Biblical researches in Palestine, 1838-52. A journal of travels in the year 1838. By E. Robinson and E. Smith. Drawn up from the original diaries, with historical illustrations, by Edward Robinson.

BIBLICAL RESEARCHES IN PALESTINE, AND IN THE ADJACENT REGIONS. A JOURNAL OF TRAVELS IN THE YEAR 1838. BY E. ROBINSON AND E. SMITH. DRAWN UP FROM THE ORIGINAL DIARIES, WITH HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONSt BY EDWARD ROBINSON, D. D. LL. D. PROFESSOR OF BIBLIOAL LITERATURE IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK. W ITH NE W MAPS AND PLANS. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. BOSTON; PUBLISHED BY CROCKER AND BREWSTER, No. 4T WASHINGTON STREET. LONDON- JOHN M U R R A Y. 1856.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, BY EDWARD ROBINSON. In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. JOHN F. TROW, RINT T, STEREOTYPER, AND ELECTROTYPER, 877 AND 379 BROADWAY, N.,

C O N TENTS. SECTION XI. FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA AND HEBRON. Pages 1-94. Shutting up of Jerusalem, 1. We stop but a single day, 1, 2. Preparations, guide, etc. 2.-May 17th. Ifeparture; go round by Beit Jala, 2. Statistics of the village, 2-4. Way to the village el-Khuidr, 4. View from high point beyond Wady Bittir, and notices of the country, 4-6. Kiistil, probably Lat.' Castellum,' 6. Soba, its situation, 6. Not Modin, 6, 7. Possibly for Zuph, Zophim, the ancient Ramathaim-Zophim of Samuel, 7, 8. Objection from the position, 8, 9. Objection as being on Mount Ephraim, 9, 10.-Boundary between Benjamin and Judah, 10. It passes Kirjath Jearim, probably the present Kuryet el-'Enab, 10-12. Its further course, 12. Way to Beit'AtAb, 13. Beit'Atab and wide view, 13, 14. Way to Beit Nettif; ancient road, 14, 15. Beit Nettif and country around, 15. Climate, 15. Wide view of many ancient places, 16, 17. Inhabitants; the parties Keis and Yemen, 17, 18. Hospitality of the people, 18, 19. General hospitality, the MedAfeh or Menzil, 19.Mlay 18th. Fog in the valleys, 19. Proposed search after the site of Eleutheropolis; reported ruins at Beit Jibrin, etc. 19. Wady es-Simt, 20. Socoh, 21. Place of David's combat with Goliath, 21. Well with flocks; drawing water "with the foot," 22. Remarkable excavations near Deir Dubban, 22-24. Way to Beit Jibrin, 24. Beit Jibriln, ruins of a strong Roman fortress, 25, 26. Ruined church, Santa Hanneh, 26. People wish the Franks to come, 26. Former Sheikhs of the district, 27. Beit Jibrin, if not Eleutheropolis, is certainly the ancient Betoyabra, 27, 28. Hist. notices, 28, 29. Way to Tell es-Safieh, 29. Dhikrin, 29. Tell es-Sifieh, 29, 30. The Blanchegarde of the crusaders, 31, 32.-May 19th. Leave for Gaza; fertile country, 32, 33. Sfimmeil, deep well; error of Breydenbach, 33. General wish for the Franks, 34. Bureir, 35. Threshing and winnowing, 35. Lively harvest-scenes, 35. Immense olive grove near Gaza, 35, 36. Quarantine guard, 36. May 21st. GAZA; letter of introduction, 36. Visit to the mosk, an ancient church, 36. Governor's secretary, Tezkirah, 37. Remains of antiquity, places of former gates, 37, 38. Geogr. position, 38. Dar6n, 38. Sandy tract along the sea, 38. Fertility, 39. Population, 39. Trade, 39. Hist. Notices, 40-43. Gaza probably not "desert," when the book of Acts was written, 41. Region S. E. of Gaza, Gerar, 43, 44. Leave Gaza for Beit Jibrin by a more southern route, 44. Hitj, recently built up, 44, 45. Return to Bureir, 45. Agriculture; all the rich plains held by the government, 45, 46.-May 22d. Um Lhkis, not Lachish, 46, 47. Turn off to Tell el-Hasy; harvest-scenes, 47. Wady el-.Hasy, 47,

iV CONTENTS. 48. The Tell and region, 48.'Ajlan, Eglon, 439. Es-Sukkariyeh, probably an ancient site, 49. Difficulty for a guide, laziness, 50. Reapers and gleaners, "parched corn," 50. El-Kubeibeh, 51. Beit Jibrin, 51. Men of Beit Jila, 51. The Sheikh takes us to three clusters of very remarkable excavations, 51-53. Cufic inscriptions, 52. Sepulchres, 52. The Tell, 52. Singular excavated labyrinth, 53. Not yet satisfied as to Eleutheropolis, 53. Roads to Hebron furnish a certain test, 54. Go to Dawaimeh for the night by mistake, 54, 55. Conclude to visit el-Burj and hire a guide, 55, 56.-May 23d. The Sheikh attempts imposition; we return towards Beit Jibrin, 56. Take the road for Hebron by Idhna,,Jedna, 56. Incident, disarming of the peasants, 57. Reach Idhna in two hours from Beit Jibrin, which identifies the latter with Eleutheropolis, 57. ELEUTHEROPOLIS, 57. Identical with Betogabra and Beit Jibrin; evidence from the specifications of Eusebius and Jerome, 57-59. Hist. Notices, serving to sustain their testimony, 59-63. Writers who mention Betogabra make no allusion to Eleutheropolis, and vice versa, 63. The expression " Betogabra of Eleutheropolis" probably a gloss, 63. Tradition of Samson's fountain in the vicinity, 64, 65. Hist. Notice identifying Eleutheropolis and Betogabra, 65, 66.-Gath, 66, 67. Maresha, Maressa, 67. Moresheth, 68. Invasion of the Edomites; the south of Palestine called Idumea, 68. Possible origin of the excavations we visited, 69. Village of Idhna, Jedna, 69-71. Hospitality of the Sheikh, 70. Ascent of the mountain, 71. Tefffih, Beth-Tappuah, 71. Violent Sirocco; drops of rain with dust, 72. Large oak, 72. Reach Hebron and encamp on the grassy western slope, 72. Pressing invitation from Elias, 73. Delay at Hebron, 73. HEBRON. lifay 24th. General character and situation, 73, 74. Ancient pools, 74. The Haram, description, 75, 76. A mere wall around an interior court, 76, 77. Probably a Jewish structure surrounding the sepulchre of the patriarchs, 77. Hist. Notices, 77-79. Jews' window, 79.-Citadel in ruins, 79. Manufactory of waterskins, 79. Bazars, 79. Manufactures of glass, 80. Go out to breakfast with Elias under the great oak, 80-82. Camel loads of arms from Dura, 80. Vineyards, how trained, 81. Wine and Dibs, 81. The oak, 81. Elias and his family, breakfast, 82. Threshing-floors; scenes of the book of Ruth, 83.-May 25th. Visit to the Rabbi of the Jews, 83. Synagogue and manuscripts, 84. Ascend the western hill; extensive view, 85. Visit to the three governors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and Hebron, 85-88. Oficial dinner, Sheikh Sa'id of Gaza, his character and fall, 86-88.-Population and trade of Hebron, 88. Historical Notices, 88-94. Question as to the identity of the ancient and modern site, 91, 92. Hospital and former distribution of bread, etc. 92. Rebellion in 1834; the town sacked by the Egyptians, 93, 94. SECTION XII. Faom: HEBRON TO WADY M1USA AND BACK. Pages 95-212. Delays at Hebron, 95. Visit from the Sheikh of the JehAlin, and bargain for camels and guides, 95, 96. Further delay; shuffling conduct of Elias, 96. — eay 26th. Camels arrive; departure, 96. Way to Carmel, 97. Ascend the ridge beyond, pros

CONTENTS. V pect towards the south, 97. - Country of the Jeha'lln, 98. Encamp over Sunday, 98. Notices of the Jehtaln, 98, 99.-May 27th. Visitors in our tent, 99, 100. Engage five Haweitht, 100. May 28th. New guides and camels, Arab dilatoriness, 100. Difficulty about a head-guide, 100, 101.:We at length set off, 101. Tell'Arad, ancient Arad, 101. Rujeim Selameh and view, 102. Upper ez-Zuweirah, 103. Wide prospect over the Dead sea and southern Ghor, 103. First descent, lower tract of chalky hills, 104. Second descent; ez-Zuweirah, fort and reservoirs, 104. Wady ez-Zuweirah; encamp in a side valley, 104, 105. Our guides less intelligent than those from the Tawarah, 105, 106. May 29th. Follow down Wady ez-Zuweirah to the shore, 106.:- Sunrise upon the Dead sea, 106. Zuweirah has no- relation to Zoar, which lay on the east of the sea, 106, 107. Hajr or Khashm Usdum (Sodom), a mountain of fossil salt,' 107-110. Bathe in the sea, 110. Deep cavern in the mountain, 110. Alarm at an approaching party, 110. We. prove the strongest, and our Haweitkt begin to plunder; remonstrances, 111. S. W. corner of the sea, 111. This end of the sea very shallow, and a flat extends far to the south, 112. Eastern part of the Ghor (Sifieh) fertile and wellwatered, 112, 113. Range of cliffs crossing the Ghdr further south, an offset or step to the'Arabah beyond, 113. Already known that the waters of the'Arabah flow northwards, 113, 114.-We keep along the western side of the Ghor; character, salt rills, 114, 115.'Ain el-Beida, 115. S. W, corner of the Gh6r, Wady el-Fikreh, 116. Keep along the base of the transverse line of cliffs, 116.'Ain el-'Aris, 117. Wady Ghtirfindel and ruins, Arindela, 117. Haweitht breakfast,.117, 118. Mouth of Wady:el-Jeib, the drain of the'Arabah, 118. Proceed up this deep broad chasm, 118, 119. Evening halt, romantic desert scene, 119, 120. Results of the day, 120. -"Ascent of Akrabbim," 120. May 30th. Night-travel, 121. Leave Wady el-Jeib, desert of the'Arabah, 121. Rocks Humra Feda'n, and Wady Ghuweir, 121. Halt at'Ain el-Buweirideh, 122. Violent Sirocco, 122. Routes up to Wady Mfisa, 122, 123. Base of the mountains, porphyry cliffs, 123. Romantic pass of Nemela, 123, 124. Juniper trees, 124. Eneamp at the top of the pass, 124.-May 31st. View from the brow of the mountain; the'Arabah, the western desert, Wady el-Jerafeh, Mount Hor, etc. 124, 125.. Region of Nemela, 125, 126. Sandstone formation, 126. Oleanders, 126. Sik or chasm, with a sculptured tablet, 126. Plain Sutuih Beida, village Dibdiba, 127. Poverty of inhabitants, 127. Way to Eljy, 127, 128. Saracenic fortress, 128. Eljy, 128.'Ain Musa and brook, 129. Arrival at the valley;:tomb on the, right, 129. Enter the valley; commencement of the street of tombs, 129, Monolithic tombs, like those in the valley of Jehoshaphat, 129, 130. Tomb with pyramids, 130. Entrance of the Sik, 130. Arch across the chasm, 130. Width of the chasm and height of the sides, 130, 131. Oleanders, channels, pavement,.131. M. Magnificence of impression, 13.1, 132. The Khiizneh, character and imposing effect, 132, 133. Interior, 133. Tombs beyond the Khiizneh, 133. Singular ornament, 133. -Amphitheatre, 134. View from it, 134. Encamp; the object of our visit, 134, 135.-Area of the ancient city on both sides of the brook, 135. Remains of a temple and bridges, 135. Triumphal arch, 135. KIsr:Far'dn, a late structure, 135. Zub Far'un, column of a temple, 136. The whole area once occupied by a city of houses built of stone, 136.-Western wall of cliffs with tombs, 136. Springs flowing off into a western, chasm; its character, 137. Laborde's delineations correct, but conveyno goo.d general idea,-of the whole, 138. The ancient city not enclosed by perpendicular rocks on all sides, 138. Perpendicular VOL. II.-A*

Vi CONTENTS. cliffs only on E. and W. 138. Nature of the ground N. and S. of the brook, 138, 139. Excavations and architecture; their multitude, 139. Most conspicuous tombs on the east, 140. Character of the rocks, reddish sandstone, 140, 141. Varying teints, like watered silk, 140. Two styles of architecture mingled, Egyptian and Roman-Greek, 141. The excavations not originally made for dwellings, 141, 142. Some of them temples, 142.-Silence and solitude of this city of the dead, 142, 143. Feast and mirth of our Arabs, 143. June Ist. Foreign Arabs, the Ma'az, now in these mountains, 143. Sheikh of Wady Muisa arrives, 143. Visit to the Deir, 143-145. Probably a temple, 145.Sheikh of Wady Muisa demands a present, etc. 145. I go again to the Khizneh, 145. Noise of guns; Arab quarrel; Arabs sent to bring us back, 145, 146. Sheikh turns out to be the noted Abu Zeitfin, 146. Discussions and disputes, 147-149. We determine to return the way we came, giving up Mount Hor, 149. Attempt to go towards Mount Hor; defiance, 149. Our departure. unexpected to the Sheikh, 150. He sends after us to return, 150. Comes after us himself, 150. We proceed on our way, 151. His demand a new thing, 151. His fear of Muhammed'Aly was our protection, 151. Regret at not visiting. Mount Hor, 152. Descent to el-'Arabah, 152. Night-travel; danger of being overtaken and plundered, 153. Midnight halt and rest in the middle of the'Arabah, 153. MOUNTAINS OF EDOM, 154. Formation, height, character, 154. Divisions; Mountains of Moab, Jebal esh-Sherah, 154. El-Hismeh, 155. Tribes of Bedawin, 155. The Haweitat, 155, 156. Fellhin of the mountains, 156. Historical Notices of this region, the ancient Edom and Arabia Petrsea, 156-163. Often visited by the crusaders, 163-165. Since then forgotten, 165.-Ancient towns: Machrus, 166. Rabba, Nabbath Moab, 166. Kerak, Charac Moab, 166. Tiffileh, Tophel, 167. el-Busaifeh, Bozrah, 167. Ghfirindel, Arindela; Dhana, Thana, 168. Ma'an; [Usdakah, Zodocatha, 168. El-Humeiyimeh, 168. PETRA, Heb. Sela, the capital of Arabia Petrsea, 168. Historical notices, 169, 170. Suddenly vanishes before the Muhammedan conquest, 170. Identity of Petra with Wady Muisa, proofs, 171-173. Oblivion, 173. June 2d. Proceed across the'Arabah to'Ain el-Weibeh, 173, 174. Character and position, 174, 175. Probable site of Kadesh, 175, 176. Marauding expedition recently encamped here, 176. Roads from el-Weibeh, 176. Our Arabs take a wrong one, 176, 177. Their ignorance, 177. Return to their usual road, 177. Ascend to the first step or offset of the mountains, drained by Wady el-Fikreh, 177, 178. Amore formidable ascent before us, 178. Three passes up the same, 178. The hill Madfirah; legend of the Arabs, visited by Seetzen, 179, 180. Pass es-Sfifah, difficult; ancient road, Zephath? 180, 181. Evening; we continue to ascend gradually through a very broken region, 181, 182. Encamp, excessively fatigued, 182. Other passes, es-Sufey and el-Yemen, 182. WA~DY EL-'ARABAII. Extent, names, character, 183. Depression of the middle and northern part, the Dead Sea and Lake of Tiberias, 183. Water-shed, 184. For the most part a desert, 184. Fountains in it, 184, 185. Roads, 185. Unknown to occidental geographers, 185. Mentioned in Arabian writers, 186. Is the Arabah (plain) of the Hebrew Scriptures, 186. Its existence unsuspected in modern times until the present century, 187. THE DEAD SEA AND CATASTROPHE OF THE PLAIN, 187. A lake existed here before the destruction of Sodom, 188. Probably less extensive than the present Dead sea, 188. The cities and fertile plain were on the south, 188. Slime-pits or sources of bitumen, 188. Present character of the southern part of the sea, 189. This may

CONTENTS. VUi have been formed by some convulsion of nature destroying the fertile plain, 189. Perhaps by earthquakes or volcanic action, 190, 191. The bitumen may have accumulated into an extensive stratum, like the Pitch lake of Trinidad, and thus have been inflamed, 190. Barrenness would be caused by the masses of fossil salt, 190. Letter of Leopold von Buch, 191, 192. APPROACH OF THE ISRAELITES TO PALESTINE, 192. Route to'Ain el-Hudhera, 192. Did not pass on the west of Jebel'Araif, 193. Impassable mountainous tract on the western border of the'Arabah, 193. They must have reached Kadesh through the'Arabah, 193. Position of Kadesh, 193-195. Not at el-'Ain in the western desert, 194. n. Twice visited by the Israelites, 194, 195. Their wanderings, 195. Their supply of food and water a constant miracle, 195. June 3d. Alarm of a marauding party behind us, 196. We proceed across the tract et-Tfiraibeh, 196. Pass of el-Muzeikah, third ascent towards Palestine, 197. Ruins of Kurnub, probably Thamara, 197. Kubbet el-Baul; stray camel, 198. Wady'Ar'arah and prospect towards Tell'Arad, 198, 199. Pits of water; site of'Ar'arah, Aroer, 199. Leave Gaza road and cross towards el-Milh; encamp, 199. —June 4th. Lose a camel, 199. Wells at el-Milh, 200. Wady passes to Wady es-Seba' and Beersheba, 200. The bird KUitA in great numbers, not the quail, 200. Site at el-Milh, probably ancient AMoladah, Malatha, 200, 201. Thamara was a day's journey further south, probably at Kurnub, 202.-Our guides wish to go to their camp, and prevaricate; we proceed towards Semfi'a and Hebron, 202, 203. Go up another ridge or step of the ascent, 203. Start a jackal, 203. This ridge probably the dividing line between the "mountains" and the "south" of Judah, 203. el-Ghuwein, probably Anim, 204. Young locusts, 204. Rafft, 204. Semfi'a, ancient Eshtemoa, 204, 205. Yiitta, ancient Juttai, 206. Um el-'Amad, ruins of a church, 206. Wady el-Khiil, 206. Way hence to Hebron, fields and cultivation, 206, 207. June 5th. Despatch our servant to Jerusalem for horses, 207. Visit from the Sheikhs of the Jehalin, 207, 208. Arrangement for paying over the price of the camels; trial of skill between the Sheikh and Elias, 208. Owner of camels, 208. Nature and habits of the camel; not unlike the sheep, 208-210. Dine with Elias, 210, 211. Threshing-floors near our tent, 211.-June 6th. Return of servant with horses, etc. 211. Money paid over through Elias; his commission, 211, 212. His later fortunes, 212. Two English travellers, 212. SECTION XIII. FROM HEBRON TO RAMLETH AND JERUSALEM. Pages 213-257. June 6th. Difficulty of obtaining a guide at Hebron, 213. Way to Dura, 213, 214. Dura, Nubian slave, village quarrel, 214. Subsequent rebellion, 215. Ancient Adoraim, Adora, Dora, 215. Proceed towards el-Burj; Wady el-Keis, 215, 216. Easy descent of the mountains, 216. Harvest scene, ruins, 216. El-Burj, 216.-June 7th. ~Disappointment in el-Burj, 217. El-Khuweilifeh, a watering-plape, 217. Caves, people from Dura, 218. Pistol lost, clamour, 218. Um esh-Shtikaf, harvest scenes, 218, 219. Indefinite replies:' Straight ahead,' etc. 219. Way to Idhna, ruins, 219. The'

~Viii CONTENTS. Sheikh " saddles his ass " and accompanies us as a guide, 219. Terkumieh, Tricomias, 220. Heat of day, 220. Beit Niislb, Nezib, 220, 221. Rich and fertile region, many sites of ruins, 221. Wady es-Sfr and wells, not Beth-zur, 221, 222. Immense Butm tree, Pistacia Terebinthus, 222. To Beit Nettif, 223. June 8th. Warm morning, 223. Way to'Ain Shems, 223, 224.'Ain Shems, Beth-shemnesh, also lr-shemesh, 224, 225. Wady Sdfrar, RIaft, 226. Great plain, Khulda, drawing water "' with the foot," 226. To'ikir, 226.'Akir, Ekron, 227-229. Yebna, Jabneh,:Wely and Wady Rfibin, 227, 228. Ramleh; lodge with'Abud Murkus, 229. Hospitality, upper room, washing the feet; 229, 230. Tower of Ramleh, beautiful prospect, 230-232. Ancient places visible, 232. Yafa, population, etc. 233. Household of our host, females' not visible, 233. Evening upon the flat roof, 233. Restless night, 234.-Historical Notices of Ramleh; not an ancient town, 234-236. - The tower once a minaret, 236-239. Ramleh not Ramah; yet a Ramatha somewhere in this -region, perhaps Arimathea, 239-241. Other towns in the plain, Sariphasa, Jehud, 241, 242. Antipatris, now Kefr Slba, 242, 243. -Galgula, 243. Itineraries, 243. June 9th. Early departure; attentiveness of our host, 243. Ludd, Lydda, Diospolis, 244, 245. Ruined church of St. George, 245-247. Historical Notices, 247, 248. Daniygl, 248. Jimzu, Gimzo, 249. Two roads up the mountain; we cross the fields -from one to the other; el-Buj, 249. Kharufb tree, Ceratonia its pods,- 250. Females; mother of a conscript, 250. Belit'lOr et-Tahta, Nether Beth-horon, 250. Ascent or Pass, 250, 251. Beit'tr el-F6ka, Upper Beth-koron, 251. Notices, 251-253. Ylo, Valley of Aijalon, 253. Belit Nfibah of the -crusaders, 254. El-Kubeibeh, not Emmaus, 254, 255. Further ascent, el-Jib, 256. Belit Hanina and Wady, 256, 257. Our tent before the Damascus gate, 257. SECTION XIV. FROM JERUSALEM TO NAZARETH AND MOUNT TABOR. Pages 258-367. Jerusalem shut up, 258. Distress, 258, 259. Market at the gate, 259. Scarcity of coin, 259, 260. Intercourse with our friends, 260. Preparations for our departure, 260.-June 13th. Take leave of the Holy City, reflections, 260, 261. To el-Bireh, 261, 262. Baking bread, 262. Roads to NAbulus, 262. We go to Jufna, Roman road, 262, 263. Ruins of ancient church, 263. Jufna, Gophna, 264.'Ain Sinia;'Atara, Ataroth, 264, 265. Lose the way and ascend to Jiljilia, 265. Sinjil, commotion, 266, 267.-June 14th. Reports of Seilfn; we turn off to visit it, 267, 268. Turmus'Aya, 268. Seilfin, Shiloh, 268-271. Khan, plain, and village el-Lubban, Lebonah, 271, 272. Khan es-Sawieh, 272. View towards NMbulus, the Miikhna, 272-274. Reserve of the peasants, 274. Approach to Nabulus, 274, 275. Luxuriant verdure west of the town; encamp, 275. Nhbulus, and its environs, 275. Mounts Gerizim and Ebal alike sterile, 276. Visit to the Samaritans, 276. Ascent- of Gerizim, 277. Samaritan guide followed by his mother, 277. Summit, ruins of a fortress, 277, 278. Sacred place of the Samaritans, 278. Traces of a town, 279. Wide prospect, 279. Small plain opposite; Shlim, Simlem, 279. Other ancient towns, 280. Return to the Samaritans, 280. Their

CONTENTS. i dress and language, the priest and synagogue, 281. Professed ancient manuscript, 281. Their number and observances, 282. Jacob's well, 283, 284. Historical Notices of this well, 284, 285. Difficulties, 285, 286. Population of NMbulus, 286.Historical Notices, 287, 288. Origin of the Samaritans, 289. Temple on Gerizim, 289, 290. Called Neapolis, 291. Also Sychar, 291. Chief seat of the Samaritans, 292. Their insurrections, 292-295. The middle ages, 295, 296. Modern notices of the Samaritans, 296, 297. Their Pentateuch, 297, 298. Correspondence with them by Scaliger, 298. By Huntington, 299. By Ludolf, 299. By Gr6goire and De Sacy, 299, 300. Their literature, 300. Professed book of Joshua, 300. No other communities, 300, 301. —Recent notices of Nabulus; war of 1834, etc. 301, 302. June 15th. Valley west of Nhbulus, skirted with villages, 302, 303. Arab mill and aqueduct, 303. Sebuistieh on a fine hill, 304. The village and people, 304. Church of St. John, 304-306. Reputed sepulchre of John Baptist, legends, 305, 306. Threshing-floors; threshing with the sledge, 306, 307. Hill tilled to the top; area of columns, 307. View, 307. Ancient colonnade of great length, 308. Sebaste, Samaria, historical notices, 308-311. Roads to Jenin; we go by Burka, 311. View from the high ridge, 311. FendekUmieh, 312. Jeba', Geba, 312. Sanur, fortress in ruins, 312, 313. Plain covered with water in winter, 313. View towards the plain of Esdraelon, 314. Kibatityeh, 314. Jenin, fine fountain, 315.. Anc. GinQea, also En-Gannim, 315. Hills skirting the great plain, 315, 316. Ta'annuk, Taanacch; Lejjun, Legio, 316. Arm of plain and villages, 316. Mountains of Gilboa, 316, 317. Tfibas, Thebez; Kefr Kufd, Caparcotia, 317. June 16th. New guide, 318. Pass along the eastern part of the great plain to Zer'in, 318, 319. It stands on the brow of a deep broad valley running east to the Jordan, a second arm of the great plain, 319, 320. Mountain of Dtlhy, or little Hermon, 320. Fountains in the valley, 320. City, valley, and fountain of Jezreel, 320, 321. Identity of the name, 321. Historical Notices, 322, 323. Dead Fountain, 323.'Ain JAfiud, 323, 324. Solam, Shuneam, 324, 325. —Notices of places: Gilboa, 325. Little Hermon, 326. Valley of Jezreel, 327. Beisan, Beth-shean, 328. Ffileh, and the battle of Mount Tabor, 328. Lejjfin, Leyio, Mfegiddo, 328-330. First view of Mount Tabor, 330. Third branch of the great plain, 330, 331. Fuleh and'Affleh, water-shed, 331. Caravan road from Egypt to Damascus, 331. View; IksAl, Chesulloth, 331, 332. Ascent of the hills of Nazareth, and view of the plain, 332. Nazareth, its position, 333. Call on Abu NAsir, a merchant, 333. Population, 333. Latin convent, 334. Maronite church, 335. Precipice; brow of the hill, 335. Legend of the mount of Precipitation, 335.-June 17th. Fountain of the Virgin and Greek church, 336. Hill and Wely west of Nazareth; splendid prospect of the sea and land, 336, 337. Reflections, 337, 338. Visit at Abu Nasir's house, 338. Schools founded by him, 338. Female pupils, 339. Dine with him, 339.-June 18th. Ascend western hill; view and bearings, 339, 340. Locusts and the bird which follows them, 340.-Historical Notices of Nazareth, 341-343. Other ancient places near: Yifa, Ja.phia, 343. Semhunieh, Simonias, 344. JebAta, Gabathia, 344. Sefffirieh, Sepphoris, Diocesarea, 344-346. K'ana el-Jelil, Cana of Galilee, not at Kefr Kenna, 346-349. Roads to Tiberias, 349. We go to Mount Tabor, 350. Debfirieh, Deabeuath, 350, 351. Ascent, 351. Form and summit of Tabor, 351, 352. Height, 352. Ruins of different ages, 352, 353. Churches and altars, 353. View extensive and beautiful, 354, 355. Water-shed between the Jordan and western sea; little stream running to the former, 355, 356. Form of little Hermon; villages, 356. Tabor of the Scriptures and Josephus (Itabyrion) a fortified city, 356-358. Hence not the mount of

X CONTENTS. Transfiguration, 358, 359. Age of the crusades, churches: and convents, 359, 360. Destroyed by Bibars, 360. Other places visible: Endufr, Endor, 360. Nein, Nain, 361. Kaukab el-Hawa or Belvoir, 361. PLAIN OF ESDRAELON, form and extent, 362, 363. River Kishon, now el-Mukfitta', 363. A temporary stream upon the plain, now-dry but often —full, 363,- 364. Waters from Tabor flow to it, 364. Former error, which-makes part of the Kishon run to the Jordan, 364. The Mukiitta' permanent; its sources, 365.-Battles in and near the plain, 366, 367. SECTION XV. FROM MOUNT TABOR BY THE LAKE OF TIBERIAS TO SAFED. Pages 368-442. Jusne 19th. Sunrise and dew on Mount Tabor, 368. Morning mist, 368. Descent to Khan et-Tujjhr, 368, 369. Damascus road, Ard el-Hamma, Kefr Sabt, 369. Plain of Tur'an and Kefr Kenna, 369. Lfibieh, 370. Tell Hattin and Wely of Jethro; singular form, 370. Prospect overrated by Dr Clarke, 371. Legendas to the Sermon on the Mount, 371.-Great battle of Hattln took place on and around this Tell; described, 372-377. Death of Raynald by the hand of Saladin, 376, 377. —Village of Hattin, 378. Deep Wady el-Hamam with Kil'at Ibn Ma'An, 378. Ruins of Irbid, Arbela, not Bethsaida, 379, 380. Locust-bird, 379. First view of the Lake of Tiberias; scenery naked and comparatively tame, sailboat, 380. Tiberias in ruins, 380. Position, the walls prostrated by the recent earthquake, 380, 381. The Jews the chief sufferers, 381. Earthquake of 1759 equally destructive, 382. Church of St. Peter, 382. Site and remains of the ancient city, 383. Hot baths further south; new building, 383. General character, 384. Historical Notices of the baths, 385. Waters of the lake, 385. Full of fine fish, 386. The boat, 386. View from Tiberias, 386. Southern end of the lake, Tarichea, 387. Semakh and other villages, 387. Climate and productions, 388. Limestone with basalt, 388. Founding of Tiberias; Historical Notices, 389, 390. Inhabited later only by Jews; their celebrated school; the Mishnah and Talmuds, 390-392. Church built under Constantine, 391. Middle ages, 392, 393. Later notices; Sheikh Dhaher, 393, 394. June 20th. Message from Abu Nilsir; insurrection of the Druzes towards Damascus; our change of plan, 394, 395. Land of rumours, 395. Set off for N. end of the lake, 395.'Ain el-Barideh, 396. El-Mejdel, Iagydala, 396, 397. Wady el-Hamam and Kfil'at Ibn Ma'Sn described; the ancient caverns of Arbela, now Irbid, 398, 399. Fine plain beyond Mejdel, the Gennesareth of Josephus, 400. Search for Capernaum, 401.'Ain el-Mudauwarah or Round Fountain, 400, 401. No trace of Capernaum near by, 401. Wady er-Rfibbidlyeh and Abu Shfisheh, fine stream, 401. View of the plain, 402. Ghawarineh, 402. Khan Minyeh and'Ain et-Tin, 402, 403. Here probably the site of Capernaum, 403-405. Of Bethsaida and Chorazin there remains no definite trace, 404, 405. Nor of the name Capernaum, etc. 405. Proceed along the shore;'Ain et-TAbighah, 405, 406. Volcanic stones, 406. Tell Hum, extensive and singular remains, 406-408. Not Capernaum, 408. Entrance of the Jordan, 409. Unusual appearance, 409. Encamp, 409. Fine plain beyond the river, the Batilhah, 409, 410. Feverish illness, want of shade, 410. Excursion on

CONTENTS. xi that- plain, ruins, Dikah, 410, 411. Character of the Batihah; Ghawrineh, 411. Butffalos; probably the Reem (unicorn) of the Hebrew, 411, 412. Perennial streams, 412 Tents and reed huts of the Ghawarineh, 412. Et-Tell, the site of Bethsaida of.Gaulonitis or Julias, 413, 414.-Character of the upper Jordan, 414. Its valley between the lakes of Tiberias and the Hfleh; distance, 414, 415. Shores of the lake of Tiberias, 415, 416. Storms, 416. Volcanic appearances, 416.: Extent of the lake, 417. June 21st. Way to Safed, 417, 418. Damascus road by the bridge, 418. Khan Jubb Yusuf, and legend of Joseph's pit, 418, 419. - Ascent, view of Safed, harvesters, 419. High position of Safed with its castle, 420. Character of the place and people, 420, 421. Jewish quarter, 421. The castle, 422. Earthquake of Jan. 1, 1837, causes its almost total destruction, 422, 423. Contributions and mission from Beirut, 423. Now partially rebuilt, 423. Destroyed in like manner in 1759 by an earthquake, 424. Apparently the- central point of that of 1837; phenomena, 424. —Historical Notices:- Safed probably not. an ancient place; not Bethulia, 424, 425. No definite notice of it before the crusades, 425. Its castle then first built, 426. Rebuilt by the Templars, 427, 428. Later state, 428. Seat of the Jews and a celebrated school; its Rabbis, 428-430. Meiron, Jewish cemetery, etc. 430, 431. Situation and climate of Safed, 431. Wide and splendid view, 432.-Further information as to the Druzes; disappointment and change of plan, 432-434. REGION OF THE HULEH. Excursion to Benit, 434. View of the lake, its character and extent, 434,: 435.:Arable tract along the shore,'Ain el-MellAhah,'Ain BelAt, 435. Canal and plain north of the lake, 436. Name el-Hiileh, 436. Castle of Banias, 437. Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, 437. Jebel esh-Sheikh and Jebel Heish, 437. Gorge of the Lithny, and- Lebanon -further south, Jebel Safed, 438. Wady et-Teim, 438. Merj'Ayin, 438. —View from Benit, 439. Historical Notices: el-Hfleh, Merom, Samochodtis, 440. Jebel esh-Sheikh, Hermon, 440. Jisr BenAt Ya'kob, 441, 442. SECTION XVI. FROM SAFED BY TYRE AND SIDON TO BEIRUT. Pages 443-500. June 22d. Way from Safed to Sidon almost unknown, 443, 444. Village'Ain ezZeitun, 444. Volcanic stones and extinct crater, 444, 445. El-Jish, Giscala, destroyed by the earthquake, 445, 446. Cultivated region, YAron and Maron, 447. Sarcophagus as a tomb, 447. Stop at Bint Jebeil; exposed to a night attack, - 448, 449. Metawileh, 448. We lodge in the house of one of the inhabitants; the house described, 448, 449. Belkcd BeshArah; butter for oil, 449. Districts el-Jebel and esh-ShAghfir, 449. June 23d. Sick muleteer left behind, 449, 450. Wooded region, 450. Village Haddita, castles of Tibnin (Toron) and esh-Shtlkif (Belfort), 450. Hist. Notices of Tibn'n, 451-453. Hist. Noticesof esh-Shfiklf, 453, 454. Brow of long descent, 454. Magnificent view of Tyre and its plain, 455. Secluded Wady'Ashur, 455. Villages; KAna, Kanah, 455, 456. Cultivation of tobacco for exportation, 456. Tomb of Hiram, a remarkable monument, 456. Ras el-'Ain, immense fountains, with reservoirs and aqueducts for the supply of ancient Tyre, 457, 458. Not brought from Lebanon, 458. Historical Notices, 459. We follow the ancient aqueduct running towards Ma'shfik, 459, 460. Reach Tyre across the isthmus, 461. Quarantine-guard, 461. Seek a place

xii CONTEXTS. for our tent, 461. American consular agents in Syria, 461. Go to the house of the agent in Tyre, 461. Burdensome hospitality, 462. Imitation of Frank customs, 462. June 24th. Christian sabbath, 462, 463. Bathe in the sea, 463. Reflections on ancient Tyre, 463. Present town, 463-467. Peninsula and isthmus, 463, 464. Port, now fast filling up, 464. Rocky western shore, 464. Strewed with columns in the water, 464, 465. Wall of the port rests on columns, 465. Ruins of the ancient cathedral, 465. Frederic Barbarossa, 466. Aspect of the city, population, earthquake, 466. Supply of water, 467. Historical Notices, 467, 468. Middle ages, 468-470. Ruins and revival, 470. Site of Palatyrus, 471. June 25th. Depart for Sidon, 471. Fountain, 472. Khan el-Kasimiyeh, 472. River el-Kilsim'yeh, Leontes, 472, 473. Great Phenician plain, 473.'Adlan, an ancient site, Ornithonpolis? 474. Sepulchres, ancient Mearah? 474. El-Khfidr, Sfirafend, Sarepta, 474-476.'Ain el-Burak and plantations, 476. Roman milestone, plain of Saida, 476. Quarantine outpost, delay, 476. Second Roman milestone, 476. Apt proach to Saida, gardens and country-seats, 477. Stopped at the gate; encamp outside, 477. Native friend, 477. Visit to the American consular agent; hospitality, sick child, 477, 478. The present city, its position, aspect, buildings, 478480. Population, commerce, 479. Fruits and gardens, 479, 480. Lady Hester Stanhope, 480. Historical Notices of Sidon, 480, 481. Middle ages, 481-483. Fakhr ed-Din, 483. French factory and commerce, 483485. Broken up by Jezzar, 485. June 26th. Way to Beirft, 485. Lazaretto and plague, 485. Nahr el-Auwaly, ancient Bostrenxus, 485, 486. Mulberry orchards, southern heights of Lebanon, 486. Roman road, 487. Sandy cove and Khan Neby Yfnas, Jiyeh, mulberry groves, 487. Character of this and other Khhans, 487. Site of Porphyreon, 487. Roman milestone, promontory, 488. Nahr ed-Da'mur, a wild stream, ancient Tamyras, 488, 489. Battle of Antiochus and site of Platanumn, 488. Khans el-Musry, el-GhUfr, el-Khulda, 489. Numerous sarcophagi, 489. Promontory of Beirft, sand-hills, 489, 490. Plain and immense olive grove, 490. Silk, and mulberry trees, 490. Grove of pines, sanitary cordon, 490. We encamp for the night, 491. Enter Beirft June 27th; family of Messrs Thomson and Hebard, 491. Situation and aspect of the town, 491, 492. Gardens and verdure around; houses of the Franks, 492. Prospect from our windows, 492. Nahr Beirfit, ancient Magoras, 492. Lebanon and its heights; white appearance, whence the name, 493. Teems with cultivation and villages, 493. The grove of cedars, 493. Temples on Lebanon, 493. Berytus, not Berothah, 494, 495. Historical Notices, 494. Celebrated school of law, 494, 495. Middle ages, 495, 496. Later history, 496, 497. Flourishing state, 496. Population, 497. Missionary station, 497. Recent bombardment, 497. CONCLUSION. Plans, 497-498. Illness, 498. Voyage to Smyrna by way of Alexandria, 498, 499. Constantinople, 499, The Danube, 499, 500. Dangerous illness at Vienna, 500. SECTION XVII. RELIGIOUS SECTS IN SYRIA AND PALESTINE Pages 501-512. CHRISTIANs.-Sources of information, 501. Numbers and sects, 501. Greeks, 502. Are Arabs by birth and language, 502. The high clergy foreigners, 502. Clergy not

CONTENTS. xiii instructed, 503. Organization, 503. Greek Catholics, 504. Clergy are natives, 505. College, 505. Printing-press of long standing, 505. Maronites, 505. Devoted to the pope, 506. Their districts and power, 506. College at'Ain Warkah, 507. Syrians or Jacobites, 507. Syrian Catholics, 508. Armenians, 508. Armenian Catholics, 508. Latins, 509. Convents on Lebanon, 509. Protestants, not then tolerated as such, 509, 510..Interest of England in affording protection to Protestants, 510, 511. This easily accomplished, 511. MUHAMMEDANS AND OTHER SEcTs.-Ji-auammedans, 511. JIetuwileh, 511. Druzes, 511. Nusairiyeh, 512. Isma'iyeh, 512. NOTE S. NoTE XXXI. SUMMEIL, ST. SAMUEL. Correction of an error as to a castle of St. Samuel and Abraham,. 533, 534 XXXII. THE "DESERT" NEAR GAZA. The "desert" in Acts viii. 26, refers probably to the road, as passing through an uninhabited region, and not to the city of Gaza,. 514, 515 XXXIII. CUFIC INSCRIPTIONS, at Beit Jibrin,.. 515, 516 XXXIV. VICUs BETAGAB2EORUiI; more probably Tayabieorum, the present Thbaka,. 516, 517 XXXV. ZoAR. Proofs that it was situated on the east of the Dead sea,..... 517-519 XXXVI. TOMB OF AARON. Irby and Mangles' description of their ascent of Mount Hor,... 519-521 XXXVII. PETRA. Ancient names; not er-Rakim, nor el-Hijr. Only one city Petra; sources of confusion,. 521-524 XXXVIII. CATASTROPHE OF SODOM. Letter in French from L. von Buch, on the geology of the region,. 524-526 XXXIX. STATIONS OF THE ISRAELITES. Synoptical view,. 526-528 XL. ITINERARIES. From'Akka to YAfa; and between YAfa and Jerusalem,. 528 XLI. EARTHQUAKE AT SAFED. Flev. lIr Thomson's Report, 529-531 VOL. II. B

xiV CONTENTS. APPENDIX I. CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF WORKS ON PALESTINE, etc. 533-.555 " II. LA CITEZ DE JIIERUSALEM, etc... 556-562 ITINERARY,... 563-576 LNDEX I. ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS,.. 577-591 " II. ANCIE.NT GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, etc... 592-598 HIII. PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE ILLUSTRATED,. 599, 600

SECTION XI. FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA AND HEBRON. ON returning from our eight days' excursion to the Dead Sea and Jordan, we found the plague slowly increasing in Jerusalem, and the alarm becoming more deep and general. The superior health-officer of the coast, from Beirit, had arrived; and there was reason to suppose that the city would soon be shut up, either by drawing a cordon of troops around it, or by closing the gates. The object of such a measure, in the true style of oriental despotism, is to hinder the spread of the plague among the villages, by cutting off all communication, and preventing the egress of persons from the city; the inhabitants of the latter being in this manner left, not only to suffer the actual horrors of the plague, but to see them aggravated among a population thus pent up in misery and filth, without fresh air, and without the ordinary supplies of fresh provisions from the country. Some of the other evils attendant on such a state of things, have already been alluded to.' It had been our intention to remain some days in Jerusalem; and we had planned a short excursion to Bethany and St. Saba; and thence by way of the Frank mountain and Bethlehem to St. John's in the desert and SOba. But the circumstances above detailed induced us to change our plan, and depart as soon as possible on a longer journey, before the rumour of the closing of the city should be spread abroad, and prevent perhaps our entrance into the larger towns. We therefore now stopped at Jerusalem but a single day, and took our departure for Gaza and Hebron; intending to make an excursion from the latter place to Wady Musa. We chose the direct route to Gaza through the mountains, instead of the usual one by Ramleh, as being less travelled and less known; and one of our main objects in doing so, was to search for the site of the long lost Eleutheropolis. Our departure' See above, Vol. I. p. 249. VOL. II. —1 ii. 320 321

2 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. was well timed; for the gates were closed the very next day, and the city remained shut up until July. This journey was undertaken by Mr Smith and myself alone; our companion preferring to remain in the city, and take his risk of a quarantine; which might be necessary in order to join us afterwards on our journey northwards. We left our trunks and extra baggage also in Jerusalem, although we knew there might be difficulty in obtaining them again; but we regarded them as safer in the hands of our friends than elsewhere; and the worst that could happen would be a quarantine in charge of our fellow traveller. The part of the country to which we were going, was known to be comparatively safe; though stories of robbery were not wanting. We engaged only a single guide, a Christian from Beit Jala, who had often travelled the route, and proved to be well acquainted with the country. Instead of the insolent Mukariyeh of Jerusalem, we now hired muleteers from Lifta, a village in the great Wady Beit Ianina; where every peasant keeps his mule and usually accompanies it. They brought us four mules and one horse, with a man for each; we paying 151 or -16 piastres a day for each animal, according to good behaviour; and half price for the days we should lie by; the men receiving nothing extra, and furnishing themselves. Thus with our two servants and guide, we mustered in all ten men, and felt ourselves secure against all ordinary thieves or plunderers. Thursday, May 17th. We bade adieu to our friends, and left the Y~fa gate at five minutes before 8 o'clock; taking the Bethlehem road which we had before travelled. The single.horse in our party was by a sort of tacit consent allotted to me; but its gait was so hard, and the animal required withal so much urging, that I was glad the next day to exchange it for one of the mules, and was decidedly a gainer. The proper Gaza road passes down along or near Wady elWerd; but we made a circuit by the village of Beit Jala in order to accommodate our guide. We reached Ma'r Elyas in an hour; and leaving the tomb of Rachel at 9i o'clock, and crossing Wady Ahmed through the olive groves, we ascended along the southern side of Beit Jala, and stopped near its upper part at 10 o'clock. We did not enter the village, but waited among the olive trees, until our guide had taken leave of his family and again joined us; bringing with him a half starved donkey, not much larger than a rat. Beit Jala is closely built.on the eastern declivity of a high hill, and is inhabited solely by Christians. The tradition formerly was current, that no AMuhammedan could live in it more than two years.' Our guide, in the course of our journey, gave This tradition is mentioned in A. D: 1496 in the Journey of Alexander, Palaii. 321, 322

MAY 17.] BEIT JALA. 3 us much information respecting this his native village; the sum of which here follows. Beit Jala belongs to the Tekiyeh,I a -charitable establishment in Jerusalem, near the Haram. Its taxable males, above fifteen years of age, are reckoned at five hundred;: indicating a population of about two thousand souls. Of the men, sixty can read, not including the younger boys. Under the former government, the inhabitants paid the Kharaj to the Greek convents, averaging from twelve to fifteen ZAlt (of 30 paras) for each person. From the convents of Mar-Elyas, el-Mustillabeh (the Cross), and el-Khtidr (St. George), three men received from 300 to 500 Zfilfit for ploughing; the convents owning the land and furnishing the cattle. Further, the five Sheikhs of the village received each from the convents from 100 to 150 Zilit per annum towards their support, and also their expenses whenever they went to Jerusalem. To the government the village paid fourteen purses tribute ('AbAdiyeh); and to the Tekiyeh in Jerusalem each man paid fifteen ZilUt. —Subsequently, the village relinquished to the convents the sums received for ploughing; and the convents relinquished the collection of the:Kharaj, continuing to pay it for the village out of their own treasury. Under the present Egyptian government, only the payment to the Tekiyeh remains as it was. The convents have no claims upon the village, nor the village upon the convents; except that the latter collect voluntary contributions. The demands of the government are as follows: Kharaj, twenty, twentv-five, and thirty-three piastres; Firdeh, twenty piastres; Aaneh (aid) thirty-six piastres, which is increased to forty-five by the five Sheikhs for their support. These are exacted from each man. The village also has to furnish daily twenty men for the public works, who are paid one and a quarter piastres a day by the government, and thirteen piastres weekly by the village. For each ewe and she goat is paid one piastre; for each donkey, ten; for each mule, twenty; for each camel, thirty; and for every yoke of oxen, one hundred and fifty piastres. This last is considered as a tax upon the grain raised; but the owner of the oxen is responsible for it. Each olive tree pays one piastre; and for every five trees, an oke2 of oil is paid in addition. Each Feddan (yoke) of figs and grapes pays thirty piastres. Besides all this, the village has to pay fifteen purses on wine and'Arak for home consumption, whether they make any or not; and without even the right of selling or giving away. —Our guide, who was tine of the Rhine; Reissb. des h. Landes 1 This is the hospital of Helena, so callp. 75. So too Doubdan p. 170. Maun- ed by the Franks. drell Apr. 2. Pococke Descr. of the East, 2 About 2t lbs. English; Lane's Mod. II. L p. 45. Egyptians II. p. 372. ii. 322-324

4 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEc. XL only a common man, paid more than three hundred piastres, or fifteen Spanish dollars annually. We set off again from Beit Jala at 10- o'clock, winding around the hill above the village towards the northwest among vineyards and gardens of olive and fig trees. The hill is everywhere terraced and cultivated, as in ancient times; indicating more industry and thrift than is usual in the villages. At half past ten, we came out upon the height of land, whence we could see Jerusalem, and had also a view before us of the little village of St. George, and of Beit'Atab in the distance on a high hill.' Before us was now a level rocky tract of no great breadth, and then a long descent into the short but very deep Wady Bittir, running northwest into the Werd. After a delay of ten minutes we set forward, and came in fifteen minutes to a small fountain about half way down the descent, called Haud Kibriygn, " Cyprian's Trough," by which are the remains of a wall of very large stones. Instead of descending any further into the deep valley, we now made a circuit to the left around its head, and at 112 o'clock were near the little village St. George (Arabic elKhiidr) on the rocky land west of the head of Wady Bittir. We had formerly seen this place as we approached Solomon's pools from the south.2 There is here a small Greek church connected with a convent; the latter being a branch of the large Greek convent in Jerusalem. The earlier travellers were accustomed to visit it as one of the holy places around Bethlehem; and were shown in the church the long chain and iron collar, with whicThSt. George had been bound.3 The land around belongs to the convent.4 The village lay somewhat to the left as we passed along northwest to gain the ridge west of Wady Bittir, which we then continued to ascend, till at 113 o'clock we reached its highest point; having lost not less than twenty or thirty minutes by our circuit. From this sightly spot, over Wady Bittir, we had a commanding view of the country before us; and halted for a time in order to make ourselves acquainted with its leading features. The view towards the right embraced the whole tract north and west of Jerusalem, drained by the great Wady Beit Hanina. The Holy City itself was not visible, being situated behind the high ground which lies between Wady Bittir and Wady el-Werd. But from er-Ram and Neby Samwil the whole course of the great Wady could be traced as it passes down southwest by The bearings were as follows: Jerusa- vic. p. 240. Quaresmius II. p. 11. Doublem N. E. Mitr ElyAs N. 65~ E. St. dan p. 171. Pococke lI. i. p. 44. George S. 60 W. Belt'AtAb N. 72~ W. 4 We visited this place in 1852; see 2 See Vol. I. p. 217. Vol. III. Sec. VI, penult. s Felix Fabri in Reissb. p. 283. Cotoii. 324, 325

MAY 17.] WIDE VIEW.. 5 KOllnieh and east of Kistfil and SAba. Near at hand Wady el-Werd was seen, here also a deep rugged valley, running nearly west, on the south of the village el-Welejeh (the St. Philip's of the Latins); and uniting with the former valley not far beyond the village el-Kabu, among steep rocky mountains. Below this junction, the great valley takes the name- of Wady Isma'in (Isma'il); bends W. S. W. through a ridge of higher land-; and, issuing upon the western plain under the name of Wady esSiirar, turns northwest and runs through the plain to the sea near Yebna; where at last it is called Wady Ribin. Up this valley there was said to be a very rocky and difficult road. The ridge just mentioned forms the western brow of the high mountainous tract, on which Jerusalem is situated, just where this latter sinks down precipitously to the lower hills, which lie between it and the western plain. The ridge in question forms a continuation of the high ground around and west of Neby Samwil, running off towards the south; and is'skirted on the east by the valley in which Kuryet el-'Enab is situated, running in the same direction to join the great valley. Although Wady Isma'in breaks through this ridge, yet a spur or promontory from it runs out towards the west, along the north side of that valley, quite to the plain, interrupting for a time the tract of lower hills, and forming a bastion around which Wady es-SfirAr bends northwest. South of Wady Isma'in the land is still at first high, and on the brink of the descent to the valley stands the lofty village Deir el-Hawa. But the surface soon descends gradually towards the south; and here somewhat lower and nearer to where we stood, though still quite elevated, is the village Beit'Atab. Towards the southwest our view rested upon a lower region of country, seen down another deep broad valley called Wady el-Musiirr, here running W. S. W. and uniting further down with several others to form Wady es-Suimt. This latter valley runs for a time nearly west, and then bends northwest and joining Wady es-Stirar upon the plain, goes to the sea near Yebna. Between the Sirar and the Mustirr and Siimt, the elevated land around Deir el-Hawa and Beit'Athb declines gradually towards the southwest, forming a high tract of broken table land, which sinks down suddenly to lower hills just west of the village of Beit Nettif. South of Wady el-Musiirr, the precipitous western wall of the higher mountainous tract towards Hebron lies further:back, nearly in a line with the spot on which we stood; while a broad region of lower hills and open valleys is spread out between it and the western plain. The higher tract of mountains, as we have seen, rises to the height of nearly 2800 feet; the region of ii. 325-327

6 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEc. XL hills reaches apparently about one third of the same elevation above the sea and plain.-Upon an isolated hill in the midst of Wady el-Musurr, on the south side of its bed and near the mountains, lies the village of Jeb'ah. This is doubtless the Gibeah of the mountains of Judah; and probably the Gabatha of Eusebius and Jerome, twelve Roman miles from Eleutheropolis. As we now saw the somewhat remarkable points Soba and elKistil for the last time, I prefer to bring together here all that I have yet to say respecting them. The latter name, el-Kestefl, is obviously an Arabic corruption of the Latin word Castellum; but I am unable to say what castle is meant, or whether there was an earlier Arabic name. Kfist.l lies on a conical hill about an hour from Kuryet el-'Enab towards Jerusalem, south of the road; and also near the way from S6ba to Kiilnieh and Jerusalem, about equidistant between the two former places.2 S6ba is also situated on a conical hill upon the lofty ridge overlooking the great Wady Isma'in on the west, nearly opposite to the convent of St. John. From Kuryet el-'Enab, looking down the valley, it is seen at some distance in the south. It is one hour distant from IKiilonieh, and two hours and a half from Jerusalem.3 Soba belongs to the family of Abu Ghaush, whose seat is at Kuryet el-'Enab; and the chief of that name whom we saw, related to us, that when governor of Jerusalem, he had been compelled to lay the place in ruins on account of the rebellion of the inhabitants, and had not visited it since.4 By a singular perversion, of which I am not able to trace the origin, S6ba has now for centuries been regarded in monastic tradition as the site of the ancient Modin, the city of the Maccabees, where they lived and were buried, and where Simon erected a lofty monument with seven pyramids to their memory.5 But this monument, according to the nearly cotemporary writer of the first book of Maccabees, was visible to all who sailed along the sea; and Modin lay adjacent to the plain., 1 Josh. 15, 57. Onomast. art. Ga- Vol. III. Sec. III, under Apr. 27th, pebaatha.-From this point (west of Wady nult. Bittilr) the bearings of the various places 3 For the specifications in this and the were as follows: er-Ram N. 38~ E. Neby preceding paragraph, I am indebted to the Samwil N. 18~ E. el-Kiistfl N. 5~ E. notes of Mr Smith on a former visit to S6ba N. el-Welejeh N. 2~ W. Kuryet these places. es-Sa'ideh N. 13~ W. el-Kabu N. 38~ W. 4 See above, Vol. I. p. 247. Kefr S6m N. 54~ W. el-Huisan N. 55~ W. 5 1Macc.2, 1.15. 13,25-30. Joseph. Deir el-Hawa N. 57~ W. Beit'Atab N. Ant. 13. 6. 5. 63~ W. Sintasin W. Jeb'ah S. 74~ W. 1 Macc. 13, 29. 16, 4. 5. We passed near Kiistl in 1852; see ii. 327-329

MAY 17.] SOBA. 7 Eusebius and Jerome likewise testify expressly, that Modin was near to Diospolis (Lydda), where the sepulchres yet remained in their day.' On what pretext, therefore, the. name can have been transferred to Soba, a spot several hours distant from the plain upon the mountains, and wholly shut out from any view of the sea, I am unable to divine.2 The crusaders found Modin still in the plain, where they speak of it along with Nicopolis and Beit Nuba; and as late as the close of the fifteenth century, it was yet pointed out from the road between Lydda and Ramleh.3 Yet Brocardus, two centuries earlier, had already placed it six leagues eastward from Beth-shemesh; by which position he probably meant Soba.4 So too apparently Breydenbach; and from the sixteenth century onward to the present day, the correctness of this position seems rarely to have been drawn in question by travellers.5 The legend has also found entrance among the common people, and the inhabitants of Soba relate, that the tombs of the Maccabees still remain there, though buried deep under ground. This account my companion once heard on the spot; and it was repeated to us by Abu Ghaush in Jerusalem. In a similar way, Arab guides, accustomed to intercourse with Franks, may have spoken of the place to travellers as Modin; but the ordinary native population certainly know nothing of any such name.6 I have already dwelt upon the reasons which render it impossible, that the Ramah of Samuel should have been situated at Neby Samwil, where modern tradition now shows the prophet's tomb.7 A few words respecting its probable actual position, may here not be out of place. Samuel was descended from an ancestor named Zuph, an Ephrathite of Bethlehem;8 his city was called in full, Ramathaim-Zophim, and lay apparently in a tract spoken of as the land of Zuph.9 Under these circumstances, the name Ramathaim-Zophim probably signifies nothing Onomast. art. Modim. 383. Cotovicus in an excursion to Em2 Mariti indeed pretends that Sdba is maus (el-Kubeibeh), seems to find Modin visible from the sea, and that he saw it near Neby Samwil, p. 317; but his acfrom the road of YAfa. But from the spot count of this excursion is so confused, that where we stood, we could look over S6ba I can make nothing of it.-Pococke questo the much higher ridge beyond it on the tions the identity of S6ba and Modin; II. west; and could distinguish no trace of i. p. 46. So too Biisching, Th. XI. p. 442. the sea. What he perceived from Yafa Raumer Palist. p. 194. edit. 3. Quareswas perhaps Neby Samwil; which we also mius makes no allusion to the place. saw from the tower of Ramleh. 6 Van Egmond u. Heyman Reizen I. p. s Will. Tyr. 8. 1. F. Fabri in Reissb. 317. Richardson II. p. 226. p. 240. 7 See above, Vol. I. pp. 458, 459. 4 Brocardus c. 10. p. 186. s 1 Sam. 1, 1. Comp. Ruth 1, 2, where 5 Breydenbach in Reissb. p. 105. Coto- Elimelech and his sons are called Ephravie. p. 146. Maundrell Apr. 2. Mariti, thites of Bethlehem-Judah. Germ. p. 563. Richardson II. pp. 226, 9 Sam. 1, 1. 9, 5 sq. ii. 329, 330

8 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEc. XI. more than "' Ramah of the Zophites," or descendants of Zuph.1 But where are we to look for this land and city of the Zophites? Saul, departing from Gibeah of Benjamin in search of his father's asses, went first through Mount Ephraim on the north and through other places, and then "passed through the land of the Benjamites, (of course from north to south,) and came to the land of Zuph " and the city of Samuel.2 As he returned from this city to Gibeah, apparently after travelling some distance, he was to pass "near Rachel's sepulchre, in the (southern) border of Benjamin, at Zelzah."3 These circumstances show conclusively, that the land of Zuph and the city of Samuel were situated on the south of the territory of Benjamin, in such a position, that a person proceeding thence to Gibeah would not unnaturally pass in the vicinity of Rachel's. tomb. This is a known point; and I have already spoken of the reasons which forbid any attempt to disturb its general position.4 The name Ramah signifies'a height;' and we made it a particular point of inquiry to ascertain, whether on the high ground around the tomb of Rachel, and especially towards the west, there are any traces either of a name or site, which might be regarded as the remains of the city of Samuel. We inquired of many persons, who were born and had spent their lives in the immediate vicinity; but no one knew aught of any such name or site.5 It is only since my return to Europe, that the thought has occurred to my mind, whether a reminiscence of Ramathaim-Zophim. and of the land of Zuph, may not be contained in the name Soba. The letters of this name correspond to those of the Hebrew Zuph and Zophim; (ph or p being not unfrequently changed into b in Arabic;) and its position on a lofty hill south of the land of Benjamin, accords in the main with the view above given.6 At first sight, two difficulties seem to militate against this hypothesis. The one arises out of the position of Sbba; since it might be made a question, whether a person returning from 1 The triliteral roots ~.1; and,t 2 from our Arabs of the Ta'amirah, nor our Chriswhich the names ~tlt (Zuph) and r' j'I tian guide of Belt JAla knew anything of it; nor did Quaresmius and the older (Zophim) are derived, are of course re- traveller. Yet Eusebius and Jerome also lated, being only different phases of the.ia S. The name~ tkeassume a Ramah near Bethlehem, unnmecesbiliteral;:. The name 1.t (Zuph) takles sarily indeed, in order to afford an explaalso the form 9;irt (Zophai) in 1 Chron. nation of Matt. 2, 18. Jer. 31, 11. See 6, 11. [26.] Onomast. art. Ramala. Reland Pal. p. 2 1 Sam. 9, 4-6. 964.-See more in Vol. III. Sec. VI, under 13 Sam. 10, 2. May 7th, 1852. 4 See Vol. I. pp. 218, 254. 6 Cotovicus identifies S6ba with Rama5 The monks of the present day do in- thaim-Zophim, by transferring the name deed point out the site of Ramah a few of S6ba to Neby Samwil. But his account rods east of the tomb of Rachel; Prokesch is so confused as to be inexplicable. Itin. p. 110. Salzbacher II. p. 164. But neither p. 316. ii. 330, 331

MAY 17.] SOBA. 9 Soba to Gibeah, would naturally pass in the vicinity of Rachel's tomb. If he took the present direct road from Soba to Jerusalem or its vicinity, passing near el-Ktistfl, he certainly would not approach the sepulchre of Rachel; but if, crossing the great Wady Ismna'in, he followed up Wady el-Werd, he would by this detour come near enough to the sepulchre to satisfy all the conditions of the case. It is sufficient, if we suppose that the Zelzah mentioned lay on the high ground north of Rachel's tomb, not far from the convent of Mar Elyas, or more probably still further towards the northwest. The distance from Soba to the vicinity of Jerusalem, on the direct course, as we have seen, is two and a half hours; on the route along Wady el-Werd and the valley of Rephaim it would probably be three hours or more. So that, other circumstances being equal, the identity of the name might perhaps be held to counterbalance the apparent circuitousness of the route.l The other difficulty refers not to Soba alone, but to every position of Ramah which places it on the south of Benjamin. Elkanah, the father of Samuel, is said to have been a "man of Ramathaim-Zophim, of Mount Ephraim; "2 which certainly implies that the city itself was situated on Mount Ephraim. Here then apparently is a circumstance directly at variance with our preceding conclusion; since the mountains south of Benjamin belong not to Ephraim, but to Judah. But as the circumstances above adduced seem conclusively to fix the position of this Ramah on the south of Benjamin, may we not suppose that the mountains of Ephraim continued to bear that name quite through the land of Benjamin; much as the Swiss mountains may be said to extend into Italy, or the Welsh mountains into England? This indeed has been assumed by Bachiene, on the ground that in the first division of the land by Joshua at Gilgal, the territory of Benjamin was actually given to Ephraim; not having been assigned to Benjamin until the later division at Shiloh.3 All this may be true in part; but still, the heights round about the sepulchre of Rachel, could not well have been any other than the mountains of Judah. There is however another consideration, which seems to relieve the position of Soba from the difficulty in question, and thus adds something to the probability of its identity with Ramah. I have already remarked, that the mountain ridge west On comparing upon the map the posi- of the name, and the further corroborating lions of SSba, Rachel's tomb, and Jetusa- circumstances presented in the text, restrain lem or Gibeah, I am free to confess, that me from at once rejecting the hypothesis. the circuitous route required by the above 2 1 Sam. 1, 1. view, is too great to admit of very much 3 Josh. c. 16. c. 18, 1 sq. See Bachiene reliance being placed upon the reasoning Th. I. Bd. I. p. 220 sq. Bd. II. p. 326 in the text. Still, the apparent identity sq. ii. 332, 333

10 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. of Wady Beit ilanina, of which the hill of S0ba forms a part, is a continuation of the ridge of -Neby Samwil and the high grounds around, extending in the southwest quite out to the plain at the mouth of Wady Sgirar.' Now all this mountainous tract stands in immediate connection with the proper mountains of Ephraim around el-Bireh and further north; it is separated entirely by the great Wady Beit HIanina from the proper mountains of Judah towards the south; and further, as we shall see, the greater part of it did not even fall within the later limits of the tribe of Judah. Under these circumstances, it seems not too much to assume, that this tract west of the great Wady, a regular continuation of Mount Ephraim, including Neby Samwil, might have continued to bear the name of Ephraim; while the Wady would naturally form the dividing line between this range and the proper mountains of Judah. That the name Mount Ephraim did actually thus extend through Benjamin, is rendered probable by the fact, that we nowhere hear of any mountains of Benjamin; and further, the rebel Sheba, a Benjamite, is also said to have been "a man of Mount Ephraim."2 In view of all these suggestions, it seems to me, that the hypothesis which would identify SOba with the Ramah of Samuel is not without some slight grounds of support; and, in the total absence of anything more definite, is not perhaps to be wholly rejected without consideration. 3 —Yet after all, there is perhaps a question lying back of this whole discussion, viz. Whether the city where Saul and the servant came to Samuel was his own city Ramah?4 The name of the city is nowhere given; and the answer of the maidens 5 would perhaps rather imply that Samuel had just arrived, possibly on one of his yearly circuits, in which he judged Israel in various cities.6 Another topic which immediately connects itself with the preceding, is the common border between Judah and Benjamin; of which two accounts in an inverse order are given in the book of Joshua.7 We have already traced it, as it went up from the well of Nehemiah through the valley of Hinnom to the northern end of the valley of Rephaim.8 From that point it was drawn to the water of Nephtoah; and as it passed also by Zelzah not far from Rachel's sepulchre-9 it would seem to have followed the plain of Rephaim and so along the Wady el-Werd to'Ain Yalo. See the account of this region, p. 5, lSam. 7, 15-17, "and Samuel... above. went from year to year in circuit to Bethel 2 2 Sam. 20, 1. 21. and Gilgal and Mizpeh, and judged Israel 3 All direct tradition respecting the Ra- in all those places; and his return was to mah of Samuel seems to have been very Ramahb; for there was his house." early lost; see above, Vol. I. p. 459. 7 Josh. 15, 5-10. 18, 14-19. 4 1 Sam. 9, 6 sq. 8 See under En-Rogel, Vol. I. p. 333. Ibid. v. 11. 12. 1 Sam. 10, 2. ii. 333 334

MiY 17.] ]iIRJATH-JEARI3. 11 This fountain would then answer to Nephtoah; unless we choose to refer the latter with less probability to'Ain Karim, the fountain near the convent of St. John in the Desert. In either case, the next point in the border is the long lost city KirjathJearim. The probable position of this ancient city engaged much of our attention, all the time we were in Jerusalem and the vicinity; without arriving at any satisfactory conclusion. At first, as we know, Kirjath-Jearim, like Beeroth (el-Bireh), belonged to the territory of Gibeon, and could not therefore well have been very far distant from that city.I At a later period, the ark was brought thither from Beth-shemesh; the place was rebuilt and inhabited after the exile; 2 and Eusebius and Jerome speak of -it in their day, as a village nine or ten miles from Jerusalem on the way to Diospolis (Lydda).3 These circumstances, taken together, have quite recently suggested to my mind, whether, after all, the ancient Kirjath-Jearim is not to be recognised in the present Kuryet el-'Enab? The first part of the name (Kirjath, Kuryet, signifying city) is the same in both, and is most probably ancient; being found in Arabic proper names only in Palestine and Syria, and not very frequently even there. The only change then has been, that the ancient'City of Forests' has in modern times become the' City of Grapes.'4 The modern place too is situated on the direct way from. Jerusalem to Ramleh and Lydda, just three hours or nine Roman miles from the former city, lying west of Neby Samwil, and therefore not far remote from el-Jib or Gibeon. Thus then we have a place corresponding both in name - and position to the ancient Kirjath-Jearim. I am aware of no objection to this: hypothesis; except perhaps the assertion of Josephus, that Kirjath-Jearim was near to Beth-shemesh.5 But the expression'neighbour city,' is too indefinite to weigh against the preceding considerations; especially as the actual distance does not exceed three or four hours.6 It might also be asked, Why then, supposing SOba to have been the Ramah of Samuel, the men of Beth-shemesh should not rather have caused the ark to be transferred to that place, as being nearer than Kir1Josh. 9, 17. Ezra 2, 25. name'Andb is still found beyond Hebron; 1 Sam. 7, 1. 2. Ezra 2, 25. -Nehem. see above, Vol. I. p. 494. A Betoannaba is 7, 29. spoken of a few miles from Lydda, probably Onomast. arts. Baal and Gariathiarim. Beit Nfiba; Reland Pal. p. 661. There is no later notice of the place as 5 Joseph. Antiq. 6. 1. 4, yerooCa rdAiv still extant; unless it be that of Brocardus, Tro7s Blaaycfftatrs. who fixes it 4i leagues west of Jerusalem, 6 The same writer says too.that Hebron probably copying only from Jerome; c. 9. was "not far from Jerusalem," oui:rdlw p. 184.'IepoooAAucov, B. J. 4. 9. 9. Compare also No ancient name corresponding to'Enab Acts 9, 38. seems to have existed in this quarter. The ii. 334-336

12 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. jath-Jearim? But at that time Samuel was still a child, and his native place was probably a small village, having neither the size nor the renown to which it afterwards attained, when it became one of the seats where Samuel judged Israel.' The monks have found the Anathoth of Jeremiah at Kuryet el-'Enab. There was formerly here a convent of the Minorites with a Latin church. The latter remains entirely deserted, but not in ruins; and is one of the largest and most solidly constructed churches in Palestine.2 Assuming therefore the site of Kirjath-Jearim at the modern Kuryet el-'Enab, the border between Judah and Benjamin probably passed from Nephtoah down the Wady el-Werd, perhaps to its junction with the great Wady; and then across the intervening ridge (on which Soba is situated) to the valley of Kuryet el-'Enab. This would give a distinct line of valleys separating the two tribes, from the valley of Hinnom for most of the way around to Kirjath-Jearim. From this place, the west border of Benjamin seems to have been drawn obliquely down the mountain to the nether Beth-horon;3 while the border of Judah turned westward, perhaps along the ridge between the two branches of Wady Ghiruib to Kesla, whence it descended to Beth-shemesh in the mouth of Wady es-SUrar.4 Thus originally a corner of Judah ran up for some distance on the west side of Benjamin; including apparently at first the whole breadth of the mountainous tract west of Kirjath-Jearim; for Zorah (Sir'ah), which lay upon the high ground north of Bethshemesh, belonged at first to the tribe of Judah; though subsequently this, and probably the adjacent mountain tract, was assigned to the tribe of Dan.5-From Beth-shemesh the border of Judah passed near Timnath and Ekron to Jabneel, apparently the same with Jabneh (Yebna); thus following still the general course of the great valley to the sea.6 1 1 Sam. 7, 16. 17.-There can be no is actually so rendered by the Sept. (6 Bovquestion, but that the ark was brought to Yos) both here and in 1 Sam. 7, 1. In Kirjath-Jearim itself; 1 Sam. 7, 2. 1 Chron. this last passage also the English version 13, 5. 6. But in 2 Sam. 6, 3. 4, both the gives it by " hill;" while Luther maintains English version and Luther place the house his consistency at least, and writes Gibeah. of Abinadab in Gibeah; and it might The rendering " hill " is indeed necessary, therefore seem as if the Gibeah (now Jeb- in order to preserve the consistency of the'ah) of Judah was meant, and that Kirjath- narrative; which represents the ark as carJearim lay near it, not far from Wady lied, not to Gibeah, but to Kirjath-Jearim. el-Musurr; see above p. 5. But not to 2 See Bonifacius, quoted by Quaresmius dwell upon the fact, that this would bring Tom. II. p. 14 sq. Kirjath-Jearim quite away from Gibeon 3 Josh. 18, 14. (el-Jib), and far from any road leading 4 Josh. 15, 10. from Jerusalem to Nicopolis, I would re- 5 Josh. 15, 33. 19, 41. mark, that the Hebrew'tnV may in this Josh. 15, 11. passage properly be rendered' a hill;' and ii. 336, 337

MAY 17.] BEIT'ATAB. 13 Leaving the high ground west of Wady Bittir at 12.20, we began to descend very gradually towards the village el-Ifcushn over a rocky tract. After fifteen minutes we were opposite the head of Wady el-Mustirr, deep below us on the left; in which appeared a small village called NMlhh'Alin bearing S. 50 W. From it the Wady ran W. S. W. The village Hiushn was close on our right at 12.40. Proceeding along the high water-shed between the Wadys Mustirr and el-Werd, we had not far distant on the left, a village called Fftkin, which at 1.10 bore S. S. W. It was somewhere about this time, that we came in sight of a place with ruins on the brow of the high mountain ridge towards the south, called Jedufr; which is doubtless the same as the Gedor of the mountains of Judah.' This remained in sight for the whole day. Jeb'ah likewise on its conical hill in Wady Mustirr, was continually before our eyes. At 1.40 we came upon the ancient highway from Jerusalem to Askelon and Gaza, which comes down along or across Wady el-Werd from the plain of Rephaim or the tract further west. This road we should have taken from Jerusalem, had we not gone round by Beit JAla. At the same point was a small ruin on the left called'Adas. Wishing to visit Beit'Atab, in the hope of being able to see much of the country from that lofty spot, we left the ancient road again after five minutes, and turning more to the right proceeded in that direction. As we advanced the hills became more covered and green with shrubs and bushes, chiefly the prickly oak mingled with arbutus. The country however was little cultivated, and most of the villages were deserted or in ruins. At five minutes past two, a small ruin, HiIbin, was below us in a valley running to the left, bearing S. S. W. At the same time Beit'Atab bore N. 750 W. A ruined Khaln was also visible at some distance upon the ancient road, bearing S. 65~ W. We reached Beit'Atab at ten minutes before 3 o'clock. It is situated on a high hill, and is seen from all parts of the country around; but although it overlooks a great extent of the lower region towards the south and west, yet it does not afford so extensive a view of places, as we had hoped to find. The country is full of sites of ruins and villages, some inhabited and some deserted, at least for portions of the year. Beit'Atab has several high, square, tower-like hoises of two stories; the rest are small and low; but all are of stone, solidly built. In the centre is a ruined tower or castle; but so dilapidated as to be nearly lost among the houses. The place contains perhaps one hundred and fifty men, or a population of six or seven hundred souls. It is the chief town of the district'Arkuib, belonging to the proJosh. 15, 58. 1 Chron. 12, 7. It is doubtful whether the narrative in 1 Chron. 4, 39, refers to the same place. VOL. II.-2 ii. 337-339

14 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. vince of Jerusalem; and is the residence of the Nazir (warden) of the district, who was now one of the former Sheikhs of the house called el-LUhham. We found several of the chief men sitting on carpets under a fig tree in the middle of the village, smoking and holding converse with each other. The Sheikh himself soon came, a good looking man; coffee was served for us; and he tried to persuade us to remain all night, saying the people of the village where we expected to lodge were not to be trusted; his hospitality thus leading him even to defame his neighbours. But our time was too precious to stop thus early. The prospect from Beit'Atab towards the southeast and south presented nothing new; towards the southwest, along the ridge between the Wadys Sinmt and Stirar, -the place of Beit Nettif was pointed out, where we were to stop for the night; and in the northwest we could see the mouth of N~ady es-Stir'r as it issued from the mountains and turned across the plain V:yond. It was here a fine deep valley, with a ruin in it called'Ain Shems, which we afterwards visited and identified with Beth-shemesh; while on the high northern hill was seen the site of Stir'ah, in which we could not but recognise the ancient Zorah, the birthplace of Samson.' We left Beit'Atab at 31 o'clock, notwithstanding the somewhat importunate invitations of the Sheikh; who even took hold of us in order to detain us. Descending in the direction of the Khan, we crossed two small Wadys running towards the Slirar. In the first, lower down on the right, the guide spoke of a very large cavern with a fountain in it, capable of containing hundreds of people; it is called et-Tuweimeh. The second Wady is called er-RAimny; in it at 4 o'clock, we came to a village called'Allar es-Sifia (the lower), to distinguish it from another,'AllTr el-Foka (the upper), on higher ground a little further to the left. HIere was a ruined church, large and solidly built, and apparently very ancient. A few rods on the left, higher up the valley, is a fine fountain, which waters a tract of gardens and fruit trees along the bottom. Here were also many olive trees; which indeed are very abundant throughout all this region. Ascending the hill we came out again upon the ancient road at 4- o'clock, at the Khan already mentioned. It is a ruin; and around it are the ruins of a small village.2 We stopped 1 Judg. 13, 2. First given to Judah, were: Ruined Khan S. 17~ W. Beit Netbut afterwards assigned to Dan, Josh. 15, tif S. 60~ W.'Ain Shems N. 65~ W. 33. 19, 41. See above, p. 12. Euse- Sitr'ah N. 56~ W. Deir el-Hawa N. 30o bius and Jerome place it at ten miles from W. SCIndsin S. 13~ E. Jedar S. 11i E. Eleutheropolis towards Nicopolis; Onom. 2 From the Khbn, Beit'AtAb bore N art. eaara. We visited.Sir'ah in 1852; 17~ E.'Allar es-Sifla N. 30~ E.'Allhr see Vol. III, under April 27th.-The bear- el-F6ka N. 50~ E. Beit Nettif S. 85~ W. ings of various places from Beit'Atab ii. 339, 340

MAY 17.] BEIT NETTIF. 15 here five minutes, and then descended for a time along a Wady, called Wady el-Khan, which runs into the Mustirr. The ancient road, still called the Sultana or royal road, apparently follows down this Wady to the Musurr, and there divides; one branch passing on direct towards Gaza, and another keeping along the M1usfirr and Stimt in the direction of Askelon. This latter we afterwards followed for a time; and found wells upon it at intervals. We now turned more to the right, keeping upon the ridge between the SRlmt and Sfrar; and at 5 o'clock had an extensive view of both these valleys, spreading out into fine fertile plains full of fields of grain. The ridge now became higher towards the west; and we continued to ascend gradually, until at 5.50 we reached the village of Beit Nettif, situated upon its highest part. Beit Nettif, lying thus upon the high ridge between the two great Wadys, enjoys a wide view over the broad western plain and the Mediterranean beyond. A tract of lower hills, an hour or more in breadth, lies between it and the plain. On the north, the SftrAr was visible; on the south, the Srimt was full of fields of grain now ripening fbr the harvest; and beyond it and more towards the left extended for a great distance the lower region, which we had first seen from above the head of Wady Mustirr. This may be called the hill country, in distinction from the higher mountains on the east. It is the middle region between the mountains and the plain, stretching as we have seen far to the north and south, except where interrupted north of the mouth of Wady es-Strar. This region is for the most part a beautiful' open country, consisting of low hills usually rocky, separated by broad arable valleys mostly sown with grain, as are also many of the swelling hills. The whole tract is full of villages and deserted sites and ruins; and many olive groves appear around the former. To this hill country belong also, strictly, both the ridge on which Beit Nettif stands, and that adjacent to Wady es-Stirar on the north; although, as being higher and directly connected with the mountains further back, they appear like promontories, jutting out through the range of hills nearly or quite to the plain. Indeed, in the tract through which we had descended to-day, between the two great Wadys, the usual steep descent of the mountain towards the west is interrupted; and we now found ourselves in the midst of the lower hill country, without having made any long or steep descent, such as occurred to us in other parts of the mountains, both towards the north and south. The climate in this region was more advanced than at Jerusalem; though less so than in the western plain. The grass was chiefly dried up; and the peasants were in the midst of their ii. 340-342

16 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. barley harvest. The wheat was still partially green, and would not be ripe for harvest until about two weeks later. We encamped on a level plat on the east of the village, near by the threshing floors of barley. The inhabitants of Beit Nettif received us with kindness; several of the chief men came around us, and answered our inquiries with readiness and intelligence. We found the view from this high spot to embrace a larger number of villages and sites, than almost any other we visited. We took here quite a number of bearings, given in the note; the places being all pointed out and named by one of the chief men. t In respect to several of the places thus pointed out, it is to be remarked that Jennabeh and Shuweikeh lie upon the hills on the south side of Wady es-Suimt; the latter^about one hour distant from Beit Nettif. Not far from Beit-Ula near the foot of the mountains, we were told also of a place called Niisib, not here visible. Zanu'a lies on the low slope of a hill not far east of'Ain Shems. The Wely Neby Bulus (Paulus) is on a lower hill near the plain, half an hour distant; and Yarmnuk among the hills further south at about the same distance. Near Neby BAlus was said to be a village called Arba'in. Still beyond, nearer the plain, and near where Wady es-SiarAr issues upon it, a -deserted site called Tibneh was spoken of, not visible from Beit Nettif. Near Tell Zakariya is also a village Zakariya, in which is a Mukam (station, tomb), dedicated to Zechariah. Among the places here visible, not less than ten appear to bear names which have come down from antiquity; and these are probably to be regarded as still marking the same ancient sites. Shuweikeh we have formerly found to correspond to the Hebrew Socoh; and it here, as we shall see later, answers to the Socoh of the plain of Judah.2-Jeb'ah and Jedur, and also Sir'ah and'Ain Shems, we have already noted as the Gibeah of Judah, Gedor, Zorah, and Bethshemesh, of Scripture.3 Not far from Zorah lay also Zanoah, which was re-inhabited after the exile; and to this the name and site of ZAni'a still correspond.4-In 1Bearings from Beit Nettif, beginning N. 54~ W. Tell Zakariya about N. 78' in the west and proceeding towards the W. left: JennAbeh S. 70~ W. Derusieh S. 2 Josh. 15, 35. See Vol. I. p. 494 sq. 62~ W. Shuweikeh S. 48~ W. Beit Frsl a See above, pp. 6, 13, 14. The S. 15 W. Jurfa S. 5~ E. Beit-fla S. proofs in respect to Beth-shemesh will be 10~ E. Kharas S. 14~ E. Jimrin S. 19~ given in connection with our subsequent E. Ghdirhbeh S. 31~ E. Um er-Rds S. visit to that spot, June 8th. 53~ E. Jedair S. 50~ E. Jeb'ah S. 65~ 4 Josh. 15, 34. Neh. 11,30. Thename E. Burj Keis E. AhbekN. 70~ E. Beit Zanua existed in Jerome's day, in the re-'Atab N. 60~ E. JerAsh N. 44~ E. Deir gion of Eleutheropolis on the way to Jeel-Hawa N. 37~ E. Um Eshteiyeh N. 35~ rusalem; Onomast. art. Zanohua. —Another E. Zand'a N. 12~ E. Sir'ah N. 4~ W. Zanoah lay upon the mountains of Judah,'Ain Shems N. 12~ W. Neby Bulus N. Josh. 15, 56. 34~ W. el-KIheishirn N. 44~ W. Yarmfik ii. 342, 343

