of the ten "degrees" or qualities of a Bodhisattva (T 46:779b). "Wisdom in the Five Categories" refers to another spiritual level, gohon deshii, also described by Chih-i in Ssu-chiao-i as five progressive modes of activity in this world that are prerequisite to the attainment of the ten Bodhisattva qualities. The five modes are: (1) sharing the joy that is derived from grasping the essential principles of the Buddha's teachings, (2) chanting the Lotus Satra with an understanding of both its implicit and explicit meanings, thereby deepening perception, (3) preaching on the basis of that perception, thereby inspiring others and earning merit, (4) secondary cultivation of the Six Perfections, while perception continues to deepen, and (5) primary (or perfect) cultivation of the Six Perfections, with perfect perception fully attained. At this point the Bodhisattva to be is "perfectly equipped for his own spiritual progress,
Page 363 3.30 The Service in the Month of Frost 363 for saving others, and for contemplating his own mind" (Hurvitz, Chih-i, pp. 368). Tamenori's application of these spiritual levels to Hui-ssu and Chih-i may be fairly arbitrary; it may, on the other hand, be based on some textual precedent. Yamada noted that the same ranks are given to these two patriarchs in their biographies in Fo-tsu t'ung-chi, a work compiled in 1269 (Ryakucha, p. 388). 4The "Fumon" chapter (i.e., Kanzeon bosatsu fumon bon) is the twenty-fifth of the Lotus Satra. Mount Ta-su (Taisosen) is in Honan. Chih-i spent the years 560 to 567 there under Hui-ssu's tutelage. 6Hui-ssu's words follow the text in Chih-i's Hsi kao-seng chuan biography. Note the similarity to Gyoki's verse in recognition of Bodhisena (2.3, n. 18). 70n the "Lotus Meditations" (Hokke zanmai), see 3.3, n. 17. 8Yamada cited a similar passage in the later Fo-tsu t'ung-chi, but this sentence may be based on a quotation attributed to Hui-ssu in Tendai ryoozu hondensha (Dengyo Daishi zensha 3, p. 356). 9This incident is recounted in both biographical sources. Very little is known about Ting-kuang. (The name is mistranscribed in the Maeda-ke bon.) Note the resemblance of this story to that of Ennin's dream about Saicho (see 3.16, n. 7). 10It was not a Ch'en emperor but the second Sui emperor, Yang-ti, who received the Bodhisattva precepts from Chih-i in 591 and granted him the title "Chih-che Tai-shih" (Chisha Daishi) (Ky6do, Tendai Daishi no sh6gai, p. 187; Hurvitz, Chih-i, p. 145). There is nothing in the biographical sources Tamenori seems to have used that would explain this error. 1Kuan-ting (Kanjo, 561-632) was born in Ch'ang-an and was also known as "the Ch'ang-an master." He became Chih-i's disciple in 584, served as his chief amanuensis, and is regarded as his successor in the T'ien-t'ai patriarchate. Kuan-ting himself wrote several treatises as well as two important sources for the biography of Chih-i, Kuo-ch'ing po-lu, (T 46:793a-823c) and Sui T'ien-t'ai Chih-che Ta-shih pieh-chuan (T 50:191a-97c). His own biography appears in Hsu kao-seng chuan (T 50:584a-85b; see also Hurvitz, Chih-i, p. 180). 12This description of Chih-i's death is faithful to those in all the traditional biographies. He died on the twenty-fourth day of the eleventh month, in 597. 13The account of this incident follows that in Tendai ry6ozu hondenshe (Dengyo Daishi zenshe 3, pp. 395-96). 14The "T'ang Lives of Eminent Monks" is the Hsu kao-seng chuan; the "Story of the Sacred Portrait" is "Ryooden," i.e., Tendai ry6ozu
Page 364 364 The Third Volume: The Clergy hondensha. Only two of the original ten fascicles of the latter work survive (Groner, Saicho, pp. 89-90, n. 9). 15As noted above, Saich6 did hold a Hokke jako in 798, according to Eizan Daishi den (Nakao, Josetsu, p. 385) and other documents, but it was in 801 that he invited the ten monks from Nara to participate in what had become an annual rite (Groner, Saich6, p. 34). On the "Seven Great Temples," see 2.18, n. 3. The "small room" seems to refer to the hall called the Ichijo shikan'in. 1"The Offering to the Master" (Taishika) was apparently a ceremony added to the jak6 to do further honor to Chih-i. A "sacred portrait" (ryoozu) of Chih-i was brought back from China by Saicho; ry6ozu also refers to a group of portraits of all the Tendai patriarchs (see n. 18, below). 17The cymbals (nyobachi) are a type that is perhaps of Central Asian origin (KGD 15:526c). On the "Hymns to the Portrait" (Gasan), see n. 19. 181n addition to Chih-i's likeness, Saicho acquired portraits of all the Tendai patriarchs, and these too were displayed at the service. A similar set of portraits (perhaps a copy of Saich6's set), dated to the Heian period, survives at Ichijoji, in Hyogo Prefecture. It is registered as a National Treasure. 19The full title is Ch'en-sui erh-tai san-chao kuo-shih T'ien-t'ai Chih-che Ta-shih hua-tsan (Chinzui nidai sancho kokushi Tendai Chisha Daishi gasan). "Yen, the Duke of Lu" (Gan Rok6)'s personal name was Yen Chen-ch'ing (709-784). He was a skilled calligrapher and a successful military commander, murdered in the aftermath of the An Lu-shan rebellion by Li Hsi-lieh. The date of the composition of the hymns is not known (Kondo Haruo, Chagoku gakugei daijiten, pp. 107d8a). "Master Chisho" (Chisho Daishi) is Enchin (814-891); Tamenori's brief biography of him follows. He is said to have written a commentary on the hymns, but it is lost. A commentary by Genshin, with a full text of the hymns, survives (Eshin sozu zensha 2, pp. 243-57). Tamenori's account of Enchin's life is probably based on Chisho Daishi den, by Miyoshi Kiyoyuki (847-918), dated 902 (Chisho Daishi zensha 4, pp. 1364-80). 20Gishin (781-833) was the disciple of Saicho who accompanied him to China, received many of the same ordinations, and succeeded him as head of the Tendai (BD 1:516b-c). 21Tamenori does not devote much space to Enchin, although his career was a significant one in Tendai history. In 863 he established a new Tendai initiation platform at Onjoji ("Miidera"), an old temple that he had had reconstructed. He became its Betto in 866, Abbot of the Tendai in 868, and S6zu in the same year (BD 1:308b-9b; Nakao, Nihon
Page 365 3.30 The Service in the Month of Frost 365 meisi jiten, pp. 29-32). Onjoji later became the center of the Jimon faction of the Tendai, the bitter rivals of the Sanmon (Ennin's heirs). 22The passage in Bonm6kyo upon which this quotation appears to be based (T 24:1006b) actually says that on the anniversaries of the death of one's parents and siblings one should summon a monk and have him lecture on the Bosatsukaigy6. The merit will accrue to the deceased.
3.31 The Buddhas' Names
pp. 366
Page 366 3.31 THE BUDDHAS' NAMES (Maeda-ke bon, Toji Kanchiin bon) The Service of the Buddhas' Names was first observed in the early years of the Jiwa era [834-848], when Risshi Joan suggested it to Emperor Ninmy6.1 Later, it came to be observed throughout the land, in accordance with imperial decrees.2 Risshi Joan thought, "I shall make a copy of the Satra of the Buddhas' Names and portraits of all thirteen thousand Buddhas and present them to the government."3 He copied the satra, and it was then divided up and sent to all the provinces. But before he could paint all the Buddhas, Joan died. His disciple, the monk Kengo of Gangoji, wanted to complete his master's project, so he painted the thirteen thousand Buddhas on seventy-two sheets of silk and presented them to the government. That of the palace was deposited in the imperial library, and the rest were divided up among the various bureaus and provinces. This is recorded in the Regulations. In the SaCtra of the Buddhas' Names it is said: "If you hear the names of the three generations of Buddhas of three kalpas, or if you copy them or draw their images or offer them incense, flowers, entertainments, or music and devote yourself to their worship, the merit will be limitless, and you will come into contact with the Three Jewels in every life hereafter. You will not encounter the Eight Obstructed Realms. When you worship, concentrate in your mind and express with your voice the same thought: 'I am now worshiping all of the Buddhas. May I be free of the sufferings of the Three Evil Realms, may the nation prosper and its people be at peace, and may good roots be fostered among those who hold heretical views. I pray that all sentient beings may be reborn in the land of the Buddha of Endless Life.'"5 It also says: "When you hear the names of the Buddhas, concentrate and pray to them. You need not fear that you will go astray. The sins you have accumulated in countless kalpas will be erased." Those who cannot chant all the names themselves should rely upon this text.6 Usually, when a Service of the Buddhas' Names is to be held, monks are commissioned as lecturers. Officers of the government give them offerings of thick cotton padding, and, according to established custom, privately contributed robes are presented to them.7 In the
Page 367 3.31 The Buddhas' Names 367 Agongyo it is said: "When it is cold, give offerings of warm clothing to monks. If you give them joy in accordance with the seasons, in future lives you too will be rewarded in accordance with your wishes."8 The merit earned through any gift of clothing is not inconsiderable; how much greater, then, is the merit in gifts of clothing to a monk! That is why Sdanakavdsin was clad in robes as soon as he was born, and [the nun] Sukla had robes before she was reborn into this life. In both cases, they had presented robes to monks in their former life.9 Also, Gautami wove a robe with her own hands and presented it to the Buddha, whereupon the Buddha said: "If your obligation moves you to give this to me, the merit will surely be yours, but if out of the purity of your heart you were to give robes to all the monks, the merit would be even greater!"10 It seems that this Service of the Buddhas' Names was observed in China as well. We know this from a poem by Chti-i, which says: With but one burner for incense and one lone candle, The white-haired monk passes each night, worshiping the Sutra of the Buddhas' Names. Notes 1Tamenori's source of information on the service, the Butsumyoe, is a decree of the Council of State dated 871, in RuijC sandaikyaku (KSTK 25:46). On Joan, see 3.18, n. 3. Ninmy6 is identified here as "the Fukakusa emperor." Ruija kokushi, a work compiled in 892, records even earlier observances of Butsumy6e, including one conducted by Chokei (or Choe,?-826), Gonso, and Kfkai in the Seiryoden on the twenty-fourth day of the twelfth month, in 823. The basis of that rite was the Daizu h6ko sange metsuzai shogon j6butsuky6, or "Daizu hakokya." In the observances conducted in 830, this text had been replaced by the Butsumyokyo, which became the standard Butsumyoe text (KSTK 6:223). Shoku Nihon k6ki records a three-night "worship of the Butsumyokyo," beginning on the twentieth day of the twelfth month in 835 (KSTK 6:223). However, this account calls the three-night service in the Seiryoden that began on the fifteenth in 838 "the first 'Buddhas' Names Rite of Repentance' (Butsumyo senge) to be conducted in the inner palace" (KSTK 3:81). Joan and four other monks were the officiants. 2In 846 a decree from the Council of State called for the annual observance of Butsumyo senge in every province for three days, from the fifteenth through the seventeenth days of the twelfth month. Another
Page 368 368 The Third Volume: The Clergy decree, in 853, changed the dates to the nineteenth through the twentyfirst (Ruija sandaikyaku, KSTK 25:46-47). 30f several works known as Butsumyoky6, two were commonly used in Japan. A sixteen fascicle version containing 13,000 Buddhas' names is mentioned in two Chinese catalogs, but it does not survive in the Chinese or Korean canons. A sixteen fascicle Butsumyokyo was in Japan as early as 769, according to Shos6in records, but it was subsequently lost. This was probably the version used and copied by J6an. In the early tenth century, the rite was conducted with a "Satra of Three Thousand Buddhas' Names." This was actually a compendium of three satras, each of which lists the names of one thousand Buddhas of the past, present, and future (T 14:365a-99a). Tamenori's quotations below are from the first two of these (RyakuchC, p. 395; BSKD 9:340; Ishida, Shaky6 yori mitaru Narach6 Bukkyo no kenkya, appendix, p. 94; Tokyo Daigaku Shiryo Hensanjo, ed., Dai Nihon komonjo, [first series] 17, p. 46). 4Other than the decree of 871 cited by Tamenori, a biography in Honcho kosoden is the only source of information about Kengo (DNBZ 102:825). It says that he was a Hosso monk who studied Yuishiki doctrine under a monk named Joshu at Hirayama, and that he made his initial request for the distribution of the portraits of the Buddhas in 868. The decree of 871 also records the precise disposition of the 72 sheets of silk (fu) on which the thirteen thousand Buddhas were portrayed. The Council of State and the imperial library each kept one copy; one went to the Dazai Kannonji, another to the Usa Hachiman Shrine, and the rest were distributed one by one to each province. The paintings were in use in the Butsumyoe at court through the Heian period. Though the Butsumyoe was first held in the Seiryoden, other halls were used at various times. The Buddha image used by the emperor in daily worship was set before the painting, and receptacles for incense and flowers and "Hell-screens" were also brought into the hall. Courtiers entered in procession, and then the monks selected to lead the service began the chanting of the names of the Buddhas, which continued through the three watches of the night (Yamanaka, Heiancho no nenja gyoji, pp. 278-79). 5This quotation is a paraphrase of the opening section of the first of the three satras (T 14:365a-b). The "three generations of Buddhas of three kalpas," as noted above, are those of the past, present, and future ages (kako shogongo, genzai genko, mirai shoshukuko). The "Eight Obstructed Realms" (hachinan) are realms of existence in which enlightenment is unattainable. These realms are (1) in hell, (2) among dumb beasts and (3) Hungry Ghosts, all of whom are overwhelmed by
Page 369 3.31 The Buddhas' Names 369 extreme suffering and cannot seek out enlightenment; (4) in the heavens and (5) in the "outer realms" (the continent lying to the north of Mount Sumeru, where life is so long and so pleasant that it is mistaken for Nirva.na, and so enlightenment is not sought; (6) among the deaf, dumb, and blind, who cannot hear or see the Buddha or discuss his teachings; (7) among those entrapped by "worldly wisdom," ignorance of the truth, and adherence to non-Buddhist views; and (8) among those born before or after the Buddha's appearance in this world (BD 5:4221c-22b). On the "Three Evil Realms" (sanzu), see 1.2, n. 3. The "Buddha of Endless Life" (Muryojubutsu) is Amitdyus (Amida). 6This is a paraphrase of the concluding portion of the second satra (T 14:383b). The point of Tamenori's comment is that auditors of the rite earn merit just as practitioners do. 7Formal presentations of cotton garments and silk robes were made during the rite itself (Yamanaka, Heiancho no nenja gyoji, p. 279). The passage, quoted from Z6ichi agongyb in FYCL (T 53:886a), continues with instructions for the giving of light garments, water, fans, and other cooling things in the summer. The Maeda-ke bon includes these lines in its quotation (Shasei, pp. 353-54). These are not, however, appropriate to the Butsumyoe, conducted in the twelfth month. Sanakavasin (Shonawashu) was a disciple of Ananda and one of the five masters who transmitted Sakyamuni's teachings following his death. His name means "clad in flaxen robes," and it was said that he was so clad from birth to death as a reward for good deeds in his former lives (BD 3:2746c-47a; Fuhozo innenden, T 50:303b-4c). For Sukla, both Sanbee texts read "Senbyaku biku" ("the monk Senbyaku"), but this is probably a reference to the nun known as Byakujo bikuni. FYCL (T 53:557c) quotes a passage in Hyakuengyo (T 4:239b-c) in which Sakyamuni explains that this nun was so adorned because, in a former life, she had given cotton cloth to a Buddha and his disciples. 100n Gautami (Kyodonmi), see 3.7, n. 10. The Toji Kanchiin bon is missing lines here, and the effect is to render the Buddha's response meaningless. The Maeda-ke bon paraphrases the passage that FYCL (T 53:607c) quotes from Gengukyo (T 4:434a). 11The same first lines of Po Chii-i's poem in fascicle 35 of Hakushi monja can be found in Wakan roeisha (NKBT 73: 147, 297), grouped with three other poems on the theme of "the Buddhas' names." Po ChUii's poem is satirical. While it does provide evidence of Chinese worship of the satra, Tamenori could have found more concrete proof in FYCL (T 53:920b): in a quotation from the Hsi kao-seng chuan biography of the monk Te-mei (564?-637; see T 50:696c-97c) it is said that he went to T'ai-po-shan and chanted a twelve-fascicle "Satra of the Buddhas'
Page 370 370 The Third Volume: The Clergy Names" shortly after taking his vows. Other documents show that yearend purifications using "Buddhas' Names" satras began in China during the Eastern Chin Dynasty (317-419) (BD 5:4478c-79a).
Verse
pp. 371
Page 371 Verse 371 VERSE (Maeda-ke bon, TOji Kanchiin bon) In praise I sing: When I rejoice in your planting of good roots, My own merit is increased. Whether I myself worship, Or witness worship from afar and rejoice therein, If my heart is as one with the worshiper, I will be rewarded in just the same way as he. We will both be imbued with the same scent of incense; We will both be illuminated by the light of the same candle. My princess has been raised in deep seclusion, And does not know the world outside. Her thoughts turn constantly to other distant worlds While, before her eyes, she sees how things are here and now. I have recorded all manner of public and private rites and ceremonies of Buddhism in China and Japan. For learning about all these admirable things without stepping beyond her door, Nothing can be better than this present volume. When Maitreya practiced the Five Penances, He explained the Expedient of Rejoicing in the works of others1; And Samantabhadra made Ten Vows; Among them, we should particularly rely upon his 0.02 promise of Merit in Rejoicing. The endeavors of monks are myriad, and all are admirableHow very admirable indeed!
Page 372 372 The Third Volume: The Clergy Notes 1The "Expedient of Rejoicing" is zuiki h6ben. In Mo-ho chih-kuan, Chih-i cited the example of Maitreya and other Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in proposing five purifying activities that counteract specific sins. These are to be practiced in tandem with devotions based on the Lotus Satra. "Rejoicing" in the merit cultivated by others (zuiki) is one of these practices, intended to erase the effects of the sin of envy. All five practices are described as "auxiliary means" (betsu h6ben), i.e., practices that are to accompany the main practice of the four types of meditation. This is probably the origin of the term as Tamenori uses it. Zuiki h6ben is also one of the nine activities a Bodhisattva vows to cultivate; he promises to take joy even in the most minor meritorious acts of others (BD 2:1165a-b; 1:706b). 2In the last section of the forty-fascicle version of the Kegon Sftra, Samantabhadra makes ten great vows. Among them is the vow to take joy in the merit generated by all Buddhas and all beings in all realms (T 10:845a-b). This is a fitting idea with which to close the text.
