Lecture Notes concerning history, 1872 (3 of 4)

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the least affront to the American People or to Congress. If there were need to nominate a Minister in
the place of Mr Monroe (which is not certainly the
case, Mr. Washington should have left this task to
the President who shall succeed him; but he has
astutely profited by the few days remaining to him
to put an affront on the French Government, and
especially on Mr. Monroe. Mr. Washington cannot
but know that Mr. Jefferson, should he be chosen
President, would not displace Mr. Monroe. Mr.
Washington has adroitly profited by his opportunity to make the appointment himself, during the
closing days of his Presidency. The state of suspension in which I consider Mr. Pinckney is not of
such a nature as to prevent consultations (pourparlers)between the French Minister and Mr Pinckney.
They could discuss all sorts of subjects, and perhaps with the more freedom because their interviews would not be directly official.
" So long as Mr Pinckney's nomination shall be in
suspense in America, until it receives the Senate's
confirmation, so long should it remain in suspense
in France."
This note is without date, but an endorsement shows it was sent to Citizen Caille, "to
verify whether Mr. Pinckney's nomination is
unconstitutional, and promptly return me this
Note." An entry shows that the Directory
decided that it would not be " dignified" to
receive Pinckney in the way proposed by
Paine, and the new minister was promptly expelled from French territory. Unless Paine's
constitutional point was merely meant to cause
delay and prevent the angry action which occurred, he was as hazy as Washington himself
was about-his right to make the appointshent.
It is also notable that in his message of December 7, 1796, Washington does not mention 4he
change of ministers in France, Congress being
informed of it January 19, but little over six
weeks before the inauguration of Adams.
The last of my new documents are letters
exchanged between Paine and Talleyrand, who
became Minister of Foreign Relations in the
summer of 1797. It will be borne in mind that
the Directory had taken up the position that,
during its war with England, it would deal
with American ships and cargoes precisely as
America permitted England to deal with the
same. If England was permitted to capture
American ships, provisions, and seamen to be
used against France, France would capture and
utilize them against England. The treaty of
1778, which forbade France such captures, had
been rendered injurious to her by the British
treaty, which allowed United States provisions to be seized at sea, on their way to
France, on stipulation of compensation.
Paine did not comprehend that, under this stipulation, the seizure of American provisions at
sea by England was regarded with equanimity
by American shippers. On September 30,
1797, he wrote (in English) to Talleyrand:
" CITIZEN MINIsTER: I promised you some observations on the state of things between France and
America. I divide the case into two parts; first,
with respect to some method that shall effectually
put an end to all interruptions of the American
Commerce; secondly, with respect to the captures
that have been made on that Commerce.
" As to the first case (the interruption of the American Commerce by France), it has its foundation in
the British Treaty, and it is the continuance of that
Treaty that renders the remedy difficult. Besides,
the American administration has blundered so much
in the business of treaty-making that it is probable
it will blunder again in making another with France.

There is, however. one method left, and there is but
one, that I can see, that will be effectual It isa nonimportation Couvention,-That America agrees not
to import fron an Nation in Eu-ope sr/ho s/al
interrccpt /cer Commerce or seize an-iy goods, wares,
or ccerrchncc/ise acterer, and that ill leer pcrts
s//all be slect taaenst the Nation that tives the offence.

The Nation.
" But it would be far better if this non-importation
convention were to be a general Convention of Nations acting as a Whole. It would give a better protection to Neutral Commerce than the armed neutrality could do. I would rather be a Neutral Nation under the protection of such a Convention,
which costs nothing to make it, than be under the
protection of a navy equal to that of Britain.
France should be the patron of such a Convention
and sign it It would be giving both her consent and
her protection to the Rights of Neutral Nations. If
England refuse to sign it she will nevertheless be
obliged to respect it, or lose all her Commerce. I enclose you a plan I drew up about four months ago,
when there was an expectation that Mr. Madison
would come to France. It has lain byme ever since.
" The second part, that of settlement for the Captures, I will make the subject of a future correspondence. Salut et respect."
The enclosure is a " Maritime Compact," of
nine articles, by which the nations agree to
close their ports against the ships and commerce of every country that interrupts neutral commerce, and unite to punish the offending country. The flag of this international association is to be the imitation of a Rainbow.
Talleyrand's answer (in French) is dated October 6:
" I have the honor to return you, Citizen, with very
sincere thanks, your Letter to General Washington,
which you have had the goodness to show me.
"I have received the letter you have taken the
trouble to write me, the 9th of this month [Vend6 -miaire]. I need not assure you of the appreciation
with which I shall receive the further suggestions
you promise on the means of terminating in a durable manner the differences which naturally excite
your interest as a patriot and as a Republican. Animated by such a principle, your ideas cannot fail to
cast valuable light on the discussion which has been
raised, and which should have for its end a reunion
of the two Republics, in whose alienation the enemies of Liberty triumph."
Paine's " Maritime Compact," translated by
Bonneville, was distributed among all the
ministers of Europe (1800), and embodied in
one of the author's "Letters to the American
People" (1803). The original manuscript of
this American letter is in the possession of Mr.
W. F. Havemeyer.
MONCURE D. CONWAY.
THE ROYAL ACADEMY'S OLD MASTERS.
LONDON, January 5, 1895.
TnE Royal Academy has never made such
rich amends for its summer show.as in this
year's winter exhibition. The twenty-sixth
collection of Old Masters brought together in
Burlington House, proves one of the finest
hung for many winters-so fine, indeed, that
the Venetian pictures at the New Gallery suffer sadly by comparison. Moreover, the Academy has made what, for it, must be counted
quite a new departure. The exhibition before
now has often included masterpieces, though
perhaps these have never been as many, nor
selected with as much discrimination and intelligence. But the Academy has so seldom,
throughout the century of its career, offered
anything in the shape of novelty, that it is the
new departure which first claims attention.
It is of genuine importance because of the

influence revealed and the promise given.
The new feature, then, is the "collection illustrating the sculptor-goldsmith's art, chiefly of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries."
The custom at the winter show has long been
to fill the water-color rooms with a special
series, complete in itself, representing the
work of a single artist whom it was thought
well-for one reason or another-to honor.
Thus, last year Stothard was chosen for the.h AMP f t 4