MAY 17.] BEIT NETTIF. 17 Tibneh we may recognise the Timnah or Timnhath of Dan, the city of Samson's wife to which he "went down" from Zorah; it lies south of west from Zorah, and not more than an hour distant from it.' We were therefore now amid the scenes of Samson's history and exploits. —Yarmdik seems to represent the Jarmuth of Scripture, a city in the plain of Judah not far from Socoh, which so early as the days of Eusebius and Jerome was already called Jermucha, and lay ten miles from Eleutheropolis towards Jerusalem.2-Nfisib answers to the Nezib of the low country of Judah, and to the Nasib of Eusebius and Jerome, lying seven miles from Eleutheropolis towards Hebron.3 —The name Zakariyeh, as applied to a village, does not indeed belong to Scripture; yet it here probably marks the site of the Caphar Zachariae mentioned by Sozomen in the region of Eleutheropolis.4 The name of Beit Nettif itself has probably come down from the Hebrew; but I have been able to find no ancient place corresponding to it. A village Netopha is indeed mentioned in Scripture; it lay, however, somewhere between Bethlehem and Anathoth.5 The Rabbins speak also of a valley called Beth Netopha; but the present place is on a high hill.6 Beit Nettif is a small village near the western extremity of the district'Arkcib, which constitutes the southwest part of the province of Jerusalem. Its inhabitants are of the Keis party. Throughout the provinces of Jerusalem and IIebron, the inhabitants of the different villages are broken up into two great parties; one called Keis (Keisiyeh), and the other Yemen (Yemeniyeh); the inhabitants of the former province being mostly Yemeniyeh, and those of the latter Keisiyeh. No person of whom we inquired, could tell the origin or the nature of this distinction; except that it goes back beyond the memory of man, and does not now pertain in any degree to religious worship or doctrine. It seems indeed to consist in little more than the fact, that one is the enemy of the other. In former times blood was often shed in their quarrels; but now all are quiet. Yet this inbred enmity shows itself in mutual distrust and calumny; and it was proba1 Josh. 15, 10. 19, 43. Judg. 14, 1. place; since it is also said to have been 5. 2 Chr. 28, 18.-Another Timnah lay adjacent to Eshtaol, which must certainly in the mountains of Judah, Josh. 15, 57. have been much nearer to Zorah, and is Gen. 38, 12-14. Still a third Timnah or placed by the same writers at ten miles Thamna lay northeast of Lydda, and gave from Eleutheropolis; Josh. 15, 33. 19, name to the " Toparchia Thamnitica" in 41. Onomast. art. Esthaul. that quarter; Joseph. B. J. 3. 3. 5. Ono- 3 Josh. 15, 43. Onomast. art. Neesib. mast. art. Tihamna. This was probably 4 Sozom. Hist. Ecc. 9. 17. It seems althe Timnah fortified by Bacchides; 1 Macc. so to have been visited by St. Willibald on9, 50. Joseph. Ant. 13. 1. 3. his way from Gaza to Hebron; Hodcepor. 2 Josh. 15, 35. Neh. 11, 29. Onomast. 20. p. 377. art. Jermus.-The' Jarimuth' of Jerome, 5 Ezra 2, 22. Neh. 7, 26. Relanll which he says lay four miles from Eleu- Palsest. p. 909. theropolis, is not improbably the same 6 Reland Palvest. p. 650. VOL. II. —2* ii. 343 -345

18 FROBI JERUSALEM TO GAZA. SEc. XI. bly on this ground, that the Sheikh of Beit'Atab, where the people are of the Yemen party, spoke evil of his neighbours the Keisiyeh of Beit Nettif. We did not hear of the prevalence of these parties in any other region at the present day; but it is singular, that the same names of hostile parties existed in Syria in the very first century of Muhammedanism. It would be interesting to inquire, whether there is perhaps any connection between parties thus bearing the same names in the seventh and in the nineteenth centuries.' We found the inhabitants of Beit Nettif very civil and hospitable; the bad reports about them to the contrary notwithstanding. In the evening several of the chief men visited us in our tent, drank coffee, and gave us much information. On going away, one of them, whom we supposed to be a Sheikh, (though he seemed not to be the chief Sheikh,) inquired if we would have a couple of men from the village to watch during the night. This we declined, as unnecessary. We heard however the voices of men all night around our tent, whom we took to be persons watching the threshing-floors of barley, and enjoying the comfort of our fire; indeed they disturbed our sleep by their talking, and especially by their loud manner of story-telling. In the morning, we learned that the Sheikh himself and two men had kept guard during the night of their own accord, and without expecting any remuneration. We afterwards found the same custom at most of the villages where we encamped. It arises, however, rather out of a regard for their own security, than from any particular respect towards the stranger. Every village is made responsible by the government for all thefts committed within its precincts; had we at any time lost any thing by theft or robbery, on complaining to the government, the village- where the loss occurred would have been compelled to make it good. On this ground, therefore, and for their own sakes, they usually preferred to set a watch around our tent. Being now off the track of all former travellers, we came in contact here with oriental hospitality in its primitive and genuine form. The villages supplied us with every thing we desired; regarding it as an honour, and without expecting a recompense. Such is the custom of all these mountains. The Fellahin never sell food to one another; but every stranger is the guest of the village. Our five muleteers, honest and faithful peasants from 1 Al)lfeda mentions a great battle be- Keis, as of a tribe in the south of Palestween the Yemeniyeh and Keislyeh, A. H. tine; p. 341. ed. Jaubert. The same par64 (A. D. 684) at Melj Rahat near Damas- ties formerly prevailed throughout Mount cus; which is also celebrated by Arabian Lebanon, both among the Druzes and the poets. Annales ad Ann. 64. Tabula Syrim Christian population; Niebuhr Reisebeschr, ed. Klhler p. 17. See also Reiske's Note, II. p.447. Burckhardt p. 159. ibid. p. 197.-Edrlsi has likewise the name ii. 345, 346

MAY 18.] BEIT NETTIF. 19 the village of Lifta near Jerusalem, never thought of paying for their food; not for the sake of spunging, like our former Mukariyeh, but because it was furnished to them as a matter of course. In every village there is a public room, or more than one, according to the size and ability of the place, devoted to the entertainment of strangers. Such a room is called a Menzil or Medlfeh, a guestroom. The guest lodges in the Menzil, and his food is supplied by the families, to whose circle it belongs. Sometimes they take turns in his entertainment; at other times it is left to those who offer themselves, or rather who claim the privilege. If the guest be a person of consequence, it is a matter of course that a sheep or goat, a lamb or kid, is killed for him. The Keislyeh usually kill two; one for the guest, and another for the people of the place. When the guest is a common man, as a muleteer or the like, he is fed with rice, or whatever may be the ordinary food of the people themselves., The guest gives nothing as a remuneration when he leaves. To offer money would be taken as an insult; and to receive it would be a great disgrace. Such is universally the manner of entertainment in the villages throughout the provinces of Jerusalem and Hebron, as well as in other parts of Syria.' On the more travelled roads, the Franks have broken in upon this custom; and the people have learned to receive pay from foreigners. We too left our servant behind us in this village, to offer pay for the milk and other articles we had purchased, and in this instance it was received; though subsequently in several cases it was refused. Friday, BMay 18th. We rose early, and found the lower hill country enveloped in a dense fog, over which the tops of the hills were seen like islands. The mist however soon rose from the landscape, and left behind a clear atmosphere and a fine breeze the whole day. The Sheikh who was with us last evening came again early, in order to assist us in making observations; and as we left, he accompanied us, in token of respect, quite out of the village. The great object before us to-day, was to search for the long lost site of the ancient Eleutheropolis, an important episcopal city of the fourth and fifth centuries, assumed indeed by Eusebius and Jerome as the central point in southern Palestine, from which to fix the position of many other places. We had been making inquiries ever since we first reached Jerusalem, to ascertain whether any name or any ruins still existed in the same quarter, which might afford a clue for determining this ancient site. But no trace of any such name could be found; nor could we hear of any such ruins, excepting at a place called Beit Jibrin. See the references above, Vol. I. p. 445 n. 4. ii. 346-348

20 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XL. These the Arabs described in extravagant terms; and although we placed little reliance upon their accounts, yet we determined to visit the spot ourselves in the course of our journey. On arriving at Beit Nettif, we were surprised and gratified to find ourselves surrounded by several places, whose distances from Eleutheropolis are specified by Eusebius and Jerome. Thus the distance both of Beth-shemesh and Zorah is given at ten Roman miles towards Nicopolis; that of Jarmuth (Jarmuch) also at ten miles towards Jerusalem, and that of Socoh (Shuweikeh) at nine miles towards the same city, probably on another road.' The first three places all lay within a circle of an hour and a half west of north from Beit Nettif; and these distances, we thought, might perhaps serve us in some measure as a clue, in our search after the site of Eleutheropolis itself. We left Beit Nettif at 7 o'clock, descending immediately southwesterly into Wady es-Sfimt, in order to strike again the Askelon branch of the ancient road, which passes down this valley. The hill side was covered with fine groves of olive trees, some of them planted in rows like a regular orchard; which is not usually the case. Twenty minutes brought us to the bottom; and we now followed down Wady es-Slimt on a course west by north. This valley is formed by the junction of three Wadys at a point directly south.of Beit Nettif, viz. Wady elMusiirr coming from the E. N. E.; Wady es-Stir, a large valley from the south; and a smaller one from the N. N. E. just under Beit Nettif. The bottom is a fine fertile plain with moderate hills on each side. It was now covered with fields of grain, except towards the western part; where are a good many of the trees here called SUmt, from which the valley takes its nlame. 2 WVe crossed the water-bed of the valley, now dry, and soon came upon the ancient road, which had followed down Wady elMusurr. The other or Gaza branch goes off more to the left, and crosses Wady es-Stir near an immense Butm-tree about twenty minutes south of the junction of the valleys. On our left, in a gap of the southern hill, we now had the ruins of ShuOnomast. arts. Bethsamnis, Saara, thorny tree resembling the Tilh or Seyal, Jermus, Soccho. with which it has sometimes been con2 The form Ssmat, seems to be merely a founded.-This Arabic name affords an corrupt pronunciation of the word Stnt, apt etymology forthe Heb. Mj i. q. r: the proper Arabic and Egyptian name for the Shittin-wood of the Bible (Ex. 25, 5. the tree whose iruit is called Karadh. 10. 13. etc.) which was probably the same This is the Miimosa Nilotica of Forskal, tree; see Celsius Hierobot. I. p. 498 sq. Flora 2Egypt. Arab. p. LXXVII; and the Gesen. Lex. Heb. art. tt3. Rosenmiller Acacia vera s. Arabica of later botanists, Sprengel Hist. Rei Herbar. I. pp. 269, 270. Bibl. Alterthumsk. IV. i. p. 277. These The Arabic naPme Snt is variously writ- writers however confound the Acacia vera ten by the Arabs themselves. It is a (S;iit) with the Acacia gummifera (Tilh). ii. 348. 349

MAY 18.] WADY ES-SUMT. SOCOH. 21 weikeh, the Socoh of the plain of Judah, which is enumerated with Jarmuth, Adullam, and Azekah, and lay nine Roman miles from Eleutheropolis towards Jerusalem.' It was therefore not far from Jarmuth; as it now also lies not far distant from Yarmfik, about half an hour. Another mention of Socoh enables us to determine the ancient name of this fine valley; and fixes it as the scene of a memorable event in Scripture history, the combat of David and Goliath. We are told that the Philistines "were gathered together at Socoh which belongeth to Judah, and pitched between Socoh and Azekah. And Saul and the men of Israel were gathered together and pitched by the valley of Elah, and set the battle in array against the Philistines. And the Philistines stood on a mountain on the one side, and Israel stood on a mountain on the other side; and there was a valley between them."2 The mention of Azekah shows that the Socoh meant, can only be this place; and the valley between the armies, the valley of Elah, in which the combat took place, could well be no other than the present Wady es-Sfimt. It took its name Elah of old from the Terebinth (Butm), of which the largest specimen we saw in Palestine still stands in the vicinity; just as now it takes its name es-Stimt (Siint) from the acacias which are scattered in it.3 We now pursued our way down the valley, rejoicing in having thus been able to discover and visit the spot, where the youthful warrior and poet, in firm reliance on the God of Israel, made his first glorious essay as the champion of his people. At 7.40 we reached a well by the way-side, called Bir Ktilidhia, about twenty-five or thirty feet deep, with several drinking troughs of wood. Fifteen minutes later, the ruins of JennAbeh were upon the hill at our left. At 8 o'clock Wady es-Stimt turned to the right, nearly north, passing off between Tell Zakariya on the left and the village of the same name on the right, perhaps half an hour distant; and then bending again more to the left, and running to the plain.4 A road to Ramleh here left ours, passing down the valley. We continued on the ancient road in a direct course, and ascended the ridge towards the west, reaching the top at 81 o'clock. Here a narrower valley lay before us, running off in the direction WT. N. W.. The numerous olive groves in this valley and upon the hills around, gave the country almost a wooded 1 Josh. 15, 35. See pp. 17, 20. and points out the place of David's com2 1 Sam. 17, 1-3. bat at a spot north of'Ain K/rim, not less Monastic tradition, as we have seen, than five or six hours distant from Socoh. assigns the name of Elah, or Terebinth See above, Vol. I. p. 461, n. 2. valley, to the great Wady Beit Hanina; 4 See above, p. 5. ii. 349-351

22 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. appearance. The great western plain was here visible; and in it at some distance an isolated oblong hill, or short ridge, called Tell es-Sifieh, a very conspicuous point, on which our guide said there were ruins.' We descended into the narrow valley; and after fifteen minutes passed'Ajjir, a small village on the left. At 84 o'clock, there was another ancient well in the valley, exhibiting quite a pastoral scene of patriarchal days. Many cattle, flocks of sheep and kids, and also camels, were all waiting round the well; while men and women were busily employed in drawing water for them. These people at once offered and drew water for us and our thirsty animals, without the expectation of reward. The well was square and narrow; by measuring the rope we found the depth to be sixty feet. A platform of very large stones was built up around it, and there were many drinking troughs. On the platform was fixed a small reel for the rope, which a man, seated on a level with the axis, wound up, by pulling the upper part of the reel towards him with his hands, while he at the same time pushed the lower part from him with the feet. This may not improbably have been the ancient Egyptian manner of " watering with the foot."2 In coming thus far from Beit Nettif, an hour and three quarters, we had on the whole made no southing whatever, but rather the contrary. Our relative position in respect to Stir'ah,'Ain Shems, and Yarmik was indeed changed; these places all now lying east of north; and being, so far as we could judge, not far from an hour to an hour and a half distant. We knew, too, that we must now be at least approaching the ancient road running north from Eleutheropolis to Nicopolis; and there was therefore every reason to suppose, that we could not be more than two or at the most two and a half hours distant from the site of the former city.3 But with all our inquiry, we could hear of no ruins of any kind, except the great ones (as they were called) at Beit Jibrin, and the slighter ones at Tell es-Safieh. The latter place seemed to be much too far both towards the north and west; it being apparently about an hour and a half distant from this point. We therefore determined at any rate first to visit the ruins at Beit Jibrin; and then to take such a course as circumstances might dictate. After a stop of twenty minutes at the well, we now at 9.05 turned to the left almost at a right angle, and proceeded on a course about S. by W. WVe had heard all along, and especially l The Tell bore from this spot N. 70~ usual rate of travel with horses and mules, W. and Beit Nettif S. 85~ E. in a region like this, was very regularly 2 Deut. 11, 10. See more on this sub- three Roman miles to an hour. See above, ject in Note II, at the end of Vol. I. Vol. I. p. 462. See also Note VII, end of The reader will bear in mind, that our Vol. I. ii. 351, 352

MAY 18.] EXCAVATED CAVERNS. 23 from the Sheikh of Beit Nettif, of a great cavern in this quarter, a convent under ground, large enough (it was said) to contain all the Pasha's troops. We had hoped it might turn out to be the cave of Makkedah, which Eusebius and Jerome place eight miles east of Eleutheropolis.' According to our reckoning, however, we had already travelled too far for this. At 9.40, a few steps beyond a village named Deir Dubbin, we came to the cavern (so called) of which we were in search, just by our road on the left. Although not Makkedah, yet the place is certainly a great curiosity. In the soft limestone or chalky rock, which the soil here scarcely covers, are several irregular pits, some nearly square, and all about fifteen or twenty feet deep, with perpendicular sides. Whether these pits are natural or artificial, it might at first be difficult to say. In the sides are irregular doors or low arched passages, much obstructed by rubbish, leading into large excavations in the adjacent rock in the form of tall domes or bell-shaped apartments, varying in height from twenty to thirty feet, and in diameter from ten or twelve to twenty feet or more. The top of the dome usually terminates in a small circular opening at the surface of the ground above, admitting light into the cavern. These apartments are mostly in clusters, three or four together,. communicating with each other. Around one pit towards the southwest we found sixteen such apartments thus connected, forming a sort of labyrinth. They are all hewn very regularly; but many are partly broken down; and it is not impossible, that the pits themselves may have been caused by the falling in of similar domes. Some of the apartments are ornamented, either near the bottom or high up, or both, with rows of small holes or niches, like pigeon-holes, extending quite around the wall. In the largest cluster, in the innermost dome, a rough block of the limestone has been left standing on one side, ten or twelve feet high, as if a rude pulpit or a pedestal for a statue. In the same apartment are several crosses cut in the wall; and in another of the same suite, are several very old Cufic inscriptions, one of which is quite long. These we neglected to copy, much to our subsequent regret; although from what we elsewhere saw, they probably would throw no light upon the age and character of these singular excavations. What then could have been the object of these caverns? Cisterns they were not; and quarries they could hardly have been; as the stone is not hard enough for building, and there is no place in the vicinity erected with such stone. Or, if quarries, why then excavate in this peculiar and difficult form, when all is so near the surface? The form in itself resembles that of Josh. 10, 10. 16 sq. 15, 41. Onomast. art. AMaceda. ii. 352-354

24 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XL. the subterranean magazines around many of the villages at the present day; and naturally suggests the idea, that these caverns too may have been intended for nmagazines of grain. But their great number, and especially the fact of their communicating with each other, is inconsistent with such an hypothesis. I am unable to solve the mystery; and the similar excavations which we afterwards saw on our second visit to Beit Jibrin, serve only to render the whole matter still more inexplicable. We afterwards found reason to suppose, that the ancient Gath-Rimmon was situated here or in the vicinity.' We spent nearly an hour in exploring these caverns. Proceeding on our way at 10.35, we came in fifteen minutes to a village on our right called Ra'na, with fields of tobacco and cotton. Our guide, by mistake, now took a road lying to the left of the right one, but parallel to it. This brought us at 11.25 to Kudna, a small village, in which are the remains of a large ancient building. A portion of the western wall is standing, some one hundred and fifty feet in length, built of large stones. It is difficult to say, whether it was once a church, or perhaps a castle; it seemed older than the age of the crusades. Our way wound much, leading us through broad arable Wadys among the low bushy hills. We were now verging towards the border of the hilly tract and the great plain on the west, where hill and plain pass over into each other; and where the frequent and shallow Wadys, running in all directions, render it difficult to mark their general course, or to distinguish any main trunk. As we approached Beit Jibrin, however, we travelled along a fine open valley or plain, running from south to north, which seemed to be one of the principal Wadys. It passes onwards to the great plain, where it sweeps round on the south of Tell es-Safieh, forming apparently one of the main branches of Wady Simsim, which we afterwards encountered on our way to Gaza. In this valley along the road were traces of ancient walls, once probably enclosing fields; and in several places we saw short rude pillars, which at first we thought might have been intended as Roman milestones. For this however they were too numerous; and they more probably once served as private landmarks, between the fields of different owners. We reached Beit Jibrin at 121 o'clock, situated among low hills at the head of this main valley, where it is formed by the junction of two or three smaller Wadys, and runs at first N. N. W. The site is so shut in by hills, that no other places are visible from it. Like most of the villages in this region, it is surrounded with olive trees; and 1 See under May 22d; and at the end of the discussion respecting Eleutheropolis, on the subsequent day, May 23d. ii. 354, 355

xAY 18.] BEIT JIBRIN. 25 beneath one of these, northwest of the ruins, we spread our carpets, and after a few minutes of rest and'refreshment, entered upon our examination of this interesting spot. Here is a village with ruins, apparently of different ages, and more extensive and massive than any we saw in Palestine, except the substructions of the ancient temple at Jerusalem and the Haram at Hebron. They consist of the remains of a fortress of immense strength, in the midst of an irregular rounded enclosure, encompassed by a very ancient and strong wall. This outer wall was built of large squared stones uncemented. It has been mostly thrown down; but on the northern side it is still several feet in height, running along the southern bank of the water-bed of the Wady which comes down from the E. N. E. In the other quarter also it is still distinctly to be traced. Along this wall on the inside, towards the west and northwest, is a row of ancient massive vaults with fine round arches, apparently of the same age as the wall itself. These are now nearly covered by the accumulated rubbish; yet some of them still serve as dwellings for the inhabitants. The northern wall of this exterior enclosure, representing the diameter from east to west, measured six hundred feet; and the other diameter cannot be much less. The character of this wall and of these vaults, leaves no doubt that they are of Roman origin. In the midst of this area stands an irregular castle, the lower parts of which seem to be as ancient as the exterior wall; but it has obviously been built up again in more modern times. Indeed, an inscription over the gate-way shows that it was last repaired by the Turks in A H. 958,' (A. D. 1551,) nearly ten years after the present walls of Jerusalem were built. The northern and western sides alone are regular; the former measured one hundred and ninety-two feet, and the latter one hundred and ninety-five feet. The gate was now shut up; and the court within planted with tobacco, so far as there was room among the heaps of stones and rubbish. The walls are so far broken down, that we could clamber over them and enter without difficulty. The interior of the castle was full of arches and vaults; and the people told us of a church with pictures in the southern part, now shut up and indeed buried beneath the ruins. Several small marble columns were strewed around. The area of the enclosure, outside of the castle, is occupied partly by the modern hovels of the village; partly by patches of tobacco and vegetables; while in the northern and eastern quarters, it is confusedly covered with heaps of stones, the materials of ancient walls and structures. I I follow here the journal of my companion; my own pencil notes made on the spot have A. H. 948. VOL. II.-3 ii. 355-357

26 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. The situation of this fortress was low, on a point between two Wadys, one corhing from the E. N. E. and the other from the S. S. E. Back of the village the ground rises into hills, which must have overlooked the fortress. The ancient town appears to have extended for some distance along the open valley towards the northeast. In this part are still remains of the former wall and dwellings. Just by the village on the west in the other Wady, is a large public well, around which cattle and flocks were collected for watering. Twenty minutes from the village, in thedclirection S. 28~ E. are seen the ruins of an ancient church bearing the name of Santa Hanneh (St. Anne), situated on higher sloping ground near the head of the southern Wady, northeast of its watercourse. In following up the Wady to this spot we passed two other wells.:One of them about half way was quite -large; flocks and herds were gathered around both; while men and women were drawing water and filling for them the many drinking troughs, presenting an animated scene of pastoral life. Of the church, only the eastern end is standing, including the niche of the great altar, and that of a side chapel, built of large hewn stones of strong and beautiful masonry. The foundations remain throughout; and there are subterraneous vaults with windows on the north side. Indeed, the edifice stood on round arches; which with the foundations seem nearly of the same character and antiquity as the fortress itself-' In the Wady near by are the ruins of an ordinary village. Southwest of the church, on the other side of the Wady, rises a truncated Tell of a chalky and singular appearance. We had been told of a fountain near the church, which became dry for a Part of the year; but it turned out that our informant meant only a well at some distance northeast, where men were drawing water for their flocks. This we found to be fifty-two feet deep, dug mostly in the solid rock, and apparently ancient. There is another on the slope of the hill southwest of the church, which was now dry.2 In returning to the: village, as we passed one of the wells where the people were watering their flocks, a man called out to us: " Do not be long," thatis, in coming to take possession of the country. Here, as elsewhere, we were supposed to be in search of our hereditary estates. Such expressions we often heard; and this desire for a Frank government or Frank protection we found to be universal in Syria, among both Chris1 The only allusion I find to this church 2 From the hill just east of Santa Hanis in Gaufr. Vinisauf, Iter Hierosol. Regis neh the following bearings were taken: Richardi, etc. 5. 44, in Gale Scriptores Tell es-SAfieh N. 20~ W. Beit'Atab N Historioe Angl. Tom. II. p. 375. See 63~ E. Min'in S. 64~ E. DIra on tde further on, p. 28, n. 5. mountain S. 44~ E. ii. 357, 358

MAY 18.] BEIT JIBRIN. 27 tians and Muhammedans; not excepting even the Bedawin. On this grouind we were everywhere well received.' Here at Beit Jibrin the people were kind and communicative. The Sheikh of the village was understood to be absent, and we did not now see him. Beit Jibrin is a village of moderate size, the capital of a district in the province of Gaza, beginning just west of Beit Nettif, called the district of the'Azazeh. It takes this name from an ancient farnily of Sheikhs, formerly hereditary lords of Beit Jibrin, and of great power in these parts, being one of the three chief families of the Keisiyeh. Having been leaders in the rebellion of 1834, some of the family were beheaded, and the rest compelled to remove to Tell es-S-fieh. Another family, called the house of'Amleh, resides at Beit Ula; and a third, the house of Ibn'Omar, at Dtra in the mountains of Hebron. The two former families were head Sheikhs of the lower Keis (el-Keisiyeh et-Tahta) in and near the plain.-These families of Sheilhs form a species of hereditary nobility; but they are here less ancient and less exclusive than those of the Druzes in Mount Lebanon. There are also smaller families of less powerful Sheikhs. Such was the result of our inquiries and observations at Beit Jibrin on this our first visit. The question now naturally arose, Whether all this presented any ground for regarding this spot as the site of the ancient Eleutheropolis? The ruins certainly seemed to be sufficiently important to warrant such a conclusion; ruins worthy of the Roman name, and of a powerful city. Further, in travelling hither from the well where we had halted, we had by a winding road passed over the anticipated distance of two and a half hours within which we had supposed Eleutheropolis must lie. Still, this distance might apply just as well to some place lying more to the northwest; and I had in some way received the groundless impression, that the city in question lay actually in the plain itself, and not among the hills. W e concluded therefore to make still further examination; and as notwithstanding all our inquiries, we could hear of no spot where there could be the slightest hope of finding the object of our search, unless perhaps at Tell es-Safieh, we determined to bend our steps that way.-We felt ourselves constrained to push our researches further, because the site of Eleutheropolis could not be fixed at this place, without making it identical with another ancient city, whose name has been preserved; an identity of which, as yet, no one had ever dreamed. Indeed, whatever might be the fact in regard to Eleutheropolis, there could be no doubt upon our minds, that in Beit Jibrin was to be recognised the Betogabra of Ptolemy and the: See also at Ma'in, above, Vol. I. p. 495. ii. 358-360

28 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. Peutinger Tables and the Beigeberin, (an episcopal city) of the ecclesiastical Notitice of the subsequent centuries.' This place is marked in the said Tables at sixteen Roman miles from Askelon, a distance considerably too small; since from the construction of our maps it appears, that the actual distance cannot be less than about twenty geographical miles.2 An early legend of the life of Ananias names it " Betogabra of Eleutheropolis;" which, however the phrase may be regarded, implies at least that these places were not far remote from each other.3 Such is the amount of all the notices respecting the ancient city under this name, down to the time of the crusades. In the twelfth century, the crusaders found on this spot an ancient site in ruins, called by the Arabs' Bethgebrim;'4 here they built up again a fortress upon the former foundations, to guard against the incursions of the Muhammedans from Askelon. This took place about A. D. 1134, under king Fulco. William of Tyre describes the fortress as having impregnable walls, with a mound and bastions and other advanced works. The defence of this position was intrusted to the knights Hospitalers. The Arabic name became corrupted among the crusaders into "Gibelin;" and they and the Christian writers of that age, held the place to be the ancient Beersheba.5 It is not unfrequently mentioned by Arabic authors; who write the name almost indiscriminately Beit Jibrin and Beit Jibril, the latter signifying the'House of Gabriel; 6 and they speak of it also as including the surrounding district. Benjamin of Tudela visited the spot, and found here three Jews.7 After the decisive battle of Hattin and the capture of Askelon by Saladin, in A. D. 1187, the fortress of Beit Jibrin also fell into his power; 8 but it seems to have re1 Ptolemy BaLo7ydSpa. Tab. Peut. Be- Kreuzz. II. pp. 595, 615. Brocardus c. 10. togabri. See RelandPalest. pp. 461, 421, p. 186. Marin. Sanut. pp. 163, 165. Adri222, 627.-Josephus mentions a large vil- chomius p. 133. Yet before the days of lage BrTapis (Betaris) in this region, which the latter writer, the true Beersheba had Rufinus read B~yya3pLs (Begabris) in his been visited by several travellers; see copy. Reland suggests that this may have above, Vol. I. p. 205. G. Vinisauf seems been the same place, which is not im- to allude to the church of Santa Hanneh, probable; p. 626. Joseph. B. J. 4. 8. 1. when he speaks of Ybelin (meaning Gibe2 It would seem probable that an X may lin) as being near the valley in which St. have been dropped in the Peutinger Ta- Anne was born; see in Gale's Scriptores bles; the original reading having been Historive Anglic. Tom. II. p. 395. perhaps XXVI Roman miles.' Edrisi par Jaubert p. 360. Ibn el3 Acta Sanctor. Jan. Tom. II. pp. 613, Wardi in Abulf. Tab. Syr. ed. Kohler p. 614. 170. See especially Schulten's Index in 4 " Urbem veterem et dirutam.... Vit. Salad. art. Beit-Sjebrinum.-Still, as Arabice Bethyebrir; " Will. Tyr. 14. 22. the interchange of I and n is not unfreThis writer gives its distance from Askelon quent in Arabic, it may after all be a at twelve miles; meaning apparently Ital- question, whether Jibrin may not be the ian miles of 60 to the degree; which falls ancient Hebrew form, meaning perhaps short even of the sixteen Roman miles of "House of Men." The Greek form Batrothe Peutinger Tables. See Note 2, above. y&dpa accords better with this supposition. 6 Will. Tyr. 14. 22. Jac. de Vitr. 36, 7 Benj. of Tudel. p. 77. 41. pp. 1070, 1071. Wilken Gesch. der Bohaed. Vit. Sal. p. 72, ii. 360. 361

MAY 18.] BEIT JIBRIN. 29 verted into the hands of the Franls, perhaps with Askelon, and is mentioned in A. DI. 1192, as a station in the march of one part of king Richard's army from the south towards Beit Nli'ba. In A. D. 1244, it was captured by the troops of Bibars.2 I find no further notice of Beit Jibrin or its fortress, excepting in Marinus Sanutus, who merely copies William of Tyre;3 but the inscription already mentioned, shows that it continued to be a place of strength even under the later Turkish dominion; being kept up perhaps in order to hold in check the turbulent spirits of the ancient Arab families of Sheikhs, the former lords of Beit Jibrin and the adjacent territory. Since the time of the crusades, I am not aware that this place has been visited by any Frank traveller; unless perhaps by Breydenbach and Fabri in A. D. 1483, on their way from Hebron to Gaza; who however make no mention of Beit Jibrin.4 We now left Beit Jibrin at 23 o'clock, for Tell es-Safieh. A man from Ramleh, returning from Hebron, fell into our train, and continued with us; although Tell es-Safieh was out of his direct course. The way led at first down the same broad valley by which we had approached, and then more to the left. In half an hour, after crossing obliquely the low western slope, we emerged from the hills upon the wide rolling plain which extends to the sea; it is here not very fertile nor very well cultivated; though as we advanced, we found much of it covered with a crop of wheat. At 4.10 we passed the large village of Dhikrin, to which name our guide added the epithet el-Baradan. It stands on the left slope of a Wady, which I suppose to, be that coming down from Beit Jibrin, and here sweeping round towards the Wady Simsim in the plain. Near the village are excavations, said to be like those we had seen at Deir Dubban; but being in a low situation, the water of a small Wady is in winter turned into them, and they are used as cisterns. This village of Dhikrin is mentioned by Tucher of Nurnberg in A. D. 1479. He travelled from Bethlehem to Gaza, passing by St. George and lodging at Thikrin (Dhikrin), where he also speaks of cisterns.5 His route down the mountains must therefore have been in general the same with ours. We reached Tell es-Safieh at a quarter past 5 o'clock. It is an isolated oblong hill or ridge, lying from north to south in the plain; the highest part being towards the south. The village lies near the middle; lower down. We pitched our tent just Bohaed. Vit. Sal. p. 229. Wilken ibid. habited village in this quarter; Vol. II. p. IV. p. 508. 310. Poujoulat professes to have found the 2 Makrizi in Wilken Comment. de Bell. fortress (not the name) four hours southCruc. p. 204. east of Askelon on his road from Gaza to 3 De Seer. Fidel. Cruc. p. 165. YIfa! Correspondence d'Orient, V. p. 448. 4 Volney heard the name, as of an in- 6 Reissb. des h. Landes p. 677. VOL. II. —3* i. 361-363

30 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. above the village, and immediately repaired to the summit of the hill, in search of the ruins of which we had been told. They proved to be merely the indistinct foundations apparently of a castle on the highest part, constructed of large hewn stones. On the western side of the hill, are also the remains of a terrace built of like materials. There is no fountain here nor in the vicinity; but in the western plain, near the foot of the hill, is a well of living water, which was said to overflow during a part of the year. Upon the hill is seen a solitary palm tree.-Safieh we were told is the name of a ruin in the plain towards the northeast, and this is its Tell or hill. The hill itself is not high; but rises sufficiently above the surrounding country to be seen at the distance of some hours in every direction, especially towards the north and west. Here it overlooks the plain, which extends north to Ramleh and west to Esduid (Ashdod). The tower of Ramleh was distinctly visible; the distance was said to be five hours. Nearer the mountain, in the northeast, we could also distinguish LatrBn upon a conical hill. A large number of villages and sites were visible on every side, with many of which we had already become acquainted; though not a few were also new. They are recorded in the note below.2 The people of the village flocked around us with kindness; and at evening our tent, as usual, was filled with visitors, conversing and drinking coffee. The Sheikh, Muhammed Sellim, was a young fine looking man, of prepossessing manners and quite intelligent. He belonged to the family of the'Azazeh, the hereditary lords of Beit Jibrin; but they having taken part in the rebellion of 1834, his uncle and brother were beheaded, and the rest of the family ordered to take up their residence in this place. We here came again in contact with the genuine hospitality of the east. The Sheikh sent two men to keep watch by our tent all night; and when we left in the morning, the people re-' This was incorrectly reported to us at 12~ E. el-Kistineh N. 36~ W. el-Mesthe time as'Amwas (Nicopolis); and so miyeh N. 45~ W. Ustas N. 50~ W. Tell stood in the former edition. See Vol. III. et-Turmus N. 55~ W. Berkasieh S. 53~ Sec. III, under April 27th, 1852. W. —Among these places, Kesla might 2 We took at Tell es-Safieh the follow- suggest the Chesalon of Josh. 15, 10; it lies ing bearings, beginning at the south and northeast of Beth-shemesh. Compare the proceeding towards the left: Dhikrin S. Ch/aslon of the Onomasticon.-El-Mesmi10~ E. Santa Hanneh S. 20~ E. Kudna yeh seems to be the Mlesmie mentioned by S. 34~ E. Deir DubbAn S. 50~ E.'Ajjur Volney between Ramleh and Gaza, four S. 72~ E. Jeb'ah S. 77~ E. Tell Zaka- leagues from the former; Vol. II. p. 310. riya S. 85~ E. Kefr Zakariya S. 87~ E. In that case, the Tell of which the same Beit'Atab N. 870 E. Kesla N. 84~ E. writer speaks, a league east of Mesmiyeh, el-KIheishfim N. 80~ E. Deir el-Hawa N. was probably Tell et-Turmus; but he con800 E. el-Bureij N. 70~ E. Sur'ah N. founds it in part with Tell el-Hasy; see 67 E. Rafit N. 640 E. el-Mughtillis N. under May 22. 55~ E. Litr6n N. 49~ E. er-Ramleh N. ii. 363, 364

MAY 18.] TELL ES-SAFIEH. 31 fused to receive pay for the articles which they had furnished to us; saying it would be a disgrace to do so, and the Sheikh would be angry and beat them if they did. They were simple-hearted and kind; and the refusal to take money, seemed to be the unaffected and conscientious observance of ancient national custom. It had needed but a short survey of this spot to convince us, that the site of Eleutheropolis never could have been at Tell esSafieh. One of the places, Zorah, said to be ten Roman miles from Eleutheropolis on the way to Nicopolis, lay in sight before us E. N. E. upon the hills, about three hours distant; while Latron, which lies near Nicopolis was distinctly visible in the northeast not more than an hour or two more remote. It was evident that Zorah and Beth-shemesh could never have been said to lie near the road from Tell es-Safieh to'Amwas, and especially not at the distance of ten miles on that road, without attributing to Eusebius and Jerome a greater absurdity than any of which they have yet been accused. Indeed Tell es-Safieh lies obviously quite too far westward within the plain, to accord with any of the ancient accounts respecting Eleutheropolis. Besides, there was nothing here to mark the site of an ancient place; which we know to have been a large and flourishing city so late as the sixth century. I know of nothing to connect Tell es-Safieh with the history of the Bible or of the early centuries; unless perhaps the name may have some relation to that of the valley of Zephathah near Maresha, where king Asa defeated the hosts of Zerah the Ethiopian.' Maresha, as we know, was near Eleutheropolis; 2 and the valley, as well as the Tell, might well take its name from an adjacent city. It may perhaps have been the broad Wady coming down from Beit Jibrin towards Tell es-SAfieh. In the middle ages this Tell became somewhat celebrated; although, as we had with us no history of the crusades, we were not aware -of the fact at the time. It appears that about A. D. 1138, several years after the rebuilding of the ancient fortress at Beit Jibrin, the crusaders under king Fulco erected upon Tell es-Safieh, described as eight Italian miles from Askelon, another castle as a further check upon the excursions of the Muhammedans from that city.3 It was built of hewn stones with four towers; and became known among the Franks by the name of Blanchegarde.4 It afterwards came into the possession of Sala2 Chron. 14, 10. Kr. II. pp. 615, 616. But the true distance 2 Euseb. et Hieron. Onomast. art. Ma- from Askelon is not much less than eightsera, Mapo-d. Reland Pal. p. 888. een geographical miles; and the reading "1 Ab Ascalona octo distans miliaribus in William of Tyre ought probably to be.. nomen Arabice Tellesaphi, quod apud octodecem instead of octo. nos interpretatur lons sive Collis clarus; " 4 Will. Tyr. 15, 25. Jac. de Vitr. 41, Will. Tyr. 15. 25. See Wilken Gesch. der p. 1071. The Latin name of the castle ii. 364-366

32 FROM JERUSALEM TO- GAZA. [SE. XI. din, and was dismantled by him in A. D. 1191;' but appears to have been built up again by king Richard of England the very next year.2 Some of Richard's romantic adventures are related as occurring in the vicinity of this castle. Once, riding out in this quarter from his camp near Ramleh in search of adventures, he narrowly escaped falling into the hands of a chosen band of Turkish horsemen, whom Saladin had despatched from Askelon to Blanchegarde. At another time, on a similar excursion hither from Askelon, he had an affray with a party of Saracens, of whom he slew three and took five prisoners.3 Afterwards, this spot is mentioned by Bohaeddin in connection with the march of Richard's army to Beit Nuiba; and also as visited by Saladin, who then proceeded from Tell es-Safieh to the place called esSafieh, of which we also heard.4 From that time until the present day, although Blanchegarde maintains its place in the histories of the crusades, yet Tell es-SAfieh appears to have been lost sight of by all writers and travellers.5 Saturday, May 19th. It had been our wish and plan, if possible, to proceed to Gaza by way of Ashdod and Askelon. Finding however that this route would require another day, which we could not well spare, and knowing that the two latter places had been often visited, Vye gave up reluctantly this part of our plan, and took the direct road to Gaza. Our search too, after Eleutheropolis had thus far produced no decisive nor satisfactory results; and we determined, after visiting Gaza, to return again to the region of Beit Jibrin on our way to Hebron. Leaving Tell es-Safieh at 51 o'clock, we descended the western side of the hill into the wide plain. The morning was bright and balmy; and the scene was enlivened by large herds of cattle and flocks of sheep and goats, going forth in various directions to pasture. Our road lay obliquely across the plain on a general course W. S. W. 1S. This is a beautiful and fertile tract of country; for a time almost perfectly level; and after a short distance almost without a stone. The soil is a light brown loam. The barley harvest was now mostly over. The peasants were in full was' Alba Specula,' also' Alba Custodia,' -33, pp. 388-390.; Wilken 1 c. pp. 457, ibid. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. IV. p. 426. 492. So too' Candida Custodia,' G. Vinisauf 5. 4 Bohaeddin Vit. Salad. p. 229, 231. 48. p. 398. Also G. Vinisauf, 1. c. 5. 48, p. 398.-See l Gaufr. Vinisauf, Iter Hierosol. Richar- above, p. 30. Schultens Index in Vit. di reois, in Gale Scriptores Hist. Anglic. Salad. art. Tell-Assaphia. Tom. II. lib. 4. 23, p. 362. Wilken 1. c. 5 Poujoulat supposes he found IBlanchep. 426. garde (not Tell es-Safieh) sit the village of 2 Roger de Hov. Annales Anglic. in Sa- Yasfir, not far from the sand-hills of Askeville Scriptor. Rer. Angl. fol. 407. B. Wil- Ion, on one of the roads from Gaza to Yaken 1. c. p. 477. fa; Correspondence d'Orient, V. p. 417. Gaufr. Vin. 1. c. 4. 32, p. 369; 5. 29 ii. 366, 367

MAY 19.] HARVEST SCENES. 33 activity in the beginning of the wheat harvest; and the fields full of reapers, and the threshing-floors around the villages, presented a lively scene. A large part of the plain, so far as it was tilled, was covered with grain already ripe. Some tracts were sown with Dhurah (millet), now a few weeks above the ground, and yielding a delightful refreshment to the eye by its beautiful green. We saw one field of cotton. The crops were good; yet hardly one half of the plain was under cultivation. At 6.05, we passed Ba'lin, a small village on the left a short distance from the road; and near by it was Berkfisieh, somewhat larger. At 6.50, we caine to Siummeil, a considerable village on an elevation in the plain.' Here is a large public well at the foot of the hillock; it measured one hundred and ten feet deep to the surface of the water, and eleven feet in diameter; the walls being circular and composed of hewn stones of good masonry. Women were drawing water from the well by a rope passing over a pulley, which they hauled up by running off with it a great distance into the field, in the manner of sailors. In the village itself is a portion of an ancient wall apparently once belonging to a castle, built of large squared stones uncemented, resembling in a degree the oldest foundations at Beit Jibrin. At the bottom there is sloping work; and along one side is a long round arch or vault, which however is probably modern. From here Esdfid (Ashdod) was pointed out to us, upon a low round eminence, with trees thick around it like a wood, probably olives. The distance was said to be three hours.2 Askelon was said also to be only three hours distant; but was probably not less than four or five; the Arabs in general specifying distances by time very loosely.3 l In ourArabic list of the province of Gaza lers have since taken it in their way. The this place is called Srimmeil el-Khiilil, situation is described as strong; the thick i. e. of Hebron. This accords with the ac- walls, flanked with towers, were built on count of Tucher in A. D. 1479, who says the top of a ridge of rock, that encircles it was a dependency of the mosk in Hebron. the town and terminates at each end in;He however misunderstood the name, and the sea. The ground within sinks in the calls it the castle of St Samuel. See more manner of an amphitheatre. The disin Note XXXI, end of the volume. tance from Gaza is about five hours. My 2 Esdild was visited by Irby and Mangles companion, Mr Smith, passed by way of in Oct. 1818; and by Lord Belmore and'AskUlain in Feb. 1827, and describes it as his party in April, 1819. The former de- one of the most mournful scenes of utter scribe there a large Khan pp. 179-182 desolation he had ever beheld. In A. D. [56]; and Richardson, who was with Lord 1666, Von Troilo found it partially inhabBelmore, speaks of the site of the town as ited; p. 350.-Askelon bears a conspicuon the summit of a grassy hill; Travels ous part in the history of the crusades. II. p. 206. There are said to be no ruins; After being several times dismantled and and the place seems now to be only an or- re-fortified in the times of Saladin and dinary Muslim village. See also Von Richard, its fortificationis were at length Troilo in 1666; p. 349. utterly destroyed by Sultan Bibars in A. 3 Lord Belmore and his party visited D. 1270, and its port filled up with stones'AskilrlCn in April 1818; Richardson's thrown into the sea, for fear of further atTravels, II. pp. 202-204. Other travel- tempts on the part of the crusaders. See ii. 367, 368

34 FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA. [SEC. XI. While we were taking the bearings given in the note below,L the men of the village flocked around us, and seemed much interested in our proceedings. This indeed was the case in most of the villages. The people in general, in this part of the country, were ready to give us information, so far as they could; and seemed not to distrust us. Here too we found the same general impression, that our object was to collect information and survey the country, preparatory to the arrival of the Franks; and here too we were addressed in the usual phrase: " Do not be long." Indeed, the inhabitants everywhere appeared, for the most part, to desire that the Franks should send a force among them. They were formerly tired of the Turks; they were now still more heartily tired of the Egyptians; and were ready to welcome any Frank nation which should come, not to subdue, (for that would not be necessary,) but to take possession of the land. After a delay of three quarters of an hour we left Siimmeil at 7.35. In about half an hour we passed Juseir on the left, the first village we had yet seen in Palestine not built of stone. The materials of the houses are here unburnt bricks; and such continued to be the case all the way to'Gaza, and is so elsewhere throughout the plain. The bricks are formed from the common loam of the soil, with straw intermixed to bind the mass together, as in Egypt; they are of very large size, and are merely dried in the sun. Many of them, newly made, were laid in rows along the ground, in the process of drying. At 8.35, the similar village of Hatta was:on our right. In Kiratiyeh, a village to which we came at 8.55, is a ruined tower of modern date, built partly of similar bricks; and we saw also a few ancient columns lying about. Here quite a number of places were in sight.2 The country now became more undulating; low ridges or swells, ran from south to north, but the general character of the soil did not change. Our general course was S. W. by W. The white sand-hills which here skirt the shore of the Mediterranean Ibn Ferath in Reinaud's Extraits, etc. p. the borders of Askelon towards the east; 525. Wilk. Gesch. der Kr. VII. p. 586. Onomast. art. Asor. This accords well 1 At Sdtmmeil we obtained the follow- with the position of Ytasr. as above; but if ing bearings: Tell es-Safieh N. 50~ E. it be the same, we have here the very unBerkfisieh N. 70~ E. Tell et-Turmus N. usual change from the Hebrew guttural 7~ W. EsdfUd N. 40~ W. (?) Beit DdIrls Heth(n) to the Arabic Ye with a long N. 53~ W. (?) Beit'Affa N. 85~ W. vowel. The Onomast. incorrectlytakesthis Hatta S. 84~ W. Juseir S. 80~ WV. Ku6- village for one of the Iazors of Josh. 15, riitiyeh S. 80~ W. el-Fal'jy S- 51~ W. 25, in the south of Judah.-Saw'fir seems'Arak el-Menshiyeh S. to be a plural form for the Saphir (Heb. 2 These places bore from Ktiratiyeh as ) of Mic. 11; which Eusebius and follows: Tell es-Safieh N. 65~ E. el-Mes- miyeh N.?7 W. Ybs~ir N. 12~ W. el- Jerome place between Eleutheropolis and Kustineh N. 16~ W. es-SawAfir N. 32~ Askelon; Onomast. art. Saphir. Comp. W.'Eddis N. 38~ W. el-Fiilfjy S. 38~ Gesenius Lex. Heb. art. 7'.. There E.-Eusebius and Jerome mention a Ha- are three villages of this name, near each zor ('AMMp Asor) belonging to Judah in other. ii. 369. 370

MAY 19.] BUREIR. 35 began soon to appear. At 10~ o'clock, upon one of the said swells, Tell es-Safieh bore N. 61~ E. while the village of Bureir lay before us S. 48~ W. We reached the latter place at 11.10; and rested for more than an hour and a balf under the shade of a spreading tree. This is a flourishing village, forming a sort of central point in the plain. There is a large public well, at which camels were drawing water by means of a Sakieh, or water-wheel with jars, as in Egypt;' the first machinery we had yet seen in Palestine. Flocks and herds were collected around the well; the troughs for which were partly laid up in front with ancient marble columns. Here were also several palm trees; and the whole scene was animated and pleasing. Setting off from Bureir at three quarters past noon, we at first took a wrong road, which led us too far south towards the village of Hij. The direct road keeps along on the north side of the broad Wady Simsim already mentioned, near which Bureir lies, on a general course W. by S. passing the village of Simsim on the northern edge of the Wady, about three quarters of an hour from Bureir. We crossed this Wady on the wrong road; and were then compelled to pick our way through the fields to the Gaza road, leaving the village of Simsim at a distance on the right. At 2.10, we passed the little village Nijid on the south of the Wady; here the peasants were winnowing barley by throwing it up into the air across the wind, with a wooden fork. Ten minutes later (at 2.20), we came again into the Gaza road, having lost half an hour by our detour. This road had here crossed the broad Wady very obliquely, and now left it to pass over low swelling hills. The valley bends more to the right; and passing by Deir Esneid, empties into the sea at'Asktlatn. At 2.35, the village of Dimreh was on our right near the bend of the valley. Our course still continued W. by S. At 3.20 we came to the village Beit Hunuin on our right in a low rich tract of the plain. Here as elsewhere all were busy with the wheat harvest; the reapers were in the fields; donkeys and camels were moving homewards with their high loads of sheaves; while on the threshing-floors near the village I counted not less than thirty gangs of cattle, occupied in treading out the grain, with many camels and donkeys standing idle around. The whole village seemed at work, and presented a busy scene. Not far beyond this village, we came upon the immense olive groves which stretch far to the north of Gaza. At 4 o'clock we fell into the Yafa road, at the line of hills which bounds the plain west, towards the coast. The road here crosses 1 See Note II, at the end of Vol. I. ii. 370-372

36 GAZA. [SEC. XI. these hills at a low spot or gap, and continues along their western side, on a course southwest, having on the right a tract of drifts and hills of white sand, extending to the sea, here an hour distant. These sands seem only to need water in order to become fertile; even now they are studded with trees and bushes like hedges; apparently from the effect of the rains alone. For the whole distance from the gap of the hills to Gaza, the road passes through a vast grove of olive trees, not only very numerous, but also large and productive. Many of them are upon the sands. It is said to be the largest olive grove in Palestine. We saw but a single one more extensive, and that was near Beiruft. At 4! o'clock we pitched our tent among these trees, ten minutes from the entrance of Gaza, just at the edge of the gardens on the north of the city. We found a quarantine guard stationed near by, to prevent the approach of persons coming from Yqfa, where the plague was now raging. As however we came from Jerusalem, where its prevalence was less known, no objection was made to our passing. Our servants said to them: " Suppose a party from Yafa tell you they come from Jerusalem; what then?" The reply was': " That is no concern of ours." The next day, being Sunday, we remained encamped; and enjoyed a quiet day of rest. Monday, May 21st. Our Jerusalem friend, Abu Selameh, had furnished us with a letter to an Arab Greek Christian in Gaza, named Suleiman el-Hashwy, a merchant who acts in some sort as a Frank agent. We called upon him this morning, and found him in his shop, one of the open stalls of the bazar; where, like his neighbours, he was sitting cross-legged upon the sort of low counter in front. He received us with great kindness; ordered coffee; and introduced us to his neighbours, many of whom soon gathered around. One of these was a very intelligent Mussulman, who seemed quite interested in seeing strangers from the new world, and made many inquiries respecting America. After the conversation had been carried on for some time, our new Mussulman friend, to our great surprise, proposed to take us into the neighbouring mosk, the oldest and most important one of the city, anciently a Christian church. Tradition, as a matter of course, ascribes it to Helena, and regards it as having been dedicated to St. John the Baptist.' We were not slow to accept the invitation, and went with him; pulling off our shoes at the door, and walking in our stockings over the mats with which the stone floor is covered. The ~ three parallel It possibly dates from the beginning of the fifth century, as we shall afterwards have occasion to see; p. 42. ii. 372, 373

MAY 21.] GAZA. 37 aisles of the ancient church remain, as well as the columns with Corinthian capitals which divide them. The middle one is higher than the other two, and has a second row of columns on each side above. The length of the building is about one hundred and ten feet; not including the recess of the altar on the south, which is about twenty feet more. On the west side, the Muslims have added another low aisle in an inferior style of architecture. We returned to the shop of Suleiman, who now took charge of my letters, in order to forward them by the Pasha's post to Cairo and Alexandria. This he punctually accomplished. We thought it best also to take here a Tezkirah (passport) for Hebron, in order to be able to show that we had come from Gaza and not from Jerusalem, in case of any quarantine regulations at Hebron against the latter city. The governor of Gaza, Sheikh Sa'id, we learned, was absent at or near Hebron, (where we afterwards met him,) collecting arms from the peasantry who, although once disarmed, had been fighting among themselves. We therefore waited upon his secretary, accompanied by a man sent by Suleiman; and found him in a dirty room with bare stone walls, surrounded by six writers. He was an elderly man with a good face and bright eye. On learning that we likewise thought of visiting Wady Mufsa, he asked if we would have the Tezkirah made out for that place also? Not supposing that this could be of the slightest importance, we said that one for Hebron would be sufficient; and he ordered it to be made out accordingly. We afterwards had occasion to regret our decision, or rather the want of information which led to it; for we found at a later period, that the region of Wady Musa was under the immediate jurisdiction of Sheikh Sa'id; and his Tezkirah would have commanded a more implicit obedience from the Arabs of that quarter, than the Firman of Muhammed Aly himself. While the Tezkirah was making out, we walked around the city, and spent in all several hours in examining its various parts. The results of our observation and inquiries may be summarily given as follows. Gaza, in Arabic Ghiizzeh, is situated on a low round hill of considerable extent, not elevated more than fifty or sixty feet above the plain around. This hill may be regarded as the nucleus of the city; although only the southern half is now covered with houses. Most of these are of stone, and especially all such as belong to the government. But the greater part of the modern city has sprung up on the plain below, a sort of suburbs, stretching far out on the eastern and northern sides. These suburbs appear to be thickly populated; the houses are numerous VOL. II. —4 ii. 373-375

38 GAZA. [SEC. X. and wholly built of mud or unburnt bricks, like the villages we had passed on the great plain.1 The ancient city of Gaza, renowned as'the strong,' lay obviously chiefly on the hill. The present town has no gates, being like an open village; yet the places of ther former - ones remain, and are pointed out around the hill. One-of- these, at the foot of the slope: on the southeast, is shown as thiegate whose doors and bars were carried off by Samson;and just-by it is a Mukam in his honour, which the Muslims pretend is- also his tomb. Towards the south is another spot called Bab;ed-Dar6n, a name probably derived from the fortress DAr6n celebrated in the time of the crusades.2 Indeed, all vestiges of the ancient walls and ancient strength of Gaza have disappeared;and nothing remains to mark its former extent, except the bounds of the hill itself on which it stood. Even the- traces of its fobrmer existence, its vestiges of antiquity, are very rare; consisting of occasional columns of marble or gray granite, scattered in the streets and gardens, or used as thresholds at the gates and doors of houses, or laid upon the front of watering-troughs. One fine Corinthian capital of white marble, lies inverted in the middle of a street running from north to south along the eastern foot of the hill. Gaza is said to be an hour distant from the sea; which is not here visible.3 Between the city and: the shore, are the hills and tracts of sand already mentioned, on which are scattered a few trees and hedges. Around the city on the south, east, and north, are numerous gardens hedged with prickly pear, which forms an impenetrable barrier. The soil of these gardens is exSo far as I know, the geographical po- out success in A. D. 1170; though it fell sition of Gaza has never been determined into his hands, and was enlarged by him, by astronomical observation; nor indeed after the capture of Askelon; Will. Tyr. in any way, except by Jacotin during the 1. c. Bohaed. Vit Salad. p. 72. Wilken march of the French army in 1799. The Gesch. der Kr. III. ii. pp. 135, 138. King relative position of Gaza in respect to Yd- RPichard took it after a short siege, and fa on his map, is the best, and indeed the destroyed it A. D. 1192; Gaufr. Vinisauf only approximation which we have. The 5. 39, in Gale Scriptor. Hist. Angl. Tom. position of Y'dfa being corrected ac- II. p. p. 392, 393. Wilken ib. IV. pp. 498cording to the more accurate observations 500, 537. Wilken suggests that this forof Gauttier and Hell, gives therefore for tress may have been at KhUYn Y~nas; that of Gaza, Lat. 31~ 27' 30" N. Long. which is four hours with camels from Gaza; 34~ 27' 24" -E. from Greenwich. See ib. III. ii. p. 136. All Bey's Travels II. Berghaus' Memoir. zu seiner Karte von p. 206.-The name Dair6n is probably the Syrien, pp. 25, 26. Hebrew'in.' the south,' which Eusebius 2 The fortress Dar6n, Lat. Daru-,l)I was and Jerome apply as a proper name, Dabuilt by king Amalrich on the ruins of roma, to the southwest part of Palestine; a Greek convent of the same name, de- Onomast. art. Gerara, Sicelech, etc. scribed as four (Italian) miles south of Gaza, 3 Arrian gives the distance from the sea and five furlongs from the sea; Will. at 20 stadia; Exped. Alex. 2. 26. AbulTyr. 20. 20. Marinus Sanutus gives the feda describes the sandhills in the same distance from Gaza at fifteen miles; PP. manner; Tab. Syr. p. 77. ed. nOhler. 86, 246. It was stormed by Saladin withii. 375, 376

MAY 21.] GAZA. 39 ceedingly rich and productive. Apricots and mulberries were already ripe; the former delicious and abundant. Many palm trees are scattered around: the city, though they form no- grove as in Egypt; while beyond the gardens, towards the north, lies the extensive olive grove through which we had passed. There are two pools of water, one on the north and the other south of the city; but they seemed to contain merely- stagnant rain water, of which no use was made. The public cemeteries lie straggling and scattered in all directions, mingling with the houses on the hill and along the roads in the plain.-Towards the east the view is shut in by the line of hills we had crossed. The highest point is a partially isolated hill southeast of the city about half an hour distant. On it is a Mukam or Wely called el-Muntar. The Christians pretend that it was once the residence of a bishop.'. The population of Gaza has usually been rated as much too low, as that of Jerusalem has been over-estimated. Travellers have given different judgments, usually from two thousand to five thousand souls.2 The number of inhabitants has probably increased of late years. From information given us by both Christians and Mussulmans, it appears, that the city now -contains nearly four thousand taxable Muhammedans, and one hundred Christians. This indicates a population of not less than fifteen or perhaps sixteen thousand souls, and makes Gaza larger than Jerusalem; a fact which is also confirmed by its greater extent of crowded dwellings. There were said to be fifty-seven resident Christian families; but their number is increased by transient sojourners. We heard nothing of the port of Gaza, the ancient Majuma;3 nor did we learn whether it is now visited by vessels. Gaza itself has no more the appearance of a maritime city than Jerusalem. Yet it certainly might be a place of considerable commerce. The fertile soil produces,: in abundance, grains and fruits of every kind and of the finest quality. Volney speaks here of manufactures of soap, and also of cotton for the supply of the neighbouring Bedawin.4 The-position of Gaza on the Jacotin's map, copied also by Berghaui, ardson makes this hill to be "a lofty progives to this eminence the name of'Sam- montory of the mountains of Hebron!" son's inount,' as being the hill before (Heb. Vol. II. p. 198. towards) Hebron, to which he carried off 2 Volney 2000; IL p. 313. Richardson the doors of the gate of Gaza; Judg. 16, 2000 to 3000; II. p. 199. Fisk 5000; 3. So too the Latin tradition and some Raumer's Palist. p. 175.-Poujoulat comes travellers; Quaresmius II. p. 926. San- nearer the truth, when he.estimates the dy's p. 117. Biisching Th. XI. S. 451. population at ten or eleven.thousand souls; Raumer Pal. p. 174, ed. 3. There is Corresp. d'Orient V. p. 399. nothing improbable in the supposition; 3 Reland Palsest. p. 791. but the people of Gaza know of no such 4 Voyage II. p. 313. name, and have no such tradition.-Richii. 376-378

40 GAZA. ESEC. xi. route of the great caravans, which in all ages have passed between Egypt and Syria, is favourable to its commerce and prosperity; both as affording a means of constant communication with both countries, and also from the opportunity of furnishing supplies to the caravans in passing. Those travelling towards Egypt, naturally lay in here a stock of provisions and necessaries for the desert; while those coring from Egypt, arrive at Gaza exhausted, and must of course supply themselves anew. The inhabitants of Ma'an likewise, on the east of Wady el-'Arabah, about the time of the passing of the Syrian Haj to and from Mecca, buy up provisions of all kinds at Gaza and Hebron, and sell them at a great profit to the pilgrims.' The bazars in Gaza seemed well supplied with wares; far better indeed than those of Jerusalem. Gaza is among the earliest of the Oanaanitish cities men, tioned in the old Testament;2 and became afterwards celebrated as one of the five cities of the five lords of the Philistines. Joshua extended his conquests to Gaza, but did not vanquish this remarkable people;3 and although the tribe of Judah, to whose lot it fell, subdued the city, yet they appear to have held it but a short time; and the lords of the Philistines soon not only regained possession of their own territory, but also increased in strength, and at length extended their jurisdiction in turn over the Israelites.4 After forty years of oppression, Samson appeared as the champion and avenger of his people; and Gaza becomes renowned as the scene of his later deeds and of his fall. Here too he drew down upon himself and the assembled multitude the temple of Dagon; so that " the dead which he slew at his death, were more thani they which he slew in'his life."5 After continual wars under the Judges and with Saul and David, the Philistines appear to have been subdued by the latter; and Gaza became the border of Solomon's kingdom on this side.6 Yet they gave trouble to the following Jewish kings; and Hezekiah at length smote them unto the borders of Gaza.7 The situation of Gaza on the great route of the military expeditions, which the monarchs of Egypt, and those of Syria and the east, afterwards undertook against the dominions of each other, necessarily exposed it to the calamities of war and to frequent change of masters. To the Egyptians, Gaza' the strong,' was the key of Palestine and Syria; and no conqueror could' Burckhardt Travels in Syria, p. 436. 4 Judg. 1, 18. 3, 3. 13, 1. Volney II. pp. 314, 315.-The caravan 5 Judgr. c. 16. route between Ma'dn and Gaza passes near 6 1 Sam. c. 4-6. 14, 52. 31, 1 sq. 2 Wady Musa, and strikes the fountain el- Sam. 5, 17 sq. 8, 1. 21, 15 sq. 1 K. 4, 24. Weibeh in the'Arabah. 7 2 Chr. 21, 16. 26, 6. 28, 18. 2 K. 2 Gen. 10, 19. 18, 8. Josh. 10, 41. 11, 22. 13, 3. ii. 378. 379

MAY 21.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. - 41 well pass by, until this city had submitted to his power. Thus one of the Pharaohs (probably Necho) subdued it in the time of Jeremiah; and Cambyses, during his expedition to Egypt, is reported to have deposited here his treasures. Gaza opposed itself for five months to the progress of Alexander the Great; but was finally taken by storm, its brave defenders slaughtered at their posts, their wives and children sold as slaves, and the city repeopled with inhabitants drawn from the surrounding country.2 During the wars of the Maccabees, Gaza continued to be a place of strength; it was fortified by the Syrian: Bacchides, its suburbs burned by Jonathan, and the city itself captured by Simon.3 Alexander Jannaeus at length destroyed Gaza about 96 B. C. after. a siege of a year; but it was again rebuilt with other cities by the Roman general Gabinius.4 Augustus gave it to Herod; and after his death it was assigned to Syria.5 About A. D. 65, during the government of the procurator Gessius Florus, Gaza with other cities was again laid in ruins by the rebellious Jews.6 Yet this destruction was probably partial, and could have been but temporary; for there exist coins of Gaza struck in honour of Titus, Adrian, and the following emperors; which show at least that the city was still a place of importance, very soon after the destruction of Jerusalem.7 From these details it seems to follow, that the expression in the book -of Acts,8 which might at first appear to imply that Gaza was then "desert," is more probably to be referred to the particular road from Jerusalem to Gaza, on which the Evangelist was to findt the eunuch, viz. the southern road leading from Eleutheropolis to Gaza through the "desert," or region without villages, as is the case at the present day.9 A Christian church appears to have been early planted at Gaza; its bishop Silvanus is mentioned by Eusebius as a martyr under Diocletian about A. D. 285; and among the names of other bishops enumerated, not less than six are found in the subscriptions of councils, as late as to that of Jerusalemin A. D. 536.10 Yet Jer. 47, 1. -Pomp. Mela 1. 11. is also contradicted by the facts which folArrian Exp. Alex. 2. 26, KEal &,re''raov low in the text. ITrCVTES aVTOV,=y~4aLefzOtl,S Ia)cO0 T Co- 3 1 Mace. 9, 52. 11, 61. 62. 13, 43 sq. Xarlva.,ra'Zas rca!'yvauz'as- eypa7rd- Jos. Ant. 13. 5. 5. Comp. 1 Mace. 14, 7. nrO'ei avTc'AXAeav~po-s, -', TJAv ~8 15, 28. 16, 1. tvvortfCoas eiC TVu lreptof[cwz, icKpiqro goa 4 Joseph. Ant. 13. 13. 3. ib. 14. 5. 3. c0pobpla Sr rbv 7rAe$lAov. Strabo indeed. Ibid. 15. 7. 3. ib. 17. 11.4. says that Gaza was destroyed by Alexan- Joseph. B. J. 2. 18. 1,'Avreso'a Kal der, and remained desolate; 16. 2. 330, rd'av,tarkoaTKa7rTo,. Cs'aOtOS a rrie -Aye'o6v7, icae7E.dracvv7? 8 - * Mionnet Descr. de MWdailles Antiq. V. u6b'Ah"edvzpov,'tca pe'vovoa fprpoov. But p. 536 sq. Reland Palmest. pp. 788, 797. this is contradicted by the express lan- Acts 8 26. guage of Arrian; nor do other writers 9 See more in Note XXXII, -end of the who describe the siege, mention any such volume. destruction; e. g. Q. Curt. 4. 6. Plutarch'- Eusebius Hist. Eccles. 8. 13. de MarAlex. c. 25. Joseph. Ant. 11. 8. 3, 4. It VOL. II.-4* ii. 379-381

42 GAZA. [SEC. -XL. the city still retained in a great degree its devotion to idolatry; and in the beginning of the fifth century, not less than eight public temples dedicated to the worship of the heathen gods, still existed there.' Among these the most celebrated was a temple of Marnion, the Cretan Jupiter. By the influence of Eudoxia, wife of the emperor Arcadius, the bishop Porphyrius was invested with authority to demolish these temples; and was furnished with means to erect a Christian church, which was dedicated in A. D. 406 and named after the empress.2 This may probably have been the great church now converted into a mosk, which we visited. —Eusebius and Jerome speak of Gaza in their day as an important city.3 About the end of the sixth century, or the beginning of the seventh, Gaza was visited by Antoninus Martyr, who describes it as "splendid and delicious;" and its inhabitants as " noble, liberal, and friendly to strangers."4 Such was Christian Gaza. In A. D. 634 it fell into the hands of the generals of Abu Bekr, the first Muhammedan Khalif, after a decisive battle with the Roman armies; but the Khalif died before the tidings of the victory could reach him.5 From this time we hear little more of Gaza, except as the birthplace of esh-Shafi'y the founder of a Muhammedan sect,6 until the time of the crusades. In A. D. 796 it was laid waste during a civil war among the Arab tribes.7 During the many wars between the Muhammedan rulers of Egypt and Syria, which preceded the crusades, Gaza appears to have suffered greatly, if indeed it had recovered from the former blow. The crusaders found it deserted, and its ruins spread out over the hill and the adjacent plain, like the city of the present day.s Here in A. D. 1152 they erected a fortress, occupying a portion of the hill, in order to cut off. the approach to Askelon from the south; the defence of this castle was entrusted to the knights Templars.9 The dwellings of the city became again inhabited; but in A. D. 1170 the place was sacked by the troops of Saladin, who however did not get possession of the citadel.'~ Yet after tyrib. Palmest. c. 13. Le Quien Oriens honestissimi, omni liberalitate decori, amaChr. III. p. 603 sq. Reland Pal. p. 795 sq. tores peregrinorum." 1 Marc. Diaconi Vit. Porphyrii, in Acta 5 Eutychii Annales II. p. 260 sq. Sanctor. Feb. Tom. III. p. 655. -Reland 6 Abulfedoe Tab. Syr. p. 77. D'HerbePal. p. 793. lot Biblioth. Orient. art. Gazzah. Reland 2 Marc. Diacon. 1. c. p. 655 sq. Le Quien Pal. p. 793. Oriens Chr. III. pp. 613, 614. Reland See above, Vol. I. p. 391. Pal. pp. 793, 794. Jerome also mentions Will. Tyr. 17. 12, " Gaza urbs antithe destruction of the temple of Marnion quissima ab Ascalona decem distans miliain his day, and speaks as if the church ribus, diruta et habitatoribus carens.... was erected on its site; Comm. in Esa. sita in colle aliquantulum edito, magnum xvii 3. satis et diffusum infra muros continens am"3, Est usque hodie insignis civitas;" bitum." Comp. also 20. 21. Onomast. art. Gaza. o Will. Tyr. 1. c. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. 4 Antonin. Mart. Itin. 33, " Gaza au- III. ii. p. 10. tem civitas splendida, deliciosa, homines 10 Will. Tyr. 20. 21. Wilken. c. p. 138. ii: 381- 382

MAY 21.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 43 the fatal battle of Hattin in A. D. 1187, and the surrender of Askelon to Saladin, Gaza also passed into his hands.' It appears also to have opened its gates to Richard for a short time;2 but it must soon have reverted to the Muhammedans. It is afterwards mentioned in the history of the crusades, only as the scene of two battles lost by the Franks in A. D. 1239 and 1244.3 According to Brocardus, it was in his day commonly called Gazara; 4 and it is also mentioned by this name as late as the close of the fifteenth century. At that time the pilgrims were accustomed to travel from Jerusalem toF Mount Sinai by way of Gaza; where they laid in their stores for the desert.5 Fabri in 1483 describes the city as populous, with many Jews and Christians as in Jerusalem, and an abundance of provisions, cheap in price and excellent in quality.6 Our visit to Gaza, was rather an episode in our journey, than the result of any definite plan of inquiry and observation. We did not anticipate here much new information; and were therefore not disappointed. We made minute and particular inquiries after several places, which appear to have lain towards the south and southeast of Gaza, such as Lachish, Ziklag, Gerar, and others; but could hear or find no vestige of them. We afterwards repeated the same inquiries among the Arabs of the plain, but with no better success. Of Gerar, or a name answering to it, some of the Christians of Gaza thought they had heard in the south; but the people of the country knew nothing of it. According to the ancient accounts, Gerar lay in or near a valley,7 which would seem to be no other than the great Wady Sheri'ah or one of its branches. This Wady, as we have seen, was said to receive Wady es-Seba' which comes down from Beersheba;8 and we know that Gerar was near the land of the Philistines, and Isaac went up from it directly to Beersheba, which was not far distant.9 The name continued to exist, (perhaps as a matter of tradition,) for several centuries after the Christian era. Eusebius and Jerome place it twenty-five Roman miles from Eleutheropolis towards the south; and Sozomen reBohaeddin Vit. Saladin. p. 72. Fabri 1483; Reissb. des h. Landes pp. 2 Gaufr. Vinisauf in Gale Scriptor. 678, 187, 289-291. Hist. Angl. II. Lib. V. 40. p. 394. Comp. 6 Reissb. p. 291. So Belon about 1548, V. 19. p. 382. Wilken. ibid. IV. pp. 477, Obs. p. 310; and Helffrich in A. D. 1565; 502. Reissb. p. 722. s Wilken ib. VI. pp. 588 sq. 642. 7 Gen. 26, 17. 4 Brocard. c. 10, p. 186. This is an 8 See above, Vol. I. p. 204. ancient Greek form; Joseph. Antiq. 7. 9 Gen. 26, 1. 20. 23. 26-33. Comp. 4. 1. ib. 13. 6. 6. 20, 1. 6 So Tucher 1479, Breydenbach and ii. 382, 383

44 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. lates, that a large and celebrated monastery stood there, adjacent to a winter torrent.'. The abbot Silvanus resided there near the close of the fourth century; and the name of Marcian, as bishop of Gerar, (perhaps-in the convent,) appears among the signatures of the council of Chalcedon in A. D. 451.2 Future travellers may perhaps still find traces of its monastery, in connection with Wady Sheri'ah or its branches; although the name of Gerar seems to have become extinct, at least in this district.3 We left Gaza the same day (May 21st) at 11.20, intending to take a more southern route to Beit Jibrin on our way to Hebron. We heard much of the village of Hij, as having been recently founded by order of the government in the territory hitherto occupied by the Bedawin; and we determined to visit it, and then proceed directly through the country of the Arabs, in the hope of discovering some ancient sites. Our way led us back along the Yafa road, by which we had approached Gaza, for half an hour, to the gap of the line of hills; thence directly east until 2.10; and afterwards about E. by N. The country is undulating; the few shallow Wadys all run northwards to Wady Simsim. At 1 o'clock we passed the mounds of a former village called Beit Dirdis; and at 1.55 the hill el-Muntar near Gaza bore S. 83~ W. We reached Huij at 2.55; it being only.about two and a half hours from Gaza. Huiij is one of the many villages which in former times were left to go to ruin, in consequence of the vexations and oppressions of the Arabs who occupied the neighbouring country, and spread themselves.by degrees over the whole district. The region towards the south and east is called the country of Hasy, from a fountain and former place of that name; and is filled with deserted sites and ruined villages; there being not one of them inhabited. The Arab tribes of the Jebarat and Wahaideh, who recently occupied the tract around Hiij, having joined in the rebellion against the Egyptian government in 1834, were defeated and many of them killed. Of the remainder, some were taken as soldiers, and the rest ordered to become Fellahin; but the greater portion fled, and these tribes were comparatively exterminated. The small remnants of them were now encamped near Tell el-Hasy. These Wahaideh were said to be relatives of a tribe of the same name further south. After the district had thus been left without inhabitants, the village of Htj was built. up with wretched mud houses,: and was now occupied by a motley collection of two or three hundred souls. - - Onomast. art. Gerara. Sozom. Hist. S Mr. Rowlands supposes he found Gerar Ecc. 6. 32. ib. 9. 17. Reland Palmest. p. near Wady Sheri'ah, three hours S. S. E. 804 sq. - -: from Gaza. This needs further examina2 See above, Vol. I. p. 122. Le Quien tion. Holy City, I. p. 464. Oriens Chr. III. pp. 662, 663. ii. 384, 385

MAY 21.] nuJ. 45 The village stands on the west of a curve of Wady el-Hasy, which here sweeps round to the north, and then turns to the west after half an hour to join Wady Simsim. We found the lazy inhabitants still engaged in treading out their barley harvest, which their neighbours had completed long before. Several women were beating out with a stick handfuls of the grain which they seemed to have gleaned.' One female was grinding with a handmill; turning the mill with one hand, and occasionally dropping in the grain with the other. Here were several subterranean magazines for grain, like cisterns, with a mouth like a well, such as we had seen in several villages. A yoke of oxen were drawing water from a deep well, by hauling the rope over a pulley; being driven off on a line from the well into the fields. By pacing the ground over which they thus passed, we found the depth of the well to be nearly two hundred feet. We stopped here for about half an hour, wishing to obtain a guide for es-Sukkariyeh, the next village on the direct route to Beit Jibrin, though several hours distant. One was found after some difficulty; but just as we were setting off, we learned from him, that the sites we wished to visit, were not on the direct road, but lay between Bureir and es-Sukkariyeh. We concluded therefore to return to Bureir, which was in sight, where we had rested on Saturday; and where we were sure of obtaining more certain information and a better guide. We had already paid the Sheikh for the present guide, and now sent for the money back; he came himself to repay it, and rather impertinently demanded a bakhshish for his trouble. As however the trouble we had given him, was much less than the vexation he had caused us, we chose to set off one against the other. From Hflj the village of Bureir lies N. 20~ E. We left the former place at 31 o'clock, passing first over a swell of ground, and in half an hour crossing Wady el-Hasy, here a broad meadow. tract running west, and immediately uniting with Wady Simsim. This was the same road which we had taken from Bureir by mistake on Saturday. At 4.20 was a mound and some foundations, called Jelameh. We reached Bureir at 4.50, and encamped for the night. Several Sheikhs and chief men soon visited us, and answered our inquiries as to places and ruins in the vicinity, some with freedom, and others with more reserve. They gave us at once a guide for to-morrow. The soil of all the plain through which we passed is good; as is proved by the abundant crops of grain we saw upon it. The whole of this vast level tract is the property of the government, and not of the inhabitants. Whoever will, may cultivate 1 Ruth 2, 17, "So she gleaned in the field until even, and beat out that she had gleaned."'his process we saw often. ii. 385-387

46 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. it, and may -plough in any place not already preoccupied. But for every two yoke of oxen thus employed in tillage, he must pay to the government seven Ardebs of wheat-and eight Ardebs of barley. - The: peasants, when rich enough to own oxen, plough and sow on their own account; but they frequently are the partners of merchants and others in the cities. The merchant furnishes the oxen, and the Fellah does the work; while the expenses and income are divided equally between them. In like manner, as- we learned, the greater portion of all the rich plains of Palestine and Syria are in the hands of the government; while the hill country and mountains are held in fee simple, or nearly so, by the inhabitants. It results from this state of things, that the inhabitants of the hills and mountains are far: better off than those of the plains-; they raise a greater variety of crops, and have an abundance of all kinds of fruit; while those of the plains are in general poor, and are compelled to cultivate only grain in order to satisfy the rapacity of the government. Hence, while the rocky and apparently almost desert mountains teem- with an active, thrifty, and comparatively independent population, and the hand of industry is everywhere visible; the rich and fertile plains, deserted of inhabitants or sprinkled here and there with straggling villages, are left to run to waste, or are at the -most half tilled by the unwilling labours of a race of serfs. The land around Bureir, like the rest of the plain, belongs to the government. For the portion cultivated by the people of the village, they now paid annually to the government eight hundred Ardebs of barley and three hundred of wheat. Besides all this, they paid twelve purses Firdeh, and thirty purses of taxes on property. Fifty men had been taken away as soldiers. The people complained bitterly of oppression; and joined in the universal expression of a wish for a Frank government. Here as elsewhere a watch was given us for the night. Tuiesday, May:22d. We had heard of deserted sites on the way to es-Sukkariyeh, bearing the names of Um La'kis and'Ajlan; as also of a Tell el-Hasy on- the. right of the road, where from the accounts we thought there might be ruins. Leaving Bureir at 5.25, and passing immediately the low plain of Wady Simsim, we continued along the higher undulating tract between that Wady and the Hasy, on a course E.' S. At 6.10, Um Lakis lay at our left upon a low round swell or knoll. It proved to be a former site, now covered confusedly with heaps of small round stones, with intervals between; among which were seen two or three fragments of marble columns. The place was wholly overgrown with thistles. Towards the southeast below ii. 387, 388