List of Names, Titles, Terms, and Passages
pp. 373
Page 373 List of Names, Titles, Terms, and Passages Items are listed in alphabetical order. Titles of texts are in italics. Items from the texts of Sanbse are reproduced as in the T6ji Kanchiin bon () unless otherwise marked (AJ) for the Maeda-ke bon or (r.7) for the Todaiji-gire. (Calligraphy by Omote Ikuko.) A Abidatsuma daibibasharon Agata * -" Agon 74 Agon'e f'4 AgongyC f9 Aida * Aikuagyo 6 Ai Zenshi $ # ajari - O 4 Ajaseo juketsukyo plv v -Ld- -:L k t Akashi no nyido H)G xi akud6 it Akuyfio taishi N Amabenomine 4 3 Ame no mikado Amida M 3 14 Anahobe Hashihito 19, ý (A) A'nan Anaritsu Anna ango Angoe An Lu-shan 373
Page 374 374 374 List of Terms Arai Hakuseki tfý4 araki tsukai N {( Asa RI Asagao Ashikaga -k Ashfida ason Asuka A Asukadera Ato Kl Atsuta my~jin ~ Atsuta no daijin T' A-yu*'wang-ssu ~ bai h~y6 U ban * Baramon S~j6... Bodai Batsudai no kawa ~A betsu h6ben J, 1 bettO Bibashi butsu t,4 Bidatsu 04-i BinzuruIR Bishukatsuma St -6YA Biwa[kO] tj -- bodai bodaid6i Bodaijuin Bodaijushin zennyoten bonbu bonbu no s6 Bonm~ky6 [rushanabussetsu bosatsu shinjikaibon daijajf bonnO B on'6 bon'on h~y6 Bonten I bosatsu IF bosat~sukai Bosatsu SenkyO a
Page 375 List of Terms37 375 Bosatsu toshin shigako kito innengyo Bosatsuzoky6 bukkai4 bukkoku 1 1l bupp6 ' i' Bussetsu jikisegyaku gofukuhokyb f kt Bussetsu Senjikyb 6$ I Bussetsu yokuz6 kudokukyb busshinItI busshbjojw tli Butsuhongybky6 ~2 i~ Butsumybe 4*t ' Butsumybkyb A Butsumy6 senge 4'X ~4 Buzen IAl byakugai 6i3 Byakuj6 bikuni Y~ILt Z byakushibutsu -.4' c Chai-shou [tien]toA /0 Ch'an If Ch'ang-an &Ch'ang-ch'ing-chi A4 -47 Chao-ming [tien] a r.1010 0AGA Ie Ch'en Chen-kuan Chen-yen i' Chen-ytian /7L Chen-sui erh- tai san-chao kuo-shih T'ien-t'ai Chih-cheh Ta-shih huatsan (Chinzui nidai sanch6 kokushi Tendai Chisha Daishi gasan) chi Chia-ts'ai M; Chi-chu-ching Ii-ch an-i Chidoron Vo t Chien-chen Ch'ien Hung-shu, prince of Wu-yileh Chihara+ Chih-cheV Chich-che Tai-shih (Chisha Daishi)
Page 376 376 376 List of Terms Chih-i Chih-sheng Chiko Chikurinji Chikuzen I'I_ Chin I[Ching-]ai O Ching-ch'u sui-shih chi [Keisosaijiki] Ching-kang pan-jo-ching chi-yen-chi Ching-hIui-hsiang ff 4ý fo Ch'ing-lung-ssu *it t Ching-t'u Ian / ~4 Chin- kung- ming-ching hsdan-t Chin-ling 4 Chi-sen-chou san-pao kan-t'ung-Iu chishikimon *t*2 Chish6 Daishi *wk Chish6 Daishi den $ *'f Chi Shu-yeh - Chiwara chp-ja -k;t Ch6kei (Ch~ei) ' Ch~kokuji A' Chbkokuji engimon -.~ chokushi 0b Ch~mei chp-ju Chou ) Ch~wa 4' Ch~ya gunsai ch~y6 i~ Ch'u Chidai4t Chuang-tzu t chfid6 i Chflguji Chil-i chf o uku ~ Ch'u san-ts'ang chi-chi Chf1sonji ~'D Daiaid( ) it Daianji *IF 4 -
Page 377 List of Terms37 377 Daianji bodai denraiki Daianji engi;k.r it O~A6 Daianji garan engi narabi ni ruki shizaich6 4,\ >'lrrElk Daianji himon - # Daiajari 3K ýf Nr;4. daibonten ik.*t 1\ daibosatsu A 19 Daibutsuden himon A 0~~ Daichidoron A t'4A*~ daidan'ochi A"*L\ Daigo 00* Daigoji a W Daigokuden -Klkkl Daihannyae engi 4t %~A Daihatsu nehangya Daihatsu nehangya go bun daihi A. - Daihiji Daihiky,5 )r Daihishin darani At ý v + Daihaben butsu hoongyo JAt4 KA. Daihado daijikkyo Daih~shakkyb -t\ f'f Daiifbarilkyo 4AJ!;t#A'J41 daiichi shojo -4 daiinnen3KiJ& daiji -t Daijikkyb Daij6 *; Daija daijajizojazringyco DaijCO honj6 shinjikangyo fl 9 DaikandaijiiA ~ Daikakuji A. j - Daikengo baramon engikyb Dainichi nyorai J\A. 6 + Dai Nihonkoku hokke genki Dai Nihonkoku sokusan'6 Shtoku Taishi h~san
Page 378 378 378 List of Terms Dai Nihon shi 13k9 Dairon )v~ Dairyo A4 Daisaie A~'(~ daiseigan 3 Daise Taishi 3~3 daisha -k * Daishogonron Daishokkan 3 daisOj6 YIF - dais~zu ýAF1 daitoko I,+,daiwaj6 )4n v Daizu hoko sange metsuzai shogon jobutsuky6 (Daizu h~k~kyO) tVý\ ~ Dajohaa gojukai ki Dandoku 4tL. dan haramitsu 411 It danna haramitsu lit )at dan'ochi (dan'otsu) ftt,ý Dasha m Dazaifu Dazai Kannonji;~ - Denb~e 14 I k4 denb6 kanj6 41* -51T Dengy6 Daishi4 denkai kokkai4 denkaishi4 d6 k D~chf iL Dogon 4')it dohCo hakk6 Il)5~a.Y" DWin Kinkata >~ k' d~ji ~> D-ji t~ d~ju D~ki it~ dokushi * D~my6 D~rin'6 *Nt d~nin d~shi I. d~shi ~
Page 379 List of Terms37 379 D6sh6 ~ qs d~zoku kaji i,44-f1ý E e [picture] e [wisdom] 1 earl Echigo A#ý4z Echin -) Echizen Edoi no Nimaro l ~~~ Eiei 1 5 Eigaku yoki 4"1 Egi Eiga monogatari Eigen 4V Eingaky6 ~ -Z~ Eij6 V~ Eikan E ik, 5 Eizan Daishi den J4'. emaki enW* Enbudai 11l;44A Enchin in TW engaku A I engi %$Ak [Engi narabi ni z~ki] Engishiki A Engy6 LE Ennogy~ja 4ZI E no ubasoku Enryaku;L,) Enryakuji ~ - En'yfi f9* En'ydinjukai no ki eshi Etatsu Etchfi eyami Fa Chu/P Fa-hsiang (Hoss6)
Page 380 380 380 List of Terms Fa-hua san-mei ch'an-i Fa-yaian chu-lin Fo-lung-ssu (Butsuroji) 4h fu A fudan nenbutsu B~f~d Fugen -4 v fugy~ten )AlT FuhmzO innenden 14 LAiI 4 4 -Fuhc~zokyO 4 Fuji '17 t Fujitsubo Fujiwara Arikuni A~ Fujiwara Fuhito ~ Fujiwara Fusasaki ~~ Fujiwara Junshi Oý$vd jij. Fujiwara Kaishi ~M Fujiwara Kamatari a~N/ Fujiwara Kaneie l 1tK Fujiwara Kanesuke ~ & Fujiwara KensM 2 J Fujiwara Kiyokawa ~;~ Fujiwara Kiyosuke )~2 *i Fujiwara Koretada (Koremasa) Fujiwara Michinaga4t Fujiwara Mitsuaki Fujiwara MorosukeA2 f* Fujiwara Mototsune Fujiwara Norikane Fujiwara Sukefusa ~ i' Fujiwara Tadanobu r~t 10A e Fujiwara Tamemitsu -I f-') Fujiwara Teika 4; Fujiwara Tokihirahl 0f Fujiwara Yorimichi rkZJfif*QjiI Fujiwara Yoritada 4 Q Fujiwara Yoshichika A Fujiwara Yoshiyo BýRl K Fujiwara Yukinari 4 ITA, Fujiwaradera A Fujiwara no ason i Fukakusa l -f fukuden ý1 FukudengyC) 1T Fukuh,5kyo '$ TA~ Fukuro s~shi 0
Page 381 List of Terms38 381 fukuz6 no chi4ki th fumen innyfiA'l ~ fumidono no hito Fumy6 -f 0OA Funbetsu kudokuron fusatsu 19 Fuse Fushimi no okina -7 / Fush6 Fuso meigaden a/.tli 44 Fus6 ryakki -J%, G GakM benran -It 1vi Gakuanji 1-~4 gakud~sha i jt/ Gango-ji /t/N - Gangoji garan engi Gangy~ji (Gankeiji) j~~Ganjin Vganmon (Ganmon),A:t Gasan10 ge 4 ged6 }4A Genban Ik Gengensha Ik Gengukyo it Genji monogatari 4ij Genji monogatari emaki 54fý 1 GenjO Sanzcbe Genk6 shakusho 7t- L Genmei fiL R Genshin4 Gent6. * genzai genk6 J11V Gi Y. Giba (Al34 Gikaku Gishin go0-t gobun hosshin Q; GodansM X -& gogenAOF gogyaku no tsumi A L '
Page 382 382 382 List of Terms gohei gohon deshii f7~ - ~ GoichijO6i gokaiZ1 gokaku i'2 G~ke shidai "; Gokokuji4 $rVJ Gokoku Reigen Iriki Jinzu Daijizai6 Bosatsu Gokurakub6;f 16x- it gokusotsu gon no kami Gonrin'6 Uf~qE:F gonshaku Mit Gonki Gons6 I4 Gosaie J 3+(ij gose Goshirakawa It& bS gosh6 -- f goshuhosshin l týk goshushin A{44 goyoku &ý gugan Aj Guze bosatsu Il t k guzei Gy~hy6 gyoja(Gyoja) IT/4 Gy~ki (Gy~gi) Gy~kyO T gy~nin A Gy~y6 hachijisshug6 \J-4. hachikai A, hachiku no nami'\ I Hachiman -f hachinanA Hachiokadera hachisaikai Hakk6[e] \4 Hakkura -AJ* Hakushi monja Hamnishiro TJX4-ý Hanayama r6 aJhangy6hanza zanmai hannya haramitsu 0 -
Page 383 List of Terms38 383 Hannya haramitta shingyd 0 6 *-I.ý Qt Hannya shingyCo 4R 9t Q: Hannyatai #0*3ýg haradaimokusha *2K haramitsu A;k Harana koku j 1 f,Harima &, Hase -ý \& Hasedera 4 - Hasedera reigenki 1&A;6- t Hashinoku6 2 1 ~ ~ Hata * Hata Kawakatsu )'I Hatsuse 03 Hatsusedera U)5m Hayato -A KI Heian ~-;ýHeike monogatari - t1f heihaku y Heng [shan] (K~zan) J4 henge no hito (henkenin) T cak~ Henj6 A 0 hentai kanbun 44K( Hiden'in,t Hie r6 5(. Hie no Daishi rC t$5"/ Hie no jukai PtJ$Z! ) Higashiyamna Gobunko Higo Aut higy~hiza zanmai T4 hijiri JVi Hijiri no mikado Hikaru Genji X Himitsu mandaraky6 fuh~den hina matsuri # Hi no miya K~~ hiragana Hirayama Hirohata no Yahata Daimy~jin HiroseA M Hishigatayama his~hihisoijoj 6~
Page 384 384 List of Terms 384 Hitokoto nushi -v Hiyuky5 IUPV t Hizen A ~l h~ben It Hobutsusha ~* hoho no kawa II# h-jiki )-~ hojin kA' Hoj6e z4~ Hoj~e engi ~~*~ H,5jki - H~keinyorai f lý73 h6ki H~ki Hokked6 -i 4r Hokke e 5% Hokke hakk6 Hokke hakk6 engi Hokkeky,5 f u Hokkeky6 gisho 74ihA Hokke metsuzaishiji Hokke sanmaid6 [zanmaidO] Hokke senb6 ~ Hokke zanmai >'4 [Hokke zanmai no gy6h6 ikkan] Hokkiji -%AA,4 H~k6kyO fMkyoingy6ki h~mi H~my6 Honan Honchb hokke genki Honch6i kbs~den i j Honch6 monzui*i Z Honcho reisO t HonchO shirin ~ Honda H6nen - H~nen Shanin den > L Honga *,!9 honji suijaku
Page 385 List of Terms38 385 h6no aji o hodokoshite THongyb af Hbonjurin 4 W H~renj i A~ Hori Naonori (Ch6kaku) 7:, If-6 h~rin H~ryuji ) h6shaku ~ Thshibon 5 týA H~shO nyorai ~-v~ Hosokawa )' I HMshakky6 *~ hosshin 51 Hosshin wakasha 'kZ 41' 747, Hosshoji Hoss6 4; f Hotaru V1, hotoke ni naru michi 1*' hotoke no tsukai HouHanshu 4*4$ Hsiang-shan-ssu 4 Hsiao-yao yung 4ij Hsieh Ling-yun Si'~ Hsi-ming-ssu (Saimy~ji) 7% Hsing-shih-ch 'ao ~ Hsing-man (Gy~man) IT Hsi-tung 4S~ Hsii*an-tsang Hui-chang4> Hui-chiao Hui-kuo Hui-ssu [Hui-IYuan MA Hunan iJ hyakkan Hyakuengy5 44 Hyfiga @ Hyfigadera U (v) ichij6 Ichij6 4ý Ichijoji /*4 ichij6 no gi 4 Ichij6 shikan'in ~i Ichi no hijiri ~0
Page 386 386 386 List of Terms Icharadera ~ - Iga 4f If Iga no taome P Jitaka4ij Ikaruga Ikeiki IkeishiA Ikeshiridera ~&Ikomadera.AjImameki no chaj6 )ýA j ~~ imo o tamote 1' ) mna* inga 21-~ innan, innyo lif Ippyakunijashishu Taishi wasan Ishiyama[dera] J4C 4 isshin furan A- < -%f Iwabuchidera ) ~l Iwabuchidera no engi Iwashimizu ) A Iwashimizu fudan nenbutsu engi I- & r jF4i'7*A/k? Izagawa 'f Izumi 4vi X Izumi Shikibu 1 Izumni Shikibu shias 4 ý A13.z Izumo Omitsu f?)K IT()i~ Izu Oshima 41i } jake f jaken f Jakunin, x Jibu 1:&-~I jido 0 Ift Jigoku zashi Mk~*tk jikai haramitsu 4t-4 ýlf Jikaku Daishi, N Jikaku Daishi den ~~ jiky~sha M f~
Page 387 List of Terms38 387 Jimon 4 F Jingoji ~; Jingo Keiun 4#~~ ~ Jingfi K6g3 6 Jingfl zen'in pit Jinki *#A jishi [o kuwaete] 41 I Jitchfi it JitO Ilff, Jitsue Ir jizai ý: JC~agongyd & T J~ian (Seian) j~butsud6 fit, J~do Shinshfi *3 J~ei 1K; J~fugyO bosatsu$ r J~gan Jogazki vLC, J~giQ Taishi -L. r)z ý JAga Taishi den hoketsuki.1- 1-a, Jagu Taishi gyoki -h9-\i 3O -1e j6gy6 zanmai J~gyO zanmaid6$ Jomei 4J J6myO 6 J~rakue J~shin nyorai # #-r7. J~shfO < J6tai I J~wa.7,4<4v j~za zanmai ~ E Ju J Judai[ga] i& Judaigakyo ttdp jugonshi Xt jitichimen Kannon f{ Uf juji no bosatsu ~P Jajuritsu 41 -jukai jiake 'i~ juki JukO
Page 388 388 388 List of Terms jfik6 t 04 Ju-man -t5 jflni innen +r- ~ i Junna Junnain; ~ Junnain bett6 417v~ Junnin ýAJftroku butsumyokyO {9 f vi ' * jfirokue -t *z;~ Jushin ~~4.t4I juyo mikke 1 -~juyo mitsugo 4 - jfizen no michi tE't kabane ~ Kachi A Kaga 00fJ Kai )?1V Kaifassb #,fAL.1 Kai-huang kaiin -4f kai,j6,e K kaikechiky6 M~ Kaimy6 - B Kairakoku 3ADA 01A kaishi54 i kaishi (preceptor) j*' kaji 41 $ Kakaishb 5PT4 kakikudashi S T Kako genzai ingaky6 kako sh~gong6 ~.~ Kakunyo & kami * Kamo Atj& l A, Kamo no E no kimi U13.Kamo no Ch~mei kanamaj~iri Kanazawa Kanazawa bunko ':;&~I) Kanbutsu:, I1* Kanbutsu zikya ~~1~Kanchiin t M Kanch6J0 Kaneakira#,O
Page 389 List of Terms38 389 Kane no mitake i3/A Kanfugen bosatsugy~h~ky6 Kanfugengy3 ) Kangakue Vt an Kangen f V Kangon R Kanimanji ~kanji;j',I kanke shii A,t,: S kankO Kanmu A Kanmurybjukyb ~ f Kanna v kannenft/ Kannon #Kannon darani JKannongy6 tjc'-f Kannon no engi narabi ni z~ki Kannon riyaku sha ~ F 2 kannushi '* Kannyo ojo-gi R-t4~ l1*t kanoto tori4 Kanp6 [era].I Kanpyo [era] Kanpy6 nyfidh6 Kansen butsugyo z~ky6 kanshi -{ Kanshin't41 Kanzeon bosatsu fumon bon Kao-seng chuan Kao-tsung k Karakuni Hirotari ~~ Karashima no Kachi Hazume Kara YatabeY kari no ato / 9)7 ii kariroku karitsukai V/ t Kariya Ekisai ~444A Jý Kasagidera 21-1 kasa no yamai -v 0 Kashihara *Z
Page 390 390 390 List of Terms kashira no yomnogi shiroki tomogara Kashiwade J' Kash6 Kash6 (Mah&kd&'yapa) 1S Kasuga * E1 Kasugayama Ja-)~ Katsuragi (Kazuraki) 1ý Kawachi ~ 1 Kawachi Amano Kongoji 37k~ Kawaru:;6-4* Kazan;r6 Lj Kazuraki (Katsuragi)? Kazurakidera fu 4 kechien kanjO *6T Kegon r6-. Kegon'e Z6-A *4' Keisokusen $AX. J Keitai t y keka 4i*2 Kencha mikkan -.19 i*.X Kengo V i Kengy6 -t*k Kenkairon j4v4 Kenkairon engri As Kensakuin A i Kensci shishi it Keshiki no nyonin r6~/ keshin j4L - keshu 4 t -:7(MI ) Keten biku Y L (A Ki *4164v Kichij6 keka '-S Kichij~soji -;o- f kidend6 t6 4 t~ kien kin f Kinai Kinmei 64~ kinok6 0 Kinpu Kinshi NaishinnO 3 I*
Page 391 List of Terms39 391 Kinunui Tomno Miyatsuko Git6 Kishi [Naishinn6] 3 Kita nockd6 J L Kiyotaki Kobe my 'in K~b6 Daishi 3A, k 54 K~chi Bosatsu A Kodokuen 94 K~fukuji M, A, Kofukuji engi M i f~ý Kogimi K~gy6 K~gyoku fV k~g6 ~ K~ihr Koji Ono Nakahiro K0ji)5 j K~ken -- Koki Kokin hicha shi Kokin wakasha 1-7** Koko K~ko ga/u Kokonchomonja /'54> Mi 4 koku ) Kokubunji i ' Kokugenji1I kokuh6 Ifl, Jz Kokushi IN1 ý Kokushi [kuni no tsukasa] iI~ Kokfiz6 KokczzO bosatsu n~man shogan saish~shin darani gumonjiho Komadera 4 K~my6 [K~gO],01 Kongobuji 1]44I Kongo-kai kanj6 / 4 'Jý A I Konjaku monogatari sha Kongo fueshin / T-'J it ON'() Kongb hannya haramitsukya