MAY 22.] UM LAKIS. 47 the hill, was a well, now almost filled up, around which were lying several'columns.' We had come to this spot, not indeed in the expectation of finding here the site of ancient Lachish, but rather in order to satisfy ourselves more' certainly of the fallacy of any supposed resemblance in the two names. These remains are certainly not those of an ancient fortified city, which could for a time at least brave the assaults of an'Assyrian army.2 Nor indeed does either the name or the position of this spot correspond to those of Lachish; although the- varying form of -the name might be allowed to pass, did other circumstances'combine to identify the position.3 But Lachish, although enumerated among the cities of Judah in the plain, is also mentioned between Adoraimn and Azekah;4 and lay, according to Eusebius and Jerome, seven Roman miles from Eleutheropolis towards the south.5 This would seem to imply that it was situated among or near the hills, somewhere to the southward of Beit Jibrin; while the present Um LAkis lies in the middle of the plain west of Beit Jibrin three hours distant from the tract of hills.-Yet except this spot, we were not able to find, either now or afterwards, the slightest vestige which, might be referred- either to Lachish itself; or to the apparently neighbouring city Libneh. The direct road passes.on from Um L'akis to'Ajlan by a course nearly due east; the distance being about -three quarters of an hour. We: sent on our servants thither, while we ourselves turned off more to the right to visit Tell el-Hasy, starting again at 6.20. The land descends gradually towards the Wady of the same name, which we reached in about forty minutes.,, The way led us through the open fields, where the people were in the midst of the wheat harvest. The beautiful tracts -of grain -were full of reapers of the Henady Arabs; and also of gleaners almost as numerous. These were mostly women; and this department seemed almost as important as the reaping itself; since the- latter is done in so slovenly a manner, that not only much falls to the ground, but also many stalks remain uncut. The Wady el-Hasy is a broad tract of fine meadow lands; on which: a large number of the Henady were pasturing their horses. These were said to be Bedawin -cavalry in the service of Muhammed Aly. The gravelly bed of the Wady winds through From the hill at Um Lakis, Bureir above. Further, in the Arabic form, an bore N. 85~ W. Tell el-Hasy S. 55~ E. Alef is inserted and the Hebrew Yodh Kufeir S. 5~ W. Tflbukah S. 10~ E. The omitted. two last are deserted sites in the district of 4 Josh. 10, 3. 5. 31. 15, 39. 2 Chr. Hasy. 11, 9. 2 Kings 18, 14. 19, 8. Onomast. art. Lachis. 3 Besides the addition of UJm, the change 6 Josh. 10, 29, comp. verse 31. 15, 42. 0f Kcaph into Koph, though sometimes 2 K. 19, 8. Onomasticon, art. Lebna. found, is not usual; see Vol. I. p. 558, n.2 388390 ii. 388-390

48 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. this lower tract; and in it a little water springs up at intervals. It can hardly be said to flow, but rather soaks along through the gravel. The course of the Wady in this part is northwest, and on the southwest side Tell el-Hasy rises steeply, directly from the bed, to the height of two hundred feet or more; being connected towards the southwest with other lower swells.-At 7.05 we passed in the valley some unhewn foundations of a former village called TInnfir; and at 7.25, reached the summit of the Tell. The form of the Tell is singular, a truncated cone with a, fine plain on the top; somewhat resembling the Frank mountain, though by no means so high. From the information of our guides, and from the remarkable appearance of this isolated Tell, we had expected to find here traces of ruins; and a finer position for a fortress or fortified city could hardly be imagined. Yet we could discover nothing whatever, to mark the existence of any former town or structure; there was nothing indeed but the level circular plain, which seemed never to have been occupied. The summit commands a rich and pleasing prospect, over a wide extent of undulating country, low swelling hills and broad valleys, all of the finest soil; yet without a single village or ruin rising above the ground, on which the eye can rest. Still, although in the language of Scripture and in common parlance, such a region without fixed habitations may well be called a'desert,' there was here not wanting the charm of busy life. Several Arab encampments, chiefly Wahaideh and Jebaraht, were in sight, surrounded by flocks and herds and troops of camels and asses; besides the tents of the Henady and their numerous horses, and the multitudes of reapers and gleaners scattered over the fields. The other principal Arab tribes of the region, were said to be the Zeydclt, the Sawarikeh, the'Amarin, and the Henaideh.-From the Tell, the site of'Ajlan bore N. 50 W. A Wely was also seen upon a hill not far from the village ed-Dawaimeh, bearing N. 75~ E. From this point to Wady esh-Sheri'ah, the next great valley towards the south, the distance was said to be three hours or more. Wady el-Hasy itself comes down from the vicinity of elBurj in the southeast, passing by a place of springs called Kfisshbeh with ruins in its neighbourhood. It afterwards sweeps 1 Yet this must be the hill, I think, as being artificial, and having still on its which Felix Fabri says some of his party summit traces of a strong citadel; Voyage ascended, on the way from Sukkariyeh to II. p. 311. Traces of walls may wellhave Gaza in 1483, and found there "thick an- formerly existed here; or after all, both cient walls drawn around it;" Reissb. p. these accounts may perhaps rest only on 289. It seems also to be the same hill the exaggerated testimony of Arabs. That which Volney describes Ilear a village Iicsi of Volney certainly does. ii. 390, 391

MAY 22.] TELL EL-HASY. 9AJLAN. 49 round near. Hfij,. on its way to join Wady Simsim. This latter -Wady, as we have seen, is the drain of all-the region round Beit Jibrin and Tell es-Safieh; and having received the Hasy, bends off northwest by the village of Deir Esneid, and forms the river of Askelon.' We heard nothing at the time of any village or ruin called el-Hasy, as reported by Volney;2 but a deserted site of that name is marked in our lists along with Hiuj and'Ajlan. It is therefore probably not far distant from the Tell. In the days of Saladin and Richard, this place is mentioned, in connection with the march of their armies, under the name of E]lhissi and Alhassi; and is said to be near water, and not far remote from the mountains of Abraham or Hebron.3 We now left Tell el-Hasy at 81 o'clock, and came in half an hour directly to'Ajlan N.IW. ascending gradually from the valley. On the way we fell in with a troop of seven gazelles feeding. Here is a site of ruins much resembling Um Lakis in appearance; a low round hillock covered with scattered heaps of unhewn stones. The name alone identifies it with the Eglon of the Old Testament; and there seems to be nothing in the position to contradict this evidence. Eglon was situated in the plain of Judah, apparently not very far distant from Lachish.4 Leaving'Ajlan at 8.25, we: bent our course E. by S. towards the village of es-Sukkariyeh. On the way the muleteers killed a large black snake, six feet long; the only one we saw in Palestine.5 The day proved exceedingly warm and very uncomfortable; the hot wind coming from behind us. Our eyes and faces were filled all day long with: small gnats rising from the wheat fields; and large flies troubled our animals, like swarms of bees. From the dry fields here and there whirlwinds of dust frequently arose, reminding us of those we had formerly seen in the deserts of the south. We reached es-Sukkariyeh at twenty minutes past 9 o'clock. Like Hfij, it had recently been built up by the governor of Gaza, Sheikh Sa'id, upon former foundations, and was considered as his property. A large house of stone had been erected for himself; and several other houses are also of stone. The name of the village, which signifies "the Sugary," cannot of course be ancient; but tradition knows no other. It existed already in See above, p. 35. this stands in direct contradiction with 2 See above, p. 48, n. Josh. 12, 12. 15. 15, 35. 39.-From'AjBohaeddin Vit. Saladin, pp. 228, 229, lin, Bureir bore W.'Arik es-Suweidan 231, 233. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. IV. p. N. 12~ W. Beit'Affa N. 3~ W. Tell el508, 513. Hasy S. 5~ E. Josh. 10, 34. 36. 15, 39.-Eusebius 5 At 8.55, at a high point in the road, and Jerome make Eglon identical with Stimmeil bore N. 21~ E. Tell es-Safieh Adullam, and place it twelve miles east of N. 32~ E. Falijy N. 36~ E. es-SukkariEleutheropolis; Onomast. art. Eglon. But yeh E. VOL. II.-5 ii. 391-393

50 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEc. XI. the fifteenth century; and seems to imply the former cultivation of the sugar cane in the vicinity.'-In one place is a small enclosure of large squared stones, apparently of ancient workmanship. Several marble columns and a Corinthian capital, were also strewed upon the ground. In Sheikh Sa'id's house likewise, manyf large square stones of former structures have been built in. The place seems to be, without much question, an ancient site; but I am unable to assign to it any scriptural name with even a tolerable degree of probability.2 From Sukkariyeh, Tell es-Safieh bore N. 270 E. We were delayed here for half an hour, in procuring a guide for el-Kubeibeh and Beit Jibrin. We found great difficulty, for the first time, in persuading any one to accompany us for money; although many persons were lounging about the village without occupation. Indeed, we had finally to appeal to the Sheikh, and obtained a man only by his order. The obstacle seemed, in this case, to be sheer indolence; the men were too lazy to take the trouble even to earn money so easily. Starting again at ten minutes before 10 o'clock, we took the road to el-KIubeibeh. Just out of the village of Sukkariyeh we passed the large public well, where a camel was drawing water by a Sakieh; while large flocks and herds were waiting around. Our course was about E. by N. The country soon became more hilly, and rocks began occasionally to appear. The crops of grain were however good. In one field, as we approached Kubeibeh, nearly two hundred reapers and gleaners were at work; the latter being nearly as numerous as the former. A few were taking their refreshment, and offered us some of their " parched corn." In the season of harvest, the grains of wheat, not yet fully dry and hard, are roasted in a pan or on an iron plate, and constitute a very palatable article of food; this is eaten along with bread, or instead of it. Indeed, the use of it is so common at this season among the labouring classes, that this parched wheat is sold in the markets; and it was among our list of articles to be purchased at Hebron, for our further journey to Wady Muisa. The Arabs, it was said, prefer it to rice; but this we did not find to be the case. The whole scene of the reapers and gleaners, and their " parched corn," gave us a lively representa- F. Fabri and Breydenbach with their Sulkkariyeh is also mentioned by Mejr edparty, in travelling from Hebron to Gaza Din in 1495; Fundgr. des Orients II. p. in A. D. 1483, spent the night at a Khan 142. in the plain near a village called Zuckaria 2 Es-Snkkariyeh is about 21 hours W. (Sukkariyeh). See F. Fabri in Reissb. S. W. of Beit Jibrin. If the latter be taken des h. Landes p. 289. 13reydenbach also as Eleutheropolis, then this distance (but speaks of the Khmn, but gives no name; not the direction) would correspond well ibid. p. 186. They probably travelled the enough with the position of Lachish. See usual road by Belt Jibrin; of which place p. 47, above. however neither makes any mention.ii. 393, 394

MAY 22.] BEIT JIBRIN. CAVERNS. 51 tion of the story of Ruth and the ancient harvest-home in the fields of Boaz.' We passed el-Kubeibeh at twenty minutes past 11 o'clock, situated on a stony barren hill ten minutes on our right. It is another village built up by the governor of Gaza on former foundations; but there seemed to be nothing to mark it particularly as an ancient site. Our course now lay more to the left, northeast over the low hills to Beit Jibrin; which place we reached at half past twelve, descending into the southern valley from the southwest. We spread our carpets under the same olive tree as on our former visit; and after a lunch laid ourselves down to enjoy a short siesta. On awaking, we found ourselves surrounded by a circle of people, to the number of a dozen or more, who seenied to consider themselves quite at home in our company. They proved to be men from Belt Jala, friends and neighbours of our guide, who had come down to hire themselves out during the harvest in the plain; their own harvest in the mountains being two or three weeks later. There were said to be few places of importance in the plain, where some of the men of Beit Jala were not now to be found; a fact which speaks well for their industrious habits. They all gathered around us, and accompanied us wherever we went. The Sheikh of the village was now at home, and came to us. He was an intelligent man, and of his own accord proposed to show us several antiquities in the vicinity, which we had omitted to see on our former visit. Mounting his sleek mare, and accompanied by several men of the village, and by the whole posse of our friends from Beit Jala, he led the way to several places of no little interest, which certainly deserve the further attention of travellers and antiquarians. We went first to some caverns on the southwest side of the Wady leading up to Santa Hanneh, near the path by which we had approached from Kubeibeh. These are artificial excavations, having partly the character of those we had seen near Deir Dubban, but of much more careful workmanship. Besides domes, there are here also long arched rooms, with the walls in general cut quite smooth. One of these was nearly a hundred feet in length; having along its sides, about ten feet above the level of the floor, a line of ornamental work like a sort of cornice. On one side, lower down, were two niches at some distance apart, which seemed once to have had images standing in them; but the stone was too much decayed to determine with Ruth 2, 8, "Then said Boaz unto parched corn, and she did eat, and was Ruth,-Go not to glean in another field, sufficed and left." Of the vinegar menneither go from hence, but abide here fast tioned in the same verse we heard nothing. by my maidens." Verse 14, "And she See the whole chanter. sat beside the reapers; and he reached her ii. 394-396

52 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. certainty. These apartments are all lighted by openings from above. In one smaller room, not lighted, there was at one corner what looked like a sarcophagus hollowed out of the same rock; -but it was too much broken away to enable us to speak positively. The entrance to the whole range of caverns, is by a broad arched passage of some elevation; and we were surprised at the taste and skill displayed in the workmanship. The Sheikh now took us across the same valley to other clusters of caverns in the northern hill; more extensive indeed than the former, occupying in part the bowels of the whole hill; but less important and far less carefully wrought. These consist chiefly of bell-shaped domes lighted from above, like those at Deir Dubban; though some are merely high arched chambers excavkited in the face of the rock, and open to the day. The rock is here softer, and very many of the domes- are broken down. The Sheikh related, that one chamber before unknown having recently fallen in, he thinking there might be treasure in it, sent down a man to explore it; but he found only a human skeleton. In one of these caverns was a small fountain; and near by were two short inscriptions in very old Cufic, which my companion copied. They seem however to have been the work of casual visitors; and afford no explanation of the age or object of the excavations.' We now struck down to the church of Santa Hanneh, passing on the way the well already described as lying northeast of the ruin.2 On inquiring of the Sheikh, whether there was any living fountain in the vicinity, he said that according to their tradition, the well in the valley half way towards the town,3 was once a fountain, whose waters overflowed and ran along the valley; but in order to obtain more, they dug it deeper and walled it up; so that the water now no longer rises to the top. It is called Um Judei'a. This circumstance, as we shall see, is of some historical importance. We next bent our course towards the Tell on the south of the valley, where from the accounts of -the Arabs: there seemed to be a prospect of finding ruins. At its foot, just out of the valley, we passed several excavated tombs.- I entered one, descending by a few steps; and found it to be about fifty feet long by fifteen or twenty broad, with deep niches on each side and at the end for dead bodies. The others were similar externally. The Tell itself, consisting of chalky limestone, is rather a striking object in this part of the country; a truncated -cone with a flat circular plateau on the top, some six hundred feet in diameter. On this plat are no traces of foundations, except a few on See Note XXXIII, end of the volume. 3 Page 26. 2 Page 26. ii. 396, 397

MAY 22.] BEIT JIBRIN. CAVERNS. 53 the southwest part. But towards the southeast and especially on a lower plateau or projection of the hill on that side, there are many foundations of walls and buildings; yet no hewn stones, nor any remains of the superstructures. There would seem to have been here an ancient site; the materials of whose buildings may perhaps have been absorbed in the later erections of Beit Jibrin. But the most remarkable spot of' all remained yet to be visited. This was another series of immense excavations on the southern end of the same hill, below the traces of foundations just described. Lighting several candles, we entered by a narrow and difficult passage from a pit overgrown with briers, and found ourselves in a dark labyrinth of galleries and apartments, all cut from the solid rock, and occupying the bowels of the hill. Here were some dome-shaped chambers as before; others were extensive rooms, with roofs supported by columns of the same rock left in excavating; and all were connected with each other by passages, apparently without order or plan. Several other apartments were still more singular. These were also in the form of tall domes, twenty feet or more in diameter, and from twenty to thirty feet high; they were entered by a door near the top, from which a staircase cut in the same rock wound down around the wall to the bottom. We descended into several of these rooms; but found nothing at the bottom, and no appearance of any other door or passage. We could discover no trace of inscriptions; nor any thing, indeed, which might afford the slightest clue for unravelling the mystery, in which the history and object of these remarkable excavations are enveloped.-Near by were said to be other similar clusters, which our time did not permit us further to explore. Such was the further amount of information which we obtained at Beit Jibrin on this our second visit. The question naturally now came up again, Whether this was to be regarded as the site of Eleutheropolis? The massive ruins in the village, the fine church of Santa Hanneh, and the immense and singular excavations which we had now explored, testify sufficiently to the existence here of a great and important city; more important indeed, by far, than any other in the whole tract between the coast and the cities of the mountains. We had also now passed through the whole region north and west of Beit Jibrin, in which, if not here, Eleutheropolis must have stood; and that without finding the slightest trace of any site, which could even with the remotest probability be referred to that ancient city. All these circumstances tended strongly to produce upon our minds an impression of the identity of Eleutheropolis with Beit Jibrin; but as they were not in themselves decisive, we preferred VOL. IL —5* ii, 397-399

:54 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. still to suspend our judgment, and prosecute our inquiries yet further. From Beit Jibrin two roads lead to Hebron. The easier and more usual one goes up the left hand valley by the village of Terkllmieh. On or near this road we were told of a place now called Beit Nasib; in which name it was easy to recognise the Nezib of the plain of Judah, situated according to Eusebius nine, and according to Jerome seven miles from Eleutheropolis towards Hebron.' The other road passes up the southern valley by Santa Hanneh; and on this was said to be a village called Idhna, which could be no other than the Jedna of Eusebius and Jerome, lying on the way to Hebron, six Roman miles from Eleutheropolis. The distance of Beit Nilsib and Idhna, and especially the latter, would therefore furnish a decisive test as to the probable identity of Eleutheropolis with Beit Jibrin; and we accordingly determined to take the road leading by Idhna. The village ed-Dawaimeh was: also spoken of; and having received the impression that it lay on the way to Idhna, we concluded to proceed thither for the night. The valley in which Santa Hanneh stands, has its head a few minutes above the church; and beyond the water-shed towards the south, is a small plain, formed by the junction of two Wtadys, one coming down from the E. S. E. and the other shorter one from the S. S. E. This point of junction is ten minutes from the church, or half an hour from Beit Jibrin. The outlet of this little area is towards the west, passing off south of the Tell towards the western plain. We descended from the caverns under the Tell into the little plain; and at half past 4 o'clock proceeded on our way up the southern valley S. 200 E. for forty-five minutes. The Sheikh accompanied us for a considerable distance in token of respect, and to show us the road; and then clapping spurs to his fine animal, soon disappeared down the valley. The hills were bushy and green. For a part of the way, near the head of the little valley, there were traces of an ancient road, with walls in several places. Here were also several rude pillars; and one weather-worn column might well have been a Roman milestone. At 5a o'clock we crossed the water-shed at the head of this valley, and immediately began to descend along another similar Wady running S. 20~ W. -After about twenty minutes, it,enters a much broader Wady coming from the southeast, which then bends off south of west, and passing on into the western plain, runs by Fhlfijy, and finally unites with Wady Simsim. Qn a high rocky ridge beyond this valley, and around which it thus bends, stands the village of Dawaimeh. We reached it at Josh. 15, 43. Onomast. art. Neesib. See p. 17, above. iL 399, 400

MAY 22.] DAWAIMEH. 55 5- o'clock, making one hour and three quarters from Beit Jibrin. The surface of the hill is so rocky and uneven, that for some time we could not find a place to pitch our tent. At length, however, after passing the village, we came upon several threshing-floors towards the south, where the stones had been cleared away; and here we encamped for the night. On inquiring of the people respecting Idhna, we were not a little surprised to hear, that we had taken a wrong road, and were now nearly as far from that place as we had'been at Beit Jibrin. The right road, it seemed, passed up the left hand Wady from the little plain south of Santa Hanneh; while we had followed the other valley. The mistake was owing to the well meant officiousness of our guide; who hearing us inquire respecting Idhna and Dawaimeh, and wishing to show us both places, had first brought us hither, intending to-morrow to take Idhna in our way to Hebron. This circuit was of course likely to frustrate the whole purpose of our visit to Idhna; and we were not a little disappointed. The hill on which Dawaimeh stands, is one of the highest in the surrounding tract. It affords a view of several villages and sites towards the east among the hills, and also on the higher mountain; while on the west an elevated ridge shuts out all view of the great plain. On this ridge stands the Wely we had seen from Tell el-Hasy.' The people of the village came around us as usual; and we found here also several Christians from Beit Jala, employed as labourers in the harvest. The barley harvest was just at an end, and -the wheat harvest just beginning; so that the treading out of both species of grain was going on at the same time. Camels laden with sheaves were coming in as we arrived, carrying on their backs almost a small cart-load.-After coffee in our tent, most of the people went away; but the Sheikh remained. We were not much disposed to like him; he was cringing in his manner, and at the same time reserved and unaccommodating. He still sat and sat, until dinner was served, and then partook of our meal; the first time that an Arab had yet eaten with us, though we had always invited them. The Sheikh and -others spoke much of a ruined fortress called el-Burj, of which we had already heard, situated an hour or two south of Dawhimeh. The former offered to give us a guide thither in the morning; and we concluded on the whole to take this course, and return at a later period directly from 1 We obtained at Dawaimeh the follow-'- N. 85~ E. IKusbur N. 72~ E. BMklkhr N. ing.bearings: Beit'Auwa, ruin, S. 45~ W. 72~ E.- Beit Ummar N. 70~ E. Idhna Neby Nah (Noah) near Dfra on the moun- N. 70~ E. Wely seen from Tell el-Hasy tain, S. 70~ E. Taiyibehon the mountain N. 75~ W. ii. 400-402

56 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. Hebron to Beit Jibrin. The guide was accordingly selected, and received his instructions to be ready at early dawn. We paid eight piastres for his services into the hands of the Sheikh; and regarded it as a much higher price than usual, it being indeed the wages of a whole day; while less than half a day would be occupied by the man, both in going and returning. Here as elsewhere men were set to watch all night around our tent; but in this instance their charge probably extended also to the adjacent threshing-floors. Yet the Sheikh took good care not to burden his own people; but laid the task upon the poor labourers from Beit Jdla. No pay or present was now or at any time demanded on account of the watch. Our guards here, however, took their own pay in grain from the threshingfloors, which they parched and ate during the night; solacing themselves with this favourite article of harvest food, and turning their watch into a wake. Wednesday, May 23d. We rose early; and just as we were mounting to set off for el-Burj, the guide came, and with him the Sheikh, saying he could not go with us unless we paid him a larger price. As this was a barefaced attempt at extortion, I decided instantly to take the road back to Beit Jibrin and so to Idhna, in order to determine at once the question as to Eleutheropolis. Indeed, we did not regret, either now or afterwards, that this occasion had intervened thus to change our proposed course. We demanded back our money, which was repaid with evident chagrin. This was the first, and I think the only instance we met with of a like meanness after a bargain had once been concluded; for however variable and extravagant an Arab may be in his previous demands, yet when an agreement had been actually made, we usually found them faithful to their engagements. Setting off at once, we returned by our road of last evening to the junction of the two Wadys in the little plain south of Santa Hanneh, half an hour from Beit Jibrin. Here turning into the more eastern valley at 61 o'clock, we followed it up on the way to Idhna. I know not when I have felt more the excitement of suspense, than while traversing this short distance. A question of some historical moment was depending on the circumstance, whether we reached Idhna at 8 o'clock. If so, our researches after the long lost Eleutheropolis would be crowned with success; if not, we were again afloat, and certain of no thing. In this valley also there were occasionally traces of an ancient road, skirted by walls which probably enclosed fields. Our general course all the way to Idhna was E. S. E. E. The valley became narrower as we advanced, with green bushy hills ii. 402, 403

MAY 23.] IDHNA. 57 on both sides. The hills round about had evidently once been terraced for cultivation; but the tillage is now confined mostly to the bottoms of the valleys. At a quarter past seven, we passed a well in the valley, and the ruins of a village called Beit'Alam, on a low mound at our left. Soon after this we saw a man walking before us with a gun; a suspicious circumstance in these days, when the people had been all disarmed.- Sending forward a man to reconnoitre, we found he was a peaceable Fellah from Dfira in the mountains. The inhabitants of that village, in their quarrels among themselves, had. recently employed fire arms; thereby showing to the government that-they still possessed them, although they had formerly professed to give them all up.. In consequence of this, the governors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and Hebron, were now at Diira, demanding from the inhabitants their arms. Every man was required to bring in a gun; no matter whether he possessed one or not. This poor fellow, who had none, had been searching after one for three days in the plain, and had finally purchased a miserable old thing for sixty piastres. He was now returning home in order to: surrender-it to the governors. At 7.50 we came to the head of the valley; and here in the midst of a rocky tract of:gradual ascent was a large public well. The stones round about it were much worn, by the friction of the ropes in drawing water. It now wanted but ten minutes of 8 o'clock; and as yet nothing was to be seen of Idhna. But as we reached the top of the ascent, the village lay before us, somewhat lower down on the other side; and precisely at 8 o'clock we entered the place and dismounted at the house of the Sheikh. We thus found Idhna to be just two hours, or six Roman miles, from Beit Jibrin; which is the specified distance of Jedna from Eleutheropolis. At a later period we visited Beit Nusib, lying near- the other road from Beit Jibrin to Hebron, not:far from T-erkuimieh. This latter village is reckoned at two and a half hours from Beit Jibrin, and NUtsib is apparently a little less distant; corresponding well to the account of Jerome respecting Nezib, that it lay seven Roman miles from Eleutheropolis towards Hebron. ELEUTHEROPOLIS. I have thus detailed all the circumstances of direct evidence, which led us to the conviction, that Eleutheropolis must have been identical with Beit Jibrin, the ancient Betogabra. The latter was the earlier native appellation, for which (as in so many other cases) the Greek name Eleutheropolis was officially substituted; yet the ancient name maintained its place in the ii. 403-405

58 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. mouths of the people, and the later one at length fell into disuse and was forgotten. An exact parallel is presented by the cases of Lydda, Emmaus, Jerusalem, and several other cities; which after having been for centuries officially known as Diospolis, Nicopolis, and AElia, afterwards resumed their native names, while the others sunk into oblivion. In these and similar instances, there is indeed historical testimony to the identity of the native and foreign appellations; while in the case of Eleutheropolis and Betogabra, it happened that no such incidental testimony was then known to exist. But on the other hand, as we shall see, there also existed none more direct against the identity; and the accidental silence of history could not weigh against the mass of positive evidence. Our conviction of the identity of Eleutheropolis with Beit Jibrin, was derived solely and exclusively from the specifications of Eusebius and Jerome, respecting the distances of various places from the former, the sites of which we were able to ascertain. These, as we have already seen, were the following: Zorah 10 R. M. Beth-shemesh 110 R. M' 1 on the way towards Nicopolis. Jarmuk 10 " Socoh 9 A on the way towards Jerusalem. Jedna 6 ".Neznib 7 or 9 is i on the way towards Hebron. In respect to these places, it is to be remarked, that the distances specified are not to be regarded as definitely exact, or as having been accurately measured; unless perhaps, in the case of those which might happen to lie directly upon a great road. Now such a road from Eleutheropolis to Nicopolis, let the former have lain where it may, certainly did not pass through Bethshemesh and Zorah; it ran without doubt among the hills near the plain, and crossing the mouth of Wady es-Stlrar, passed along near the mountains to the city in question. At the tenth mile from Eleutheropolis, a traveller would see Beth-shemesh and Zorah on his right; one in the mouth of Wady es-Stirar, and the other on the hill further north.-To Jerusalem there appear to have been two roads. One seems to have followed the Iicopolis road until it approached Wady es-Sulrar; and then turning through the hills to or near Beth-shemesh, went up perhaps through the Stirar, or more probably, as now, by way of Saris; this would pass at or near Jarmuk, which could not well have been seen from the Nicopolis road. The other probably was nearly the same as the present road through the Wady el-Mustirr;' on this Socoh would be visible and not from the: See pp. 15, 20. ii. 405, 406

MAY 23.] ELEUTHEROPOLIS. 59 former.-From Eleutheropolis to Hebron there must also have been two roads, as there are now from Beit Jibrin; for from no conceivable position of Eleutheropolis, could a traveller pass by or even see both Jedna and Nezib on one and the same route to Hebron; inasmuch as they both lie among the hills, nearly two hours apart in a direction from north to south, and are not visible from each other.' These things being premised, and making all due allowance for the merely approximate specifications of Eusebius and Jerome, it appears from our routes and examination, as already detailed, that the space actually travelled over by us, in connection with short estimated distances from the first four places, Zorah, Beth-shemesh, Jarmuk, and Socoh,'renders it certain that Eleutheropolis could not have lain at the most more than half an hour further north or further south than Beit Jibrin.2 In like manner the ascertained distances of Jedna and Nezib show, that it could have lain neither further east nor further west than the same place. Further, we had now traversed the country by five different routes (and later by a sixth) on the north, west, south, and east of Beit Jibrin, anxiously searching out every trace of former sites; and had found nothing, which with the slightest degree of probability could be tortured into the site of Eleutheropolis. Indeed, in no other position do all these distances from various known points meet at all; while in Beit Jibrin they come together of themselves, and all the other circumstances likewise correspond.3 Further, the Itinerary of Antoninus places Eleutheropolis at twenty-four Roman miles from Askelon, which nearly coincides with the true distance of Beit Jibrin.4 Such is the amount of the direct and positive topographical evidence in favour of the identity of Eleutheropolis and Beit Jibrin; and in the absence of collateral historical testimony, I can hardly conceive of a case more strongly supported. Future travellers, by more exact measurements, may add to, or modify in some degree, this evidence; but I have no apprehension that the main result will ever be disturbed. 1 There are doubtless also corruptions 3 Thus if the site of Eleutheropolis were in the Onornasticon. Thus, according to to be assumed at Kudna, then Socoh beEusebius, Nezib was nine miles from Eleu- comes less than six, and Jedna more than theropolis, while Jerome gives it at seven, nine miles distant; the latter besides not which appears to be correct.-In respect to then being on any direct road to Hebron. Jedna the specification of six miles rests So too of any other position. on the authority of Eusebius; Jerome's ar- 4 See above p. 27 sq. Antonin. Itin. ed. tide reads as follows: "Jedna, in deserto Wess. p. 200. Reland Pal. p. 420. The ab Eleutheropoli lapide pergentibus Che- same Itinerary sets Eleutheropolis at xx bron." Here " lapide " is without any ad- Roman miles from Jerusalem, which should junct, and the word "deserto" should probably read xxx; an x having been lost. doubtless be read " sexto." This would correspond well with the actual 2 Pages 22, 27. distance. ii. 406-408

60 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [Slnc. XL Let us look now at the notices of Eleutheropolis which have come down to us in ancient writers, and compare them with those of Betogabra. Not indeed in the hope of thus decidedly tracing the identity of the two; for the slight link which might connect them in the chain of historical evidence,-a single line upon the page of history, —was unfortunately omitted or had since been lost; but in order to see whether there is any thing which militates against this identity; and if not, to see further, whether this very silence and the attendant circumstances do not tend indirectly to confirm the same hypothesis. The earliest mention of Betogabra, as we have seen, is by Ptolemy in the beginning of the second century; and again in the Peutinger Tables, probably in the reign of Alexander Severus, about A. D. 230.' Whether the name Eleutheropolis already existed in the days of Ptolemy we do not know; but before the construction of the Tables, this name is found upon coins of the city inscribed to Julia Domna, the wife of Septimius Severus, and dated in the eighth and ninth years of the reign of that emperor, corresponding to A. D. 202 and 203. The emperor had been in Palestine about that time (A. D. 202), and had conferred privileges and immunities on various cities.2 Among them Eleutheropolis appears to- have shared his favour, and thus testified its gratitude. Another coin of the same city, struck in honour of Caracalla, the next emperor, is also extant.3 The earliest writer who mentions Eleutheropolis, is Eusebius in his Onomasticon about A. D. 330 or later, followed by Jerome near the close of the same century. In their day it was an episcopal city of importance; and was so well known, that they assumed it as the central point in southern Palestine, from which to determine the position of more than twenty other places. The renown and the very name of the greater central city have long since passed away; while many of these minor places still remain, and have afforded, in their turn, to strangers from a new world, the means of determining the site and reestablishing the claims of the ancient metropolis. In that age this city was indeed the metropolis of the adjacent country, which is frequently spoken of as the region of Ptolemeuls 4. 16, Judmaa. Reland Pa- the able essay of the Abbe Belley, " Sur les lest. pp. 461, 421. M6dailles des villes de Diospolis et d'Eleu2 Spartian. in Severo, cap. 16, 17. Bel- theropolis," A. D. 1754, in Memoires de ley p. 431. See the next note. l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Let3 See a description of these three coins, tres, Tom. XXVI. p. 429 sq.-OOn the (one of which is: in the collection of Sir reverse of these coins the city styles itself Hans Soane,) in Mionnet. M6dailles An- Lucia Septi-nia Severiana, after the name tiques, Tom.:V. p. 534. Haym: Tesor. of the emperor; just as Caesarea and NeaBrittan.. I. p. 261. Eckhel Doctr. Num- polis took on coins the-appellation of Flamor. Tom. III. p. 448. Rasche's Lexicon via, Tiberias that of Claudia, Gadara that art. Eleutheropolis. See also particularly of Pompeiana, etc. Belley p. 431. ii. 408, 409

MAY 23.] ELEUTHEROPOLIS. 61 Eleutheropolis.' The names of five of its bishops are found in the records and signatures of councils, from that of Nicea in A. D. 325 to that of Jerusalem in A. D. 536; besides historical notices of three others during the same period.2 Epiphanius, who flourished in the latter part of the fourth century, is said to have been born at a village three miles distant from Eleutheropolis; he is thence called a native of that city, which he several times mentions in his writings.3 To the next following centuries belongs the mention of Eleutheropolis as an episcopal city, in two Greek ecclesiastical Notiticte; one of which was compiled before A. D. 451, since it still speaks of Ceasarea as the metropolitan see; while the other, to judge from the preamble, refers to a time not very long after the erection of Jerusalem into a patriarchate.4 The same age was also the age of legends and lives of saints; and in these the name of Eleutheropolis not unfrequently occurs.5 About the close of the sixth or beginning of the seventh century, Antoninus Martyr appears to have visited this city; the name of which is corrupted in his account, to Eliotropolis and also Heliopolis.6 It is somewhat remarkable, that with the exception of the coins above mentioned, the name of Eleutheropolis occurs in profane history only in two writers; both of whom mention' it incidentally, in connection with the same period of ecclesiastical renown. The first of these is Ammianus Marcellinus, the cotemporary of Jerome, in the latter part of the fourth century. From his language the conclusion has sometimes been drawn, though without sufficient ground, that Eleutheropolis was built up in the third century, and did not exist before that time.7 1 Onomast. art. Esthemno, Malspha, etc. gends respecting Ananias, which will be Hieron. Ep. 39, ad Theophilum: "I Monas- mentioned further on; Acta Sanctor. Jan. terium S. Epiphanii in Elentheropolitano Tom. IT. p. 613. Also in the life of St. territorio et non in Eliensi situm est." Euthymius, Cotel. Monum. Eccl. Grsec. 2 Reland Pelest. p. 750. Le Quien II. p. 329. Acta Sanctor. Jan. Tom. II, Oriens Christ. III. p. 633 sq. p. 326. 3 See the references in Reland ib. pp. 6 Itin. 32. Reland ib. p. 752. 751, 752. r Reland p. 749. The passage of ArmSee these Notitice in Reland Palhst. mianus is as follows; he is enumerating pp. 214 sq. 219 sq. The last is ascribed the cities of Palestine: "Csesaream... to Nilus in A. D. 1151; but it evidently Heleutheropolim, et Neapolim, itidemque refers to a time preceding the Muhamme- Ascalonem, Gazam, tvo superiore extrucdan conquests. Jerusalem was made an tas;" 14. 8. 11. Here the last clause, independent patriarchate at the council of' " evo superiore extructas," can obviously Chalcedon A. D. 451-3; see above, Vol. apply in no stronger sense to EleutheropoI. p. 380. In both these Notitise the name lis, than it does to Neapolis, Askelon, and of Betocgabra does not occur. Gaza; in respect to all which, if understood 6 So in the tract ascribed to Dorotheus to imply that they were then first built, it is bishop of Tyre; where Simon, one of the notoriously false. To say nothing of the apostles, is said to have preached at Eleu- antiquity of Gaza and Askelon, I need only theropolis; and Jesus surnamed Justus, to remark of Neapolis, that this name is alhave been its first bishop; see the passages ready mentioned by Josephus; B. J. 4. 8. 1. cited in Reland p. 751. So too in the leVOL. II.-6 ii. 409, 410

62 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XL The other writer is the grammarian Suidas; whose work perhaps belongs rather to ecclesiastical history. Writing not eartier than the close of the tenth century, from sources now lost, he mentions circumstances which formerly took place in Eleutheropolis. These are wholly unimportant, relating merely to the unsuccessful attempt of Eutocius, a Thracian soldier, to become a citizen and senator of the city; and also to, Marianus, a late poet at Rome, whose father removed to Eleutheropolis, and who acquired honours under the reign of the emperor Anastasius, A. D. 493-518.1 This is the amount of all we know of Eleutheropolis before the Muhammedan conquest of Palestine, which was completed in A. D. 636. After.that time the city is mentioned only once by a cotemporary writer; and that, in monastic annals, in order to record its fall, In the year 796, the cities of Gaza, Askelon, and Sariphaea are said to have been laid waste, and Eleutheropolis converted into a desert, during a civil war among the various tribes of Saracens in Palestine.2 Whether it recovered in any degree from this desolation, we are nowhere informed. During the Muhammedan dominion and the prevalence of the Arabic tongue, it would be natural to expect, that the ancient name of Betogabra, (later Heb. Beth Gabriel or Beth Gebrin,) which had doubtless remained among the common people, would again become current; and cause the Greek name which so long had usurped its place, to be forgotten. And here, as in so many other instances, this seems actually to have been the case; the ancient name revived, and assumed the Arabic form in which we find it at the present day. In two Latin Notittce, the date of which is uncertain, but which were obviously first compiled in reference to the centuries preceding the crusades, the name of Eleutheropolis is no longer found; but in its place appears, in one the name Beigeberin, and in the other Beit Gerbein.3 Not improbably both these notices are to be referred to l Suidas Lexicon art. Ev;'rlcos, MapLav(s. phen a cotemporary monk of Mtr SAba, Reland Palsest. pp. 753, 754. That the Acta Sanctor. Mart. Tom. III. p. 167 sq. reign of Anastasius I. is intended, is appa- Reland Pal. p. 987. Le Quien Oriens rent; for the short sway.of the. second em- Christ. III. p. 313. Comp. Vol. I. p. peror of that name (A. D. 713-715), falls 391. nearly a century after Palestine was in 3 Reland ib. pp. 222, 227. The latter the hands of the Muhammedans. Notitia is found appended to the History 2 AnaQppous -yap 7roXvavrpc6Srovs -7rc$eAs of William of Tyre; Gesta Dei per Fran7p0CLwoav * Kal -yp' EAevpaEpd7roXv 7ravTE- cos p. 1044.-A comparison of this last XAcs El &o[K7,0ror 717Kav, 7raafav E'irop4a- Latin Notitia with the Greek one of Nilus o'avies &hX&X, Kal'AwcWa Ka!'Ao' a ar al (Reland p. 220) shows that in the seventh:aped[av, Ka! &eEpas r4dAets &ew&vs:eK6I- place of each, the Greek has EleutheropooavTro. "Depopulati sunt frequentissimas lis, and the Latin Beit Gerbein. This afurbesnonpaucas; Eleutheropolim, abductis fords a strong corroborative testimony to in captivitatem universis, desertam fecere. the identity of the two; but is not of itself Ascalonem, Gazatn, et Sariphbeam, aliasque decisive. See Raumer's Pal. ed. 3, p. 168. civitates, violenter diripuerant." So Ste- Biblioth. Sac. 1844, p. 218, 219. ii. 411, 412

MAY 23.] ELEUTHEROPOLIS. 63 the eighth century, before the destruction of the city. At any rate, the crusaders found the place in ruins; and if not wholly deserted, yet at least it had long ceased to be an episcopal see. They rebuilt. the fortress; and its subsequent history I have already recounted.' At that time the name and position of Eleutheropolis were so thoroughly forgotten, that Cedrenus, in the last half of the eleventh century, held it to have been the same with Hebron. On comparing the preceding notices, it is to be observed, that, with one apparent exception hereafter to be considered, all the writers who mention Betogabra, make no allusion to- Eleuntheropolis; while all those who so often speak of the latter, are silent as to Betogabra. Indeed, the latter name is found only quite early in-Ptolemy and the Peutinger Tables, or again quite late in the two Latin Notitiee. The Greek name, as appears from the coins, had been adopted before A. D. 202; but the subsequent mention of Betogabra in the Tables, shows that this more ancient appellation was still -generally current. -In the fourth century, when Constantine had adorned Jerusalem with splendid churches, and Palestine became the abode of thousands of -foreign monks and ecclesiastics, all using the Greek language, it was natural that the Greek name of this episcopal city should obtain the ascendency. Accordingly we hear no more of Betogabra until this ecclesiastical authority had been crushed by the Muhammedan conquest, and the ancient name found a more ready utterance upon the lips of a people speaking a kindred tongue. The case, as already suggested, is entirely parallel to those of Diospolis, Nicopolis, and IEllia or Jerusalem itself. The exception above alluded to, where the names of Betogabra and Eleutheropolis appear to be once mentioned by the same writer, is the expression " Betogabra of Eleutheropolis," to which reference has already been made.3 This expression, in view of the evidence which has since come to light, can only be regarded as originally-a gloss, transferred afterwards from the margin into the text. In this way, the expression which at first probably meant nothing more than "Betogabra or Eleutheropolis," assumed its present form' Betogabra-of Eleuthero-1 polis." The examples of various readings arising from like glosses in the manuscripts of the New Testament and other ancient writings, are too numerous and well known, to -admit a question as to the propriety of applying- the same principle- for the solution of this case; and further, this gloss appears to be I Pages 27, 28. 3'EY Bno7aupf Tris'EkevaepoydwAews. 2Geo. Cedreni Historiar. Colipend. See p. 28, above. The Latin version of Paris 1647, Tom. I. p. 33, dmcL7rrear Hervetus has " Betagabre Exeutheropolis;" (i /dZp,Sa) 6, Xep?&,,'lTs viuv'EAevjepodro- Acta Sanctor. Jan. Tom. II p. 614, hXs aA.eTrat. Note b. ii. 412_417

64 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [Sic. xI. the only shadow of historical testimony, which might tend to excite a doubt as to the identity of Eleutheropolis with the present Beit Jibrin.' Another ancient tradition connects itself also, in some degree, with the position of Eleutheropolis; I mean that respecting the miraculous fountain, springing out of the jaw-bone of an ass with which Samson smote the Philistines.2 Josephus, in relating the same event, says the fountain sprang out of a rock, and the place in his day still bore the name of the " Jaw-bone;" though it may be doubtful whether he does anything more than merely copy the words of Scripture.3 All this has no connection with Eleutheropolis. Nor is the language of Jerome much more definite, who in tracing the journey of Paula from Jerusalem or Bethlehem to Egypt, makes her pass by way of Socoh to the fountain of Samson; around which he then loosely mentions the Horites and Gittites, and the names of several other cities.4 By the Horites he probably meant Eleutheropolis,5 and the tradition appears to have been current in his day, that this fountain of Samson was in that region. Somewhat more definite is the testimony of Antoninus Martyr, not long before the Muhammedan conquest; in travelling from Jerusalem to Askelon and Gaza, he came to Eleutheropolis, where the fountain of Samson was still pointed out.6 All this however only shows that the fountain was held to be in the vicinity of that city. No further mention of this fountain occurs before the age of'the crusades; nor do any of the Frank or Arabian historians of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, appear ever to have heard of the fountain of Samson, or of Eleutheropolis. Yet a wandering tradition respecting both the fountain and city, would seem to have maintained itself in the Greek church even out of Palestine; for in the twelfth century the historian Glycas relates, that Samson's fountain was to be seen in his day in the suburbs of Eleutheropolis. But the value of this tradition is shown by the fact, that a century earlier, Cedrenus had declared 1 For the " vicus Betagabaeorum " which refocillatus videam Morasthim, sepulchrum has been supposed to'be the same with quondam Michmme Prophete, nuns EccleBetogabra, see Note XXXIV, at the end siam. Et ex latere derelinquam Chorreos, of the volume. et Gettheos, Maresa, Idumeaam, et La2 Judg. 15, 18. 19. chis," etc. Hieron. Ep. 86, Epitaph. Paulae, 3 Antiq. 5. 8. 9, o ~ebrs 7ryYv ia.Ad Tr- Opp. Tom. IV. ii. p. 677. ed. Mart. vos'rErpas rtoq'v 8Wa ical ea XroXi' * zy He elsewhere speaks of the Horites as 6.calF/&'v E'A:.'rb XwplOy: ay,'a, Kal inhabiting Eleutheropolis. Comm. in Obad. /EXPL Torv 6EVPO T'OVTo hA{eyTra. So the vs. 1. See pp. 68, 69, below. Heb. ar, Lehi, i. q. Jaw-bone, Judg. 15, 6 Antonini Martyr. Itin. 30, 32, " Veni19. mus in civitatem qu.e dicitur Eliotropolis 4 " Transibo ad tEgyptum; et in So- (al. Hqliopolis) in loco ubi Sampson, etc.choth atque apud fontem Samson, quem Qui fons usque in hodiernum dinem loca de molari maxilel dente produxit, subsis- illa irrigat; nam in loco ubi surgit fuitam parumper; et arentia ora colluam, ut mus." ii. 417, 418

MAY. 23.] ELEUTHEROPOLIS. 65 Eleutheropolis to be the same with Hebron.' From the same legendary source apparently, Marinus Sanutus in the fourteenth century derived a notice of the same fountain, but not of the city. He makes a water run from Bethsur first west and-then south; where, after being joined by a stream from the north from the fountain of the Jaw-bone, it flows west to the sea near Askelon.'2 Now the Bethsur of that day was at the present fountain of St. Philip in Wady el-Werd;3 which indeed flows west to the great Wady es-Surar. This again runs in a southwesterly direction to the plain; entering the sea, however, not at Askelon, but near Yebna. Hence whatever position be assigned to the fountain on the testimony of Sanutus, it lying north of Wady es-Suraer, can never have been less than ten Roman miles distant from Eleutheropolis. Thus the testimony to the existence of Samson's fountain in the immediate vicinity of Eleutheropolis, which at first sight seemed so explicit, becomes on a nearer view quite indefinite. Of this however we:were not aware at the time, and therefore inquired the more diligently after the fountains: throughout the whole region, in the hope of being thus able to discover:a trace of Eleutheropolis. But we could neither find, nor hear of, a single living spring or running brook throughout the district in which that city must have lain. The nearest and only approach to it, was in the large well called Um Judei'a, half way between Beit Jibrin and the ruined church of Santa Hanneh, which, according to the tradition of the inhabitants, was once a running fountain.4 This testimony is: at least as definite and good, as that on which rests the -proximity of-the ancient fountain to Eleutheropolis; and furnishes, so far as it goes, another proof of the identity of that city with Beit Jibrin. I have now done with Eleutheropolis; and if the reader (as I fear) shall regard the investigation as prolix and tedious, I beg him to bear in mind, that the subject is one of some historical importance, and has never before been discussed by any one who had visited the spot.. Such was: the evidence on -the strength of which I formerly ventured to assume the identity of Eleutheropolis with Beit Jibrin; a conclusion as to which I have yet to learn, that any scholar has ever taken exception. Yet there was still wanting some decisive historical testimony,7 to show that the-two names 1 Mich. Glyem Annales, Par. 1660, p, ei jungiturfons invocantis de maxilla, ve164, vj rozaa7rl7c "ry-!XPL cal Tr'epoyv.' niens a parte aquilonis; et ibi prope fuit Tros 7rpoaoTeroSs'EAeuvepo*Aosr Ocat're7at, baptismus Eunuchi.; et descendit ultra Staol.iay&,os - I7roouae'oye'va artl?{y. For Ce- prope Ascalonem, versus occidens in mare.'" drenus, see above, p. 63. n. 2.: Brocardus c. 10. p. 186. Adrichomia Marin. Sanut. p. 252, "De prope Beth- us p. 44. Quaresmius Tom. IL. p. 696-sq. sura descendit aqua, primo fluens -versus' See above, p. 52. occidens, deinde prope meridiem, et tune VOL. I[ —6* ii. 418-420

66 FROM GAZA TO HIEBRON. [SEC. XI. were applied to one and the same place. This last absent link of testimony was discovered by Prof. Roediger of Halle in 1842.1 In the Acta Sanctorum nfartyrum, published by Assemani in Syriac, Greek, and Latin, the martyr Peter Abselama is said to have been born at Anea; which lay, according to the Syriac account, in the district qf Beth Gubrin; while both the Greek and Latin accounts read, in the district of.Eleutheropolis.2 This evidence is decisive. Having thus presented the evidence which goes to fix the site of Eleutheropolis itself, it may be worth while to look for a moment at two or three other ancient places, the situation of which is only known from their relative position to that city. The first of these is Gath, one of the five cities of the Philistines, whither the ark was carried from Ashdod; it is also celebrated as the residence of Goliath, and was afterwards fbrtified by Rehoboam.3 It appears early to have been destroyed, or at least to have lost its importance; the prophet Amos alludes to such an event, and Gath is not enumerated by the later prophets along with the other four cities of the Philistines., Tradition seems also to have been already at fault in the days of Eusebius, who enumerates two places of this name; one five miles from Eleutheropolis towards Diospolis; and the other, a large village, between Antipatris and Jamnia, which he held to be the Gath whither the ark was carried.5 Yet Jerome, who in the Onomasticon merely translates the words of Eusebius, gives us in another work the definite specification, that Gath, one of the five cities of Philistia, was situated near the borders of Judea, on the way from Eleutheropolis to Gaza, and was then a very large village.6 He does not mention the distance at which it lay from either of these cities; nor whether it still bore the name of Gath; thus leaving it uncertain, after all, whether this specification is anything more than a conjecture of his own. No subsequent mention of Gath or its position occurs in history or in the accounts of Palestine; and we sought in vain for any present trace of the name throughout the whole region. On Allgem. Lit. Zeitung, 1842, No. 72. saders held Gath to be in this quarter, or Biblioth. Sacra. 1844, p. 218. rather at Jamnia itself; and erected upon' Assemani Acta Sanctor. Mart. Orien- the supposed site the castle of Ibelin or tal. Tom. II. p. 209, coll. p. 207. Hibelin, which Benjamin of Tudela identi1 Sam. 5, 7. 8. 17, 4. 23. 2 Chr. fies with Jabneh, now Yebna. Will. Tyr. 11, 8. 15. 24, 25. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. II. p. 4 Jer. 25, 20. Amos 6, 2. 1, 7. 8. 615. Benj. of Tud. p. 79. Zeph. 2, 4. Zech. 9, 5. Reland supposes 6 Hieron. Comm. in Mich. i. 11, "Geth this to have taken place about the time of una est de quinque urbibus Palmestine, the destruction of the first temple; )Paloast. vicina Judaeea confino, et de Eleutheropoli p. 786. euntibus Gazam nunc usque vicus vel max5 Onomast. art. Geth, Getha.-The cru- imus."

MAY 23.] GATI. MARESHA. 67 our return from Gaza to Beit Jibrin, we took the road by es-Sukkariyeh and el-Kubeibeh, because these villages were much spoken of; and we thought perhaps traces of antiquity might be found there, from which at least a presumption might be drawn as to the site of Gath. But, as already related, we found nothing to authorize even the slightest conjecture. Another road somewhat further north passes through the villages el-FAlujy and'Arak el-Menshiyeh, which we did not visit, although they were in sight. We could not learn that they contain any remains of antiquity. The Gath which Eusebius and Jerome place at five Roman miles north of Eleutheropolis towards Diospolis, appears to be the same with Gath Rimmon, a Levitical city in the tribe of Dan,' which the same writers describe as lying twelve miles from Diospolis towards Eleutheropolis. The distance from Eleutheropolis accords well with the site of Deir Duibban, near which we first fell in with the remarkable excavations of this region. From that place to Beit Jibrin we travelled not quite two hours, by a somewhat winding road.2 The distance to Lydda, however, must be more than four hours, or twelve Roman miles. Another.ancient city which lay not far from Eleutheropolis, was Maresha, the Maresa or Marissa of Josephus, situated in the plain of Judah and afterwards fortified by Rehoboam.3 Here Asa defeated the immense host of Zera the Ethiopian; and Judas Maccabaeus, after having captured Hebron from the Idumeans, descended by way of Maresha, which he laid desolate, to Ashdod.4 After various changes of masters, it was at length rebuilt and fortified by Gabinius; but was again destroyed by the Parthians during their irruption against Herod.5 In the days of Eusebius and Jerome the ruins of Maresha were shown " in the second mile" from Eleutheropolis.6 The direction is not given; but from all the circumstances, it would seem probable, that Eleutheropolis (at first Betogabra) had sprung up after the destruction of Maresha, and had been built with its materials.7 Assuming Beit Jibrin as the site of Eleutheropolis, we were led to suppose at the time, that the foundations we discovered on 1 Josh. 19, 45. 21, 24. 1 Chr. 6, 69. togabra), as Rufinus read it in his copy, 2 See above p. 23. (Joseph. B. J. 4. 8. 1. Reland Palest. pp. s Josh. 15, 44. 2 Chr. 11, 8. 626, 628; comp. p. 28, n. 1, above,) 4 2 Chr. 14, 9. 10. Joseph. Antiq. 12. then this village, which Vespasian captur8. 6. Comp. 1 Macc. 5, 65-68, where as ad in Idumea, would seem to have sprung Reland shows, Maresa should be read for into note after the destruction of Maresha, Samaria; Palest. p. 889. Comp. p. 31, as related in the text; and grew up into above. the later and more renowned Eleutherop6 Jos. Antiq. 14. 5. 3. ib. 14. 13. 9. olis. That the Idumea of Josephus extend6 Onomast. art. Masera, Maplqod. ed thus far, will be immediately shown in 7 If we may assume with Reland, that the text; pp. 68, 69. the Betaris of Josephus is for Begabris (Beii. 421; 422

68 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEc. XI. the southeastern part of the remarkable Tell south of the place, were remains of Maresha. The spot is admirably adapted for a fortress; it lies about a Roman mile and a half from the ruins of Beit Jibrin, that is, within the second mile, though certainly not two miles distant. Nowhere else in the vicinity could we find or hear of any trace of ruins.' Somewhere in the vicinity of Eleutheropolis lay also the village of Moresheth, the birth-place of the prophet Micah.2 The name Moresheth-Gath, under which it once occurs, seems to. imply that it was near to Gath; Eusebius and Jerome place it eastward of Eleutheropolis;.and the latter writer in another place remarks, that it was still a small village near that city.3 In the journey of Paula, Jerome again speaks of the village in connection with the fountain of Samson, as having formerly contained the sepulchre.of Micah, where was now a church.4 This latter circumstance seems not improbably to refer to the ruined church of Santa Hanneh, twenty minutes S. S. E. of Beit Jibrin, close by which, are the ruined foundations of a village, which may or may not be ancient. In this case Jerome would appear either to have confounded Maresha and Moresheth; or else the one lay perhaps upon the hill, and the other in the valley- north, between the church and the excavated sepulchres, That they were two distinct places,. appears,. partly from the difference of the names, which- come. from different roots; and partly from the fact that: the prophet Micah mentions them together.3 More difficult is it to, account in any case for the epithet Gath. It appears from history, that during or soon after the Jewish exile, the Edomites spread themselves throughout the south of Judea, which they continued to occupy,- and. which -consequently is included under the name of Idumea by Josephus and, later writers. Judas Maccabwaus captured from them Hebron, Marissa, and Ashdod; and John Hyrcanus, after taking Adora and Marissa, compelled the Idumean inhabitants of the whole region to conform to the laws and customs of the Jews.6 Jerome also in speaking of the Idumeans, calls them.Horites, and makes them dwell within the borders of Eleutheropolis.7 Now we 1 Benjamin of Tudela places Maresha at Morasthim, sepulchrum quondam Michem Beit Jibrin itself; Itin. p. 77. " Sed ejus prophets, nunc Ecclesiam." auctoritas tanti non est," is the remark of 5 Mic. 1, 14. 15. Reland, p. 890. 6 Joseph. Antiq. 12. 8. 6. ib. 13. 9. 1. 2 Mi. 1, 1. Jer. 26,'18. Moresheth-Gath, Comp. 1 Macc. 5,'65-68. Josephusspeaks Mic. 1, 14. expressly of Hebron as in Idumea; B. J. s Onomast. art. M orasthi. Hieron. Comm. 4. 9. 7. He says too that Idumea was in Mic. Prol. " Ad Michaeam de Morasthi, round about Gaza'; c. Apion.; 2. 9. [10.] qui usque hodie juxta Eleutheropolin ur- 7 "In finibus. est'EAteuepordAXoEs, ubi bem Palhestinee, haud grandis est viculus." ante habitaverant Horraei, qui interpretan4- Ep.- 86, adt Eu-stoch. Epitaph. Pauln, tur liberi, unde ipsa urbs postea sortita vop. 677. ed. Mart. "Ut refocillatus videam cabulum est;" Comm. in Obad. vs. 1. ii. 422, 424

MAY 23.] IDHNA. 69 know, that the original inhabitants of Idumea proper were actually Horites, that is, Troglodytes, "dwellers in caverns," or under ground; who, although dispossessed by the Edomites, continued to live among the latter, and apparently became with them one people.' It is for this reason, probably, that Jerome thus calls the whole nation Horites; adopting however a different signification of the word, "the free," in order (by a Rabbinic conceit) to make out a Hebrew etymology for the later name Eleutheropolis. Yet it is also possible, that the Edomites were called Horites in Palestine in the original acceptation of the word; for Jerome also asserts, that Idumea, or the whole southern region from Eleutheropolis to Petra and Ailah, was full of habitations in caves; the inhabitants using subterranean dwellings on account of the great heat. —Does not this language suggest the idea, that Jerome is here alluding in part to the singular excavations which we discovered near Deir Dubban, and which are so particularly numerous around Beit Jibrin or Eleutheropolis? May we perhaps suppose, that the Idumeans brought with them their habits of life, and preferred to excavate for themselves here dwellings under ground in the soft limestone rock? It did not indeed occur to us at the time, that possibly this had been the object of these caverns; but it might well have been the case; for they were all dry, and in general well lighted. We needed candles only in exploring those on the south side of the Tell near Beit Jibrin; and even these may not improbably have once received light by openings now filled up. -I do not wish to be considered as here advancing an hypothesis; but merely as bringing forward a suggestion, which may deserve consideration.3 Mcay 23ct continued. The village of Idhna lies just east of the water-shed at the head of the valley we had ascended. Just beyond it, another larger valley, Wady el-Feranj, comes from the southeast and running by the place towards the northwest ultimately passes down to Beit Jibrin, forming with others the broad valley which there comes in on the north side. The present Idhna is a small village, divided into two parts by a short Wady or gully running into Wady el-Feranj. Each part has its separate Sheikh with his Ktlsr or tower; and the inhabitants are divided into two parties, according as they live north or 1Gen. 14, 6. Deut. 2, 12. 22. Gen. las habet; et propter nimios calores solis, 36, 20. 21. quia meridiana provincia est, subterraneis 2 CommI1. in Obad. vs. 5. 6, " Omnis tuguriis utitur." australis regio Idummorum de Eleuthero-: See the account of these various carpoli usque ad Petram et Ailam (hnec est erns, not less than five different clusters in possessio Esau) in specubus habitatiuneu- all, pp. 23, 29, 51-53. ii. 424, 425

70 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XL south of the water-course. In all civil broils, the Sheikhs with their followers usually take different sides. We had alighted- at the Kfisr of the Sheikh on the north side, a rude square buildingof stone, two stories high. He was an old man, who welcomed us kindly, and went with us to the top of the hill which overhangs the village on the north, to point out and name the places in sight. According to him, the village once stood upon this hill. It is now cultivated, and: covered with young orchards of fig trees; the ground having been cleared of stones by laying them up in walls. In this way all traces of ancient foundations have been destroyed; but I picked up on the top a handful of marble tesserae, once belonging to ancient Mosaic work.' Idhna lies near the foot of the mountains, where the steep ascent of the higher ridge soon begins. Here a village called etTaiyibeh came in sight, situated on the high ridge above; and the direction of Nisib or Beit Ntisib at the foot, was also pointed out, though the place itself was not visible. Beit Ula lay beyond, also out of sight. These with N-iba and Khar~s form. a cluster of villages at the foot of the mountain near Terkiumieh; through which last passes the more travelled road from Beit Jibrin to Hebron.2 While taking our observations on the hill, we were exceedingly incommoded by a strong southwest wind, which was blowing with some violence, although we had felt it comparatively little in the valleys. -Before going with us, it seems, the hospitable old Sheikh had without our knowledge given orders to prepare a breakfast for us; and on our return, the women announced that the bread was baked, and the meal would be ready in a few minutes. Although anxious to get on, we yet waited for some time, rather than disappoint his well meant though ill timed hospitality; but as we saw no end to the delay, we at length mounted and moved off. The Sheikh now came running with his bosom full of bread, which he distributed among our muleteers; assuring us that the semen (melted butter) and leben (soured milk) were already poured upon the bread in a bowl for the breakfast; and beseeching us to wait and partake of it. We thought it better to proceed; much to the dissatisfaction of the muleteers, who complained long afterwards, that we had 1 I am not aware that Idhna (Jedna) bearings of places, all but one (the last) can be brought into connection with any lying east of the meridian line: Urn Burj scriptural name. Reland indeed, forget- N. 3~ E. Jomrnurah N. 8~-E. Ribba N. ting his usual sagacity, finds in it the Ith- 10~ E. Deir el-Hawa N. 23~ E. KharAs nan of Josh. 15, 23. But this latter place N. 56~ E. Niba N. 60~ E. Beit Nfisib lay quite at the southern extremity of Ju- nearly N. 62~ E. Jedufr N. 62~ E. Beit dah, towards Edom; comp. vs. 21. Re- Ummar N. 67~ E. Biikkar N. 70~ E. land Palsest. p. 862. Kusbur N. 73~ E. Sifa N. 87~ E. Tai2 We took here at Idhna the following yibeh S. 80~ E. DawAimeh S. 70~ W. ii. 425-427

MAY 23.] TEFFUH, BETE TAPPUAH.; 71 taken them away from a savoury breakfast.-We had thus far found it so much against the custom to offer money in return for our entertainment, that we had given it up; and from Gaza to Hebron we did not pay a para, nothing being expected. We were doubtless thought the better of, for not making the attempt. Leaving Idhna at 9T o'clock, we followed up Wady el-Feranj on a course E. S. E. into the mountains, which here began immediately to rise on our left. The Wady soon became a deep and narrow glen. At 10.10 we reached a fork of the valley, where on a projection of the right hand mountain stands a ruined tower. A path leads along up the right hand Wady towards the village of Dura, and another up the left hand branch to Taiyibeh; while our road began immediately to climb the mountain between the two valleys. The ascent was long and steep, but rendered easier by many zigzags. At 10.50 a village (probably. Dfira) appeared S. 10~ W. on a distant part of the mountain. We reached the top at 11 o'clock, just by a cistern of rain water excavated in the rock. Here our course back bore W. N. W. and Taiyibeh, now about upon the same level, N. by E. We came out here upon a somewhat narrow ridge of high table land, between the two valleys above mentioned, which here run nearly parallel to each other towards the northwest and into both of which we could look down almost perpendicularly to a great depth. This plateau we found after a short distance to be well tilled; its surface being occupied by fields of grain, olive groves and vineyards. The bottoms of the two deep valleys on each side were also in high cultivation. Pursuing the same general course and gradually ascending, we reached Teffth- at 11 o'clock; an old village on a higher and broader part of the-same ridge. It contains a good number of inhabitants, and lies in the midst of olive groves and vineyards, with marks of industry and thrift on every side. Indeed many of the former terraces along the hill sides are still in use-; and the land looks somewhat as it may have done in ancient times. Several portions of walls, apparently those of an old fortress, are visible among the houses; and seem to attest the: antiquity of the place. The large stones of which they are built, are soft; and-the edges being worn away by the weather, the chinks are everywhere filled in with thin pieces of stone, which give to the whole a more modern aspect than really belongs to it. The name Tefffh marks this as the site of the ancient Beth Tappuah of the mountains of Judah, not far from Hebron.' From here' Josh. 15, 53. Another Tappuah lay Josh. 15, 34. Which of these was the in the plain of Judah, apparently in the place conquered by Joshua, it is difficult vicinity of Zanoah, Jarmuth, Socoh, etc. to say; Josh.- 12, 17, comp. 10,: 36.-Euii. 427. 428

72 FROM GAZA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. Neby Ntih, the Wely near Dura, bore S. 41~ W. Taiyibeh N. 17o W. After a stop of three quarters of an hour, we set off again at 121 o'clock, still ascending gradually along the ridge on a course E.'S. The direction of the deep valleys on each side is here more from east to west, and for a time, our way led along the steep declivity overhanging that upon the south, among slippery rocks, which rendered the path difficult and dangerous. The bottom of the valley, far below us, was highly cultivated and full of vineyards. The Sirocco wind which we had felt all day, now increased to a violent tempest, bringing up the dust and sand from the desert, and filling the air so as to obscure the sun. The whole atmosphere became of a deep dun or yellowish hue, such as we had seen before in the desert near Ruhaibeh.' As we approached the height of land, a few drops of rain fell, and left upon our clothes spots of mud, as if we had been spattered from a puddle. The guide said immediately, this would blast the grain; he thought the mud had a saltish taste, which we could not perceive; nor did we afterwards hear of any damage to the crops. At 1.10 we reached the top of the whole ascent, the height of land and water-shed, between the valleys behind us and the branches of that in which Hebron lies. The town itself here came in sight down a valley, S. 65~ E. fifty minutes distant. Descending gradually for ten minutes, we came to the head of the fine open valley north of the town. Here in a field on our left, was a very large and beautiful oak tree, (Quercuts ilex, Arabic Sizndidn,) which passes among the Muhammedans for the tree of Abraham, where his tent was pitched. Towards the city followed fine vineyards and fields of grain, occupying most of the valley, all now in high verdure. At 2 o'clock we reached Hebron, and selected a spot for our tent on the grassy slope west of the town, not far above the lower pool, and near the straggling cemetery which covers a part of the open ground. We found great difficulty in pitching the tent, as the Sirocco had now become almost a tornado; the ropes were several times broken, and had at last to be doubled on the windward side. The air became dark, almost like night, from the sand and dust. After a short time, however, the tempest abated; and we had at evening a fine cool wind from the northwest. The actual heat was not unusually great; the thermometer rose only to 86~ F. We here dismissed our trusty muleteers and our guide; with all of whom we had been well satisfied, and indeed much sebius and Jerome seem to refer the names wards Egypt; Onomast. arts. Bethaphu, Tappuah and Beth Tappuah to one and Thliafl. the same village, and to place it more to- 1 See Vol. I. pp. 195, 196. ii. 429, 430

MAY 24.] ARRIVAL AT HEBRON. 73 pleased. We too were able to satisfy all their expectations; and- they returned with light hearts the same evening to their homes near Jerusalem. As we were pitching the tent, Elias of Damascus (ElyAs eshShamy), the only Christian resident in Hebron, sent to invite us into the town, and to take up our quarters at his house. We however declined; and he then came himself to repeat and urge the invitation. This he did, not knowing who we were, but supposing us to be some " Milords" or other; probably from the rather showy appearance of our tent. We again declined, and positively; for we knew that we should be far more masters of our time and actions in our own tent, than in the house of another person; to say nothing of the inconvenience and vermin to which we should have been thus exposed. The refusal was softened on our part, by accepting a dinner, which he soon after sent us.-Elias had two years before removed hither from Damascus, and occupied the post of secretary or banker (or perhaps both) to the governor of Hebron. It was his ambition to become the agent of a Frank consul; and his applications in this behalf, both to English and:American visitors at Hebron, were unceasing and somewhat burdensome.' In the mean time, he was fond of appearing as the host and protector of Frank travellers, expecting thus to gain a sort of consideration in the eyes of his Muslim neighbours. This indeed had been the secret of his ready and somewhat officious hospitality towards ourselves. Before leaving Jerusalem, we had made arrangements, as we supposed, to have men and camels from the Jehalin ready for us at Hebron, so as to be able to set off immediately for Wady iMuIsa. We had accordingly expected to find them waiting our arrival; but by some mishap, connected probably with the shutting up of Jerusalem, our orders had never been transmitted to Hebron; and we were therefore compelled, to our great disappointment, to lose the whole of the two following days in waiting for camels. Our chagrin was still further aggravated by the mismanagement of Elias, by which we were led to expect the arrival of the camels at every hour; and were thus prevented from making excursions to various places in the vicinity of the town. Thursday, May 24th. The general appearance of Hebron, and the impression it made upon us as we formerly passed through it, on our way to Jerusalem, have already been described.2 It is situated in a deep narrow valley, which having its head in 1-See Mr. Stephens' description of the Elias however was not a Copt, as there repvisit and similar application of Elias to resented. himself; Incidents of Travel, II. p. 166.- 2 Vol. I. pp. 213, 214. Vom,. II.-7 ii. 430, 431

74 HEBRON. [SEc. X. the open country an hour north of the place, passes down S. S. E. at first broad, with many vineyards, and then narrower as it approaches the town, with high hills on either side. The town itself consists of three parts. The main quarter is around and north of the great mosk, upon the slope of the eastern hill; here are the bazars and the chief places of business. Further north, and separated from this part by an open space of fields, is another smaller cluster of houses, like a suburb. On the slope of the western hill, opposite the mosk and the south end of the main quarter, is also a smaller tract of houses; or rather, perhaps, the main quarter may be said here to extend across the valley and occupy the lower portion of both declivities. The town is without walls; yet at the entrance of one or two of the streets, in coming from the country, there are gates. Directly overagainst the main part of the town, the high western hill retreats somewhat, leaving a recess with the gentle slope on which we were encamped; while north of this the hill again advances, and the acclivity is thickly covered with olive orchards of very old trees.' —The geographical position of Hebron, so far as yet determined by a comparison of routes, is in Lat. 310 32' 30" N. and Long. 350 81 20" E. from Greenwich.2 The elevation above the sea is given by Schubert at 2664 and by Russegger at 2842 Paris feet.3 In the bottom of the valley, towards the south, where the town extends across it, is the lower pool; a square reservoir, measuring one hundred and thirty-three English feet on each side, built with hewn stones of good workmanship. The whole depth is twenty-one feet eight inches, of which the water now occupied not quite fourteen feet. Flights of steps lead down to it at each corner. Just at the north end of the main part of the town is another smaller pool, also occupying the bed of the valley, measuring eighty-five feet in length, by fifty-five feet broad; its depth is eighteen feet eight inches, of which the water occupied not quite seven feet. These reservoirs seemed to furnish the chief, if not the sole supply of the town at the time; and were constantly frequented by persons carrying away the water in skins. That of the upper pool seemed to be neither clear nor clean. The pools were said to be filled only from the rains. —Near the summit of the hill, north of our tent, was a fine cool fountain, from which we obtained our supply; it is sunk in the ground and arched over, with a flight of steps by which to de1 Schubert mentions here on the west 2 See Kiepert's Memoir in the former of the town a number of very old Pistacia- edition of this work, III. App. p. 34, 42. trees (Pistacia vera) with large trunks; s Schubert's Reise II. p. 469. BergReise II. p. 478. These we failed to no- haus' Annalen, Marz 1839, p. 429. tice. ii. 431-433

MAY 24.] THE POOLS. THE HARAM. 75 scend to it. Just north of the town too, by the side of the road along the bed of the valley, is another small fountain; which seemed to serve chiefly at this season for watering animals. The pools above described are doubtless of high antiquity; and one of them is probably to be regarded as the " pool of Hebron " over which David hanged up the assassins of Ishbosheth.' The other alleged antiquities of Hebron, (with the exception of the great mosk,) did not occupy our attention. We neither saw nor inquired after the tomb of Abner, nor that of Jesse, nor the red earth of which Adam was formed, nor the place where Cain slew Abel, nor various other legendary spots mentioned by early and later travellers. The place called by the Jews the " House of Abraham," an hour from Hebron towards Jerusalem, with the remains of massive walls, has already been described, as the probable site of what was held to be Mamre in the early Christian ages.2 The great Haram, or rather the exterior wall which encloses the mosk, constitutes the most remarkable object in Hebron, and one of the most so in all Palestine. It is also one of the most sacred places of the Muhammedans; being held to cover the sepulchre of Abraham and the other patriarchs. We had looked at it with some care in our previous visit; and it was now one of the first things to claim our further attention. On our way thither this morning, we called at the house of Elias in the north part of the main quarter, to pay him our respects in return for his kindness. We found that he and his family had already gone out to spend the day under the great oak, which we had passed yesterday; and had left an invitation for us to join them there, and breakfast with them at a later hour. We then proceeded to the mosk. The exterior has the appearance of a large and lofty building in the form of a parallelogram; its longest dimension being along the valley from N. N. W. to S. S. E. and not as in most ancient churches from W. to E. We measured on a line parallel to its eastern side and southern end, as near to it as we could; though not without some hints to desist, from an old man or two who came along. The length proved to be nearest two hundred feet, and the breadth one hundred and fifteen feet. The height cannot be less than fifty or sixty feet. The walls are built of very large stones, all bevelled and hewn smooth; and similar in all respects to the most ancient parts of the walls around the Haram at Jerusalem. But they are not in general so large, nor is the bevelling so deep.3 The architecture has this peculiarity, 1 2 Sam. 4, 12. upwards of twenty-five feet in length; 2 See Vol. I. pp. 215, 216. Travels p. 343. Legh under May 8th. According to Irby and Mangles, and We did not notice any larger than about also Mr Legh, some of these stones are eighteen feet. ii. 433, 434

76 HEBRON. [SEc. XL that the walls are built up externally with square pilasters, sixteen on each side and eight at each end,- without capitals, except a sort of cornice which extends along the whole building. Above this, the walls have been raised by the Muslims eight or ten feet higher, with a small turret or minaret at each corner. There are no windows in any part of these walls. The places of entrance are at the two northern corners, where a long and broad flight of steps of very gentle ascent, built up and covered along each side of the building externally, leads to- a door in each wall opening into the court within. That at the northwest corner seemed to be the principal entrance, merely perhaps as being the most conveniently situated.-The building stands upon the slope of the eastern hill; the rocks having been excavated along the upper side, in order to lay the foundations. According to all accounts, the structure here described, ineluding all that is visible from without, is merely an exterior enclosure of walls, around a court within. In this court stands the much smaller mosk, which is said to have been once a Christian church.' IHere in different parts, the Muhammedans have built tombs for the patriarchs; while their actual place of sepulchre is held to be in a cavern below, which even the faithful are not permitted to enter.2 But as the jealous bigotry of the Mussulmans of Hebron precludes all admittance to Franks and Christians; and the height of the exterior wall prevents any view of the interior, even from the adjacent hill; we are yet without any intelligible description of the mosk and its appurtenances, and know nothing at all of the cavern which thus represents the cave of Machpelah.3 The outer structure thus described, evidently belongs to a high antiquity; and the resemblance of its architecture to that of the remains of the ancient temple at Jerusalem, seems to point to a Jewish origin.4 Yet we have no certain accounts of 1 Life of Giovanni Finati, edited by Mr. ceedingly brief; and that of the former, Bankes, Vol. II. p. 236. Finati as a Mus- besides being brief, is so confused, that I sulman entered the mosk. can make out nothing either from his de2 "4 All the sepulchres of the patriarchs scription or his plates. Ali Bey, Vol. II. are covered with rich carpets of green silk pp. 232, 233.-Monro gives a more intelmagnificently embroidered with gold; those ligible account; but as he does not menof their wives are red, embroidered in like tion the source of his information, we are manner. The Sultans of Constantinople still left in the dark as to its credibility; furnish these carpets, which are renewed he speaks indeed as if from personal obserfrom time to time. I counted nine, one vation, for which most assuredly he never over the other, upon the sepulchre of Abra- had an opportunity; nor does he indeed ham. The rooms also which contain the expressly say so; Summer Ramble I. p. tombs, are covered with carpets." Ali 243 sq.-Benjamin of Tudela professes Bey's Travels II. p. 233. to give a description of the cavern, in which 3 The only Europeans, who have enter- he says are deposited vast-quantities of the ed this Haram, are the Spaniard Badia bones of Jews; Itin. p. 76 sq. (Ali Bey) travelling as a Mussulman, and 4 So too Mr Legh: " From the general Giovanni Finati, the Italian servant of Mr aspect of the building,. resembling neither Bankes. The account of the latter is ex- Grecian, Roman, nor early Christian ar-: ii. 434'436

MAY 24.] THE HARAM. 77 it; and all we can learn respecting it is from a few scattered hints in ancient writers, which merely serve to cast a further gleam of probability upon this conclusion. As a matter of course, monastic tradition refers the edifice to Helena, as one of her churches; but for this, as we have seen, there is not the slightest ground; while. the form, direction, and elevation of the structure, and especially the absence of windows, all go to show, that these walls were never any thing more than what they are at present, an exterior enclosure around an inner edifice or court. I know of nothing that should lead us to question the correctness of the tradition, which regards this as the place of sepulchre of Abraham and the other patriarchs, as recorded in the book of Genesis.2 On the contrary, there is much to strengthen it. Josephus relates, that Abraham and his descendants erected monuments over the sepulchres in question; which implies at least, that in his day the place was marked by some ancient memorial. In another passage he says expressly, that the sepulchres of the patriarchs were still seen in Hebron, built of marble and of elegant workmanship.3 In the days of Eusebius and Jerome, the monument of Abraham was yet pointed out;' and the Bourdeaux pilgrim in A. D.: 333, describes it as a quadrangle, built of stones of admirable beauty.5 This description appears to me, without much doubt, to refer to the exterior structure, as we see it now; and I venture to suppose, that this existed already in the days of Josephus and probably much earlier; and was either itself the monument referred to by him, or perhaps the sacred enclosure within which the tombs of the patriarchs were erected. The whole appearance of the building, as well as its architecture, leads decidedly to such a conclusion. The next notice we have of the sepulchre of the patriarchs is from Antoninus Martyr, not long before the Muhammedan conquest. He describes a "Basilica" upon the spot, a quadrangle with an interior court open to the sky, into which Jews and Christians entered from different sides, burning incense as they advanced.6 Arculfus visited Hebron near the close of the seventh century; he describes the several sepulchres themselves as small and mean; the feet being turned, not as usual towards the east, but towards the south; they were situated about a chitecture, it seemed to me to be possibly 6 "Inde Therebinto Chebron, Mil. II. of Jewish origin." May 8th. Ubi est memoria per quadrum ex lapidibus 1 See above, Vol. I. p. 375. mirre pulchritudinis, in quo positi AbraGen. c. 23. c. 25, 9. 49, 30. 31. 50, 13. ham,"' etc. Itin. Hieros. ed. Wesseling p. Ant. 1. 14. B. J. 4. 9. 7. 599. lIemoria is here i. q. monumentum Onomast. art. Arboch ('ApKCS). The sepulchrum; see Wesseling's note on the church described by Jerome in the same passage. article, was at the Terebinth; Eusebius 6 Antonini Mart. Itin. 30. does not mention it. VOL. II. —7* ii. 436 437

-78 HEBRON. [SEC. xr. stadium from ancient Hebron towards the east, and surrounded by a low wall. In the latter half of the eighth century, St. Willibald passed here on his way from Gaza to Jerusalem, and mentions the sepulchres of the patriarchs at a place called the "Castle of Aframia."2 In this corrupt reading we may recognise the first trace of the "Castle of St. Abrahamj' the name by which Hebron was generally known in the age:of the crusades, and in allusion to which it is still called among the Arabs el-Khdli6l. In like mannerSa3wulf, about A. D. 1103, speaks of the monuments of the patriarchs as surrounded by a strong castle.3 Thus far we find no mention either of a church or mosk within the enclosure:; unless it be the above notice of a " Basilica," by Antoninus Martyr, before the Muhammedan conquest. This seems however merely to refer to the exterior structure; for certainly Christians and Jews would not be found occupying a church together. Ali Bey indeed describes the present mosk as having formerly been a Greek church; remarking at the same time, that the body of it is Gothic.4 But here is an inconsistency; no Greek church has pointed arches, which were first introduced by the Saracens and imitated by the Latins. Hence, if the latter assertion of Ali Bey be correct, the edifice may not improbably have been built as a church by the Latins, when they erected Hebron into a bishopric in A. D. 1167.5 The historians of that age do not indeed mention the building of a church on that occasion; but neither do they speak of the Latin church at Neby Samwil, as to which however there can be no question. The Arabian historian of Jerusalem and Hebron, describes the mosk as having a large dome between two smaller ones towards the east and west; and speaks of a pulpit with carved work in wood, bearing date A. H. 484 (A. D. 1091); which however was first brought hither by Saladin after the capture of Askelon in A. D. 1187.6 Thus it appears to me, we may rest with confidence in the view, that the remarkable external structure of the Haram is " Horum locus Sepulchrorum quadrato 5 Will. Tyr. 20. 3. Le Quien Or. Christ. humili circumvenitur muroe;" Adamnanus III. p. 1270. William of Tyre says exex Arculfo 2. 10. The epithet humili was pressly, there had never been a Greek biprobably added from some misapprehen- shop at Hebron, but only a prior. Mejr sion on the part of Adamnanus himself. ed-Din about A. D. 1495 refers the mosk 2," Et inde tune ibat ad castellum Afra- to the times of the Greeks; by whom mia; ibi requiescunt tres patriarchae," etc. he most probably means the crusaders. Hodaepor. 21. p. 377. ib. 13. p. 387. ed. Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 375. Benjamin of Mabillon. Tudela, who was here after A. D. 1160, 3 " Hebron-in cujus orientali parte says the tombs had been built up by the monuments sanctorum patriarcharum an- Christians; Itin. p. 76 sq. tiquitus facta castello fortissimo circumcin- 6 Mejr. ed-Din in Fundgr. des Or. II. guntur." Sewulf Peregrinat. p. 269. p. 375. 4 Travels II. p. 232. ii. 437-439