Page 392 392 392 List of Terms Kong6 hannyaky6 shagenki kongo-jin 4s\ AIs Kongo misshaku /IN 1, Konkbmy~kyb /iZ>- /Konk~rnyb saisho~ky3 -K~inin 3A4 4.-' Konomoto [no okina]:I1 ) 4E Konpon chfid6 ý* Konponsetsu issai ubu binaya yakuji U *t--~ 4*3x-IIPi Konrin'ui Kontaijii4 Korehito 'i K~ryiuji j I Kose SanjO Daifu Koshi no fuhitoA i K~shi 40A #p K~shO koto K~ya (Kfiya) ic it4 K~yasan yj~~K~zanji.J4 1ý K~zanji bon JKazeikyashO a 9~ ~ Kuan-ting 3Tt Kuan-yin hsaan-i Kubara biku K u b ik i 'rFrA, Kuchizusami 7.t Kudara Kudaradera ~ - kudoku iJ Kuhin Kuhinda baramon daijin Kujakuo-jitnjuky6 2 L4 i- # - f Kujakuo-no ju U Lr KujakuO zojinju Lj I.;$# Kuj6}LC Kuj6 nenjfz gyoji A i Kfikai fO-ý Kflkai S~zuden J/7 Kumnagori Kumano R Y Kumano ry~sho XL,* Kunkai I VI 4~
Page 393 List of Terms39 393 Kuo-ch'ingpo-IuIJA 4 kuraki michi 9 t kuraki yori kuraki ni irite 4it %x W, kur~do,A A Kurokawa Harumura, 4. ) I Kuru A v?~ Kushinaj6 M rOR/7 kut~ten IVJ;tL471 kuy6 shogon 4*k%- * Kuz6 hiyukyO AM1t kyaku 44 -Ky~bon[hadai] fl ZIt Kyochinnyo tt-f+,tr Ky~donmi ti* fPI ky~gen kigo E t- t0 Ky~kai T Kyoshoden kzIx A L Lieh yu-k'ou 3ýJ. Li Han Li Hsi-lieh Lin-te / f Li Shan4$ Lo-wei 4 Lo-yang4 -Lu'A Lung-hsing-ssu fUA Lung-men ftrl Lu-shan A J M Maboroshi i,3 Maeda-ke bon fi t Maeda-ke itsubun 1jýJ~ i Maeda Tsunanori (Sh6un) magun Ai~ Makadakoku ~~ Makahara 4it 5w (~ Makamayaky6 4 t 3 *# maki It Makinomine Makitsu A
Page 394 394 394 List of Terms Makura no sashi Mand~e Mansei $~ man'y6gana 5 f Man'ybsha z mapp6 Mareisen Wa-(~) Mashi masse - t Ma-t'ou A Matsuo no kimi T'k' Meis~den VV. Meng-chiu (Mogyaz) ~ M ib u 4 * Michinoku Miidera Mikawa Mikoshi Mimakawa lip,~ ~ Mimasaka A Minamoto 54k Minamoto Hideaki Minamoto Masayori 4. fit Minamoto Shitag6 J-'~ Minamoto Tadamoto, Minamoto Takaaki 3K Minamoto Tamenori Minamoto Toshiyori;14114 t Ming RA Ming-hsiang chi -IC Ming-pao chi VOC. Minma2 Mino ~ Minori OP mirai sh~shukuk6 K~.Y~.r Miroku bosatsu ~~ Mirokue 5 ý Miroku geshoky6 }JT4 Mirokuji 34 Mitani no sato i0ýfL~~~ mitsu? Mitsu Miyamaro AI Miyoshi Kiyoyuki;A I Mizoainnengyo O'A~*f Mizukagami:I~K4?* Mizutori 14Kjf
Page 395 List of Terms39 395 Mo-ho chih-kuan AfI~tJiL jF Mokuren 0 A mokusetsu )I mokusha j monj~shO 6 Monjue )jC&* Monju hatsunehangyb Monjushiri hatsunehangy6 Monjushirimongy6 i~~P]'1 Monjushiri monshitsubon Monmu Z iA monogatari 14 Mononobe Moriya v V:k vL4Y Monshitsubon MA vv Montokujitsuroku * * fit monzen shasui rjr 5f% mori (yashiro) j~ "Morokoshi no oijbden' mototsukami /$, jMou-hsien ~19 it munashiki oshie /ft( Murakami 4T-L Murasaki Shikibu;f Muro [no g~ri] * Mury~giky6 ~1 Mury~jubutsu 4I MuryO-juky6 -1~ Musubi Hayatama * Mutsu At k My~anji 74t4:my6h6 rk'Y - N Nachi ~3~ Nagai nojiija t1A 44 i4 W( Nagarayamna - J-j L Nakachimaro4 Nakatomi 4 Nakatomidera4']4 Nakatomi Katsumi'4.' 4 Nakayama Tadachika 4 namu butsu jI rv14
Page 396 396 396 List of Terms Nangaku no e daishi Naniwa 12) Nantenjiku Baramon SjO-J hi Nantbin TtM N a'n yo 4it Nan-ytieh j~ j Naoyo m Nara no Iwashima Nit%( ) Nara sakaguchi - nehan Nehan'e Nehangyo- A nenbutsu If j nenbundosha if X>,7'l nenjifigy 6ji # Nenja gyjit goshojimon Nenja gy~jisho c~ Nen zenshi JA(s.*frOf Nichien 19 3LNichira 0 if Nien Nigatsud6 Nihon kiryaku Lq Nihonkoku genp6 zen'aku rybiki 0i /-ýLA ýf Nihonkoku meisiden 0- -\A17 Nihonkoku sandaijitsuroku /* Nihon kbs~den y~monsh(5 Nihon eoj~gokuraku hi Nihon rybiki ~ Nihonshoki ~ Ninchfi 4 -V;t Ninju 4':Ninnaji V - ninniku haramitsu ý!4 Ninniku sennin,ýE- 4d4 K Ninn6 hannyaharamitsuky6
Page 397 List of Terms39 397 Nin'yO 'i-=-Me Nodera ' T - N~dera K4 ) norino utsuwamono /4,/I L19.4,J) Noto ny~bachi '4 nyoi h~shu *0Q Nyoirin Kannon -ZV nyoishu nyorai nyoraishi ~ Nytshokkai bon %J 6 Obitoke-ch 6 A Oe Chikamichi A~X Oe Masafusa LL~ Oe Mochitoki Aý / Oe Tadamichi A~ Ogura[yama] Jl - Ojin OjOyosha Ik - Okagamni )k'4 Okagami uragaki )Kk*MJA 4 Okamoto M * Okisome no Omi Taime okurigana i~. 4 f-s, 1' Okutsumara 7ýi iýAl Okutsumaraky6 T1~ Omi it 51 Omnine A 4 Omni no Mifune (Genkai) Omiwa Kiyomaro X -J Onjitsu sennyoku shusoky6 Onj-ji LA Onodera/J OnolImoko ''~-~~ Ono Minemori'4 Ono no Ason Niwamaro Ononomiya nenja gyo-jl onriedo gonguj~do,I*W4J-L onshitsu (onjitsu, unshitsu) 51z
Page 398 398 398 List of Terms OshajO /6 * OsumiYii Otaki J\15 Otokoyamna Otomo )K,4 Otomo Komaro )4 f 4~ Otomno Tabito A " Otori );K A Otsunu (Otsuno, Ozuno, Shbkaku) Owake no Okimi }K~ I Owarida ' )B! Pai Hsiang-shan shih-chi Pai P'u-tzu 4-3 Pan-jo (hannya) ~; Pao-ch'ang Pao-ying chi pien-wen Pin Yang Po ChUl-i (Pai ChU'-i) f7 A Po-shih Lo-chung chi-chi R Raetsuki Ft 1,f rakei IV Rakei sennin 4 LAJ, rakushoku Ranshbsh6 ~~ Reizei /A Rekidai k6ki)A *J Renge bunin ~ renge no za it 4 6 Rengeshiki i rin'yiigaku;$ Risshi Ritsu R~ben rokkon no tsumi 94 rokkon sh3Oj /l 5r* Rokuharamitsujik Rokumo bunin A-fAAl Rokunyo bunin )k- -k kfr
Page 399 List of Terms39 399 Rokuon K rokusai ~ A(~ Rokusoku6 A roku tsfii rokuyokuten r~nin r6 no tsuide Ruija kokushi filq< Ruija kudaish5 63~' Ruija sandaikyaku Rusui -'./AL Ry~gen ryoozu [E Ry~sO Ryafukuniin ryfiTge san'e It4C6 Ryctju bosatsu no jflni raihai Ryaju Bosatsui Sendaka6i sepp6 y~ge ryclo ~ Saeki 7 -Saga Sagara[ka] 4 SaichO -#"JA Saidaiji den'en mokuroku Saigazki 47 Saiikki iL7JAA&W Saiin iZ Saijii~ Saijiin I4Y;1VJ saikaiIlA Saik6 Saimei 4. Saish~e SaishObky6 I SaisO Al, SaitO &' f-; Sakamoto tA Sakarabi sanbO Sanboe Sanb~ekotoba sadamete shirinu,:XYti ý
Page 400 400 400 List of Terms sandaiasogi ~*~k Sandaijitsuroku.4ý (4 san'e (sanne) Sanetaka k~5ki P sangai san gaku sange h~yO Jf Sangokudenki Al14~ Sango shiiki;i4:4If Sanj~nishi Sanetaka 'E-+A sanju j6kai sanjilnisO sanjflsanten tA sanki 2 sanmai sanmaij-6A Sanmon sanmy6 Sanne jbichiki San-pao-chi Sanron santan 5f Sanuki ~J sanzen daisekai t)Ki Sanz6 h~shi A 17 5 sanzu _ Sapada 14~i samu A~~7,* saruhijiri OA Sasanami 4, 4 A7 Sassha nikengya f -4j Satta O-ji A sechinichi Seiganji Seirybden. 11/0 SeishiA Sei Shbnagon -'*,j* Seiwa A41 Sekido-ke hon 1]Y t Sekiken semai Semu Sen ~ Senbyaku biku ~~ Sendaka6 4 I~u Sendank6 Mt Senja hyakuengya Senju no ju4k'
Page 401 List of Terms40 401 Senju sengen kanzeon bosatsu k~dai enman muge daihishin daranikyd Senke e 4i/ senmybtai k Z sennin 4W} \ sennin no miyako LLA sen omotomuru /L~) 9FThA-E senpu.'V rj senrei no kutsu 4W S: Sensh~sen 4J4iVi Seson -Ld Sessen doji $-*-5 setsuwa bungaku Settsu 44 Seyakuin ZE Sezoku genbun -T 4 shaba sekai 4:' 4 I Shaekoku IV-j14 shaku -K Shakuhara h% shakuj6 W6y Pif Shaku Nihongi #.~4K shakut6 -k3 4 shami A"' shamon A Shan-t'ao 4 Shantung JIj. Shararin 2 I-f shari ~J Shari bosatsu >tJ Sharie 4114, J1 Shariji X4JJ 4 shi ~ shiawase Shiba Tatt6 shi ben Ai4j Shibi6 FY tI shibu deshi TD -*Vp $ i () Shibunritsu VE7 '4ill shichidaiji -t f.-~ Shichidaijijunreiki --t 4" I- Th(4 j-,66 Shichidaijijunrei shiki Shichidaiji nikki shichiji no hayashi -t~ j I
Page 402 402 402 List of Terms shichi shu no michi ki:' * )A Shidaiten'O (ShidaitennO)? Y.Y3F,~ Shiga.:* I "Shiga no engi" Shigisan engi ' J k shiharai V 5 Shih chi Shih-tsung -Lt Shih-tung A t Shij~shiki ~'* l shijflno toga shijfizaiLTV Shikama Shika wakasha 4 J ý Shiki shikibu no j6 "OwJ ~ shikikai mushikikai shima \!V% Shiman biku 4 shimoku -& t ShimotsukeF Shinano 4 S7 Shinbasharon Shin Gang~ji FC-- shingoigy6 4 t 1,~ shingon, Shingon 4 Shingon'in Shingon'in no mishuhb Shing-a rg~ Shinjikangyco tý f ff shinkyfi (shing6) &~ shinnan shinnoyo V ~ Shinran 4 Shin sanbbekotoba IShinsen roeisha 4~J< Shinshi *-ýsshinshi dbzoku ii Shin shai wakashi2 ShintO 10A, Shinzei shion \!gjshishimura 1J1, L-1 shishi no za 0p-3-) A shishi shush~h~za J
Page 403 List of Terms40 403 Shishi2 hyakuinnen sha shishu zanmai 7 Shitennoji tP - shiun J' T4 Sh~ba -, ý) Sh~binzuruh6 AM sh~b6.11-:: Sheb~nenjokybo Shidai senzai denki sh~d6 bungaku ug ~.? sh~gaku I. Sh~gatsu Thi sh~gun 41 Sh~hara -L ~t' Sh~h6 Shojari sennin ~~' ~A Shoji engi sha * - kr, shojin A-4 shoj in haramnitsu shojo issho ~-9i sh~ke & ý Shoku Nihongi 41~t Shoku Nihon k~ki 4t h 4/- k.*L Shoku shikashcz "tP1 r Sh~man 2 Shbmangyb 14 Shbmangya gisho )Iý% %f*X Shaman shishiku ichijb daih~ben Sh~mitsu 9rw sh~mon i sh~monkai Sh~mu IV Sh~nawashu A f~~ii Shoreish6 *7J14.3JtV shoritsugikai ~~Ai sh~shin:r: Sh~s~in LE Sh~toku4'4 Shotoku fukudengya sh~toku muryO 1 Sh~toku TaishiV1i - Shatoku Taishi den f}K- 1 Sh~toku Taishi deniyaku
Page 404 404 404 List of Terms Shotoku Taishi Heishiden zbhanmon sh~zenb~kaiJhShaChiasht5~i Shudaeten ~Pf~ ~ Shudama Shudana;r\A Shudashuma Shudatsu, it Shugend6 1it-xllik-t shugy~ja 1~~ Shctisha (Shai wakasha) 4A 4 13P Shaissai fukutoku zanmaiky65 shukke Shfokongojin PL'I~kj 4Z ShumanIkv Shumi t~ik6 nyorai A / Shunigatsu f-A) Shunki k4iJ Shun-hsiao (Junky6) PI) A ShutsuyOky(3 Wt seanf-x Soga ainae 4,,A s~ganai1 3.Y Soga Umako 01 Sogiritsu 4 Sogo bunin sh~shutsu Sogosho4 )-F Sojiin!-441Pit Sojin S~kami ~. Sone Yoshitada Sonkeikaku ý sono engi * 4Ag sono shiki 14 Sonpi bunmyaka Sonshi S~raku sora ni shirinu ' ~ Sore > (f) I (A)
Page 405 List of Terms40 405 Ssu-chiao-i V44 Ssu-fen-Iti shan-fan pu-chueh hsingshih-ch'ao VP-1;ýý -i ~,ý 'A #*I Su-chang ~~ Suehara sue no yo Sufukuji 41v -~ Sufukuji engi - Sugawara Michizane 411 Sugawaradera sugoroku Sui Ff Sui T'ien-t'ai Chih-che Ta-shih piehchuan F-*J)K I 4 il Suiko i t Sukitadera (Suitadera) op IE AT~ Sung Kang 4* Sung kao-seng-chuan ~ Suruga ~ q (i() Sushun Suzaku T Tachibanadera f4 <1 Tachibana Koreyori 01i*t % Tachibana Moroe 4i a Tachibana Naramaro 4k Tachibana no Iwashima ~4 Tado A?1 Tah6 1 T'ai-po-shan JK 0 Taih6 ýTaima I T'ai-ping kuang-chi ~ Taira Shigehira f~ # Taira Yasuyori A Taishiden gyokurinsh6 Taishiden kingyokusho )J,+1 iý:"t) Taishi Hbbtei setsu Taishijbdokyo A 'Taishikfi A *\ 4" Taishi Shudainakya T'ai-tsung -KA? T'ai-tzu ch'eng-tao ching
Page 406 406 406 List of Terms Taizen Taiz6kai kanjO ' Tajihi Hironari ~ 7 7ý;rTakahashi no Muraji Azumahito Takaichi )5 Takakamo no Ason Takamadoyama ~LC 1 j Takano V'J-f Takao %t Takaodera ~it~ Takaosanji J Takasamaro yj~~ L Takashima i takusen _ Tamakazura Tamamushi no zushi I- J,7 - tama no onna 2 Tamnatsukuri Tamenori no ki 2~ Tamenori shflu T'ang.k* T'ang Lin AwOl Tao-chen ýt Tao-hsu**an Tao-sui (D~sui) Ta-su (Taiso[sen])k. Ta-t'ang hsi-ya-chi K Ta-t'ang ta-tz'o-en-ssu san-ts'angfashih-chuan tatari;. t e 3 F\Techii no yamna '. J-4 Te-hstian Teiki Abe no sumeramikoto Te-mei t: Ten'an -\! Tenchiin ) PE Tench6 ý Tendai X Tendaie V Tendai kahyC A Tendai ryadzu hondensha tendoku *4i~ tendO sezu L C - tengen O\
Page 407 List of Terms40 407 Tengen A I Tengi zenshi f TenjiX ' Tenj6 nikki,L} Tenjukoku [mandara] Tenmu. tenninA tennyo Tennyo jbbutsuky6 4fi Tennyo shingyb Tenpy6 Tenpy6 Hoji.f Tenpy6 Shbh6 tenrin sh66 4 Tenryaku & tenshi ~ Ten'yaku no kami tera -ý, Ting-kuang ) Tbdalij.)k Tbdaiji fujumonk6 Todaiji-gire * --,, Todaiji no kimon JIk- 2c Ai Tbdaiji ybroku f~ T6 Daiwaj6 tbseiden Todbin tbge sanmaya f ~4~ Tbji Tbji Kanchiin bon ~ Tokio Shinnb -t 1 i Tbkondb kIl Tokudb t4 Tokugawajz)1 Tomidera44 -Tomi Ichihi IL, Tomni no amadera0 Tbmitsu 4L95 Tbriten 'hj JI X Tosa no otodo Tbseiden emaki * iE.l#'4~ Tbshikaden rA4 V "toshi no naka no matsurigoto no kami" ~i 'j/V Tbshbdaiji,A
Page 408 408 408 List of Terms Tosotsuten f T 6t 6 f t,-~ t6toki michi ~~i Tht6mi ~ Toyo toyoashihara no mizuho kuni 1,/f IF )A< fmv Toyobukut Tsu "t Tsuchimaro ULK tsuchinoe tatsuAA tsuchinoe toraA Tsukai Maro 4JL~} tsuki ni norite PI Tsukushi Tsung Lin Tsurugai2' Tun-huang Tu-t'o-ssu 7 t ubasoku Ubasokukaikyo 4 Uda: 7 Udasen' Uetsukidera ~i~ Uhara (Ubara) () A) uhatsuke i'4,I4K Uhatsurake f14U 0 -4406 Uhatsurake bikuni honj~ky65 Uji '' Uji shai monogatari Umayado Toyotomimi no Miko Umayasaka,~:Yk Umayasakadera /r'm 9 urabon Urabongyb 6 Usa Usa Daijingo-ji )K Usa Hachiman [Daijingfi] utaawase ~ Uta no tsukasa Utsuho monogatari
Page 409 List of Terms40 409 Wad64ijJ wajO ) waka ~i) Waka dbm~sh6 Wakan rbeisha 412 Wake Hiroyo 41, 4 ~ Wake Kiyomaro fig Wake Matsuna +11 ý4- %3 Wamyo-ruij~ushb ýuzt1 % $Wamy~sh6 ý v/.70 Wang-sheng li-tsan chieh Wani 14 -Wen-hsiian tit Wu j Wu-t'ai ~ Wu-tsung A r Wu-yin Wu-ytieh -1ýA) Yahata (Yawata) Yahata no Daijinji Y.~Yahata sansho Yaku6 fA Yakushiji Yakushi nyorai * Pý1 < Yakushi ruri nyorai hongan kudokuky5 Yamada I-j ID Yamada Yoshio L4 EZ-J ~ Yamnamura J~4 Yamashina JL 1 Yamnashinadera J.) pt-t Yamathio \)L E Yamongyb Rlf Yang 9 Yang Yang-chou 4 t Yang-sheng lun yashiro ~ YashO i6) ~ i Yen Chen-ch'ing 1 Yen Chih-t'uiA L4 Yen-shih chia-hsiin (Ganshikakun) Y~hikeno6-P
Page 410 410 410 List of Terms YokawaA)II Yokuzb kudokukyb -ý*O IJ ~Yokutbkyb ~* Y~mei ) A Y~rakuky6, t~ Y6r6IA Yoshino Yoshishige Tamemasa 4 Yoshishige Yasutane 1,: Yotsutsuji Yoshinari Y6zei4 ~A Yueh Kcý Yugaron figbl Yugashijiron L40 Yugy~kyO C 2f Yuiebutsu ~~J4 Yuimae *J Yuimakitsu t t4 Yuimaky6 gisho *{kA4X yuina ft f3 Yuishiki ron 1 - Yumedono f~ Yfiryaku t 14 Za6 [gongen] Zengi 44%~ zenj6 haramitsu zeni'fu Zenshin 4 Zenshin Zenshfisaitaku shiawase Zentsiiji 4i.Zen'yfi Taishi4 Zenzai d- HiAt 0 1 -3 Zenzai doiji emaki 4-t Nit ~ZC~hiyuky,5 4Pj(<\t z~h6 Zbhhoketsugiky6 I5 Zappozoky6 t Z~ichi agongy6 Zc~sojc V4 Zmt enmy6 kudokuky6 z~yaku.4;X
Page 411 List of Terms 411 zuikiW l zuiki M~ben I$ zuiki kudoku it Z Zuiki kudohu bon ýkt$I
Select Bibliography
pp. 413
Page 413 Select Bibliography Works identified in the notes by an abbreviation, and those whose texts are to be found in the anthologies identified by an abbreviation, are not listed again here. See the "List of Abbreviations." Akagi Shizuko. "Minamoto no Shitago to Tamenori." [Ochanomizu] Kokubun 8 (December 1957):9-13. And5 K6sei. Ganjin Wajo. Jinbutsu sbsho 146. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kbbunkan, 1967.. Ganjin Daiwajb den no kenkya. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1960.. Ganjin. Rev. ed. Tokyo: Bijutsu Shuppansha, 1953. Arya-fira. Jdtakamald. J.S. Speyer, tr. The Gatakamala, or Garland of Birth-stories, by Arya Sara. Sacred Books of the Buddhists 1. London: H. Frowde, Oxford University Press Warehouse, 1895. Barrett, Douglas. A Guide to the Buddhist Caves of Aurangabad. Bombay: Bhulabhai Memorial Institute, 1956. SThe Sculpture of Amaravati in the British Museum. London: The Trustees of the British Museum, 1954. Beal, Samuel, tr. Buddhist Records of the Western World. 1884. Reprint. New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp., 1968. Blacker, Carmen. The Catalpa Bow: A Study of Shamanistic Practices in Japan. London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1975. Bohner, Hermann. Sh6toku Taishi. Deutsche Gesellschaft fuir Natur- und Vilkerkunde Ostasiens. Mitteilungen. Supplementband 15. Tokyo: 1940. Borgen, Robert. "The Japanese Mission to China, 801-806." Monumenta Nipponica 37.1 (Spring 1982):1-28. Chavannes, Eduard. Cinq cents contes et apologues extraits du Tripitaka chinois. 4 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1910-1934. SMission archeologique dans le Chin septentrionale. 2 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1909-1915. Ch'en, Kenneth K. S. Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964. 413
Page 414 414 Select Bibliography Ching-kang po-jo-ching chi-yan-chi. In Dai Nihon zoku zokyo part 1, section 2b, case 22, vol. 1. Kyoto, 1905-1912. Conze, Edward, tr. Buddhist Wisdom Books. 1958. Reprint. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972. Cowell, E. B., ed. The Jdtaka, or Stories of the Buddha's Former Lives, Translated by Various Hands. 6 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1895-1907. Demieville, Paul, Hubert Durt and Anna Seidel. Repertoire du canon bouddique sino-japonais. Fascicule annexe du H6bo girin. Tokyo: Maison Franco-Japonaise and Paris: Librairie d'Amerique et d'Orient, 1931. Revised, 1978. Dain Kinkata. Rekidai koki. In Shintei z6ho shiseki sharan 2, 1-338. Shintei Z6ho Shiseki Shfran Kank6kai, ed. Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1967-1968. Earhart, H. Byron. "Shugend6, the Tradition of En no gyoja and Mikky6 Influences." In Studies of Esoteric Buddhism and Tantrism (K6yasan kaiso senhyakugojanen kinen mikky6gaku mikkyoshi ronbun sha), 297-317. K6yasan: K6yasan University Press, 1965. Edgerton, Franklin. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953. Eguchi Toshio, ed. Sanb6ekotoba. 2 vols. Koten bunko 64, 65. Tokyo: Gendai Shich6sha, 1982. Eichenbaum, Patricia Dina. "The Development of a Narrative Cycle Based on the Life of the Buddha in India, Central Asia and the Far East: Literary and Pictorial Evidence." Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1979. Ellwood, Robert S. The Feast of Kingship: Accession Ceremonies in Ancient Japan. Monumenta Nipponica Monograph. Tokyo: Sophia University, 1973. Emmerick, R. E., tr. The Satra of Golden Light, being a translation of the Suvarnabhasottamasatra. Sacred Books of the Buddhists 27. London: Luzac and Co., Ltd., 1970. Fergusson, James. Tree and Serpent Worship. 1968. Reprint. Delhi: Oriental Publishers, 1971. Fontein, Jan. The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of the Gandavyaha Illustrations in China and Japan. The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1967. Foucher, Alfred. L'art Greco-Bouddique du Gandhara. 2 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1905-1918. Fujii Masao. "Urabon to minzoku." In Koza Nihon no minzoku shakyb 2: Bukkyo minzokugaku, 121-42. Gorai Shigeru et al., eds. Tokyo: K6bundb, 1979.
Page 415 Select Bibliography 415 Fujiwara Akihira, comp. Honchb monzui. See Kakimura. Fujiwara Kensh6. Shachashe. In Kyosojin Hitaku, ed., Nihon kagaku taikei, bekkan 2, 1-340. Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1958. Fujiwara Kiyosuke. Fukuro seshi. See Ozawa. Fujiwara Mototsune. Nenja gyoji goshojimon. See KOda. Fujiwara Norikane. Waka dbmOsh6. Muromatsu Iwao et al., ed. Kokubun chtzshaku zensho 17. Tokyo: Kokugakuin Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1907-1910. Fujiwara Sanesuke. Sheyaki. 10 vols. Dai Nihon kokiroku, series 10. Tokyo Daigaku Shiry6 Hensanjo, ed. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1959-1979. Fujiwara Yukinari. Gonki (KazeikyOshO). In Zdho shiry6 taisei 4-5. Zoho Shiry6 Taisei KankOkai, ed. Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1965. Fukui Kojun, ed. Jikaku Daishi kenkya. Tokyo: Tendai Gakkai, 1964. Fukushima K6ichi. "Sanboe chikan to Nihon ryeiki." In Shioda Rychei sensei koki kinen ronbunsha Nihon bungaku ronk6, 32-64. Shioda Ryahei Sensei Koki Kinen Ronbunshfi Kank6kai, ed. Tokyo: Ofusha, 1970. Genji monogatari emaki. Tokyo: K6dansha, 1971; Nihon emakimono zensha 2. Akiyama Terukazu, ed. Tokyo: KOdansha, 1971. Genja Sanz6 e. In Zoku Nihon emaki taisei 7-9. Komatsu Shigemi, ed. Tokyo: ChfV3 Karonsha, 1981. Genshin. Eshin sdzu zenshCz. 5 vols. Hieizan Senjuin, Eizan Gakuin, ed. Kyoto: Shibunkaku, 1971. GentO. Sangokudenki. Ikegami Jun'ichi, ed. Tokyo: Miyai Shoten, 1976. Ghosh, A., ed. Ajanta Murals. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 1967. Gjertson, Donald Edward. "The Early Chinese Buddhist Miracle Tale: A Preliminary Survey." Journal of the American Oriental Society 101.3 (July-September 1981):287-301. Groner, Paul. Saich6: The Establishment of the Japanese Tendai School. Berkeley: Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series, 1984. Hagitani Boku, ed. Heianchb utaawase taisei. 10 vols. 1958. Reprint. Kyoto: DOmeisha, 1979. Hakeda, Yoshio. Kflkai, Major Works: Translated with an Account of His Life and a Study of His Thought. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1972. Hanayama Shinsh6, ed. Shdmangyb gisho. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kabunkan, 1977. ShbmangyO gisho no Jagazsen ni kansuru kenkya. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1944.
Page 416 416 Select Bibliography SShOtoku Taishi gyosei Hokke gisho no kenkya. 2 vols. 1933. Reprint. Tokyo: Sankib6 Busshorin, 1978. Hairtel, Herbert, et al. Along the Ancient Silk Routes: Central Asian Art from the West Berlin State Museums. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1982. Hashikawa Tadashi. "Hina matsuri to Hokkeji no Kegon'e." In Hashikawa, Nihon bukkyi bunkashi no kenkya, 123-29. Kyoto: Chfigai Shuppan, 1924. S"Sanbeekotoba ni arawaretaru Dengy6 Daishi." In Hashikawa, Nihon bukkyo bunkashi no kenkya, 117-22. Kyoto: Chigai Shuppan, 1924. & Jaga taishi gyoki no kenkya. Kyoto: Teishiya Shoten Shuppanbu, 1921. "Jaga taishi gyoki to Sanbbekotoba." Shinran to sokoku 2.1 (January 1920):24-27. Hayashi Kokei, ed., Kaifaso shincha. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1958. Hayashi Mikiya. Taishi shink6 no kenkya. Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1980. STaishi shink6: Sono hassei to hatten. Tokyo: Hyoronsha, 1980. STaishi shink6. Tokyo: Hyoronsha, 1972. Hayashi Rokur6. Komyo kago. Jinbutsu sesho 79. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kabunkan, 1961. Hikata Ryfish6. JEtaka gaikan. Tokyo: Suzuki Gakujutsu Zaidan, 1961. Honjokyirui no shiseshiteki kenky&. 2 vols. Tokyo: T~y6 Bunko, 1954. Hirabayashi Moritoku. Ryegen. Jinbutsu sesho 173. Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1976. and Koike Kazuyuki. Gojaonbiki segdbunin sdreki saran. Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1976. Hirakawa Akira. Indo bukkyashi. 2 vols. Tokyo: Shunjfisha, 1974-1979. Hiraoka Jakai. "Shitenn6 shink6 ni tsuite." In Shotoku Taishi kenkya, 65-81. Nihon Bukkyo Gakkai, ed. Kyoto: Heirakuji Shoten, 1964. Hirokatsu Teiji. "Shinkyfi." In Nihon rekishi daijiten 10, 267. Tokyo: Kawade Shob6 Shinsha, 1958. Hori IchirO. Kaya. Jinbutsu sOsho 106. Tokyo: Yoshikawa K~bunkan, 1963. "On the Concept of Hijiri (Holy-man)." Parts 1, 2. Numen 5.2 (April 1958):128-60; 5.3 (September 1958):199-232. Hosoda Michio. Chagoku koji tatoe jiten. Tokyo: TOkyadO Shuppan, 1972. Hosaka Hiroji. Okagami shink5. 3 vols. Tokyo: Gakutosha, 1974. Hsiao T'ung. Wen-hsian. See Obi.
Page 417 Select Bibliography 417 Hurvitz, Leon. Chih-i (538-597): An Introduction to the Life and Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk. Melanges chinois et bouddhiques 12. Brussels: L'institute Belge des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1962. lenaga Sabur6. Painting in the Yamato Style. The Heibonsha Survey of Japanese Art 10. New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1973. Ikeda Genta. "Iwabuchidera Gons6 to Heian Bukky6." Nanto Bukkyo 5 (1958):26-40. Reprint. Ikeda, Nara, Heian jidai no bunka to shakyo, 167-96. Kyoto: Nagata Bunshod6, 1977. "Kamoshi, Kamonokimi." In Nihon rekishi daijiten 5, 50, 52. Tokyo: Kawade ShobO, 1956. Ikeda Kikan. Heian jidai no bungaku to seikatsu. Tokyo: ShibundO, 1966. Imai Gen'ei. Kazan'in no shbgai. 1968. Revised. Tokyo: Ofusha, 1971. Inada Koji. "'Jitsu ni reitoku araba ima iriki shimese.'" Ochanomizu Joshidaigaku kokubun (October 1973):6-18. Inoue Kaoru. NarachO Bukkydshi no kenkya. Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1966. Gyoki. Jinbutsu s6sho 24. 1959. Reprint. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kabunkan, 1961. Inoue Tatsuo. "Hayato to kyitei." In Kodai no Nihon 3: KyLzsh2, 213 -27. Kagamiyama Takeshi et al., eds. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1970. Iriya Yoshitaka, ed. Bukkyo bungaku sha. Chiigoku koten bungaku taikei 60. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1975. Ishida Mizumaro. BonmbkyO. Butten kaza 14. Tokyo: DaitO Shuppansha, 1971. "Ganjin ni okeru fusatsu no igi." Nanto Bukky6 21 (1968):5-8. Ishida Mosaku. Shaky6 yori mitaru Narach5 Bukkyo no kenkyCs. Tokyo: T6y6 Bunko, 1966. Ishihara Kiyoshi. Shakkyoka no kenkya. Kyoto: DOmeisha, 1980. It6 Shintetsu. Heian jodoky6 shinkbshi no kenkya. Kyoto: Heirakuji Shoten, 1974. Iwashimizu Hachimangii Shamusho, ed. Iwashimizu Hachimanga shiry6 sdsho. 5 vols. Yahata: Iwashimizu Hachimang- Shamusho, 1960-1976. Izumi Shikibu. Izumi Shikibu sha. Shimizu Fumio, ed. Izumi Shikibu shf (sei, zoku): Kateibon. Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1981. Izumoji Osamu. "Sanbee no hensan ishiki." Bungaku 43.3 (March 1975):241-66. Jigoku zdshi. [Shinsha] Nihon emakimono zensha 6 (Jigoku zbshi, Gaki zdshi, Yamai no sbshi). lenaga Saburo, ed. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1976.
Page 418 418 Select Bibliography Jones, John Garrett. Tales and Teachings of the Buddha: The Jetaka Stories in Relation to the Pali Canon. London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1979. Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten hensan iinkai, ed. Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1978-. Kageyama Tadaharu. "Chfigoku Bukky6 setsuwashO josetsu: Nihon Bukkyo setsuwashi to no kanren ni oite." Meiji Daigaku Izumi KOsha Kenkyashitsu kiy6 18 (April 1961):139-64. Kakimura Shigematsu, ed. Honchi monzui chashaku. 2 vols. 1922. Reprint. Tokyo: Fusanb6, 1968. Kamata Shigeo. Chagoku BukkyO shi. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1978. Kanaji Isamu. Shamangy6 gisho no shisoteki kenkya. Tokyo: Sankib6 Busshorin, 1971. Kanaoka Shok6. Tonkb no bungaku. Tokyo: Daizo Shuppan, 1971. Tonk6 shutsudo bungaku bunken bunrui mokuroku tsui kaisetsu. Tokyo: T6y6 Bunko, 1971. Kangon. Thdaiji yroku. See Tsutsui. Kansaku Koichi and Shimada Ryaji, eds. Sone Yoshitada sh& zenshaku. Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1975. Kasuga Kazuo. Setsuwa no gobun: kodai setsuwabun no kenkya. Tokyo: Ofusha, 1975. Kasuga Masaji. Saidaijibon Konk my6 saishobkyb koten no kokugogakuteki kenky&. Tokyo: Benseisha, 1969. Kawada Kumatar6 and Nakamura Hajime, eds. Kegon shis6. Kyoto: Hazakan, 1960. Kawaguchi Hisao. Heianchb Nihon kanbungakushi no kenkya, 3d ed. 2 vols. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1982. "Tonk6 henbun no seikaku to waga kuni sh6d6 bungaku: Setsuwa to sekky6shi no keifu." Kanazawa Daigaku hobungakubu ronsha, bungaku hen 8 (January 1960):1-20. Kawasaki Tsuneyuki. Jinbutsu Nihon no rekishi 3: OchO no bunka. Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1976. Kawazoe Taketane. Kojiki no kenkya [kaitei z5hoban]. Tokyo: Shibund6, 1981. Kiuchi Hiroshi. Dengy6 Daishi no shogai to shisO. Tokyo: Daisan Bunmeisha, 1976. Kobayashi Moritoku. "Kdya to Heian chishikijin: Kiya rui to Nihon 6jogokurakuki K6ya den." Shoryibu kiy6 10 (October 1958):47-55. Reprint. Hirabayashi Moritoku. In Hijiri to setsuwa no shiteki kenkya, 145-60. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kbbunkan, 1981. Kobayashi Yoshimi. "KOzanjizO Sanbbe shisho itsubun." Kamakura jidaigo kenkyC 1 (March 1978):1-23.