MAY-24.] THE CASTLE, WATER-SKINS. 79 indeed the work of Jewish hands, erected -long before the destruction of the nation, around the sepulchre of their revered progenitors, "the Friend of God" and his descendants.1 The cave of Machpelah is described:in Scripture as at " the end of the field," overagainst Mamre,- the same as Hebron;2 and all the later writers above quoted, speak of the sepulchres of the patriarchs as at or in Hebron, not near it. Here then the "Father of the faithful," as also Isaac and Jacob, rested from their wanderings 1Just at the left of- the principal entrance of the Haram, is a small hole in the massive wall, through which the Jews are permitted- at certain times to look into the interior. Here several Jewish women were reading prayers and wailing; although the hole was now closed by-a shutter from within. I spoke to some of- them in German.; but they were all from Spain, and we could hold no communication. A little north of the Haram, on the main- street leading to it,- is a castle or citadel, not high, but with massive walls of great strength;: a part of which had been thrown down and were now lying in ruins. This was said to have been occasioned by an earthquake. It may perhaps with more probability be referred to the troops of Ibrahim -Pasha in 1834; since an earthquake powerful enough to overturn walls so massive, would hardly have failed to leave behind other traces of its devastations.-Near by the Haram, on the opposite side of the same street, the gateway of a' Khan, or some building of the kind, bears an inscription with the date of A. H. 679 (A. D. 1280), recording that it was erected by order of the Egyptian Sultan Seif ed-Din. In passing along the skirts of the town on the hill side north of: the Haram, we came upon a large manufactory of water-skins, occupying an extensive yard with several tanner's vats. These are merely the skins of goats stripped off whole, except at the neck; the holes at the legs and tail being sewed up. They are first stuffed out full and strained by driving in small billets and chips of oak wood; and are then filled with a strong infusion of oak bark for a certain time, until the hair becomes fixed and the skin sufficiently tanned. This constitutes the whole process. Not less than fifteen hundred skins were lying thus stuffed, in rows about the yard. They are sold at different prices, from fifteen up to forty piastres. This establishment is private property. The bazar is- on a street -not far north of the Haram. We were struck with the abundance and large size of the raisins; finer indeed than we saw anywhere else in the, east; and also with the excellence and cheapness of the fruits in general. The James 2, 23. a Gen. 23, 9. 17. 19. Comp. 35, 27. ii. 439 440

80 HEBaRBO. [SEC. XL large delicious oranges of Y~fa were selling here eight or ten for a single piastre. The butchers' stalls attracted our notice by the abundance of mutton hung out before them; the fatness and apparent delicacy of which would do credit to an English farmer. In other respects, the bazars were not well supplied; and portions of them stood empty and desolate in consequence (it was said) of the decay of trade, after the storming of the town in 1834. In the dark narrow lanes near the north end of the main quarter, are the manufactories of glass for which Hebron has long been celebrated.' We looked in upon some of these, and found the processes in general much the same as elsewhere, though more rude. The aspect of these establishments reminded me much of Pittsburg; though they are on a far inferior scale. The articles manufactured consist almost solely of small glass lamps, many of which are exported to Egypt; and rings of coloured glass, worn by females on the arms. We had seen great quantities of these for sale in Jerusalem; and several large crates of rings and lamps were now lying in the streets, ready for loading on camels for transportation. Returning to our tent, we found there several visitors from Jerusalem. From them we learned, that on the day of our departure proclamation had been made through the streets, that the city would be shut up on the following day; which was done accordingly. They and many others had left their homes; and were now wandering about in the neighbouring towns and villages. About 11 o'clock, we went out to pay our respects to Elias and his family under the great oak. Just as we left the town, two camels escorted by a few soldiers came in from Dftra, loaded with the miserable spoils in the shape of old and broken fire arms, extorted from the people of that place by the three governors.2 Our road was the same by which we had arrived yesterday, lying between two walls, and leading through rich fields and vineyards. The general character of these, as well as the variety and abundance of other fruits which grow around Hebron, such as figs, pomegranates, apricots, quinces, and the like, has already been alluded to, in connection with our former visit.3 We could now observe more nearly the peculiar mlanner of training the vines. They are planted singly in rows, eight or ten feet apart in each direction. The stock is suffered to grow up large to the height of six or eight feet, and is then fastened X These are mentioned in the 15th cen- 2 See above, p. 57. tury as already flourishing. Gumpenberg's l See the account of our first visit to Journal, A. D. 1449, Reissb. p. 445. Fe- Hebron, VoL I. p. 214. lix ]Fabri in A. D. 1483, ibid. p. 288. ii. 440-442

MAY 24.] VINEYARDS. THE OAK. 81 in a sloping position to a strong stake, and the shoots suffered to grow and extend from one plant to another, forming a line- of festoons. Sometimes two:rows are made to slant towards: each other, and thus form by their shoots a sort of arch. -These shoots are pruned away in autumn. The vineyards belonging to the city are very extensive, reaching almost- to Teffth, -and also for some distance towards Dhoheriyeh,: and covering the sides of nearly all the hills. The lodges of stone, which serve for the watchmen, and also in part for the families of Hebron during the vintage, have been before mentioned.' The vintage is a season of' hilarity and rejoicing to all; the town is then deserted, and the people live among the vineyards in the lodges and in tents. The produce of these vineyards is celebrated throughout Palestine. No wine however nor'Arak is made from them, except by the Jews; and this not in great quantity. The wine is good. The finest grapes are dried as raisins; and the rest being trodden and pressed, the juice is boiled down to a syrup, which under the name of Dibs2 is much used by all classes wherever vineyards are found, as a condiment with their food. It resembles thin molasses; but is more pleasant to the taste. The venerable oak (Sindian).to which we now came, is a splendid tree; we hardly saw another like it in all Palestine, certainly not on this side of the plain of Esdraelon. Indeed large trees are very rare in -this quarter of the country. The trunk of this tree measures twenty-two and a half feet around the -lower part. It separates almost immediately into three large boughs or trunks; and one of these again, higher up, into two. The branches extend from the trunk in one direction fortynine feet; their whole diameter in the same direction being eighty-nine feet, and in the other at right angles eighty-three and a half feet. The tree is in a thrifty state, and the trunk sound. It stands alone in the midst of a field; the ground beneath is covered with grass and clean; there is a well with water near by; so that a more beautiful spot for recreation could hardly be found. I am not sure whether this is the tree which Sir John Maundeville saw near Hebron, of which he relates that it was green in Abraham's day, but dried up at the time of our Saviour's crucifixion, like all the other trees then in the world.3 It seems to be mentioned by Belon in the sixteenth century, as a terebinth; and is described as such by writers in the following century.4 Vol. I. p. 213. 4 Belon Observat. Paris 1588, p. 324. 2 This is the Hebrew word t3J. signi-. Quaresmius Elucidat. Terra Sanct. II. p. fying'honey,' and also' syrup of giapes.' 783. Morone I. p. 306. Von Troilo OriTravels p. 68. Lond. 1839. ent. Reisebeschr. p. 325. Dresd. 1676. ii. 442, 443

82 HEBRON. [SEc. XI. But this is not a terebinth (Butm); nor is there any large tree of that species in the vicinity of Hebron. Least of all can this be either the tree of Abraham or its successor; for his terebinth probably stood more towards Jerusalem, and had already disappeared in the days of Jerome.' Here we found Elias and his family spending the day, and enjoying themselves beneath the wide spreading shade of the noble tree. The party consisted of himself, his wife, her sister a young woman about eighteen, their little son four or five years old, a young man, one of the secretaries of the governor of Jerusalem, and two servants. They had brought with them a rope, and suspended it as a swing from the branches of the tree. The two men were lounging at their ease upon carpets, smoking and occasionally tasting'Arak, which was presented in a small shallow bowl. The young guest was a man of more intelligence and good sense than the host. A fire was kindled not far off, at which the mistress and servants seemed to be engaged in cooking; while the sister and child were playing and swinging. We took our seats upon the carpets; pipes were offered and'Arak presented and tasted freely by the others; coffee was not brought. The guest joined in the sports of the sister and child; pursuing each other, swinging, laughing, and romping. After about an hour a servant came from the town, bringing a warm breakfast in a tray upon his head, thickly covered over with large thin sheets of the common bread of the country. Soon after came the wife's mother, who had remained at home to prepare the food. She was mounted on a fine gray mare; which, while yet at some distance, took a start and came up the field and steep banks at full speed; the lady sitting on both sides, and exhibiting no mean skill in eastern horsemanship. She was an active lively elderly woman, and seemed to be the life and soul of the family. We joined the men in breakfasting by ourselves; after we had finished, the women sat down apart at some distance. Such is the oriental custom, even among Christians. These females, and especially the elder, were not wanting in intelligence, though they had never been taught to read. They wore no veils, and exhibited no particular shyness before strangers. They were however from Damascus; where the Christian females are understood to enjoy more freedom, than in many other parts of the east.-We spent here a couple of hours; and then returned to our tent. In the course of the afternoon, I went out upon the eastern hills, in the hope of obtaining a view of the country around, and thus being able to connect Hebron with some of the points we had formerly visited or seen. But the prospect towards the 1 See above, Vol. I. p. 216. Onomast. arts. Drys, Arboch. ii. 443-445

MAY 25.] BREAKFAST. THE JEWS. 83 east and north was limited by higher hills near at hand, so that I was compelled to return disappointed in my hope. The summit of this ridge is crowned with vineyards; as is also that of the western hills on the opposite side of the valley. Painful as was the delay to which we were here subjected, we yet had enough to occupy our time in writing up our journals, and arranging our materials and plans for further inquiries. We were also amused with the proceedings of the people round about us. The fine grassy slope on which we were encamped, besides the cemetery on the north, was occupied towards the south by threshing-floors, where the various processes of threshing, or rather treading out the grain, were continually going on. The wheat harvest here in the mountains had not yet arrived; but they were threshing barley,'Adas or lentiles, and also vetches, called by the Arabs KIersenna, which are raised chiefly for camels. The various parcels had apparently lain here for several days; the people would come with their cattle and work for two or three hours, and then go away. Some had three animals, some four; and once I saw two young cattle and a donkey driven round together. In several of the floors they were now winnowing the grain, by tossing it up across the wind with a fork. Here we needed no guard around our tent. The owners of the crops came every night and slept upon their threshingfloors to guard them; and this we had found to be universal in all the region of Gaza. We were in the midst of scenes precisely like those in the book of Ruth; where Boaz winnowed barley in his threshing-floor, and laid himself down at night to guard the heap of corn.' Friday, May 25th. We had this morning some ground for hope, that we might be able to set off in the course of the day. This hope too proved vain; though it encouraged us for the moment. We went early to call on the chief Rabbi of the Jews. Finding a young Jew before our tent, and inquiring of him the way, he said the Rabbi was his master, and went with us. The Jewish dwellings are in the northwest part of the main quarter of the town. We were received at the entrance by a Spanish Jew of middle age, with a remarkable bright eye and good countenance; and ushered by him through a long series of passages, into a small but very neat room, with a divan around the walls, and the windows looking out upon the western hills. Everything here was perfectly clean; the walls and passages whitewashed; and the whole appearance far neater than anything I had yet seen of eastern life. The old Rabbi soon came in, blind of one eye and having a long white beard. My companion had already 1 Ruth 3, 2-14. ii. 445, 446

84 HEBRON. [SEC. XI. seen. him here in 1835. He was -a subject of Austria, from Venice; and was the same old man, for whom our countryman Mr Stephens had procured a passport and protection from the Austrian consul at Beirut in 1836. He now seemed sincerely grateful for this favour, and rejoiced to hear once more some tidings of the stranger who had thus been his benefactor.' The manner of the two men was very kind, without being ostentatiously so. Sherbet and coffee were brought; and they pressed us to breakfast, which we declined. As we sat conversing, we saw the cavalcade of the three governors coming in from Duira, descending the western hill beyond our tent; in all about twenty-five persons, mounted on beautiful horses,'gaily caparisoned. It was said, that they- were about to pass on to Carmel; but they stopped for the day in Hebron. We saw here none of the Jewish women, except in passing the open doors of different rooms where they were sitting; they greeted us kindly, Those whom we had met yesterday at the Haram, and indeed all we had yet seen in Palestine, were habited in white,-a long piece of white stuff like a veil or shawl thrown over the head, drawn together under the chin, and hanging down to the feet. Many of the Arab women dress in the same manner when they go out; but they wear a face-veil to conceal their features, which the Jewish females do not. The appearance of the latter was neat and prepossessing. Indeed, so far as concerns their general condition of thrift, cleanliness, and welfare, the Jews of Hebron seem to be far better off, than their brethren in Jerusalem or elsewhere in the Holy Land. As we were about to take leave, the two Rabbis of their own accord led us into the synagogue, situated under the same roof. It is a poor, but neat room, furnished with benches; in it was now a school of six or eight boys. The manuscripts of the Old Testament are kept in two cupboards or presses on one side. Like all Hebrew manuscripts, they are written upon long rolls of parchment, at each end of which a rod is fastened, so that they may be rolled backwards or forwards as a person reads; the columns being perpendicular to the length of the roll. In the first cupboard were six or eight manuscripts enclosed in cases standing upright. The rods are inserted into holes in the top and bottom- of the case;- and extend up through the top, where they are ornamented with large silver knobs not made fast. The rolls are read as they stand in the cases, without being taken from the cupboard. - The manuscript is thus wound off from one rod to the other as the reader advances; the rods being far enough apart to leave a column unrolled between. The other cupboard was also full of rolls; some of them in cases cov-' Incidents of Travel in Egypt, etc. II. p. 167 sq. ii. 446-448

BMAY 25.] THREE GOVERNORS. 85 ered over with silver or embroidery. These were said to be presents from wealthy Jews in Europe. —We bade adieu to these kind friends with feelings of respect; and were highly gratified by our visit. We now repaired to the top of the western hill, in the hope of obtaining a view of the country around. In this we were more successful than I had been yesterday upon the eastern ridge; and from the watchtower of a vineyard some distance south of the road to Dhoheriyeh, a prospect opened towards the east and south and west, which was very extensive and satisfactory. Towards the north and northeast we could see little or nothing. Before us Beni Na'im and Yflkin were visible near at hand; while in the distance we could distinguish Kerak very clearly. Further south the atmosphere was hazy; or we might perhaps have been able to make out Mount Hor. Carmel and the adjacent region were in full view. We could also mark the course of the great valley, which had formerly been on our right as we approached Beni Na'im,' and into which the valley of Hebron enters. It passes along southwest on the north of Yfitta and to the left of Dhoheriyeh, towards the region of Beersheba, where it apparently forms one of the main branches of Wady es-Seba'. Behind us, towards the west and southwest, was a sea of rocky hills; on one of which we could distinguish the village of Dhoheriyeh. We took here several important bearings, which are given in the note below.2 The presence of three such dignitaries as the governors of Gaza, Jerusalem, and Hebron, could not but naturally occasion some stir in such a town; and accordingly their movements and actions were the object of general observation. They too seemed not unwilling to make an impression of their dignity and importance. At the mid-day hour of prayer, we could perceive them from our tent proceeding, not to the Haram, but to an open platform adjacent to the west side of the lower pool, near which they lodged, where they performed their devotions in public, surrounded by a crowd of idlers. Although we were not in general much disposed to seek intercourse with authorities, yet as we were now going into a part of the country where the Egyptian government was less known and less felt, we thought it best to lay before the governor of Hebron our FirmAn from the Pasha, and inform him of our purpose, in order that in case of accident he might not throw off the responsibility, by saying we had gone See above,Vol. I. p. 489. Yfkin S. 61~ E. Kerak S. 50~ E. Peak 2 Bearings from the hill west of He- in the mountains of Moab near Khanzireh, bron: The Haram below us, half a mile S. 37~ E. Carmel, the tower, S. 8~ E. distant, N. 67~ E. Beni Na'im, estimated Dhoheriyeh S. 54~ NV. distance one hour and a half, N. 82~ E. VOL. II.-8 ii. 448,449

86. HEBRON. [SEC. XL without his knowledge. In the course of the afternoon, we there. fore sent our servant with the Firman to his excellency of Hebron, preparatory to paying our respects to him in person. The servant soon came back, saying that the three governors were still together, but could not read the Firman; it being in Turkish, and they having no. Turkish:secretary with them. They were however.ready to receive' us. We accordingly repaired to the house where they lodged, in the western -quarter of the town, near the: lower pool; but found them at dinner. We were nevertheless ushered into the apartment where they were eating, after putting off our shoes; and taking our seats at the side of the room, had leisure to observe the scene before us, which was not in the slightest degree interrupted by our entrance. The house was not large. The room was a common one of the country, about twenty feet square; the ceiling rising into one of the usual small domes upon the roof above it. The stone floor was nearly covered with small carpets of various sizes, qualities and colours; while a few:cushions were scattered in different parts along the walls. The governor of Gaza, Sheikh Sa'id, was the father of Sheikh Mustafa, governor of Jerusalem; while the governor of Hebron, whose name we did not learn, is subordinate to him of Jerusalem. Of course the principal personage was Sheikh Sa'id, a fine jolly elderly Mussulman, with good natured intelligent features, and an air of decision, not inconsistent with an evident liking for therenjoyment of good cheer. His son, Sheikh Mustafa, was tall and slender, with a very fine and prepossessing countenance; the Franks indeed complained of him as uncourteous, but one would not expect it from his physiognomy. The Sheikh of Hebron had a more vulgar and almost forbidding aspect. They were dining in the true oriental, and, as it would seem, official style. A very large circular tray of tinned copper, placed upon a coarse wooden stool about a foot high, served as the table. In the centre of this stood a large tray or dish with a mountain of pillaw, composed of rice boiled and buttered, with small pieces of meat strewed through and upon it. This was the chief dish; although there were- also other smaller dishes, both of meat and vegetables. Around this table ten persons, including the three governors, were seated, or rather squatted on their feet. Each had before him a plate of tinned copper and a wooden spoon. Some used the spoon, without the plate; but the most preferred to eat with the fingers of the left hand, without the aid of either spoon or plate. They all seemed earnestly engaged, and took no notice of any interruption. When at length any one had finished, he immediately rose, and went and washed ii. 449-451

MAY 25.] THREE GOVERNORS. 87 his hands, by having water poured upon them in an adjacent room. The vacant place at table was immediately filled by a new comer. The Sheikh of Gaza outsat them all; but at last turned round and greeted us kindly. He was the only one who did not leave his place to wash; but had the water brought to him where he sat. An old Derwish from Bagdad was also present, now on his return from Mecca; he had made use of his spoon, and did not wash at all. Sheikh Sa'id now drew back to the middle of that side of the room where we were sitting, opposite to the entrance, so that we were now on his left. His colleagues took their seats on his right; the old Derwish sat down near us on our left; ten or twelve other persons were seated around the'room; while many were continually passing in and out. Sheikh Sa'id was emphatically the great man, gave all the orders, and led the whole conversation; his colleagues sitting in such a position, that they could not address us, nor we them. A poor ragged peasant now came in with perfect unconcern, presented himself before Sheikh Sa'id, uncovered his wounded shoulder, and begged charity. The Sheikh instantly sent him out; at the same time ordering a garment to be given him. This is one of the traits of oriental society and government, that the highest are thus entirely accessible to the lowest. Coffee was now brought, and presented first to the three Sheikhs, then to us, and afterwards to the rest. There was a good deal of conversation in the room; the old Derwish made inquiries about the new world; he began at length a sort of homily upon the vanity of wealth and power, in which he was rather unceremoniously cut short by Sheikh Sa'id, and soon left the room. The Sheikh confirmed the intelligence we had heard, that Jerusalem was shut up; but said an order had since been received from the head-quarters at Aleppo, to impose no quarantine upon the city at large, but only upon the houses where the plague should actually exist. He supposed that the gates would be immediately opened. This was welcome news to us; but the latter part at least did not turn out to be true. He further said, that there was now no danger whatever in going to Wady Muisa, and made not the slightest objection to our undertaking the journey, but rather gave it his sanction. We too were disposed to regard the present as a favourable moment for accomplishing our object; for the visit of the governors to this region would of course be known among the Bedawin, and prevent for the time any hostile incursion from the Arabs east of the Dead Sea and Gh6r; the only source from which any danger was to be apprehended to travellers. The conversation of Sheikh Sa'id showed him to be a man of quickness and good sense; and it ii. 451, 452

88 flEBRO,. [SEc. XI was probably this union of intelligence and bonhommie, that had obtained for him the confidence of Muhammed Aly, and the' powerful influence which he now wielded over the ancient territories of Judah and Edom.' We returned after an hour. As we were now expecting to set off early the next morning, we went to take leave of Elias, whom we found at home lounging on his divan. The following data for the population of Hebron were given us by Elias, who had the best opportunity of knowing the truth. According to him, there were at the time fifteen hundred taxable Muhammedans, and forty-one Jews who paid taxes, besides some two hundred Jews who had European protections. He himself was the only Christian in Hebron; nor are there asny others in the whole district. Not less than seven hundred and fifty Muslims had been taken as soldiers, and about five hundred were killed during the rebellion of 1834. He estimated the whole population at ten thousand souls; which is perhaps not very much larger than the true number. The trade of Hebron received a heavy blow in 1834, in consequence of the part which the people took in the rebellion of that year, and the subsequent sacking of the place by the Egyptian troops. From this shock it had not yet recovered. Many of the glass lamps and trinkets manufactured here, are exported to Egypt; as well as large quantities of Dibs and raisins. The cities too of the middle and south of Palestine appear to draw their supplies of all these articles chiefly from Hebron. Notwithstanding the immense vineyards, neither wine nor'Arak, as we have seen, is made for exportation. I have formerly alluded in general terms to the antiquity of Hebron, and to some of the circumstances of its early history.2 It is doubtless one of the most ancient cities still existing; having been built, as the sacred writer informs us, "'seven years before Zoan in Egypt;" and being mentioned in Scripture still earlier than Damascus.3 Its most ancient name was Kirjath, Arba:,' City of Arba,' so called from Arba the father of Anak and the Anakim, who dwelt in and around Hebron.4 The town 1The subsequent fortunes of Sheikh to Damascus to await in prison the pleaSa'id show, that he might have done well sure of the government. Both father and to listen to the homily of the old Derwish, son were still in prison in June 1840. upon the vanity of wealth and power. In 2 Vol. I. p. 213 sq. the year 1839, as I am informed, he was Num. 13, 22. Gen. 13, 18; comp. deposed from his government on a charge 15, 2. of mal-administration and corrupt prac- 4 Gen. 23, 2. Josh. 14, 15. 15, 13. tices; his large possessions seized; and he 21, 11. Judg. 1, 10. etc. In connection himself thrown into prison at'Akka, and with this name, we have a curious instance subjected to the bastinado, until he gnawed of the origin of a false tradition. The pasthe flesh of his own arms in agony. At sage in Joslh 14, 15, reads literally thus: the same time, his son, Sheikh Mustafa, "'And the name of Hebron before was was also deposed at Jerusalem, and sent (Kirjath-Arba) the city of Arba, a great ii. 452-454

MAY 25.] STATISTICS. HISTORY.:89 itself appears also to have been called:Mamre, probably from. the name of ABraham's friend;while the terebinth of Malmre is placed, by. a tradition older than Josephus, at some distance from. the town towards Jerusalem.' The ancient city lay also in.a valley; and the two pools, one of which at least is as early as the time: of David, serve unquestionably to identify the modern with the ancient site.2: Here Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob lived and walked. with God; and here they were all entombed. From Hebron or its neighbourhood Jacob and, his sons went down by way of Beersheba to Egypt to meet and dwell with Joseph.3 After the return of the Israelites from Egypt, the city was taken by Joshua, and given over to Caleb, who drove out the Anakim from the region;4 it was afterwards made one of the six cities of refuge, and assigned to the Levites and priests.5 Hebron became at length the royal residence of David, where he reigned for seven and a half years over Judah; and here too he was anointed king over all Israel.6 It. was also at Hebron, that Absalom: raised the standard of rebellion.7 This was likewise one of the places fortified by Rehoboam; and after the exile the returning Jews dwelt again in the city and surrounding villages." The name of Hebron does not occur any further in the Old Testament, and not at all in the New:; but we learn from the first book of Maccabees and Josephus, that it came into:the power of the Edomites, who had taken possession of the south of Judah, and was recovered from them by Judas Maccabaeus. man among, the Anakim." But as -the l Mamre is expressly said to be Hebron, Hebrew word Wp.!y (Arba) also signifies Gen. 23, 19. 35, 27. Comp. 14, 13. 24. four, and the word for mnans (Ri) Adam, The terebinth of Mamre, (Engl. version less correctly, plain of Mamrc,) seems to is likewise used as a proper name, some of be distinuished from Hebron o Mamre the Jewish Rabbins in this verse took IKir- H e o jath-Arba in the meaning Icity of the itself, Gen. 13, 18. 18, 1. See Vol.'1 itself, Gen. 13, 18. 18, 1. See ~oi. I th-rba in the meanin ty of the p. 216 and n. 1. Reland Pal. p. 711 sq. four,' and read likewise' Adam the great' isted there and..' 1..O For the market which existed there, and instead of''a great man then Ithe the sale of the captive Jews under Adrian, four' were held to be the patriarchs Adam, see Vo I.p Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, who were 15eland pp. 714 supposed to be all buried here. The same conceit Jerome doubtless derived from his 2 Gen. 37, 14 "the vale of Hebron." 2 Sam. 4, 12. Jewish teacher: "Arbee, id est, quatuor; eo quod ibi quatuor patriarchay Abraham, Gen. 37, 14. 46, 1 sq. Isaac et Jacob sepulti sunt, et Adam mag- Josh. 10, 36. 37. 14, 6-15. 15, 13. nus, ut in libro Jesu scriptum est;." Ono- 14. Judg. 1, 20. mast. art. Ar'boch. Comm. in Matth. 27, 6 Josh. 20, 7. 21, 11. 13.33.= Hence the Vulgate likewise reads in 6 2 Sam. 2, 1-4. 11. 1 K. 2, 11. 2 the same verse:."AAdam maximus ibi inter Sam 5, 1 3. Enacim situs est." See Bochart Phale,: 2 Sam 15, 9. 10. ed. Villem. p. 300.-A tomb of Adam was shown here with those of the other patri- 2 Chr. 11, 10. Neh. 11, 25. archs in the seventh century (Adamnanus 9 1 Macc. 5, 65.. Joseph. Ant. 12. 8. 6. 2. 10); and from this source probably For this invasion of the Edomites, and their came the later traditions, which connect subsequent subjection by John Hyrcanus, the creation of Adam with Hebron. see above, p. 69. VOL. IX.-8* ii. 454, 455

90 HEBRON. [SEC. XI. It was afterwards seized by the rebel Simon Giorides; but recaptured and burnt by Cerealis an officer of Vespasian.1 In the same connection, Josephus describes the tombs of the patriarchs as existing there in his day; and both Eusebius and Jerome, and all subsequent writers who mention Hebron, down to the time of the crusades, speak of it chiefly as containing these sepulchres; under which they probably refer more particularly to the ancient massive exterior walls described above, as being apparently remains of Jewish antiquity.2 In the course of time, this remarkable external structure, enclosing the tombs of Abraham and the other patriarchs, came to be called the "Castle of Abraham;" and by an easy transition, this name was afterwards applied to the city itself. We have already seen the earliest trace of it in a notice of St. Willibald in the eighth century;3 and in the time of the crusades, the names of Hebron and the Castle of St. Abraham, were used interchangeably.4 Hence, as Abraham is also distinguished among the Muhammedans by the appellation el-Khhlil, the Friend, i. e. of God, this latter epithet passed over among them into a name of the city; and they now know Hebron only as el-Khilil.5 Soon after the capture of Jerusalem by the crusaders, Hebron appears also to have fallen into their hands, and in A. D. 1100 was bestowed as a fief by Godfrey of Bouillon upon Gerhard of Avennes.6 Saewulf, two years after, describes it as in ruins.7 We hear not much more of it in the history of those times. In two of the expeditions of king Baldwin I, into the region southeast of the Dead Sea, in A. D. 1100 and 1116, he is said to have passed by Hebron in going or returning; and the same was perhaps the case in the other similar expeditions of the same sovereign in A. D. 1115, and in that of Baldwin III, in A. D. 1145.8 In A. D. 1167; Hebron was raised to be a 1 Joseph. B. J. 4. 9. 7, 9. Abraham, are referred by other writers of Onomast. art. Arboch. See the other the same age to Hebron; Gesta Dei p. notices down to the time of the crusades, 580. Will. Tyr. 10. 8.-William of Tyre pp. 77, 78. See also the general ac- speaks only of Hebron, e. g. 8. 1. ib. 10. count of the Haram, pp. 75-79. 8. ib. 15. 6. etc. Abulfeda has Beit He3 See p. 78. brun; Tab. Syr. ed. Koehler p. 87. Comp. Edrisi mentions Hebron only under Mejr ed-Din in Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 140. the name " Kabr Ibrahim," Abraham's 5 Abulfeda describes here the "Mesjid sepulchre; ed. Jaubert p. 338. Albert Ibrahlm el-Khillil," Tab. Syr. p. 87. n. Aquensis (in Gesta Dei) uses only the Schulten's Index in Vit. Salad. art. Beitname "Castellum sen Proesidium ad St. Sjebrinum. So too Ibn Batfta p. 19. Abraham," 7. 15, 41, 43. ib. 10. 32. ib. 12. See also d'Herbelot Biblioth. Orient. arts. 22. (Comp. Gesta Dei p. 604.) In this Abraham and Khalil. Comp. James 2, last passage, indeed, he seems to distinguish 23. the "Prasidium ad St. Abraham" from the 6 Albert. Aq. 7. 15. Wilken Gesch. valley of Hebron; and in 7. 41 he places der Kr. II. p. 44. the former near the Dead Sea; so that it Peregrinat. p. 269. is very possible he may have thought it to For the first of these military expedi be a differentplace from Hebron. Yet the tions, A. D. 1100, see Albert. Aq. 7. 41, same facts which he here relates of St. 43. Fulcher Carn. 23. p. 405. Guiii. 455-457

MAY 25.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 91 Latin episcopal see, and Rainald appointed bishop; there had before been here only a Greek priory.' The title of bishop of Hebron continued for some time in the Romish church, and four other bishops are mentioned, one of them as late as A. D. 1365.2 But this was merely nominal; for after the capture of Jerrusalem by Saladin in A. D. 1187, Hebron also reverted to the Muhammedans, and has ever since remained in their possession. The church which the Christians had built or at least decorated, within the structure around the tombs of the patriarchs, now became a mosk, and was honoured with presents from the Sultan.3 Thus far there is nothing to excite a doubt as to the identity of the site of the ancient and modern city. Arculfus near the close of the seventh century, found the place without walls, exhibiting only the vestiges of an ancient desolated city; although a multitude of people yet lived there in miserable dwellings scattered in the valley, partly within and partly without the ruins of the former walls.4 Yet Benjamin of Tudela, after A. D. 1660, affirms, that the ancient city was situated on a mountain, and was then desolate and deserted; the city of that day being in the valley.5 Brocardus, a century later, repeats this account, with more particulars; according to him, the ancient city was on the hill north of the slope on which we encamped, three bow-shots west of north from the modern town, where nothing was then visible except large ruins.6 This story is copied by writers of the following centuries; and the idea seems to have become current, that the ancient city lay upon the hill.7 Yet none of the travellers of the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, speak of any ruins there, on their own knowledge. We were not aware of this old report at the time of our visit; and therefore did not examine the hill in question. My companion has since informed me, that according to his impression, the site of a former village was spoken of on that hill, bert 7. 36. Will. Tyr. 10. 8. Wilken denbach in Reissb. p. 133. Quaresmius Gesch. der Kr. II. pp. 88, 89.-For that in II. p. 771 sq. Zuallart. Viagg. p. 233. Von A. D. 1116, see Alb. Aq. 12. 22. Wilken Troilo p. 321, Dresd. 1676. The site upon ib. p. 403. Comp. Will. Tyr. 11. 29.-For the hill is alluded to (but not ruins) by F. the two others, see Will. Tyr. 11. 26.'abri in Reissb. p. 287; and also by BaumWilken ib. p.402. Will. Tyr. 16. 6. Wil- garten p. 78.-But Maundeville, Lud. de ken ib. III. i. p. 208. Suchem, and William of Baldensel, who all Will. Tyr. 20. 3. Jac. de Vitr. 57. passed through Hebron in the fourteenth 2 Le Quien Oriens Chr. III. p. 1270. century; as well as Stephen von GumpenE. g. the carved pulpit; Mejr ed-Din berg, F. Fabri, and Mejr ed-Din, who miin Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 375. See above, nutely describe it near the close of the p. 78. fifteenth; and also Belon who was here 4 Adamnanus ex Arculfo 2. 8. about the middle of the sixteenth; make Itin. p. 76. no allusion to any other site than that of 6 Brocardus c. 9. p. 185. the present town. 7 By Marinus Sanutus, p. 248. Breyii. 457, 458

92:EBRON,-: [Snc. XL similar to several others in the neighbourhood- of Hebron; but with the remark that there were no remains there of importance. Had we then known the circumstances above related, we should certainly have gone upon the hill, and ascertained the facts for ourselves. The, later researches of friends-1l show conclusively, that there is nothing on that hill to counterbalance the mention of " the valley of Hebron" in the book of Genesis, and the strong evidence of the ancient pools.2 In the fourteenth century, pilgrims passed from Sinai to Jerusalem directly, through the desert, by Beersheba and Hebron.3 In the following century, this route was abandoned for that by Gaza; yet the pilgrims sometimes took Hebron in their way, or visited it from Jerusalem.4 Writers of that period describe here an immense charitable- establishment or hospital, situated near the Haram, where twelve hundred loaves of bread, besides oil and other condiments, were daily distributed to all comers, without distinction of nation or religion. The annual -expenses were said to amount to twenty-four thousand ducats; of which two thousand were derived from the village of Stimmeil in the western plain.6 Hebron continued to be occasionally visited by travellers, down to the latter part of the seventeenth century; although. before that time, it seems no longer to have been generally resorted to by pilgrims. But from that period onward until the present century, no Frank traveller appears to have found his way to the city of the Patriarchs. Morison relates,- in A. D. 1698, that a few years before, a French (Frank?) merchant on a visit to Hebron, being mounted on a spirited horse, rode over and killed a child in the streets. Although he made shift to escape the rage of the people by flight, yet such was the excitement and the hatred caused by - So Rev. S. Wolcott, in Biblioth. Sac. 5Gumpenberg's Journal in Reissb. p. 1843, p. 59, 60. 445. F. Fabri ib. pp. 288, 289. Mejr ed2 See pp. 88-90. A remark of Je- Din in Fundgr. des Orients II. p. 377. rome may seem at first to favour the site This last writer says there were- three disupon the hill, and perhaps gave:rise to the tributions of bread and the like daily; in story; Quaest. in Gen. xxxv. 27, "pro the morning and at noon to the inhabiArbee in Septuaginta campum habet, quum tants only; and in the afternoon' to all Chebron in monte sita est." But this ex- comers. pression "in monte " stands here by way of 6 F. Fabri 1. c.-For the error which antithesis to a plain, and is therefor converts Stimmeil:into:St. Samuel, and equally applicable to a high hill-side; im the greater blunder of -Breydenbach, see which sense it would also be true of the above p. 33, and Note XXXI, end of the present town. The ancient city was volume. doubtless larger- and extended further up 7 Zuallart speaks of Hebron, probably the sides of the valley.' without having seen -it; p. 233. So too So Maundeville, L. de Suchem, W. de Cotovicus, p.:241' sq. Quaresmius' apBaldensel. pears to have been there, II.' p. 769 sq.' Gumpenberg was here in-A. D. 1449; Von Troilo visited it in 1666, p. 319 sq. Breydenbach and F. Fabri in 1483, on their But both Surius: -and Doubdan, -who were way to Gaza; Baumgarten' in 1507, com- earlier than he, and strictly pilgrims, make ing from Gaza; Belon about 1548; etc. no mention of Hebron. ii. 458-460

MAY 25.] HISTORICAL NOTICES.'93 this accident against the Christians, that from that time no traveller had ventured to approach the place.1 It is not unlikely that some accident of this kind may have alarmed the fears of the monks, and led them to dissuade travellers from going thither; but their timidity was probably still more wrought upon, by the restless and warlike disposition of the people of Hebron, and their continual feuds with the inhabitants of Bethlehem and other neighbouring villages; they being of the Keis party, and the latter of the Yemen.2 Hasselquist in 1751 mentions, that five or six years before, "the inhabitants of Bethlehem and Hebron carried on such a war as destroyed the greatest part of the best inhabitants of both villages; and the neighbourhood of Bethlehem was entirely laid waste."3 Even so late as 1807, Ali Bey fell in with "a band of Christian shepherds, who were going to Jerusalem, to lay a complaint against the Mussulman shepherds of Hebron, who had carried off a part of their cattle. They had with them two camels, which they had taken from the Mussulmans as reprisals."4 Under such circumstances, it is not surprising, that the influence of the monks should have been successfully exerted, to restrain travellers from extending their excursions towards the south beyond the pools of Solomon. In the present century, Seetzen was the first to lay open again the way to Hebron in 1806; he travelled from here to Mount Sinai through the desert, making however a circuit almost to Gaza.5 He was followed the very next year by Ali Bey., Then another interval of eleven years elapsed, before the visit of Irby and Mangles and their party in 1818, as they passed this way on their route to Wady Mftsa.7 Thirteen years later, in 1831, Poujoulat made an excursion hither from Jerusalem, as did Monro in 1833.8 Then came the rebellion of 1834; in which the people of Hebron and the whole region round about bore a conspicuous part, and brought down upon themselves a heavy retribution. They were among the last to hold out; and when, after quelling the disturbances at NAbulus, Ibrahim Pasha marched southwards with his troops, the rebels gave him battle not far from Solomon's pools, and were defeated.9 They retired and entrenched themselves in Hebron; but Ibrahim pressed forward, carried the place by storm, and gave it over to sack and pillage. Many were slain; and the Jews especially are reported to have suffered the most Relation Historique p. 480. 4 Ali Bey's Travels, II. p. 230. a See above, p. 17. Quaresmius re- 5 See his letter in Zach's Monatl. Cor.. lates, that in his day (about 1620) Tekoa resp. XVII. p. 132 sq. was seldom visited for a similar reason: 6 Travels II. pp. 230, 231. "Non facile possumus Thecuam ire, prop- 7 Trav. p. 342 sq. [104.] Legh, May 7, 8. ter ibi et in via ilhabitantes et discurren- s Correspond. d'Orient V. p. 211 sq. tos Arabes." Vol. II. p. 687. Summer Ramble, I. p. 232 sq. 3 Reise nach Palast. p 170.' See above, Vol. I. p. 217. ii. 460. 461

94 HEBRON. [SEC. XI. cruel outrages from tne Drutal soldiery.! Many of the rebels escaped and:fled to Kerak on the east of the Dead Sea; they were pursued by Ibrahim and his troops; and that place too was taken and laid in ruins. These events inflicted a heavy blow on Hebron, from which it had- not yet recovered.2 This war removed all obstacles in the way of travellers. My companion was at Hebron in 1'835, with other American friends; and since that time, the city has every year been more or less visited by travellers, with as much facility as any other part of Palestine.-In 1839, Hebron was for a short time in the possession of the rebel Abd er-Rahman of DAra. 1 Stephens' Incidents etc. IL p.: 165. l'an 1823 rlan 1838, Paris 1839. pp. 73Paxton's Letters from Palest. p. 142. 85.- The narative is written in an EgypLond. tian spirit, with several topographical bulm2 See some notices of this war in Men- ders. gin's Histoire Sommaire de rEgypte etc. do ii. 461, 462

SECTION XII. FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA AND BACK. ON our departure from Jerusalem, we had left a letter to be forwarded to Elias in Hebron, requesting him to send word to the Sheikh of the Jehalin, and have him waiting for us with camels, when we should arrive on the 23d of May. This letter never reached its destination; and we were thus subjected to the disappointment and delay already described. Our first care in Hebron was, to despatch a messenger to the camp of the Jehalin beyond Carmel. This service Elias undertook to perform for us; and informed us, that he had sent a man the same evening. As the distance was not more than three or four hours, we thought we might reasonably expect the, camels, so as to set off the next afternoon, at the latest. But the morrow (Thursday) came and went, without any tidings either from the Jehhlin or of the messenger. The following morning, Friday, as we were sitting after breakfast in our tent, we were somewhat surprised to see the head Sheikh of the Jehalin, Defa' Allah, whom we had formerly.met at the encampment of the Ta'Amirah, riding up to our tent accompanied by a single man on foot. It turned out, however, that he had come from Duira, where he had been for several days with the governors of Gaza and Jerusalem. He was merely passing through Hebron on his way home; and seeing our tent, called to pay us a visit. He had of course seen or heard nothing of our messenger. We now made a bargain with him in the presence of Elias, for five camels to Wady Muisa- and back; to go by way of the south end of the Dead Sea and Wady el-'Arabah, and return by the more direct route over Semrf'a. The price of the camels was to be two hundred and forty piastres, or twelve dollars each. There were to be five men, all armed; one of whom was to be a responsible person, either the head Sheikh himself or one of his brothers; and for these we were to furnish provisions. Had we chosen to go and return by the direct route, the price would have been ten dollars for each camel.. It seemed ii. 463, 464

96 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. X. to be a matter of indifference to Defa' Allah, which route we took; there was not the slightest hint of any more danger on the one than on the other; nor indeed was danger to be apprehended on either, excepting from casual predatory parties, which might be crossing the Ghor or'Arabah. We took the fifth camel for the sake of a supply of water in the Gh6r; and therefore concluded to take also our second servant, whom we had intended to leave at Hebron till our return. The Sheikh now left us, expecting on his way home to meet the camels coming to us. But the day again wore off in expectation and in disappointment. It turned out afterwards, that the messenger said to have been sent by Elias, had never reached the encampment; so that the camels had to be collected from the distant pastures, and all the preparations made, after the return of the Sheikh. This was enough to occupy Arab dilatoriness for the remainder of the day; and consequently, the camels did not set off for Hebron until the next morning.-There was reason to suppose, that no messenger had ever been sent by Elias, notwithstanding his assurances; he had perhaps directed his servant to send a man, and given himself no further trouble in the matter. This and other instances of shuffling conduct, prevented all confidence in the man; and left only a painful impression, in respect to the sole representative of the Christian name in Hebron. Had he performed what he undertook, we should not have lost a day; or had he frankly said he had not sent or could not send, we should have taken other measures, and have improved our time to visit Beni Na'im, or Suisieh, or other places in the vicinity. As it was, two days were comparatively lost to us; and we, during the whole interval, subjected to that " hope deferred which maketh the heart sick." Saturday, May 26th. This morning was the coolest we had long felt; the thermometer at sunrise standing at 430 F. The camels arrived at 9 o'clock. But we found they had been hastily collected; were without proper furniture; and were indeed intended only to transport us to the territory of the tribe, where we were to stop over the Christian Sabbath. Defa' Allah also made his appearance, and assured us, that we should afterwards have dromedaries and better camels; indeed some delay was occasioned by purchasing saddles and other furniture in Hebron. We deposited with Elias a portmanteau containing our papers and books, and such articles as we did not need upon the journey; and he afterwards came to bid us adieu. All these particulars, and the loading of the camels, occupied what seemed to our impatience no little time. At length, at twenty minutes past 11 o'clock, we set off, keeping at first down the valley, which soon bends more to the ii. 464, 465

MAY 26.] PREPARATIONS. DEPARTURE. 97 S. S. W. where we left it, to cross obliquely the eastern hill. Descending afterwards gradually through a rocky tract for nearly half an hour, we passed the great Wady into which that of Hebron enters, and which then bears the name of Wady el-KhUlil. It is here an open valley among the rocky hills.-I had soon found that my camel, which had been assigned to me as having a stuffed saddle, had also a most intolerable gait, the worst indeed I had ever encountered. I immediately exchanged with one of our servants, and thus, after five minutes delay, obtained the easiest camel I had yet mounted. The way continued over a broken tract, approaching the open plain or basin on the west of Ziph and Carmel. At ten minutes before one we passed a well; and having now come out upon the open country, we reached at 1 o'clock the foot of Tell Zif, where we had formerly fallen into our present road in travelling from Beni Na'im. The road and country from this point to Carmel, have already been described.' We reached Carmel at 2.25, in just three hours from Hebron; here we stopped for fifteen minutes to water the camels. Proceeding on our way at 2.40, we passed on the west of 31a'in, not far from the foot of the hill; and began soon to ascend the mountain ridge beyond, along the bed of a small Wady.2 Another road equally direct to ez-Zuweirah goes on the left of Ma'in; we had taken the present one in order to encamp near water. An hour from Carmel brought us to the top of the ridge at 3.40; from which looking back, Ma'in bore N. 8~ W. and YUtta N. 300 W. We now began to descend by a similar Wady on the other side; and a wide prospect soon opened before us, over the country towards the Dead Sea and on the south. An eminence was pointed out near Zuweirah, bearing S. 20~ E. The course and chasm of the Dead Sea were distinctly visible; but not the water, which lies too low. The extensive tract we now overlooked, had much of the general character of that around Beersheba; with which indeed it is connected, stretching off in that direction around the southwestern termination of the long ridge which we were now crossing. This tract has apparently a lower level than the enclosed plain behind us around Carmel; the descent of the mountain on this side being greater than the ascent from the north. The country in general is not fertile; though it is in some parts used for tillage, and affords tolerable pasturage. The grass, which earlier in the season had been good, was See above Vol. I. pp. 492, 493. With 2 For Carmel, Maon, and the country camels, our rate.:of travel by the hour had around, see above,Vol. I. pp. 493-498. The now of course become again nearest 2 geo- mountain ridge is also mentioned,Vol. I. pp. graphical, 2* English, or 2, Roman miles. 490, 494. VOL. II.-9 ii. 465-467

98 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. now dried up; and very few shrubs or trees appeared throughout the whole region. This is the country of the Jehhlin, who were now gathering in their scanty wheat harvest. The tract belonged anciently to the south of Judah, lying beyond the mountainous district of that tribe, and extending so as to comprise -:Beersheba and Kadesh. -The main encampment of the Jehalin was at- this time high up on the southeast side of the mountain, on a -small shelf or terrace of cultivated land, overlooking: the wide plain. It lay at some distance on the right of our road; and we first saw it at 4- o'clock. We passed along on a course about S. S. E. among occasional fields of grain in the shallow Wadys, where the reapers were-at work; and encamped at a quarter before 5 o'clock near a small threshing-floor belonging to the Jehalin.' Not far off was a reservoir of rain water. Thus far we had only: three men, one of whom was Sheikh Salim; but here we were to be fitted out with a-new set of camels, with every thing in proper order for the journey. It was not yet so late but that we received many visits; and found that although encamped in the desert, we were not likely to lack an abundance of company. The encampment of the JehMlin was in full view on the mountain towards the northwest at the distance of an hour or more, consisting of seventy or eighty black tents arranged in a large circle. There was said to be one other smaller encampment, which we did not see. The whole tribe belongs to the Keis party, and was said to muster about one hundred and fifty men. None of them can read or write; nor have they any one to lead them in their worship; nor do they assemble for prayer on Friday, the Muhammedan sabbath. On being told that the Ta'Amirah have a Khatib, they said the Ta'amirah were Fellahin; implying that of the real Bedawin none learn to read.-The tribe paid last year to the government a tribute (Miry) of thirty purses. They are obliged also often to furnish camels for the public service; for which they had only in one case been paid. The animals were once taken to Damascus, and the service credited as part of their tribute. The Jehalin had at this time twenty-two horses and about two hundred camels. The horses of course belonged to the Sheikhs; of the camels, the chief Sheikh owned twenty-fiveor thirty. There is no living water within the territory of the tribe, except at Kurmul. The cistern near which we were encamped, was large, and excavated in a rocky ledge, with a hole above like a well. There had formerly been an opening below on the side; but this was now stopped-with large stones laid in mortar. When the cisterns become exhausted later in summer, 1Josh. 15, 21-32; comp. vs. 48-60. ii. 467 468

MAY 27.] THE JEHALIN. 99 they have no resource, but to remove their flocks and other animals to the vicinity of Kurmul; where they water in common with the Ka'Abineh.1 At this season of the year, their flocks were watered every two days, and the camels once in three days. As a matter of course, they are exceedingly careful of the supply in their cisterns; and a man received a sharp rebuke in our presence from the Sheikh, for having suffered some'Alawin to water a few sheep at that in our neighbourhood. The- Jehalin have not been disarmed; they have still their old muskets with match locks; and make their own gunpowder. The nitre they obtain from the dust of the ruined villages in their country; and the sulphur from the shores of the Dead Sea.2 They mingle these ingredients with pulverized charcoal, and thus obtain a very coarse and inferior powder; which however costs them nothing. They, as well as the Tiyahah, are at war with several tribes on the east of the Dead Sea, viz. the Beni Sflkhr, the Baharat, and the Suilit; the latter dwelling around HesbAn. Not many months before, they had made an expedition with the aid of the Tiyahah against the Silit, by way of the south end of the Dead Sea; and had brought away forty-five camels. We now heard more of the similar expedition which we had met in Bethlehem, and learned the result.3 It was composed of eighty-six horsemen, of whom twenty-two were Jehalin; and the main body passed along the same road which we travelled from'Ain Jidy to the Jordan. Crossing the river opposite Jericho, they fell upon the encampment of their enemies, the Silit, by surprise, and brought away a hundred camels. We learned too, that the visit of the Sheikh Defa' Allah at Hebron this morning, had for its object, to bring two of the captured camels as a present to Sheikh Sa'id of Gaza; whose permission they had obtained before setting off on the expedition. S..unday, May 27th. We remained all day encamped; but the number of visitors left us no interval of quiet. In the morning, about one hundred and fifty camels were driven by at once to water. We were afterwards visited by Defa' Allah, by the second Sheikh, Musa, and by various others. The former was said to have seven brothers, all of whom bore the title of Sheikh. Indeed, almost every man who passed along, claimed to be a brother of the Sheikh, and owner of the threshing-floor by our tent; so that at last our servants made it quite a jest, to inquire of every Arab who came by, if he was.the Sheikh's brother and owned this floor? —The threshing-floor was very small; and was watched every night. Round about it were See above, Vol. I. p. 499. S See above, Vol. I. -p. 470. 2 See Vol. I. p. 512. ii. 468-470

100 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. lying several small heaps of gleaned wheat. The gleaning is done by the poor; and their little sheaves were deposited here for safb keeping, till they could beat them out. Opposite to us the mountains of Kerak were in view; but the city itself was not visible. We heard much to day of'Abdeh in the desert south of Beersheba; but the accounts were quite indefinite; nor could we learn that any one of the tribe had been there.' We heard also of several ancient names in this region of the south, some of which we were afterwards- able to ascertain more accurately. Defa' Allah visited us again at evening, and informed us, that there were at his encampment five of the IHaweitat from the vicinity of Ma'an, who had been to Hebron to sell a flock of sheep, and were now returning. As their way would lie near Wady Mfisa, the Sheikh advised us to take them into our service for a small pay, in order to increase the strength of our party. This we were willing to do, not so much on this account, as because we might hope to gather information from them respecting their country; and because too their presence might secure for us a better reception, among the Arabs of that region. We therefore authorized the Sheikh to offer ten piastres for each man for the whole time, without provisions. Some spoke of them as Haweitat, and some as'Alawin; the latter are indeed a subdivision of the former; but these individuals were not'Alawin of Sheikh Husein's tribe. Monday, May 28th. We rose before 4 o'clock, hoping to set off early. Very soon the grating sound of the hand-mill was heard from a cave not far off, where an Arab family had taken up their abode during the harvest.2 In spite of our hopes, and notwithstanding all our former experience, our patience was this morning not a little tried by the dilatoriness of the Arabs. They had yesterday made the fairest promises, that they would come with the camels at evening and sleep at our tent, in order to be ready for an early start; yet only one came; and it was nearly 7 o'clock this morning before they all arrived. Then nothing was ready. The saddles had to be put in order, and some of them re-stuffed with straw. Then one camel had to be shaved; that is, the hair of its lips and face was regularly shaved off with a sharp knife, being occasionally lathered with spittle; the head was then anointed, apparently on account of some disease. It seemed also not yet to be fixed, who should go with us. At last it appeared that only four men instead of five were going; and these mere camel drivers, no one of whom was a Sheikh nor a responsible person. On learning this we declined going in that manner; and ordered the loading of the camels to be stopped. 1 See Note XXIII, end of Vol. I. 2 See above, Vol. I. p. 485. ii. 470 471

MAY 28.] FURTHER PREPARATIONS. 101 At length Sheilkh Hussan, who had come to see us off, agreed to take us to the place where Sheikh Salim (who had come with us on Saturday) was reaping; and if the latter would not go, he promised to accompany us himself. We consented to the four men the more readily, because the five HaweitAt or'Alawin had accepted our offer and now presented themselves, —a set of thievish-looking ragamuffins as one would wish to see. We accordingly set off at 71- o'clock, and travelling south for fifteen minutes, came to the field of reapers, where we stopped for another hour. Here it -was finally arranged, that Sheikh Hussan should go with us; and leaving his gala dress and his sleek mare, and sending for his long gun, he joined us on foot in the common Arab costume. We thus mustered nine armed men, besides our two servants; who also felt their importance somewhat augmented, by being now regularly intrusted each with a gun and pistol. From this point three sites of ruins were visible, viz. Jenbeh, at the foot of the mountain and now directly under the encampment of the JehAhlin; el-Kuryetein' also at the foot of the mountain; and el-Beyufdh on a low hill more to the left.2 All these are only foundations of small villages, or merely caves.3 Another similar site, el-Khuneifit, was spoken of somewhere on the left of our road. We finally set off at a quarter before 9 o'clock, on a course nearly due south through the rolling plain, along a small shallow Wady. After three quarters of an hour, there was on our right a small site of foundations and walls of round stones, called etTaiyib, with the remains of a dam in the Wady, apparently for a reservoir. I-Here too- a hill called Tell'Arad, which we had seen for some time in the S. S. W. seemed not more than an hour distant; a barren looking eminence rising above the country around. This marks, without much doubt, the site of the ancient city Arad, situated in the south of Judah; whose inhabitants drove back the Israelites as they attempted to penetrate from Kadesh into Palestine; but were afterwards subdued by Joshua.4 The Arabs said indeed, that there were now no ruins upon or near it, but only a cavern. — We did not visit it, but the name is too decisive to admit of question.5 El-Kuryetein,'the. two cities,' seems S They bore as follows: Jenbeh N. 600 to suggest the Kerioth-(cities) of Josh. 15, W. el-Kuryetein S. 75~ W. el-BeyOidh 25i in the south of Judah; unless the lat- S. 40~ W. ter is to be united with the next name and 4 Judg. 1, 16. Num. 21, 1. Josh. 12, read KIerioth-Hezron5 as Reland suggests. 14, comp. 10, 41. The English version and Palest. pp. 700, 708. also Luther in Num. 21, 1, read'king a This name would seem to correspond Arad' incorrectly for'king of Arad;' to the'Al-baid' of Irby and Mangles; comp. Josh. 12, 14. Travels, p. 348. But their description re- I Eusebius and Jerome place Arad at fers the latter apparently to Kurmul. 20 Roman miles from Hebron, equal to VOL. II.-9* ii. 471-473

102 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. Proceeding on the same course, we came at 101 o'clock to another similar site of rude foundations and walls, called Ehdeib, still on the bank of the shallow Wady, which here bears the same name. Fifteen minutes further on, the Wady turns to the east, and runs to the Dead Sea, which it enters under the name of es-Seyal, between Birket el-Khilil and Sebbeh.' At 11 o'clock we passed a circular space blackened by fires and the manure of animals, and marking the place of a recent encampment of the Dhtillam. These Arabs, in the spring, pasture in this tract in common with the Jehalin; their proper territory lies further west towards Beersheba, where both they and the Tiyahah water in common.-We were now gradually ascending a broad swell of land. At 11.5 was another small ruin, called el-Museik, similar to those before mentioned. We reached the height of the swell or broad ridge at 11.50, near another site of ruins, and a mound or low Tell on our right, called Rujeim Sel!meh. Here we halted for half an hour for refreshment and to survey the country. WVe had here an extensive view of the district through which we had passed, as far back as to the mountain ridge we had crossed on Saturday, which extended far along on our right towards the southwest.2 Its furthest point in that direction, a steep low bluff, now bore about west; and seemed almost to close up the plain towards Beersheba. Yet such is not the case; fobr the Wady es-Seba' has its head on this side of the mountain, in the district around Milh, and passes off around the bluff. The Tell by MIilh was pointed out; and also another hill near a place called'Ar'arah; both of which we visited on our return.3 Before us, the country exhibited the same general features as that in our rear.4 Setting off again at 12.20, we passed in ten minutes another small site of foundations, called Sudeid. Our course was now in general about southeast. At 1 o'clock Rujeim Selameh bore N. 40~ E. and Tell et-Tawaneh, a marked point near Ma'in, N. 50 W. The country continued to bear the same general character as that we had traversed; except that we had found it all day becoming more and more barren, and assuming more the features about 8 hours with camels; Onomast. art. the mountain so. On the north side of it Arath ('Apaidt). This accords well with they would very likely have called it in our present distance from Hebron.-From the same way Jebel Ma'in or Jebel Kurthe point where we now were; Beyddh mul. We could not find that the ridge bore W. Encampment of the Jehalin N. had a distinctname. 27~ W. Jenbeh N. 15'W. 3 See under June 3d and 4th. 1 See above, Vol. I. pp. 501, 502, 525. 4 Here at Rujeim Selimeh we took Lord Lindsay says, the Arabs called bearings: Encampment of the Jehldin N. this ridge Jebelel-Kuryetein; Letters Vol. 15~ W. Tell'ArAd N. 55~ W. el-Milh II. His Arabs had probably been speak- about W.'Ar'arah S. 70~ W. ing of el-Kuryetein and therefore named ii. 473, 474

MAY 28.] UPPER ZUWEIRAI. 103 of the desert. It was here hilly and intersected by small ravines, but without precipices; and had been thinly covered with a slight growth of grass, now dry. At ten minutes past 2 o'clock, we reached the brow of the first descent or offset towards the Dead Sea, a steep declivity of seven or eight hundred feet, leading down to another broad tract still several hundred feet above the level of the sea. Here are a few traces of rude foundations, the site of a former village called ez-Zuweirah el-Foka, " Upper Zuweirah." Leaving the camels to descend by the usual circuitous pIss, we struck off a short distance to the right along a ridge projecting somewhat towards the southeast, on the point of which are the ruins of a square massive tower, once probably a watchtower. Here a wide prospect spread itself out before us, over the southern part of the Dead Sea and the southern Gh6r; in which we at once recognised all the features that had already become so familiar to us at'Ain Jidy.' Below us, still between us and the sea, lay the broad elevated tract above mentioned, thickly studded with white conical hills and short ridges of limestone and chalk of fantastic shapes, presenting the aspect of a frightful desert. It seemed here but a short distance across this tract; but from the foot of the first pass we travelled nearly four hours, and encamped without reaching the shore. Beyond lay Usdum, a low dark ridge running off nearly S. S. E. along the shore, and then turning almost southwest. Here the long peninsula with its isthmus was on our left; and Sebbeh could not have been far distant, though it was not now visible, nor did we at any time get sight of it. The south end of the sea lay before us in perfect distinctness, opposite the southeast angle of Usdum,; and we could now mark the wet and slimy surface of the ground along the Ghor, which had deceived us at'Ain Jidy.2 Further south, the Ghor was partially covered with vegetation; and still further we could perceive a line of whitish cliffs crossing it obliquely, with which we afterwards became better acquainted. Beyond these, the desert tract of the broad sandy valley stretched off in a southerly direction beyond the limit of vision. The eastern mountains were now very distinct; though Kerak was not visible, being hidden by intervening peaks. Yet the Wady Kerak or edDera'ah could be seen coming down upon the isthmus, and covering the northern side of it with verdure.3 Just north of this we could distinguish a small ravine called Wady Beni Hemrd. South of the isthmus, nearly opposite to us, was Compare generally the description of 2 See above, Vol. I. p. 502. this part of the Dead Sea as seen from the 3 See above, Vol. I. pp. 519, 520. cliff over'Ain Jidy; Vol. I. p. 501-503. ii. 474-476

104 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. Wady el-Kuneiyeh; while a little beyond the southeast corner of the sea, Wady el-Kurahy issues from the mountains, bearing higher up the name of Wady el-Ahsy; this also occasions a tract of verdure in the Ghor. Far in the south, among the eastern mountains, Sheikh Hussan thought he could point out, though somewhat indistinctly, the peak of Mount Hor.'1 We descended by a shorter and steeper route, and met the camels just as. they also reached the foot at 3 o'clock. Here we crossed the bed of a torrent running to the right, called Wady el-Jerrah. Further down in the same direction it receives another called Wady el-Fa'iya coming from the southwest2 and then turning eastwards, the united Wady takes the name elMuhauwat, and finds its way down- to the sea at the north end of Usdum. We now kept on southeast across the tract of desolate chalky hills above described, mostly along a winding valley. Nowhere had we seen a more hideous desert. After a -long and tedious ride we came out at 5.50 upon the brow of the second descent; Here is another steep rocky declivity, -also of not less than seven or eight:hundred feet. The path keeps mostly along a ravine in the rock; and in the lower part is quite: steep, though not particularly difficult.. The ravine is the head of Wady ez-Zuweirah, which here runs off directly towards the Dead Sea. At -the bottom of the pass, the formation of limestone and chalk, through which we had passed, gives way to a soft chalk or whitish: indurated marl, in horizontal layers, washed by the rains into pilasters- and other fantastic -shapes. At the very bottom, which we -reached at-. 6.40, just where the Wady runs off apparently on a level towards the sea, stands a small Saracenic fort, on an isolated cliff of this chalky earth, so soft as to be easily broken off with the hands. It is entirely surrounded and overlooked by other similar chalky cliffs of much greater elevation. The Wady is here narrow; and in the perpendicular wall nearly overagainst the fort, a chamber with loop holes is excavated in the soft rock at some height above the ground. Near by are two reservoirs built up of stone, and. a cistern, all now dry; but our Arabs said there was rain water in a ravine higher up. This spot is ez-Zuweirah; in distinction from which the other is called " the Upper." We now followed down Wady ez-Zuweirah. Through its From this high point at ez-Zuweirah E. Peak in mountains of Moab seen from el-F6ka, the various places visible bore as Hebron S. 520 E. Southeast corner of-the follows: Encampmerit of the Jehhlin N. Dead Sea S. 44~ E. Southeast angle of 250 W. Tell et-TawAneh near Ma'in N. Usdum S. 41~ E. Mouth of Wady el10~ WV. North end of the peninsula N. 70~ Kfirdhy S. 40~ E. Mount Hor about S. E. Mouth of Wady Beni Hemid N. 82~ The lower pass of ez-Zuweirah before us E. North side of Isthmus and mouth of bore S. 45~ E. Wady Kerak N. 85~ E. South end of pe- 2 We passed near the head of Wady elIinsula and south side of Isthmus S. 78~ Fa.'iya on our return; see under June 3d. ii. 476, 477

MAY 28.] PASS OF ZUWEIRAH. 105 narrow opening we could look out upon the sea and eastern mountains, on which the setting sun just now threw its beams, tinging their naked sides with crimson hues. At length at 6.50 we turned aside into a narrow ravine, called Wady en-Nejd, coming in from the left; and encamped for the night in one of the wildest spots we had yet yisited, shut in on every side by whitish perpendicular cliffs of indurated marl. Our guides sought this retreat, in order that our tent and fire might escape notice, should there be any strangers passing along this way.We here again encountered the climate of the Ghor and Dead Sea; the thermometer which at sunrise had stood at 52~, being now at 80~ F. This double pass of ez-Zuweirah, which we had now descended, was first visited in modern times by Seetzen in A. D. 1806, who ascended it on his way from Kerak around the south end of the Dead Sea to Jerusalem, though he does not name it.' In A. D. 1818, Irby and Mangles with their party passed on this route from Hebron to Kerak; and describe the pass and fort, which they call "el-Zowar."2 Since that time until this year, I am not aware that it had been visited by any traveller. It must of course have been the road, by which Ibrahim Pasha and his, troops passed from Hebron to Ttifileh and Kerak in A. D. 1834. With our guides of the Jehalin we were better pleased than we had anticipated. From M. de Bertou, who had made the journey with them a few weeks before, we had heard only complaints of their unaccommodating spirit and extortions; so that, although our previous experience had already taught us to lay the fault chiefly at his own door, yet we had not expected to avoid petty vexations and a general want of fidelity. In all this we were favourably disappointed; although the strong prejudice which we found among the tribe against that traveller, with whom it seems they had been throughout on ill terms, did not fail at first to operate also to our disadvantage. Finding that my companion was at home in their language and customs, and that we were disposed to treat them as men, and not as slaves, their jealousy and reserve soon wore off in a degree. Yet they were never so active and obliging, nor so communicative, as our good Tawarah; and Sheikh Hussan was not to be compared with Tuweileb or Besharah, in point of good sense or general information. One of the men, Muhammed, was a clownish buffoon. Indeed, they seemed both physically and mentally to be a heavier-moulded race than the Tawarah. Their camels were much superior to those of the peninsula. Zach's Monatl. Corresp. XVIII. pp. 2 Travels pp. 350, 351, [107.] Legh 437, 438. Reisen I. p. 429. under May 10th. ii. 477-479

106 FROM; HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEc. XII. Our attendants of the Haweitht proved to be well acquainted with the country south of Wady Misa; they were at first reserved; but the kindness and conversation of my companion soon dissipated their jealousy, and in some degree won their confidence. One old man, who seemed to be their leader, was fond of talking, and exhibited more shrewdness of mind than any of our Arab companions. Tuesday, May 29th. We set off without breakfasting, ten minutes before 5 o'clock; and after returning from the side valley en-Nejd, followed down Wady ez-Zuweirah running southeast, still narrow, rugged, and shut in by perpendicular cliffs of marl, in horizontal layers of unequal hardness. The path lies most of the way along the bed of the Wady; yet at one place the latter makes a circuit towards the south, while the road ascends and crosses the rocky intermediate point. Here was the last descent towards the shore; and just as we reached it at 5o'clock, the sun rose over the eastern mountains. As we looked down through the narrow opening of the valley, the calm glassy waters of the lake became liquid gold; and the verdant shrubs upon the shore, tinged with sunny hues, gave for the moment an impression of beauty to a scene -in itself stern and desolate as death. Ten minutes later we issued from the mouth of the Wady upon the plain along the shore, here of considerable breadth, full of shrubs with SeyAl and Tiirfa trees, which we also found along the bottom of the valley higher up.' Just at the right comes in Wady el-Muhauwat from the southwest along the base of the cliffs, having found its way down through the mountains from the higher tract above; it is here broad and. full of the like bushes and trees; and separates the north end of Usdum from the regular cliffs:f the coast.2 As we now took leave of ez-Zuweirah, it may be proper to remark, that neither this name, nor the site, has any relation to the ancient Zoar; although a partial resemblance in:the name, might at first be supposed. The Hebrew Zoar contains the letter'Ain, which never falls away from the middle of a word; and accordingly Abulfeda and others write that name repeatedly Zoghar, and speak of it as existing in their day.3 The city of Zoar too lay in sight of Sodom, in or adjacent to the plain, so as to be exposed to the same destruction which overtook the other cities; and so late as the time of Jerome it had a Roman garrison and many inhabitants.4 But the present ez-Zuweirah, 1 Irby and Mangles mention here also across the sea and south of the isthmus, the D6m or Nibk; p. 351. [107.] S. 800 E. 2 From the mouth of Wady ez-Zuweirah, 3 Abulfed. Tab. Syr. ed. KShler pp. 8, the southwest extremity of the peninsula, 9, 11, 12, etc. Ibn el-Wardi ibid. p. 178. as here seen, bore N. 30~ E. Jebel JirAd See above, Vol. I. p. 255, n. 2. near es-SaltN. 24~ E. Wady el-Kuneiyeh, 4 Gen. 19, 19-21. Hieron. Onom. art ii. 479, 480

MAY 29.] EZ-ZUWEIRAH. USDUM. 107 taking even the lower, (for the upper is wholly out of the question,) lies more than half an hour distant from any part of the sea or plain; is entirely shut in by mountains, so as to be nowhere visible from the plain; and exhibits no trace of any dwellings, except the small modern Saracenic fort. Nor is there elsewhere in the Wady, or at its mouth, the slightest vestige of any former site. Further, there is decisive historical testimony, that the ancient Zoar lay on the east of the Dead Sea, in the territories of Moab. I am therefore disposed, with Irby and Mangles, to assign its position to the mouth of the Wady Kerak, where the'latter opens upon the isthmus of the long peninsula. In that spot these travellers found the traces of an extensive ancient site.' Our course now became about S. by E. and led us across the broad plain, somewhat inclining towards the sea, formed by the Wady el-Muhauwat, and thickly covered with bushes and trees as described above. By looking up this Wady we could perceive that Usdum is only a narrow ridge, like a huge windrow; while the tract lying between it and the western cliffs, from which we had descended, is filled out with conical hills and short ridges of chalky limestone, like those of the higher tract we had traversed yesterday. We reached the northern extremity of Usdum at 5.50;'this lies at some distance from the shore of the sea, and the space is covered with shrubs; but the flat shore soon trends towards it, and becomes narrower and wholly desert.2 All our present Arab guides gave to the mountain the name of Khashm Usdum; the former word signifying "cartilage of the nose."3 The road continues along the base of the mountain, here running towards the S. S. E. It was in this vicinity that Sheikh EHussan gave us the information, which I have elsewhere related, respecting the appearance of bitumen in the lake, and as to the ford from this part of the western shore to the southern side of the peninsula, by which he himself had once passed.4 At 6.10 a heap of stones lay between us and the shore, called Um Zdghal.1 Beyond this, the ridge of Usdum begins to exhiBala, "habitatoribus quoque propriis fre- east side of the sea; when his antiquarian quentatur." appetite had become sharpened. -Even then Travels p. 448. [138.] See the his- he did not closely examine them. And as torical notices and ancient testimonies re- there are other instances, in which I am specting Zoar in Note XXXV, end of the sure that M. De Saulcy was mistaken, so volume. here I must prefer to rest upon the negaa It is here, on and around the northern tive testimony of the keen-sighted travelend of the mountain, that M. De Saulcy lers above named, confirmed as it was by reports the extensive ruins of Sodom; our own experience. Narrat. I. p. 522 sq. Seetzen, Irby and 3 See more on the name and character Mangles and Legh, as well as ourselves, of this mountain, Vol. I. p. 502, n. 1. passed over the same ground; but saw 4 See Vol. I. pp. 521, 522. nothing of the kind. M. De Saulcy no-' This is the Tell el-AMsogal of Seetzen; ticed the ruins only on his return from the Zach's Mon. Corr. XVII. p. 140; comp. ii. 480-482

108 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEc. XII. bit more distinctly its peculiar formation; the main body of the mnountain being a solid mass of rock salt. The ridge is in general very uneven and rugged, varying from one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet in height. It is indeed covered with layers of chalky limestone or marl, so as to present chiefly the appearance of common earth or rock; yet the mass of salt very often breaks out, and appears on the sides in precipices forty or fifty feet high and several hundred feet in length, mere crystallized fossil salt. We could at first hardly believe our eyes; until we had several times approached the precipices, and broken off pieces to satisfy ourselves, both by the touch and taste. The salt, where thus exposed, is every where more or less furrowed by the rains. As we advanced, large lumps and masses broken off from above, lay like rocks along the shore, or were fallen down as debris. The very stones beneath our feet were wholly of salt. This continued to be the character of the mountain, more or less distinctly marked, throughout its whole length; a distance of two and a half hours or five geographical miles. The Arabs affirmed, that the western side of the ridge exhibits similar appearances. The lumps of salt are not transparent, but present a dark appearance; precisely similar to that of the large quantities of mineral salt, which we afterwards saw at Varna and in the towns along the lower Danube, the produce of the salt mines of those regions. The existence here of this immense mass of fossil salt, which, according to the latest geological views, is a frequent accompaniment of volcanic action, accounts sufficiently for the excessive saltness of the Dead Sea. At this time, the waters of the lake did not indeed wash the base of the mountain, though they appear to do so on some occasions; but the rains of winter, and the streamlets which we still found running to the sea, would naturally carry into it, in the course of ages, a sufficiency of salt to produce most of the phenomena.' XVIII. p. 437. Reisen II. p. 253, 358; crystallized salt is met with higher than comp. I. p. 428. This artificial heap of a hundred feet above the adjacent sea. stones (Steinhaufen of Seetzen) M. De The face of the mountain is curiously furSaulcy at once exalts into "a building rowed into a great number of tent-shaped which was anciently a part of Sodom;" or conical knolls; and sometimes these Narrat. I. p. 266 sq. spurs take the form of detached pillars. According to an analysis by Prof. Rose During the rainy season the process of forof Berlin, the salt of this mountain con- mation and destruction is continually gotains no peculiaringredients, and especial- ing on. One of these pillars is described ly no Bromium. It would seem, there- by Lieut. Lynch; it was forty feet high, fore, that the waters of the sea must some- and its base was forty to sixty feet above where come in contact with other mineral the sea; while a prop or buttress connected masses. See above, Vol. I. pp. 514, 515.- it with the mountain back. It was not Other analyses of the salt, see in Anderson's visible from the shore. See Geol. ReGeol. Report,p.181. DrAndersonremarks, port, pp. 181, 182. Lynch's Narrative p. that only the lower portion of the moun- 307. Comp. De Saulcy Narrat. I. p. 521. tain is composed of rock salt; and that no ii. 482, 483

MAY 29.] USDUM. 109 The position of this mountain at the south end of the sea, enables us also to ascertain the place of the " Valley of Salt" mentioned in Scripture; where the Hebrews under David, and again under Amaziah, gained decisive victories over Edom. This valley could well have been no other than the Ghor south of the Dead Sea, adjacent to the mountain of salt; it separates indeed the ancient territories of Judah and Edom.' Somewhere in the neighbourhood lay also probably the "City of Salt," enumerated along with En-gedi as in the desert of Judah.2 This very remarkable mountain appears not to be directly mentioned, either in Scripture, nor by Josephus or any other ancient writer. Yet Galen may not improbably allude to it, when in speaking of the salt gathered around the Dead Sea, he remarks, that it is called " Sodom salt," from the mountains named Sodom adjacent to the lake.3 In this ancient appellation, as has been already remarked, lies probably the origin of the present name, Usdum.' So singular a feature did not escape the attention of the crusaders, in their occasional expeditions through this region; and the earliest direct notice of the mountain seems to be that of Fulcher of Chartres, who accompanied Baldwin I. around the south end of the sea in A. D. 1100. He describes the mountain accurately; and holds it to be the source of the saltness of the sea.5 His account has probably been since regarded as a fable; for the mountain, like the whole tract around, was again forgotten, and remained unexplored fbr many centuries. Seetzen in A. D. 1806 was the first to raise the veil of darkness from the region; he mentions the mountain as being nearly three hours in length, and containing many layers of crystallized rock salt.6 Irby and Mangles with their party followed in A. D. 181S; and also speak of the mountain and its strata of salt.7 X 2 Sam. 8, 13. 1 Chr. 18, 12. 2 K. Fulcher Carnot. 23, in Gesta Dei p. 14, 7. The first two passages evidently 405, " Juxta quem lacum, vel Mare illud refer to the same event; but that in Sam- Mortuum, extat mons unus similiter salsus, uel reads " Syrians" (mi), while that in non tamen totus sed localiter, constans ut Chroniclesreads "Edomies" The petra, durissimus, et glaciei simillimus; unde sal, quoc salts gemma vocatur, mullatter reading is doubtless the correct one; totiens vidistis, quod de monte illo comwhile the former is easily accounted for, minuitur." Comp.d de monte illo co by the similarity of the Hebrew letters m'nuitur" C omp. GestaXDe p. 5814 it and b. The crusaders knew the Gh 6 Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVIII. pp. 436,'Iand'". The crusaders knew the Gh~r 437. Reisen 1. p. 428. in this part as Vallis Illustris; Will. Tyr. I Travels p. 352. [107.] So too Legh: 16. 6. "Along the foot of the high mountain2 Josh. 15, 61. 62. ridge, whose sides were sometimes formed flnpoaayopeuovos 0' aarrots L[Tro aXseLs] of pure rock-salt, fragments of which had Z:oio0u1obvs OIrb Twv 7rEPLoX0TCw T X1o rUn,'u rolled down, or were seen hanging in other opws, & KeaAhE'aL:J48o,ua. Galen de Simpl. places as stalactites from the perpendicumedic. Facult. IV. 19. Reland Palaest. p. lar sections of the rock." May 11th. Bibl. 243. Repos. Oct. 1833, p. 625. 4 See above, Vol. I. p. 502. VOL. II. —O1 ii. 483) 484

110 FROM HEBRON TO WADY 3MUSA. [SEC. XII From that time to the present year, I am not aware that the region had been visited by any traveller.' As we thus travelled along the strand, I took the opportunity of bathing again in the Dead Sea, which detained us for twenty minutes. The bottom was here of sand, and the water so shallow, that although I waded out some twenty rods, it reached little more than half way to the knee. It left behind the same oily feeling as: formerly; but no deposit of salt upon the skin. We came at 7- o'clock to a cavern in the mountain, of which our Arabs had often spoken. It is on a level with the ground, beneath a precipice of salt. The mouth is of an irregular form, ten or twelve feet high, and about the same in-breadth. Here we stopped forty minutes for breakfast, and in order to examine the interior of the cavern. This soon becomes merely a small irregular gallery or fissure in the rock, with a water-course at the bottom, in which water was in some places still tricklding. We followed this gallery with light', and with some difficulty, for three or four hundred feet into the heart of the mountain, to a point where it branches off into two smaller fissures; and then returned. For this whole distance, the sides and roof and floor of the cavern are solid salt; dirty indeed, and the floor covered with dust and earth; but along the water-course it was easy to remark the pure crystallized rock, as worn away by the torrent, which at times evidently rushes violently through the cavern. As we approached the cave, it had been reported by the scouts, of whom we had always one or more ahead, that a troop of riders was seen coming along the southern end of the sea. As we came out from the interior, the report had become more distinct. All was now alarm and bustle; the guns were primed, and preparation made to meet an enemy. The distance did not allow the scouts at first to distinguish the number of men, nor the animals on which they were riding; but it was concluded, that if they were horsemen, they were certainly a Ghilzu or marauding party of their enemies. It was determined, at any rate, not to abandon our strong position in the mouth of the cavern; and Sheikh Huss'n himself went forward to reconnoitre Nau in 1674 relates, that at Damas- and the water is only mid-leg deep, at cus he met Daniel, abbot of St. Saba, who least on the east side; and that here is had once made the tour of the whole another small round, or rather oval lake, Dead Sea. Daniel reported, that on the bounded by the plains and salt mountains west side of the lake, lie found a tree with just mentioned. Now all this is founded apples of Sodom like lemons (doubtless the more or less in truth; but when the abbot'isher); that the south end of the sea is (or Nau) goes on to say, that along the not pointed, but round; that at this end eastern side of the lake there are rich a stream flows into it from the southeast plains with villages and churches and some called Saphia; that here too and further Christians, it is plain that he or his renorth are vast plains and salt mountains; porter is speaking at random. Indeed, the that the sea towards the south end is cut whole account is too indefinite, ever to have in two, so that it can be forded in summer, gained credit. See Nau's Voyage p. 580. ii. 484-486

MAY 29.] CAVERN. ALARM. 111 and hold a parley. But he soon ascertained, that the dreaded troop of marauders consisted of a flock of sheep, with two or three men on donkeys. All alarm now vanished, and we set forward at 8.10, still proceeding along the strand. As we advanced, the approaching party had turned the corner of the sea, and we met them on the western shore. They proved to be a Gaza merchant, who had been buying sheep and butter at Kerak, and was now returning home with his purchases, accompanied by two or three men from Kerak.' The tables were now turned. Our Arabs thus finding themselves to be the stronger party, were willing to make a show of their power, and requite upon the poor strangers a little of the alarm they had themselves at first felt. They therefore, while we were somewhat in advance, drew up in a line, and approached the strangers with menacing gestures; and even Komneh was unwise enough to put himself at their head, and assume a similar mien. But it turned out, that what the rest had intended as a jest, our five Haweitat had meant in earnest. Their tribe, it seems, being at open war with the people of Kerak, they ran forward with all speed, and before we could. believe our own eyes, they were actually robbing the other party! One seized a lamb, another a pistol, a third a cloak, and a fourth two small skins of Kerak butter. The injured party of course appealed to us for restitution; but we could only threaten the miscreants to dismiss them immediately without paying them a para for their services, unless they gave back the articles. The old man, who had taken the pistol, now appealed to us with all the eloquence of conscious integrity; he said, the men of Kerak were his enemies, and he was acting lawfully, and doing to them only what they would do to him in like circumstances. My companion, not professing to be a judge of Bedawin law, replied, that while he was in our service he must be governed by our laws; when he was in the desert, he might act as a Bedawy. With much difficulty, and after great exertion on the part of our resolute Komeh, (who seemed desirous to make good his oversight,) they were constrained to restore, as we supposed, every thing. Yet it turned out afterwards, that they had contrived to retain a skin of butter. Thus instead of being robbed, we ourselves might be said to have turned robbers. We reached the southwest corner of the sea at 81 o'clock; the shore being all the way strewed with blocks of salt, the debris of the mountain above. At the same point is also the southeast end or angle of Usdum, as seen from'Ain Jidy; here the 1 Kerak was formerly celebrated for its in his day it was considered disgraceful to butter, which was made and consumed in sell it. Travels p. 385. great quantities. Burckhardt relates, that ii. 486, 487

112 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XIu. ridge trends off southwest, extending in that direction for a considerable distance further. The breadth of the sea and Ghor, at this point, is probably less than two thirds of its width at'Ain Jidy, perhaps five or six geographical miles.' The south end of the sea is everywhere very shallow; and many little shoals and sand banks run out into it from the shores. From the line of water southwards, a large tract of low naked flats, in some parts a mere salt marsh, extends up for several miles, over which the sea rises and covers it when full. Traces of the high-water line, marked with drift wood, are found at a great distance further south. This naked tract of flats lies chiefly in the middle of the Ghor and further west; indeed all the western part, quite to the base of Usdum, is wholly without vegetation. Through the midst of it, in various places, large sluggish drains were seen winding their way towards the sea.2 The eastern side of the Ghor presented a different appearance. Here, not far south of the corner of the sea, comes in the Wady el-Ktirahy, which higher up in the mountains is called Wady el-Ahsy.3 Further south is also Wady et-Ttifileh; and still beyond is another, called Wady Ghiiriindel. The two former, like Wady Kerak, have in them never failing streams. The tract watered by the Kiirahy, where it issues from the mountains, is called Ghor es-Safieh; and is cultivated for wheat, barley, Dhurah, and tobacco, by the Ghawarineh. These people at Safieh, like the inhabitants of modern Jericho, are a feeble race, who alone can live here on account of the fevers which prevail. Our Arabs said of them, that they are not to be reckoned either as Bedu, nor as Htidr, nor as'Abid (slaves). They live in cabins of reeds or canes; and are much oppressed by the extortions of the Bedawin of the mountains. They were said to number about fifty men. The Wady et-Ttifileh in like manner waters a tract at its mouth, called Feifeh; which' is also cultivated by the Ghawarineh of S'fieh. The Fellahin do not here come down from the mountains, as at Jericho, to plough and sow in the valley. The tract on the 1 From this spot at the southwest cor- s This is the Wady el-Ahsa of Burckner of the sea, I took the following bear- hardt, south of Khanzireh, separating the ings: Southern shore of the sea runs due district of Kerak from Jebal; Travels pp. E. Ras el-Mersed at'Ain Jidy N. 8~ E. 400, 401. Seetzen writes it incorrectly gis el-Feshkhah N. 13~ E. Western ex- Wady al-Hi6ssn; Zach's Monatl. Corresp. tremity of the peninsula, as here seen, N. XVIII. p. 436. Irby and Mangles have in 16~ E. like manner at first el-Hussan, Travels pp. 2 Irby and Mangles, in travelling along 355, 373, 374; but on their return they the south end of the sea, passed six drains write only el-Ahsa, p. 444. Legh writes before cominf to the stream of the KiirAhy el-Hossan; though in the mountains he some wet, others dry. These had a speaks of the same Wady under the name strong marshy smell, similar to what is Ellasar; May 10th and 19th.-We inquired perceivable on muddy flats in salt-water often and very particularly, but could hear harbours. Travels p. 354. [108.] only the name el-Ahsy. ii. 487-489

MAY 29.] THE GHOR. 113 peninsula at the mouth of Wady Kerak called Ghdr el-Mezra'ah, with the village of Ghawarineh who till it, has already been described.' They were said to be fewer than those of Safieh. Many of them, having fled from the oppressions of the Arabs around Kerak, were now dwelling in the Gho'r of the'Adwan opposite Jericho, around Nimrin and Rameh in Wady HesbAn. The eastern side of the Ghor, as thus described and seen from the spot where we now stood, is covered with shrubs and verdure like the plain of Jericho; forming a striking contrast with the middle and western side. Except the tracts above mentioned, the rest of the Ghar is wholly unsusceptible of cultivation.2 But for us, at the moment, the view of the Ghor which here opened to us towards the south, had a still higher interest. At the distance of nearly three hours, this view was now bounded by the line of whitish cliffs, which we had seen from upper Zuweirah, running off obliquely quite across the broad valley, and apparently barring all further progress. From ez-Zuweirah, however, we had been able to distinguish, that above and beyond these cliffs, the wide plain of the great valley continued to run on towards the south as far as the eye could reach; and that the cliffs themselves were indeed nothing more than an offset or step, between the lower Ghor on the north and the higher level of the more southern valley.3 Along the foot of the cliffs, beyond the naked flats, we could everywhere perceive a broad tract of verdure; which we afterwards found to be mostly cane brake, growing on marshes formed by many brackish springs.We now for the first time learned the exact point of division, between the portions of the great valley called el-Ghor and el-'Arabah. It consists in this line of cliffs; all the valley on the north as far as to the lake of Tiberias forming the Ghor, while el-'Arabah on the south extends quite to'Akabah. Such was the testimony of all our Arabs, both of the Jehalin and Haweitat.4 Thus far we had followed the route of the few former travel]ers, who had passed between Hebron and Kerak around the See above, Vol. I. p. 520. and closes the valley of el-Ghor.-We were a Compare generally the account of told that the plain on the top of this range Burckhardt, pp. 390, 391. Also that of of cliffs, continues the whole way to MecIrby and Mangles, which is more full and ca ['Akabah?] without. any interruption definite, pp. 353-357. [107-109.] of mountains;" Travels p. 353. [107.] 3 See above, p. 103.-Irby and Mangles This is the only mention of these cliffs presaw and mention these cliffs, as they passed vious to our visit. along the south end of the sea: "The 4 I speak here advisedly; because some plain opens considerably to the south, and have chosen to give to the southern part is bounded at the distance of about eight of the great valley the name of Wady elmiles, by a sandy cliff, from sixty to eighty'Akabah. This name is not known among feet in height, which runs directly across the Arabs. VOL. II.-10* ii. 489, 490

114 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XI. south end of the Dead Sea.' But from this point we were about to enter a new region, and follow along a portion of the great valley, (no very extensive one indeed,) into which until a few weeks before, the fobot of no Frank traveller had ever penetrated. The former attractive hypothesis, which had been adopted after Burckhardt's discovery of this valley, viz. that'the Jordan anciently flowed through its whole length quite to the Dead Sea, we knew to be no longer tenable.2 The sagacious doubts of Letronne upon this point, founded chiefly on the direction of the side valleys from the adjacent mountains, as laid down upon Laborde's map, had been speedily followed by the discovery of the depressed level of the Dead Sea; a fact in itself necessarily fatal to the hypothesis in question.3 All this was known to me before I left Europe. We had further learned from Lord Prudhoe in Jerusalem, who had just before travelled from Suez direct to Wady Mflsa and thence to Hebron, that in crossing the'Arabah, his guides of the Jehalin had repeatedly assured him, that its waters in the rainy season all flowed towards the north. Such too was the subsequent testimony of M. Bertou; and our own Arabs, both Jehalin and Haweitat, had already confirmed the report. The main fact therefore of a descent of the valley towards the Dead Sea, was already established; but of the character of this descent we as yet knew nothing. There were besides various questions respecting the topography of the region, as connected with the approach of the Israelites to Palestine, which we were desirous to investigate; to say nothing of the wonders of Wady Muisa, which ever since the first report of them by Burckhardt, had taken a strong hold of my imagination. It was therefore with a feeling of excited interest, that we now set our faces towards the south and bent our way along the Ghor. From this spot at the southwest corner of the sea, our Arabs pointed out a WVady called el-Jeib in the distant range of cliffs, along which they said our road would pass. We however could make out only a slight line of verdure; marking as we supposed a small Wady, by which we were to ascend to the higher level of the great valley further south. This point now bore about S. 15~ W. somewhat east of the middle of the Ghor; 1 Seetzen, and also Irby and Mangles des Savans, Oct. 1835. p. 596 sq. Nouv. and their party. Annales des Voyages, 1839, Tom III. p. 2 This hypothesis seems first to have 264. been suggested by Col. Leake, in his Pre- 3 See Letronne's paper in the Journal des face to Burckhardt's Travels in Syria etc. Savans Oct. 1835, pp. 596-602. Nouv. Lond. 1822. 4. Letronne erroneously as- Ann. des Voyages, ibid. p. 257 sq.cribes it to Ritter; for although the latter The observations of Moore and Beke, and speaks of the valley, he says nothing of of Schubert, by which the depression of the Jordan; Erdkunde Th. II. pp. 217, the Dead Sea was first detected, were mhade 218. Bedl. 1818. Letronne in Journal in March and April 1837. ii. 490-492

MAY 29.] USDUM. THE GHOR. 115 but as the intervening tract of marshy land was impassable for the camels, we were compelled to keep along the western side of the Ghor, and thus make a large circuit. Leaving the corner of the sea, at 8S o'clock, we proceeded along the base of Usdum on a course at first southwest. The ground all along was moist and slippery, sticking to our shoes as we walked; and the naked tract on our left was full of salt drains, sluggish and dead.' The mountain continued all the way to exhibit the same formation; but the salt is here less exposed than along the sea. Lumps of nitre were scattered along the base; of which we picked up several, one as large as the fist. We reached the southern end of the ridge at 9.25. Here and still further south, we saw drift wood lying in lines as thrown up by the sea; showing that the level of the lake must sometimes be not less than ten or fifteen feet higher than at present. In a few minutes we passed a purling rill of beautifully limpid water, coming down from near the base of the mountain; it proved to be salt as the saltest brine, though without any bitter taste. Another similar rill occurried shortly after. Where the ridge of Usdum thus terminates, the low cliffs and conical hills of marl, which we had seen behind it from the mouth of Wady ez-Zuweirah, come out again and skirt the western side of the Ghor; the regular limestone mountains lying still an hour or two further back. This trending off of Usdum of course again increases the breadth of the Ghor, which is contracted at the extremity of the sea; although exclusive of the marl cliffs, it is here not so wide as at'Ain Jidy. We now kept along at the side of these hills, on a general course nearly S. S. W. Ten minutes from the end of Usdum, a scattered vegetation again commences on this side of the Ghor; of which there had been no trace along the whole extent of the mountain. The tract towards the middle still continued naked. Small Wadys now came in from among the low hills. At 9.40 a path was pointed out, leading up the western mountains at some distance south of Zuweirah; it is called Nfikb el-Em'az, from the Wady of the same name further on. Two other roads still further south were said to come down into the Ghor, called el-Buweib and es-Suleisil; but they are merely Arab paths, not used by caravans. By them the Arabs DhUillam and Sa'idiyeh descend from the west, to winter in the Ghor and el-'Arabah. A brackish fountain was on our right at 9.55, called'Ain elBeida, with a few stunted palm trees and many canes. The stream which flowed from it was too salt for the camels to drink. At 101 o'clock the bed of a torrent, Wady el-Em'az, crossed our path, coming down from the western mountains; and beyond 1 Comp. Anderson's Report, p. 182. ii. 492. 493

116 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. it, water was springing up in several places, all included under the name el-Beida. Round about these wet spots are cane brakes. Indeed the tract watered by all these fountains, is covered with shrubs and bushes; but it exhibits nowhere arable soil, and was now in many places white with salt. The shrubs were chiefly the Retem, Tamarisk, Ghurktid, and the like. The Ghirktid was growing in abundance, as around other brackish fountains; its red berries were now just ripe, sweetish and yet slightly acidulous to the taste, very juicy and pleasant, and quite refreshing to the heated traveller.' Opposite to this part, the naked portion of the Ghor seemed to end; and was succeeded by a broad tract of shrubs along the foot of the southern line of cliffs. Two or three large drains, apparently coming from Wadys, extended further up; one of which was on our left and nearly parallel to our course. We were now approaching the southwest corner of the Ghor, where the chalky hills on our right sweep round to meet the line of cliffs on the south, which separate the GhBr and'Arabah. These latter, as here seen, appear indeed merely as an extension of the former towards the southeast. As we advanced, the drain upon our left proved to be the continuation of a broad valley entering the Ghor at its southwest corner, named Wady el-Fikreh. It comes from the southwest near a pass of the mountains called es-Sfifah; and its wide bed, strewed with stones and furrowed with channels, shows that it occasionally brings down large masses. of water. In this Wady, some hours above and not far north of the pass es-Sfifih, there was said to be a fountain of the same name, with palm trees.2 Crossing the bed of the Wady, we came at 11 o'clock to the precipitous cliff on its eastern side, which here forms the commencement of the line of cliffs running obliquely across the great valley.3 We now turned in a general direction S. S. E. along the foot of the cliffs. They are of chalky earth, or indurated marl, of the same general character as the sides of the valley ez-Zuweirah, and the conical hills back of Usdum and along the western side of the Ghor. They vary in height, in different parts, from fifty to one hundred and fifty feet. The face of the cliffs, though very steep, is not perpendicular; and they are much furrowed by the rains; so that the upper part presents a jagged appearance. All along their base. are fountains -of brackish water, oozing out and forming a tract of marshy land, overgrown with canes intermingled with shrubs and trees. Tamarisks and the 1 See a description of the Ghuirkud, Vol. 3 From this point the eastern angle of I. p. 66. the ridge Usdum, at the southwestern cor2 We saw this Wady higher up on our ner of the sea, bore N. 38~- E. return, June 2d. ii. 493-495

MAY 29.] THIE GIOR. LINE OF CLIFFS. 117 Ntibk were frequent; and occasionally there was a stunted palm. With the exception of a few naked strips along brackish drains, the whole breadth of the Ghor was here occupied with this species of verdure. Around these and all the other fountains we passed in the Ghor, were many tracks of wild swine; they were said to abound in the region, though we saw none. Our path lay along the very'base of the cliffs, between them and the jungle, above the fountains, in order to avoid the marshy ground. One of the fountains, to which we came at 11-} o'clock, sends forth a fine gushing stream of limpid water, very nearly pure, or at least only slightly brackish. A broad tract of jungle lies below. It is called'Ain el-'Arts, " the Bride's Fountain," and gives its name to all the others. Here we halted for nearly two hours, for rest, and in order to fill the water-skins for the day and night. We sought the shade of the bushes; but found the heat very oppressive; the thermometer standing at 92~ F. Indeed we were now exposed to the full influence of the scorching climate of the Ghor.' Here we could see the Wady Ghtirtindel already mentioned, which comes down from the eastern mountains, and enters the Ghor just at its southeast corner. It takes its name, according to our Arabs, from a ruined place called Ghtirindel near its head. This was doubtless the ancient Arindela, an episcopal city of the Third Palestine, mentioned along with Areopolis and Charak Moab. The names of its bishops appear in the signatures of councils; and it is found still marked as a bishop's see in the latest Notitice before the time of the crusades.2 Both the site and the valley escaped the notice of Burckhardt, as he passed through the mountains. Irby and Mangles visited the site, but do not mention the valley. The ruins are situated on the slope of a hill near a spring of water, and are of considerable extent.3 While we rested at'Ain el-'Ar is, our Haweitat took the opportunity of preparing a warm breakfast. They had brought along some flour, or rather meal, of wheat and barley filled with chaff; of which they now kneaded a round flat cake of some The following bearings are from the two in the other; their diameter is two fountain'Ain el-'Arfis: Southeast angle of feet; none have capitals. There are also Usdum N. 20~ E. Peak of the mountains near to this spot, fragments of columns of of Moab near Khanzireh, N. 75~ E. Wa- three feet diameter; the capitals appear to dy et-Tuf leh, mouth, S. 60~ E. Wady be bad Doric."-Burckhardt found only Ghfirirndel, mouth, S. 35~ E. the southern Wady Ghtirindel, beyond 2 Reland Palest. p. 581. Compare Wady Misa; but was the first to suggest ibid. pp. 215, 217, 223, 226, 533. Le the identity of this name with Arindela; Quien Oriens Christ. III. p. 727. Travels p. 441. The northern Ghririndel 3 Irby and Mangles p. 376 [115], " To- was inserted on the map accompanying his wards the centre of the ruins are the re- work, from the information of Irby and mains of two parallel rows of columns, of Mangles. which three are standing in one row and ii. 495a 496

118 FROM HEBRON TO WADY 3MUSA. [SEC. XII. thickness. This they threw into the ashes and coals of a fire they had kindled; and after due time, brought out a loaf of bread, as black on the outside as the coals themselves, and not much whiter within. After breaking it up small in a dish while still warm, they mixed with it some of the butter they had stolen, and thus made their meal. Such is the manner of life among these sons of the desert; though the butter was a luxury by no means common. On their journeys, coarse black unleavened bread is the Bedawy's usual fare.' At 1.35, we were again upon the way, keeping still along the base of the cliffs on a general course S. S. E. but with many curves. At 2.10 -there was a sort of angle in the line of cliffs where they trend in general more towards the southeast but yet with a hollow sweep towards the south. Their tops continued serrated and jagged, from the beds of little torrents coming down from the'Arabah above. We crossed at 2.20 a Wady of this kind, of some size, called el-Kuseib. At length at 2.50, we reached the opening of the long expected Wady el-Jeib, through which we were to ascend. To our surprise, it turned out to be, not the mere bed of a torrent descending from the higher plain of the'Arabah, but a deep broad Wady issuing from the south upon the Ghor, and coming down as far as the eye could; reach between high precipitous cliffs, like those along which we had passed. It is indeed the vast drain of all the'Arabah; which has thus worn for itself in the course of ages a huge channel, through the upper plain and the offset of cliffs, to the level of the Ghor below.2 We found here the peculiarity, that the eastern bank of this great Wady el-Jeib terminates nearly an hour further south; from which point the offset, or line of cliffs, then runs north of east to the eastern mountains at the mouth of Wady Ghfirfindel, leaving before us a wide open tract belonging to the Ghor. The water-courses from the Wady come down across this tract, and pass on through a space without shrubs and trees to the marshy fiats nearer the sea. We now turned up along the western bank on a course S. S. W. and at 3- o'clock, were opposite the angle of the eastern 1 Burckhardt travelled fromn beyond Wa- a From the point where we now stood, dy Milsa across'the western desert, with viz. the western angle of the cliffs at the HiaweitaIt apparently from the same tribe entrance of Wady el-Jeib, we took the folas ours. "The frugality of these Beda- lowing bearings:'Ain el-'Aris about N. win," lhe says, "is without example; my 30~ W. Southwest end of Usdum N. 15~ companions, who walked at least five W. Southeastern angle of Usdum at the hours every dayv, supported themselves for corner of the sea, N. 150 E. Peak in the four and twenty hours with a piece of dry mountains of Moab N. 65~ E. Wady etblack bread, of about a pound and a half Tilfileh, mouth, N. 85~ E. Mouth of Waweight, without any other kind of nourish- dy Ghiirlndel and southeast corner of the ment." Travels p. 439. Gh6r S. 40~ E. ii. 496-498

MAY 29.] WADY EL-JEIB. 119 bank; whence the line of cliffs runs nearly east by north to the foot of the mountains, about an hour distant. Here we entered the WNady itself, in this part not far from half a mile broad, shut in between perpendicular walls of the same chalky earth or marl, from one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet high, which exclude all view of the country and of every object around. The banks indeed are so entirely perpendicular, that it would be next to impossible to ascend out of the valley on either side. The broad bed of the Wady is very level, and has to the eye but a slight ascent towards the south; yet it bears traces of an immense volume of water, rushing along with violence and covering the whole breadth of the valley. At its mouth and below, the bed is covered with Tamarisks (Tfirfa), and another shrub resembling the Retem, but larger, called elGhidhah.l These bushes soon become fewer, and gradually disappear. We travelled on along this remarkable chasm; which was now heated both by the direct and reflected rays of the sun, to the temperature of 88~ F. The direct rays were scorching; but we avoided them by keeping within the shadow of the high western bank. At 4.40 the course of the valley became south; and looking up it, we could distinguish the lone peak of Mount Hor in the distance, bearing also south. At 5 o'clock a branch WNady came in from the west, similar in its character to el-Jeib, though much smaller. The Arabs called it Wady Hasb; and said it had its head in the plain of the'Arabah, at a place where there is a natural pool filled with sweet living water, surrounded by much verdure, and, as the Arabs said, with some traces of ruins. Beyond this point, we began to find stones and blocks of porphyry scattered along the water-course of the Jeib, brought down by the torrents from the mountains further south. Till now the cliffs on each side had been so high and unbroken, that we had seen nothing whatever of the features of the country round about; but here those on our left became occasionally lower, and we could perceive the eastern mountains, and in them the large Wady el-GhuLweir described by Burckhardt.2 At 6 o'clock we halted, still in the shade of the high western bank. Here Mount Hor bore south, and the high peak we had before noted in the mountains of Moab, N. 54~ E. The heat in the Wady was so great, and the prospect of the country so very limited, that we concluded to travel during a part of the night-; stopping now to dine and rest, and intending to set off again at midnight. The evening was warm and still; 1 "Nomen arboris. Kam. Aptissimi ad 2 Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, ignem et prunas ligni; in arenis prsecipue pp. 409, 410. provenit. Gol." F'reyt. Lex. III. p. 281. ii. 498, 499

120 FROM HEBRON TO WADY 31USA. [SEC. XII we therefore did not pitch our tent, but spread our carpets on the sand, and lay down, not indeed at first to sleep, but to enjoy the scene and the associations which thronged upon our minds. It was truly one of the most romantic desert scenes we had yet met with; and I hardly remember another in all our wanderings, of which I retain a more lively impression. Here was the deep broad valley in the midst of the'Arabah, unknown to all the civilized world, shut in by high and singular cliffs; overagainst us were the mountains of Edom; in the distance rose Mount Hor in its lone majesty, the spot where the aged prophet-brothers took of each other their last farewell; while above our heads was the deep azure of an oriental sky, studded with innumerable stars and brilliant constellations, on which we gazed with a higher interest from the bottom of this deep chasm. Near at hand were the flashing fires of our party; the Arabs themselves in their wild attire, all nine at supper around one bowl; our Egyptian servants looking on; one after another rising and gliding through the glow of the fires; the Sheikh approaching and saluting us; the serving of coffee; and beyond all this circle, the patient camels lying at their ease, and lazily chewing the cud. The great feature of our journey to day, was the Wady elJeib. The mountain of salt, however remarkable and important, had in part been known before. But this deep Wady was wholly new to us and unknown to the world; the great water-course of all the valley or plain of the'Arabah; a Wady within a Wady. Our Arabs of the Haweitat were acquainted with it throughout its whole length; and assured us, that it has its commencement far south of Wady Musa; and that in the rainy season, the waters of the southern Wady Ghilruindel flow off northwards through the Jeib to the Dead Sea. Further north, they said, it receives the great Wady el-Jerafeh from the western desert. Another remarkable feature of the region is the line of cliffs crossing the whole Ghor, and constituting merely the ascent to the higher plain of the'Arabah. From the southwest corner of the Ghor to the mouth of Wady el-Jeib we travelled two hours; and from thence to the southeast corner is an hour or more further. The cliffs thus form an irregular curve, sweeping across the Ghor in something like a segment of a circle, the chord of which would be about six or seven geographical miles in length, extending obliquely nearly from northwest to southeast.-This remarkable line of cliffs, in the absence of any better suggestion, I am inclined to regard as the " Ascent of Akrabbim;" to which the southeastern border of Judah was to be drawn from the Dead Sea, " from the bay that looketh southward," and was thence to pass on to Zin and Kadesh-Barnea.' 1 Num. 34, 3. 4. Josh. 15, 2. 3. ii. 500, 501

MAY 30.] NIGHT SCENE. EARLY START. 121 Wednesday, May 30th. Ten minutes after midnight we were again upon our camels. The moon had set, and all was dark; the night-breeze cool and refreshing. All was still as the grave; nor did the noiseless tread of the camels in the sand, break in at all upon the silence. As we advanced, the banks of the Wady became gradually lower; and at two o'clock the country apparently opened around. I watched with interest the dawning of the morning star; at length about 3 o'clock it burst at once over the eastern mountains, radiant with brightness. We now seemed to be leaving the bed of Wady el-Jeib; and fearing to lose some important observation, we halted and waited for daybreak. Lying down upon the sand, we slept sweetly for an hour; and at 4.20 proceeded on our way. The bed of the Jeib, where we thus left it, was still large; but the banks were of moderate height; the eastern indeed had nearly disappeared. The Wady here came down from the southwest while our course was now nearly S.-IW. Mount Hor bore at first due south, aid then gradually S.- E. We were now upon the plain, or rather the rolling desert of the'Arabah; the surface was in general loose gravel and stones, everywhere furrowed and torn with the beds of torrents. A more frightful desert it had hardly been our lot to behold. Now and then a lone shrub of the Ghtdah -was almost the only trace of vegetation. Looking across the'Arabah towards the west, the prospect was not more cheering, except the small spots of verdure around two fountains; one el-Weibehl at the foot of the western mountains; and the other, el-Hufeiry more in the plain -further north. The mountains beyond presented a most uninviting and hideous aspect; precipices and naked conical peaks of chalky and gravelly formation, rising one above another without a sign of life or vegetation. On our left, as we proceeded, a long low range of reddish rocks, called Htimra Fedclan, ran parallel to the eastern mountains in front of the Wady el-Ghuweir. These rocks are at some distance from the mountains, and a large tract of the plain lies behind them. We could look over them, and see the break formed by the Ghuweir. The waters of this Wady issuing upon the plain behind the Htimra Fedan, do not run to the Jeib; but were said to form another similar channel nearer to the mountain, called el-Btiltahy, which enters the Ghor near its southeast corner. As the sun rose over the eastern mountains, the two Arabs (Jehalin) who were walking by our side, repeated a few words of prayer, consisting of little more than the ordinary Muhammedan confession: "God is most Great, and Muhammed is his pro1 This fountain is on the direct road between Wady Mfisa and Hebron. We visited it on our return, June 2d. VOL. II.- 11 ii. 501-503

122 FROi HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. phet!" They admitted that they did not usually pray, except when in company with some one who could lead them. In their tribe only some ten or fifteen, they said, could pray of themselves. Our Sheikh Hussan had never known a Bedawy who could read; he had only heard that there are some far in the east. After crossing many water-courses and gullies in the plain, we struck at 7 o'clock and followed up a large shallow Wady, coming down before us in the direction of our course, called Wady el-Buweirideh, from a fountain in it higher up. Several ridges of low hills, composed of sand, or rather of gravel, run occasionally from east to west in the plain. At 7.30 there was a larger range of such hills extending quite across the'Arabah; some of which are not less than one hundred feet in height. Wady el-Jeib, as we found later, passes down at the west end of this ridge. The valley in which we were now travelling finds its way through them near the eastern end; our course in it verging more southeasterly towards the mountains. there a shrub was now and then to be seen, and a few large Seyal trees. The Wady conducted us at length to a region of several springs, at one of which we stopped at 8.40, for breakfast and rest. All these springs are called'Ain el-Buweirideh; they are surrounded by cane brakes; among which are mingled tamarisks, willows, a few stunted palms, an abundance of the GhtrkUid, with other shrubs of the desert. The fountain by which we halted was not large; yet a rivulet flowed out from the thicket and ran for some distance down the valley. The water was sweet; but like all desert fountains had a sickly hue, as if it could bless nothing with fertility. Finding here no convenient shade, we set up the top of our tent, to shield us from the intolerable heat of the sun. The south wind, which at early dawn was cool and pleasant, had already become a burning Sirocco; the thermometer, as we stopped, stood in the shade at 96~ F. The violence and glow of the wind increased; so that at 12 o'clock the thermometer had risen to 102~ F. It being difficult in such circumstances either to write or sleep, and our Arabs wishing to go on, we concluded to proceed; and found ourselves actually less uncomfortable in travelling, than we had been in lying still. The usual road to Wady Muisa from this quarter, passes up from. the'Arabah through Wady er-Rflba'y, and so around Mount Hor, entering Wady Muisa from the southwest. But our wish and plan had ever been, if possible, to approach the place from the east, so as to enter by the celebrated chasm in the mountain on that side. On proposing this to our guides, they made no objections; but said it would be necessary to asii. 503a 504

MAY 30.]'AIN EL-BUWEIRTDEH. 123 cend the mountains by a pass further north, which they called Nemela. They said too this route would bring us more in contact with the Arabs of the mountains, and our arrival would be more generally known; but as their tribe was now on good terms with the latter, and we moreover had with us several of the Haweitat belonging to a kindred clan, there seemed to be no cause for apprehension in this circumstance. We indeed proposed to them, to take a still more northern route and carry us to Shobek; but this they declined, saying the people of that place and of the country further north were at war with the Jehalin, so that the latter could not venture into their territory. We therefore decided to ascend by the pass of Nemela. Leaving'Ain el-Buweirideh at 12.50, we proceeded up the same Wady on a course S. S. E. having a line of sand hills on our right. The wind continued to increase in violence and heat, and the atmosphere was now full of dust and sand; the glow of the air was like the mouth of a furnace. Except in the bed of the Wady, the surface was everywhere loose sand. At half past two, after passing a high sand hill on our left, we reached the foot of the gentle slope, which in this part skirts the base of the line of mountains. This is covered with debris, chiefly blocks of prophyry, among which the camels picked their way with difficulty. I at first supposed these to have been brought down from the Wady and the pass before us; but as the air cleared a little, we could see that the same gentle slope extends regularly along the base of the mountain, for a great distance north and south, covered in like manner with stones. The Sirocco was now at the height of its fury; the atmosphere was thick, so that the sun was no longer visible; nor could we see the mountains close before us. We gradually ascended this slope S. E. by S. and at 32 o'clock reached the first low hills forming the outskirts of the mountain. These are of loose limestone, or rather a yellowish argillaceous rock, low cones and ridges lying in front of the steep mass of the mountain, which is of dark porphyry. Passing up through these by a ravine, of which the Wady we had ascended forms the continuation, we came at 4 o'clock to the masses of porphyry, with high pointed cliffs. Here the Wady turns south and ascends between the porphyry and limestone formations. Half an hour afterwards, we began to get more among the porphyry cliffs; a lofty one on the left was capped with sandstone. At 4.50 a short turn of the ravine towards the left brought us into the body of the mountain; and at a quarter past 5 o'clock we reached the foot of the long, wild, romantic pass of Nemela. The path led at first along ravines, and then up the face of steep rocks and promontories; the main ascent being along a ii. 504-506

124 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XIL projecting point of the mountain, between two vast chasms. The porphyry here runs up into slender ragged needles, some of them lofty and sharp. The sides of the ravines and cliffs are dotted to their tops with shrubs and herbs, many of them fragrant; so that the air was filled with odours. The appearance of the region indicated, that there had been an abundance of rain. Indeed, the whole aspect of these mountains is much less rude and desert, than those west of the'Arabah. In the valleys were various trees and shrubs, the Sey]l, Butm, and the like, and also the Retem in great quantity, all very large. On the rocks above, we found the juniper tree, Arabic'Ar'ar;1 its berries have the appearance and taste of the common juniper, except that there is more of the aroma of the pine. These trees were ten or fifteen feet in height; and hung upon the rocks even to the summits of the cliffs and needles. This pass is longer than that of'Ain Jidy; but not in itself difficult. After a slow and toilsome ascent of an hour and a quarter, we reached the top; and came out upon a small spot of table land, or little basin, a tract of yellow sandstone capping the porphyry, and sprinkled with odoriferous herbs, affording fine pasturage for the camels. Here at 61- o'clock we encamped for the night, after a very long day's journey, excessively fatigued, and glad to have escaped the scorching blasts of the'Arabah. The tempest had abated, and the air became gradually clear; by sunset the thermometer had fallen to 76~ F. and a pleasant breeze came from the northwest. From the plain of the'Arabah we supposed we had not ascended less than two thousand feet; the height of the pass alone being about fifteen hundred feet. T/hursday, May 31st. Not having before us a long day's journey, we rested for a time this morning, in order to write up our journals. The air had become clear; and from a hillock on the very brow of.the precipice, we enjoyed a magnificent view of the'Arabah and of the western desert and mountains. All before us was indeed a perfect desert; but beyond el-'Arabah we recognised with delight our old acquaintances of that region, the great Wady el-Jerafeh and the bluff el-MfUkrah.2 We could distinctly see the Jer~feh as it enters el-'Arabah from the southwest and also for some distance up its course; a broad valley or plain, apparently a mile in width, the middle of its mouth bearing S. 80~ W. In this part and further south, the ascent from the'Arabah to the western desert seemed comparatively not great; the banks of the Jerafeh, as seen from this point, did not 1 This is doubtless the Hebrew ~q'~ Retem; see above, Vol. I. p. 203. Celsus Aroer, Jer. 48, 6, where both the Englisi Hierobot. II. p. 195. version and Luther read incorrectly heath. 2 SeOVol. I. pp. 177, 179, 180, 199, etc. The'juniper' of the same translation is the ii. 506, 507

MAY 31.] PASS OF NEMELA. PROSPECT. 125 appear very high. We had now learned enough of the region, to understand why the Jerkfeh and all the Wadys which drain the western desert, should run towards the north; a fact which at first had appeared very singular.l Directly beyond -the mouth of the Jeraifeh, and somewhat back from the brow of the'Arabah, the bluff el-Mickrrh was Pseen, forming the southeast angle of the mountainous region further north, and bearing also about S. 800 W. In the northwestern quarter all was a tract of desert mountains, lower than those on which we stood, and seeming to have only a gradual descent into the'Arabah; though, as we afterwards found, this was a deception, the descent being by ledges or offsets, with comparatively level tracts between. A pass into these mountains, north of el-Miukrah, was pointed out, called el-Mirzaba; but none of our guides had ever been in that region, and knew little more of it than ourselves. Towards the south, the direction of a small fountain,'Ain Melihy, was pointed out, at the mouth of a short Wady south of the Jerafeh. In the same quarter, we could distinctly perceive Wady el-Jeib winding along the middle of the'Arabah from the south, and at length sweeping off northwest as if to meet the Jerafeh; and having received this Wady, it again winds northeast and afterwards northwesterly, so as to pass elWeibeh at the foot of the western mountains. Here our guides of the Haweitat again assured us, that the waters of the southern Wady GhUirflndel flow northwards through el-Jeib; and we had no reason to distrust the accuracy of their information; for the whole appearance of the'Arabah and of the Jeib winding through it far south of the Jerafeh, led very naturally to the same conclusion. On our left, Mount Hor was seen standing out alone among the front cliffs of the eastern mountains. Its form is a cone irregularly truncated, having three ragged points or peaks; of which that on the northeast is the highest, and has upon it the Muhammedan Wely or tomb of Aaron. This is called among the Arabs Neby Harfin; and gives name to the mountain. It now bore about S. 10~ W. We set off from the head of the pass of Nemela at 8o'clock; and leaving the little basin where we had encamped, descended for a time to cross a deep Wady, and then ascended gradually along other ravines. On our left, at some distance, was a high fantastic cliff of sandstone based on porphyry; and before us in the east, a long high ridge of table land. Our general course was now southeast. The shrubs, studding the mountains to their very top, continued green; and large trees See Vol. I. p. 180. VOL. II. —11 ii. 507-509

126 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. of the juniper became quite common in the Wadys and on the rocks. All was here rugged and wild; the air clear and cool; and the whole scene romantic and exhilarating. For all the Wadys and the ridges between, we could learn no other name than Nemela; which our Arabs applied promiscuously to the whole district. As we continued gradually to ascend, the tops of the cliffs and ridges became sandstone, while the body of the mountain remained still of porphyry. In crossing a broad low ridge, we came suddenly at 9.25 upon a deep chasm in the sandstone rock, which proved to be the head of a narrow Wady running off S. S. W. shut in by almost perpendicular walls. Looking down into it, we perceived its bed full of the Difleh or oleander1 in full bloom, forming with its myriads of large red blossoms a striking contrast to the desert rocks around. We saw this plant here for the first time. It is very abundant in these mountains; but we met with it nowhere else, until we reached the shores of the lake of Tiberias and the coast of Tyre and Sidon. Descending into the Wady, we followed it with difficulty, and found rain water in two places standing in the rocks. This valley bore also in the mouths of our Arabs the name of Nemela, After nearly half an hour (at 9.50) it went off more southwest through a narrow gorge; and, as I suppose, finds its way down to the foot of the pass by which we had ascended. We here turned up a side valley southeast still called Nemela; the oleanders and junipers continuing all the way. The country became more open; and as we got higher, traces of ancient terraces and former cultivation began to appear, though the soil was slight and poor. At 10} o'clock we were fully among the sandstone formation; the porphyry entirely disappeared; and the Wadys became of less rapid descent. Half an hour later, we came out upon the rocky ridge at the head of this Wady Nemela; and found ourselves upon a circular plateau or basin, once partially tilled, surrounded by low weather-worn cliffs of sandstone. After crossing this tract, we entered from it at 11.20 a chasm in the eastern range of cliffs, called es-Sik; though it has little resemblance to the Sik of Wady Musa. The breadth is irregular, varying from fifty to some two hundred feet; the rocks upon the sides are perpendicular, and perhaps a hundred feet in height. Its course is about S. E. by S. The bed of a torrent comes down through it; and along with some slight traces of tillage, it was crowded with a luxuriant growth of oleanders, juniper, oak, Retem, and also of Zaknam, a shrub similar in size and appearance to the oleander. Five minutes before reaching the further end, there was on the right a niche, or rather a large Neriuln Oleander, Sprengel Hist. Rei Herbar. I. p. 252. ii. 509, 510

MAY 31.] DIBDIBA, ETC. 127 tablet, hewn high up in the rock, exhibiting a pedestal in relief, with two slender pyramids or obelisks upon it. There is no inscription; except a Greek scrawl in red paint, now illegible, apparently the work of some casual visitor in by-gone times. The tablet may not improbably have been intended as a sepulchral monument.1 We emerged from the Sik at 11- o'clock into a new region, called Sut/fh Beida, " White Plains," a broad uneven open tract or valley running south by west, having on the right the naked sandstone ridge through which we had passed, and on the left, a high sloping mountain ridge without precipices, sprinkled with herbage to the top. On this declivity are traces of tillage and also olive trees, around the little village of Dibdiba, not far up the side; we were opposite to it at 12 o'clock. More towards the south, isolated groups of sandstone rocks and cliffs are scattered in the open tract; and beyond them is Wady Musa. The waters of the northern part of the plain flow off through the Sik behind us; while those further south find their way to Wady Musa, which there crosses the tract from east to west. The soil of the plain seemed poor; and there was only a scanty tillage. A few people were reaping and gleaning a miserable crop of wheat sown among the shrubs; the stalks were hardly a foot high, few and far between. Near by was a threshing-floor; but the crop seemed hardly to merit so much trouble. A few Bedawin were also pasturing their flocks. We halted at 12.10 and purchased a sheep; offering for it forty piastres, which at first was refused, but afterwards taken. We wished to provide a good supper for our Arabs this evening in Wady Mufsa; in order to part with our HaweitAt on good terms on the morrow. The poor people whom we here found, were at the least possible remove from savage life. In one party, consisting mostly of females, there was a man entirely naked, except a rag around his loins; and most of the children had only a like covering for their nakedness. This man was armed with a gun and knife, and looked fierce and savage. In this quarter we saw two or three small tombs in the sandstone rocks. From this spot we sent off our servants and luggage direct to Wady Muisa; their course was south by west, crossing obliquely several narrow Wadys which run into Wady Mfisa at points further west; and then following down another, to enter near the eastern quarter. We in the mean time took a route more to the left, in order to approach from the east through the magnificent Sik or chasm. Setting off at 12- o'clock, our course was about south, along the base of the mountain on our left, and so 1 This tablet is mentioned by Lord Lindsay, who passed by this route after leaving Wady Mdsa. ii. 510-512

128 FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA. [SEc. XIH around its southwestern end; thus passing above or across the heads of several Wadys running southwest to Wady Mcsa. At 2 o'clock we saw the ruined structure in Wady MuIsa, bearing southwest about three quarters of an hour distant; while at the same time the village of Eljy bore S. S. E. distant rather more than an hour. The body of the regular mountain on our left, appeared to be limestone; a formation still higher and further back than the sandstone; 1 though the base in this part, and the Wadys on our right, were of the latter. This appears to be the mountain, on which Irby and Mangles and their companions encamped for several days, before they could enter Wady Muisa; from it they could see that place in the south, and the village of Dibdiba below. them towards the west.2 We were now higher than Wady MAsa, and were indeed traversing the top of the broad sandstone ridge, which extends from below this end of the mountain of Dibdiba southwards, forming the eastern barrier through which the ravine of the Sik leads to the former place.: We soon had upon our right a similar narrow chasm, sunk deep in the rocky surface over which we were passing, and not more than twenty or thirty feet in breadth; this I suppose to be the ravine marked on the plan of Wady Mfilsa, as entering at the northeast corner. At 2.20 we came opposite a ruined fortress on the other side of this chasm, situated just on the brink, and looking down into the depths below. It is of considerable extent, with pointed arches and imperfect masonry, apparently of Saracenic construction. From our position near it, Mount Hor bore; S. 72~ W. and Eljy S. 350 E. The particular object of this castle we could not perceive; as it seems to guard no approach to Wady Muisa, nor to any other place of importance. Perhaps it was an outpost of the former fortress of Sh6bek towards the south. I am not aware that it has yet been noticed by travellers.3 Eljy was now before us, and appeared like a good sized village on the western declivity of another long limestone mountain; it lies on a point or promontory between two Wadys which unite at the foot. According to Burckhardt, it "contains between two and three hundred houses, and is enclosed by a stone wall with three regular gates; a few large hewn stones dispersed over the present town, indicate the existence of an ancient city on the spot."4 The slopes around are terraced and 1Burckhardt says that "the rocks mentioned by Irby and Mangles, as seen above Eljy are calcareous, and the sand- from their camp above Dibdiba; but in stone does not begin until the point where what direction they do not say. Travels the, first tombs are excavated" in the val- p. 425. [130.] ley further west. Travels in Syria, p. 432. 4 The same traveller saw here also 2 Travels pp. 386,-388. [118.] "some large pieces of saline marble." 3 Unless perhaps it be the Beit el-Karm Travels pp. 420, 421.-Irby and Mangles ii. 512, 513

MAY 31.]. ELJY. 129 cultivated. In the northern Wady, about twenty minutes above the village, is a copious spring issuing from under the rock. This is'Ain Mfusa. The brook which runs from it, receives further down a rivulet from the southern Wady and also some other springs; and flowing down the valley westward, forms the stream of Wady Musa.-From'Ain Mflsa, according to Burckhardt, a broad valley winds upwards in a southern direction for two hours and a quarter; at the extremity of which, on high ground, are the ruins of an ancient city, now called Blita'hy.' We came to the valley with the brook at 2-3 o'clock, at some distance below Eljy, and just at the point where it becomes narrower by entering among sandstone rocks, connected with the broad ridge which we had just traversed. Above this point the Wady is wide and fertile, and was now covered with grain. Just before descending into it, we had in a group of low whitish rocks, on our right, the first important tomb in this quarter, mentioned also by Irby and Mangles.2 It consists of a square court cut in the rock, with its eastern front built up in masonry; on the inner wall of the rock is a facade and a door leading to a chamber with niches, behind which is a smaller room. On each side of the court are low porticos with Doric columns. In a small group of rocks near by, I noticed steps leading to the top; and mounting them, I found a tomb sunk in the rock, with apparently no entrance except from above. Descending into the valley, we followed it westwards along the fine little brook, skirted with an abundance of oleanders now in full blossom. The valley becomes shut in by sandstone cliffs, at first forty or fifty feet high, leaving between them a space of about fifty yards for the breadth of the ravine. Here is the commencement of this wonderful necropolis. The tombs begin immediately on the right; on the left there are none for some distance further down. After passing the facades of several sepulchres, which anywhere else would be objects of great curiosity, my attention was arrested by three tombs on the right, which at once transported me back to the valley of Jehoshaphat. They are isolated masses of rock, about fifteen or twenty feet square, which have been cut away from the adjacent cliffs of reddish sandstone, leaving a passage of several feet between. In one of them, at the bottom, is a small sepulchral chamber" with a low door. Another is ornamented with columns too much defaced to distinguish the order; but has apparently no entrance unless from above, like the tomb above deestimate the houses at "not more than 1 Travels pp. 420, 433, 434. forty or fifty; " p. 404. [124.] Burckhardt 2 Irby and Mangles' Travels, p. 405. seems to me to be nearer the truth; though [124.] we did not enter the village. ii. 513-515

130 WADY MUSA. FSEC. XII. scribed. These monuments differ from those of Absalom and Zechariah chiefly in the upper part or roof, which is here flat; and in the fact, that the sides are drawn in slightly from the perpendicular, in the Egyptian style, so that the top is somewhat narrower than the base. These three tombs are mentioned only by Burckhardt; who also speaks of two others somewhat similar, on the road leading from Wady Mfisa to Mount Holt. A little further down upon the left, in the face of the cliffs, is a tomb with a front of six Ionic columns. Directly over this is another sepulchre, the- front of which, above the door, bears as an ornament four slender pyramids sculptured in the same rock, producing a singular effect. This appears to be the only instance of the kind among all this vast variety of tombs. The tablet we had seen in the Sik of Nemela bears a resemblance to it;2 and pyramids, we are told, surmounted in like manner the sepulchres of Helena at Jerusalem, and of the Maccabees at Modin.3 Here then appears to be another link, connecting the later sepulchral architecture of Palestine with that of the adjacent Arabia Petraa. The valley contracts more and more, and the cliffs become higher, presenting on each side a street of tombs. The rocks are of red sandstone. After fifteen minutes (at 3 o'clock) we came to a spot where the ravine- opens out into a small area, apparently wholly shut in by rocky walls about eighty feet high, except on the side by which we entered. Here an Arab boy was watching his flock of sheep. The brook bends a little to the right, and, approaching the opposite wall of rocks, disappears in a narrow cleft, hardly perceptible at first to the eye of a casual observer; being concealed in part by a projection of the cliffs. Here is the opening of: the terrific chasm, which anciently formed the only avenue to the city on this side. This is the Sik of Wady Mfisa. A few steps beyond the entrance, a noble arch is thrown across high up from one precipice to the other, with niches sculptured in the rock beneath each end, ornamented with pilasters and probably intended for statues. It was constructed doubtless as an ornament over the entrance of this singular gallery; it may, or may not, have been an arch of triumph. Just below this spot we measured the width of the Sik, twelve feet. This is the narrowest part; though it hardly becomes in any place more than three, or at the most four times this width. The rocks are all of reddish sandstone, perpendicular on both sides; and in some places they overhang the passage, so as almost to shut out the light of the sky. In other parts they have 1 Pages 452, 429. 2 See above, p. 6. Also Vol. I. pp. 2 See above, pp. 126, 127. 362, 363. ii. 515, 516

MAY 31.] THE CHASM. THE ARCH. 131 apparently been cut away by hand. Indeed, the whole vast mass of rock seems as if originally rent asunder by some great convulsion of nature, leaving behind this long, narrow, winding, magnificent chasm. The height of the rocks at first is eighty or a hundred feet; the bottom has a rapid descent, and the sides become higher towards the west, varying from one hundred and fifty to two hundred, or perhaps two hundred and fifty feet. I doubt whether any part of these or the adjacent cliffs rises to the height of three hundred feet. We gave particular attention to this point, and repeated our observations the next day; because the elevation of the sides of the Sik and of the surrounding cliffs, appears to have been greatly exaggerated in the reports of travellers.' The limpid brook flowed at this time along the whole distance, watering a thicket of oleanders in full bloom, and so abundant as almost to block up the passage. Wild figs also and tamarisks grow out of the rocks here and there; and the vines of creeping plants hung in festoons along the walls. The great body of the water, especially in the rainy season, was perhaps anciently carried off by some different way; at other times it was distributed in aqueducts, the remains of which are still to be seen. A channel for the water, cut in the rock, runs upon the left near the level of the ground; and a conduit of earthen pipes four or five inches in diameter, let into the rock and cemented, is carried along high up on the right hand precipice. Both of these are now in ruins. The bottom of the passage was anciently paved with squared stones, which still remain in various places. Along the sides are seen, here and there, niches, and also tablets hewn smooth in the rock, where once perhaps stood busts or statues, or the words of an inscription. The Sik winds much; running at first west, then southwest, then northwest, and so continuing to vary between southwest and northwest until near the end, where its course is again west. At some of these turns, similar chasms come in from the sides; showing that the whole mass of rock is rent to the bottom by like clefts in all directions. It is the same broad sandstone ridge, the top of which we had traversed in approaching Eljy. The character of this wonderful spot, and the impression which it makes, are utterly indescribable; and I know of nothing which can present even a faint idea of them. I had visited 1Mr Legh gives the height from 200 70. Burckhardt alone seems to have to 500 feet; May 26th. Irby and Mangles kept his right mind, and estimates the from 400 to 700 feet; p. 414. Mr Ste- rocks at the beginning of the Sik at about phens from 500 to 1000 feet; Vol. II. p. 80 feet in height; pp. 422, 423. ii. 516-518

132 WADY MIUSA. [SEC. XII. the strange sandstone lanes and streets of Adersbach, and wandered with delight through the romantic dells of the Saxon Switzerland; both of which scenes might be supposed to afford the nearest parallel; yet they exhibit few points of comparison. All here is on a vaster scale of wild and savage grandeur. We lingered along this superb approach, proceeding slowly and stopping often, forgetful of every thing else, and taking for the moment no note of time. The length is a large mile; we were forty minutes in passing through in this desultory manner. As we drew near the western end, the sunlight began to break in upon the rugged crags before us. Here the Sik terminates, opening nearly at right angles into a similar though broader Wady or chasm, coming down from the south and passing off northwest. All at once the beautiful fanade of the Khizneh, in the western precipice, opposite the mouth of the Sik, burst upon our view, in all the delicacy of its first chiselling, and in all the freshness and beauty of its soft colouring. I had seen various engravings of it, and read all the descriptions;, but this was one of the rare instances, where the truth of the reality surpassed the ideal anticipation. It is indeed most exquisitely beautiful; and nothing I had seen of architectural effect in Rome, or Thebes, or even Athens, comes up to it in the first impression. It does not bear criticism as to its architecture; though this at least is symmetrical. The broken pediment and other ornaments are not all in a pure style; and if seen in a different land, or without the accompaniments by which it is surrounded, it would perhaps excite little admiration. But here, its position as a portion of the lofty mass of coloured rock overagainst the imposing avenue; its wonderful state of preservation; the glow and teint of the stone; and the wild scenery around; all are unique, and combine into a power of association and impression, which takes complete possession of the mind. One column of the portico alone is broken away; yet such is the symmetrical effect of the whole, that this deficiency does not at first strike the eye. I was perfectly fascinated with this splendid work of ancient art in this wild spot; and the idea of it was uppermost in my mind during the day and all the night. In the morning, I returned and beheld it again with increased admiration. There it stands, as it has stood for ages, in beauty and loneliness; the generations which admired and rejoiced over it of old, have passed away; the wild Arab, as he wanders by, regards it with stupid indifference or scorn; and none are left, but strangers from far distant lands, to do it reverence. Its rich roseate teints, as I bade it farewell, were lighted up and gilded by the mellow beams of the morning sun; and I turned away from it at length with an impression, which will be effaced only at death. ii. 518 519

MAY 81.] THE KHUZNEH. 133 The name el-Kiizneh given by the Arabs to this edifice, signifies'the treasure;' which they ascribe to Pharaoh, and suppose to be contained in the urn crowning the summit of its ornamented front, a hundred feet or more above the ground. Their only interest indeed in all these monuments, is to search for hidden treasures; and as they find nothing elsewhere, they imagine them to be deposited in this urn, which to them is inaccessible. It bears the marks of many musket balls, which they have fired at it, in the hope of breaking it in pieces, and thus obtaining the imagined treasure. The interior of the structure by no means corresponds to its imposing exterior. From the vestibule, the door leads into a plain lofty room excavated from the rock, the sides smooth, but without ornament. Behind this is another room of less size; and small lateral chambers are found on each side, opening from the large room and from the vestibule. Was this a temple, or merely a dwelling for the dead? There is nothing in the monument itself to determine this question; but if any of the wonderful structures of this place may be considered as temples, I should regard this as one. —Here, as the central point of interest in Wady Masa, we inscribed our names upon the inner wall, in company with those of the few Europeans and the single American who had preceded us; as we had done before in the tombs of Thebes, and on the summit of the great pyramid. The brook now flows along the somewhat broader Wady towards the northwest. The cliffs continue on both sides lofty and perpendicular. They are filled with innumerable tombs; in which the chambers are usually small; while the fagades exhibit great variety, and are sometimes large and magnificent. Burckhardt justly remarks, that there are probably " no two sepulchres in Wady Mfisa perfectly alike; on the contrary they vary greatly in size, shape, and embellishments. In some places three sepulchres are excavated one over the other; and the side of the mountain is so perpendicular, that it seems impossible to approach the uppermost."' The most common form of the fagades, in this part, is perhaps a truncated pyramid, with a pilaster on each side, and an ornamented portal in the middle. Some fronts are plain; others again are ornamented with columns and friezes and pediments; all sculptured in relief upon the face of the rock. One ornament, apparently peculiar to the architecture of this place, struck us by its singularity. In the upper part of some of the faqades, instead of a pediment, two flights of steps, from four to six, diverging from the centre, are carried up to each' Page 427. VoL. IMI.-12 ii. 519-521

134 WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII corner; and then a horizontal line or cornice runs between the upper steps. In this part of the valley is the tomb described by Laborde, as having on its architrave a Greek inscription. I sought for this next day; but under the circumstances in which we were then placed, was not able to find it. The valley now makes a slight bend towards the north, and opens to a wider breadth; while the cliffs on each side are lower and less abrupt. Here, on the left, is the theatre, wholly hewn out of the rock; the diameter of the bottom is one hundred and twenty feet;' with thirty-three rows of seats, rising one above another in the side of the cliff behind. Above the seats a row of small chambers is excavated in the circle of the rock, looking down upon the scene below. Burckhardt estiimates it as capable of containing three thousand persons. This seems to me too low a number; for each row of seats would probably contain on an average more than one hundred persons. The theatre fronts towards the E. N. E. The cliffs on each: side are full of tombs; while in front, along the face of the eastern cliffs, the eye of the spectator rests on a multitude of the largest and most splendid sepulchres. Strange contrast! where a taste for the frivolities of the day was at the same time gratified by the magnificence of tombs; amusement in a cemetery; a theatre in the midst of sepulchres. From the upper or southern front of the theatre, is obtained perhaps the most striking view in all the valley; and this Laborde has given with a good general effect, though not with great exactness. The opposite or eastern cliff, as it here skirts the brook, is low; while above it, further back, is another higher precipice extending far to the north, in which are the most conspicuous tombs of the city. These with the theatre and the more distant cliffs, are comprised in Laborde's view. But the site of the city itself is not seen from this point; it lay more to the left, along the brook, after the latter turns west around the extremity of the left-hand cliff. We now proceeded down the valley; and found our tent pitched on the right bank of the brook, between it and the end of the low eastern cliff. It stood directly before a large tomb broken away in front, which thus answered the double purpose of a shelter and kitchen for our servants and Arabs. Here the valley, as enclosed by the cliffs, terminates; and the brook, turning westwards, flows, when full, through the open tract of ground extending to the similar range of sandstone rocks, which at the distance of twenty minutes bounds the site of the ancient city on the west. At this time the water of the brook continued 1 Irby and Mangles, p. 428. [131.] ii. 521. 522

MAY 31.] THE THEATRE, ETC. 135 to run only to the end of the Sik near the Khnizneh; further down, its bed was dry. Our object in coming to Wady Mfisa was not to make a minute examination of the place in detail; but rather to obtain a general impression of the whole, and to look more particularly at some of the principal monuments. We had never thought of remaining more than one night, and at most a part of the following day. We were now greatly fatigued; and our minds much excited by the novelty and strangeness of the scene around us. Yet, however glad we might have been to rest for a time beneath our tent, we thought it better to improve the remainder of the day in visiting the other principal objects; and we were the more stimulated to this course, because we had some foreboding of being interrupted. We now followed down the left side of the bed of the brook, as it runs nearly westward through the open tract. It is everywhere skirted on both sides by a strip of level land; on the north and south of which, again, the ground rises into low irregular mounds and eminences; while back of these, a quarter of a mile from the brook in both directions, is a steeper and longer ascent leading up to higher plains on the north and south. It is this lower tract, about half a mile square, which formed the actual circuit of the ancient city; being shut in on the east and west by high perpendicular walls of sandstone rock. "It is an area in the bosom of a mountain, swelling into mounds and intersected with gullies; but the whole ground is of such a nature as may be conveniently built upon, and has neither ascent nor descent inconveniently steep."' Keeping near the bed of the brook, we soon came to the fallen columns of a large temple. Each column had been formed of several stones, and the joints now lay in their order along the ground. Nearly opposite this spot, a Wady joins the brook from the north, over which are the remains of a bridge. Further west, the banks of the brook itself have once been built up with strong walls, and the stream apparently covered over for some distance; thus connecting the level tracts upon the sides. We now passed along the remains of the paved way, through the ruins of the arch of triumpbh, which stands near the brook, fronting towards the east. The architecture is florid and corrupt. It seems to have formed the approach to the palace or pile of building beyond, which the Arabs call Kfisr Far'on, " Pharaoh's castle." This mass of walls is the only structure of mason work now standing in Wady Muisa. It is of very inferior architecture and workmanship, and apparently of a late age. Joists Irby and Mangles p. 424. [130.] ii. 522-524

136 WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. of wood are in different parts let in between the courses of stone; intended doubtless to receive the fastenings for ornaments of wood or stucco. The walls are mostly entire; but the columns of the northern front, which were composed of separate pieces, are nearly gone. The distribution of the interior into several chambers and stories, seems to show conclusively, that it was not a temple; it would appear rather to have been a public edifice of a different character. On the rising ground south of the Kfisr and triumphal arch, stands the lone column called by the Arabs Zub Far'6n; on ascending to it we found it composed of several pieces, and connected with the foundations of a temple; the fragments of several other columns were strewed around. These are the chief remains of particular structures, which strike the eye of the wanderer upon the site occupied by the city itself; and they have been noticed and described by all travellers, as well as by the pencil of Laborde. But these writers have omitted to mention one circumstance, or at least all have not given to it that prominence which it deserves, viz. that all these are but single objects amidst a vast tract of similar ruins. Indeed the whole area above described, was once obviously occupied by a large city of houses. Along the banks of the stream, the violence of the water has apparently swept away the traces of dwellings; but elsewhere, the whole body of the area, on both sides of the torrent, and especially on the north, is covered with the foundations and stones of an extensive town. The stones are hewn; and the houses erected with them, must have been solid and well built. On looking at the extent of these ruins, it struck us as surprising, that they should hitherto have been passed over so slightly; although this may readily be accounted for, by the surpassing interest of the surrounding sepulchres. These foundations and ruins cover an area of not much less than two miles in circumference; affording room enough, in an oriental city, for the accommodation of thirty or forty thousand inhabitants.1 We were now near the western wall of cliffs, which are also of red sandstone and higher than those on the east; rising in some parts to an elevation of three or four hundred feet. This wall too is full of tombs, some of them high up in the rock; but in general less numerous and splendid than those in the eastern cliffs. One of the most conspicuous is the unfinished tomb of 1 Burckhardt is here the most explicit: of the river is a rising ground, extending " The ground is covered with heaps of westwards for nearly a quarter of an hour, hewn stones, foundations of buildings, frag- entirely covered with similar remains. On ments of columns, and vestiges of paved the right bank, where the ground is more streets; all clearly indicating that a large elevated, ruins of the same description are city once existed here. On the left side also seen." Travels p. 427. ii. 524, 525

MAY 31.] SITE OF THE CITY. RUINS. 137 which a drawing is given by Laborde; showing that in sculpturing the facades of the sepulchres, the workmen, (as was natural,) after smoothing the face of the rock, began at the top and wrought downwards. We entered several of these tombs, which presented nothing worthy of particular notice. The great multitude of them are small and plain, mere excavations in- the face of the rock.' In the channel of the brook, which was dry below the Khfihzneh quite across the open space, we now found, near the western cliff, water again springing up in several places, in small quantity indeed, but of excellent quality; much purer indeed than that in the brook above. It ran in a small stream along the bed of the Wady, which here enters the front of the western cliffs by a chasm similar to the eastern Sik; but broader and less regular. We entered and proceeded for some distance down the ravine, which is full of oleanders and other shrubs and trees, so that we could scarcely pass. The walls within the mouth are full of tombs, all small and without ornament. The high rock upon the left, which is isolated by a very narrow chasm behind it, is conjectured by Laborde to have been the acropolis of the ancient city; but we received the impression at the time, that there was no special ground to justify this supposition.2 We followed the ravine considerably below this point; and endeavoured to find the lateral chasm, marked on Laborde's plan as leading up towards the right quite to the Deir. There are short chasms enough in that direction; but none extending to the Deir, which indeed seems to be inaccessible from this quarter; as we found by our own experience, and from the testimony of Arab shepherds on the spot. Further towards the west the ravine has never been explored; and no one could tell in what direction the waters, when swollen, find their way through the cliffs. This only is certain, that the Wady does not, as Wady Musa, extend down to the'Arabah; and the course so marked upon Laborde's map has as little actual existence, as the Wady Mufsa by which Schubert supposed himself to have ascended from the'Arabah towards Mount Hor.3 It was now sunset; and we returned to our tent, fatigued, and our eyes for the present'satisfied with seeing.' We had obtained, so far as we desired, a general idea of the valley and: Very many of those plain sepulchres distinguished artist, who visited Wady MUdiffer little from the multitudes of similar sa in 1839, that he remarked traces of ones around Jerusalem; except in their buildings, or at least of mason work, upon position- and the nature of the rock. the summit of this cliff. 2 We did not indeed ascend the rock; a Reise II. pp. 414, 418. The road nor does Laborde appear to have done so. from -'Akabah ascends through the Wady Irby and Mangles are silent as to it.-I Abu Kusheibeh mentioned further on. have since learned from Mr. Roberts, the VOL. II.-12* ii. 525-527

138 WADY MUSA. CSEc. XI. its wonders; and we left for the morrow a visit to the Deir, a closer examination of the tombs in the eastern cliffs back of our tent, and a renewal of the impressions received from the Khtizneh and the region around the theatre. Our further plan was to ascend Mount Hor, and then take the usual road back to Hebron. The pencil of Laborde has spread before the world the details of the strange remains, which give interest and celebrity to this valley; but his work presents no correct general idea of the whole. The best written descriptions are still those of the earliest visitors; first Burckhardt, and then Irby and Mangles. The account of the former is the most exact and simple; that of the latter is more full, but also more coloured and somewhat confused. Burckhardt was here but a part of a day, an object of jealous suspicion to his Arab guide; yet it struck me with astonishment, to remark, upon the spot, the exactness and extent of his observations during that short interval. A single glance had been sufficient to correct a false impression, which I had received from previous accounts, viz. that the site of the ancient city was shut in on all sides by perpendicular cliffs, and that the entrance by the Sik was the only feasible one from any quarter. This, as has been seen, is not the case. The area of the city is bounded only on the east and west by walls of rock; that on the east being the broad sandstone ridge extending south below the southern end of the mountain of Dibdiba; while that on the west is the similar ridge, which further north runs parallel to the same mountain, and is penetrated by the Sik of Nemela. The brook of'Ain Mufsa, rising above Eljy, flows down its valley and breaks through the midst of the eastern ridge, thus forming the Sik; then, crossing the open area near the middle, it passes off in like manner through the western ridge. Towards the north and south the view is open. Towards the northeast is seen the high southern end of the mountain of Dibdiba, resting on white sandstone at its base; and more to the left the plain Sutuih Beida, through which we had approached. From the eastern part of the area of the valley, the summit of Mount Hor is seen over the western line of cliffs, bearing about W. by S. On each side of the brook, the ground rises towards the north and south, as already described; at first gradually by irregular hillocks and eminences strowed with the scattered remains of former houses; and then, at the distance of a quarter of a mile, more rapidly. Towards the north, this latter ascent is cut up by several Wadys, and leads up through groups of sandstone rocks to the plain Sutah Beida. Two of these torrent beds, coming from the end of the mountain of )Dibdiba, ii. 527, 528

MAY 31.] GENERAL FEATURES. 139 unite in the northeast part of the area, having between them a promontory of red sandstone, in which are tombs. Further west are other small Wadys. Here, at the northeast corner, the road from near Dibdiba comes in, by which our servants entered; and here, or somewhere in this quarter, must be the tomb described by Irby and Mangles, as having an inscription in the unknown Sinaitic character;' and also that with a Latin inscription, discovered by Laborde. Towards the south, the ascent from the area of the city is steeper, and somewhat greater, perhaps a hundred feet. It leads up to a high plain of table land, extending westward around the end of the western cliff (which here terminates) to Mount Hor or Jebel Neby HaIrftn. This plain bears the name of Sutfih HarAn, "Aaron's Plains," corresponding to the Sutfih Beida, "White Plains," on the north of Wady Muisa. At the southwest corner of the area of the city, a path passes out, ascending a long narrow Wady lined with tombs, to this terrace. It then leads along the southern foot of Mount Hor, and dividing further on, one branch descends to the'Arabah towards the left through Wady Abu Kusheibeh,2 and so to'Akabah; while the other goes more towards the right, and descends through Wady er-ROibA'y on the way to Hebron. At the foot of this latter pass, according to our Arabs, there is a small spring of good water, called et-Taiyibeh. In looking at the wonders of this ancient city, one is at a loss, whether most to admire the wildness of the position and natural scenery, or the taste and skill with which it was fashioned into a secure retreat, and adorned with splendid structures, chiefly for the dead. The most striking feature of the place consists, not in the fact that there are occasional excavations and sculptures like those above described; but in the innumerable multitude of such excavations, along the whole extent of perpendicular rocks adjacent to the main area, and in all the lateral valleys and chasms; the entrances of very many of which are variously, richly, and often fantastically decorated, with every imaginable order and style of architecture. The cliffs upon the east and west present the largest and most continuous surfaces; and here the tombs are most numerous. But the spur from the eastern cliffs formed by the Wady below the Khizneh, as well as other smaller spurs and promontories and single groups of rocks, both in the north and south, are also occupied in like manner. All these sepulchres of course looked down upon the city of the living; but others, again, are found in retired dells and secret See at the end of Note XIX, end of borde writes it strangely enough " PabouVol. I. chbe; " although the sound of p does not 2 This name is not quite certain. La- exist in the Arabic language. ii. 528-530

140 WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. chasms, or sometimes among the heights on either side, to which flights of steps cut in the rock lead up in several places. Thus the Deir lies high up among the cliffs of the western ridge, more than half an hour distant from the area of the city. The most conspicuous of -all the monuments, next to the Khtizneh and Deir, are those along the eastern cliffs north of the theatre. Here towards the north is the immense faqade with three rows of columns one above another; then the Corinthian tomb depicted by Laborde; and further south, it would seem, the large tomb described by Irby and Mangles, with Doric porticos and ornaments, and arched substructions in front. The interior of this last, according to the same travellers, consists of one large and lofty chamber, which in later ages was converted into a Christian church; having three recesses for altars at the further end; while an inscription in red paint, near an angle, records the date of the consecration.' The rock in which all these monuments are sculptured, is the soft reddish sandstone of this whole district; a formation which has been already described as resting upon lower masses of porphyry, and which appears to extend to a great distance both north and south. The forms of the cliffs are often exceedingly irregular and grotesque. The highest, and indeed the only high point, of all the sandstone tract, is Mount Hor. - The softness of the stone afforded great facilities for excavating the sepulchres and sculpturing their ornamental parts; but the same cause has operated against their preservation, except where sheltered from exposure. The Khiizneh itself has been -thus wonderfully preserved, only by the overhanging vault of rock which shields it. Not the least remarkable circumstance in the peculiarities of this singular spot, is the colour of the rocks. They present not a dead mass of dull monotonous red; but an endless variety of bright and living hues, from the deepest crimson to the softest pink, verging also sometimes to orange and yellow. These varying shades are often distinctly marked by waving lines, imparting to -the surface of the rock a succession of brilliant and changing teints, like the hues of watered silk, and adding greatly to the imposing effect of the sculptured monuments. Indeed it would be impossible " to give to the reader an idea of the singular effect of rocks, teinted with the most extraordinary hues, whose summits present us with nature in her most savage and romantic form; whilst their bases are worked out in all the symmetry and regularity of art, with colonnades, and pediments, 1 Irby and Mangles' Travels p. 429-431. [132.] To my great regret I was not able to visit and examine this tomb. ii. 530. 531

MAY 31.] ARCHITECTURE. SEPULCHRES. 141 and ranges of corridors adhering to their perpendicular surface."' This play of colours is strikingly exhibited, along the paths leading to the Deir, and to Mount Hor. In the midst of the variety of architecture, which here astonishes the spectator, two styles are obviously predominant, the Egyptian and the Roman-Greek; or rather, it is the mixture and union of these two, which here constitutes the prevailing style. The former is principally seen in the body or masses of the faqades; where the truncated pyramidal forms, and the slightly tapering fronts and sides, remind one continually of the majestic portals and propyla of the Theban temples. The more classic orders of Greece and Rome are conspicuous in the columns and other ornaments; and prevail also throughout in some of the more important monuments. But even here all i~: florid and overloaded, indicating a later age and a degenerate taste; when a feeling of the beautiful still remained, but without the simplicity of nature. This amalgamation of styles may be accounted for, by the prevalence, first of the Roman influence and then of the Roman dominion, which penetrated hither both by way of Asia Minor and Syria, and also from Egypt. This took place, as we know, about the Christian era; and to that period and the subsequent centuries, are probably to be ascribed the architectural skill and monuments, on which strangers now gaze with surprise and wonder. An interesting question, which occupied much of our attention on the spot, was, How far these excavations are to be regarded merely as sepulchres? and whether any of them were probably intended as abodes for the living? I had formerly received the impression, that very many of them were to be so considered; and indeed, that a great portion of the ancient city had been composed of such dwellings "in the clefts of the rocks."2 But after attentive observation, we could perceive no traces of any such design. The smaller and unornamented excavations, are entirely similar to the numerous sepulchres around Jerusalem; and the one have no more the appearance of having been intended as dwellings than the other. Those with ornamental facades have in general a like character within; many of them have niches for dead bodies; and even such as have not this decisive mark, exhibit nevertheless no trace of having been constructed for habitations. At a later period, indeed, they may not improbably have been thus used; just as the tombs at Thebes and those in the village of Siloam, are now converted into dwellings.3 Irby and Mangles p. 423. [129 sq.] palatively very small. The caverns in the 2 Jer. 49, 16. country towards Damascus, which were The interior of all these tombs is com- never tombs, but always dwellings, are ii. 531-533

142 WADY MUSA. [SEC. XIT. The elegance of their exterior decoration, affords no ground for supposing the most of these monuments to have been other than tombs. The abodes of the dead were regarded in Egypt, and also in Palestine, with profound veneration; and were constructed with even greater pomp and splendour than the habitations of the living. Witness the tomb of Helena at Jerusalem, and the still more magnificent ones at Thebes; to say nothing of the mighty pyramids, erected apparently each as the sepulchre of a single monarch.'-Nor is there any necessity for the supposition, that these excavations were intended in part as dwellings for the inhabitants of the place. The widely spread ruins which are visible, attest, as we have seen, that a large and extensive city:of houses built of stone once occupied this spot; and the sepulchres round about are comparatively less numerous, than those which in like manner skirt the sites of ancient Thebes and Memphis. The city which stood here, was of itself built " in the clefts of the rocks; " without the necessity of our looking for single dwellings in such a situation. Yet not all these structures, I think, were sepulchral; some of the larger. and more splendid were more probably temples of the gods. The facility and beauty with which the ornamented facades of monuments could be sculptured in the rock, might easily, suggest the idea of constructing fanes for the gods in like manner; and such excavated temples were not unknown in Egypt.2 Hence the site of the beautiful Khtizneh was selected, directly opposite to- the grand: entrance from the east; the character of its front is decidedly that of a temple. To the same class probably belong some;of the larger and more conspicuous excavations in the eastern cliffs; especially the one described by Irby and M1angles, as having arched substructions built up in front, and afterwards used as:a Christian church. The Deir too, as we shall see, has similar features, and appears also to have been transformed into a church. Nothing would be more natural, under the circumstances, than to convert heathen temples of this kind into Christian sanctuaries; but had they been originally sepulchres, such a transition would have been less natural and probable. Such were the impressions with which we spent the evening beneath our tent in Wady Muisa. Around us were the desolations of ages; the dwellings and edifices of the ancient city very capacious, affording shelter to both (ppoVrTL'ovoL, 7rEp B'e Ta's Ta(pas v7rep13oXh7v the inhabitants and their flocks. See See- ovbc &7roXE.drovrr piXo'rlULas. Comp. Getzen in Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVIII. pp. senius Comm. zu Jesa. 14, 18-20. 22, 16. 356. 418. 2 E. g. the temples of Abu Simbel; Wil-: So too Diodorus Siculus says, in speak- kinson's Mod. Egypt, II. p. 327 sq. Burcking of the Egyptians, 1. 51: Atrdrep ~Tv hardt's Nubia, p. 88. Irby and Mangles, pp. s'v -Kar T'rs oicias aacaratcvieu&z'rTor 29, 37 sq. [10, 12 sq.] ii. 533, 534

JUNE 1.] TEMPLES. ARABS. 143 crumbled and strewed in the dust; the mausolea of the dead in all their pristine beauty and freshness, but long since rifled, and the ashes of their tenants scattered to the winds. Well might there be the stillness of death; for it was the grave itself, a city of the dead, by which we were surrounded. Yet this impressive silence was not uninterrupted. Our Arabs had slaughtered the sheep we had bought, and made themselves a feast. They were in high glee; and the voice of singing, story-telling, and mirth, sounded strangely amid these sepulchres. Our Haweitat companions had given us to-day another specimen of their thievish propensities. As we entered the Sik, they contrived to throw into confusion the flock of sheep which was there feeding, watched by an Arab boy; and separating a lamb, drove it into the Sik along with the one which the Jehallin were leading. We were in advance at the time; and as the worthies came up, they pretended that the lamb had strayed away and was following us of its own accord. It was not till we appeajed very decidedly to Sheikh Hussan, that he sent one of his men to take the animal back. Friday, Jzune 1st. On entering the high table land of the mountains yesterday, we heard that many of the Ma'az, an Arab tribe from the sandy region of the Hismeh,l east of'Akabah, having been driven out of their own country by the drought, had spread themselves here among these mountains, where the rains had been more abundant. Our Arabs of the Jehalin felt some alarm on learning the presence of these strangers; for although they stood towards them in no relations either of alliance or hostility, yet the character of all these lawless hordes of the desert is such, that when away from home, where no responsibility would fall on their own tribe, they would not hesitate to rob a passing traveller or caravan. A large encampment of them, it was said, lay near the way out from Wady Muisa by Mount Hor to the'Arabah. On awaking this morning, our first information was, that the Sheikh of the Bedin, a clan of the Haweitat who pasture in and around Wady Mfisa, had arrived in the night with several armed men, in order to claim from us a Ghtifr, that is, a tax, tribute, present, or whatever else it may be called, for the privilege of visiting the place. On looking out, we saw him sleeping by his dromedary near the tent. Supposing the matter would be arranged without difficulty, we left the Sheikh to finish his nap; while we went out before breakfast to improve our time and visit the Deir, the only remaining distant point which we now wished to examine. We took as a guide a shepherd of the valley, who happened See above, Vol. I. p. 174. ii. 534-536

144 WADY MUSA. [Suc. XIL to be present; and passing again along the brook through the open area to the western cliffs, we turned north along their front for some minutes, and then entered a narrow rent coming down from the W. N. W. at the northwest corner of the area. This passage resembles the Sik in narrowness, and in the perpendicular walls of rock on the sides; but instead of being nearly level, it runs up very rapidly into the heart of the mountain. The ravine is exceedingly irregular and -rugged; and in its natural state must have been utterly impassable in many places. At such points a path five or six feet in breadth, with steps, has been hewn in and along the walls of rock; this continued for a great part of the way, and still remains in tolerable preservation. After many windings and intricacies, which no stranger would readily find out without a guide, we reached'the Deir, situated high up among the topmost crags of the mountain, a good half hour's walk from the mouth of the ravine. The Deir is hewn out in the perpendicular face of a cliff, one of the groups which here jut up out of the high table land. It faces W. S. W. and Mount Hor towers in lone majesty overagainst it, bearing S. W.-S.' This monument is of larger dimensions than the Khtlzneh; its fagades covering a much broader surface, though it is probably not higher. The upper part exhibits a broken pediment, and has three compartments; in each of which is a niche apparently intended for a statue. The architecture is florid and not in good taste; and the whole is overloaded with ornament. Yet the general effect, though less striking and beautiful than that of the Khazneh, is rich and highly imposing in this wild solitude. Before it is a large square area levelled off and obviously artificial; since it is in part built up with walls like a terrace. In the adjacent cliffs, in various parts, flights of steps are hewn, leading to the top; and a few plain tombs are seen round about. The high rock overagainst this monument, is described by Laborde as having on its top a level platform, with a line of columns, reached in like manner by an artificial ascent, and commanding a wide prospect. We did not visit it. As in the Khiizneh, so in the Deir, the interior by no means corresponds to the splendour of the exterior. There is here but one excavated chamber, a large square room perfectly plain, with walls smooth and unbroken; except on the inner part, where is a broad arched niche a little above the floor, with two or three steps leading to it on each side; resembling very much the niche or alcove for the altar in a Greek church. The arch of this alcove was apparently once ornamented by a border of some sort, fastened into a groove cut around it, and supporting Mount Hor, however, is visible only from the top of the Deir. ii. 536. 537

JUN1E 1.] THE DEIR. 145 perhaps a curtain. Over the niche, the traces of a cross are still discernible.1 The whole exterior aspect of the Deir is decidedly that of a heathen temple. With this view also accord the broad esplanade in front, and the road leading up to the place, hewn out of the rock with immense labour. Indeed, it would be difficult to account for such a road to a mere private tomb; and this of itself seems to mark it as a public structure. In a later age it became apparently a Christian church, and the niche may perhaps have been then first excavated. We now returned to our tent and breakfasted. After the general survey which we had thus taken, I wished to go once more to the Khuizneh, and then return by the upper range of tombs along the eastern cliff above our tent. We fixed upon 9 o'clock as the hour for setting off. Meantime Sheikh Hussan came in, and said the Sheikh of Wady Mufsa was there, desiring from us a GhUifr. We told him through Hussan, that we were travelling with the Firman of Muhammed'Aly, who had abolished all such exactions throughout his dominions; and we therefore felt under no obligation to comply with this demand. Our reply was perhaps more decided than it would otherwise have been, in consequence of the report of our servants, that during our absence the Sheikh and his attendants had conducted themselves arrogantly, ordering coffee and demanding of them a breakfast. To this last, the servants had without much ceremony demurred. Leaving my companion and Sheikh Hussan to arrange the matter, and taking with me two of our Arabs, I now repaired to the amphitheatre and the KhUzneh, observing everything leisurely by the way, and looking particularly for the tomb with the Greek inscription, though without finding it. While examining the Khizneh, I heard several guns fired at our tent; but as this is not unusual among the Arabs, it did not further excite my attention. I had taken my last admiring look of this beautiful structure from a point opposite, near the mouth of the Sik; and was just about to return, when I saw seven ragged wildlooking Arabs with guns coming up the valley. They entered the Khiizneh, to look at it, as I supposed; but soon came out; and seeing me with my two attendants at some distance, advanced towards us in a quiet manner, until within a few steps, when they broke out into the most violent gestures and exclamations, ordering us to return forthwith to the tent. As I knew not what it all meant, and could not ask them, I kept along down the valley, still searching for the Greek tomb and followed by the seven ragamuffins. This cross was noticed by Mr Roberts. VOL. II.-13 ii. 537-539

146 WADY MUSA. [SEC. XII. At the amphitheatre I met Mr Smith, who informed me, that the two Sheikhs had broken on the point of the tribute. After my departure the Sheikh of the Bedun had through Hussin repeated his demand for the Ghifr; in which he was now backed by the advice and solicitation of our own Arabs. He asserted that he had authority from the Pasha to collect- such a toll, in return for his being held responsible to the government for the safety of travellers; and further, that all former travellers had paid his demand, and he hoped we would do so as well as they. To these barefaced falsehoods the reply was,-that if he had authority from the Pasha, let him produce it, and he should have all that it allowed; that if he had formerly shown favours to travellers and they had paid him for it, let him also first show us some kindness and civility, and he would not find us slow to make him a present in return. All this intercourse was had in like manner through Sheikh Hussan. On receiving this last answer, the old man rose in a great passion, saying that if we had orders from Muhammed'Aly he would obey them; but that our Arabs had no right to take us away, and they should go. He accordingly ordered them to depart; and talked of sending for other camels to Eljy. A great quarrel and tumult now arose between our Arabs and the eighteen or twenty armed men of the other party; swords were drawn and guns fired; and one would have thought that blood would have been immediately shed. My friend left them in the midst of the tumult, and went first to the tombs in the eastern precipice and thence to the theatre, where I now met him. The adverse Sheikh, it appeared, had also declared, that if we would not pay, we should see nothing of Wady Musa; and had sent his men to find us and conduct us back. We now together looke~d at various tombs in the vicinity of the theatre; our new " protectors" endeavouring to prevent us, and once even taking hold of our arms. We civilly shook them off, taking care not to strike nor to give any occasion for personal violence; which they too seemed quite as equally anxious to avoid. My companion endeavoured to proceed higher up the valley, but was stopped by force. He now held a long talk with them, while I sat by; using both argument and expostulation, and depicting the danger of thus exposing themselves to the vengeance of the Pasha. They of course could make no reply; but his words also made no impression; and he might as well have spoken to the wind. We thought it better to return to the tent and there await the result. Here the Sheikh of Wady Muisa now presented himself in due form; and to my no little astonishment, turned out to be the identical old Mukeibil Abu Zeitun, "the Father of Olives," ii. 539 540