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Page 420 420 Select Bibliography Mahdvastu. J. J. Jones, tr. The Mahavastu. 3 vols. Sacred Books of the Buddhists 16, 18, 19. Reprint. London: Luzac and Co., Ltd., 1949-1956. Marshall, Sir John. The Buddhist Art of Gandhdra. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960. Maruyama Rinpei. Jodaigo jiten. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1967. Masuda Katsumi. Setsuwa bungaku to emaki. Tokyo: San'ichi Shobo, 1960. Matsubara Saburo. Zoku Chagoku Bukkyo chokokushi kenkya. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1966. Matsushita Daizaburo, ed. Zoku kokka taikan. Tokyo: Chfbunkan, 1931. Matsuura Teishun, ed. Nihonkoku genpo zen'aku ryoiki chashaku. Tokyo: Tokyo Daito Bunka Daigaku Toyo Kenky-jo, 1973. Mayuzumi Hiromichi, ed. Nenpyo Nihon rekishi 1: Genshi, Asuka, Nara, (-783). Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1980. McCullough, Helen Craig, tr. Okagami, the Great Mirror. Princeton and Tokyo: Princeton University Press, 1980. McCullough, William H. "Japanese Marriage Institutions in the Heian Period." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 27 (1967):103-67. and Helen Craig McCullough, trs. A Tale of Flowering Fortunes. 2 vols. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980. McGovern, William. A Manual of Buddhist Philosophy. 2 vols. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., Ltd., 1923. Minamoto Takaaki. Saigaki. [Shintei zoho] kojitsu sosho 6-7. Imaizumi Teisuke, ed. Tokyo: Meiji Tosho, Yoshikawa K6bunkan, 1951-1957. Minamoto Tamenori. Kuchizusami. Tokyo: Kojisho sokan kankokai, 1975.. Kiya rui. See Hori.. Sanb6e. See List of Abbreviations; Eguchi; Koten hozonkai fukuseisho, seventh series (1939); Sonkeikaku sokan, Sanboe, jocha-ge (1935); Takase; Yoshida. Mitani Eiichi. Monogatari bungaku no sekai. Tokyo: Yfseido, 1975.. Monogatari shi no kenkya. Tokyo: Yfseido, 1967. Miyoshi Kiyoyuki. Chish6 Daishi den. In Chis6 Daishi zensha 4, 1364 -80. Onjoji, ed. 1918. Reprint. Kyoto: Domeisha, 1978. Mizuno Seiichi. Asuka Buddhist Art: Horyaji. New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1974. Unk5 sekkutsu. 16 vols. Kyoto: Kyoto Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku KenkyOjo, 1951-1956.
Page 421 Select Bibliography 421 Mizuta Norihisa. "Toji Kanchiin bon Sanbdekotoba no kisai keishiki no seiritsu." Kokugo kokubun 21.7 (August 1952):33-41. Mochizuki Shink6. Bukky5 daijiten. 7 vols. 1933. Revised. 10 vols. Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kank6 Kyokai, 1958-1963. Momo Hiroyuki. "Gakumon to ky6iku." In Zusetsu Nihon bunkashi taikei 5: Heianjidai 2. Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1966. Jbdai gakusei no kenkya. Tokyo: Meguro Shoten, 1947. Mori Masato. "Sanbbe no seiritsu to Hbon jurin." Aichi Kenritsu Daigaku Bungakubu ronsha 26 (March 1977):15-28. Moriya Mitsuo, ed. Keisosaijiki. 1950. Reprint. Tokyo: Teikoku Shoin, 1978. Morohashi Tetsuji. Dai kanwa jiten. 13 vols. Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten, 1955-1960. Morris, Ivan, tr. The Pillow Book of Sei Shanagon. 1967. Reprint. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1974. Murase, Miyeko. Emaki: Narrative Picture Scrolls. New York: The Asia Society, 1983. Naganuma Kenkai. ShOtoku Taishi ronko. Kyoto: Heirakuji Shoten, 1971. Nakada Norio. Todaiji fujumonko no kokugogakuteki kenkya. Tokyo: Kazama Shob6, 1969. Nakagawa Chujun. "Minamoto Tamenori no Sanbbe." Reprint. Nihon Bungaku Kenkyfi Shiry6 Kankokai, ed., Setsuwa bungaku. Nihon bungaku kenky0 shiry6 sOsho 67-70. Tokyo: Yoseid&, 1972. Nakamura Hajime, et al., eds., Ajia Bukkyo shi, Nihon hen. 9 vols. Tokyo: K~sei Shuppansha, 1974. Nakamura, Kyoko M., tr. Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition: The Nihon Ry6iki of the Monk KyOkai. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973. Nakamura Munehiko. "En no shakaku den shiki: Sono gensho densh3." Otani Joshidai kiy6 14.12 (January 1980):19-38. Reprint. Kokubungaku nenjibetsu ronbunsha: jadai, 13-22. Tokyo: Gakujutsu Bunken Fukyokai, 1981. Nakano Takeshi. "Ryiiki izen no engi ni tsuite." In Mabuchi Kazuo hakase taikan kinen setsuwa bungaku ronsha, 1-20. Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten, 1981. Nakao Shunpaku. Sange gakushbshiki josetsu. Kyoto: Nagata BunshadO, 1980. Nakao Takashi and Imai Masaharu. Nihon meiso jiten. Tokyo: T6ky6dO Shuppan, 1976. Nanba Toshinari. "Kodai chih6 sakan seido ni tsuite." Nanto Bukky6 28 (1972):30-50.
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Index
pp. 427
Page 427 Index The page numbers in bold type indicate primary references to the entry in the translated text of Sanboe. A affinity (en), 50, 61 Agongyo: see Zoichi agongy5 Ajanta jdtaka paintings, 55 Ajatasatru, King, 299 Akasagarbha meditation, 288 Amabenomine, 230 Amaravati jdtaka carvings, 55 Amida Buddha, "Buddha of Endless Life," 366; "great vow" and "great affinity" of (daiseigan, daiinnen), 342; image of, 13; nenbutsu, 17, 342; worshipped at Kangakue meetings, 16, 295 Amida Satra (Amidakyb), 342; chanting of, 262; copying of, 13 Amrapali, 260 Anahobe Hashihito, 174 Ananda, 131n. 8, 162, 165, 168n. 7, 245n. 10, 261, 272-73, 300, 369n. 9 "Ananda Rite of Penance at Saiin, The" (Saiin no A'nan keka), 272 -75 Angoe: see "Service of the Retreat, The" Afigulimala (Shiman biku, Kubara biku, Okutsumara), 113n. 10, 242 animals, liberation of, and their gratitude, 59, 68, 221-22; at Yahata, 345-46 Aniruddha, 300 "Anointment Initiation at Hie, The" (Hie no kanjo), 73-74, 349-50 "Anointment of the Buddha, The" (Kanbutsu), 312 Anzai Kakusho, 25 artificial flowers, 269 Asoka, King, and jtaka stapas, 56, 148n. 12, 157n. 14; patronage of mendicants opposed by ministers of, 187n. 41, 243; and Upagupta, 245n. 10 Atsuta, Great Deity of (Atsuta no daijin; Atsuta myojin), 276-77 Aurangabad jtaka depiction, 55 A-yii-wang ssu, 56 B Bakkula (Hakkura), 338 Barabulur jataka carvings, 55 "Bath, The" (onshitsu, onjitsu, unshitsu), 260-62 beggars, 333-34 Bhaigajyaraja (Yakuo), 166 Bhaigajyaguru (Yakushi nyorai), 254, 333, 358n. 1 Bharhut jtaka friezes, 55 Bidatsu, Emperor, 174 Bimbisara, King, 243 Biographies of Famous Monks of Japan (Nihonkoku meissden), 192, 195n.12, 196nn.15-16, 199, 200n. 6, 201n. 15, 202n. 20 biography, in Sanboe, 64-65, 73, 77 427
Page 428 428 Index Bodhgaya Monastery, 166; described by Hsiian-tsang, 169n. 14 Bodhidharma, 32, 187n. 41 Bodhisattva, and "Bodhisattvas of the Ten Stages," 337; and Mahayana idealization of self-sacrifice, 47; use of term in first volume, 53 Bodhisattva monks, 70, 241; see also Buddhist monks; Sravaka monks "Bodhisattva ordination at Hatsuse," 321-22 Bodhisattva precepts (Bosatsukai), 272, 274n. 4, 315-18 passim, 321-22, 324n. 15, 325n. 18, 360; see also Eight Precepts; Five Precepts; Forty-eight Minor Precepts; precepts; Sravaka precepts; Ten Major Precepts Bodhisena ("The Brahman Abbot"), 31, 198, 201nn. 15, 17, 328 Bonm6ky6, 265, 315, 321, 325n. 16, 345, 361 Bosatsukaigyo, 365n. 22 Bosatsu senky6: see Bussetsu Senjikyo Brahma, 140, 161,174, 276; "Brahma's Heaven," 261; heavenly eye of (tengen), 101 Buddha, eternality of, 49-50; marks and signs of, 48; previous lives of, as subject of tales of first volume, 51 "Buddhas' Names Rite of Repentance" (Butsumy6 senge), 367nn. 1, 2 Buddhism, eastward movement of, 61, 64, 302; emphasis on legitimate transmissions and lineages, 78; esoteric, 67, 68, 74-75; foes of, 66; in China, 165-67; introduction of, to China and Japan, 167, 172n. 27, 174, 181n. 7; respect for living things, 59, 69, 78 Buddhist literature, Chinese, 53-54, 63, 226n. 14, 262 Buddhist monks, praiseworthiness of, 241-43; types of, 69-70, 241; see also Bodhisattva monks; Sravaka monks Buddhist texts, rewards for devotion to, 67, 68 Bussetsu Senjikyo, 58, 162-63 passim Butsuhongy6kyo, 79, 294n. 15 Butsumyoe: see "Service of Buddhas' Names, The" Butsumyokyo, 367n. 1, 368n. 3 Butsumy6 senge: see "Buddhas' Names Rite of Repentance" Buttetsu, 202n. 17, 328 byakushibutsu: see self-enlightened sage[s] C Cakrdvada Mountains (Techii no yama), 120 campaka flower, 242 candles: see lights, offering of CandraprabhA (Us6), 93 cause and effect, patterns of, in jatakas, 51-52; in Sanboe, 48-49, 50, 60, 62, 64, 66, 69, 72, 77 census, of monks and nuns, 266 charity, 52, 59, 78; "Five Charities," 357; "perfection of," 107-9; propagation of teachings as a form of, 283; to beggars, 333-34; to clergy, and benefits of, 70, 78, 249, 256, 326-27 chi, chie: see wisdom Chidoron: see Daichidoron Chien-chen: see Ganjin Ch'ien Hung-shu's jtaka sttipas, 56, 85n. 32 Chih-i ("Master of T'ien-t'ai"), 78, 254, 255, 258n. 14, 298n. 12, 315, 321, 335n. 8, 343nn. 2, 4; biographies of, 361, 363n. 11, 372n. 1; discussion of "Six Perfections" jdtakas in his Ssuchiao-i as model for Tamenori, 53; and "five periods" of Buddhist teachings, 60, 167n. 5; life and career, 360-61; and "The Service in the Month of Frost," 360-61 Chiko, 66, 198, 201nn. 9, 10 China, Buddhism in, 61, 78, 165-67
Page 429 Index 429 Ching-ai, 166 Chingen, 30, 39n. 70 Ch'ing-lung-ssu, 288 Ching-lW i-hsiang, 54 Chish6 Daishi (Master Chish6): see Enchin Chakokuji: see Hatsuse Chbkokuji engimon, 322-33 passim Chuang-tzu, 95n. 1, 297n. 2 ChfigOji, 179 Chti-i: see Po Chti-i cloud of five colors, 191, 194n. 5 "Colleagues' Service of Eight Lectures" (DOhd hakko), 236; see "Service of Eight Lectures, The" confession (jishi), 337 "Continuous Nenbutsu on Hie, The" (Hie no fudan nenbutsu), 342-44; at Iwashimizu, 343n. 3 "Convocation, The" (Fusatsu), 181n. 8, 265-66, 321 Council of State, decrees of, 328, 351n. 5, 367nn. 1, 2 crab, released by Okisome no Omi Taime, 221-22 D Daianji, 68, 188n. 47, 201n. 9, 203, 234-36; construction of, 307; Great Praji-a Service (Daihannyae), 307 -9, 331n. 10; Nant6in of, 225; plan of monks' quarters, 237n. 2; "satra fund" of, 68, 224 Daichidoron (Chidoron, Dairon), 97n. 14, 103n. 1, 105n. 9,108, 109nn. 1, 3, 6, 7, 8, 111, 112nn. 5, 7, 8, 9, 113n. 10, 115, 116n. 4, 117n. 9, 123, 125nn. 8, 9, 136n. 1, 137nn. 2-8, 10, 142n. 3, 156n. 2, 168nn. 7, 8, 244n. 7, 245n. 10, 283, 358; cited as source in first volume, 57; and jetakas illustrating "the Six Perfections," 52-53 Daihannya haramittagyo: see Mahaprajfitparamita Sitra Daihatsu nehangy6 ("Nehangy6"), 56 Daihiky6, 81n. 2, 242 Daihbbenbutsu (Hbongyb), 57, 120, 121nn. 4, 5, 6, 122n. 13, 133, 133n. 2, 134nn. 1, 4, 6, 7, 8, 10, 273 -75 passim Daihad6 daijikky6, 134n. 5, 242, 246n. 17, 338, 341n. 15 Daiibarikyi (Daiikyb), 96n. 7, 250n. 7, 316 Daiikyb: see Daiibarikyb Daijikkyb: see Daihbdb daijikky6 Daijbhonj6 shinjikangyc (Shinjikangy6), 79, 124n. 3, 217n. 2, 243n. 2, 244n. 3, 294n. 14, 315, 338, 340n. 10 Daikakuji, 272, 274n. 5 Daikandaiji, 188n. 47, 307, 308: see also Daianji Dai Nihonkoku hokke genki (Honch6 hokke genki, Hokke genki), 30, 39n. 70, 204n. 1, 215n. 1, 216n. 1, 219n. 1, 222n. 1, 231n. 1, 233n. 1, 304n. 2 Dai Nihonkoku sokusan'6 Shbtoku Taishi hbsan, 32 Dairon: see Daichidoron Daishbgonron, 227n. 15, 318n. 14 Dajbh&6 gojukai no ki, 21-22 Dandaka Mountains, 149, 151, 155, 156n. 3 dan haramitsu: see "perfection, of charity" Deer King jtaka, 55, 59, 135-36 Deer Park (Rokuon), 136, 137n. 11, 168n. 7 Denbbe: see "Service of the Propagation of the Teachings at Shiga, The" Dengy6 Daishi: see Saich6 Devadatta, 54, 122n. 13, 134n. 10, 136n. 1, 137n. 7, 239n. 11 "Devadatta" chapter [of Lotus Satra], 239n. 11: see Lotus Sfltra Dharapi of the Peacock King (Kujakua no ju), 191, 194n. 5 Dhdrapi of the Thousand-armed Kannon (Senju no ju, Senju darani,
Page 430 430 Index Daihishin darani), 212, 213n. 2, 214n. 8 Diamond Satra (Konga hannya haramitsukyo), 68, 225, 226n. 14 discipline, 52, 124n. 5; "perfection of" (jikai haramitsu), 110-13 Dogon, 178 Doji, 201n. 9, 308 dojo, 200n. 5 "Doll Service," 291; and doll festival, 33, 293n. 10 Domy6, 321 Dona, 303 Dosh6, 192, 196n. 13, 200n. 4 dove and hawk, 102, 105n. 9, 107-8 Dragon King(s), 119, 120, 122n. 9, 303, 305n. 15; daughter of (Naga-girl), 239n. 11; Gopala, 106n. 13 E e: see wisdom earth, movements of, attest death of future Buddha, 108, 109n. 5, 133, 134n. 8, 145; attest generous acts of future Buddha, 152, 156n. 7 eastward movement of Buddhism ("manifest destiny"), 61, 64, 302 effort, 52; "perfection of" (shojin haramitsu), 118-22,136n. 1 Egi, 210, 211n. 6 Eguchi Toshio, 25 Eiei, 265, 266n. 4 Eigaku yoki, 257n. 9; mentions Sanboe s6an, 22-23 Eiga monogatari, 8, 31; Buddhist rites described in "Utagai" chapter, 31, 284n. 10, 340n. 13 Eigen, 25 Eight Precepts (hachikai), 273, 275n. 18; see also Bodhisattva precepts; Five Precepts; Forty-eight Minor Precepts; precepts; Sravaka precepts; Ten Major Precepts Eight Obstructed Realms (hachinan), 366, 368n. 5 Eight Ritual Precepts (hachisaikai), 181 n. 8 Eighty Signs (hachijisshugd), of Buddha, 101, 104n. 3; see Thirtytwo Marks Eik6, "of Daianji," 68, 69, 76, 234-39 Eizan Daishi den, 256n. 2, 289n. 3, 317n. 5, 350nn. 1-3,364n. 15 Eleven-Faced Kannon (Jaichimen Kannon), 320, 323n. 4 en: see affinity Enchin (Chisho Daishi), 75, 78, 361, 364n. 21; biography of, 364n. 19 engaku (pratyekabuddha): see selfenlightened sage[s] engi: see origin tales Enlightenment, Tree of (bodai no ki doju), 94, 100n. 30, 101, 103n. 2 Ennin (Jikaku Daishi), 272, 274n. 4; biographies of, 39n. 70, 75, 78, 304n. 2, 343n. 1; and kanjo, 349, 351nn. 5-6, 352n. 13; and nenbutsu, 342, 343n. 1; and worship of relics, 302, 304n. 2, 340n. 8 E no ubasoku, 64, 66, 191-96 En no gyoja, 30; see also E no ubasoku Enryakuji, 16, 22, 78; esoteric initiation (kanjo) at, 73-75; rites at, 254 -59, 302-6, 342-44, 349-52, 360-65; see also Hie, Mt.; Tendai school; Saich6 En'yf, Emperor, 7, 9, 11, 14; takes Buddhist vows, 21; wives of, 8, 10, 14 En'yainjukai no ki, 21-22 esoteric Buddhism, 68, 195n. 9, 245n. 10; anointment initiation (kanjo), 73-74, 349-52; Dhara4i of the Peacock King and E no ubasoku, 191; Kfkai learns Shingon teachings in China, 288; Tamenori's attitudes toward, 74-75, 349 esoteric texts, rewards for devotion to, 68, 191,194n. 5 Etatsu, 299, 301n. 2 Evil Realms (akudo): see Three Evil Realms (san'akudo)
Page 431 Index 431 expedient means (hoben), 4, 48, 49, 354, 356n. 12, 372n. 1 Expedient of Rejoicing (zuiki hoben), 48, 80, 371, 372n. 1 F Fashionable Captain, The, 5, 34n. 6, 93, 99n. 22 Fa-yiian chu-lin (FYCL), 43, 44, 54, 58, 79, 81n. 1 and passim in notes "Feast, The" (Gosaie), 86n. 46, 251 -53, 286, 287nn. 6-7 "field(s) of merit" (fukuden), 244n. 3, 334, 336n. 9 filial piety, rewards for, 67 Five Charities (gose), 357, 359n. 6 Five Cravings (go yoku), 101, 103n. 2 Five Dharma Bodies (goshushin), 270, 271n. 9 Five Fruits, 337, 339n. 5 Five Grains (gokaku), 251, 252n. 8 Five Modes of Vision (go gen), 101, 104n. 3 "five periods" of Buddhist teachings, 60 Five Penances, 371 Five Pollutions, 93, 97n. 15, 178, 312 Five Precepts (go kai), 161, 163n. 10, 221, 222n. 3, 333; see also Bodhisattva precepts; Eight Precepts; Forty-eight Minor Precepts; precepts; Sravaka precepts; Ten Major Precepts Five Transgressions (gogyaku no tsumi), 102, 105n. 6, 255, 342 flowers, offerings of, and merits, 47, 78, 255, 329-30; artificial, 269, 270n. 3 forbearance, 52, 133; "perfection of," (ninniku haramitsu), 114-17 Forty-eight Minor Precepts, 265, 267n. 11; see also Bodhisattva precepts; Eight Precepts; Five Precepts; precepts; Sravaka precepts; Ten Major Precepts Four Celestial Kings (Four Guardian Kings, Shidaiten'6), 66, 68, 140, 142n. 8, 176, 181n. 8, 184n. 21,224, 261, 303; Temple of, (Shitennoji), 176, 179, 184n. 24 Four Classes of disciples, 272, 275n. 14 Four Elements, 260, 262n. 5 Four Forces of Evil (shi ma), 101, 103n. 2 Four Great Prohibitions (shija no toga), 102, 105n.6, 255 Four Modes of Expression (shi ben), 101,104n. 3 Four Obligations (shion), 216, 217n. 2 four types of meditation (shishu zanmai), 255, 258n. 17, 342; see also Lotus meditations fudan nenbutsu (continuous nenbutsu), at Enryakuji, 342, 343n. 1; at Iwashimizu, 343n. 3 Fuhazo innenden, 168n. 9, 248n. 28, 369n. 9 Fuh6zokyb, 248, 338, 341n. 14 Fujiwara family, 77, 353 Fujiwara Fuhito, 284n.10, 291, 353 Fujiwara Kaishi, 7 Fujiwara Kamatari, 291, 353 Fujiwara Kensho, 31, 34n. 6, 286n. 2 Fujiwara Michinaga, 19, 21, 284n. 10 Fujiwara Mitsuaki, 8, 10 Fujiwara Norikane, 31, 283n. 2 Fujiwara Sanesuke, 8, 10, 11, 86n. 46 Fujiwara Tadanobu: see Matsuo no kimi Fujiwara Yorimichi, 19 Fusatsu: see "Convocation, The" Fuso ryakki, 29, 30-31, 38n. 67, 196n. 13, 229n. 1, 233n. 1, 283n. 3, 284n. 7, 287n. 3, 322n. 1 G Gakuanji, 309n. 3 Gangaji, 179, 186n. 37, 188n. 46, 196n. 13, 197, 200n. 7, 201n. 9, 208, 313n. 3, 366
Page 432 432 Index Ganjin (Chien-chen), 56, 78, 85n. 30, 265-68, 304nn. 2, 5, 306n. 22, 321, 324n. 15, 341n. 13; biographies of, 266n. 2 ganmon (prayer of intercession), for Sonshi by Yasutane, 11-13, 36nn. 24-25 Gautami (Mahaprajapati, Ky6donmi), 272, 274n. 10, 367 Gavarppati, 241, 244n. 7 Genguky6, 96n. 9, 112n. 5, 121n. 4, 134nn. 2-4, 7, 10, 146n. 2, 172n. 26, 205n. 9, 247n. 26, 263n. 8, 329, 357, 359n. 6, 369n. 10 Genji monogatari, 5, 9, 10, 33, 98n. 19, 239nn. 11, 13, 324n. 12 Genjo Sanza e, 148n. 12, 169n. 13, 170n. 14 Genk6 shakusho, 187n. 41, 267n. 9, 287n. 3,301n. 2, 314n. 3, 355n. 2 Genmei, Empress ("The litaka Empress"), 230, 308, 321 Genshin, 22, 33, 34n. 6, 95n. 2, 344n. 8, 364n. 19 Gikaku, 67, 210 go, 4, 34n. 5, 45, 93; "Go-Playing Monk of Yamashiro Province, The," 215 Godansho, 15, 19, 22, 37nn. 32, 40 Goke shidai, 313n. 2, 327nn. 1-3 Gonse, 68-69, 234-39, 333, 335n. 2, 350n. 2, 367n. 1 Gosaie: see "Feast, The" Govindajataka (Kuhin, Kuhinda baramon daijin), 58, 126-27 Grdhrakita: see Vulture Peak Great Buddha of T6daiji, 200n. 8, 328, 330n. 5 "Great Prajina Service at Daianji, The" (Daianji no Daihannyae), 307-11 Gyoki, 23, 64, 66-67, 197-202, 221 -23, 236, 239nn. 9, 13, 312, 314n. 7, 328, 331n. 10; biographies of, 39n. 70, 199, 200n. 5, 201n. 9 H Hachiokadera (Koryuji), 179 Hakko (Hakkoe): see "Service of Eight Lectures, The" hannya: see wisdom hannya haramitsu: see "perfection, of wisdom" Hasedera (Hase temple): see Hatsuse (Hatsusedera) Hasedera reigenki, 324n. 12 Hatsuse (Hatsusedera), 30, 78, 320 -25; miracles attributed to Kannon of, 321, 324n. 12 Hashikawa Tadashi, 33, 40n. 88 Heart Satra, The (Hannya shingyb), copying of, 13, 279; darani (dharani) of, 67, 210n. 5, 218-19, 219n. 4; recitation of, 279; rewards for recitation of, 67, 210 hentai kanbun, 24 Hie, Mt., 71, 74, 277, 342, 343n. 3, 349, 360-61; closed to women, 303; see also Enryakuji; Tendai school "Himalaya Boy" jataka (Sessen doji), 54, 55, 59, 84n. 25, 139-43,166, 283; in Daihatsu nehangy6, 56; painting on Tamamushi no zushi, 56 Hina matsuri, 293n. 10 Hitokotonushi, 191, 192, 195n. 9 h6ben: see expedient means Hobutsusha, 30, 39n. 71, 231n. 1 Hojoe, 59, 68, 129n. 1, 222n. 5, 345 -48 Hojoe engi, 347-48 passim Hokkedo (of Enryakuji) (Hokke sanmaido), 254, 257n. 10 Hokke e (Lotus Service), at Takao, 31, 75, 288-90 Hokke genki: see Dai Nihonkoku hokke genki Hokke hakko: see "Service of Eight Lectures, The" Hokke jako: see "Service of Ten Lectures, The" Hokkeji, 79, 291, 293n. 6; see also "Kegon Service at Hokkeji, The" Hokkekyo gisho, 189n. 48 Hokoji, 188n. 47, 353, 355n. 7 Homy6, 353, 355n. 2 Honcho hokke genki: see Dai
Page 433 Index 433 Nihonkoku hokke genki Honcho kosoden, 205n. 6, 226n. 12, 323n. 7, 368n. 4 Honcho monzui, 12, 14, 21, 22, 37nn. 31, 41,281n. 8, 297n. 7 Honcho reisa, 22 Honcho shirin, 22 honji suijaku doctrine, 346n. 1 Hoongyi: see Daihobenbutsu hoongy6 Horyuji, 179, 188n. 7; dioramas, 293n. 10; door panels depicting biography of Prince Shotoku, 35n. 10; Tamamushi no zushi, 56 HTshakkyo (Daihoshakkyb), 326 Hosshin wakashu, 10, 36n. 25 Hosshoji, 11, 13; kanjo at, 75, 350, 352n. 13 Hosso (Fa-hsiang) school, 196n. 13, 200n. 4, 245n. 10, 313n. 3, 368n. 4 Hsi-ming-ssu, 308 Hsing-man, 254, 257n. 7 Hsuan-tsang, 54, 116n. 4, 147n. 12, 148n. 12, 169nn. 13-14, 308; biographies of, 310n. 18; called "Tripitaka," 166, 169n. 13; and Dosh6, 196n. 13; see also Ta-t'ang hsi-yi-chi Hsi kao-seng-chuan, 170n. 16, 264n. 12, 361, 362n. 2, 363nn. 6, 11, 14, 369n. 11 Hui-ch'ang emperor: see Wu-tsung, Emperor Hui-kuo, 245n. 10, 288, 290n. 9 Hui-ssu ("the Nan-ytieh Master"), 185n. 32,315, 317n. 5, 321, 360, 362n. 2 Hui-ytian (of Ching-ying-ssu), 166, 170n. 16 Hungry Ghosts, 112n. 3, 337, 339n. 4, 368n. 5 Hyeja, 177 "Hymns to the Portrait" (Gasan), 361 Hyigadera, 179 I "Iitaka Empress, The": see Genmei, Empress Ikeshiridera (Hokkiji), 179 [Illustrations of] the Three Jewels, 27; see Sanboe Imoko: see Ono Imoko impermanence, imagery of, 41, 91, 95nn. 1, 4 incense, offerings of, 47, 78, 269 Indra (Taishaku), 107-8, 109n. 4, 140, 153, 156n. 9, 161, 163n. 8, 174, 249, 250n. 7, 276, 283, 285n. 16, 303; Seven Jewels of, 261, 263n. 6 Ippyakujanishu Taishi wasan, 32 Ishiyamadera (Ishiyama Temple), 277, 278n. 10, 328 Iwabuchidera, 235, 238n. 4; "Annals of" (Iwabuchidera engi), 68, 236, 238n. 4; and "Service of Eight Lectures, The," 236 Izumoji Osamu, 33, 40n. 89, 85n. 37 J Jakunin, 32 Jalavahana jataka (Rusui choja), 55, 57, 59, 84n. 25, 128-31, 348n. 8 Jambudvipa (Enbudai), 119, 122n. 11, 126, 177 jdtakas, emphasis on self-sacrifice, 59; in Asian art, 54-57, 84n. 25; in Chinese Buddhist literature, 53-54; in Japanese Buddhist literature and art, 54-56; in Maha&yna tradition, 52-53, 82n. 6; and motifs of tales in first volume, 58-60; origins of, 51; Pali collections, 82nn. 5-6; protagonists identified as Sakyamuni Buddha (Tathagata) in former lives, 53, 60; and "the Six Perfections," 51, 52-55; villains in, 122n. 13 Jetavana garden, 166, 169n. 13, 272, 299; as model for Daianji, 308 Jewel-Haired Tathagata (Hokei nyorai), 129, 130n. 5 Ichijo, Emperor, 14
Page 434 434 Index jikai haramitsu: see discipline; "perfection, of discipline" Jikaku Daishi: see Ennin Jikaku Daishi den, 304-5 passim Jingoji, 75, 289n. 3 Jio, 208 Jivaka, 243, 248n. 29, 260, 262n. 4, 300 j6 (concentration), 104n. 3, 124n. 5 Joan, 312, 313n. 3, 366 Jogaki, 180, 190n. 49 Joga Shotoku Taishi Hootei setsu, 180n. 5 Jogo Taishi, 174, 179, 180n. 2, 189n. 48, 309n. 2; see also Shotoku, Prince Joga Taishi den hoketsuki, 180 Joga Taishi gyoki, 32, 40n. 82, 167n. 1, 174, 180n. 1,182n. 11,183n. 18 jogyo zanmai: see "meditation, continuous moving" Jorakue, 278nn. 4-5 Jyotiska (Judaiga), 334, 336n. 15 Jajuritsu, 105n. 7, 262, 264n. 14, 340n. 12 jukai: see ordination Juko, 276-77, 278n. 5 Junna, Emperor, 272, 273n. 2, 287n. 4; "consort of" (Seishi), 272 Junnain, 272, 273nn. 2, 7 Jushin, 30 K kaeriten, 25, 26 kai: see discipline Kaimyo, 203, 205n. 6 Kako genzai ingakyo, 5 Kakunyo, 32 Kali, King (Kari6), 114-15, 116n. 5 Kalm&Sapada (Rokusokuo), 110-11, 112n. 6, 113n. 10 kalpa (k6), 92, 96n. 11 kalydnamitra: see worthy teachers Kamo Shrine, Priestess of (Saiin), 7, 10; Sonshi named as, 7 kanamajiri, 24 Kanbutsu: see "Anointment of the Buddha, The" Kancho, 21 Kaneakira, Prince, 23 Kangakue, founding of, 16, 37n. 34, 100n. 30, 281n. 8, 295-98; uniqueness of Tamenori's account of, 73 -74 Kangon, 31 kanjo, 73-75; conducted by Saicho at Jingoji, 237n. 4; at Enryakuji, 349 -52; at TOji and Hosshoji, 350, 352n. 13 Kanmuryojukyo, 100n. 28, 106n. 11, 244n. 5, 344n. 7 Kannon, 12, 241, 244n. 6; and blue lotus, 121n. 8; Bodhgaya images, 166; described by Hstian-tsang, 169n. 14; "Eleven-Faced" Kannon of Hatsuse, 320-22, 323n. 4; image of, 13; and Prince Shotoku, 174, 176, 180n. 4, 185n. 27; rescuer of those in peril, 68, 229n. 1, 233n. 4; "Thousand-armed," 212-14, 358n. 1, 359n. 2; "Wish-granting," image of, 328, 330n. 7 Kannon darani (Kannon dhatr.ni), 67, 212-14 Kannon Satra (Kannongyo), 302, 304n. 6 Kapilavastu (Kairakoku), 158, 162n. 2, 199, 202n.18, 204, 269 Karakuni Hirotari, 191, 194n. 6 karma and retribution, 49, 52, 65, 67 Ksyapa, 70, 102, 165, 241; see Mahakayapa Kasyapa Buddha (Kashobutsu), 291, 294n. 12 Kasuga Kazuo, 33 Kataokayama, 178 Kaundinya, 94, 100n. 31, 117n. 8 Kazan, Emperor, 10, 11 Kazuraki, Mount, 191 kechien kanjo: see kanjo Kegon'e: see "Kegon Service at Hokkeji, The" Kegon school, 245n. 10
Page 435 Index 435 "Kegon Service at Hokkeji, The" (Hokkeji no Kegon'e), 291-94; and doll festival, 33 Kegon SCztra, 65, 67, 79, 165, 167n. 3, 172n. 22, 203-4, 204n.3, 282; and story of Sudhana, 291-94, 329, 331n. 10, 351n. 8, 372n. 2 Kengo, 366, 368n. 4 Kenkairon, 315, 317n.6 Kichija keka: see Penance of Srimahadevi Kinpu, Mount (Kane ni mitake, Mitake), 191; Za6, deity of, 328 Kinshi Naishinno, 14 Kinunui Tomo no Miyatsuko Gito, 206-7 Kishi Naishinno, 18 K6bo Daishi: see Kfikai Kochi, 302, 304n. 5 Kofukuji, 77, 266n. 4, 278nn. 4, 8, 289n. 2, 324n. 11,353, 355n. 9; almshouse and dispensary of (Hiden'in and Seyakuin), 291; see also Hokoji; Yamashinadera Koizumi Hiroshi, 27, 29, 30, 38n. 61 Koji Ono Nakahiro, 192, 196n. 15,199 Kokonchomonja, 19 Kokubunji, 267n. 9, 291, 293n. 6, 330n. 2 Kokizo ritual, 238n. 4, 288, 289n. 8 Komy6, Empress, 79, 236, 239n. 13, 291,292n. 2,293n. 6, 314n. 7 Kongobuji, 288, 301n. 2 Kong6kai initiation, 349, 351n. 9 Konjaku monogatari sha, 31, 32, 196n. 13, 206n. 2, 210n. 2, 215n. 1, 216n. 1, 219n. 1, 225n. 1, 229n. 1, 231n. 1, 233n. 1, 301n. 3, 324n. 12, 331n. 10, 332n. 17 Konkomyokyo, 130n. 1, 146n. 2 Konkomyo saishookyo ("Saishookyo"), 56, 57, 129-31 passim, 146-47 passim, 184n. 21; and Gosaie, 251 -53 passim; and Saishoe, 286-87 passim Korehito, Prince, 14 koto, 4, 45, 93 K6ya (Kfiya), 16-17, 245n. 10, 335n. 3; and Hakko, 359n. 2 Koya rui, 17 Kozanji, 85n. 32; K6zanji text fragment of Sanboe tale 3.24, 339n. 1 K&Anti jataka (Ninniku sennin), 52, 54, 55, 59, 84n. 22, 97n. 12, 114 -17; variants of, 116n. 4. Kuan-ting, 360, 363n. 11 Kuchizusami, 18-19, 271n. 9, 314n. 6 kudoku: see merit Kfkai (Kobo Daishi), 54, 78, 245n. 10, 288-90, 304n. 2, 352n. 13, 367n. 1; biographies of, 31, 75, 289n. 4; and Gons6, 237-38, 238n. 4 Kumano, deities of, 357, 358n. 1; "Service of Eight Lectures" at, 357-58 kut6ten, 25, 26 kyogen kigo ("wild words and fanciful phrases"), 74, 95n. 2 Kyokai, 63-64, 180, 199 L lecturer (kOshi), 198, 201n. 15, 286, 287n. 7 "Liberation of Animals at Yahata, The" (Yahata no hojoe), 345-48 lies, precept forbidding, 110-11, 112nn. 8-9 lights, offering of, 47; Mandoe, 78, 299-301 "Lion [Who Held Firmly to his Vows]" jataka (Kensei shishi), 55, 57, 59, 84n. 25, 132-34 Lion's Seat, 251, 252n. 3 Lotus meditations (hokke zanmai): see meditation "Lotus Service at Takao, The" (Takao no Hokke e), 31, 288-90 Lotus SCtra, 49, 65, 67, 68, 79, 106nn. 11, 12, 165, 167n. 5, 168nn. 5-7, 172n. 23, 187n. 40, 192, 203, 208, 217n. 3, 238n. 6, 244n. 8,