JUE 1.]: AFFAIR WITH THE ARABS. 147 who had caused all the trouble to Messrs Bankes, Legh, and Irby and Mangles in 1818; pushing his obstinacy at that time so far, as almost to kindle a war among the Arab tribes, in order to prevent the approach of the party to Wady Muisa.' I had supposed him long dead; as no traveller since that time has spoken of him or appears to have seen him. But he now revived before us in all the obstinacy and tenacity of purpose, which had marked his former character; and we knew henceforth whom we had to deal with. He was at present an old man of nearly eighty years; and had put on a new Arab cloak, and a new glaring yellow Kefiyeh, bound around his head with an unusual quantity of new woollen yarn-in short his gala-dress, -to do us honour. His demeanour was calm; and he now went over his arguments to us in a mild tone, and we ours to him in return. He enumerated one and another who (he said) had paid him the Ghu0fr, or, as he called it, made him a present; and he presumed we were more noble and generous than any who had gone before, and would give liberally. When told that as bearing the Pasha's Firman, we were free from all such exactions, and that moreover he was held responsible for our safety while within his limits; his reply was, that he knew all this, and on account of this very responsibility he claimed a present; if the government would relieve him from this obligation, he would ask nothing of visitors. We told him, we had been travelling through the provinces of Gaza and Hebron, where the Sheikhs of the villages, of their own accord, had always given us a guard around our tent, and had never thought of claiming or of hinting a wish for pay; and that his best way would have been in like manner to have done us some favour, before he claimed any return.,But nothing made any impression upon the stubborn old Bedawy; there he sat, tall, gaunt, with thin and time-worn visage and gray beard, not violent in gesture and manner, but cold, determined, and tenacious of his supposed hold upon us as a bloodhound. His reiterated demand was for one thousand piastres, equal to fifty Spanish dollars, from ourselves; and for five hundred piastres in addition from our Arabs. On this last he seemed to lay less stress, as they were neighbours and might come. again; but as to us, he evidently regarded us as a windfall already in his power, which he was bent upon turningto the utmost advantage. He had made the same demand of Bertou -when here a few Irby and Mangles' Travels pp. 383- his name Magabel; see his work: Cairo, 400. [117-122.] Legh under May 23- Petra, etc. p. 131, etc. 26th.-Mr. Kinneir in A. D. 1839, writes ii. 540-542

148 WADY MUSA. [SEC. XI. weeks before. Lord Prudhoe, about the same time, he had not caught; as he came from the west, remained only for a night, and was off again before the old man had time to pay his respects. Such indeed appears to have been the case with all, those travellers, who of late years have taken this place in their way from'Akabah to Hebron; their visits have been short; and entering by way of Mount Hor, they have been able to leave again before information of their arrival could reach the Sheikh. This advantage we had lost by ascending the mountains further north, where our visit became known at once to the Arabs around Dibdiba.-Bertou, as he himself told us, had got off by giving the Sheikh all the money he had with him, less than one hundred piastres, with a quantity of powder, soap, tobacco, and the like. The old man appears not to have been satisfied with this result; and had now, on the first intelligence of our arrival, come down upon us by night with some twenty armed men, who already had increased to thirty; determined to have the matter this time in his own hands, and not to let the opportunity slip away so easily. Against this array, we could number in all only thirteen men, including our Haweitat, on whom we could place no dependence whatever. Our Jehalin too, although their interest was the same as ours, proved to be men of no nerve; Sheikh Hussan, an easy good-natured man, had neither decision nor energy. We were thus really and truly in the power of Abu Zeitun; and his men, the worst looking set of miscreants we had yet seen, seemed not unwilling to exercise this power, and waited apparently only for a signal to plunder us outright. But the old Sheikh was more politic, and obviously kept them in check. After long and loud talking, the upshot of the whole matter on the part of Abu Zeitiun was, that unless we paid his demand we should see nothing more, and should return the way we came. There was also again some talk of camels coming from Eljy to take us back; but this seemed not to be much insisted on, and was rather a feint.' We now told the old man plainly, that in 1 This story of other camels rested on a rights. Yet these claims are relaxed in strict interpretation of Bedawin common practice, especially among leagued tribes; law, which secures to every tribe the right so that the Tawarah cross the territories and profit of carrying all travellers and of the Haiwat and Tiyahah without quesfreight within its own territories. Strict- tion, to take travellers to Gaza and HIely speaking, perhaps neither the Jehllin bron. So too both the Alawin and JehAnor'Alawin have a right, according to this ln carry travellers to Wady Musa; but law, to bring travellers to Wady Mdsa, they endeavour to avoid the notice of the any more than to the convent at Sinai; neighbouring Arabs, and make their visits and the Tawarah cannot do it, because as short as possible; feeling that they are they would have to pass through the coun- doing that for which they may perhaps try of the'Alawin, and thus invade their be called to account. ii. 542, 543

JVNE 1.] AFFAIR ~WITH THE ARABS. 149 the shape of GhUifr we should give nothing. If he was in rebellion against the government, we only wanted to know it, that we might make our report accordingly; at any rate we should make a report of his conduct to the English and American consuls in Cairo, who would lay the affair before the Pasha, and take measures that future travellers should not be thus exposed to exactions. After all, we were now in his power, and if he chose to rob or kill us outright, we were ready; but he must abide the consequences. Here the matter rested for some time. It was already past 10 o'clock, and we began to be impatient at this delay. Rather than give up the ascent of Mount Hor, (although we had now seen it fully from below,) we thought it best to tender to the old man through Sheikh Hussan, at first, what the chief Sheikh of the Jehalin had told us would be enough, viz. forty piastres. It was returned; and also afterwards eighty, which we offered. I would have gone up to one hundred piastres; but the tenacious Sheikh was now so certain of his prey, that he would hear of nothing short of the full thousand. We therefore concluded, that it would be better on the whole, as we could not carry the matter through by force, to take him at his word, and return the way we came. The followers of Abu Zeitun had gradually increased to nearly forty armed men, including some of the'Ammarin, and a brother of Sheikh Husein the'Alawy. Keeping our own counsel, we ordered the camels to be loaded, which was done without hindrance from any one; and we mounted. Not wishing however to give up the point except from actual compulsion, we now attempted to set off on the way to Mount Hor, Sheikh Hussan leading the forward camel;but the hostile party at a signal from Abu Zeitfun instantly closed around, and swords were drawn and brandished; which however, among these Arabs, as we had now learned, means nothing more than to make a flourish. The heads of our camels were seized and turned- in the opposite direction, with orders to go by the way we came. Not a step, my companion replied, except by force; and — dismounting he stood up before them and told them: We now knew them to be robbers, and were ready for them; let them rob and kill us if they chose, but not a para more of money should they get, than we had offered them. They replied, that not for a para less than a thousand piastres should we go to Mount Hor. Our resolute Komeh next seized: the halter of the head camel and tried to go on as before; but with no better success. He then in great wrath, threw down his gun and pistol and pipe on the ground before them, (the pipe was shivered in pieces,) declaring them to be thieves and robbers, and calling on them to take possession of his arms and all that he had.-All this however was VOL. II.-13* ii. 543-545

150 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XIL of no avail; and we accordingly, about 11 o'clock, turned the heads of our camels the other way, and proceeded on the path which issues from the northeast corner of the area, leading close along under the tombs in the eastern cliffs. Our departure in this manner seemed, after all, to be wholly unexpected to the adverse party. The old Sheikh had reckoned upon us so surely, that this movement took him by surprise and threatened to thwart his plans. He detained our Arabs long in consultation; and when Sheikh Hussan at length came up, he brought an offer that we might return and stay as long as we pleased on paying five hundred piastres. To this of course we paid no regard; being determined not to renew the negotiation. At this time our five Haweitat, whom we were desirous to retain at least for the present, thinking it a favourable moment to profit by our necessities, demanded their wages, and refused to accompany us any further, except at an extravagant price. We paid them off, and let them go. There now remained with us only our four Jehalin, in these mountains teeming with such ruffians. But we put our trust in God, and went forward; not knowing but that at any moment we might be overtaken and plundered. After we had proceeded for nearly an hour, a man from Abu Zeitun overtook us, inviting us to return; the Sheikh did not wish us to depart thus; our good will was worth more to him than money; and we might come back and finish our observations without paying any thing. We sent word to the effect, that we had seen all we desired in the valley; that he had driven us away, and we should not return; but should make our report to Cairo. After another hour came a second messenger, begging us at least to wait until the Sheikh himself could come up and "'get our good will;" which means, being interpreted, to part with words of peace, but get a bakhshish if possible. We were now on the plain of Sutuih Beida, nearly opposite Dibdiba; and turning aside under the shade of the western precipice, we waited accordingly. The old man came at length on his dromedary, and most of his company with him. Dismounting, he seated himself near us, repeated coldly the assurance, that our good will was dearer to him than money; said we might return if we chose, and whatever we might please to give him would be acceptable; or, if we chose to go on, we might go in peace. We told him, he was now too late, and we should go on; and left him coldly, without his present.-I proposed indeed to my companion, that we should so far put his good will to the test, as to let him give us a guide to conduct us to Mount Hor by some other route, not leading through Wady Musa. But to this my friend was averse; thinking it better when once out of the old man's ii. 545, 546

JuNE 1.] DEPARTURE. WANT OF FIRMAN. 151 clutches, not to place ourselves again in his power. We therefore reluctantly gave up Mount Hor, and proceeded on our way, after having been thus delayed for about an hour. The head Sheikh of the Jehalin afterwards assured us, that such an exaction had never been attempted nor such a claim set up by Abu Zeitun, before the present year; but this has probably been owing, as already suggested, to the shortness of the visits made by travellers, whose arrival did not become known to the Sheikh. The peasants, it was said, had sometimes come around, and asked for bakhshish; and a few piastres had occasionally been given them. At any rate, we were probably the first, on whom the old miscreant had once laid his grasp, who ever escaped from it without yielding to his demand; and we received many compliments from the Sheikhs of the Jehalin and others at Hebron for the boldness and address, with which we had extricated ourselves from his power. We owed our escape, no doubt, to the awe in which he stood of the strong arm of Muhammed'Aly; a circumstance of which we did not discover the full extent until after we had left him. Hussan remained behind; and him he charged, that the Jehalin should bring no more Christians to Wady MAsa, without an express paper with the seal of the government; such a paper he would obey. This means, of course, nothing more than a Tezkirah from the governor of Gaza, under whose jurisdiction this region belongs; or probably one from Jerusalem or Hebron would answer just as well. We had committed the oversight of leaving our FirmAn among our other papers at Hebron; not dreaming that it could be necessary to us in these mountains. But I am since persuaded, that had we had the FirmAn to flourish in the old man's face, and more especially the Tezkirah of Sheikh Sa'id, which had been offered to us in Gaza,' we should have carried our point without much difficulty. As it was, this could be done only by submitting to his demand, or by force. To the former we were not disposed, either for our own sakes or for the sake of those travellers who should come after us; and the latter was all on the adverse side. We suppose it was the same awe of Muhammed'Aly, which alone prevented them from plundering us outright; helping themselves to that which we refused them.2 See p. 37, above. dred piastres instead of one thousand. Kin2 We afterwards presented a written re- near's Cairo, Petra, etc. p. 137.-In 1840, a port of this whole affair to the American con- large party of sixteen individuals, English, sul at Cairo, whom we met at Alexandria; Americans, and Germans, making up a carbut nothing appears to have been done in the avan of some fifty camels, visited Wady Mumatter. Mr Roberts, the English artist, and sa together; and paid to the Arabs of the his party, who went to Wady MCisa in 1839, place, (as I am informed by one of the parwere met by the Sheikh before they reached ty,) not less than seventy-five piastres for the spot; but got off with paying three hun- each, or twelve hundred piastres in all ii. 546, 547

152 FROM-WADY MUSA TO HfEBRON. [SEC. XII. Thus ended our visit to Wady MAsa, after we had seen and accomplished all which lay within our original plan, except ascending Mount Hor. Although we might have gladly spent several days in searching out and studying the wonders of the place, yet our plans and the advance of the season called us elsewhere; and there was nothing for which I could have wished to return to the valley itself, except to look at the few inscriptions and seek for others. I had indeed a strong desire to ascend Mount Hor, for the sake of the wide prospect, and in order to take its bearings from other known points; but -chiefly perhaps because it is one of the most definitely marked spots, on which the great Hebrew lawgiver actually stood, —where took place the closing scene between the prophet brothers, when the elder yielded up the ghost in-the presence of the younger- and of his own son, "and died there in the top of the mount."' The Wely Neby HIarun upon the summit, is in nothing different from other Arab tombs of saints, which are so common upon the mountains and hills of Palestine. There is an inscription in Arabic and another in Hebrew, the work of casual visitors, and of no importance: whatever. These had been copied by Lord Prudhoe during his recent visit; and: we had already seen and read them in Jerusalem.2 We had set off from Wady MUisa at 11 o'clock; the way passing along beneath the eastern cliff and up the side-of one of the Wadys which enter from the N. N. E. Then crossing one or two similar Wadys, we reached the plain Sutuih Beida, and came to the place where we had yesterday bought the sheep and sent forward our baggage. Here it was that we waited for Abu Zeitun; and here we left him at 2 o'clock. Our way was now the same we had come the preceding day. A long and tedious ride brought us at 5 o'clock to the top of the pass of Nemela; where we stopped for a moment to enjoy the wide prospect and verify our former observations. The air was now serene and clearer than before, and the view finer. The junction of the Jerafeh with el-Jeib in: the'Arabah, and the cliff el-Miikrih beyond, were perfectly distinct; as was also the winding course of the Jeib further south. We descended the pass in forty-five minutes; and following down the valleys below, reached the lower edge of the porphyry formation, where the Wady turns down though the lower limestone cliffs. Here at 6- o'clock we halted for rest and refreshment. for permission to examine the ruins. All.were Irby and Mangles- and their party in such payments, of course, serve to increase 1818. It has been several times described the difficulties of subsequent travellers. within the last five years; but the account Num. 20, 22-29. -. of Irby and Mangles remains as yet the 2 The first Frank travellers to ascend most definite and. exact. The reader will Mount Hor and visit the Wely Neby Harfin, find it in Note XXXVI, end of the volume. ii. 548, 549

JUNE 1.] NIGHT TRAVEL. 153 As there would be moonlight until an hour after midnight, our Arabs were desirous to push forward during that interval across the plain. They represented, and with justice, that it would be prudent to get away as soon as possible from the vicinity of these mountains thus teeming with ruffians; since although we had nothing to fear from Abu Zeitfin himself, it was yet very possible that some of his tribe, not satisfied with our having thus slipped from their grasp, might still pursue and plunder us by night; or that some of the Ma'az, hearing of our departure in this manner with only four men, might also think it a good occasion to follow and rob us, and throw the responsibility upon the Bedfin. We assented therefore to the proposal of our guides; and that the more readily, because we wished, before Sunday, to escape from the burning desert of the'Arabah. Accordingly at ten minutes past 9 o'clock we again mounted; and aided by the bright moonlight, descended the stony slope which skirts the western base of the mountains. All was still; no one was allowed to talk or smoke; even the tread of the camels seemed more noiseless. A man on foot led the way; but he sometimes missed the path among the rocks, which the more sagacious camels readily recovered. Our object was to strike obliquely across the'Arabah to the fountain el-Weibeh. Here was no path; the usual route from the pass er-Riiba'y to Hebron leads by el-Weibeh; but that from Nemela crosses to the fountain el-Khirar further north. Our guides took the present course partly in accordance with our wish to visit el-Weibeh; and partly as a blind in case we should be pursued. Our general course was now about N. W. by W. After an hour we left the stones, and struck out upon the gravelly desert plain, intersected by sandy Wadys with shrubs. We were in doubt at the time whether we did not pass to the northward of'Ain el-Buweirideh; but a bearing which we took next morning served to show the contrary. After crossing several deep gullies running in a westerly direction, we struck at 121 o'clock a large and deep Wady called es-Sikakin, and descending into its bed followed it for some time. It runs northwest obviously to join Wady el-Jeib; and breaks through a range of gravel hills one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet in height, extending from east to west across the'Arabah. Having passed these hills, we left the Wady and kept along their northern base until 11 o'clock. The moon had now gone down; we therefore stopped, and spreading our canvass and carpets on the sand, lay down to rest, and slept for three hours peacefully and sweetly. ii. 549-551

154 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII MOUNTAINS OF EDOM. WE had thus left behind us the mountains of Edom, which we had seen in part; and we should have been glad, had time and circumstances permitted us to have seen more. The structure of the chain where we' saw it has already been described; at the base low hills of limestone or argillaceous rock; then the lofty masses of porphyry constituting the body of the mountain; above these, sandstone broken up into irregular ridges and grotesque groups or cliffs; and again further back and higher than all, long elevated ridges of limestone without precipices. East of all these, stretches off indefinitely the high plateau of the great eastern desert. We estimated the height of the porphyry cliffs at about 2000 feet above the'Arabah; the elevation of Wady Musa above the same is perhaps 2000 or 2200 feet; while the limestone ridges further back probably do not fall short of 3000 feet. The whole breadth of the mountainous tract between the'Arabah and the eastern desert above, does not exceed fifteen or twenty geographical miles. The character of these mountains is quite different from those on the west of the'Arabah. The latter, which seemed to be not more than two thirds as high, are wholly desert and sterile; while these on the east appear to enjoy a sufficiency of rain, and are covered with tufts of herbs and occasional trees. The Wadys too are full of trees and shrubs and flowers; while the eastern and higher parts are extensively cultivated and yield good crops. The general appearance of the soil is not unlike that around Hebron; though the face of the country is very different. It is indeed the region of which Isaac said to his son Esau: "Behold, thy dwelling shall be the fatness of the earth, and of the dew of heaven from above."' This tract of mountains, south of the district of Kerak (the ancient country of Moab), and separated from the latter by the Wady el-Ahsy, is at the present day spoken of as divided into two districts; though we did not learn that this arises from any regulation of the government. The northern bears the name of Jebal, " Mountains;" beginning at Wady el-Ahsy and terminating towards the south, according to Burckhardt, at Wady elGhuweir.2 Yet the southern boundary would seem not to be very definitely assigned; for esh-Shobek, although it lies south of that Wady, was sometimes spoken of to us, as belonging to Jebal. The largest place in Jebal is Tiifileh. Gen. 27, 39; comp. vs. 27. 28. and Jerome describe as a part of Idumea, a Travels p. 410. —This name corre- and sometimes put for Idumea itself. Ps. sponds to the ancient Hebrew Gebal (b.) 83, 8. Onomast. arts. Idumea, Allus, Geand the Roman G(ebalene, which Eusebiu8 thaim, etc. Reland Palst. p. 82-84. ii. 551, 552

JUNE 1.] MOUNTAINS OF EDOM. INHABITANTS. 155 South of Wady el-Ghuweir follows the district esh-Sherah'; extending, so far as we could learn, indefinitely towards'Akabah on the south, and including properly ShBbek, Wady Musa, Ma'an, el-Humeiyimeh, and other places.' The region el-Hismeh, the country of the Ma'az mentioned above, was here also described as a sandy tract with mountains around it on the east of'Akabah; but not itself a mountain nor a separate district, as reported by Burckhardt. Yet the Arabs would be very likely in pointing out the adjacent mountains to speak of them as, Jebel Hismeh or Tfir Hismeh; although all our guides, both of the'Amran from'Akabah and of the Haweitat from near Ma'An, uniformly denied the existence of any such name as applied to a mountain.2 The chief tribe of Bedawin in the district of Jebal are the Hejiya. Besides these, there is also a branch of the Ka'abineh, who dwell in the region of Wady el-Ahsy, and sow near a well called el-Malih. They were now at enmity with the Jehhlin; although their- relatives west of the Dead Sea are the allies of the latter tribe, and intermarry with them. In the district esh-Sherah, the Bedawin are all Haweitat, with a few allies. This is an extensive tribe, broken up into several subdivisions, and dwelling in various and distant parts of the country.- Those found in these mountains are divided into the clans Abu Rashid, el-J~azy, el-Bedun, and el-'Alawin. The last properly occupy the region towards'Akabah; the Bedfln, as we have seen, pasture around Wady Mufsa. The' Sheikh Abu JAzy of Laborde,3 appears to have been the head of the division el-Jazy; we did not learn the limits where they pasture. The proper country of the Haweitat Abu Rashid, is around Shobek; but they were said to be now in the region of Kerak. The spirited Sheikh Muhammed Abu Rashid, to whose fidelity and perseverance Irby and Mangles and their companions were indebted for their visit to Wady Misa, was the head of this di-. vision.4 He was now dead, and his clan were governed by his sons.-Closely allied with these are the'Ammarin, who are not themselves Haweit't, but a respectable independent tribe; I The form esh-Sherah has no relation Tab. Syr. ed. Kbhler p. 13. Tab. Arab. ed. to the Hebrew Seir ('%'i) the ancient Hudson p. 20. name of this district. The Hebrew word 2 BUrckhardt pp. 433, 440, 444. Laborde means' hairy' and is written with'Ain, Voyage p. 63. [218.] Comp. above. Vol. which never falls away; while the Arabic I p. 174. name signifies'a tract, region.' Com- The Ebn Jarzee of Irby and Mangles, pare Gesenius, Notes on Burckhardt, p. p. 391. [119.] 1067,-Both Edrisi and Abulfeda apply 4 Travels p. 383 sq. [117 sq.] Legh the name esh-Sherah to all the mountains May 23d. Burckhardt writes:the name south of Kerak as far as to Ailah; Edrisi incorrectly Ibn Rashid, p. 417. So too par Jaubert I. pp. 337, 338. Abulfed. Mr Legh ii. 552-554

156 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII. although they acknowledge the Sheikh of the Abu Rashid as their head. They live in the northern part of esh-Sherah, and to them belongs'Ain el-Buweirideh in the'Arabah. The Haweitat live not only among these mountains, and along the adjacent eastern desert; but also around Muweilih and in Egypt; and some are found near Gaza. The head Sheikh over them all is Mansuir Ibn Shedid, who resides at Cairo, and has been already mentioned.' Even the EIaweitat who dwell here and at Muweilih, are registered among the Arabs of Egypt.-The Bedawin throughout these districts, and also further north, were said to be now in a state of subjection to the Egyptian government and pay an annual tribute. That of the Beni Siikhr, the preceding year, was one camel for every two tents. In both Jebal and esh-Sherah, the Fellahin also are half Bedawin; inhabiting the few villages, but dwelling likewise partly in tents, like the Ta'amirah near Bethlehem. Such are in esh-Sherah, the Refai'a living in and around Dibdiba; the Liyathineh in and around Eljy; the Rawajifeh at a ruined place of the same name; and also the Hebahibeh and Beni Na'im dwelling wholly in tents. Besides these Burckhardt mentions also the Sa'uidiyeh and the Ja'ilAt.2 The FellAhin of the Sherah are in subjection to the government, pay tribute, and furnish supplies of grain.-In Jebal the Fellahin are in like manner divided into several tribes; but we did not succeed in obtaining their names. Burckhardt mentions the Jawabireh, as living in Ttfileh, the Beni Hamideh in el-Busaireh, and the Melahin at Shobek.3 The FellAhs of Jebal were at this time still in rebellion against the government; and during the last year, Sheikh Sa'id of Gaza, with the Jehalin and TiyAhah, had spent two or three months in trying to subdue them. They easily got possession of the villages; but the inhabitants betook themselves to the fastnesses of the mountains, where they could not be approached.-It was for this reason that our Jehalin guides would not venture to take us to Shobek.4 Such are the races who now hold in possession the ancient territory of Edom. This is not the occasion to dwell upon the course of events during the many intervening centuries; yet a few notices of the leading changes which have here taken place, will serve to throw light upon the history and character of that ancient city, whose remains now constitute the chief attraction for the traveller among these mountains. In the times of Scripture history, the mountains east of the See the account of his being appealed 3 Burckhardt's Travels in Syria, etc. to as apeace-maker, Vol. I. p. 140. pp. 405, 407, 416. 2 Travels, pp. 419, 434. 4 See p. 123, above. ii. 554, 555

JUNE 1.] MOUNTAINS OF EDOM. INHABITANTS. 157 Dead Sea were comprised in the territory of Moab; the northern border of which, towards the Amorites, was ultimately the brook Arnon, now Wady el-MAjib.l The southern border of Moab appears to have been the brook Zered; at least this is described as the limit of the wanderings of the children of Israel in the desert, and the point where they passed over into the territory of Moab, a kindred people.2 The features of the country seem to show, that this was probably the Wady el-Ahsy, which now separates the district of Kerak from Jebal, and indeed fbrms a natural division between the country on the north and on the south. Taking its rise near the castle el-Ahsy on the route of the Syrian Haj, upon the high eastern desert,3 it breaks down through the whole chain of mountains to near the southeast corner of the Dead Sea, forming for a part of the way a deep chasm. On the north the mountains of Moab are high, and terminate here in a bluff near Khanzireh, which has several times been mentioned as one of our landmarks. Further soutth the mountains are much lower, until they again become high beyond Wady el-Ghuweir.-The Israelites doubtless passed Wady elAhsy (Zered) near its upper end, where it would present no difficulty. On the south of Moab, Mount Seir, or the territory of Edom, extended to Elath on the Red Sea.4 To this region Esau retired from the face of his brother Jacob; and his descendants are said to have succeeded the Horites in Mount Seir, "when they had destroyed them and dwelt in their stead."5 The rivalry of the patriarchs Esau and Jacob, was transmitted to their posterity. When the Israelites, after many years of wandering, arrived a second time at Kadesh, they asked leave of the Edomites to pass through their country by the " King's highway," (probably Wady el-Ghuweir,) in order to reach Palestine from the east. Leave was refrused; and the Israelites were thus compelled to return through the'Arabah to Elath (Ailah,'Akabah), and thence pass up through the mountains to the eastern desert, so as to make the circuit of the land of Edom.6 In later times Saul made war upon the Edomites; David subdued the whole country; and Solomon'made Ezion-geber a naval station, whence he despatched fleets to Ophir.7 After various struggles, this people succeeded in the time of king Joram in making themselves again independent of Judah;8 for 1 Num. 21, 13. 26. Judrg. 11, 18. Num. 20, 14-21. 21, 4. Deut. 2, 2 Deut. 2, 13. 14. 18. Num. 21, 12. 1-8. 3 Burckhardt pp. 400, 401. 7 I Sam. 14, 47.-2 Sam. 8, 14. 1 Deut. 2, 1-8. The Israelites were Chr. 18, 11-13. 1 K. 11, 15.-1 K. 9, compelled to proceed quite to Elath, in 26. 2 Chr. 8, 17. 18. order to pass around the land of Edom. 8 2 K. 8, 20-22. 2 Chr. 21, 8-10. Gen. 36, 6-8. Deunt. 2, 12. 22. VOL. IJ.-14 ii, 555-557

].58 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XIL. although Amaziah made war upon them and captured one of their chief cities, Sela (Rock, Petra), changing its name to Joktheel; and although Uzziah his successor "'built Elath and restored it to Judah; "' yet these appear to have been only temporary conquests. Under Ahaz, the Edomites made inroads upon Judea and carried away captives; and about the same time Rezin king of Syria " drove the Jews from Elath," of which the Edomites now took permanent possession.2 All this time their metropolis appears to have been Bozrah.3 From the prophetical books of the Old Testament we also know, that while the kingdom of Judah was fast verging to ruin, that of Edom became prosperous; and joining apparently the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar, aided in the overthrow of the Jewish state. In a like degree, the national hatred of the Jews against Edom became still more inflamed; and the prophets uttered the strongest denunciations against that land.4 During the Jewish exile, as it would appear, the Edomites pressed forward into the south of Palestine, of which they took possession as far as to Hebron; here, as we have already seen, they were subsequently attacked and subdued by the Maccabees, and compelled to adopt the laws and customs of the Jews.5 Idumea, which name now included also the southern part of Judea, was henceforth governed by a succession of Jewish prefects. One of these, Antipater, an Idumean by birth, by the favour of Caosar, was made procurator of all Judea; and his son, Hlerod the Great, became king over the Jews, including Idumea.6 Just before the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, bands of Idumeans threw themselves into the city, which they aided to fill with robbery and violence.7 From this time onward the Edomites, as a people, vanish from the pages of history; and in the next century Ptolemy limits their territory to the region west of the Dead Sea.8 But while the Edomlites had thus been extending their limits in the northwest, they had in turn been driven out from the southern portion of their own territory, and from their chief city itself, by the Nabatheans, an Arabian tribe, the descendants of Nabaioth the eldest son of Ishmael.5 This nomadic people had 1 2 K. 14, 7. 2 Chr. 25, 11. 12. 14. 5 See above, p. 69. 2 Chlr. 26, 2. Joseph. Ant. 14. 1. 3. ib. 14. 8. 5. ib. 2 2 Chr. 28, 17. -2 K. 16, 6 Keri. 15. 7. 9. ib. 17. 11. 4.-Hence Roman Here the Keri rCnitn Edomites is to be writers often speak of the whole of Palesread instead of Syrians. The change tine under the name of Idumea; see Redoubtless arose out of the close resem- land Palest. pp. 48, 49. blance of the Hebrew'I and'. 7 Jos. B. J. 4. 4. 1, 5. ib. 7. 8. 1. s Ptolem. 5. 16,'Ieov. ala, i'rss &er!r 3 Is. 34, 6. 63, 1. Jer. 49, 13. 22. r.aa 1&tr 6ocoS e6,'Iopdvouaa. Reland. Am. i 112. Pal*st. p. 462. 4 Ps. 137, 7. Obad. 1 sq. Jer. 49, est. p. 462. Gen.25,13. Is0, 7. 7 sq. Ezek. 25, 12-14. 32, 29. 35, 3-15.. 25, 13. Is. 60, 7. ii. 557, 558

JUNE 1.] EDOM. HISTORICAL NIOTICES. 159 spread themselves over the whole of desert Arabia, from the Euphrates to the borders of Palestine, and finally to the Elanitic gulf of the Red Sea. At what period they thus supplanted the Edomites, in their ancient possessions, is unknown; but so early as the time of Antigonus, one of Alexander's successors, who died 301 B. C., that prince, afte having seized upon Syria and Palestine, sent two expeditions against the Nabatheans in Petra; the first commanded by Atheneus, and the second by his own son, Demetrius.2 At this time they were still essentially nomadic, and had apparently no king; but they had already begun to engage in commerce, and seem gradually to have become more fixed in their habits. In this way, during the following centuries, they grew up into the kingdom of Arabia Petraea, occupying very nearly the same territory which was comprised within the limits of ancient Edom. It probably took this appellation from the name of its metropolis Petra. A king of this country, Aretas, is mentioned as contemporary with Antiochus Epiphanes, just before the time of the Maccabees, about 166 B. C.3 From this time onward to the destruction of Jerusalemn, the sovereigns of Arabia Petrma, who usually bore the name of Aretas or Obodas, came into frequent contact with the Jews and Romans both in war and peace. The country and people are often mentioned by Josephus.4 Their sovereigns appear to have been in a measure dependent on the Roman emperors, though not directly subject to the Roman power. Obodas, six or eight years before the Christian era, was a man of indolent habits, and left the whole management of affairs to a favourite named Syllsaus.5 This latter demanded of Herod the Great the hand of his sister Salome; but his suit not being successful, he appears to have become inimical towards Herod, and accused him some years afterwards before Augustus at Rome of hostilities and murders in Arabia. Herod however was able to turn the scale in his own favour, and Syllaeus was condemned to fine and 1 Joseph. Ant. 1. 12. 4, OZoiL?ra-Ms king in Damascus; Ant. 13. 15. 1, 2. B.'IozaAxov,radavo Tr- air' E,~pprov cKalzKou- J. 1. 4. 7, 8. In the year 63 B. C. Scaura-s 7rpbs T'rlp'Epv[p&' S&Aa-o-rav Ka7T0oKO- rus, a general of Pompey, overran Arabia a0, N a 8a'r T;I ) Sr' X&~pav ovojudo'arTes. as far as to Petra, and then made peace Er-0a E o0'roT of'r6,v'Apdwo PEvos icEA. with Aretas; Ant. 14. 5. 1. Dio Cass. 37. Ilieron. Qumst. in Gen. 25, 13. Diod. Sic. 15. Two years later, about 61 B. C. An19 94. See more on the Nabatheans, in tipater induced Hyrcanus, son of AlexanReland Pal. p. 90 sq. der Jannmus, to take refuge with Aretas 2 Diod. Sic. 19. 94-98. in Petra; Ant. 14. 1. 4. B. J. 1. 6. 2. 3 2Macc. 5, 8. In the early part of Herod's reign, the Alexander Jannaneus was defeated by kingdom of Arabia was held by Malchus; an Obodas about 93 B. C. Antiq. 13. 13. Ant. 15. 6. 2. 5. B. J. 1. 4. 4. Antiochus Dionysius of 5 Jos. Ant. 16. 7. 6. Strabo 16. 4. 23, Syria was killed in a battle in Arabia, and 24. Aretas (apparently the victor) became ii 558-560

160 FROM WADY MIUSA TO HEBRON. [SEc. XII. punishment.t Meantime Obodas was dead, and had been suck ceeded by AEneas, who took the name of Aretas, and was at length confirmed in his kingdom by Augustus; although the latter had at first intended to bestow Arabia on Herod 2 It was during the reign of the same Obodas, three or four years before the Christian era, that the celebrated expedition was sent by Augustus from Egypt into Arabia under 2Elius Gallus, the friend of Strabo and then governor of Egypt. After various hindrances, Gallus arrived with his forces by water at Leuke Kome,3 the emporium of the Nabatheans. Here he was kindly received by order of king Obodas and his favourite Sylleus, as allies of the Romans; and remained a summer and winter to refresh his troops, who were suffering from disease. He afterwards marched into- the interior, but without visiting Petra; and after great delay and difficulty, arising from the bad faith and treachery of Syllseus, he returned through Arabia Felix.4 The next Arabian king of whom we have any notice, is the Aretas mentioned by Paul as lord of Damascus, which he then governed by an ethnarch, about A. D. 38 or 39.5 Josephus gives of him the further account, that Herod Antipas having espoused his daughter, repudiated her in order to marry Herodias; a step for which he was reproved by John the Baptist.6 Upon this, Aretas made war against Herod and totally destroyed his army; a judgment upon Herod, as many of the serious-minded Jews regarded it, for his murder of John. Vitellius, then proconsul of Syria, received orders to chastise Aretas; but while he was preparing for this expedition, and had sent forward some of his troops, news came of the death of Tiberius; upon which he recalled his troops, and placing them in winter quarters, left the province. It was probably at this period, under the weak reign of Caligula, that Aretas, taking advantage of this supineness, made an incursion and seized the city of Damascus, which he held for a time in the manner related by Paul. - It could: have been, however, only a temporary possession; and the fact is not mentioned by any other writer.7 The nominal independence of the kingdom of Arabia, con1 Jos. Ant. 16. 7. 6. ib. 16. 9. 2-4. ib. Vincentfs Commerce and' Navig. of the 16. 10. 8, 9. B. J. 1. 28. 6.: ib. 1. 29. 3., Ancients, Vol. II. pp. 258, 259, 295. Lond. 2 Jos. Ant. 16. 9. 4. ib. 16. 10. 9. ib. 17. 1807. 4. 3. 2. 4 Strabo 16. 4. 22-24. Dio Cats. 53. a3 evtci' K6&1A, Albus Pagus, Strabo 16. 29. 4. 24. Arrian. Periplus Maris Erythr. 5 2 Cor 11, 32. Comp. Acts 9, 24. ed. Hudson p. 11. Probably at or near 25. Muweilih, near the mouth of the gulf of 6 Matt. 14, 3. 4. Mark 6, 17. 18.'Akabah, on the eastern coast. This Luke 3, 19. place was already known to the Romans of For a list of the sovereigns of Arabia the fifth and sixth centuries as Mohaila; Petroca, collected ifrom Josephus, see Vinsee Notit. Dignitat. ed. Panciroli p. 216. cent's Commerce and Navig. of the AnReland Palest. p. 230. See in general cients, Vol. II. p. 272 sq. ii. 560, 561

JUNE 1.] EDOM. HISTORICAL NOTICES. 1.61 tinued for some thirty years after the destruction of Jerusalem. Under the reign of Trajan, about A. D. 105, it was overrun and conquered by Cornelius Palma, then governor of Syria, and formally annexed to the Roman empire.1 The inhabitants of this region had early become extensively engaged in commerce, as the carriers of the rich products of the east between the Red Sea and the ports of the Phenicians. In the first expedition sent by Antigonus, the men of Petra were absent at a mart, and Athenmus found in Petra a large quantity of frankincense and myrrh, and five hundred talents of silver.2 Strabo relates, that the merchandise of India and Arabia was transported on camels from Leuke Kome to Petra, and thence to Rhinocolura (el-'Arish), and other places.3 Under the Romans, this trade appears to have become still more prosperous. The country was rendered more accessible, and the passage of merchants and caravans facilitated, by military ways, and by the establishment of military posts to keep in check the predatory hordes of the neighbouring deserts. One great road, of which traces still remain, had its direction northwards from Ailah to Petra, and thence to Damascus; from Petra a branch went off on the west of the Dead Sea, to Jerusalem, Askelon, and other parts of the Mediterranean.4 A line of military stations was established along this road, which served to protect it against incursions from the eastern desert; and some of these became the sites of towns.5 Early in the fourth century, the name of Palestine was occasionally extended so as to include this whole region;6 and in the beginning of the fifth century, we find introduced a new division of Judea and the adjacent countries, into Palcestina Pirima, Secunda, et Tertia. The first comprised Jerusalem and the whole of Judea on the south, and as far north as to Samaria; the second included Scythopolis and the north of Palestine; while the third comprehended the countries on the east and' Dio Cass. 68. 14, Kara Be' Tri aTreV many places visible; see Burckhardt pp. roirov Xpbov (A. U. C. 858,) cal ridhpXas 374, 419. Irby and Mangles pp. 371,'ris uvpiar 6pXwrv'rlI'ApaiSaV lY 7rpbs 377, 460. [113, 115, 142.] The latter?T1 Irlp,?XetLp~caro, ial'Poazziw V nrhco- travellers saw several mile-stones of the or 97rooaTaro. Amm. Marcell. 14. 8. time of Trajan, and one of Marcus AnreliEutropius 8. 2, 9. us; p. 461. [142.] 2 Diod. Sic. 19. 95. See above, p. 5 Thus in the "' Notitiea Dignitatumr" in 159. the fifth or sixth century, we find " equites" Strabo 16. 4. 18, 23, 24. stationed at Mohila, Aila, Hauana, Zodo4 See the Peutinger Tables; and corn- catha, Arindela, Areopolis, etc. The Peupare Rennell's Compar. Geogr. of Western tinger Tables have Hauara and Zadagatta Asia I. p. 89 sq. Ritter Gesch. des Petr. on the great road between Aila and Petra. Arabiens, in Abhandl. der Berl. Acad. See Notitice Dignitat. ed. Panciroli pp. 1824. Hist. phil. K1. p. 204. Traces of 215, 216, 219, 220. Reland Paloest. pp. this ancient road were found by Laborde 230, 231. Ritter 1. c. south of Wady Musa; Voyage p. 62. [213.] o Onomast. arts. Ailah, Arcerm, Cades, North of Wady Mfsa its remains are in etc. VOL. II.-14* ii. 561-563

162 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII. south of the Dead Sea, formerly belonging to Arabia Petreea, and extended also across the'Arabah to the west, so as to take in Beersheba and Elusa.' This appears to have been at the same time an ecclesiastical division; the three Palestines had each a metropolitan see, at first Caesarea, Scythopolisi and Petra; and when, at the council of Chalcedon, Jerusalem was erected into a patriarchate, these three provinces were assigned as its territory.2 Long before this time, therefore, the Christian religion had extended itself throughout the region; and it is indeed to the acts and records of councils in the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries, and to the ecclesiastical Notitice of the same or a later age, that we are indebted fobr our chief knowledge of this country during those periods, and for the preservation of the names of many episcopal cities from the oblivion, in which they must otherwise have been engulfed. How far- Christianity had spread among the nomadic tribes of the eastern deserts, or whether like those around Sinai, they still retained the worship of the heavenly bodies, we have no means of ascertaining. But before the middle of the seventh century, the religion of the false prophet began to be propagated by the sword; and soon united all the Arab hordes, however distinct in other respects, into one great community of religious zealots. In A. D. 630 the prophet himself pressed forwards against the Roman border as far as to Tebutk; and this was the signal for several of- the Christian communities of Arabia Petraea, to purchase from the conqueror the enjoyment of their privileges by the payment of tribute. Among these was Ailah.3 This example appears to have been generally followed; for four years later (A. D. 634), as the tide of conquest continued to roll on, the see of Bozrah in the north made peace in the same manner with Abu Bekr, after the battle of Yarmfik.4 In A. D. 636, as we have seen, Jerusalem itself submitted to the Muhammedan sway. This division is first found in a law 219, 223, 226. Yet the usage was not promulgated in A. D. 409. Leg. III. Cod. constant; and some writers speak of the Theodos. de erog. milit. Annon. " Limi- cities of the third Palestine as still belongtanei milites et possessorum utilitate con- ing to Arabia; so Sozomen Hist. Ecc. 7. specta per primam, secundam, et tertiam- 15. Reland ib. p. 613. Palsestinam hujuscemodi norma processit." S Abulfed. Ann. Muselmit. ed. Alder, Reland Palsest. p. 205 sq.-Palsestina 1789. Tom. I. p. 171. See above, Vol. Tertia was sometimes also called Saluta- I. p. 170. Abulfeda mentions Ailah ris; Reland ib. p. 206. and two other places now unknown. 2 See above, Vol. I. p. 380. This division There exists a pretended Diploma Securiof Palestine runs through all the ecclesi- tatis Ailensibus, professing to be a patent astical Notitise; Reland Pal. pp. 214- of Muhammed himself in favour of the 226. The name Arabia was applied, at Christians; see Gibbon Chap. L. Note unthis period, to the country north of the der A. D. 630. third Palestine, includino Medaba, Hesh- Abulfede -Annal. ib. pp. 223, 243, bon, Rabbath-Ammon or Philadelphia, 245. Ritter Gesch. des. Petr. Arab. 1. c. Gerasa, Bostra, etc. Reland ib. pp. 217, p. 219. ii. 563, 564

JUNE 1.] EDOMI-. -HISTORICAL NOTICES. 163 With this conquest, the commercial importance and prosperity of the former Arabia Petriea, fell into decay. Mnuhammedan empires arose and flourished in southern Arabia, Syria and Egypt. Lying between all these, this country retained no independent existence; the course of trade became diverted into other channels; the great roads of former communication were abandoned; and the whole region was at length given up to the nomadic hordes of the adjacent deserts, whose descendants still hold it in possession. -From the Muhammedan conquest to the time of- the crusader, not one ray of historical light falls upon this forgotten land-!- - ~ The invasion of the crusaders let in, for the moment, a few faint gleams upon the otherwise total darkness. During the twelfth century they penetrated at different times into the regions east and south of the Dead Sea, and held portions of them for a season in possession. At this time the whole land east of the Jordan was known to-the crusaders as Arabia; the northern part around Bozrah they called Arabia Prima; the region around Kerak, Arabia Secunda; and that further south, Arabia Tertia or Syria Sobal.3 The first expedition took place under Baldwin I, in A. D. 1100.4 Marching from Hebron around the south end of the Dead Sea and by Segor (Zoar), the forces of the crusaders came in five days through the mountains with great difficulty to Wady Musa, to which they already gave the name "Vallis Moysi."S It does not argue highly for their skill in biblical geography, that they took the adjacent mountain with the tomb of Aaron for Mount Sinai; and the brook which flows down the valley, for the water which came forth- when Moses smote the rock.6 From this valley, Albert of Aix relates, that they marched still one day further to a city called Susum; but as neither Fulcher of Chartres who was present, nor any other historian, mentions this further expedition, and the name of such 1 Ritter Gesch. des Petr. Arab. 1. c. p. 209. Guibert 7. 36. p. 555. Anon. p. 518. 2 Unless it be in the two Latin ecclesias- Wil. Tyr. 10. 8. Wilken ib. II. p. 88, tical Notitise, which refer apparently to the 89. centuries before the crusades, and in which Gesta Dei p. 581. Will. Tyr. 16 6. the name of Petra, the former metropoli- Guibert and Fulcher 1. c. Guibert tan see, is-no longer found; Reland Pal. however gives his own opinion, that the pp. 223, 226. mountain is Mount Hor. Fulcher prides 3 See Jac. de-Vitr. c. 96. Also for himself that at:this brook:" equos adaquaArabia Prima, ibid. c. 47; for Arabia Se- vi meos." The same error however goes cunda, Will. Tyr. 11. 26. ib. 15. 21; for back to the time of Eusebius and Jerome; Arabia Tertia and Syria Sobal, Will. Tyr. see Onomast. art. Or. Being once adopt11. 26. ib. 16. 6. Jac. de Vitr. 28. See ed by the crusaders, it led them afterwards generally Marin. Sanut. p. 244. Wilken to take Ailah for Elim with the twelve Gesch. der Kreuzz.-II.'p. -616. II.-ii. p. fountains and- seventy palm trees (Will. 210. Tyr. 11. 29); and also compelled them to 4See generally in the Gesta Dei: Alb. look for and find the ancient Petra further Aq. 7. 41, 42. Fulcher Carn. 23. p. 405. towards the north, at Kerak. ii. 564, 565

164 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII. a city is elsewhere unknown, the testimony of this writer, who was not an eyewitness, seems to be of doubtful authority. Fulcher relates, that after three days spent at Wady Muasa, they returned by way of Hebron to Jerusalem. In the second expedition, which took place under the same king in A. D. 1115, Baldwin appears to have crossed the Jordan and marched through the whole length of Arabia Secunda. He was accompanied only by two hundred knights and four hundred footmen; and with this small force he built up in Arabia Tertia, in eighteen days, a former strong castle upon a steep isolated hill, in the midst of a region fertile in corn, oil, and wine. To this fortress, the first erected by the Latins east of the Jordan, he gave the name of Mons Regalis (Mount Royal). Arabian writers speak of it as Shobek, which name it bears to the present day.'-In the very next year, A. D. 1116, king Baldwin revisited his fortress with two hundred followers; and advanced afterwards as far as to Ailah on the Red' Sea; of which place he appears to have taken possession. He would have proceeded to the convent of Mount Sinai; but was dissuaded at the entreaty of the mo.lks.2 For the space of twenty years, Shobek continued to be the chief, if not the only fortress of the Latins in this quarter. The lands east of the Dead Sea, around Kerak, had been granted as a fief to the knight Romanus of Puy; who was however again dispossessed of them, as well as his son Rudolph, in consequence of a supposed conspiracy against king Fulco, about A. D. 1132.3 They were now bestowed upon Paganus (Payen), a nobleman who had been the king's cupbearer. Three or four years afterwards, he erected the strong fortress of Kerak, on the site of a former city which was held to be the ancient Petra.4 This castle and that of Shobek continued for many years greatly to harass the Saracens; their possessors plundered the rich caravans which passed on the neighbouring route between Damascus and Egypt or Arabia; and were able to cut off all military communication through the region. They were therefore exposed to repeated assaults from the Saracen armies, both on the side of Syria and that of Egypt.5 1Alb. Aq. 12. 21. Fulch. Carn. 42. Aix seems to confound thesetwoexpeditions p. 426. Gesta Dei p. 611. Will. Tyr. 11. of Baldwin; and makes him visit the Red 26. Jac. de Vitr. 28. Wilken ib. II. p. Sea with only a company of sixty knights. 402. See too Bohaeddin Vit. Salad. pp. 3 Will. Tyr. 14. 15, 21. Wilken ib. Ir 38, 54. Abulfed. Annal. Musl. ad A. H. pp. 608, 609, 616. 567. Abulf. Tab. Syr. ed. Kbhler p. 88. 4 Will. Tyr. 14. 21. ib. 22.28. Wilken Schulten's Index in Vit. Salad. art. Sjau- ib. p. 616. bachum. 6 Bohaedd. Vit. Saladin pp. 58, 59. 2 Alb. Aq. 12. 21. Fulch. Carn. 43. One or both of these fortresses were fiercep. 426. Gesta Dei p. 611. Will. Tyr. ly assaulted inthe years 1172, 1182, 1183, 11. 29. Wilken ib. p. 403. See also 1184, etc. See generally Wilken ib. II. above, Vol. I. pp. 127, 171.-Albert of p. 616. III. ii. pp. 150, 206, 236, 246, etc ii. 566, 567

JUNE 1.] EDOM. HISTORICAL NOTICES. 165 About A. D. 1144, in the first year of his reign, king Baldwin III, being yet a minor, made an expedition by way -of Hebron to Wady Musa, in order to recover a certain castle bearing thename of "Vallis Moysi," which had been seized by the Saracens with the aid of the inhabitants of the region. On the approach of the king, the latter betook themselves into the castle, which was in a strong position. The Franks assailed it with stones and arrows for several days without success. They then began to destroy the numerous olive trees, which constituted the chief produce of the region; to save which the inhabitants immediately surrendered the fortress. I know not what castle this can have been, unless perhaps the one we saw upon the ledge of rocks northeast of Wady Mfisa.' In A. D. 1182, Rainald of Chatillon, then lord of Kerak, made his unsuccessful expedition against Ailah; and in both the following years, (1183, 1184,) sustained the terrific assaults of Saladin against Kerak itself.2 Yet that Sultan, the year after his recapture of Jerusalem, became also master (in 1188) both of Kerak and of Shobek, each after a long siege.3 Thus terminated the dominion of the Franks over this territory. The fortress of Kerak continued to be a stronghold of the Saracens; and fifty years later its Emir David was able to seize for a time upon Jerusalem.4 From that time onward until the lpresent century,:thick darkness again rests upon the land of Edom. Volney seems first to have had his attention drawn towards it, by the -reports of the Arabs around Gaza, that on-the southeast of -the Dead Sea, within a space of three days' journey, there were upwards of thirty ruined towns absolutely deserted; in some of which were large edifices with columns.5- In A. D.:1806, Seetzen penetrated from Damascus as far as to Kerak, and thence travelled around the south end of the Dead Sea to Jerusalem; but he did notenter Edom.6 In March 1807 the same traveller went from Hebron on the road to Wady MAIsa as far as to the hill MadUrah not far north of el-Weibeh; and while here, an Arab from eshSherah described to him Wady Mu1sa and its remains, and gave Will. Tyr. 16. 6. Wilken ib. III. i. Zach's Monatl. Cor. XVIII. p. 433 208. See above, p. 128. sq. Seetzen heard at Kerak the name ~ See above, Vol. I. pp. 161, 171.-. Bedra as of a place a day's journey furWill. Tyr. 22. 28-30. Bohaedd. pp. 58, ther south; ib. p. 434. But he admits, 59. Abulf. Ann. Musl. ad A. H. 580. that this was told him only in reply to a Wilken ib. III. ii, pp. 236, 246. direct inquiry on his part after Petra; and Gauf. Vinisauf 1. 15. Bohaedd. pp. 88, in the absence of all further testimony, no 90. Abulf. Annal. ad A. H. 584. Wil- weight can be laid upon this informaken ibid. IV. pp. 244, 245, 247. tion. See the remarks on employing lead4 See above, Vol. I. p. 317. ing questions in obtaining information from 5 Volney Voyage en Syr. c. 31. Tom. the Arabs, Vol. I. p. 112. II. p. 317. Par. 1787. ii. 567, 568

166 FRO3 WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII. him an extensive list of the various towns and ruins in that region.' But it was reserved for Burckhardt, first to traverse the country in 1812 from Kerak to the southern Wady Ghtirtindel, and to explore the wonders of Wady Muisa. He was followed in the same direction in 1818, by Messrs Bankes, Legh, Irby and Mangles. Ten years later, Laborde and Linant first penetrated in 1828 from'Akabah to Wady Miusa; returning by a more easterly route through the mountains. A few words respecting the ancient towns whose sites have been found in this region, may not be out of place here, preparatory to a more particular notice of the metropolis Petra. Of Alachcerus, a fortress of Herod, and the possible identification of it by Seetzen with Mkauer, a ruin on the south side of Zerka Ma'in, I have already spoken.2 South of Wady el-MiJlib, and six or eight miles north of Kerak, are the now unimportant ruins called Rabba, about half an hour in circuit, exhibiting the remains of a temple and several Corinthian columns.3 This unquestionably was the site of the Rabbath Moab of the early centuries, the Areopolis of the Greeks, an episcopal see of the Third Palestine; which after the destruction of Petra became the metropolitan city of that region. In still earlier times it was the Ar of Moab, mentioned in the Old Testament.4 In Kerak itself we have the ancient Kir 1ioab of the Old Testament; which already in the Chaldee version and the Greek of the Apocrypha, appears in the form Kerakka AMoab and Characa.5 Under this latter name, more or less corrupted, it is mentioned by Ptolemy and other writers both ecclesiastical and profane, down to the centuries before the crusades.6 The crusaders found the name extant, and erected the fortress still known as Kerak. But their knowledge of ancient geography was here also at fault; and as in the west they found the site of BeerZach's Monatl. Corr. XVII. pp. 133- character, see the ecclesiastical Notitiae, 139. Reland pp. 215, 217, compared with pp. 2 See above, Vol. I. p. 570. n. 2. 223, 226. Le Quien Oriens Christ. III. Seetzen ibid. XVIII. p. 433. Burek- p. 734. hardt p. 377. Irby and Mangles p. 456 sq. 5 Isa. 15, 1. Heb. =s'I; a'r; Chald. [141.] According to Bfirckhardt, the dis- e 3 both signifying wall or tance from Kerak is three hours or more. - - n Irby and Mangles give it at about two hours. fortress.-2 Mace. 12, 17, XdpaKa. r4 IS. 15n1leS give it 21t ab8t tW~HieUron f6 Ptol. 4. 17. Reland Pal. pp. 463, 705. CoIm. in Jes. xv. 1, 2.jus metropolis Gesenius Comm. zu Jes. xv. 1.-For the Ciovitmsm r, quie hodie e1, "ebruo et groplo ecclesiastical Notitihe, see Reland pp. 215, civitas Ar, qum hodie ex Hebrxo et Greco sermone composite eopolis nuncupatur, " 217. Of the two later Latin Notitiw, one etc. Oneompasta art. eBoa Porro s PSa has Karach and the other Kara; ib. pp. civitas (Areopolis), quasi proprium vocab- 223, 226. Burckhardt mistook this last, ulum possidet Rabbath Moab, id est, gran- Kara, for a different name and a distinct dis Moab." So too Steph. ByzDant. See place; which he then finds in el-Kerr, a Reland Palaest. pp. 577, 957. Gesenius site with ruins south of Wady el-Ahsy; Comm. zu Jesa. xv. 1.-For its episcopal Travels p. 401. ii. 568-570

JUNE 1.] EDOM. ANCIENT TOWNS. 167 sheba at Beit Jibrin, so here they held Kerak to have been once the ancient capital of Arabia Petraea, and gave it therefore the name of Petra Deserti.' They established here in A. D. 1167 a Latin bishopric of Petra, which continued for some years; and the name and title remain in the Greek church until the present day.2 In Tftfileh we may probably recognise the ancient Tophel, once mentioned in the Old Testament in connection with the'Arabah. The radical letters and the signification are the same both in Hebrew and Arabic.3 The place el-Busaireh, two hours and three quarters south of Tiifileh, seems to bear in its name decisive tokens of antiquity. It is now a village of about fifty houses situated on a hill, on the top of which is a small castle.4 The Arabic form Busaireh is a diminutive of Busrah, the present Arabic name of Bozrah in Hauran, the Bostra of the Greeks and Romans; which latter has been regarded as a city of the Edomites, though lying far beyond the limits of their territory.? But the name el-Busaireh affords reason to suppose, that another Bozrah lay here within the proper limits of Edom; and was for a time the capital of the country. This hypothesis is strengthened by the fact, that in Scripture, Bozrah is so often coupled with the land of Edom itself; while the prophet Amos speaks of it expressly in connection with the land of Teman or the south.6 Further, both Eusebius and Jerome mention a Bozrah as existing in their day in the mountains of Idumea, distinct from the northern Bozrah.7 In this way, as it seems to me, we are relieved from the incongruity, of supposing the chief city of the Edomites to have lain at the distance of several days' journey away from their territories.8 I Will. Tyr. 11. 26. ib. 15. 21. Jac. de 6 Isa. 34, 6. 63, 1. Jer. 49, 13. 22. Vitr. c. 96. Comp. above, p. 163, n. 6. Am. 1, 12, "But I will send a fire upon This form of the name the crusaders Teman, which shall devour the palaces of took from the Vulgate, which in Is. 16, 1 Bozrah." reads " Petra deserti," instead of Sela. 7 Onomast. art. Bosor. —The conjecture 2 Will. Tyr. 20. 3. Jac. de Vitr. c. 56. of Burckhardt, that el-Busaireh is the anLe Quien Oriens Christ. III. p. 1305. cient Psora, an episcopal see of the Third Burckhardt's Trav. p. 387. See above, Palestine, rests on an error in one of the Vol. I. p. 424 sq. ecclesiastical Notitise, which reads " Mamo, 3 Deut. 1, 1. The identity of Tophel Psora," in two words, where all the others and TiCfileh affords an easy explanation read Mamopsora or Mamapson; Reland of this very difficult passage, to which I P. 217, comp. pp. 215, 223, 226. See shall again recur. I am indebted for the Burckhardt p. 407. suggestion to Prof. Hengstenberg of Berlin. A Bozrah is once mentioned among 4 Burckhardt's Travels p. 407. Irby and the cities of Moab; Jer. 48, 24. This Manglles p. 443. [136.] was not improbably the same; since the 5 So Gesenius Comm. zu Jes. xxxiv. 6. possession of particular cities often passed from one hand to another in the wars of Lex. Hebr. art. *?. Rosenmiiler Bibl. adjacent tribes. See 2 Chr. 20, 23. Am. Geogr. 1I. ii. p. 23 sq. See Reland Pal. 2, 1. So too Sela, Is. 16, 1; comp. 2 K p. 665 sq. Burckhardt p. 226. 14, 7. See Gesenius 1. c. ii. 570, 571

168 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEc. XII. Proceeding further south, we find Ghlirundel, the ancient Arindela, as already described.' -In Dh'ana, a village visited by Burckhardt, on the declivity of a mountain north of Wady elGhuweir, we probably have the site of the ancient Thana or Thoana, assigned by Ptolemy to Arabia Petrsea, and marked also apparently in the Peutinger Tables.2 —Shobek corresponds to no known ancient place; though we find in the Old Testament both Shobach and Shobek as the names of persons.3Ma'An, the well known town on the route of the Syrian Haj, nearly east of Wady Mfisa, is with good reason assumed as the probable seat of the Maonites mentioned in the Scriptures.4 Abulfeda describes Ma'an (from Ibn Haukal) as inhabited by the Ommiades and their vassals.s -About six hours south of Ma'An and Wady Musa, lies Usdakah, a fine fountain, near which is a hill with extensive ruins of an ancient town, consisting of heaps of hewn stones. Both the name and situation correspond to the Zodocatha of the fifth century; which is also, marked in the Peutinger Tables, under the form Zadagatta, at eighteen Roman miles south of Petra.? One other town in this region, el-Humeiyimeh, is described by Abulfeda (quoting from Ibn Sa'id) as the native place of the Abbassides. Its ruins still remain, and were visited by Laborde, on the plain east of the mountains, considerably south of the southern Wady GhUnrindel, and north of the head of Wady elIthm. The ruins are very considerable; but without any traces of architectural splendour. There was an aqueduct leading to it for a long distance from the north; and the place itself is full of cisterns, now broken and abandoned in the midst of a desert.7 PETRA. We come now to the celebrated capital of this region in ancient times, called from its remarkable position, The Rock; in See p. 117, above. Ma'An has no relation to the name TePtol. 5. 17. Reland p. 463. The man. See Seetzen in Zach ib. XVIII. p. Peutinger Tables have Thorma, probably 381. Burckhardt's Travels p. 437. Gea corruption. See Burckhardt p. 410. senius Lex. Heb. art. l::?, and Notes on 3 Shobach 1&'1i 2 Sam. 10, 16. 18. Burckh. p. 1069. Rosenmhiller's Bibl. Shobek.'pD Neh. 10, 24.-Burckhardt Geogr. III. p. 83. suggests, that Sh6bek may have bee t he 5 Abulfed. Tab. Syr. ed. Khler p. 14. castle Carcaria of Eusebius and Jerome, one Notit. Dignitat. ed. Pancirol. p. 216. day's journey from Petra. But this notice Reland Pal. p. 230. See Burckhardt's is too indefinite to bear out the supposition. Travels p. 435. Onomast. art. Carcar. Burckbardt p.416 7 Abulfeds Tab. Syr. p. 14. Labordo 4.10,1 ons.Chr. 1writes the name Ameime; Voyage en Judg.10~,12: ~c~lonites. 1 Clrn. Arab. Petr. p. 62. [217.]-The Macbert 4,-41 and 2 Chr. 26, 7:..:' Alffehunims. el-Abid of Laborde is probably the, Kbl,IlriThey are spoken of in connection with the bet (ruins) el-'Abid of our lists; ibid. p. Amalekites and Arabians. The form 63. [218.] ii. 571-573

JUXn 1.] PETRA. 169 Hebrew Sela, in Greek Petra.' In the Old Testament we find it recorded of king Amaziah, that " he slew of Edom in the valley of salt, ten thousand, and took Sela by war, and called the name of it Joktheel unto this day."2 The prophet Isaiah also exhorts Moab to " send the lamb to the ruler of the land from Sela to (through) the wilderness unto the mount of the daughter of Zion;" alluding apparently to the tribute in sheep formerly paid to Israel.3 At this time, therefore, Sela would seem to have been in the possession of the Moabites; or at least they pastured their flocks as far south as to that region, much in the manner of the adjacent tribes at the present day.4These are the only certain notices of this city found in Scripture; and the last of them cannot be later than about 700 B. C.5 About four centuries afterwards, as we have seen, the city was already known to the Greeks as Petra; it had passed into the hands of the Nabatheans, and had become a place of trade. The two expeditions sent against it by Antigonus before 301 B. C. have been already alluded to.6 In the first, Athenaeus took the city by surprise, while the men were absent at a neighbouring mart or fair; and carried off a large booty of silver and merchandise. But the Nabatheans quickly pursued him, to the number of eight thousand men; and falling upon his camp by night, destroyed the greater part of his army.7 Of the second expedition, under the command of Demetrius, the Nabatheans had previous intelligence; and prepared themselves for an attack, by driving their flocks into the deserts, and placing their wealth under the protection of a strong garrison in Petra; to which, according to Diodorus, there was but a single approach, and that made by hand.8 In this way they succeeded in baffling the whole design of Demetrius. Strabo, speaking of the Nabatheans during the reign of Augustus, describes the capital as follows: " The metropolis of the Nabatheans is Petra, so called; for it lies in a place in other respects plain and level, but shut in by rocks round about, precipitous indeed on the outside, but within having copious fountains for a supply of water and the irrigation of gardens. Beyond the enclosure, the region is mostly a desert, and espe1 Heb. V5_. Sela; Greek j rlerpa Pe- s The expression " the rock," in Judg. tra, and also in the plur. at IElrpat in the 1, 36 and Is. 42, 11, has sometimes been later ecclesiastical notices; Reland pp. referred to the city of Petra; but is too 215, 217, 533. Comp. the similar case of indefinite, both in itself and in relation to nIUAAa and UnIEXat. the context, to be taken into the account. 2 2 Kings 14, 7. 6 Page 159. 3 Is. 16, 1, and Gesenius Comm. in loc. 7 Diod. Sic. 19. 59. Comp. 2 K. 3, 4. 8 lb. 19. 97, ovur ncfSrs hvapcdoiews Xe'po4 So the Ma'~z, see above, p. 143. Com- ol77roUv. pare also p. 167. n. 8. VOL. 11.-15 ii. 573,574

170 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XIL cially towards Judea."' At this time the city had become the great place of transit for the products of the east, and was often resorted to by foreigners.2 The philosopher Athenadorus, Strabo's friend, spent some time in Petra; and related with admiration, that he found many Romans and other strangers residing there; that these often had lawsuits with one another and with the inhabitants; while the latter lived in peace among themselves, under excellent laws.3 Similar, but rore definite, is the testimony of Pliny in the first century: " The Nabatheans inhabit the city called Petra, in a valley less than two (Roman) miles in amplitude, surrounded by inaccessible mountains, with a stream flowing through it."4 About the same period, Petra is often mentioned by Josephus as the capital of Arabia Petrvea, in all his notices of that kingdom and its connection with Jewish affairs.5 With that kingdom, it passed under the immediate sway of the Romans, during the reign of Trajan. His successor Adrian appears to have granted privileges to Petra, which led the inhabitants to give his name to the city upon coins. Several of these are still extant.6 In the fourth century, Petra is several times mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome; and in the Greek ecclesiastical Notitime of the fifth. and sixth centuries, it appears as the metropolitan see of the Third Palestine.7 Of its bishops, Germanus was present at the council of Seleucia in A. D. 359; and Theodorus at that of Jerusalem in A. D. 536.8 But from that time onwards, Petra suddenly vanishes from the pages of history. In the two Latin Notitiw, referring in part to the centuries after the Muhammedan conquest and before the crusades, the name of Petra is no longer found, and the metropolitan see had been transferred to Rabbah.9 Whether Petra perished through the ruthless rage of the fanatic conquerors, or whether it had already been destroyed in some incursion of the hordes of the desert, is utterly unknown. The silence of Strabo 16. 4. 21, Mrlspp'roXtAs 8 T'i-v 6 Mionnet Descr. de Medailles Antiques, Na'aTalaS eTlv' 7 nIe'pa KaAoviu'er~ Kei- Tom. V. p. 587. Eckhel Doctr. Nullmor. TaLt yp erl XCp[OV di.&ArXa 6,aXov ical Vet. II. p. 503. No less than eight coins hE7rstovu, i~1cKo Be ~rprpa rpoepoUveyfo,' h of Petra are described, viz. three in honour E[v ltC'rbS ICplYOavo &3roT4ov v, a ra' VTbS of Adrian; one of Marcus Aurelius and 7rrlyas.adp~ vovs e'oTsoS l's es se bpeav icnal Verus; two of Septimius Severus; and Kct7resav. Ete'oi E toS 7rEptAdhov Xucpa Eprlpos two of Geta. Most of them bear on the 7 7rAeir'Trl, scal cidhora 7' 7rpbs'Iovsacs. reverse the inscription:'AWplUc'l71 rNTpa 2 See above, p. 161. Mrm7prmroxls. For this custom on the coins Strabo ibid. of cities, see above, p. 60. n. 3. 4 P1n. H. N. 6. 28 v. 32, "Deinde Naba- 7 Onomast. arts. Petra, Icdumcea, Theth' i oppidum incolunt Petram nomine in man, etc. Reland Pal. p. 215, 217. Seo convalle, paulo minus II mill. passuum am- also in general the art. Petra in Reland p. plitudinis, circumdatum montibus inacces- 926 sq. sis amne interfluente." 8 Reland Pal. pp. 933, 533. Le Quien See the references to Josephus above, Oriens Chr. III. p. 725. p. 159. n. 4. 9 Reland Pal. pp. 223, 226. ii. 574, 575

JUNE 1.].- PETRA. WADY MUSA. 171 all Arabian writers as to the very existence of Petra, would seem to favour the latter supposition; for had the city still retained its importance, we could hardly expect that they should pass it over without some notice, in their accounts of the country and its conquest. As it is, this sudden and total disappearance of the very name and trace of a city so renowned, is one of the most singular circumstances of its history.1 The crusaders, as we have seen, found Petra at Kerak, just as they also found Beersheba at Beit Jibrin; thus introducing a confusion as to Petra, which is not wholly removed even at the present day.2 It was not until the reports collected by Seetzen respecting the wonderful remains in Wady Muisa, had been verified by the personal discovery and examination of them by Burckhardt, that the latter traveller first ventured to assume their identity with the site of the ancient capital of Arabia Petreea.3 This identity is now, I believe, admitted by all.-The arguments for the identity in question, are of a threefold nature, and all lie within a small compass. First, the character of the site, as given by Strabo and Pliny in the passages above quoted; an area in a valley surrounded by precipitous rocks, with a stream running through it, and a single approach'made by hand,' as mentioned by Diodorus;4 all this -corresponds entirely to Wady Musa as already described. Again, the ancient specifications as to the distance of Petra from both the Dead Sea and the Elanitic gulf, all point to Wady Muisa. Passing over the merely casual and indefinite estimates of Strabo and Pliny,5 we find in Diodorus Siculus, that Demetrius, on his return from Petra, marched three hundred stadia, 1 No Arabian writer mentions Petra; 2 See p. 167, above. Adrichomius p. 129. and the only ones who speak of Wady Mi- Raumer's Palist. p. 412 sq. sa, so far as yet known, are Kazwiny in. Burckhardt p. 431. The first pubthe thirteenth century, and Ibn Iyts (Ben lished account of Burckhardt's visit to WaAyas) in the fifteenth. Both these au- dy Muisa, seems to have been contained in thors merely relate a Muhammedau legend, a letter from him dated Cairo, Sept. 12, according to which Moses died and wvas 1812, prefixed to his Travels in Nubia, buried in this valley. See Kazwiny's Lond. 1819. But before this appeared, Geogr. Lexicon, Athdr el-Beldd, Cod. Ms. Ritter had already suggested the identity Arab. Biblioth. Gothan. No. 234. fol. 80. of Wady MQisa and Petra, on the strength Ibn Iyas in his geogr.: work, Neshek el- of Seetzen's reports in Zach's Monatl. Corr. Ezhdcr, Cod. Gothan. No. 302. fol. 226. XVII. p. 139. See Rittel's Erdkunde Th. These notices from Mss. in the Library at II. p. 117. Berl. 1818. Gotha, I owe to the kindness of Prof. Roe- See pp. 169, 170. diger of Halle.-For the forms Arce, Are- 5 Strabo places it at three or four days' ceme, Recem, etc. assigned by Josephus march from Jericho, 16. 4. 21. Pliny at and others as the earliest name of Petra; 600 Roman miles from Gaza, and 135 from as also for the er-Rakim of Arabian writ- the Persian gulf; SH. N. 6. 28 or 32. Here, ers, see Note XXXVII, at the end of the as Cellarius suggests, the two numnbers have volume.-In like manner the place called probably been transposed; that is, it should by Arabian writers el-Hijr, (not el-Hajar read 135 miles from Gaza, and 600 from'a stone') has sometimes been mistaken the Persian gulf. Cellar. Notit. Orb. II. p. for Petra; see the same Note. i81. ii. 576, 577

172 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. and encamped near the Dead Sea.' This distance is equal to about fifteen hours with camels; and if reckoned northwards from Wady Musa along the ancient road, extends to nearly opposite the south end of the sea. After all, this is doubtless also a mere estimate, and is if any thing too small; but at any rate, it could never apply to Kerak.-More exactly is the position of Petra laid down in the Peutinger Tables. The distance is there marked from Ailah along the ancient road to Petra, by the stations Ad Dianam, Preesidium, Hauara,2 and Zadagatta, at ninety-nine Roman miles in all, equivalent to about seventyeight and two thirds geographical miles.3 The actual direct distance between'Akabah and Wady Mfisa, on a straight line, is about sixty-four geographical miles; and when we take into account the windings of the way and the steepness of the mountains, the comparison is here sufficiently exact.4 On this route too, the name and site of Zadagatta (Zodocatha) still exist at Usdakah, about six hours southof Wady Musa.5 Further, the same Tables, although somewhat confused on the north of Petra, yet give the distance between it and Rabbah as at least over seventy-two Roman miles; which corresponds well with Wady Mesa. Lastly, Josephus, and also Eusebius and Jerome, testify expressly, that Mount Hor, where Aaron died, was in the vicinity of Petra.6 And to this day the mountain which both tradition and the circumstances of the case mark as the same, still rears its lonely head above the vale of Wady Musa. These considerations appear to me to demonstrate the identity of Petra with Wady Muisa; and also to show as concluDiod. Sic. 19. 98, r4TXaov Tijo s'AopaX- el-Humeiyimeh did not lie upon the great,'rtWos x/As7oS. Roman road, of which Laborde found tra2 The Audpa of Ptolemy, and the Hava- ces further north upon the mountain. na of the Notitia Dignitatum. Ptol. 5. 17. 4 The geographical position of Petra is Reland Pal. pp. 463, 230. fixed on the accompanying map at 300 The following is the specification of the 25' N. Lat. and 35~_ 38' 9" E. Long. from Tables: From Haila, xvI ad Dianam. xxI Greenwich. This latitude is the mean Proesidio. xxIII Hauara. xx Zadagatta. between that resulting from our routes xvII Petris. Summa xcix.-The station and Laborde's. Moore and Beke give it ad Dianam' is common to both the routes at 30~ 19', which appears to be even less from Ailah, to Jerusalem and to Petra. correct than their observations at JerusaIt must therefore have lain in the great lem and Hebron; see above, p. 74, n. 2. valley; and the distance of 16 Roman miles Vol. I. p. 259, n. 1. The longitude is from'Akabah would bring it about oppo- that found by a comparison of our routes site the Wady and fountain el-Hendis. It with those of Laborde. See Kiepert's Meis marked as a small temple of Diana. moir in the former edition of this work, This point must have been considerably III. App. p. 37. north of the mouth of Wady el-Ithm. 5 See above, p. 168. The Roman road to Petra appears there- 6 Josephus Ant. 4. 4. 7. Euseb. et fore to have ascended the mountain north Hieron. Onomasticon: "Or, mons in quo of that Wady; and the station Priesidium mortuus est Aaron juxta civitatem Peis probably to be sought in those moun- tram." tains. It would consequently seem, that ii. 577-579

JuEr 2.] PETRA. 173 sively, that it could not have been situated at Kerak, where the crusaders placed it.' But how or when the name of Petra was dropped, or in what age that of Wady MAisa was adopted, we have no means of ascertaining. The crusaders found the latter in current use, and speak here only of the " Vallis Moysi."2 They also speak of a building on the neighbouring mountain, consecrated to Aaron; but they appear to have discovered nowhere any trace of a Christian population.3 Then came other centuries of oblivion; and the name of Wady Mfisa was not again heard of, until the reports of Seetzen in A. D. 1807. During his excursion from Hebron to the hill Madirah, his Arab guide of the HaweitRt described the place, exclaiming: "Ah, how I weep, when I behold the ruins of Wady Mfsa! 4 The subsequent visits of Burckhardt, Irby and Mangles, Laborde, and others, have put the world in possession of most of the details; yet I apprehend that the historical and antiquarian interest of the place is by no means exhausted. The scholar who should go thither learned in the lore of Grecian and Egyptian arts and architecture, would be able, I doubt not, still to reap a rich harvest of new facts, illustrative of the taste, the antiquities, and the general history of this remarkable people. Saturday, June 2d. As morning dawned, we rose from our couch of sand in the middle of the'Arabah; and at 4. o'clock were again upon our way towards the fountain el-Weibeh. Looking back, we could see the Wady through which we had descended from the pass of Nemela, bearing S. 550 E. and marking the course we had travelled during the darkness. We were now more than half way across the'Arabah; and continued to travel on nearly W. N. W. through a rolling gravelly desert, with rounded naked hills of considerable elevation. Our guides had usually in the'Arabah kept one man ahead as a scout; and now, as we approached el-Weibeh, they took double precautions against any enemy; since this and other fountains in the valley, are the usual rendezvous of wandering parties. For the question whether there was Not improbably there may have been here probably more than one Petra, see in Note originally a Christian chapel, as on Jebel XXXVII, at the end of the Volume. Muisa and Mount St. Catherine; but there 2 See above, pp. 163, 165. is no historical trace of any monastery on s Guibert speaks of this building as a the mountain. See Note XXXVI, end of church; 7. 36. p. 555. Another writer the volume. calls it an "Oratorium;" Gesta Dei p. 581. 4 Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVII. p. 136. Fulcher incorrectly makes it a monastery See above, p.- 165. dedicated to St. Aaron; c. 23, p. 405. VOL. II. —15* ii. 579,580

174 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. We came out, at half past 6 o'clock, upon the high but not steep bank of Wady el-Jeib; which here sweeps round quite to the foot of the ascent on the west side of el-'Arabah. We descended into it from the gravelly hills, one hundred feet or more. It is here three quarters of an hour in breadth, and everywhere sprinkled with herbs and shrubs. Just on its western side, where the land slopes up very gradually into a tract of low limestone hills, lies'Ain el-Weibeh, one of the most important watering places in all the great valley. There are here indeed three fountains, issuing from the chalky rock of which the slope is composed. Below them, on the border of the Jeib, is a jungle of coarse grass and canes, with a few palm trees, presenting at a distance the appearance of fine verdure, but proving near at hand to be marshy and full of bogs. This slope continues towards the south, where it becomes wider, and is also sprinkled with herbs; being watered in winter by a Wady called elGhamr, with a small spring of bad water, an hour. and a half or two hours south of el-Weibeh. As we approached this latter fountain, we could see the verdure around'Ain eil-Ghamr.' As our scouts had reported that there were no visitors at elWeibeh, we proceeded directly thither; and reaching it at 7.20, halted more than two hours for breakfast and rest. The three fountains are some rods apart, running out in small streams from the foot of a low rise of ground, at the edge of the hills. The water is not abundant; and in the two northernmost sources, has a sickly hue, like most desert fountains, with a taste of sulphuretted hydrogen. The temperature of the water was 750 F. that of the air being about the same. But the southernmost source consists of three small rills of limpid and good water, flowing out at the bottom of a small excavation in the rock. The soft chalky stone has crumbled away, forming a semicircular ledge about six feet high around the spring, and now a few feet distant from it. The intermediate space is at present occupied by earth; but the rock apparently once extended out, so that the water actually issued friom its base.-We could find here no trace of the remains of former dwellings.'Ain el-Weibeh is situated just on the exterior of a great bend of Wady el-Jeib, which here comes down from the S. by W. and sweeps round almost towards the E. N. E. In it, at some distance below el-Weibeh, we could see the verdure around another place of water, called el-Hufeiry; the water is found by digging holes in the ground, is scanty, and fails in summer. From this point, (at el-Weibeh,) Mount Hor is seen to fine advantage, towering in lone majesty, and prominent above all See Burckhardt p. 446. ii. 580-582

JmuE 2.]'AIN EL-WEIBEH. 175 the peaks which immediately skirt the'Arabah; but itself lower than the high ridges further east. Indeed, as here seen, this peak, and the rocky groups around Wady Mfisa and next the'Arabah, appear to belong to a chain further west and lower than the high main chain of esh-Sherah. The latter, beginning from Wady Ghuweir, and consisting of round summits and ridges without precipices, runs on continuously as far south as the eye can reach. The lower masses of porphyry, are all along marked by a dark and almost black appearance.' We were much struck while at el-Weibeh, with the entire adaptedness of its position to the scriptural account of the proceedings of the Israelites, on their second arrival at Kadesh.2 There was at Kadesh a fountain, called also En-Mishpat;3 this was then either partially dried up, or exhausted by the multitude; so that " there was no water for the congregation." By a miracle, water was brought forth abundantly out of the rock. Moses now sent messengers to the king of Edom, informing him that they were "in Kadesh, a city in the uttermost of his border;" and asking leave to pass through his country, so as to continue their course around Moab and approach Palestine from the east. This Edom refused; and the Israelites accordingly marched to Mount Hor, where Aaron died; and then along the'Arabah to the Red Sea.? Here at el-Weibeh, all these scenes were before our eyes. Here was the fountain, even to this day the most frequented watering place in all the'Arabah. On the northwest is the mountain, by which the Israelites had formerly assayed to ascend to the land of Palestine, and were driven back.5 Overagainst us lay the land of Edom; we were in its uttermost border; and the great Wady el-Ghuweir, affording a direct and easy passage through the mountains to the table land above, was directly before us; while further in the south, Mount Hor formed a prominent and striking object, at the distance of two good days journey for such a host. The small fountain et-Taiyibeh at the bottom of the pass er-RiUba'y, may then have been, either the wells of Bene-Jaakan, or the Moseroth, of the Israelites.6 The stations of Gudgodah and Jotbath further south, we may perhaps find at the mouth of the Wady Ghiirindel, and in the marshy tract with palm trees further towards'Akabah, menThe several points seen from the foun- 5 Num. 14, 40-45. Deut. 1, 41-46. tain el-Weibeh, bore as follows: Mount 6 Num. 33, 30. 31. 37.- Deut. 10, 6. Hor S. 25~ E. Wady from pass of Neme- Eusebius and Jerome relate, that the place la S. 60~ E. Wady el-Ghuweir S. 80~ E. of the BeerothBene-Jaakan was still shown el-Hufeiry N. 65~ E. in their day, ten Roman miles from Petra, 2 Num. c. 20. at the top of the mountain. Onomast. alt. Y Gen. 14, 7. Beroth Filior. Jac. Num. 20, 14-29. ii. 582. 583

.176 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XIn. tioned by Laborde and Schubert; where in winter at least we might look for "a land of rivers of waters."'' In view of all these circumstances, we were disposed to regard el-Weibeh as the probable site of the ancient Kadesh;.and.felt that we. were here treading on ground consecrated by many sacred associations... Some other circumstances corroborative of the same view, I shall have. occasion to adduce further on.2 Yet the surrounding desert has long since resumed its rights; and all traces of the city and of its very name, have disappeared. Indeed there is nothing which shows Kadesh to have ever been a place of any size, or of any importance, except in connection with the journeyings of the Israelites. e As we were ascending the pass of Nemela, (May 30th,) we were overtaken by a single Arab, who had come the same day from'Ain el-Weibeh. From him we learned, that during the preceding night, while we were. travelling up Wady el-Jeib, a marauding party (Ghizu) had encamped at el-Weibeh, composed of four hundred men on dromedaries from the Tiyahah,: Terabin, Dhtillam and'Azazimeh, going against the Hawazim and'Anazeh of the Syrian desert. Had we not travelled during the night, we might very probably have fallen in with them. It is these marauding expeditions, which render the'Arabah and the Ghor dangerous for travellers. They pass and repass frequently between the hostile tribes of the Arabs on the east and west; and there is always some risk of encountering them. In the present instance, such an. encounter -would have brought us into no danger; as those tribes are all allies of the Jehalin.under whose protection we made this journey,. From'Ain el-Weibeh a travelled. path enters immediately among the limestone hills, and proceeding about N.. N. W. doubtless -ascends the mountain to the region above..Our Jehalin seemed not to be acquainted with this road, being accustomed from el-Weibeh to skirt the'Arabah along the foot of the hills, as far north.as to Wady el-Khtirar, and then ascend by the pass of es-Stfafh. But as the buffoon Muhammed, who had recently been here with Lord. Prudhoe's party, professed to -have taken this direct road, and to have found it shorter, the guides concluded to follow it now. We left the fountain at 9-: o'clock, and at once entered among the hills, here low and consisting of chalky stone and conglomerate, without a particle of vegetation. At 10.20, we crossed a large Wady called el-Mirzaba, which gives name to a pass up the mountains on the left;3 and at 11 o'clock we came to.another very large one called el-5Muhelleh, from a 1 Deut. 10, 7; comp. Num. 33, 32. 33. 2 See further on: Approach of the IsSee Laborde's Map and VoyageS p. 53. raelites to Palestine. [147.] Schubert's Reise II. p. 399. 3 See above, p. 125. ii. 583-585

JUNE 2.]- PATHS FROM EL-WEIBEH. 177 place of that name in the country of the'Aza'zimeh in the same mountains. These Waclys, like those which succeeded, find their way to Wady el-Jeib; and have in them many Seiyal or Ttilh trees, some of which are very large. It now appeared, that our Arabs were afraid of having taken a wrong road. The path was evidently much travelled; but where it led to, no one seemed to know. W~e therefore turned to the right on a course about N. N. E. without any track, in order to regain the path known to our guides, descending gradually and obliquely among the hills towards the'Arabah. In doing this we crossed several Wadys of which our Arabs did not know the names. Indeed, they seemed -to be quite lost, as if they were entire strangers to the region. We had found it at all times difficult to get information from them, owing partly to their ignorance, partly to carelessness, and somewhat to unwillingness. But they had become less reserved and more and more communicative, the longer we had been with them. All Arabs are usually ignorant of the localities two or three days distant from their own country; but the general intelligence of our present guides, was the most limited we had yet met with, and we never found more difficulty, in eliciting information. Nor could we always put trust in that which they did communicate, without much cross-examination and other confirmatory evidence. At length, at 1 o'clock, we came down near the mouth of a Wady not far from the'Arabah, where was a small cane brake indicating water. Here we fell into the road of which our guides were in search. The spot is called'Ain el-Mureidhah; but the Arabs said the water was good for nothing, and consisted of little more than dampness of the earth. Following now the known path, we struck up again 1N. N. W. among the hills towards the mountains. We passed the Wady Abu Jerdcleh at 1.55; and came at 2.40 to the Kufafiyeh, a large Wady, which conducted us more into the mountains. Leaving this we crossed over to WVady el-Khiirar, which we reached at 3.20. Between all these Wadys are only desert limestone hills, becoming gradually higher and more broken towards the west. At the mouth of Wady el-Khirahr, where it issues upon the'Arabah, an hour or more east of the point where we struck it, is the fountain called'Ain el-Khfirar, smaller than el-Weibeh, but having tolerable water, which continues through the year. As we passed along and over the hills, we could see the verdure around this fountain; and also that around the water of Hasb in the plain beyond, somewhat further north.' The waters of See above, p. 119. ii. 585, 586

178 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. the Khtrar and all the Wadys we had passed, find their way to the Jeib, apparently south of Wady Hasb; or in part, perhaps, through that Wady. Following up Wady el-Khtirar for about half an hour, we left it, and ascended by a steep but not long pass, called the pass of Khuirar. This brought us out at 4 o'clock, not exactly upon table land, but upon a higher tract of country, forming the first of the several steps or offsets into which the ascent of the mountains in this part is divided. This is here perhaps four or five hundred feet higher than the tract we had left; and lay before us two and a half hours in breadth, quite to the base of the next ascent, in which is the main pass of es-Sifafh. The tract runs up nearly from E N. E. to W. S. W. from the hills around Usdum and the south end of the Dead Sea, to an indefinite extent on our left; rising very considerably all the way, and drained in its whole length by the Wady el-Fikreh, which enters the Ghor: at the southwest corner.' The bed of this Wady lies beyond the middle of the tract, near the base of the next ascent. The surface is here broken, and in some parts mountainous, like that of the lower region behind us. At the distance of an hour or two further south, a ridge begins on the front or southeast part of this higher tract, and runs'off parallel to the next chain; the head of Wady el-Fikreh being far up between them in the southwest.-We soon struck upon a small Wady, called diminutively Wudey Silk; which after we had followed it for a while, ran off on the right towards the'Arabah. After this, all the smaller Wadys ran towards the Fikreh; and the country just here was less broken than towards. the left. The mountain before us, forming the.next step of the ascent, presented a formidable barrier, a naked limestone ridge, not less than a thousand feet in height, and very steep. Three passes up this mountain were pointed out, viz. that of es-Stf'ah directly before us; on the right, not far off, another, es-Sufey; and on the left at some distance the third, called el-Yemen, leading up through a deep rent known as Wady el-Yemen. This chasm cleaves the mountain to its base; and here the higher portion of the ridge may be said to terminate; for although it continues to run on far to the southwest, yet it is there lower and less steep. The Wady el-Yemen brings down apparently, in the rainy season, large quantities of water from the regions above into the Fikreh. At the top of this pass, water is found in, pits, which is good and never fails. Fifteen minutes before we reached the Fikreh, a road fell into ours (at 5.50) coming up directly from'Ain el-KhfirAr.' See above, p. 116. ii. 586-588

JUNE 2.] PATHS. MADURAH. 179 The spot was marked by an unusual number of heaps of stones. Immediately afterwards, a path apparently much travelled, went off towards the left, leading to the pass el-Yemen. A branch of it was said to take a course still more to the left, so as to keep along up the Fikreh for some time, and then ascend the mountain further in the southwest, where it is lower and less difficult. This circuitous road is called el-Haudeh, and is usually taken with loaded animals; since it escapes the- steep ascent. The roads which lead up all these passes, fall into each other again in the country above, as we shall see. Yet a track would seem to proce3d directly from the ascent of the Haudeh to Gaza; and on this, so far as we could learn, perhaps in'the next chain of mountains, is probably the pass called el-Gharib, of which we several times heard.' The road which immediately enters the hills from el-Weibeh, and which we had at first taken, seems to ascend more in the south to this higher tract, on which we now were. Lord Lindsay appears to have followed it with Sheikh Husein of the'Alawin; and he relates, that at seven hours from el-Weibeh, a path went off on the left to Gaza, while he and his party kept on and ascended the pass es-Siifah. This Gaza road probably joined the Haudeli as above described. An hour north of the fork of the same roads, the party had on their left the isolated chalky hill or mountain of Madtrah; under which, their guides said,'God once crushed a village for its vices.2 This mountain, so remarkable in its appearance, we too had seen upon our left at the distance of about an hour, ever since we came out upon this higher tract, rising alone like a lofty citadel on the eastern bank of Wady el-Fikreh. Sheikh HussAn related-of it, that a city once stood there; but God was provoked at the inhabitants and slew them, and destroyed their city with stones from heaven. He could not say, however, whether there were now any ruins on or near it.3 -This question, as I have since found, had been already determined by Seetzen thirty-one years before. Being at Hebron in March, 1807, he was told of this mountain, and of the city Madirah which once stood upon it, but was now by the vengeance of God buried beneath it; there were also said to' be round about it many human bodies turned to stone. Thinking to find here something which See Vol. I. p. 208. el-Yemen; Bull. de la Soc. de G6o(rr. Juin 2 Lord Lindsay's Letters, etc. II. p. 46. 1839, p. 321-323. -Schubert also mentions Madilrah, and To this mountain Bertou gives the adappears to have ascended by the pass es- ditional name of Kadessa, and supposes it Suifdh; but by which route he travelled to be the site of Kadesh, but'without the from el-Weibeh thither, I am not able to slightest ground; Bulletin etc. 1.. p. make out; Reise II. p. 441-443. Bertou 322. followed our route, but ascended the pass ii. 588, 589

180 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII might illustrate the pillar of salt, Seetzen travelled hither with guides of the HaweitAt from esh-Sherah; descending, it would seem, by the pass el-Yemen. He examined the mountain carefully; but no trace of ruins was to be found; and instead of petrified human bodies, there was nothing but a small plain covered with round, conical, cylindrical, and lens-shaped stones, about the size of a man's head, composed of limestone mixed with sand. It was to make up for this disappointment, that his guide now told him of Wady Mutsa and the other ruined places of his own country. But although Mount Hor was here directly before the traveller, and in full sight; and he was likewise told of the Wely Neby Haruin upon a high rocky summit; yet his eye appears nevertheless not to have rested distinctly upon that mountain.' WVe came upon the Fikreh at five minutes past 6 o'clock; it is here a large shallow Wady with marks of much water, and evidently takes its rise at a long distance on the left. The mountain before us, we could now see, was composed of naked strata of limestone lying obliquely and very irregularly, sometimes indeed rising up in convex curves, as if forming the external covering of an arch. These strata are occasionally cut through by short but deep chasms. This ascent is obviously the continuation in this direction of the step or offset which we had formerly descended adjacent to the lower ez-Zuweirah; though it is here much higher and more difficult than there.2-We kept on directly towards the middle pass es-SUfafh, which affords also the shortest route. Near the foot of the mountain we came at 6I o'clock upon the ruins of a small fort or castle of hewn stones, with a few other foundations round about.'It was obviously designed to guard the pass; like a similar one at ez-Zuweirah.3 We reached the bottom of the pass at 6.40, and began immediately to ascend. The way leads up for a short time gradually along the edge of a precipitous ravine on the right; and then comes all at once upon the naked surface of the rock, the strata of which lie here at an oblique angle, as steep as a man can readily climb. The path, if so it can be called, continues for the rest of the ascent along this bare rock, in a very winding course. The camels made their way with difficulty, being at every moment liable to slip. The rock indeed is in general porous and rough; but yet in many spots smooth and dangerous 1 Seetzen in Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVII. the whole range, so far as we could learn, p. 133-138. Reisen Il1. 13 sq. does not bear either of these as a general 2 See p. 104, above.-The Arabs in name; as seems to be supposed by Schuspeaking of this mountain, would be very bert and Bertou. likely to give to the different parts of it 3 From this spot Madilrah bore S. 50~ the names of Jebel es-S&ifaih, Jebel el-Ye- W. Mount Hor S. 15~ E. Mountain of men, etc. from the various passes. But Moab near Khanzireh N. 80~ E. ii. 589-591

JumE 2.] PASS ES-SUFAH. 181 for animals. In such places a path has been hewn in the rock in former days; the slant of the rock being sometimes levelled, and sometimes overcome by steps cut in it. The vestiges of this road are more frequent near the top. The appearance is that of a very ancient pass. The whole mountain side presents itself as a vast inclined plane of rock; in which, at intervals, narrow tracts of the strata run up at a steep angle, and break out towards the upper part in low projections; while in other places, they seem to have been thrown up in fantastic shapes by some convulsion of nature. We clambered up the pass on foot, taking a direct course over the surface of the rock, while the camels ascended more slowly by the winding route. A parallel and still more direct path for footmen, was taken by several of our Arabs; entering the chasm, on our right from below, and then climbing up by a long narrow point or ledge of the rock, which extends far down into it. Further to the right, beyond the chasm, the pass of the Sufey winds up over the rock in a similar manner. The name of this pass, es-Stifah (a rock), is in form identical with the Hebrew Zephath, called also Hormah; which we know was the point where the Israelites attempted to ascend the mountain, so as to enter Palestine from Kadesh, but were driven back.' A city stood there in ancient times, one of the " uttermost cities of Judah towards the coast of Edom southwards," which was afterwards assigned to the tribe of Simeon.2 There is therefore every reason to suppose, that in the name of esSafah, we have a reminiscence of the ancient pass which must have existed here, and bore the name of the adjacent city Zephath. Of the name Hormah we could find no vestige. We reached the top of the steep ascent at 7- o'clock; when the light of day was nearly gone, and the landscape behind us was dim. Below us, we could overlook the broad tract or step which we had just crossed, drained in its whole length by the Fikreh; beyond were the lower hills, the'Arabah, and the mountains of Edom. In the northeast the Dead Sea was of course visible. We continued to ascend more gradually, through an exceedingly rocky and desert region. We wished much to encamp somewhere near the brow of the pass, in order to obtain a fuller view by daylight; but there was here neither wood for a fire, nor pasture for the camels. We were therefore compelled to proceed, lighted only by the moon in her first quarter. This we much regretted; for the region which we now traversed, seemed one of the wildest and most broken we had yet seen. After a little while, pursuing the same general course, about N. Judg. 1, 17. Num. 14, 45. 21, 3. 2 Josh. 12, 14. 15,30. 19, 4. Deut. 1, 44. VOL. II.-16 ii. 591, 592

182 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII. N. W. over a more level tract, we could distinguish deep ravines on each side of us, with precipitous mountains beyond, seemingly rent to their base. The road for some distance lay along a narrow causeway of rock, between two such ravines, hardly wide enough for a dozen men to walk abreast, with a deep precipice on each side. From this we at length found a descent towards the right into a broader Wady, and following it up, encamped near it at 91 o'clock, in a small plain surrounded by hills. Here were many Tilh trees and shrubs. The Arabs had no name for the spot, and knew of no ruins in the vicinity; but we thought we had seen, not long before, a couple of small towers on the right of the road. We were excessively fatigued; having now been upon our camels since 11 o'clock of the preceding day, with only occasional stops of two or three hours. The camels too had eaten nothing for the last twenty-four hours, that is, since our stop of the evening before; yet they did not seem fatigued. Being now out of all danger, we rejoiced to encamp and give ourselves up to repose; and after the fatigues of the'Arabah and the exciting scenes of Wady Mufsa, we looked forward with delight to a day of rest upon the morrow. While the tent was pitching, I threw myself upon my cloaks and fell immediately into a deep sleep; from which it was hard to be awaked to remove into the tent, and partake of our evening meal. But we slept soundly through the whole night; and felt afterwards no further remains of the fatigue. Of the three passes, that of es-Strfah is the most direct; but that of el-Yemen, though the way is longer, is more used, on account of the water at the top. We did not learn, that there is any great difference between them all, as to the length or difficulty of the ascent itself, which we estimated at about a thousand feet.' The roads leading up the two adjacent passes, es-Sifah and es-Sufey, as we have seen, are similar. The third road enters the gorge of Wady el-Yemen; and following it up for a time, then climbs the wall of rock by a steep and difficult path. Seetzen describes this Wady as a fiightfully wild, deep, and desert valley, strewed with large rocks so thickly, that it is often difficult to find a way between them.2 The high region which we had now reached, is bounded, as we shall hereafter see, by another less elevated ridge in the northwest, and forms a second step or offset in the whole ascent to Palestine. It is indeed the continuation of the broad desert 1 The whole elevation from Wady el- 2 Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVII. pp. 134, Fikreh to a point near our encampment, is 135. So Bertou in Bull de la Soc. de given by Schubert's measurements at 1434 G6ogr. Juin 1839, p. 323. Paris feet; Reise II. p. 448. ii. 592-594

Jun 2.] EL-GHOR AND EL-'ARABAH. 183 tract, which lies between the two passes of ez-Zuweirah, and runs up in this direction.' As we had now taken leave of the'Arabah and of the region of the Dead Sea, probably for ever, it may be proper to pause for a few moments, and bring together into one view what remains to be said upon these topics. I subjoin too, some remarks upon the catastrophe of the cities of the Plain, and on the route of the children of Israel in their approach to Palestine. WADY EL- ARABAH. This great valley, lying here between the Dead Sea and the gulf of'Akabah, constitutes a very remarkable feature in the configuration of the whole region. With a partial interruption, or rather contraction, between the lakes el-HIleh and Tiberias, it may be said to extend from Bqnias, at the foot of Jebel eshSheikh, to the Red Sea. The northern half is watered by the Jordan, which during its course expands into the two fresh-water lakes just mentioned; and is at length lost in the bitter waters of the Dead Sea; this latter occupying the middle point of the great valley nearly equidistant from its two extremities. From the lake of Tiberias to the line of cliffs some three hours, south of the Dead Sea, the valley or great chasm bears among the Arabs the name el-GhOr; above and south of the offset of those cliffs, and so to'Akabah, it is known only as Wady el-'Arabah. Its breadth at Jericho and at'Ain Jidy has already been specified;2 where we had now crossed it, somewhat obliquely, from the pass of Nemela to'Ain el-Weibeh, we had found the width to be not far from six hours with camels, or nearly the same as at Jericho; while at'Akabah, as we have seen, it is contracted perhaps to less than half that distance.3 The remarkable depression of the Dead Sea in the middle of this long valley, of more than thirteen hundred feet below the Mediterranean, has already been adverted to.4 To judge from the general configuration, and from the course and current of the Jordan, it follows almost of necessity, that the lake of Tiberias, and most probably also the Hi-Ileh, must also be similarly depressed; although the measurements are as yet so indefiite and inconsistent, that the actual degree of this depression can hardly be regarded as determined.5 See this tract described, pp. 103, 104, 3' See Vol. I. p. 162. above. 4 See Vol. I. p. 513. So above, Vol. I. pp. 559 sq. 509 sq. 6 See Note XXX, end of Vol. L ii. 594, 595

184 FROM WADY MUSA TO IEBRON. [SEC. XA. On the south of the Dead Sea, the elevation of the watershed, which according to our Arabs lies beyond the southern Wady Ghfirtindel, has not yet been determined. Schubert gives the depression of the bed of Wady el-Jeib, an hour and a half south of el-Weibeh, at ninety-one Paris feet below the level of the Red Sea; and that of Wady el-Fikreh, near the pass esSUfih, at five feet below the same.' These specifications seem to me to correspond tolerably with the depression of the Dead Sea. But apart from all barometrical measurements, which as yet are so uncertain, the very conformation of this part of the great valley, thus presenting a much longer and greater descent towards the north than towards the south, seems of itself to indicate, that the Dead Sea must lie considerably lower than the gulf of'Akabah. The Ghor, between the lake of Tiberias and the Dead Sea, as we have seen, is for the most paort a desert; except so far as the Jordan and occasional fountains cover some portions of it with exuberant fertility.2 On the south of the Dead Sea, where instead of the Jordan we find only during the rainy season the torrents of el-Jeib, the surface of the'Arabah is almost uninterruptedly a still more frightful desert. In the Ghor indeed, around the southern end of the sea, the living streams from the Wadys Kerak, el-Kfirahy, and et-Trifileh, impart fertility to the adjacent soil; while on the southwest, and along the base of the transverse line of cliffs, the brackish fountains comprehended under the names'el-Beida and el-Arufs, nourish extensive tracts of marshy verdure.3 But in el-'Arabah, although the fountains are numerous for a desert, yet they are less copious, and seem to exert a less vivifying power, than those of the northern Ghor. On the east, the stream which fertilizes Wady Ghuweir, in which the Fellhhin of Dhaneh plough and sow, appears not to reach the great plain of the'Arabah, at least not to any great extent. Then follow towards the south,'Ain elBuweirideh already described; the small fountain et-Taiyibeh near the foot of the pass leading up to Mount Hor; and the waters within the mouth of the southern Wady Ghfirfndel.4 On the western side, we find first the water of Hasb in the plain 1 Reise II. pp. 440. 443.-From'Aka- 2 See above, inVol. I. pp. 545, 556, 559, bah to Wady Abu Kusheibeh leading up 571, etc. to Mount Hor, Schubert travelled along " See generally above, pp. 112, 113; althe east side of the'Arabah, where the so pp. 115-117. ground is higher than on the western side. 4 For Wady el-Ghuweir, see p. 121, Of course the measurements of 465, 954, above; for'Ain el-Buweirideh p. 122; and 2046 feet of elevation, do not mark the for'Ain et-Taiyibeh p. 139. For the proper level of the'Arabah; especially the springs near the mouth of Wady Ghiirtnlatter one, which seems to have been taken del, see Burckhardt p. 441. Laborde in the eastern mountains. Ibid. pp. 401, Voyage p. 53. [148.] 411, 440; comp. p. 439. ii. 595-597

JUNE 2.] EL-GHOR AND EL-'ARABAH. 185 of the'Arabah; then'Ain el-Khtirar at the mouth of the Wady of the same name;'Ain el-Mureidhah; el-Hufeiry; elWeibeh;'Ain el-Ghamr; and then beyond the Jerafeh also elMelihy and el-GhiUdhyan.' The main road, by which Ma'An and the adjacent country has communication with Hebron and Gaza, descends to the'Arabah near Mount Hor, and crossing to el-Weibeh ascends again to the south of Palestine by some one of the passes above described, the Haudeh, el-Yemen, es-SufAh, or es-Sufey. A route also from'Akabah to Hebron and Gaza leads along the'Arabah; one branch goes up through Wady el-Beyaneh to the western plain and so to Ruhaibeh; while another, apparently little travelled, remains in the'Arabah, and falls into the Ma'an road at el-Weibeh.2 An ancient route between HIebron and Ailah followed the same track; it is mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome, and its traces still remain along the pass of es-Siifah.3 Not the least remarkable circumstance in regard to this great valley between the two seas, is the singular fact, that until the present century, its existence should have remained unknown to modern geographers. Among ancient writers, neither Strabo, nor Pliny, nor Ptolemy, nor Josephus, nor any other geographer or historian, makes the slightest allusion to' it; although they often speak both of the Dead Sea and the Elanitic gulf, and describe the adjacent regions.4 The historians of the middle ages preserve the same silence; although the crusaders must have been acquainted with the'Arabah throughout its whole length. We read indeed of a valley in these parts, to which the crusaders gave the name of "Vallis Illustris;" but this appears to 1 See above for the Hasb, pp. 1.19, 177; plus of Agatharcides, as referring to this for el-Khhrar and'Ain el-Mureidhah, p. valley, or at least to the southern end of it 177;. for el-Hufeiry, p. 174; for el-Wei- near Ailah: "Beyond the Leanitic (Elabeh, p. 174-176; for el-Ghamr p. 174; for nitic) gulf, around which the Arabs dwell, el-Melihy, p. 125. For el-Ghidhyan see is the country of the Bythemanei; a spaVol. I. pp. 169, 182. See also generally, cious plain, well watered and low, with vaVol. I. p. 182; and Burckhardt p. 446. rious grasses as highl as a man's head, Schubert speaks of water found by digging and much fruit; full also of wild camels holes in the bottom of the Jeib, an hour and deer, and multitudes of flocks and and a half south of el-Weibeh; where the herds of cattle and mules;" Agatharcides water probably has some connection with Peripl. Rubri Maris, ed. Hudson, pp. 57, el-Ghamr. He also describes a fountain 58; in Hudson's Geogr. Vet. Scriptores three or four hours north of el-Weibeh, in Minores Tom. I. There seems however a valley which he calls Mirzaba; though nothing in this language, except the word the proper Wady of this name is only 35 low (P3aaEca), that can well be applied to minutes from el-Weibeh. The distance the'Arabah h; all the rest, if meant to recoincides well with that of'Ain el-Murei- fer to that valley, is exaggerated and fabdhah. Reise II. p. 440-443. ulous. This circumstance, and also the 2 See above, Vol. I. p. 198. expression beyond (ETrcd) the gulf, seem 9 See pp. 180, 181. Onomast. art. Ha- rather to intimate, that the writer was zazon-Thamar, compared with art. Arath. speaking of some part of Arabia further Reland Pal. pp. 410, 885. east. See Ritter's Erdkunde Th. II. p. Ritter cites a passage from the Peri- 219. BerL 1818. VOL. II. —16* ii. 597, 598

186 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII. refer merely to the Ghor just around the south end of the Dead Sea, the valley of Salt of the Scriptures.' Arabian writers not unfrequently speak of the Gh6r, applying this term solely to the valley of the Jordan.2 In Abulfeda alone we find it mentioned, that the valley extends southwards to the Red Sea. He describes it as follows:3 " From the Dead Sea and Zoghar (Zoar) to Beisan and Tiberias, the tract is called el-Gh6r, as lying between two mountains. One part of the Ghor is reckoned to the district of the Jordan, the other to Palestine. Ibn Haukal adds: The Gh6r begins at the lake of Gennesareth, whence it extends to Beisan, and so to Zoghar and Jericho, even to the Dead Sea; and thence to Ailah." To this passage is subjoined, in a note, a Scholion, apparently of Abulfeda himself, from the Leyden manuscript, supposed to be an autograph: "el-Glh6r is a deep valley shut in by mountains. This tract abounds in palm trees, fountains, and streams; and snow sometimes falls in it. One part extends from the district of Jordan till you pass Beishn; then comes Palestine. And if one proceeds continuously in this valley [southwards], it will bring him to Ailah." These passages, which we now know to be literally correct, were long overlooked. Biisching, near the close of the last century, simply refers to them.5 But if we turn to the Hebrew Scriptures, both the knowledge and the name of the'Arabah, are found to go back to a high antiquity. The Hebrew word'Arabah, signifying in general " a desert plain, Steppe,"' is applied with the article (the'Arabah) directly as the proper name of the great valley in question in its whole length; and has come down to us at the present day in the same form in Arabic, el-'Arabah. We find the Hebrew'Arabah distinctly connected with the Red Sea and Elath; the Dead Sea itself is called the sea of the'Arabah. It extended also towards the north to the lake of Tiberias; and the'Arboth (plains) of Jericho and Moab were parts of it.7 The'Arabah of the Hebrews, therefore, like the Ghor of Abulfeda, was the great valley in its whole extent; and in our present state of See above, p. 109. 7 Ieb.,ltt. ha'A rabah, in connection 2 Edrisi par Jaubert p. 346. Bohaeddin with the Red Sea and Elath, Deut. 1, 1. Vit. Salad. pp. 221, 222. Jakit Lex. 2, 8. As extending to the lake of Geogr. quoted by Schultens, Index in Vit. Tiberias, Josh. 12, 3. 2 Sam. 4, 7. Salad. art. Algaurum. Reland Pal. p. 2 K. 25, 4. " Sea of the'Arabah, the 1041. Salt sea," Josh. 3, 16. 12, 3. Deut. 3 Abulfedea Tab. Syr. ed. Kbhler, Lips. 4, 49. "Plains (r.m_) of Jericho," 1766, pp. 8, 9. Josh. 5, 10. 2 K. 25, 5. "Plains of 4 Ibid. p. 9. n. 35. See the account of Moab," i. e. opposite Jericho, probably this manuscript in Kbhler's Prommium. pastured by Moab though not within its 5 Erdbeschr. Th. XI. i. pp. 379, 505. proper territory, Dent. 34, 1. 8. Num. Hamb. 1792. 22, 1. Comp. Gesenius Lex. Ioeb. art. 6 Is. 33 9. Jer. 50,12. 51, 43. 1Y. ii. 598-600

JUNE 2.] EL- ARABAH. THE DEAD SEA. 187 knowledge respecting it, the Scriptures thus receive an important illustration.' Yet so utterly unsuspected was the general conformation of the region at the beginning of the present century, that Seetzen, a keen observer and well prepared as a traveller, appears not to have noticed or inquired further after this great valley; although, as he descended from the mountains of Kerak in A. D. 1806, and again when he travelled in 1807 as far south as to the hill Madirah, it lay directly before him, stretching off towards the south as far as the eye could reach. That he should have failed to remark it, is most singular; or if he noticed it, then his silence is equally unaccountable.2 Burckhardt in 1812 was the first to visit and describe this valley as it exists; but his discovery seems to have been first published to the world in 1819, and his more full description in 1822.3 Before this time, however, the sagacity of Ritter, from the account of Abulfeda alone, had already detected the true configuration of the region in question; and he had described it in language which, even now, there would be little occasion to alter.4 The journey of Laborde in 1828, gave occasion for the earliest good map of the'Arabah, south of Wady M1isa. The first to pass through its whole length from one sea to the other, was M. de Bertou, who preceded us by a few weeks. In looking through the published account of his journey, I have only to regret the appearance of some inaccuracies; which, followed as they seem to have been by Letronne, can only lead to confusion in the geography of this region. THE DEAD SEA AND CATASTRWPHE OF THE PLAIN. With the conformation of the valley of the'Arabah as above described, the history and character of the Dead Sea stand in l Besides this general illustration, the a I speak here of course only with redifficult passage in Dent. 1, 1, admits in ference to his printed letters, in Zach's this way an easy explanation. The Isra- Monatl. Corr. XVII. pp. 133-140. XVIII. elites were in the plains of Moab opposite pp. 433-443. His silence as to Mount Jericho; and are there described as "in Hor has already been noticed; p. 180, the'Arabah overa0ainst the Red Sea," i. e. above. in the part opposite to the Red Sea, or to- S See the letter dated Sept. 12, 1812, wards the other end. This'Arabah is prefixed to his Travels in Nubia, Lond. then said to lie between Paran (Kadesh) 1819. Also Travels in Syria etc. Lond. on the one side, and Tophel (Tiifileh) on 1822, p. 441 sq. the other. The remaining names men- Erdkunde Th. IL p. 218. Berl. 1818. tioned, are all on the west, viz. Laban, the These particulars were pointed out in Libnah of Num. 33, 20; Hazeroth, i. e. the former edition of this work, in Note'Ain el-Htidherah; and Di-Zahab, prob- XXXVII, end of Vol. II; also in Monathsably Dahab.-I owe the suggestion of this bericht der Berliner Ges. fiir Erdk. I. p. explanation to the kind communication of 192 sq. Berl. 1840. Prof. Hengstenberg of Berlin. ii. 600, 601

188 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRIONe [SEC. XIL close connection. It has usually been assumed, that this lake has existed only since the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, as recorded in the book of Genesis; and the favourite hypothesis of late years had been, that the Jordan before that time had flowed through the whole length of Wady el-'Arabah to the gulf of'Akabah, leaving the present bed of the Dead Sea a fertile plain. But this, as we had now learned, could not have been the case; at least not within the times to which history reaches back. Instead of the Jordan pursuing its course southwards to the gulf, we had found the waters of the'Arabah itself, and also those of the high western desert far south of'Akabah, all flowing northwards into the Dead Sea.' Every circumstance goes to show, that a lake must have existed in this place, into which the Jordan poured its waters, long before the catastrophe of Sodom. The great depression of the whole broad Jordan valley and of the northern part of the'Arabah, the direction of its lateral valleys, as well as the slope of the high western desert towards the north, all go to show that the configuration of this region, in its main features, is coieval with the present condition of the surface of the earth in general; and not the effect of any local catastrophe at a subsequent period. It seems also to be a necessary conclusion, that the Dead Sea anciently covered a less extent of surface than at present. The cities which were destroyed, must have been situated on the south of the lake as it then existed; for Lot fled to Zoar, which was near to Sodom; and Zoar, as we have seen, lay almost at the southern end of the present sea, probably in the mouth of Wady Kerak as it opens upon the isthmus of the peninsular. The fertile plain, therefore, which Lot chose for himself, where Sodom was situated, and Wjhich was well watered like the land of Egypt, lay also south of the lake, "as thou comest unto Zoar."3 Even to the present day, more living streams flow into the Ghor at the south end of the sea, from Wadys of the eastern mountains, than are to be found so near together in all Palestine; and the tract, although now mostly desert, is still better watered, through these streams and by the many fountains, than any other district throughout the whole country.4 In the same plain were slime pits; that is to say, wells of bitumen or asphaltum; the Hebrew word being the. same, as that used in describing the building of the walls of Babylon, which we know were cemented with bitumen.5 These pits or l See Vol. I. pp.- 180,: 199. Compare s Gen. 13, 10-12. also above, p..114 sq. 4 See above, pp. 112, 113. 2 Gen.. 19, 20, " Behold now, this city 5 Ieb.'~n Gen. 14, 10; compared is near to flee to." For the site of Zoar,. see above p. 106 sq. and Note XXXV, end with 11, 3; of the volume. ii. 601-603

JUNE 2.] CATASTROPHE OF SODOM. 189 fountains appear to have been of considerable extent. The val. ley in which they were situated, is indeed called Siddim; but it is said to have been adjacent to the salt sea, and it contained Sodom and Gomorrah.' The streams that anciently watered the plain, remain to attest the accuracy of the sacred historian; but the pits of asphaltum are no longer to be seen. Did they disappear in consequence of the catastrophe of the plain? The remarkable configuration of the southern part of the:Dead Sea, I have already described; the longc and singular peninsula connected with the eastern shore by a broad low neck; the bay extending up further south, in many parts very shallow; and the low flat shores beyond, over which the lake, when swollen by the rains of winter, sets up for several'miles. Indeed the whole of this part of the sea, as I have said, as seen from the western mountains, resembles much the winding estuary of a large river, when the tide is out, and the shoals left dry.2 I have also related the sudden appearance of masses of asphaltum floating in the -sea; which seems to occur at the present day only rarely, and immediately after earthquakes; and also, so far as the Arabs knew, only in the southern part of the sea.3 The character of the shores, the long mountain of fossil salt, and the various mineral productions, have also been described.4 In view of all these facts, viz. the necessary existence of a lake before the catastrophe of Sodom; the well watered plain towards the south, in which were the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, and not far off the sources of bitumen; as also the peculiar character of this part of the Dead Sea, where alone asphaltum at the present day makes its appearance; I say in view of all these facts, there is but a step to the obvious hypothesis, that the fertile plain is now in part occupied by the southern bay, or that portion of the sea lying south of the peninsula; and that by some convulsion or catastrophe of nature, connected with the miraculous destruction of the cities, either the surface of this plain was scooped out, or the bottom of the sea was heaved up, so as to cause the waters to overflow and cover permanently a larger tract than formerly. In either case, it would follow, that the sources of bitumen would in like manner be covered by the sea; and the slimy substance becoming hardened and fixed by contact with the waters, might be expected occasionally to rise and float upon the surface of this heavy flood. The ancients describe the masses of asphaltum as thus rising from the bottom of the sea, apparently in greater abundance than at the present day; although this circumstance perhaps may be accounted for, 1 Gen. 14, 2. 3. 10-12. s See Vol. I. p. 517 sq. See above, Vol L pp. 501 sq. 519.' See Vol. I. p. 510; also p. 108, above. ii. 603, 604

190 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII. by supposing, that the bitumen was not anciently, as now, eagerly gathered up and carried away.1 The country we know is subject to earthquakes; and exhibits also frequent traces of volcanic action. In the whole region around the lake of Tiberias these traces are decided; and at a short distance northwest of Safed; we afterwards came upon the crater of an extinguished volcano. It would have been no uncommon effect of either of these causes, to upheave the bottom of the ancient lake, and thus produce the phenomenon in question. But the historical account of the destruction of the cities, implies also the agency of fire: " The Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven;" and Abraham too' "beheld, and lo, the smoke of the country went up as the smoke of a furnace."2 Perhaps both causes were at work; for volcanic action and earthquakes go hand in hand; and the accompanying electric discharges usually cause lightnings to play and thunders to roll. In this way we have all the phenomena, which the most literal interpretation of the sacred records can demand. Further, if we may suppose, that before this catastrophe, the bitumen had become accumulated around the sources, and had perhaps formed strata spreading for some distance upon the plain; that, possibly,;these strata in some parts extended under the soil and might thus easily approach the vicinity of the cities; if indeed we might suppose all this, then the kindling of such a mass of comnbustible materials, through volcanic action or by lightning from heaven, would cause a conflagration sufficient not only to engulf the cities, but also to destroy the surface of the plain, so that "the smoke of the country would go up as the smoke of a furnace " and the sea rushing in, would convert it into a tract of waters. The supposition of such an accumulation of bitumen, may at first appear extravagant; but the hypothesis requires nothing more, (and even less,) than nature herself actually presents to our view, in the wonderful lake or tract of bitumen found on the island of Trinidad.3 The subsequent barrenness of the remaining portion of the plain, is readily accounted for by the presence of such masses of fossil salt, which perhaps were brought to light only at the same time. The preceding views and suggestions are not the result of mere conjecture; but rest upon a basis of facts and analogies supplied by the researches of science. Nor do they depend simply upon my own unaided authority, which would be nothing in 1 See Vol. I. p. 518. sq. The account of this extraordinary 2 Gen. 19, 24. 28. lake of pitch, illustrates very strikingly, s See Transactions of the Royal Geo- what well may have been the character of logical Society, London 1811, Vol. I. p. 63 a portion of the ancient plain of Sodom. ii. 604-606

JrN 2.] CATASTROPHE OF SODOM. 191 a matter of this kind. Through the kindness of the distinguished geologist Leopold von Buch, whose researches have been particularly directed to the phenomena of volcanos, I was permitted to lay before him an abstract of the facts which have been more fully detailed in this work; and the following letter in reply contains his commentary upon them. Berlin, April 20, 1839,. SIR, It is rather in reply to your kind confidence, than in the hope of presenting any observation of importance, that I address to you these lines. The valley of the Jordan is a fissure (crevasse), which extends from Mount Lebanon to the Red Sea without interruption. Such it seems to me, is the result of your researches, as well as of those of M. de Bertou and of M. Callier; who nevertheless find fault with Ritter for having said the same thing. These long fissures, especially frequent: among limestone mountains, give the configuration to our continents. If they are very large and deep, they afford passage to the primitive mountains, which for that reason form chains, in the direction which the fissure prescribes. We might therefore expect a greater development of the volcanic agents at the bottom of this fissure, than upon the heights. According to the most' recent researches, fossil salt is a product of volcanic or plutonic action along an opening of this nature. But, fountaiIls of asphaltum or bitumen are so likewise; as is proved by the numerous sources of bitumen from the foot of the Zagros in the environs of Bassorah as far as to Mosul, and also at Bakou; as is proved further by the source of bitumen in the gulf of Naples, or at Mellilli near to Syracuse; as is proved too by the sources of bitumen in the isle of Zante, and even by the bitumen of Seyssel, of which they make side-walks in Paris. The asphaltum of the Dead Sea, is probably nothing more than bitumen consolidated at the bottom of the lake; which, not being able to flow off, forms by consequence a: layer at the bottom, as in the island of Trinidad. It is quite probable, that this accumulation may have taken place in remote times, as well as in our day; and if some volcanic action, an elevation of the soil, or shocks of earthquakes, have brought to light masses of asphaltum analogous to that which you describe, (a phenomenon of the highest importance, hitherto unknown,) we can very well conceive of the conflagration of entire cities, by the inflammation of materials so eminently combustible. ii. 606, 607

192 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEc. XIL Could some mass of basalt be discovered in the southern part, or towards the southern extremity of the Dead Sea, one might believe that a basaltic dyke had been upheaved at the time of the celebrated catastrophe; just as this took place in 1820, near the isle of Banda, and at another time at the foot of the volcano of Ternate.1 The movements which accompany the breaking out of such a dyke, are of a character to produce all the phenomena which have changed this interesting region, without exercising any very marked influence upon the form and configuration of the mountains round about. The fertility of the soil depends sometimes upon light accidents. It is not probable, that bitumen would be adapted to augment it. But it is very possible, that earthquakes may have -brought out a larger mass of fossil salt; which being carried by the waters to the bottom of the valley, would suffice to take away its productive power. Lot would hardly have been so struck with the fossil salt, as to suppose his wife was changed into salt, had there been any knowledge of its existence between the layers of the mountain, before the remarkable catastrophe. It is to be hoped, that the very active Geological Society of London may one day send out one of its members, to illuminate with the torch of geology the facts which interest all the world. But it would be necessary to examine the whole geological constitution, both of Mount Lebanon and of all the valley of the Jordan, from Tiberias quite to'Akabah. I conceive, Sir, that all this can hardly content you. But I think it would be rash to build a theory upon facts, of which one has not himself at least observed the results. (Signed) LEOPOLD VON BUCH.2 APPROACH OF THE ISRAELITES TO -PALESTINE. I have formerly endeavoured to trace the route of the Israelites to Sinai; and have pointed out also their probable course from Sinai northwards, passing by'Ain el-HMldhera corresponding to the ancient Hazeroth.3 I have likewise already expressed 1 D6scription des lies Canaries etc. par at an earlier period than my own. It was L. de Buch, Paris 1836, pp. 412, 433. in consequence of these suggestions, that I 2 The original of this letter is given in was first led to lay the subject before the Note XXXVIII, end of the volume.-For writer of the above letter. some of the main suggestions contained in 3 See at the end of Sect. II, and the first the views above presented, I am indebted part of Sect. HI. For el-Hlidhera see Vol to my friend and companion, Mr Smith, I. p. 151. whose attention was turned to the subject ii. 607-609

JUINE 2.] ROUTE OF THE ISRAELITES. 193 my conviction, that whatever may have been the direction of their course after leaving that fountain,-whether to the shore of the eastern gulf and so along the'Arabah, or whether they crossed the Tih and came out upon the high western desert north of that mountain,-they still could not have passed on the west of Jebel'Araif, and the mountainous tract further north. Such a course would have brought them directly to Beersheba, and not to Kadesh in the" utterm6st border of Edom."l The mountainous tract north of Jebel'Araif and west of the'Arabah, forming the country of the'Azazimeh, we had now seen on all sides. Beginning at the bluff el-Makrah and the fountain'Ain esh-Shahiblyeh, it extends northwards nearly or quite to the point where we now were, a desert limestone region full of precipitous ridges, through which no travelled road has ever passed.2 Our conviction was therefore strengthened, that even if the Israelites came out at first upon the great western plateau, they must necessarily have followed down the Jerafeh to its junction with the'Arabah opposite Mount Eor; and then, in any case, have approached the border of Palestine along the latter valley.- Most probably, however, they passed by way of the Red Sea and the'Arabah; for the language of the sacred writer seems to imply, that their way led along Mount Seir.3 We are led also to the same conclusion by all the scriptural notices of the site of Kadesh, to which they first came. It was " in the uttermost border of Edom."4 The southern quarter of Judah too is described as being "along by the coast of Edom;" and the line was drawn "from the shore of the salt sea, from the bay that looked southward; and it went out to the south side to the ascent of Akrabbim, and passed along to Zin, and ascended up on the south side to Kadesh-barnea."5 Further, from Kadesh the spies entered Palestine by ascending the mountain; and the murmuring Israelites attempting to do the same, were driven back by the Amalekites and Canaanites, and afterwards apparently by the king of Arad as far as to Hormah, then called Zephath.- There was also at Kadesh a fountain, mentioned long before the exodus of the Israelites; and the miraculous supply of water took place only at their second visit; which implies, that at their first approach, there was no special lack of this necessary article.7 From Kadesh they See Vol. I. p. 187. Nouv. Annal. des Voyages, 1839. Tom. 2 See Vol. I. 186. Not but that it may III. p. 272. be and is sometimes traversed; for the a Deut. 1, 2.'Azazimeh live in it; but other Arabs 4 Num. 20, 16. avoid the tract and pass around it on their 5 Josh. 15, 1. 2. 3; comp. Num. 34, 3. 4. journeys. M. Callier appears to have got 6 Num. 13, 17. 14, 40-45. 21, 1-3. among these mountains on his journey in Deut. 1, 41-44. Comp. Judg. 1, 17. this region; Journ. des Savans, Jan. 1836. 7 Gen. 14, 7. Num. 20, 1-11. VOLI. I1.-17 ii. 609. 610

194 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XIL turned, back to Mount Hor, and thence proceeded to the Red Sea. These circumstances all combine to fix the site of Kadesh at a fountain'in the northern part of the great valley; and I have already pointed out the remarkable coincidence of the position of the fountain el-Weibeh, with all these particulars. There the Israelites would have Mount Hor in the S. S. E. towering directly before them; across the'Arabah is the Wady el-Ghuweir, affording an easy passage through the land of Edom; in the northwest rises the mountain by which they attempted to ascend to Palestine, with the pass still called Siifah (Zephath); while further north we find also Tell'Arald, marking the site of the ancient Arad. To all this comes then the vicinity of the southern bay of the Dead Sea; the line of cliffs or offset separating the Ghor from the'Arabah, answering to the ascent of Akrabbim;' and the desert of Zin with a place of the same name between Akrabbim and Kadesh, not improbably at the water of Hasb in the Arabah.2-In this way all becomes easy and natural; and the scriptural account is entirely accordant with the character of the country.3 I have thus far assumed that the Israelites were twice at Kadesh; and this appears from a comparison of the various accounts. They broke up from Sinai on the twentieth day of the second month in the second year of their departure out of Egypt, corresponding to the early part of May;4 they came into the desert of Paran, whence spies were sent up the mountain into Palestine, in " the time of the first ripe grapes;" and these returned after forty days to the camp at Kadclesh.5 As grapes begin to ripen on the mountains of Judah in July, the return of the spies is to be placed in August or September. The people now murmured at the report of the spies; and received the sentence from Jehovah, that their carcasses should fall in the wilderness, and their children wander in the desert forty years.6 1 See above p. 120. of Edom; there is no great valley passing 2 See pp. 119, 177, above. Compare up thence through Edom to the eastern Num. 20, 1. desert, like el-Ghuweir; the host could 3 Mr Rowlands supposes that he found not have proceeded thence directly to Kadesh at the fountain el-'Ain, in the high Mount Hor, whereAaron dies; there is no western desert; see above, Vol. I. pp. 189, mountain near, by which the spies could 190. HolyCityI. p. 466sq. That fountainis ascend into Palestine; nor by which the called also'Ain el-Kudeir~lt, from a tribe of people could go up to Arad, where they Arabs who water there. Out of this name were discomfited. In short, the position Mr Rowlands, or his Greek dragoman, seems of el-'Ain, is utterly inconsistent with all to have made Ktld.s or Khdes; and on the the circumstances narrated as having taken strength of this blunder, assumed there the place at Kadesh. See more in Biblioth. site of Kadesh. Against this view the con- Sacra, 1849, p. 377-381. siderations urged above in the text, are 4 NLm. 10, 11; comp. 9, 1. conclusive; not one of them applies to 5 Num. 12, 16. 13, 2. 17. 20. 25. 26. el-'Ain. It is not in the uttermost border 6 Num. 14, 29. 32. 33. ii. 610, 611

JmI 2.] ROUTE OF THE ISRAELITES. 195 They were ordered to turn back into the desert " by the way of the Red Sea;" although it appears that they abode "many days " in Kadesh.1 The next notice of the Israelites is, that in the first month, they came into the desert of Zin and abode again at Kadesh; here Miriam dies; Moses and Aaron bring water from the rock; a passage is demanded through the land of Edom, and refused; and they then journey from Kadesh to Mount Hor, where Aaron dies in the fortieth year of the departure from Egypt, in the first day of the fifth month, corresponding to a part of August and September.2 Here then, between August of the second year and August of the fortieth year, we have an interval of thirty-eight years of wandering in the desert. With this coincides another account. From Mount Hor they proceeded to Elath on the Red Sea, and so around the land of Edom to the brook Zered on the border of Moab; and from the time of their departure from Kadesh, (meaning of course their first departure,) until they thus came to the brook Zered, there is said to have been an interval of thirty-eight years.3 In this way, the scriptural account of the journeyings of the Israelites, becomes perfectly harmonious and intelligible. The eighteen stations mentioned only in the general list in the book of Numbers, as preceding the arrival at Kadesh, are then apparently to be referred to this eight and thirty years of wandering, during which the people at last approached Ezion-geber, and afterwards returned northwards a second time to Kadesh, in the hope of passing directly through the land of Edom.4 Their wanderings extended doubtless over the western desert; although the stations named are probably only those head-quarters where the tabernacle was pitched, and where Moses and the elders and priests encamped; while the main body of the people was scattered in various directions. How in these wide deserts, this host of more than two millions of souls, having no traffic nor intercourse with the surrounding hordes, could find supplies of food and water sufficient for their support without a constant miracle, I for one am unable to divine. Yet among them we read only of occasional longings and complaints; while the tribes that now roam over the same regions, although numbering scarcely as many thousands, are exposed to famine and privation of every kind; and, at the best, obtain only a meagre and precarious subsistence.6 lNum. 14, 25. Dent. 1, 40. 46. 6For a synoptical arrangement ofthe sev2 Num. 20, 1-29. 33, 37. 38. eral lists of stations during the wanderings 3 Num. 21, 4. Dent. 2, 8. 13. 14. 18. of the Israelites, exhibiting in one view the 4 See the list of all these stations, Num. whole course of their journey, see Note 33, 18-36. XXXIX, end of the Volume. 5 See above, Vol. I. p. 72 sq. Comp. ib. 52. ii. 611-613

196 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XIX. Sunday, June 3d. After our fatigues of the preceding two days, we slept soundly until 61 o'clock; and rose congratulating ourselves upon the rest of the Christian Sabbath. But this rest to-day was not to be of long duration. - After breakfast, one of the Arabs, Muhammed, went with the camels to the water at the head of the pass Yemen, nearly an hour distant from our tent in the southwest, There, as he said; he met an Arab who had come up the pass during the night, and who reported, that yesterday towards evening he'had seen a party of men with horses and dromedaries encamp at the water of Hasb: in the'Arabah, apparently coming this way on a marauding:expedition. Our Arabs immediately concluded, that they were of the Sillit or Hejaya coming against the Tiyahah in retaliation for the inroads of the latter. Should they ascend- by the Sififh, they would come directly upon us; or if by the Yemen,. their scouts would doubtless discover our tent; and as they were at war with the Jehalin also, we should of course be exposed to be plundered, if to nothing worse. We had indeed strong suspicions, that this was a story got up by Muhammed, the worthless buffoon, who alone had seen the stranger, in order to induce us to push forward. Yet it might after all be true; and we therefore thought it advisable under the circumstances to go on, and get out of the reach of any danger. This was, however, the only instance, in which we were compelled to violate our principle of not travelling upon the Christian Sabbath.-It was said, the party would not reach the top of the pass until the afternoon. A camel:was now despatched with the water-skins to be filled at the water of Yemen. The Arabs seemed to be in no hurry whatever; and it was not until after long delays, that we at length set off. Nor do we know unto the present day, whether the story of the hostile party was true or false. We at length started at 10O- o'clock; the course continuing about N. N. W. We soon came out upon an open and tolerably level tract, called et-Ttirhibeh; which, although chiefly covered with loose sand, had everywhere many herbs affording pasture for camels. It belongs to the Arabs called Sa'idiyeh. Before us was another long mountain ridge, running from E. N. E. to W. S. W. similar in its general appearance to that we had ascended last night; though not more than half as high. This tract, between the top of one ridge and the bottom of the other, constitutes the second step or offset of the whole ascent between the'Arabah and Palestine; and is, as we have seen, the continuation in this direction of the broad region of desert hills between the two passes- of ez-Zuweirah; the lower ridge being here much higher, and the upper one much lower, than on that road. Further north, it is drained by Wady el-Fh'iya, a branch ii. 613, 614

Ju.E 3.] KURNUB. 197 of the M3uhauwat, which enters the Dead Sea at the north end of Usdum;1 but just in this part, the waters are carried off southwards by one of the main heads of Wady el-Yemen, which runs along the base of the next ridge. On this plain, the roads from the three passes, Sufey, SRtfah, and Yemen, all unite; and a branch was also said to come in from the Haudeh.2 At 12.25 we crossed the branch of Wady el-Yemen, which commences not far to the right. Here we immediately began to ascend by a low gap in the ridge before us, called el-Muzeikah. The ascent is gradual and easy; at a quarter before one, we were at the top, and came out upon another higher tract of table land, or rather a basin, shut in on the southeast by hills, forming the top of the ridge. They are here comparatively low; but further towards the W. S. W. the ridge becomes higher, and spreads out into a mountainous tract, through which our Arabs knew no road. Yet we were led to suppose, that the pass elGh~rib, of which we had several times heard, is probably connected with this range of mountains.3 We kept on N. N. W. across the basin, around which are gravel hills, and which is bounded on the other side at the distance of about an hour by another low ridge or line of hills, parallel to that we had just ascended. On our right the surface had a gradual descent; and here was the beginning of a Wady running down northeast to Wady el-Fa'iya, and forming one of its heads. On the left we could perceive a shallow Wady called Abu Teraifeh, coming from the north and passing down through the hills of the ridge we had ascended, about half a mile further southwest to Wady el-Yemen. Another road ascends along this Wady, which was taken by some of our Arabs. Just at the head of this latter pass, we could distinctly see the ruins of a town, called Kurnub, covering a low hill near the Wady; our guides said there was here living water in pits (Themaril); and on that account they had been very desirous to reach this spot the evening before. With our telescopes we could distinguish two or three ruined walls, apparently of hewn stones, which seemed to be the remains of churches or other public buildings.4 1 See above, pp. 104, 106. in the latitude of Wady Khtflasah; and 2 In 1834, M. Callier travelled from the travellerprobably approached the pass Hebron to " Dariye " (Dhoheriyeh); thence of Yemen. But from Hebron to this S. S. W. to Wady "Kalassa" (Khfilasah, point, his route by Dhoheriyeh was singuKurn, see Vol. I. p. 202) at the foot of the larly circuitous; occupying four days inmountains, where he encamped on the stead of the two which it took us. See third day. On the fourth day he follow- Journ. des Savans Jan. 1836, p. 47. Nouv..ed up this Wady into the mountains and Annal. de Voy. 1839, Tom. III. p. 274. then descended eastwards along another 3 See Vol. I. p. 208; also p. 179, above. Wady called " Trayb6e " (Tiraibeh), which 4 Lord Lindsay appears to have ascendbrought him near to the Gh6r. This ed by the more southern pass, directly to would seem to have some reference to the Kurnub; he describes it as the extensive tract we were now crossing, which is about ruins of an ancient walled town, about. VOL. II.-17* ii. 615, 616

19'1 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XHi This place is marked on Seetzen's map, and would seem most probably to have been the Thamara of Ptolemy and other writers, as well as the Thamar of the Old Testament.' The grounds on which this supposition rests, will be better understood in connection with the remarks respecting el-Milh further on. In passing over this open tract or basin, we saw traces of grass, now dried up. At 1.20 we crossed obliquely the bed of Wady Abu Teraifeh,. Here a -path branched off to the right, leading directly to the country of the Jehalin; while that which we still followed is the.Hebron and Gaza road. At 2 o'clock we came out upon the top of the swell, or low ridge above mentioned, here called Kubbet el-Baul; and had before us a smaller basin forming the head of Wady'Ar:'rah, which runs off to Wady esSeba', and so to the Mediterranean. We now had a slight descent into this basin, and kept then along the broad Wady. Here - was the first appearance of soil; and along this tract we found at 2.30 traces of ancient walls, probably once dams or terraces connected with tillage. Indeed the vestiges of ancient cultivation began -to be everywhere visible. Towards the western part, at 3.05, we passed the foundations of a former village of unhewn stones, now: called el-Kuseir (little castle), from a small structure near the foot- of the hill, which may have been a tower. This tract belongs to the Dhiillam. We found in it a stray female camel with her foal, which our Arabs at first were inclined to drive off with them. They caught her and examined her marks; and finding that she belonged to the'Azazimeh, let her go. Each tribe has a peculiar mark for its camels; and those of one tribe are in no danger of being taken by any other in time of peace. At a quarter past 3 o'clock, another path went off towards the right, leading directly to el-Milh; this is the usual Hebron road. We still kept the Gaza path, which passes to the left of el-Milh. The Wady soon sweeps off more towards the northeast and afterwards northwest. We ascended the low ridge or swell on the left, and from the top at 33 o'clock, had a wide view over the broad, open, undulating region, extending in the northeast to three hours from the top of the pass es- self not unnaturally: Whether these ruins SaiffLh, exhibiting fragments of columns, may not mark the site of Hormah, the anbut no inscriptions; he saw a large vault- cient Zephath? But this place would ed subterranean chamber near a ruined more appropriately be sought further south, building, and a stronog dam in a ravine on nearer to the pass SUifah (Zephath); if the south of the town. Letters etc. II. p. not indeed quite at the foot of the pass 46. When Schubert passed this way, around the small fort. It could hardly be there was here an Arab encampment; expected, that any very distinct ruins should Rleise II. p. 449. yet remain of a town last mentioned in 1 1 izek. 47, 19. 48, 28. Reland Pa- Sam. 30, 30. See Reland Pal. p. 721. lest. p. 1031.-The question suggests itii. 616, 617

J 4.3 - AROER. 199 the neighbourhood of Tell:'Ar.Ad, and on the west towards Beersheba, with the mountains of Judah in the north. Indeed it was the southern part of the same wide tract, which -we had formerly beheld from the mountain south of Carmel; and that same mountain ridge was now directly before us, terminating towards the left in a low bluff; and forming, as it were, another step in the whole ascent. The high encampment of the Jehalin was visible bearing about N. N. E.-Descending very gradually towards the-north for an hour, we again struck Wady'Ar'arah at 43 o'clock, here running northwest and then WV. N. W. to join Wady es-Seba', of which it is one of the main branches. Here in the broad Wady are many pits for water (Themril), which are called'Ar'Arah, and give name to the valley. The water-is good; but most of the pits were now dry. In the valley and on the western hill are evident traces of an ancient village or town:; consisting only of foundations of unhewn stones now much scattered, but yet sufficiently in place to mark them as foundations. Small fragments of pottery are also everywhere visible. In this instance, the name leaves little room to question, that this- is the site-of the ancient Aroer of the south of Judah; to which David sent presents after the recovery of the spoil of Ziklag.2-This water is frequented chiefly by the Dhtillre. -On the west side of the bed of the Wady is a burying place belonging to the Sa'idiyeh; in which were several fresh graves.: The dead are brought from a great distance to this cemetery. We had come thus far upon the Gaza road in order to visit the site of Aroer. After a stop of ten minutes, we now struck across the country northeast towards Milh, without a path, in order to regain the Hebron road. The land was undulating, with gentle swells and broad valleys. Here we fell in with another stray camel, which joined- company with ours, although the Arabs tried to drive it away. At 6 o'clock we encamped in a retired valley, hid from all view; and felt ourselves now out of the reach of all marauders, whether real or imaginary. JMonday, June 4th. We rose early, and found ourselves enveloped in a thick fog, the first we had yet-felt in Palestine; once before, when at Beit Nettif, we had seen the mists in the valleys below. The strange camel was still with — us; while the dromedary of my companion had strayed away during the night, and was nowhere to be found. It was the property of Sheikh Hussanj who now went in search of it.: As however we no longer needed to fill the water-skins, we were able to get on with four camels; and accordingly set off at 5- o'clock, leaving See pp. 97, 98.- 1 Sam. 30, 26. 28. ii. 617-619

200 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XI. Hussan to overtake us. Our track was northeast over a country still undulating; and after an hour we reached the wells el-Milh at 6 o'clock. Here we stopped for breakfast, and to wait for Hussan; but we saw no more of him to-day; and afterwards learned, that having sought long and in vain for his camel, he had despaired of overtaking us, and had gone directly to the encampment of his tribe. At'Milh are two wells, measuring about forty feet in depth, and walled up round with good mason work; one of them is seven and a half, and the other, five feet in diameter. The water seemed not to be good, and the Arabs said it was acid; but we had no rope or bucket to draw any. The Arabs of the Tiyahah water here; they come hither early in autumn; and after the rains commence, send their camels to the Ghoar esSafieh for the winter, and go themselves to sow in the Sheri'ah south of Gaza.'-The broad shallow Wady close by which the wells are situated, Wady el-Milh, comes from the northeast and continues on W. S. W. to unite with the'Ar'arah, and so to Wady es-Seba'. It passes around the southwestern extremity or bluff of the ridge before us, (that south of Kurmul,). which was now not far distant in the same direction. Here and on our way, great numbers of the bird called Ktita by the Arabs, a large species of partridge, were flying about very low in all directions; our Egyptian servants, being used only to water-fowl, mistook them for ducks, and fired among them repeatedly, though without success. This species of bird has often been supposed to be the quails, that came up and covered the camp of the Israelites; but there seems to be no other ground for this opinion, than their present abundance in regions not very far remote from the route of that people.2 On the plain adjacent to the wells on the south, the stones of a ruined town, or extensive village, are scattered over a space of nearly half a mile square, all unhewn. Just by the wells is a round hill like a high tumulus, upon which the foundations of a wall are visible, running in the form of a square around the whole top. On this hill is now an Arab cemetery, where the Dhillam bury.3 From this spot we saw Tell el-Kuseifeh, a hill In this connection it was told us, that the quail is Selwa. The ancient versions the Kudeirdt water at Beersheba; and that also understood here the quail; Sept. the Terlbin live chiefly in the Fari'a. op'rTyo/.Irpa, Vulg. coturnix. There 2 Ex. 16, 13. Num. 11, 31. 32. Ps. 105, would therefore seem to be no sufficient 40.-The Kfit' is the Tetrao alchata of Lin- reason for laying aside this coincidence, naeus, Syst. Nat. Tom. I. P. II. p. 745. No. and adopting another explanation on mere 11. Hasselquist calls it " Tetrao Isra- conjecture. See Gesenius' Notes on Burckelitarum," and describes it fully, Reise hardt p. 1067. Comp. Niebuhr's Beschr pp. 331-333. But the Hebrew name von Arabien p. 176. Rosenmuller's Bibl of the bird of the Israelites is Selav (ib'i) Archseol. IV. ii. p. 346 sq. quail; and the present Arabic name for 3 From the summit of this Tell at Milli ii. 619, 620

JU.NE 4.] EL-MILH, 3OLADAH. 201 about an hour distantj having upon it what appeared to be a considerable ruin. Tell'Arad lies somewhat more remote; and, as we have seen, probably marks the site of the ancient Arad.' The Arabs said indeed, that no ruins exist there; but they had said the same thing of'Ar',rah and Milh. Two other places, Rtfikhama and:'Aslitj were mentioned as lying southwest of Milh on the way to'Abdeh. - These wells and ruins at el-3Milh, I am disposed to regard as marking the site of -the ancient Moladah of the Old Testament, the Malatha of the Greeks and Rlomans. There is at first sight an apparent- resemblance in the names; but I am able to make out no etymological affinity:; and if there be a connection, it can be only because the Arabic, in the popular pronunciation, has corrupted the last letter, so as to obtain a usual and significant form.2 But the testimonies of ancient writers as to the position of: 3alatha are tolerably definite. Moladah was situated in the extreme south of Judah towards Edom; it was afterwards assigned to Simeon; and was again inhabited after the exiles - Josephus also mentions Malatha as in his day a castle of Idumea.4 Eusebius and Jerome speak of it several times, and place it four Roman miles from Arad, on:the -way from Hebron to Aila by Thamara; Arad itself being according to them twenty miles from Hebron.5 Still later, Malatha: is noticed as the station of a Roman cohort.6 To all these circumstances, as it seems to me, the situation of el-Milh very exactly corresponds. WVe have here the vestiges of an extensive, town with important wells, on- the great route from Hebron to the Red Sea through the'Arabah; and in the N. E. by E. we still find Tell'Aradj, about -an hour: and a half from we took the following bearings: Encamp- and MawAlih.-But even to the supposiment of the Jehillin about N.- 38~ E. tion of such a corruption from the Greek, Tell el Kuseifeh N. 54~ E. Tell'Arad N. there is this objection. In all other cases 59~ E. where the present Arabic name of a place See above, p. 101. owes its origin to a Greek name, that 2 The form Milkh has no etymological Greek name was wholly different fiom the affinity with Moladah (nltriz) nor Mala- original Hebrew one; as in N'bulus and tha (MacXaaa). There is no known in- Seblistieh for the ancient Shechem and Sastance of a change. of ~T or 9 into the maria. But here the Greek form itself is a mere corruption of the Hebrew; and the Arabic Ha. If possibly it be a- corruption' * X Arabica. possiblyit aorruption Arabic would more naturally follow the from the Greek, (Milh for MaXA,) we latter. must regard it as an instance of the usual s tendency of popular, pronunciation, to re- Josh., 26, comp. vs. 21. 19, 2. 1 duce foreign proper names to a sionificant Chr. 4, 28. Neh. 11, 26. Seegenerally form; as in German, Mailand (i. e. May- Reland Palsst. pp. 885, 886. land) for Milan; and as in English the Antiq. 18. 6. 2. plant Asparagus is mostly known among Onomast. arts. Arath (Apaud), Hazathe common people only as Sparrow-grass. zon-Thamar. See note 2, on the next page. At any rate, Milh (salt) and its derivatives 6 Notitia Dignitatum ed. Pancirol. pp. furnish among the Arabs many names for 217, 219. Reland Pal. p. 231.-The Noplaces; thus besides Milh, we have in sev- titia reads Moleaha, and another manueral instances, Malih, Mdlihah, M, uweilih, script has lfoleathia. ii. 620-622

202 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEc. Xi. Milh, and some eight hours distant from Hebron on a different route. According to Eusebius and Jerome, Thamara was a town and fortress one day's journey from Malatha on the way from Hebron to Ailah, and in their day was held by a Roman garrison.2 It is likewise mentioned in the same quarter by Ptolemy and in the Peutinger Tables;3 and seems to have been the Thamar of the prophet Ezekiel, from which the southern border of the land was to be measured, on one side to Kadesh, and on the other to the western sea.4 If we assume, as above, that Malatha was situated at el-Milh, then all the circumstances correspond to fix the position of Thamara at Kurnub, the site with ruins six hours south of Milh towards the pass es-Saiflh. In that place we find the remains of a walled town with water, on the great route from Hebron to'Akabah by way of the'Arabah, at the distance of an ordinary day's journey from el-Milh.5 From all these considerations, it appears probable, that the ancient eastern road from Hebron to Ailah and also that to Petra, followed the same general route as that of the present day; passing by Malatha and Thamara, and so down the mountain to Kadesh; just as now it touches el-Milh, Kurnub, and el-Weibeh, and thence branches off to'Akabah and Wady I Usa.& After having waited for more than an hour and a half, and no Husshn appearing, we at length at 7.40 set forward. The guides were very desirous to take us to the encampment of their tribe for the night; while our wish was to go by Semui'a and: reach Hebron to-day; both because it would save us time, and because we should thus escape the annoyance of the Bedawin hospitality, manifested in the killing and eating of a sheep among themselves, for which we should then have to pay the full value in the shape of a present. Yet so bent were the Arabs upon their object, that at first they prevaricated, and said there was no way by Semiu'a; though they could take us, they l To judge merely from the name, el- Xeflpbv eis AilaU. Jerome: "Est et aliud Milh might well be the " City of Salt" castellum Tha.mara unius diei itinere a (nrzr -Y.) mentioned Josh. 15, 62. Memphis oppido separatum pergentibus That city however lay, not in the south of Ailam de Chebron." But these corrupJudah, but in the desert near the Dead tions fortunately aid in correcting each Sea (comp. vs. 21. 61); and I have already other; the Memphis of Jerome serves to spoken of it as probably situated in or near show that there must have been here a the valley of Salt, connected with the proper name; while the u~tXis or McdXs mountain of Salt, at the south end of that of Eusebius shows no less clearly, that this lake. See above,p. 109. name was Malatha. Comp. Le Clerc in 2 Onomast. art. Hazazon-Thamar. The loc. Reland Palust. p. 1031. text of both authors is here singularly cor- s Ptolem. 4. 16. Reland Pal. p. 462. rupted in this proper name; Eusebius has: Ezek. 47, 10. 48, 28. AC'ysar Bi E' Ts Oaap&a K'iU7l 68rcXa JAXs 6 See p. 197. (al. MdA.ts).ye'pas -8bv a7riC-v f b'See p. 185. ii. 622, 623

JuNE 4.] THE SOUTH OF JUDAHf. 203 said, across the mountain west of their encampment, and so through Sisieh and Yitta to Hebron. At last, however, they recollected that there was also a road. to Semi'a, and we took it. Our course lay about N. N. E.'E. having the mountain at our left, and approaching it gradually and very obliquely along a level plain. At 9- o'clock we came to the foot of the ascent; and had on our right not far off the site of a former place, called Mak-hdl, consisting of little more than a few caves in the side of the hill. Indeed, such caverns constitute the chief mark of several ancient sites in this region. The path goes up here along a gap or ravine, somewhat steep, but not long. We reached the top of the steep ascent at a quarter before ten; and stopped for a time to take a last survey of the country behind us.' This ascent did not, as we had expected, bring us out upon a ridge, like that we had crossed in travelling south from Carmel and Ma'in; but only among higher hills. After fifteen minutes we went on again; and continued gradually ascending along the Wady, shut in by the mountainous tract on every side, which cut off all prospect around us. Here all at once a jackal started up near our path, and ran at full speed up a hill on our left; when about half way to the top, much to our amusement, he stopped and looked round very sheepishly, to see if we were yet in sight; and perceiving us, set off anew with still greater speed, without venturing to look again. At 10- o'clock we were through the mountainous tract, and came out upon the hill country of Judah, resembling the region around Hebron in its hills and naked rocks; but apparently less fertile. We made here no descent from the chain of hills behind us; but had gained another step of the whole ascent between the Dead Sea and Hebron. On examining the list of the cities of Judah and Simeon, as given in the book of Joshua, it appears, that all the cities of the "mountains," so far as their position is known, were situated north of the point where we now were; while those of the uttermost south lay either behind us or on our left, further in the south.2 This leads to the probable conjecture, that this mountain ridge, which commences not far from Carmel and runs W. S. W. to the latitude of Beersheba, formed the natural boundary, on this side, of the higher tract or "mountains" of Judah; while the lower region further south, extending quite around to Beersheba, constituted appropriately the uttermost border "toward the coast of Edom southward." At this season of drought, the country looked naked and The bearings here taken were as fol- of the mountain of Moab, near Khanzireh, lows: Tell Milh S. 26~ W. Tell Kuseifeh S. 57~ E. S. 20~ E. Tell'Arad S. 70~ E. South end 2 Josh. 15, 21-32. 48-60. ii. 623-625

204 FROM WADY MUSA TO HIEBRON. [SEC. XII. desolate; towards the north and west, the eye rested only on parched and rocky hills. Yet it was evidently a fine grazing region. Traces of ancient tillage were everywhere visible in the terraces built up along the hill sides. Our course was now in general about N. 20~ E. At 11.20 we came upon the first appearance of recent tillage; and near by were >fields of millet, sown by the people of Semu'a. At 11.40 we had in a valley on our right, eight or ten minutes distant, the ruins of a village called el-Ghuwein, perhaps the ancient Anim;' and at the same time the site of Attir was on our left, bearing about west, at the distance of half an hour, marked by caves upon a hill.2 Here we fell in with several small swarms of young locusts, the first we had seen during our journey. They were quite green, with wings just sprouting; they entirely resembled grasshoppers, and hopped briskly away from our path. Our Arabs, when asked if they ate them, spurned at the idea; but said the Ma'az do- so, and also the SherarAt, a tribe in Wady Sirhan in the east. From an elevated point in the road at 121 o'clock, several places were visible, which we had formerly seen from Ma'in.3 Their names and sites were quite familiar to us; and we felt that we were approaching Hebron, which we looked upon almost as the end of our journey. At half-past 12 o'clock we passed a ruin on a hill at the left, called Rafit; and just by the way side was a cistern of rain water hewn in the rock, with a large circular hewn - stone near by, intended probably as a curbstone, but never finished. Ten minutes beyond, we came to another place of ruins bearing the same name, Rdfat, on the southern slope of a low hill close by the path. These ruins are somewhat extensive, with remains of walls and arches. A square building of large hewn stones is still standing; the doorway has been walled up; but over it is a round arch of good workmanship, separate from the wall, and as it were leaning against it. The building has the appearance of having been once a church. We reached Semu'a, the first inhabited place in approaching Hebron from this quarter, at 1 o'clock. It is a considerable village, situated on a low hill, with broad valleys round about, not susceptible of much tillage, but. full of flocks and herds all in The name Anim, cars (for te%) in the south of Judah, apparently beyond ~ the ridge above mentioned.: The sugJosh. 15, 50, is the plural of ]?.V a foun- the ide above mentioed. The su1 foungestion of Anim belongs to Dr Wilson; tain. The Arabic Ghuwein is a dimin- Lands of the Bible I. p. 354. utive of the form ~.:. Anim is men- 5 See above, Vol. I. p. 494. tioned in Josh. 1. c. along with Anab and' These places bore as follows: Semu'a Eshtemoa. —In the former edition I refer- N. 20~ E. Mejd el-Ba'a N. 4~ E. Shu red el-Ghuwein to the Ieb. Ain, Josh. weikeh N. 51~ W. Dhoheriyeh N. 57' 15, 32. 19, 7. The Arabic name cor- W. Za'nfitah N. 85~ W. responds better to Ain; but the latter was ii. 625, 626

JUNE 4.] SEMU'A, ESHTEMOA. 205 fine order. We halted among the olive trees in the shallow southern valley; and were glad once more to obtain milk and fresh fruits for our noon-day meal. After dinner we walked through and around the village. In several places there are remains of walls built of very large stones, bevelled, but left rough in the middle. We measured several of the stones, which were more than ten feet in length. These old foundations seem to mark this as the site of an extensive ancient town; probably, as I have already shown, the Eshtemoa of the Old Testament.1 The most conspicuous object, at the present day, is the ruins of a castle; of which however only one square tower remains in any degree perfect. This and the other portions of the walls, are built of well-wrought masonry, with loop-holes; but there are now no arches, except some small ones of modern construction. The work does not look ancient; and might perhaps be referred to the crusaders, were there any evidence that they had outposts and fortresses further south than Hebron. It is most probably of Saracenic or Turkish origin.-We had some difficulty in getting to the top of the tower, as all the doors leading to it were closed; and we could find no place by which to climb up on the outside. The men of whom we inquired, seemed too lazy to take the trouble of showing us the way. At length, however, one man volunteered to take us up; and led the way, clambering up the outside of the wall, and passing over the flat roofs of several houses. He seemed well acquainted with the surrounding country, and proved an intelligent guide. The prospect from the tower is somewhat extensive; and various places were in sight.2 At Sfisieh, we were told, here as well as at Ma'in, is a large extent of ruins, with columns and other indications of an ancient city.3 Our guide also said that at Ma'in and Tawaneh, there are wells of living water belonging to the JehUalin; and other similar ones at Deirat and Abu ShebbAn belonging to the Ka'abineh; while both tribes water at Kurmnul in c6mmon. This however does not accord with the account given us by the Jehalin themselves.4 As we came down from the tower, an old man sat at the foot, playing on the Kemenjeh, a little musical instrument somewhat like a viol, common also in Egypt, and described by Mr Lane.5 We left Semf'a at 21 o'clock, descending first gradually into a deep valley running southwest, apparently the great drain of the basin west of Carmel and Zif;6 and then ascending to X See above, Vol. I. p. 494, n. 4. 3 See Vol. I. p. 494. 2 Bearingcs at Sem('a: Ma'in N. 87~ 4 See p. 98, above. Comp. Vol. I. p. E. Sufsieh N. 80~ E. Beni Na'im N. 41~ 499. E. Ytta N. 3O~ E. 1-lebron,lotvisible, 5 Mann. and Cust. of the Mod. Egypabout N. 20~ E. Mejd el-Bt'a N. 5~ W. Shu- tians, Vol. II. p. (63 sq. weikeh N. 75~ W. Dhoheriyeh N. 77~ W. See above, Vol. I. p. 493. VOL. II. —18 ii. 626-628

206 FROM WADY MUSA TO HEBRON. [SEC. XII. the higher tract beyond. Here, after about three quarters of an hour, Yi~tta lay on the right before us, having the appearance of a large modern Muhammedan town, on a low eminence, with trees around. Our guide at Semfi'a told us, that there were here old foundations and walls like those in the former place. We have already seen that this is the ancient Juttah of the Old Testament, a city of the priests, which has been lost sight of since the days of Jerome. There seems, therefore, little reason to question the correctness of Reland's suggestion, that this was probably the residence of Zacharias and Elisabeth, and the birthplace of John the Baptist.1 We were here of course considerably higher than in the plain of Carmel. After 3 o'clock we began to get among bushes, the verdure of which we had long seen from a distance as we approached. Descending into a cultivated valley at 3.20, we turned off from the road, first west and then W. S. W. to Um el-'Amad, "Mother of Columns," a site of ruins thirty-five minutes distant. Here, on a low round hill, once stood apparently a town of no great size, with houses of hewn stone, the foundations ofwhich still remain. The place takes its name from the ruins of a small church, which had originally four columns on each side of the middle aisle; of those on the south side, three with the architrave are still standing; and one on the north side. They are all of common limestone, of coarse architecture, and of no order. Near by is an excavated tomb or magazine.-This spot is not far from the south side of the great Wady el-Khbilil.2 After a stop of ten minutes, we returned E. N. E. leaving the ruined village Beit'Amreh on our left, to the Hebron road. This we reached at 4.40, at a point some twenty minutes north of where we had left it; thus losing in all about an hour. We soon came to the great Wady el-Kholil, here running southwest and quite deep; we reached the bottom at 5 o'clock. On a hill at the right, on the south bank, are the ruins of a village, the name of which we did not learn. Crossing the valley, we entered Wady Kirkis, which comes in from the north; on the left is a Tell with the ruins of a village called Kirkis, which we passed at 5- o'clock. Our way led up the TWady; which however soon turns more N. N. W. while our path ascended obliquely along the eastern slope to the top of the ridge; where we came Josh. 15, 55. 21, 16. See above, Vol. 2 From Um el-'Amad we took bearirngs: I.pp.491, 494. Also RelandPalest. p. 870. Dhoheriyeh S. 74~ W. Mejd el-BA'a S. Reland supposes this to be the 7ro'AXL'IoQV 25~ E. Belt'Amreh N. 44~ E. This last of Luke 1, 39; being so written by a cor- is the ruins of a large village on a hill near ruption, or from a softer pronunciation, Wady el-Khillil, perhaps twenty minutes instead of 7rdXts'Io36a. distant from Um el-'Amad. ii. 628, 629

JUNE 5.] YUTTA. HEBRON. 207 out at 6 o'clock. Here, close on our right, were the foundations of another ruined village. At this point begin the fields of grain and the cultivation on this side of Hebron. We now kept along on high ground, around the heads of two cultivated Wadys running off southeast, and at 6.20 reached the top of another ridge, from which we descended into a broad fertile Wady full of fields of wheat, running down into the valley in which Hebron is situated. We fell in with many people returning from their work, some of them with donkeys carrying home loads of sheaves. This showed that the wheat harvest was here just beginning. We came now upon the olive groves and vineyards; and rounding the point of the hill between the two valleys, entered that in which Hebron stands. At length, at 71 o'clock, we encamped on our old spot on the green slope west of the city. Our friend Elias was already on the look-out, and soon visited us; and we were glad to learn, in general, that all things remained as they were. The plague in Jerusalem, it was said, had not increased its ravages; although the city continued to be still shut up. Titesdcay, June 5th. Our first care now was, to decide upon our further course from Hebron; and as the journey from Wady Muisa had occupied less time than we had anticipated, in consequence of our travelling uninterruptedly by night and day; and as much of the week was still before us; we concluded to go from Hebron to Rarnleh, and thence to Yqfa or Jerusalem, as the case might be. In Hebron, however, no animals were to be had, except camels or asses; and we therefore despatched Komeh at once on a donkey to Jerusalem, to bring us beasts, money, and our letters; and return as soon as possible. We had occupation enough, and more than enough, for the day, in writing up our journals; which during our late rapid travelling had fallen greatly behind. In the course of the forenoon, the Sheikhs of the Jehtlin, Defa' Allah and our guide Hussan, came in to receive their money and to take leave. They and the men of Hebron, of whom many visited us, expressed great indignation at the conduct of the Arabs of Wady MAisa, and paid us many compliments for having extricated ourselves so successfully from their clutches. We distributed a balchshish to Sheikh Hussan and his men, which appeared to satisfy them fully with the exception of the worthless MIuhammed, whom we designedly passed over, and whose disappointment seemed to amuse the Sheikhs. We had also a hint from Elias, that besides all this, a present of ten or twelve dollars to the chief Sheikh would be very proper; but as the suggestion lay very near, that if the said ii. 629-631