Page 436 436 Index 245n. 10, 246nn. 20-21, 247n. 23, 248n. 32, 254, 256n. 2,257n. 10, 258n. 20, 259n. 23, 272,274n. 3,277, 277n. 1, 285n. 16, 294n. 15, 330, 359n. 2, 360-61, 362nn. 1, 3; copying of, 13, 216, 218, 232-33, 277; copy shrinks to fit satra box, 67, 216; copy turns into fish, 68, 230-31; "Devadatta" chapter of, 11-12, 239n. 11; and "firewood procession" hymn, 236, 239nn. 11, 13; "Fumon" chapter of, 360, 363n. 4; and Kangakue, 295-96; on building stapas, 280, 281n. 8; 'Opening' and 'Closing' satras of, 13, 36n. 25, 236, 239n. 10, 362n. 1; Prince Shotoku's commentary on, 179, 185n. 29, 189n. 48; Prince Sh6toku's copy sought in China, 177-79; punishment for disrespect to, 67, 215; quotations and allusions in Sanboe, 30, 42, 95n. 3, 99n. 26; rewards for devotion to, 67, 68; "Taking Joy in the Merit of Others" chapter of, 288, 290n. 14; "The Preacher" chapter of, 288, 290n. 15; see also "Lotus Service at Takao, The"; "Service of Eight Lectures, The"; "Service of Ten Lectures, The" Lotus Throne, 350, 351n. 11 Lu, Mount, 178, 186n. 37, 262, 264n. 12 "'Lump Nun' of Higo Province, The," 64-65, 67, 203-5; and Sonshi, 36n. 20 Lung-hsing-ssu, 265, 266n. 3, 317n. 3, 349, 350n. 1 Lung-men "Pin Yang" cave jdtaka carvings, 55-56 M Maeda-ke bon (copy of Sanbbe), 25-30 and passim in notes Maeda Tsunanori (Shoun), 25 Magic Pearl (nyoishu), 118, 121n. 5 Mahakdsyapa, 168nn. 7,9, 169n. 12, 244n. 7, 273, 275n. 16; see K&syapa Mah&praj&pati, 263n. 10, 274n. 10 MahaprajiinpdramitL Sitra (Daihannya haramittagy6), 168n. 6, 308, 310n. 17, 311n. 19 Mahasattva jataka, 54-59 passim, 84n. 25, 85n. 28, 109n. 2, 144-48, 156n. 2; in Konkomyo saishookyo, 56; painting on Tamamushi no zushi, 56, 147nn. 2, 4, 6; stapa described by Hsiian-tsang, 146, 147n. 12 Mahatyagavat, Prince, jdtaka, 52, 55, 57, 59, 84n. 25, 118-22 MahAyana Buddhism, jatakas in, 52 -53; scriptures, 165, 167n. 5, 228-29, 243n. 2, 255 Maitreya, 70, 80, 133, 134n. 10, 241, 282, 284n. 10, 328, 371; image of, 175, 284n. 8 Makura no sbshi, 18, 33, 324n. 13 mandala (Taizokai and Kong6kai), 349, 351nn. 9, 11 Mandoe: see lights, offering of; "Service of Ten Thousand Lights at Yakushiji, The" Manke e: see "Service of Ten Thousand Flowers, The" Mafijusri, 70, 172n. 22, 241, 255, 333; and Gyoki, 199, 199n. 2, 293n. 9; "Mafijusri Service, The" (Monjue), 75, 333-36; and Vimalakirti, 354 mappb: see "Period of the Declining Teaching" Matsuo no kimi (Fujiwara Tadanobu), 19 Matsuura Teishun, 214n. 8, 231n. 2 Maudgalyayana, 79, 101, 104n. 5, 241, 299; and "Rite for the Dead, The," 337-41 Maya, 122n. 13, 162, 163n. 11, 272, 274n. 10 medicine, Ganjin's knowledge of, 265, 267n. 7; offerings to monks, 338, 340nn. 12-13
Page 437 Index 437 meditation, 52; "continuous moving" (jfgyo zanmai), 342, 343nn. 2, 4; four types of, 255, 258n. 17, 342; "Lotus Meditations," 258n. 17, 360; "perfection of," 123-25 merit, of becoming a monk or nun, 45, 92, 97n. 12; equality of practices generating, 76; and kudoku, 47; "Merit in Rejoicing" (zuiki kudoku), 48, 80, 371-72 Minamoto Masayori, 30 Minamoto Shitag6, 14-15, 18, 34n. 7, 37n. 31, 95n. 2 Minamoto Tadamoto, 14 Minamoto Tamenori, life and works, 13-22, 94, 95n. 2; intentions and design of Sanb6e, 3-7, 22-23, 26, 29, 34n. 2, 44-58 passim; sources and citation, 41-44, 63-69, 72-76, 81-82 passim; see also Sanb6e Ministry of Ceremonials (Shikibu), 20 miracles, and miraculous rewards, 61 -63; tales of, 63-64, 66-68 Mirokue, 284n. 10 Miyata Hiroyuki, 25 Mizukagami, 30 Mo-ho chih-kuan, 60, 104n. 5, 106n. 16, 141n. 2, 164 n. 1, 167n. 3, 168n. 7, 172n. 23, 255, 258n. 18, 271n. 10, 285n. 16, 343n. 2,372n. 1 monjosho, 14, 15 Monjue: see Mafijusrl Monju hatsunehangyo (Monjushiri hatsunehangy6), 333, 335n. 3 monks; see Bodhisattva monks; Buddhist monks; Sravaka monks monogatari, 34n. 5, 93; illustrated (emaki), 4, 6-7; Tamenori's attitude toward, 3-5, 45 Mononobe Moriya, 175, 182n. 14, 184n. 22, 240, 240n. 2; and family, 183nn. 16, 19 Mori Masato, 33, 40n. 89, 81n. 1, 156n. 2 Moriya, Great Chieftain: see Mononobe Moriya M'gajataka, 55, 84n. 25 Mrgara-matr (Rokumo bunin), 329, 332n. 17 N Nagai Chamberlain, The (Nagai no jija), 5, 34n. 6, 93, 99n. 22 Nagarjuna (Ryaju bosatsu), Twelve Hymns of, 296, 298n. 11; verse by, 4, 6, 27, 34n. 2, 52, 94, 99n. 23 Nakagawa Chujun, 33 Nakatomi Katsumi, 175, 182n. 14, 183n. 16 Nanda (Sundarananda), 261, 263n. 10 Naniwa, 178, 198; canal, 175 Nantoin, 225 Nan-yiieh, Master of: see Hui-ssu Nara no Iwashima, 224-27 Nehan'e: see "Nirvana Service at Yamashinadera, The" nenbundosha, 317n. 4, 319n. 17 nenbutsu, "continuous," at Enryakuji, 342-44; promoted by Koya, 17, 33 nenju gyoji (annual rites), 71, 72, 86n. 46; Nenja gyoji emaki, 252n. 6; Nenja gyojisho, 278n. 8 New Year Rites (Shushogatsu), 249 -50 Nichien, 85n. 32 Nichira, 174, 181n. 10, 182nn. 10-11 Nihongi: see Nihon shoki Nihon kiryaku, record of Sonshi's death, 11; kanjo decrees, 352n. 13 Nihonkoku genpa zen'aku ryoiki (Nihonkoku zen'aku ryoiki): see Nihon ryoiki Nihonkoku meisoden: see Biographies of Famous Monks of Japan Nihonkoku sandaijitsuroku (Sandai jitsuroku), 272, 273n. 2, 274n. 8, 304-5 passim Nihon khosden yomonsha, 29, 31 Nihon ojogokurakuki, 13,17, 23, 30; biography of Gyoki, 200nn. 5-7, 201n. 9; 304nn. 2, 8
Page 438 438 Index Nihon ryoiki (Ryoiki), 3, 6, 29, 30, 32, 39n. 70, 49, 67, 180, 189n. 48, 192 -237 passim; Maeda-ke itsubun, 81n. 2; and tales of second volume, 63-69 Nihon shoki (Nihongi), 64, 173n. 27, 194n. 6, 195n. 9, 200n. 8; on Hojoe, 346-47 passim; on Prince Sh6toku, 180-90 passim, 313n. 2 Nine Lotus Stages, 94, 100n. 28 ninniku haramitsu: see "perfection, of forbearance" Nin'y6, 225, 226n. 12 "Nirvana Service at Yamashinadera, The" (Yamashinadera no Nehan'e), 276-78 Nirvana Satra, 124n. 2, 141-43 passim, 171nn. 19-20, 245n. 10, 268n. 12, 276-78 passim nuns, Buddhist, 65-66, 79, 353, 355n. 2; encouraged by Utapalvarna, 291; order initially opposed by Sakyamuni, 272-75 O Oe Chikamichi, 31, 188n. 46, 355n. 1 Oe Mochitoki, 19-20 Offering to the Master (Taishika), 361, 364n. 16 Ojoyosha, 22, 33, 142n. 3, 344n. 8 Okagami, 8, 22, 29, 30, 142n. 3; Okagami uragaki, 142n. 3 Okisome no Omi Taime, 221-23 Old Man of Fushimi, 328, 331n. 10 Old Man of Konomoto, 328, 331n. 10 Omi Mifune (Genkai), 56, 310n. 17 Omiwa Kiyomaro, 345, 347n. 2 Onjoji (Miidera), 283n. 3, 364n. 21 Ono Imoko, 177, 185n. 30 Ono no Ason Niwamaro, 212-13 ordination (jukai), 9; at Hatsusedera, 320-25; at Hie (Hie no jukai), 315 -19; types of, 78 origin tales (engi), 76-77, 87n. 49, 310n. 17 orthography, of Sanboe texts, 24-25 P Paekche, 167, 174-79 passim, 181n. 10, 184n. 27, 210, 210n. 2,353 Palijataka, 82nn. 5-6, 137nn. 2, 5, 7, 156n. 2, 162n. 2 Penance of Srimahadevi (Kichijo keka), 251, 252nn. 6, 8 "perfection, of charity" (dan haramitsu), 107-9; "of discipline" (jikai haramitsu), 110-13; "of effort" (shojin haramitsu), 118-22, 136n. 1; "of forbearance" (ninniku haramitsu), 114-17; "of meditation" (zenjc haramitsu), 123-25; "of six senses" (rokkon shQjoi), 360, 362n. 3; "of wisdom" (hannya haramitsu), 126-27; see also "Six Perfections, The" "Period of the Declining Teaching" (mappo), 45, 70, 81n. 2; see also "Three Periods, The" "Period of the Imitated Teaching" (z6ha), 44, 62, 92, 96n. 6, 254; and introduction of Buddhism to China and Japan, 167; see also "Three Periods, The" "Period of the True Teaching" (shabb), 58-59; and admission of women to clergy, 77, 272, 274n. 3; see also "Three Periods, The" pien-wen, 54, 83n. 13 PinCola, 261, 263n. 7; Pindolabharadvaja jdtaka, 116n. 4 Po Chii-i, 16, 74, 98n. 19, 100n. 30, 295, 297-98 passim, 367, 369n. 11 poetry contests (utaawase, shiawase), 14, 18, 19, 21 PrabhOtaratna Buddha (Prabhataratna-tathdgata), 130n. 5, 255 prajift: see wisdom Prajih satras, power of, 225
Page 439 Index 439 Prasenajit, King (Hashinokuo), 93, 98n. 16, 279, 281n. 6 pratyekabuddha (engaku, byakushibutsu): see selfenlightened sage[s] precepts, Buddhist, adherence to, 69, 78; "three collections of," 316, 318n. 11; "Upper, Middle, and Lower," 315, 318n. 10; see also Bodhisattva precepts; Eight Precepts; Five Precepts; Forty-eight Minor Precepts; Sravaka precepts; Ten Major Precepts Pure Land Buddhism, 16, 17; Amida's Pure Land, 342-44 passim purifying rites (jizai), 249-50 Puspadeva (Keten biku), 329, 332n. 14 Q quotations, use of in Sanboe, 41-44 R Rajagrha (Oshajb, Raetsuki), 96n. 8; elder of, 92, 261 Realm of Hungry Ghosts, 337, 339n. 4 Record of Travels to the Western Regions (Saiikkii): see Ta-t'ang hsiyi-chi Regulations (kyaku), 251, 253n. 14, 366 Reischauer, E. 0., 304-6 passim Reizei, Emperor, 7, 10, 11, 93 Rekidai k6ki, 29, 38n. 63, 96n. 6 relics, 102, 175, 182n. 13; struggle for Sakyamuni's, 303; worship of, 302 "Relics Service at Hie, The" (Hie no Sharie), 302-6; at Tosh6daiji, Hanayama, etc., 303, 304n. 2 retreat (ango), 203, 205n. 6, 325, 326, 327n. 2, 338 "Rice Donation, The" (Semai), 326 -27 Risshi, 286, 287n. 7 "Rite for the Dead, The" (Urabon), 337-41 "Rites of Penance at Hie, The" (Hie no senbo), 254-59 Ritsu school, 245n. 10, 267n. 8. Roben, 278n. 10, 328 Rokudojikkyo, and jdtakas illustrating "the Six Perfections," 52; source of tales of first volume, 57-58, 108, 109nn. 3, 7, 112n. 5, 116n. 4, 120, 121n. 4, 136, 136n. 1,137nn. 2, 4-8, 155-57 passim, 162-63 passim, 172n. 23, 345, 348n. 7 roku haramitsu: see "Six Perfections, The" Ruija sandaikyaku, 253n. 14, 286n. 2, 287n. 4, 317n. 7, 335n. 4, 351n. 5, 352n. 13, 367n. 1 Ryogen, 12, 22 Ry6iki: see Nihon ry6iki S sacrifice, in jdtakas, 51, 59; in Sanbbe, 48 Sadaparibhita (Jofugyo bosatsu), 115n. 3, 242, 247n. 23 Sadaprarudita (Jotai), 166, 171n. 22 Saga, Emperor, 14, 272, 273n. 2, 290n. 11 Saicho (Dengy6 Daishi), 23, 33, 39n. 70, 40n. 88, 74, 78, 254-59, 288, 289nn. 3, 9, 302, 304nn. 2, 5, 7; biographies of, 256n. 2; and Buddhist ordinations, 315, 317nn. 2, 3, 5-7, 318nn. 12, 14; and kanjo, 349; and "The Service in the Month of Frost," 361, 362nn. 1-2, 364nn. 15-16, 18, 20; and yearly ordinands, 315, 321, 324n. 15 Saigaki, 313n. 2, 327nn. 1-3 Saiin: see Kamo Shrine, Priestess of Saiin, and "Ananda Rite of Penance," 272-75
Page 440 440 Index Saijiin, 272 Saishookyo: see KonkomyT saishookyo "Saisho Service at Yakushiji, The" (Yakushiji no Saishoe), 286-87 SAkyamuni Buddha, 5, 70, 101, 103nn. 1-2, 104n. 5, 105n. 7, 106n. 11,199, 202n. 18, 245n. 10, 305n. 15, 312, 313n. 2, 334, 335n. 3; anniversary of birth, (kanbutsu), 312, 313n. 2; anniversary of death, 181n. 6; date of death, 38n. 63, 44, 81n. 2, 92, 96n. 6; death (Nirvana) of, 276, 277nn. 1-2; disciples of, 122n. 13, 163n. 11,168n. 7, 241, 243n. 2, 244n. 7, 246n. 21, 247n. 27; events after death of, 102, 106n. 15, 165, 168n. 7, 241, 273, 302-3; former lives depicted in jdtakas, 51, 52, 53, 60, 108, 111, 113n. 10, 115, 120, 123, 126, 129, 133, 134n. 10, 136, 136n. 1, 137nn. 3, 5, 7, 141, 146, 155, 157n. 12, 163n. 11,164, 171n. 21, 247n. 23; gives instructions for rites for the dead, 337; images of, 102, 106n. 15, 174, 307; opposes admission of women to Buddhist orders, 272-73; relics of, 102, 175, 302-3; sends Mafijusri to visit Vimalakirti, 354; teachings of, 165, 169n. 9, 240, 245n. 10 Sala trees, grove of (Shararin), 102, 106n. 15, 276 Samantabhadra, 80, 241, 244n. 6, 255, 258n. 18, 331n. 10; Ten Vows of, 371,372n. 2 Samantabhadra SCtra, 255, 258n. 16 Samantaprabha (SamantaprabhAsa, Fumya), 166, 172n. 23 Sanb6e ([Illustrations of] the Three Jewels), 3, 4, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 33, 41, 49, 81; biographies in, 64-66; citation of sources in, 42, 46, 58-59, 63-64, 73-74; date of composition, 3, 20, 26, 44, 81n. 2, 95, 96n. 6, 240; and Fa-yian chu-lin, 43, 44 and passim in notes; illustrations with, 3, 4-7, 27, 29, 205n. 11; and jetakas, 50-60 passim; and later works, 30-32 passim; Maeda-ke bon, 25; major themes in, 47-50, 58 -63, 67, 70-72; miracle tales in, 66 -68; origin tales in, 76-79; quotations and allusions in, 41-44; structure and contents, 27, 45-46, 72, 94, 99nn. 25-26; texts of, 6-7, 22-30, 339n. 2; title, 27-30, 94; verses in, 60, 69, 79-80 Sanb6ekotoba, 29; see Sanb6e Sanb6e ryakucha (Ryakucha), 27, 32, 38-40 passim, and passim in notes Sanbo monogatari, 29 Safichi, jataka carvings on "Great Stfipa" at, 55 Sanetaka k6ki, 29 Sango shiiki, 54, 289n. 8 Sainkhacarya jataka, 55, 58, 59, 123 -25 sanki: see "Three Refuges, The" sanne: see "Three Great Services, The" Sanron school, 201nn. 9-10, 245n. 10, 310n. 12 Sariputra, 70, 102, 105n. 9, 204, 204n. 8, 241, 244n. 7, 247n. 26, 261 Sattva, Prince (Satta oji), 144-46, 147n. 2; see also Mah&sattva jCtaka Second Month Rites, 269-71 Seiryoden, 86n. 46, 312, 313n. 2, 367n. 1 Seishi, 273n. 2 Sei Sh6nagon, 18, 33, 324n. 13 Sekido-ke fragment of Sanb6e, 24 and passim in notes self-englightened sage[s] (byakushibutsu, engaku, pratyekabuddha), 132, 134n. 3, 279, 280, 281n. 6, 337, 339n. 6 Semai: see "Rice Donation, The" Senja hyakuengy6, 96n. 8, 205n. 10, 247n. 25, 270n. 5, 331n. 15 Senke e: see "Service of One Thousand Flowers at Todaiji, The" senmy6tai, 24, 25 Senshi NaishinnS, 10, 36n. 25
Page 441 Index 441 "Service in the Month of Frost, The" (Shimotsukie), 360-65 "Service of Eight Lectures, The" (Hakk6e, Hokke hakka), 69, 236, 237n. 1, 238nn. 4, 6, 7, 239nn. 9,13, 289n. 2, 290n. 1; at Kumano, 357 -59 "Service of One Thousand Flowers at Todaiji, The" (Todaiji no Senke e), 328-32 "Service of Ten Lectures, The" (Hokke jaka), 235, 361, 362n. 1, 364n. 15; see also "Service in the Month of Frost, The" "Service of Ten Thousand Flowers, The" (Manke e), 332n. 12 "Service of Ten Thousand Lights at Yakushiji, The" (Yakushiji no Mand6e), 299-301; see also lights, offering of "Service of the Buddhas' Names, The" (ButsumyCe), 86, 313n. 3, 366-70 passim; in China, 367, 369n. 11 "Service of the Propagation of the Teachings at Shiga, The" (Shiga no Denbie), 282-85 "Service of the Retreat, The" (Angoe), 203,205n. 6 setsuwa bungaku (tale literature), 30 Seven Enlightened States (shichishu no michi), 115, 116n. 7 Seven Great Temples (shichidaiji), 234, 237n. 3, 361 Seven Illusions (shichi zuimin), 115, 117n. 7 Sezoku genbun, 19 Sharie: see "Relics Service at Hie, The" Shibunritsu, 249, 250n. 5, 324n. 15 Shichidaijijunreishiki, 31, 39n. 77, 201n. 15, 355n. 1 Shiga, 282-85 Shimotsukie: see "Service in the Month of Frost, The" Shingon (esoteric teachings), 288, 289n. 9; Shingon school, 39n. 81, 75, 289n. 4, 290n. 12 Shingon'in, 252n. 6, 288, 290n. 10 Shinjikangyo: see Daijohonj6 shinkjikangyo Shinran, 32 Shin Sanboekotoba, 32 Shishi hyakuinnensha, 30 Shitago: see Minamoto Shitago Shitennoji, 179 shab6: see "Period of the True Teaching" Shobonengy5: see Shbobnenjokyo Shbbonenjokyb, 96n. 5, 338, 340n. 10 Shohon taish3 Sanbbe shesei (Shasei), 27, 33, 35n. 10, 38-40 passim, and passim in notes Shoji engi sha, 238n. 7, 278n. 5, 322n. 2,323n. 7, 324n. 11 shojin haramitsu: see "perfection, of effort" Shoku Nihongi, 24, 64, 185n. 31, 192, 196n. 15, 199n. 2, 200nn. 4-5, 202n. 19, 266nn. 2, 4, 291, 292n. 3, 293n. 5, 310nn. 5, 12, 14, 329, 330n. 3, 332n. 11,347n. 3 Shoku Nihon koki, 289n. 4, 313nn. 2, 3, 335n. 2, 367n. 1 Shomangyo (Shbman shishiku ichijo daihoben hbkbkyo), 98n. 16; see also Srimdla Satra Shomu, Emperor, 200n. 8, 216, 216n. 1,224, 251, 253n. 13, 292n. 2, 307, 308, 328, 330n. 2,340n. 9 Shotoku, Empress, 228, 229n. 2, 251, 253n. 13 Shotoku, Prince (Shotoku Taishi, Umayado), 61, 69, 174-90, 240, 240n. 1, 307, 309nn. 2-3, 313n. 2, 336n. 14; biographies of, 6, 23, 29, 30, 32, 33, 35n. 10, 39n. 82, 40nn. 83, 88, 64, 66, 190n. 49 Shotoku Taishi: see Shotoku, Prince Shotoku Taishi den[ryaku], 64, 180-90 passim Shotoku Taishi eden, 35n. 10 Shotoku Taishi Heishiden zokanmon, 190n. 49 Shoyaki, 8
Page 442 442 Index Shachasho, 29, 31, 38n. 63, 286n. 2 Shaisha (Shai wakasha), 22, 95n. 2, 187 n. 41, 202n. 18, 314n. 7 shukke, 8-11, 45, 97nn. 12, 13 Shosho, 31 Sibi jtaka (Shibi6), 52, 54, 55, 56, 59, 84nn. 22, 25, 97n. 12, 107-9, 142n. 3, 156n. 2 Sibi, land of (Shohara), 149, 155n. 2 Silla, 174, 179, 181n. 9 sins of the six fundamental sources (rokkon no tsumi), 255, 258n. 20 Six Desire Heavens, 261, 263n. 6, 321, 325n. 17 "Six Perfections, The" (roku haramitsu), 51, 52-53, 164n. 1, 362n. 3; see also "perfection"; "Six Stages" Six Ritual Days (rokusai), 174, 181n. 8 "Six Stages" (rokudo), 52, 164, 164n. 1 Six Supernatural Faculties (roku tsa), 101, 102, 104nn. 3, 5, 168n. 7, 241, 244n. 5, 291, 337 Six Watches, 273, 275n. 18 Soga Umako, 175, 182n. 12, 183n. 19, 184n. 25, 186n. 33, 187n. 41, 188n. 46 Sbgiritsu, 249, 250n. 5 Sojiin, 302, 305nn. 11-12, 349 Sonkeikaku Library, 25 Sonshi Naishinno, 3-4, 6, 7-13 passim, 14, 17, 21, 22, 23, 26, 29, 36n. 20, 41, 43, 44, 45, 47, 49, 59, 71, 72, 75-81, 93-94, 97n. 15 Sorceress of Iga, The (Iga no taome), 5, 34n. 6, 93, 99n. 22 Soren, 286, 287n. 3 Sravaka monks, 70, 241, 243n. 2, 337; see also Bodhisattva monks; Buddhist monks Sravaka precepts (shomonkai), 315, 316, 317n. 2; see also Bodhisattva precepts; Eight Precepts; Five Precepts; Forty-eight Minor Precepts; precepts; Ten Major Precepts SrAvasti (Shaekoku), 92, 96n. 9, 167, 169n. 13, 172n. 25, 204, 301n. 4, 308 Srigupta, 102, 105nn. 7, 9, 227n. 15 Srimahadevi (Kichijo), 251, 252nn. 6-7 Srim&al (Shbman), 93, 98n. 16 Srimala Satra, 177, 179, 185n. 29, 189n. 48 Srutasoma jtaka (Shudama, Shudashuma, Fumyo), 52, 55, 59, 110-13, 172n. 23 Ssu-chiao-i, and "Six Perfections" jatakas, 53, 362n. 3 Story of the Sacred Portrait. see Tendai ryoozu hondensha stapas, construction of, 78, 279-81; andjdtaka heroes, 116n. 4, 147n. 12, 155, 157n. 14, 163n. 11 Sudana jataka, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 84nn. 22, 25, 85n. 28, 109n. 1, 149 -57 Sudatta (Anathapinada, Shudatsu), 169n. 13,204, 243, 248n. 29, 334, 336n. 15 Suddh&vasa (Shudaeten), 261, 263n. 8 Suddhodana, King, 94, 100n. 31, 122n. 13, 162, 163n. 11 Sudhana (Zenzai), 79, 87n. 50, 166, 172n. 22, 291, 292, 293nn. 9-10 Sufukuji (Sofukuji), 282-84 passim Suiko, Empress, 61, 176, 177, 179, 184n. 26, 188n. 47, 189n. 48, 206n. 2, 307 Sukla (Byakuj6 bikuni), 367, 369n. 9 Satra of the Buddhas' Names, 313n. 3, 366 Satra of the Thousand-armed Kannon, 212, 213n. 2 Satra on Baths and Bathing for the Clergy, 260 Satra on Earning Merit for the Extension of Life through Stapa Building, 279 Satra on Rewards (Bussetsu jikisegyaku gofukuhokyo, Fukuhokyo), 334, 336n. 11 Satra on the Anointment of Buddha Images (Kanbutsu zokyo, Kansen butsugyo zokyo), 312 Satra on the Anointment of Images (Bussetsu yokuzo kudokukys,
Page 443 Index 443 Yokuzokyl), 312 Satra on the Life of the Nun Utpalavarnaw, 79, 291, 293n. 11 Satra on the Transformation of Women into Buddhas, copying of, 13 Syama jataka, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 83n. 20, 84nn. 22, 25, 85n. 28, 158 -63 T Tachibanadera, 177, 179, 185n. 29 Tachibana Koreyori, 20 Tachibana Masamichi, 15 Tachibana Naramaro, 282, 284n. 10 Taira Yasuyori, 30 Taishiden gyokurinsho, 29, 169n. 10, 206n. 1 Taishiden kingyokush6, 29, 38n. 66 Taishika: see Offering to the Master Taishi Shudainaky6, 57, 155-57 passim T'ai-tzu ch'eng-tao ching (pien-wen), 54, 83n. 13 Taizen, 333 Taizokai initiation, 349, 351n. 9 Takahashi Nobuyuki, 27, 29, 30 Takahashi no Muraji Azumahito, 218-19 Takaodera (Takaosanji, Jingoji), 349; and Hokke e (Lotus Service), 31, 75, 288-90 Takase Sh6gon, 25 Tamamushi no zushi jataka paintings, 56, 142n. 2, 143nn. 11, 12 Tamenori: see Minamoto Tamenori T'ang Lives of Eminent Monks: see Hsui kao-seng-chuan Tao-chen, 262, 264n. 12 Tao-hsiian, 56, 202n. 17, 270n. 4 Tao-sui, 254, 257n. 6, 317n. 3 Ta-t'ang hsi-yi-chi, 54, 116n. 4, 138n. 11,141n. 2, 147nn. 11, 12, 155, 157n. 14, 163n. 11,169n. 12 "Tathagata of today": see S&kyamuni Buddha Taxilajataka frieze, 83n. 20 teachings, Buddhist, 46-60, 68, 71, 76, 93, 94, 165-67, 241, 349 Te-hsiian, 225, 226n. 14 Tenchiin, 236 Tendai ryoazu hondensha (Story of the Sacred Portrait), 361, 362n. 2, 363nn. 8, 13, 14, 364n. 14 Tendai school, 49, 53, 71; esoteric practices in (Taimitsu), 75, 349-52 passim; see also Chih-i; Enchin; Ennin; Enryakuji; Hie, Mt.; Saicho Ten Directions, 140, 143n. 8, 270; Buddhas of the, 329, 337; Sages of the, 334 Ten Good Practices, 158, 161, 162n. 5; see also Ten Good Ways Ten Good Ways (jUzen no michi), 111, 112n. 9 Tenji, Emperor, 282, 283nn. 3-4, 307, 323n. 6, 354n. 1 Tenjukoku tapestry, 187n. 42, 188n. 47 Ten Major Precepts, 265, 267n. 11; see also Bodhisattva precepts; Eight Precepts; Five Precepts; Forty-eight Minor Precepts; precepts; Sravaka precepts Tenmu, Emperor, 286, 286n. 2, 307, 309n. 9, 324n. 11 Ten Stages (of Bodhisattvas), 337, 339-40n. 6 Ten Vows of Samantabhadra, 371, 372n. 2 Thirty-two Marks (sanjaniso) of Buddha, 101, 104nn. 3-4, 261, 263n. 10; see also Eighty Signs Three Ages, Buddhas of the, 265, 267n. 11,296, 298n. 10 Three Assemblies of the Dragon Flower (ryage san'e), 296, 298n. 13 Three Bodies of the Buddha, 307-8, 309n. 11 Three Evil Realms (san'akud6, sanzu), 110, 1lln. 3, 133, 162, 242, 265, 277, 329, 338, 366 "Three Great Services, The" (san'e, sanne), 31, 286, 287n. 6; see "Feast, The" (Gosaie); "Saisho Service at
Page 444 444 Index Yakushiji, The"; "Vimalakirti Service at Yamashinadera, The"; see also K6fukuji; Yakushiji Three Insights (sanmya), 241, 244n. 5 "Three Jewels, the" (sanbo), 94, 175, 176, 183n. 19, 191, 200, 217n. 2, 267n. 11, 272, 337, 357, 366; defined, 27; equality of, 70, 241, 358; and structure and content of Sanb6e, 45-46 Three Jewels, The: see Sanboe Three Modes of Training (san gaku, kaijo, e), 101, 104n. 3, 124n. 5, 270 "Three Periods, the" (sanji), 27; 44-45, 58, 62, 82n. 3, 94, 96n. 6, 99n. 25; and structure and content of Sanb6e, 45-47; see also "Period of the Declining Teaching"; "Period of the Imitated Teaching"; "Period of the True Teaching" "Three Refuges, the" (sanki), 27, 46, 94, 183n. 19, 221, 222n. 3, 333 three worlds (sangai), 102, 105n. 10 T'ien-t'ai, Master of: see Chih-i T'ien-t'ai Mountains, 254, 256n. 6, 302, 304n. 8, 360 T'ien-t'ai school, 255, 363n. 11; see also Tendai school T'ien-t'ai ssu-chiao-i, 53 tigers, in Mahasattva jataka, 144-45 Ti-kuan, 53 Ting-kuang, 360 Todaiji, 21, 24, 30, 239n. 9, 291, 301n. 2, 322n. 2; dedication ceremony, 31, 79, 198-99, 201nn. 15, 17, 328-32; "Service of Eight Lectures" at, 236; "Service of One Thousand Flowers" at, 289n. 2, 329-32 Todaiji fujumonko, 54 Todaiji-gire (copy of Sanboe), 24, 25 and passim in notes Todaiji yoroku, 31; and date of first Hakk6e, 238n. 7, 239n. 9, 330-32 passim, 340n. 7 Toji, 24, 75, 333, 335n. 6, 350, 352n. 13 Taji Kanchiin bon (copy of Sanboe), 24, 25-30 and passim in notes Tokud6, 320-21, 323nn. 7-9, 324n. 11 Tomi Ichihi, 176, 184n. 23 toothpicks, 338, 340n. 12, 350, 352n. 12 Tosa Lord, The (Tosa no otodo), 5, 34n. 6, 93, 99n. 22 T6shodaiji, 265, 267n. 8 transmigration, 51 Trayastrirpsa heaven (T6riten, SanjCsanten), 102, 106n. 15, 129, 167, 172n. 26, 261, 263n. 6 truthfulness, vows of, 69, 110-11, 112nn. 8-9 Tun-huang, jataka cave paintings at, 55, 84n. 25; pien wen found at, 54 Tusita Heaven (Tosotsuten), 263n. 6, 308, 310n. 15 Twelve Causes and Conditions (jani innen), 128, 130n. 5 U ubasoku (upasaka), 193n. 2, 284n. 5; see E no ubasoku Ubasokukaiky6, 334, 358 Udayi, King (Udasen'6), 93 Uetsukidera, 353 Uji shai monogatari, 324n. 12 Umayado, Prince: see Sh6toku, Prince Umayado Toyotomimi no Miko: see Shotoku, Prince University, Imperial, 14, 295, 296n. 1 Urabon: see "Rite for the Dead, The" Urabon Satra (Urabongyo), 337, 339n. 4 Utpalavaria (Rengeshiki, Uhatsurake), 78, 79, 93, 97n. 14, 291 -92, 293n. 11, 329, 332n. 16 V Vaisravaga, 251, 252n. 7 Vajrapdui (Kongo misshaku), 266, 267n. 12 Vapusman (Itoku biku), 329, 332n. 15 Vimalakirti (Yuima, Yuimakitsu, Jbmyo), 77, 353-54, 355n. 3,
Page 445 Index 445 356nn. 12-13 Vimalakirti Satra (Vimalakirti nirdesa), 77, 189n. 48, 298n. 12, 336n. 9, 353, 355n. 3, 356n. 13; "Visitation" chapter ([Monjushiri] monshitsubon), 353-54, 355n. 4, 356n.12 "Vimalaklrti Service at Yamashinadera, The" (Yuimae), 77, 286, 287nn. 6-7, 353-56 Vinaya, 317n. 2, 338 Vipasyin Buddha (Bibashibutsu), 261, 263n. 8, 269, 300 Visvakarman (Bishukatsuma), 107, 109n. 4 Vulture Peak (Washi no mine, Grdhrakata), 165, 168n. 7, 199, 202n. 18, 244n. 7,307, 309n. 8, 360 w Waka dbmoshb, 31, 283n. 2 Wakan roeisha, 22, 95n. 1, 98n. 19, 100n. 30, 297nn. 5, 8, 369n. 11 Wake family, 288, 289n. 3 washing of images, 312-14 Waters of Eight Good Qualities, 342, 344n. 9 Wheel-King (rinnd), 242, 246nn. 12, 14, 251, 280, 281n. 6, 321 White Crane Grove, 106n. 15, 165, 168n. 7 wisdom (prajid, chi, e, hannya), 52, 123, 124nn. 5-6; "perfection of" (hannya haramitsu), 126-27; "prajiia doctrine of nonsubstantiality," 59, 165, 168n. 6, 172n. 22; "Wisdom in the Five Categories" (gohon deshii), 360, 362n. 3 Wish-granting Kannon (Nyoirin Kannon): see Kannon women, and Buddhism, 36n. 25; limited access to Buddhist institutions, 70-71, 75, 303, 352n. 13; in Nihon ryoiki, 65; in second volume, 65-66; in third volume, 77 "World of Matter and World of Nonmatter," 114, 116n. 6 World-saving Bodhisattva (Guze bosatsu), 174, 180n. 4 World-saving Kannon: see Kannon worthy teachers (kalyanamitra, zenjishiki), 79, 80, 87n. 50, 291, 292, 293n. 9 writing implements, as offerings to monks, 338, 341n. 15 Wu-t'ai, Mount 302, 304n. 8, 343n. 1 Wu-tsung, Emperor, 166, 171n. 18, 305n. 9 Y Yahata (Yawata) Shrine, 254, 345, 346n. 1 Yakushiji, 30, 31, 180, 197, 199n. 2, 286-87, 289n. 2, 299-301 Yama, King, 68, 198, 224-25, 303, 305n. 18, 306n. 19; couriers of, 198, 201n. 12, 224-25, 226nn. 6, 11; golden tablet of, 249, 250n. 7 Yamada Yoshio, 25, 27, 29, 30, 32-33, 38n. 60, 142n. 3,270n. 2,310n. 17, 363n. 8 Yamashinadera (Kofukuji), 77, 179, 188n. 45, 355-56n. 9; established by Fujiwara, 353; Nirvana Service at, 276-78; Vimalaklrti Service at, 353-56; see also Kofukuji; Hokoji Yang, Emperor (Sui), 171n. 17, 363n. 10 Yasuda Naomichi, 35n. 10, 39nn. 69, 81 Yasutane: see Yoshishige Yasutane yearly ordinands (nenbundosha), 315, 317n. 4, 319n. 17 Yen Chen-ch'ing (Duke of Lu), 361, 364n. 19 Yokawa, 23, 95n. 2, 343n. 2 Y6mei, Emperor, 174, 175, 180nn. 3, 5 Yoshida Koichi, 25, 38n. 56 Yoshino, 230 Yoshishige Tamemasa, 19 Yoshishige Yasutane, 12, 15, 17, 19, 30; and Kangakue, 16, 296n. 1, 297n. 7;
Page 446 446 Index and Nihon 0jogokurakuki, 13, 17, 30; and Sanbae, 22, 23, 281n. 8; and Sonshi, 11-13 Yuimae: see "Vimalakirti Service at Yamashinadera, The" Yumedono, 177-78, 180n. 4, 186n. 33 Ytin-kangjataka friezes, 55 Z Za6 (gongen), 328 zenjishiki: see worthy teachers zenjb haramitsu: see "perfection, of meditation" Zenshin (alternate name for Syama), 158, 162n. 4 Zenshin (nun), 182 Zenzai doji, 293n. 9 Zenzai dbji emaki, 293n. 10 zah6: see "Period of the Imitated Teaching" ZohMketsugiky6, 333, 353n. 8 Zahazoky6, 332n. 17, 346 Zaichi agongyb (Agongya), 96n. 11, 106n. 15, 262, 264n. 14, 270n. 4, 334, 336n. 12, 367, 369n. 8 zuiki, 47-48, 79, 372n. 1 zuiki haben (expedient of rejoicing), 48, 80, 371-72 zuiki kudoku, 48, 80, 371-72