208 FROM WADY AMUSA TO HEBRON. [Sec. XII. Sheikh deserved such a present, a similar one would be much more proper in the case of Elias himself, we could not regard the hint as entirely disinterested, and took no further notice of it. Defa' Allah himself put in no such claim. As to the price of the camels, we could not pay it until our money should arrive from Jerusalem the next day. Meanwhile, there arose a trial of skill between Elias the Christian and Defa' Allah the Bedawy, in arranging to whom the money should be paid over. The Arabs wished to go home, leaving some one to receive the money; and Elias felt entitled to be that receiver, because he said they owed him several thousand piastres; while, for this very reason, the Sheikh did not wish the money to go into his hands. But the policy of Elias towards us was so very crooked, that it gave the Sheikh the advantage over him, however little he might otherwise deserve it. We doubted indeed for a time the story of the debt; though Elias afterwards showed us the written obligation. Our course was plain enough; we had made the bargain with Defa' Allah for his camels; and our duty was to pay the money only to him or to his order. Accordingly, he brought to us a man with witnesses, who testified solemnly, that this person had advanced the money to the Sheikh; and now the Sheikh, in their presence, requested us to pay over the money to the same man, when it should arrive. Elias was very indignant on learning this transaction; declaring that we ought at any rate to pay the money into his hands; because the bargain was made through him, as the agent of the Franks in Hebron. The man to whom we were to pay the money, was the owner of camels, to whom allusion has formerly been made.' He had been a great traveller in his day, and now gave us particular information respecting'Abdeh in the southern desert, as to which we had hitherto had some doubts. He was quite desirous of furnishing us with camels for our further journey to Damascus and Beirut. But of this offer we had no wish to avail ourselves. We had now done with camels; and I cannot say otherwise, than that I rejoiced at the circumstance. Admirably adapted to the desert regions which are their home, they yet constitute one of the evils which travelling in the desert brings with it. Their long, slow, rolling or rocking gait, although not at first very unpleasant, becomes exceedingly fatiguing; so that I have often been more exhausted in riding five and twenty miles upon a camel, than in travelling fifty on horseback. Yet without them, how could such journeys be performed at all? But their home is the desert; and they were made, in the 1 See Note XXIII, end of Vol. I. ii. 631, 632

JUNE 5.] THE CAMEL. -209 wisdom of the Creator, to be the carriers of the desert. The coarse and prickly shrubs of the wastes, are to them the most delicious food; and even of these they eat but little. So few are the wants of their nature, that their power of going without food, as well as without water, is wonderful. They never appear to tire, but commonly march as freshly at evening as in the morning. The only instance I remember to the contrary, was yesterday after our long march in returning to Hebron; when my young camel, on arriving at the place of encampment, seemed weary, and lay down of its own accord in order to be relieved of its load. If they once begin to fail, they soon lie down and die. -Thus two camels of our train died between Suez and'Akabah, which a few hours before had been travelling with full loads. In all our recent journey to Wady Muisa, the camels fed only upon shrubs, and never tasted grain of any kind; although once we had them loaded for thirty-six hours, during all which time they browsed only for one hour. Their well known habit of lying down upon the breast to receive their burdens, is not, as is often supposed, merely the result of training; it is an admirable adaptation of their nature to their destiny as carriers. This is their natural position of repose; as is shown too by the callosities upon the joints of the legs, and especially by that upon the breast, which serves as a pedestal beneath the huge body. Hardly less wonderful, is the adaptation of their broad cushioned foot to the arid sands and gravelly soil, which it is their lot chiefly to traverse. The camel in very many respects is not unlike the sheep. They are a silly timid animal, gregarious, and when alarmed, like sheep they run and huddle all together. They are commonly represented as patient; but if so, it is the patience of stupidity. They are rather exceedingly impatient; and utter loud cries of indignation when receiving their loads, and not seldom on being made to kneel down. They are also obstinate and frequently vicious; and the attempt to urge them forward, is often very much like trying to drive sheep the way they do not choose to go. The cry- of the camel resembles in a degree the hollow bleating of the sheep; sometimes it is like the lowing of neat cattle, or the hoarse squeal of the swine. But the Arabs heed not their cries; nor does the poor animal find much mercy at their hands. Heavy and galling loads and meagre fare are his appointed portion; and God has hardened him to them. The camels of the Fellahin appear to have an easier lot; they are mostly large, fat, and strong; while those of the Bedawin in the deserts are comparatively thin and slender. The singular power of the camel to go without water, seems also to be of the same nature as that of the sheep, at least in its VOL. II.-18* ii. 632-634

210 HEBRON. [SEC. X1I. manifestation; though in a far greater degree. The dew and the juice of grass and herbs, are sufficient for them in ordinary cases; though when the pasturage has become dry, the Arabs water their flocks every two days, and the camels every three. The longest trial to which we subjected our camels in respect to water, was from Cairo to Suez, four days; yet some of them did not drink even then, although they had only the driest fodder.' But at all times the camel eats and drinks little, and secretes little; he is a cold-blooded, heavy, sullen animal, having little feeling and little susceptibility for pain. Thistles and briers and thorns he crops and chews with more avidity than the softest green fodder; nor does he seem to feel pain from blows or pricks, unless they are very violent. There is nothing graceful or sprightly in any camel, old or young; all is misshapen, ungainly, and awkward. The young have nothing frisky or playful; but in all their movements are as staid and sober as their dams. In this respect, how unlike to the lamb! As the carriers of the east, the " ships of the desert," another important quality of the camel is their sure-fobotedness. I was surprised to find them travelling with so much ease and safety up and down the most rugged mountain passes. They do not choose their way with the like sagacity as the mule, or even as the horse; but they tread much more surely and safely, and never either slip or stumble. In all our long journeys with them, I do not recollect a single instance; and yet no roads can be worse, than the passes in going and returning between Hebron and Wady Mfisa. The sounds by which the Arabs govern their camels, are very few and very guttural. The signal for kneeling is not unlike a gentle snore; and is made by throwing the breath strongly against the palate, but not through the nose. That for stopping, is a sort of guttural clucking, which I could never master. In accordance with an invitation from Elias, we went to dine with him at 6 o'clock P. M. The room in which he received us was a small one, in the third or main story of the house; it was his usual sitting room. We found three other guests already present, common Muhammedans of the place. The females of the family did not make their appearance. Dinner was soon served. A large napkin was spread upon the carpet of the room; on this was placed a coarse wooden stool, supporting a large tray of tinned copper. Bread in thin sheets was laid for each person on the napkin below. On the tray were three dishes of piillaw without meat; three dishes of mutton stewed with onions; three dishes of a kind of sausage, stuffed with rice and 1 See Vol. I. p. 45 sq. ii.'634, 635

JUNE 6.] THRESHING FLOORS. PREPARATIONS. 211 chopped meat; and a large bowl of lebben or soured milk. The company sat around as we best could, six persons in all. There were no plates; but each had a wooden spoon and his fingers. We, as strangers, had silver forks, and one silver spoon between us. Our companions seemed more dexterous with their fingers than with the spoon; the latter was used to lade a little of the lebben upon the rice in the dish, and then to take up a spoonful of the rice thus moistened. This constituted the dinner; and so soon as each had done eating, he drew back from the table. A single cup of coffee followed, and we soon retired. As we passed down stairs, the younger females of the family were standing near the kitchen in the second story, and returned our salutations, welcoming us back. The threshing-floors near our tent, which during our former visit were full of barley and lentiles,I were now just beginning to be covered with sheaves of wheat. The crops were apparently very good; and there was a prospect of a prosperous and busy season, during both wheat harvest and the vintage. Indeed, the country in general round about Hebron, exhibited more of industrious cultivation and actual productiveness, than any other equally extensive portion of the mountains of Judah, which we visited. Wednesday, June 6th. Forenoon. While we were at breakfast early this morning, Komeh returned from Jerusalem, bringing with him horses, money, and also many letters from Europe and America. The breakfast was at once forgotten over the letters; and we rejoiced to hear of the health and welfare of distant friends, both in the old world and the new. With a burst of grateful emotion, we thanked God, and took courage. Komeh of course had not entered Jerusalem, but had had communication with Mr Whiting at the gate. The horses too he had found outside; the owners, on the shutting up of the city, having sent them out to remain in the fields around the walls. We were not particularly delighted thus to get again one of our former Muk'rys; but were easily disposed to make the best of it. We learned too that Mr Lanneali and our fellow traveller were keeping a strict quarantine under a guard in their own house, in order to come out and join us in our tent on our return. In the course of the morning, Elias came again with the man who was to receive the money for the camels. It was agreed between them, that we should pay the money into the hands of Elias; and he should immediately deliver it over to the man. This took place accordingly. The only reason for it seemed to be, that Elias might be able to say, the payment was 1 See p. 83. ii. 635-637

212 HEBRON. [SEC. XII. made through him as the agent of the Franks. The man paid him back one hundred and fifty piastres in our presence; which we understood to be his commission on the bargain we had made with the Arabs; being equal to thirty piastres on each camel. It was probably partly in order to render this pill less unpalatable to Defa' Allah, that Elias had yesterday given us the hint respecting an extra present to that Sheikh.' We finished writing up our journals, and made our purchases of provisions for the journey as far as to Nabulus; since we could now obtain nothing at Jerusalem. Just as we were preparing to set off, two English travellers came in from Beersheba. We had found their tent here yesterday, and learned that they had gone on this excursion. As travellers under such circumstances do not stand upon etiquette, we called at their tent, and found the Rev. Dr Mill and Col. Hezata, who in returning from India by way of Egypt, had thus taken the route through Palestine. Our present visit was a short one; but we afterwards had the pleasure of meeting them again -at Jerusalem and Beirut; and also of making in company with them the voyage from Beiruft to Alexandria and Smyrna. I have since learned, that things went had few friends in Hebron, he made apon prosperously with our friend Elias for plication to the American missionaries at the next two years; and he obtained the Jerusalem, to intercede in his behalf, that height of his ambition, in being made the his case might be transferred to the auagent of the British consul at Jerusalem. thorities of the Holy City. This they were But early in the last year (1840) he was able to effect, through the good will of seized and thrown into prison, on a charge the Mufti; and Elias was still lying there of peculation. Feeling perhaps that he in prison at midsummer. ii. 637, 638

SECTION XIII. FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEH AND JERUSALEM. Wednesday, June 6th. Afternoon. In leaving Hebron for Ramleh, we decided first to turn our steps towards el-Burj, the place which we had been formerly prevented from visiting when at Dawaiimeh. We heard many extravagant reports from the Arabs respecting it; so that it seemed of sufficient importance to be investigated. We were now ready to set off; but found great difficulty in obtaining a guide. Several persons offered their services; but as this seemed to be in Hebron a new species of employment, of which the price was not yet fixed or in any way regulated, they chose to demand at least threefold wages; apparently too without being well acquainted with the route. We offered the double of what we had formerly paid; which was refused. Knowing however that we should fall in with persons on the way, or at least should certainly be able to obtain a guide at Dura, we cut the matter short with the Hebronites; and loading up our animals, left the city at 1 o'clock alone. Our way led up the western hill, by the same path which we bad formerly descended in coming from Dhoheriyeh. On the top, however, the roads separate; we took that leading to DAra, lying more to the right; and proceeded on a general course about west by south. We now passed through a succession of fine vineyards sloping gently towards the west; the way being everywhere shut in between their walls. Our new Muk'ariyeh had loaded the tent and other luggage so unskilfully, that in passing along this narrow way, the load was first caught against the walls and drawn from the horse; and again, soon after, it slipped off in going down a steep place. This detained us half an hour. At 2.40, we came upon the head of a valley running westwards, on the north of Dfira, towards the plain. It soon becomes deep; and looking down through it, we could perceive the distant sand-hills along the coast. Here on our right were the ruined foundations of a village; and five minutes further, on the left, was a beautiful little spring with a rill crossing our iii. 1, 2

214 FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEH. [SEc. XIII. path. We learned from a shepherd, that it is called Nunkur, and gives its name to the valley. The way continued along the high ground on the south of this Wady; and at a quarter past three, we passed another place of springs at the head of a small branch of the same. Proceeding across some hills, we came upon the fine plain which extends for half an hour on the east of Dura. It was now covered with fields of wheat, which the peasants were busily engaged in reaping; the wheat harvest having just begun. Crossing this plain, we reached at 4 o'clock the large village of DAira, situated on the gradual eastern slope of a cultivated hill, with olive groves and fields of grain all around. On the top of the hill, not far off, is the Mukam or Wely of Neby Nuh (Noah), which we had formerly seen from Dawaimeh. The village is one of the largest in the district of Hebron, and is properly the chief place; being the residence of the Sheikhs of the house of Ibn'Omar, who are the head of the Keisiyeh of the mountains, and formerly ruled over the villages.' We found here a party of Egyptian soldiers; but saw no traces of antiquity; unless perhaps in a large hewn stone over a doorway, with an ornamental figure cut upon it. Here too we were able to obtain no guide in the village itself; but having rode through it, we found one of the principal Sheikhs with a number of the inhabitants -sitting in an- olive grove; and laid our request before him.- He treated us with great civility; and Ipolitely invited us to remain over night; repeating the usual story of the insecurity of the way; but on our declining, he immediately sent with us the servant of his brother, the head Sheikh, who was absent. This man was a Nubian slave, jet black, of a tall commanding figure; he proved a very intelligent and faithful guide, and was of great service to us. He told us, that his master, the chief Sheikh, was the owner of five male and six female slaves, two hundred sheep, three hundred goats, twenty-one neat cattle, three horses, and five camels. DuIra had recently been the seat of a violent quarrel, in which the inhabitants, although nominally disarmed, seized their weapons and went to killing each other. This of course drew upon them the notice of the government; and it was here that the three governors, whom we had recently met in Hebron, had been for some weeks occupied in compelling the people a second time to deliver up their arms. They had in this way collected from the one party about two hundred guns, and from the other nearly a hundred more, which we had seen brought into Hebron upon camels.2 The origin of the quarrel was related to us, as See above, p. 27. 2 See above, p. 80. Comp. p. 57. iii. 2, 3

JUNE 6.] DURA, ADORA. 215 follows. A family of Sheikhs, not of the house of Ibn'Omar, was in power; and one of them was Mutesellim at the time of the last conscription; in which he and his followers so managed, as to take all the men required for soldiers fiom the opposite party. In consequence of the ill will which thus arose, he caused also the head of the house of'Omar,'Abd er-Rahman, to be imprisoned. Upon this, the brother of the latter, the Sheikh whom we saw, went to Damascus to Sherif Pasha, governor of all Syria, and obtained from him the release of' the prisoner. The chief himself now repaired to Damascus; and returned as Mutesellim in place of his enemy. In the broils which ensued, the parties took arms; and six men were killed, all of the party now in disgrace. The people of Ytftta also entered into the quarrel. The government interfered with stern severity; gathered up the arms of both parties; and the followers of the deposed Mutesellim withdrew to el-Burj and other places in the plain. It was probably for this reason, that the Sheikh represented the way to el-Burj as insecure.' Although we saw no special traces of antiquity among the buildings in Dura, yet the general aspect of the village and of the adjacent country testifies, that the place is one of long standing. There is indeed little reason to doubt of its being the Adoraimm of the Old Testament, enumerated along with Hebron and Maresha as one of the cities fortified by Rehoboam.2 Under the name Adora it is mentioned in the Apocrypha, and also often by Josephus; who usually connects the two places Adora and Maressa as cities of the later Idumea.3 At the same time with Maressa, it was captured by Hyrcanus, and again built up by Gabinius.4 After Josephus, there seems to be no mention of the place, either by Eusebius or Jerome or any other writer, down to the present day. Yet the name is quite decisive. The dropping of the first feeble letter is not uncommon; and appears also to have been partially current in this name, even in the days of Josephus; in whose writings we find it in several instances in the formn of Dora.' After a delay of forty minutes we left Duira at 4.40, proceedIn 1839, this chief of Dfira,'Abd er- ib. 13. 6. 4. ib. 13. 9. 1. ib. 13. 15. 4. ib. Rahman, rose in rebellion against the gov- 14. 5. 3. B. J. 1. 2. 6. ib. 1. 8. 4. ernment; and with his followers ffot pos- 4 Jos. Ant. 13. 9. 1. ib. 14. 5. 3. B. session of Hebron, and held it for a J. 1. 8. 4. Comp. above, p. 67. time. The governor of Damascus marched Apa Dora, Ant. 13. 6. 4 in all Mss. against him; and compelled him to aban- Ant. 14. 5. 3 in the text. wopeds Doreus, don Hebron and retire to the desert to- B. J. 1. 2. 6, and ib. 1. 8. 4 in the Mss. wards'Ain Jidy. Here he was surrounded See generally Reland Palaest. pp. 547, 739. by a circle of 2000 men upon the watch; -Josephus scoffs at Apion for placing the through which he at last cut his way, and Dora (Dor) of' Phenicia in Idumea; which escaped to the country east of the'Arabah. at least serves to show that Apion might 2 2 Chron. 11, 9. have heard of this name there; c. Apion i Mace. 13, 20. Joseph. Ant. 8. 10. 1. 2. 5. iii. 3-5

216 FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEH. [SEC. XIII, ing on a southwest course, passing around the head of a Wady which runs off west on the south of Dtira, and crossing a low ridge beyond. Here we had a view of the western sea. At 5 o'clock there was a site of foundations on our left called Khflrsah; and at the same time Dhoheriyeh was visible, bearing S. 350~ W. The hills around us were now green with bushes, and the trees higher than we had usually seen. At 5.35, we were opposite to other ruined foundations, called el-Hadb, at the foot of a hill on our left. At 53 o'clock, we passed between two higher hills on the brow of the steep descent of the mountain, into the head of a Wady called el-Keis, which runs down nearly west into the lower region.' We followed down Wady el-Keis, descending very gradually on a western course. The adjacent hills were decked, as before, with bushes and large trees. This proved to be the least steep and rugged, and therefore the most feasible, of all the passes that we travelled up or down the mountains. The path continued all the way in the Wady; which brought us out at 6.40 into the region of lower hills, and valleys, intermediate between the mountains and the great plain, similar to that which we had formerly traversed further north. The hills, where not tilled, were bushy and green, and sprinkled with numerous flocks; the valleys broad and covered with a rich crop of wheat; the fields full of reapers and gleaners in the midst of the harvest; with asses and camels receiving their loads of sheaves, and feeding unmuzzled and undisturbed upon the ripe grain.2 These peasants were mostly from Dflra, belonging to the party which had fled, and was now scattered at different places in this region. Our path led us southwest across a broad basin or plain; around which many of the hills were marked by ruins, showing that this tract of country was once thickly inhabited. Of these, one called Deir el-'Asal was on our right at 6.55; another named Beit er-Rtish, on the left ten minutes beyond; at 7.30 we had Khihrbet en-Nisrany on the same side; and at 7.40 some foundations called Beit Mirsim occupied a Tell on our left. Here we ascended from the plain, and crossed a ridge running north from this Tell. It was now quite dark. In going up the ascent the guide suddenly demanded a pistol, and running forward fired at an animal, which he supposed to be a hyVena; but without effect. WVe now came into another valley running about S. by W. and at 8 o'clock reached el-Burj, situated on a very rocky promontory, or long point of a hill project1 From the top of the southern hill I 2 Ps. 65, 13, m" The pastures are clothed took the following bearings: YLitta S. 70~ with flocks; the valleys also are covered E. Semn'a S. 36~ E. Dhoheriyeh S. over with corn; they shout for joy, they 23~ W. also sing." iii. 5, 6

JUNE 7.] EL BURJ. 217 ing towards the west. The ground was so rugged and so strewn with rocks, that it was with great difficulty we could find a place for our tent in the dark. It was a full hour before the tent could be made ready, or anything obtained from the peasants who were sojourning here, but who had not yet returned from the fields. Here our faithful Nubian showed himself active and useful. Thursday, June 7th. On examining the ruins of el-Burj this morning, our expectations were disappointed. The Arabs had told us much of them; but had given an exceedingly exaggerated report. Indeed, it is impossible to know, in ordinary cases, how much credit is to be attached to their accounts; and the truth often turns out to be as much beyond their reports, as in this instance it fell short of them. The ruins here consist of the remains of a square fortress, about two hundred feet on a side, situated directly upon the surface of the projecting rocky hill above described. On the eastern and southern sides a trench has been hewn out in the rock, which seems once to have extended quite around the fortress. The walls are mostly broken down, and there remain no arches; nor indeed is there any thing to mark distinctly its probable age, or even the character of its architecture. The stones which compose the wall, are not large; and were laid up with small intervening stones to fill out the crevices; or possibly these latter may have been driven in at a later period.' Yet the general appearance of the ruins is decidedly that of a Saracenic structure; and I am disposed to regard it as one of the line of strong Saracenic or Turkish fortresses, which appears once to have been drawn along the southern frontier of Palestine. Of these we had now visited four, viz. at Kurmul, Semu'a, Dhoheriyeh, and this at el-Burj. When or for what specific purpose those fortresses were erected, we have no historical account. They would seem, at first view, not improbably to have had their origin perhaps in the centuries, before the crusades, during the long feuds and bloody wars between the various prarties of the Muhammedan empire, or between the rulers of Syria and Egypt. Yet I have been able to find no allusion to any one of them in any writer, whether Christian or Arabian; and it is possible that they may have been constructed even after the Ottoman conquest in the sixteenth century; when we know that the fortress at Beit Jibrin was again built up.2 We could hear of no other fortress or ruins in all these parts. There was said to have been formerly a tower or, castle at elKhuweilifeh, a place which we could see in the S. S. W. at the Compare the similar walls at Teffith, 2 See above, p. 25. p. 71, above. VOL. II.-19 iii. 6-8

218 FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEH. [SEC. XIII. distance of about an hour or an hour and a half, in the edge of the great plain; but the fortress is now level with the ground, and only a few loose stones and foundations mark its former existence. The place is known, at the present day, chiefly as a well on the road between Dhoheriyeh and Gaza, where the Tiyahah Arabs water their flocks. It seems however to have ever been a watering-place of importance; and as such is mentioned in connection with the movements of Saladin's troops south of el-Hasy, near the close of the twelfth century.' We would gladly have gone thither; but our time did- not permit the excursion. The ruins of el-Burj are situated very near the border of the hilly region towards the western plain-; which latter we could here overlook to a great distance.2 Around the castle are some remains of huts, and many caves in the rocks, which seem once to have been inhabited as a sort of village;- and were now usually occupied by a few poor families from Duira, who come hither to pasture their flocks and raise tobacco. - At the present time, other families of the defeated party in Duira had also taken up their quarters here. The men gathered about us this morning, and were friendly in their demeanour. Just as we were setting off, however, a great clamour arose, in consequence of the disappearance of one of our pistols. It had been yesterday in the care of our servant Ibrahim, and was now missing; and our servants and muleteers charged the people, and particularly one man, with having stolen it. This was not improbable; for these Fellahiln covet nothing so much as arms; and especially now, when they had been so recently again disarmed. The noise became very great; and ended at length in a determination on the part of our followers, to take the Sheikh and the suspected person before a higher Sheikh, at the distance of an hour. As however this waste of time would have been a greater loss to us than both the pistols; and there was moreover no proof that the one in question had not been lost by Ibrahim himself; we interfered to stop the quarrel, and proceeded on our journey. Our plan was to keep among the hills as far as to'Ain Shems, visiting on the way Terkfimieh and Beit Nulsib. Leaving el-Burj at 6.40, we returned on our road of last evening, for twenty minutes, to the ridge connected with the Tell of Beit Ilirsim. Here we diverged from the former path more to the left, going N. N. E. through a region of swelling hills and open Wadys covered with grain. At 7.40 we reached 1 Bohaeddin Vita Salad. pp. 231, 233. viz. el-Khuweilifeh about S. 25~ W. Um Comp. Vol. I. p. 207. er-Rumamin about S. 25~ W. Za'k S. 2 From el-Burj we got but few bearings, 60~ W. Beit Mirsim N. 15~ E. iii. 8, 9

JUNE 7.1 HARVEST SCENE. IDHNA. 219 Um esh-Shikaf on a broad cultivated ridge, where there was once a village. Here were many threshing-floors thickly covered with grain; but the village itself is level with the ground. A large party of the people from Dfra were now here, threshing out the wheat which they had reaped in the valleys around; living without houses under the open sky, or in cellar-like caves. They inquired quite anxiously, when we (the Franks) were coming to take possession of the country.l -After a stop of twenty minutes, we passed on; and seeing three paths before us, we called back to the people to inquire which was our -road to Idhna. The reply was "Doghry, Doghry! " that is, Straight ahead! although this applied to all the roads before us, just as well as to one, and strictly to neither of them. It was some time before we could get a more definite direction. Indeed, this indefiniteness and want of precision seems interwoven in the very genius of the eastern languages and character. Whenever we inquired the way, the first answer was always the everlasting Doghry! Straight ahead! although we perhaps might have to turn at a right angle five minutes afterwards. Having here found our road, we went on, and at 81 o'clock passed among the ruins of Beit'Auwa, covering low hills on both sides of the path, exhibiting foundations of hewn stones, from which all that can be inferred is, that here was once an extensive town. At 9.20 there was another site of scattered foundations on the road, called Deir Samit. In going up an ascent soon afterwards, the tent and luggage slipped off, and detained us for fifteen minutes. We came at 9.40 to a cistern by the way side, on the level top of a broad ridge. Close by were other scattered ruins, marking the site of el-Morak; here too were many threshing-floors in full operation. Fifteen minutes further on was another similar site, after descending from the ridge. At 10.20 we fell into the road from Dawgimeh to Idhna; and reached the latter place fifteen minutes later. Here we halted at the door of our old friend, the Sheikh, whose hospitable breakfast we had formerly left in the lurch.2 He now welcomed us with a smile; and when we asked for a guide to the next village, he offered to go with us himself. So "he arose and saddled his ass;" or rather, threw his cloak over the animal; and in ten minutes we were again upon our way; the Sheikh intimating as he mounted, that he hoped we would show him "C charity," which means, a bakltzs]hish. Setting off at 10} o'clock, our way led down the broad Wady Feranj N. N. E. until 11.10, when we left it running down towards Beit Jibrin, 1 From Um esh-Shikaf, Taiyibeh bore 2 For an account of our former visit to N. 60~ E. Idhna N. 40~ E. Wely seen Idhna (Jedna), and the hospitality of the from Dawdaileh N. 20~ W. Sheikh, see above, p. 70. iii. 9-11

220 FROM HEBRON TO RAMLE1. [Sc. XIIL and turned up a branch Wady towards Terkunmieh on a course nearly east. In this we came after ten minutes to a well in the path, called Bir es-Sifala, ten or twelve feet deep with good water, and surrounded by many flocks. At 11.35 our course became E. N. E. and just beyond the head of the valley, we came at 11.50 to Terklimieh. This village lies near the foot of the high mountain, on a low rocky ridge or swell, extending from east to west between the head of the Wady we had ascended and another on the north, running down westerly to the Feranj. The usual road from Gaza through Beit Jibrin to Hebron passes along up this northern valley; the distance from Beit Jibrin is reckoned at two and a half hours. Taiyibeh on the mountains bore S. 40~ E. We could perceive here no ruins; but the stones of earlier structures have apparently been employed in building the present houses. The name identifies this place with Tricomias, an episcopal see of the First Palestine, enumerated in the earliest and latest ecclesiastical Notitice; but of which, until the present time, there is no further notice whatever. Reland could only conjecture, and with reason, that it was somewhere in the region of Gaza.' Here we made a long halt for rest, as the day was exceedingly warm. We spread our carpets beneath the shade of the fig trees, which are here large and fine; and were soon visited by the Sheikh and others of the chief inhabitants, who demeaned themselves kindly and courteously. There was a strong northwest wind, blowing directly from the sea, over the great plain and hills; yet so hot as to afford no refreshment. The thermometer at noon, sheltered behind the trunk of a large fig tree, the coolest spot we could find, stood at 97~ F. and exposed to the wind, though still in the shade, it rose to 103~. Indeed the heat, as reflected from the whitish rocks and stones around, was almost insupportable. We set off again at 2.25, proceeding about N. 70 E. across the Hebron road and the Wady in which it lies; and after passing another swell, came into the head of a broad cultivated valley, Wady es-Stir, running off in a northerly direction. On the rising ground on the right, and not far from the Wady, lies the site of Beit Nilsib, with ruins, which we reached at 3 o'clock. Here is a ruined tower about sixty feet square, solidly built; some of the larger blocks are bevelled, but the crevices are cobbled with small stones. The interior was dark, and seemed to' Reland Palmest. p. 1046. See the ec- place; p. 135 ed. Par. Reland ib p. 1045. clesiast. Notit. ib. pp. 215, 224, 225. Le Another Tricomias is mentioned in the Quien Oriens Chr. III. p. 678.-Cedrenus Notitia Dignitat. as situated in Arabia speaks of a Tricomis (Tpfto/uLs) in Pales- Petruea in the region of Areopolis; p. 220 tine, but seems not to have meant this ed. Pancirol. Reland ib. p. 231. iii. 11, 12

JUNE 7,] BEIT NUSIB.:221 have a solid arch; we attempted to enter, but were driven back by myriads of fleas.- Near by are the foundations of a massive building, apparently of greater antiquity, one hundred and twenty feet long by thirty broad; its purpose we could not divine. There were also fragments of columns. Ruined foundations are also seen further south on another mound.' I have already had occasion to remark the identity of this place, with the Nezib of the plain of Judah, the Nasib of Eusebius and Jerome.2 Eusebius sets it at nine Roman miles from Eleutheropolis, and Jerome at seven. The latter seems to be correct; for its distance from Beit Jibrinis apparently a little less than that of Terkfumieh, which is reckoned at two and a half -hours. Thus far to-day, our journey had been through the region of hills, between the mountains and the plain, gradually approaching the former. The way had led along valleys and over hills; the Wadys being everywhere filled with grain which the peasants were reaping, or planted with millet; while the hills are mostly given up to pasturage. It is a rich and fertile region, and once teemed with an abundant population;; as is shown by the numerous former sites, now in ruins or level with the ground. We were exceedingly struck with the multitude of these mournful tokens of ancient prosperity, so strongly contrasted with the present state of desertion and decay.-At Terkfimieh and Beit NiUsib we were very near the steep ascent of the mountains; but for the remainder of the day, our road led down-the Wady es-Sur on a northerly course, which again brought us gradually away from the mountains and nearer to the plain. We left Beit Nisib at 3} o'clock; dismissing our friend the old Sheikh of Idhna -with a'charity,' which, as we were sorry to perceive, seemed to leave on his mind no favourable impression as to our charitable propensities. We followed down the valley, which is broad and arable, with swelling hills, on a course N. N. W. for half an hour, and then N. N. E. At 3.55, we passed a well called Bir el-Kaus; five minutes further was another, Bir el-Ghaul; and at 4.5, we came to a third, Bir esSfr, giving name to the Wady. Opposite the first well, on the right, are ruined foundations upon a hill. The bed of the Wady above these wells showed signs of stagnant water, with mud and patches of weeds. The name of this well and Wady, (es-Sur,) led us to search on the adjacent hills, which just here are very rocky, in order to From Beit Nisib, Beit'Atab bore N. 2 Josh. 15, 43. Onomast. art. Neesib. 210 E. Jeba'h N. 410 E. Beit lla N. We had already heard of this place seve760 E. Terkfimieh S. 7~ W. Um Burj ral times; see above, pp. 16, 17, 54, 57. N. 29~ W. VOL. II.-19* iii. 12-14

222 FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEH. [SEC. XIII. discover, whether any town or fortress might have once stood here, bearing perhaps the name of Beth-zur; though the chief fortress of that name, one of the strongest of Judea, obviously lay upon the mountains not far distant from Halhul and Hebron.' Our search here was in vain; we could perceive no trace of foundations either in the valley or upon the hills; except the ruins of a small well built village on an eminence, about twenty minutes distant in the E. S. E. We left the well at 4.35; and kept on N. by E. down the valley, which now opens more towards the right, and receives several broad cultivated tributaries, coming from near the mountains. After fifteen minutes we got sight of Beit Nettif, the end of our day's journey, bearing north. At 51 o'clock, we came to the road from Jerusalem to Gaza, which here crosses the valley and intersects our path; the latter being the usual road from Hebron to Ramleh and Ytfa. This Gaza road is a branch of the ancient way, which we had formerly seen in coming from Jerusalem; the other branch having passed on towards Askelon down Wady el-Musiirr.2 At some distance on the right, a ruin was visible on a hill; near which this road was said to lead. Here, in the broad valley, at the intersection of the roads, stands an immense Butm tree (Pistacia Terebinthus), the largest we saw anywhere in Palestine, spreading its boughs far and wide like a noble oak. This species is without doubt the terebinth of the Old Testament; and under the shade of such a tree, Abraham might well have pitched his tent at Mamre.3 The Butm is not an evergreen, as is often represented; but its small feathered lancet-shaped leaves fall in the autumn, and are renewed in the spring. The flowers are small and followed by small oval berries, hanging in clusters from two to five inches long, resembling much the clusters of the vine when the grapes are just set. From incisions in the trunk there is said to flow a sort of transparent balsam, constituting a very pure and fine species of turpentine, with an agreeable odour like citron or jessamine and a mild taste, and hardening gradually into a trans1See above, Vol. I. p. 217, n. 11. 19. 2 Sam. 18, 9.14.-For the idenComp. Joseph. Ant. 12. 9. 4. Reland tity of the Butm of the Arabs with the Palest. p. 658. —The Beth-zur of the cru- Pistacia Terebinthus of botanists, see Celsaders and of the following centuries, was sii Hierobot. I. pp. 36, 37. This is also at the fountain of St. Philip in Wady el- confirmed to me by the distinguished natWerd; see Vol. I. p. 469; also p. 65, above. uralist, Prof: Ehrenberg of Berlin, who 2 See above, pp. 15, 20. himself observed it in the east. See gen23 Heb. rmS terebinth, distinguished erally Linn. Syst. Nat. Edit. 10. Tom. II. fro4m 5'. oakIs6,13. Hos. 4, 13. In p. 1290. Willd. Spec. Plant. T. IV. ii. p. -from.<i. oak, Is. 6, 13. 752. See also a description and drawing the first passage the Engl. version has teil in iHayne's Beschr. der Arzney-Gewiichse (lindeni; and in the second elm; else- Bd. XIII. 19. where usually oak, Gen. 35, 4. Judg. 6, iii. 14. 15

Jum 8.] THE BUTM. BEIT NETTIF. 223 parent gum.1 In Palestine nothing seems to be known of this product of the Butm. The tree is found also in Asia Minor (many of them near Smyrna), Greece, Italy, the south of France, Spain, and in the north of Africa; and is described as not usually rising to the height of more than twenty feet.2 It often exceeded that size as we saw it on the mountains; but here in the plains it was very much larger. We kept on down Wady es-Suir, and at 51 o'clock reached the point where it bends more northwest. We now passed obliquely over the low hill which here runs down between it and the Mustirr; crossed (about a, quarter before five) the latter Wady, coming from the east, with the other branch of the ancient road; and further on another smaller Wady, coming from the northeast along under the hill of Beit Nettif: These three unite and form Wady es-Stimt, a fertile and beautiful plain already described.3 We now ascended the steep and high hill on which Beit Nettif lies, and encamped again at 6.25 upon our old spot, now surrounded by threshing-floors full of sheaves of wheat. Our former acquaintances received us with a welcome. We found the place lying higher than we had before supposed; the weather having then been hazy and foggy. The atmosphere was now clear, and we enjoyed a superb sunset; the great western plain lighted up by the mellow beams, and the sun itself lingering to disappear below the glittering waves of the Mediterranean.4 Friday, June 8th. The object of our journey to-day, was to be a visit to the ruins of'Ain Shems; to search for the long lost Ekron; and then reach Ramleh. We rose early, and were not comforted by the prospect of a very warm and oppressive day. The thermometer stood in our tent at 760 F. but rose to 83~ in the open air before sunrise. We had engaged over night a guide for'Ain Shems and'Akir; but although we were ready at half past 4 o'clock, yet the guide did not make his appearance; and it was therefore 4.55 when we at length set off. The sun was rising gloriously; and the numerous herds and flocks of the village, wending their way to their pastures among the hills, presented an animating and pleasing view. From Beit Nettif,'Ain Shems bears N. 12~ W. and our way led in that direction down the hill; and then wound along and across several small Wadys all running towards the left, and over the low ridges between. Yarmunk, Neby B ulus, and Beit el-Jemal, all ruins, lay at our left on or among the hills. At l Terebinthia Cypria, seu pistacia, seu north coast of Africa and also around de Chio.-This is usually adulterated, and Mount Lebanon. is now seldom found in the, shops. S See above, p. 20. 2 Hayne 1. c. Ehrenberg, in the course 4 For our former visit to Beit Nettif, see of his travels, found the Butm on the above, pp. 15-20. iii. 15-17

224 FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEH. [SEa. XHII length we came:into a-broader Wady, coming from the left and running north, which apparently receives higher up the smaller ones we had crossed. In this valley was a half stagnant muddy brook, and a well called Bir en-Nahl, in which the turbid water was even with the surface of the ground. Here at 6.10 we stopped half an hour for breakfast; the site of'Ain Shems being within view, only fifteen minutes distant, bearing N. 30~ E. We reached it at length at 6.55, in an hour and a half from Beit Nettif. The name'Ain Shems implies a fountain; but there is now here no water of any kind, thus called. The place to which the Arabs give this name, consists of the ruins of a modern Arab village of moderate size, with a Wely, all evidently built up with ancient materials. But just on the west of this village, upon and around the plateau of a low swell or mound between the Sfirar on the north and a smaller Wady on the south, are the manifest traces of an ancient site. Here are the vestiges of a former extensive city, consisting of many foundations and the remains of ancient walls of hewn stone. The materials have indeed been chiefly swallowed up, in the probably repeated constructions of the modern village; but enough yet remains to make it one of the largest and most marked sites, which we had anywhere seen. On the north, the great Wady es-Sfirar, itself a plain, runs off first west and then northwest into the great plain; while on the south, the smaller Wady comes down from the southeast, and uniting with the one down which we had travelled, they enter the Sirar below the ruins. Beyond this latter valley, on a high point of the northern ridge, is seen a Wely bearing N. 200 E. marking the site of Sur'ah, the ruins of which lie just on the other side below the brow.' Both the name and the position of this spot, seem to indicate the site of the ancient Beth-shemesh of the Old Testament. That city is described by Eusebius and Jerome, as seen from the road leading from Eleutheropolis to Nicopolis (Amwas), at ten Roman miles from the former city; and as they assign nearly the same distances from Eleutheropolis to Zorah, Zanoah, and Jarmuth, it is obvious that Beth-shemesh lay in the vicinity of these places. And so we had already found it, surrounded by Zanl'a in the east, Sfir'ah in the N. N. E. and Yarmfik in the southwest. Indeed, from the existence of these names, and their coincidence with the accounts of Eusebius and Jerome, we had been able chiefly to trace out and fix the site of Eleutheropolis at Beit Jibrin.2 The words Beit (Beth) and'Ain are so 1 Other bearings from'Ain Shems were: 2 See the dcetails as given above, pp B3itasheh N. 45~ W. Um Jina S. 82~ W. 20, 58. Kheishfim S. 50~ W. Beit el-Jemfld S. 8~ W. iii. 17, 18

JUNE 8.]'AIN SHEMS, BETIH-SHEMESH. 225 very common in the Arabic names of Palestine, that it can excite no wonder should there be an exchange, even without any obvious ground. In the same manner, the ancient Beth-shemesh (Heliopolis) of Egypt, is known in Arabian writers as'Ain Shems; although at present the name is applied specifically, only to a well at some distance from its site.' Beth-shemesh lay on the border of Judah, and belonged to that tribe; although it is not enumerated in the list of its cities, except as having been assigned from it to the priests.2 In the days of Samuel, it became celebrated for the return of the ark from the Philistines, and the trespass of the inhabitants against the same; for which they were smitten of the Lord.3 In later times it was the residence of one of Solomon's twelve purveyors, and became the scene of the defeat of Amaziah king of Judah by Jehoash king of Israel; it was also conquered by the Philistines from king Ahaz with other cities of the plain.4 We hear no more of Beth-shemesh until the time of Eusebius and Jerome, who incorrectly assign it to the tribe of Benjamin;5 and from their age onward, it appears to have remained unknown or forgotten until the present day.6 The Ir-shemesh once mentioned on the border of Dan and Judah, seems without much question to have been the same with Beth-shemesh.7 Of Eshtaol, which also lay in the vicinity, we could find no trace.8 Jer. 43, 13. See Vol. I. p. 25. Ekron, Baalath. Of course Ir-shemesh 2 Josh. 15, 10. 21, 16. 1 Chr. 6, 59. (Beth-shemesh) and Ekron can only be Not mentioned in the valley, with Eshtaol here mentioned as marking the border; and Zorah and other cities which lay and not as originally cities of Dan, though around it, Josh. 15, 33-35. afterwards assigned to that tribe. Further, 1 Sam. 6, 9-20. Joseph. Ant. 6. 1. in the same passage, we find Ir-shemesh, 3. Josephus does not elsewhere mention Shaalabin, and Ajalon (V5'9N) placed toBeth-shemesh. gether; and in 1 Kings 4, 9 we have 4 1 K. 4, 9. —2 K. 14, 11. 12. 2 Chr. also Shaalbim, Beth-shemesh, and Ajalon 25, 21.-2 Chr. 28, 18. 25 a 21.-2 Chr. 28, 18. 84). These coincidences seem most Onomast. art. Bethsamis. f Broca6rdus indeed mentions it; hut in.decisively to identify Ir-shemesh and BethBrocardus indeed mentions it; but in sheniesb.-This identity is reiected by Rea manner so confused, as to show that he shemesh-This identity is reected by eis writin from no personal knowled and land, on the ground of a remark of Jerome, is writino from no personal knowledge, and only from theory; c. 10. p. 186. epla- Comm. in Ezek. 48, 21.22; where in speakp in- of the territory of Dan he enumerates ces Gath four leagues south of Joppa (near "Ailon et Selebi et Emmaus, q nun Jibneh), and Bt-hmsto e"Ailon et Selebi et Emmaus, qume nune Jabneh), and Beth-shemesh two leagues south of Gath which of course brings it appellatur Ncopolis;" as if for alo, near the sea. Then he makes Accaron b (ekro) four lsea. asen west ofaBeth-shee. But there is here no evidence that Jerome (Elkron) four leagues west of Beth-shemesh. was even thinkin of Beth-shemesh at all The absurdity is so glaring, that one must en th ing of Beth-shemesh at all; sptcrOrt tand if he did thus actually confound it suspect a corruption Josthe text. 15 10 we fin with Emmaus, it probably arose from the " Josh. 19, 41 — In Josh. 15, 10 we find form given to it by the Seventy, viz. 7r~ms the northern border of Judah running by Beth-shemesh, Timnah, Elron, and Balah Baaus (baes, Shemesh), Josh. 19, 41; awhich he took for'A~Lzao's or'Et,,Aaovr. to the sea; and of these places Beth-she- which he took for d P st. pp. 168, 656. inhner mesh and Ekron are expressly assigned to Juda; vs. 45r. 46. 21, 16.ressy I nJ to Gel. Anzeigen 1836. No. 245. pp. 926, 927. 1 In Josh. 19 Josh. 15, 33. 19,41. Judg.14,31. 41-44 we have the like places along'the Onomast. 19, 41. Jdg. 14, 31. coast' of Dan; Ir-shemesh, Thimnathah, omast..Esthl. iii. 18-20

226 FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEH. [Sac. XIIIL We left the site of'Ain Shems at 7.10, and crossing obliquely the plain of the Siirr N. N. W. reached in ten minutes its water-bed near the northern hills. Here is a well, about fifteen feet deep to the surface of the water, called not Bir Shems nor'Ain Shems, as one might expect, but Bir ethThemed. The path now ascends gradually and obliquely the hill of SUr'ah in the same direction, which here declines gently towards the west; it is the same spur of the mountains, which I have already described, as running out along the Siurr to the plain.' Near the top, at 73 o'clock, we had on our right the widespread ruins of.RAfAt. Here we could see the Stlrar running off northwest and then N. N. W. through the plain, a broad low tract of exceedingly fertile land, skirted by low hills and gentle swells. But I do not remember that we saw any appearance of another like valley coming into it from the south; as would probably have been the case, did Wady es-Stirnt actually thus form a junction with it, a.s supposed.2 We now descended into a valley among hills; where at 8 o'clock we stopped a moment at a small spring of running water. - We very soon came out into the great plain, properly so called; although it is here more undulating than we had seen it further south towards Gaza, and might even be called hilly. We still kept on N. N. W. At some distance on our right, a long line of rocky hills, a spur from the mountains, extended out westwards into the plain. The country was mostly tilled, though not fully.' At half past eight, we passed the ruins of a village called Beit Far; and at 9 o'clock had the large village of Khulda on a hill ten minutes distant on our right, apparently connected with the spur just described. Fifteen minutes later we came to a large well in- a valley among the swells, fitted; up with troughs and reservoirs, with flocks waiting around. Here two men were drawing water " with the foot," by means of a large reel, as already described, pulling the upper part towards them with their hands, and pushing with their feet upon the lower part.3 We stopped here ten minutes for our animals to drink. At a short distance on the northeast, perhaps eight or ten minutes, was the large village of Saidon. Setting off again at 9.25, we soon left the Ramleh road, which keeps on in the same course, and turned more to the left, about N. W. by W. towards the village of'Akir. After a few minutes, we had a distinct view of Ramleh. At 10 o'clock there was a spring in a valley on our path; and ten minutes beyond it a miserable little village on the left, called el-Mansufrah. We 1 See above, p. 5. 3 See above, p. 22; and Note II, end 2 Ibid. of Vol. I. iii. 20 21

JuNm 8.]'AKIR, EKRON. 227 now travelled across a wide tract of low flat land, the level bed of a broad Wady coming from the northeast and passing on to join the Sfirar, as it crosses the plain and obliquely approaches the sea. Before us, at the distance of an hour or more, was a short line of hills running nearly parallel with the coast, which shut out the region of Yebna from our view. The Stirar passes behind these hills,. being first joined on their left by the Wady in which we now were; and there takes the name of Wady Rilbin.'Akir lies on the rise of land on the northwestern side of the Wady we were crossing; and as we drew near, the path led through well tilled gardens and fields of the richest soil, all upon the low tract, covered with vegetables and fruits of great variety and high perfection. We reached'Akir at 11 o'clock. Here we made a mid-day halt of several hours, beneath some trees fully exposed to the wind, on the north of the village. Our fears of a day of oppressive heat were more than verified. There was a slight haze before the sun; and the wind was blowing strongly from the northwest directly from the adjacent sea; yet it seemed charged with a glow, as if it came from a scorched desert. The thermometer sheltered behind the trunk of a tree stood at noon at 1050 F. and held in the sun rose only to 108~. The shade of the scattered olive trees was so small and slight, that it availed us little as a protection against the sun's rays.'Akir lies not far from the line of hills above described, which here bound the plain on the west, and behind which the Stirfr passes on obliquely to the sea.' It is of considerable size; but in the village itself we could perceive nothing to distinguish it from other modern villages of the plain. Like them it is built of unburnt bricks or mud; and exhibits to the eye of the traveller, no marks of antiquity. We were unable to fix the direction of Yebna; and Ramleh was hidden by the intervening swells.2 There seems no reason for doubt, that'Aklir answers to the ancient Ekron. The radical letters of the Arabic: name are the same as those of the Hebrew; and the position too corresponds Other places bore from'Akir as fol- Irby and Mangles ibid. Scholz p. 147. On lows: SCir'ah S. 50~ E. El-Manscirah S. the eastern side of the Wady, on a small 45~ E. Kheishilm S. 33~ E. Tell Zakarl- eminence, is the tomb or Wely of Rfbin ya S. 25~ E. Tell es-SOrfieh S. 1~ W. Kilt- (Reuben) the son of Jacob, from which rab S. 50~ W. Mfighdfr S. 65~ W. the Wady here takes its-name; it is-men2 Yebna is situated on a small eminence tioned by Mejr ed-Din (in 1495) as having on the west side of the Wady Ruibln, an been formerly a great place of pilgrimage hour or more distant from the sea; Irby for the Muhamnmedans, and it still remains and Mangles p. 182. [57.] Corresp. d'Ori- so in a degree; Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 138. ent, V. pp. 373,374. Accordingto Scholz, Irby and Mangles p. 183.-For the anthere are here the ruins of a former church, cient Jltbneh, see Reland Pal. p. 822. *Le afterwards a mosk; Reise p. 146. Be- Quien Oriens Chr. III. p. 587. The crutween it and the sea are the ruins of a Ro- saders built here the fortress Ibelin; see man bridge over the water of Wady Ribin, above, p. 66, n. 5. with high arches, built of very large stones; iii. 21-23

228 FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEIT. [SEc. XII. to all we know of Ekron. That city was the northernmost of the five cities of the lords of the Philistines; and was situated upon the northern border of Judah; while the other four cities lay within the territory of that tribe.1 Eusebius and Jerome describe it as a village of Jews between Azotus (Ashdod) and Jamnia, towards the east; that is to say, to the eastward of a right line between those places; and such is the actual position of'Aklir relative to Esdfcld and Yebna at the present day.2 The ancient Ekron was at first assigned to Judah as upon its border; but was afterwards apparently given to Dan, though conquered by Judah.3 It afterwards became remarkable in connection with the capture of the ark by the Philistines, which was sent back from Ekron upon a new cart drawn by two milchkine; and these being left to their own course took the " straight way" to Beth-shemesh, the nearest point of entrance to the mountains of Judah.4 In coming therefore from'Ain Shems to'Akir we might almost be said to have followed the track of the cart, on which the ark was thus, sent back. After David's victory over Goliath in Wady es-Silmt, the Philistines were pursued to Ekron; and at a later day the prophets utter denunciations against it along with the other cities of the Philistines.5 But from that time onward, except the slight notice of Eusebius and Jerome above cited, no further mention of Ekron appears until the time of the crusades. This great plain and the cities of the adjacent coast, were the scenes of many of the exploits of the warriors of the cross; and in the writings of that age the name of Accaron (Ekron) is spoken of, as still extant in the region where we now find'Akir.6 Since that time until the present day, Ekron has again been utterly overlooked by all Frank travellers; although several must have passed very near to it on their way between Esdfid and Ramleh.7 Yet the Christians of both Gaza and Ramleh have the tradition, that'Akir is the ancient Ekron; and the Muslim Sheikh of the village itself, told us of his own accord that such was the belief among the inhabitants. The absence of all remains of antiquity may be accounted for by the circumstance, I Josh. 13, 3. 15, 11. 47. mus;" Fulch. Carnot. 23, in Gest. Dei p. 2 Onomast. art. Accaron. 404. Brocardus also says the name was 3 Josh. 15, 11. 45. 19, 43. Judg. 1, still extant at a place four leagues west of 18. Joseph. Ant. 5. 1. 22. ib. 5. 2. 4. Beth-shemesh; c. 10. p. 186. Marin. Sa4 1 Sam. 5, 10. 6,1-18. nut. p. 165. R. Parchi also mentions Ek6 1 Sam. 17, 52.-Jer. 25, 20. Am. 1, ron as east of Jabneh; see Zunz in Asher's 8. Zeph. 2, 4. Zech. 9, 5. 7. Comp. Benj. of Tud. II. p. 441. above, p. 66 and n. 4. 7 So Von Troilo in A. D. 1666, p. 349. 6 King Baldwin marched in A. D. 1100 Volney, Voyage II. p. 310. Richardson in from Jerusalem to Askelon, through Azo- 1818, Travels II. p. 207. Irby and Mantus (Esdud), "'inter quam et Jamniam gles in the same year passed more to the qum super mare sita est, Accaron dimisi- left, by Yebna; Travels p. 182. L56, 57.] iii. 23, 24

JUon 8.] E.XRON RAMLEII. 229 that probably the ancient town, like the modern villages of the plain, and like much of the present Gaza, was built only of unburnt bricks. Esdutd, as to the identity of which with Ashdod, no one doubts, has in like manner no remains of antiquity; and ancient Gath, for aught we know, is swept from the face of the earth.' The same Sheikh, however, an intelligent man, informed us, that here at'Akir, and in the adjacent fields, they often discover cisterns, the stones of hand-mills, and other relics of the former place. The great plain, in the region where we had now crossed it, like the same in the direction of Gaza, is entirely given up to the cultivation of grain, chiefly wheat and barley; and the crops were very fine. Many fields of millet were also interspersed, with their beautiful green; and we noticed also sesame in many places. The peasants were now in the midst of the wheat-harvest, or rather were near its close; the reapers were yet busy in the fields, followed as usual by female gleaners almost as numerous. We saw also many women reaping. In some places the poorer peasants, for want of neat cattle, were treading out their grain with donkeys; and we often saw the women beating out with a stick the handfuls they had gleaned.2 In one instance a poor woman was pounding out her gleanings with a stone. We left'Akir at 2.50 for Ramleh, on a course about N. E.} N. Between these places, the plain is less fertile, and is comparatively little cultivated. The approach to Ramleh is over a tract of heavy sand, which continues even among the olive groves and gardens lying around the town upon this side. We reached Ramleh at twenty minutes before 5 o'clock. With some difficulty we found our way to the house of'AbAd Murkus (Marcus) the American consular agent, an upright wealthy Arab of the Greek church, whose acquaintance we had already made at Jerusalem. He and his eldest son were absent at Yafa; but we were received with great kindness by the family. The second son, a young man of eighteen or twenty years, did the honours of the house; and conducted us to an " upper room," a large airy hall, forming a sort of third story upon the fiat roof of the house. As we entered, the mistress of the family came out of her apartment and welcomed us; but we saw no more of her afterwards. In our large room, we had opportunity to arrange our toilette a little, for the first time, after three weeks of dwelling in a tent and travelling mostly in deserts. Sherbet was brought, which in this instance was lemonade; and then coffee. Our youthful host now proposed, in the genuine style of ancient oriental hospitality, that a servant I See above, p. 33, n. 2. Ibid. pp. 2 See above, p. 45. Ruth 2, 17. 66, 67. VOL. II. —20 iii. 24-26

230 ER-RAMLEH. [SEaC. XM. should wash our feet. This took me by surprise; for I was not aware that the custom still existed here. Nor does it, indeed, towards foreigners; though it is quite common among the natives. We gladly accepted the proposal, both for ithe sake of the refreshment and of. the scriptural illustration.- A female Nubian slave accordingly brought water, which she poured upon our feet over a large shallow basin of tinned- copper-; kneeling before us, and rubbing our feet with her hands, and wiping them with a napkin. It was one of the most gratifying minor incidents of our whole journey.While dinner was preparing, we had time to walk- out and take a view: of the town; and also to ascend the lofty tower which is seen far and wide, as the traveller approaches Ramleh. Our host accompanied us, and also a younger brother, a lad of twelve or fourteen years of age. The town lies upon the eastern side of a broad. low swell in the sandy though fertile plain;- and the streets have therefore a slight declivity towards the east. Like:Gaza and Y'fa, it is surrounded by olive groves, and gardens of vegetables and delicious fruits; the latter enclosed by impenetrable hedges of prickly pear. Occasional palm trees are also seen, as well as the Khariub and the sycamore. The streets are few; the houses are of stone, many of them:large and wellbuilt. There are several mosks, one or more of which are said to have once been churches; and there is here one -of the largest Latin convents in Palestine, which however we did not visit.2 The vaulted cisterns on the north of the town, we also did not see.3 The place is supposed to contain about three thousand inhabitants; of whom nearly one third part are Christians, chiefly of the Greek rite, and. a few Armenians. The great caravan road between Egypt and Damascus passes through Ramleh. The chief object of our attention was the tower above mentioned, which is situated some ten minutes west of the town, on the highest part of the swell of land. It stands in the midst of the ruins of a large quadrangular enclosure, which has much 1 Gen. 18, 4 "Let a little water, I -pray tovic. p. 142. B. de Salignaco found it deyou, be brought, and wash your feet." serted in 1522; and also Sandys in 1610; 19, 2.' Luke 7, 44. Comp. 1 Sam. 25, de Salign. Tom. VI. c. 3. Sandys p. 118. 41. John 13, 5. So late as 1697,: Morison describes it as 2 Most Frank travellers stop at this con- "un hospice passablement bien bati et vent. As such, it is not older than the commode;" p. 543. According to Korte, 18th century. Before that time there was the present building was erected not long here only a hospitiuzm or KhCn for. pilgrims, before his. day, i. e. in the early part of the purchased or'built by Philip the Good, 18th century; Reise pp. 47, 48. Comp. duke of Burgundy after A.' D. 1420, and Von Egmond u IIeyman I. p. 310.-The served by the monks of the Latin convent monks make their convent occupy the site at Jerusalem; though it was often left un- of the house of Nicodemus. Quaresmius 1. tenanted. So Gumpenberg, Tucher, Brey- c. etc. etc. denbach, and Fabri, Reissb. pp. 442, 657, 3 Pococke II. i. p. 4. Prokesch p. 38. 104, 240. Quaresmius II. pp. 7, 8. Coiii. 26. 27

JUNE 8.] THE TOWEn. 231 the appearance of having been once a splendid Khan; indeed the arches on the southern and eastern sides are still standing. Under the middle of the area, or perhaps nearer the southern side, are extensive subterranean vaults, resting on arches of solid masonry, and lighted from above. These are of good workmanship, and perfectly dry and clean; and have very much the aspect of storehouses or magazines for the deposit of the merchandise, which might once have passed through the Khan. The tower is towards the northwest part of the enclosure; and is at present wholly isolated, whatever may have been its original construction. It is of Saracenic architecture, square, and built of well hewn stone; its windows are of various forms, but. all with pointed arches. The corners of the tower are supported by tall slender buttresses; while the sides taper upwards by several stories to the top. The exterior reminded me not a little of the ancient Red tower in Halle; though this of Ramleh is more slender and graceful, and also more ornamented. It is built of solid mason-work, except a narrow staircase within, winding up to the external gallery. This latter is also of stone, and is carried quite around the tower a few feet below the top. We judged the altitude of the whole tower to be about one hundred and twenty feet.' From the top of this tower there is a wide view on every side, presenting a prospect rarely surpassed in richness and beauty. I could liken it to nothing but the great plain of the Rhine by Heidelberg; or better still, to the vast plains of Lombardy, as seen from the cathedral of Milan and elsewhere. In the east, the frowning mountains of Judah rose abruptly from the tract of hills at their foot; while on the west, in fine contrast, the glittering waves of the Mediterranean Sea associated our thoughts with Europe and distant friends. Towards the north and south, as far as the eye could reach, the beautiful plain was spread out like a carpet at our feet, variegated with tracts of brown from which the crops had just been taken, and with fields still rich with the yellow of the ripe corn, or green with the springing millet. Immediately below us, the eye rested on the immense olive groves of Ramleh and Lydda, and the picturesque towers and minarets and domes of these large villages. In the plain itself were not many villages; but the tract of hills and the mountain side beyond, especially in the northeast, appeared as if studded with them; and as now seen in the reflected beams of the setting sun, they seemed like white villas and hamlets among the dark 1 Prokesch says, there are 128 steps of to each step cannot be relied on as exact. nine inches each; which together with the Reise, p. 39. Scholz gives the number of Basement and the part above the gallery, steps at 125; Reise p. 148. ~Von Egmond would not differ materially from our esti- and Heyman at 122; Reizen I. p. 312. mate. But the specification of nine inches iii. 27-29

232 ER-RAMLEH. [Sac. XIII. hills; presenting an appearance of thriftiness and beauty, which certainly would not stand a closer examination. We here obtained a large number of bearings, and might have taken many more. Our young host was well acquainted with the region around; but he was now so taken up with examining distant objects through our telescopes, that he did not always stop to look at a place before he told its name. For this reason, there may be doubt as to the accuracy of some of the names of places which we wrote down, especially of the minor and remoter ones; though in general they are correct. We wished much to find the direction of Yafa; which lies three hours distant, somewhere towards the N. N. W. But we were not able to arrive at any certainty respecting it; as nothing was here visible to mark its site. Through one of the gaps, between the peaks of the eastern mountains, we could distinguish what we held to be the high point and mosk of Neby Samwil, with which we were already well acquainted; and in the south several known places were visible, serving to connect our former routes with Ramleh.2 Of the places recorded in the note, Beit IDejan and elMejdel are at least ancient names;2 and Beit NebAla is perhaps a scriptural one.3 Besides these, Jimzu and Yalo are likewise ancient; and we saw them more fully on our way to Jerusalem. Kubab, or as it is likewise called, Beit Kubab, and also Latron,4 are on the direct road to the latter city; the former on one of the first hills two hours from Ramleh; and the latter an hour beyond at the foot of Wady'Aly, through which the road ascends, though still an hour from the " Gate of the valley," as it is called.'AnmwAs, the ancient Emmaus or Nicopolis, we could not make out; it was said to be ten or fifteen minutes north of Latron towards Yalo.5 We lingered upon the tower until near sunset, enjoying the 1 The following are the bearings from Judah further south, Josh. 15, 41; and anthe tower of Ramleh, beginning in the N. other in the tribe of Asher, Josh. 19, 27. W. and proceeding towards the right: Beit Eusebius and Jerome however place a large Dejan 1-~ hour distant N. 5~ W. S~firiyeh village called Caphar Dagon (Arabic Kefr N. 11~ E. el-Mejdel N. 35~ E. el-Mu- Dejan) in the region between Diospolis and zeiri'ah N. 40~ E. Kfleh N. 46~ E. Deir Jamnia; of which perhaps this name and Tureif N. 530 E. Ludd N. 57~ E. Beit place are the remains. Onomast. art. Neb'la N. 64~ E. Deir Abu Mesh'al N. Beth Dlgon.-The form el-Meidel is the 68~ E. Na'lin N. 76~ E. Budrus N. 80~ Heb. Migdol, Greek Magdala; but ScripE. DgniyAl E. RSs Kerker S. 86~ E. ture mentions no place of that name in Jimzu S. 82~ E. Neby Samwil S. 66~ E. these parts.'Anabeh S. 65~ E. Yalo S. 55~ E. el- 3 Is this perhaps the Neballat of Neh. KubAb S. 54~ E. Latr6n S. 46~ E. Khei- 11, 34, mentioned along with Lod or Lydda? shfim S. 15~ E. Tell Zakariya S. 9~ E. 4 For L'tr6n see in Vol. III. Sect. III, 2 The form Beit Dejan is obviously the under April 27th, 1852. Hebrew Beth-Dagon; but no place of that 5 For'Amwas, see the reference in the name occurs in Scripture in this region. preceding note. There was a Beth-Dagon in the plain of iii. 29-31

JUIrM 8.] THE TOWER. HOSPITALITY. 233 surpassing beauty, in which the mountains of Judah and the plain of Sharon revealed themselves before us. Returning to the house of our friends, we found their hospitality meantime had not been dormant; a dinner of many dishes was awaiting us, the most abundant indeed which we anywhere met with in Palestine.'Abufd Murkus himself returned about 9 o'clock; bringing word that the plague had now disappeared in Yafa, and that the town (which like Jerusalem had been long shut up) was to be open on Sunday.' Several neighbours came in to learn the news; and carpets and mats were spread for the company in the open air on the flat roof, adjacent to the room we occupied. Here we revelled in the delightful coolness of the evening, after the sultry heat of the day. The household establishment of our host was large, and very respectable in its appointments. Of the many females it contained, we saw none except the mother of the family, who welcomed us at our entrance, and the Nubian slave who washed our feet. Indeed, although Christians, the customs of oriental life seemed to prevail here in some force, and the females were sedulously kept out of view.:Whenever we passed down stairs from our upper room, word was given below, in order that they might get out of the way. The eldest son was married, and his wife lived as a daughter in the family. This indeed is the usual custom, the remains of ancient patriarchal usage; and it is not unfrequent, that parents thus see several children and many grandchildren clustering around them, and their household increasing so as to include what, in other circumstances, would form six or eight families. For this reason, any estimate of the population of a place in Palestine from the number of households, must rest upon no solid foundation. It was near 11 o'clock before the company separated, so that we could lay ourselves down to rest; although vwe were excessively fatigued from the heat and burden of the day. During the evening, we sent off Komeh and one Muk&ry with the tent and luggage to Jerusalem, by the direct road over Kuryet el-'Enab; in order that the tent might be ready to receive Mr Lanneau and our companion, whose quarantine would expire in the morning. - We ourselves concluded to take the great ancient road over Lydda and Beth-horon; intending also to set off very early, as there was a prospect of another sultry day. Our servants, as being Muhammedans, were not permitted to enter the house, except at our express call; and it was with some difficul1 We learned nothing more of YAfa, ex- Greeks, Greek Catholics, Armenians, and cept what has often been told. The pop- a few Latins. The mean geographical ulation, as we heard from several quarters, position of Yafa is Lat. 32~ 03' 06"' N. and is estimated at about 7000 souls; of whom Long. 34~ 44' 24" E. from Greenwich. See nearly one half are Christians, including Berghaus' Memoir p. 26. VOL. II.-20* iii. 31, 32

234 ER-RAMLEH. [SEC. XII. ty, that we obtained permission for Ibrahim to sleep before our door, in order that he might be at hand in the morning. We would gladly ourselves have slept upon the roof beneath the open sky, in preference to the close air of any room; but this privileged spot was already in the possession of others. Beds were spread for us in our upper room, consisting of thick quilts underneath, and another quilt of silk in which to wrap ourselves. But the night beneath a roof was hot; and the house like all others in Palestine not free from fleas; so that I did nothing but toss about in feverish half slumber all night. Here my companion's long experience in similar oriental annoyances, gave him the advantage; and his rest was more tranquil than mine. I several times rose and looked out through the lattices, as the bright moonlight fell upon the group of sleepers on the roof, and envied their lot. Let us now look out for a moment at the historical questions connected with er-Ramleh. The name er-Ramlehl signifies " the Sand;" and the place is first mentioned under this name by the monk Bernard, about A. D. 870.2 Adamnanus, about A. D. 697, makes no allusion to it; although he speaks of the memorials of St. George at Lydda.3 All this tallies well with the account of Abulfeda, drawn from earlier Arabian writers, that Ramleh is not an ancient city, but was founded by Suleiman, son of the Khalif'Abd el-Melek, in the early part of the eighth century, after he had destroyed Ludd. A palace of'Abd el-Melek had already occupied the spot.4 William of Tyre and Marinus Sanutus give the same testimony.5 The place soon became flourishing, and is celebrated by Arabian writers.6 Edrisi about A. D. 1150, calls Ramleh and Jerusalem the two principal cities of Palestine; and describes the former as pleasant and well peopled, with markets and commerce and revenue.7 Before the time of the crusades, it was surrounded by a wall with a castle and twelve We adopt the form er-Ramleh as being la civitas-quam post tempora seductoris already common. Written strictly accord- Mahumeth, ejus successores Arabum princiing to our system of orthography, it would pes, veteres tradunt historite, fundasse." be er-RUmleh. Marin. Sanut. p. 152, "Hanc civitatem 2 Bernardus de Loc. Sanct. 10, "Dein- medificaverunt Arabes prope Lyddam, quum de venerant Alarixa (el-'Arish); de Ala- peregrini primo iverunt ad partes illas post rixa in }lamula, juxta quam est monaste- tempora Mahumeti." rium beati Georgii Martyris." 6 Some place here the tomb of Lokman Adamnanus 3. 4. p. 521. ed. Mabillon. the Wise; see d'Herbelot Biblioth. Ori4 Abulfedse Tab. Syr. ed. KOhler p. 79. ent. art. Ramlah.'Abd el-Melek and his two sons el-Welid 7 Edrisi par Jaubert, p. 339. Abulfeda and Suleim.in, held the throne from A. D. 1. c. Mejr ed-Din in Fundgr. des Orients 705 to 720. II. p. 135. 5 Will. Tyr. 10. 17, " Est autem Ramuiii..;2-34

JUNE 8.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 235 gates; and with each of the four principal gates, towards YAfa, Askelon, Jerusalem, and Nabulus, there were connected markets and a mosk.' The crusaders in A. D. 1099, on their march from Antioch to Jerusalem, having celebrated the day of Pentecost at Caesarea, directed their course to Lydda, where they found the splendid tomb and church of St. George. Count Robert of Flanders, with five hundred knights, was sent forward to reconnoitre the neighbouring Ramleh; and found the gates open and the city deserted of inhabitants. The host of crusaders followed, and took up their quarters in Ramleh for three days, recruiting themselves with the abundance of provisions, which the inhabitants had left behind in their flight. Here they celebrated a festival to St. George, who had already aided them in the battle near Antioch; and with due formality installed him as their patron saint. His tomb at Lydda was made the seat of the first Latin bishopric in Palestine; and Robert, a priest from Rouen in Normandy, was on the spot appointed bishop, and received tithes from the pilgrims. The new see was endowed with the cities of Ramleh and Lydda, and the lands belonging to them. On the fourth day the army proceeded towards Jerusalem.2 From its position between Jerusalem and the coast, Ramleh formed an important post for the crusaders; and continued generally in their hands while they held possession of the Holy City, and long afterwards. About A. D. 1177 the place was burned by the renegade Ivelin.3 In A. D. 1178 Saladin was. totally defeated in the vicinity by the Christians under king Baldwin IV; but in 1187, after the decisive battle of Hattin, the whole plain, with Y~fa, Askelon, and also Jerusalem, fell into his hands.4 On the approach of Richard of England in A. D. 1191, Saladin caused the fortifications of Askelon to be dismantled; and the fortress of Ramleh and the church of Lydda, as well as other castles in the plain, to be razed.5 In the truce made between Richard and Saladin in the following year, it was stipilt"Mejr ed-Din 1. c. p. 136. Willebr. ab Oldenb. in L. Allat. Symmikta, 2 See in the Gesta Dei: Rob. Monach. p. Col. Agr. 1653. p. 145. Acta Sanctor. Apr. 73. Baldric. p. 130. Raimund de Ag. p. Tom. III. p. 142. Schweigger in Reissb. 173. Fulch. Cam. p. 396. Will. Tyr. II. p. 113. Comp. Reland Palest. p. 960. 7. 22. Also Wilken Gesch. der Kr. I. p. 3 Will. Tyr. 21. 21. 268.-The homage paid to St. George by 4 Will. Tyr. 21. 23, 24. Bohaedd. the crusaders, probably led to his greater Vit. Salad. p. 46. Abulfed. Annal. A. H. renown in Europe, where he was adopted 573. Wilken i. c. III. ii. p. 186.-Boas the patron saint of England and several haedd. 1. c. p. 72. Abulfed. l. c. A. H. other countries. In consequence of the 583. vicinity of Ramleh and Lydda, the two 5 Bohaedd. p. 202. Abulfed. Ann. A. have been sometimes confounded; and the H. 587. Reinaud Extraits p. 331. Mejr church and story of St. George placed at ed-Din in Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 136. the former; so Phocas de Loc. Sanct. 29. Gaufr. Vinisauf p. 362. Wilken Gesch. Anna Comnena in Alexiade lib. XI. p. 328. der Kreuzz. IV. p. 426. iii. 34. 35

236 ER-RAMxLE1. [SE. XIII. lated, that the plain and: coast from Tyre to YAfa, including the half of Ramleh and Lydda, should remain in the hands of the Christians.' In A. D. 1204 Ramleh was wholly given up to them, and appears to have continued chiefly in their possession until A. D. 1266, when it was finally taken from them by the Sultan Bibars.2 In the subsequent centuries, it is often mentioned as the resting place of pilgrims and travellers, on their way between Yafa and Jerusalem.3 About 1547 Belon found it almost deserted; scarcely twelve houses being inhabited, and the fields mostly untilled.4 With the history of Muhammedan Ramleh, the tower above described on the west of the town, stands in close connection. This structure has long been a stone of stumbling to travellers; who have mostly been content to follow, in this case, as in so many others, an indefinite monastic tradition. In all Frank writers, down to the middle of the sixteenth century, I find no allusion to the spot. At that time, about A. D. 1555, Bonifacius of Ragusa speaks of it as the site of a former -Christian church, dedicated to the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste in Armenia; this is repeated by Zuallart and Cotovicus, cited with approbation by Quaresmius, and followed by most other travellers.5 In the beginning of the eighteenth century, we begin to find it regarded as one of Helena's churches.6 In the present century, it has become fashionable to refer these ruins to the time of the crusades, as having been a convent and church erected by the knights Templars, and dedicated to the Forty Martyrs.7 The tower in question has usually been held to have belonged, as a belfry, to the ancient church.' Bohaedd. pp. 258, 259. Reinaud. Ex- building; p. 39. Scholz ascribes only cistraits p. 356. Gaufr. Vinisauf p. 422. terns to Helena; p. 148. Abulfed. Annal. A. H. 588. Wilken IV. p. 7 This report, current apparently among 569.. the monks, seems to be first mentioned in 2 Abulfedse Ann. A. H. 601. Reinaud Turner's Tour in the Levant, 1815, Tom. Extraits p. 498. Wilken VII. p. 493. II. p. 282. Scholz gives the same account 3 See for the hospitium and convent, p. quite circumstantially, p. 148; and is fol230, n. 2, above. lowed by Prokesch, p. 39; Monro, I. p. 4 Observat. p. 140. Paulus Samml. I. 94; Salzbacher, II. p. 24. The latter trap. 256. veller has the merit of uniting the two Bonif. de perenn. Cultu Terrme Sanct. conjectural traditions; making Helena first lib. II. Quaresmius II. p. 7, 8. Zuallart build the church, and the Templars repair p. 112. Cotovicus p. 141. So Monconys it.-According to Michaud, the remains I. p. 299. Doubdan p. 488. Pococke II. of several tombs of Christian knights are i. p. 4. Chateaubriand I. p. 419. Par. found here; but I cannot learn that this 1837, etc. etc. account rests on any better authority than 6 This is probably a mere hypothesis of Surius in 1645, who affirms the same thing. the monks; I find it first mentioned by No other traveller speaks of any such reVan Egmond and Heyman, I. p. 311; and mains, nor did we see or hearof any. Surius then again only very recently by Salz- Pelerin p. 358. Co1T. d'Orient IV. p. 176. bacher in 1838; II. p. 24. Prokesch in- Monconys I. p. 299. Von Troilo deed speaks of a church of Helena in Reisebeschr. p. 85. Morison, p. 544. ChaRamleh, but seems to mean some other teaub. Itin. I. p. 419. iii. 35-37

JaUn 8.] HISTORY OF THE TOWER. 237 That Christian churches existed at Ramleh before the age of the crusades, we know from the testimony of Eutychius, patriarch of Alexandria. He relates, that during the reign of the Egyptian Khalif el-Muktadir, early in the tenth century, the Muslims rose in tumult and destroyed the churches of St. Cosmas and St. Cyriacus in Ramleh, and others in Askelon and Coesarea; which, on complaint to the Khalif, he ordered to be rebuilt.' That during the long possession of the city by the Frank Christians, other churches and also convents were erected, is highly probable; though I have been able to find no historical trace of it whatever. The first Christian notice of the tower and surrounding quadrangle, as we have above seen, is from the sixteenth century; and the first reference of it to the Templars occurs in the nineteenth. Yet there seems to be no evidence, that the Templars ever had an establishment at Ramleh; it is found in no list of their possessions; although their houses at Yafa and Gaza and elsewhere in the vicinity, are enumerated; and an establishment so large as this obviously once was, could not well have been passed over, had it made part of their possessions.2 Thus there is no historical evidence, that the spot in question was ever occupied by a Christian church at all; and also no traditional evidence, reaching further back than the sixteenth century. On the other hand there is decisive evidence, both historical and architectural, of the Muhammedan origin of the whole structure, as it at present exists. The remaining arches of the quadrangle are obviously Saracenic; and the tower itself was no less obviously erected as a minaret; although the form and style are peculiar. It is solid within, except the staircase; has the usual external gallery above; and has neither place for a bell, nor any thing else in common with the tower of a church. Further, an Arabic inscription over the door, which we read, bears the date of A. H. 710, corresponding to A. D. 1310; showing the time when the tower was commenced. This is further confirmed by the testimony of Mejr ed-Din, the author of a valuable Arabic history of Jerusalem and several other towns, written in A. D. 1495. He relates, that the Khalif Ncasir Muhammed Ibn Kalawuin, (who was restored to the throne of Egypt in A. D. 1310,) built here a minaret, unique for its loftiness and elegance, which was finished in A. H. 718. This allows eight years for the completion of the work.3 Eutychii Annales II. pp. 512, 513. s Mejr ed-Din in Fundgr. des Orients Oxon. 1658. II. p. 136.-Volney mentions the inscrip2 See a list of the establishments of the tion over the door, as recording that this Templars in the province of Jerusalem, in tower was built by Seif ed-Din; Voyage Mlnter's Statutenbuch des Ordens der Tem- II. p. 308. If this name actually stands pelherrn, I. pp. 418, 419. Berl. 1794. in the inscription, it is probably in coniii. 37, 38

238 ER-r.AMLEI. [SEC. XIII. The same writer informs us, that the ancient mosk, with which this minaret was connected, was situated outside of the town, and surrounded by many tombs. In his day it was known as the White mosk; though little of the ancient structure remained. It had been built originally by Suleiman, son of'Abd el-Melek, the founder of Ramleh, on his accession to the Khalifate in A. D. 717; and was renewed during the reign of Saladin by a person of his court in A. D. 1190, a year before the dismantling of Ramleh by that Sultan.' Another Arabian writer, el-Khrilil Ibn Shahin edh-Dhbhiry, about A. D. 1450, speaks of the same White mosk at Ramleh as particularly worthy of admiration; and mentions also its subterranean crypts, in which forty companions of the prophet were said to be interred.2 There is probably some connection between this legend and that of the forty Christian martyrs, whom the Latins hold to be buried here; but which of the two is the original, it may be difficult to determine. I have above remarked, that the remains of the quadrangle have much the appearance of a large and splendid Khan, while the crypts resemble subterranean magazines; and such a Khan would here be entirely in its place, on the great caravan road between Egypt and Damascus. Yet we have no historcal or traditional evidence to any such fact. If then, as Arabian writers seem to represent, the whole was once a mosk, this quadrangle probably formed an enclosure, similar to that of the Haram eshSherif at Jerusalem, surrounding a court in which the mosk or minosks were erected. The chambers along the walls of the quadrangle, may then have served for the attendants of the mosks, and for Derwishes, as is still the case at Jerusalem. The mosks themselves have disappeared; perhaps the materials have been employed for the erection of other buildings in the town itself. Scholz relates, that there are inscriptions, importing that the Muslims after the crusades built three mosks within this quadrangle; a large one on the north, and two smaller ones on the southern side, with two saint's chapels in the middle. This would be much like the present arrangement of the Haram at Jerusalem; but our attention was not called to the subject at the time; and I regret that these inscriptions escaped our notice. Mejr ed-Din certifies also to the building of mosks at Ramleh, in the time of the Khalif Nasir Muhammed above nection with the mention of Kalawhn, the See Extracts from edh-Dhihiry in father of Nasir, who bore that appellation, Rosenmiller's Analecta Arabica, Pars IIl. and died A. H. 689, twenty years before p. 18 of the Arabic; pp. 37, 38, Lat. the building of the tower. —For the views Scholz Reise etc. p. 148. There may of some later travellers, see Ritter Erdk. perhaps be some doubt as to the interpreXVI. p. 585 sq. tation, if not as to the existence of these Mejr ed-Din, 1. c. pp. 136, 137. inscriptions. iii. 38-40

JUNE 8.] NOT RAMAH. 239 mentioned; which, in the writer's day, like the rest of the place, were in ruins.' We may now inquire, whether there is any evidence to connect the present Ramleh with an ancient Ramah; either the Ramathaim-Zophimn of Samuel, or the Arimathea of the New Testament? Since the time of the crusades, such a connection has been generally assumed, chiefly upon the strength of a supposed identity or resemblance of the two names, supported by the ancient mention of a Ramah or Ramathem in the vicinity. That a place called Ramathem or Ramatha did anciently exist in this region, somewhere not far distant from Lydda, admits of little question. In the letter of Demetrius Nicator to Lasthenes, preserved in the first book of Maccabees and by: Josephus, he speaks expressly of three districts, Apherima, Lydda, and Ramathem, which had been annexed to Judea from Samaria.2 Further, both Eusebius and Jerome mention an Armatha Sophim in the Tamnitic region near to Lydda, and regard it as the city of Samuel and the Arimathea of the New Testament.3 This testimony is decisive, as to the existence of a place and district called Ramathem,4 not far from Lydda, and within the region or toparchy of Thamna. But does this evidence go to show any connection between this Ramathem and the modern Ramleh? In itself it certainly does not; and after having had the subject long before my mind, I am constrained to admit, that the balance of probabilities seems to be against the identity of the two. First, the two names Ramah (Ramathem) and Ramleh, instead of being identical or even kindred, are totally diverse both in etymology and meaning. Ramleh signifies " sand," and is thus appropriately applied to the town as situated in a sandy plain;5 while Ramah is "a height, hill," and is therefore here wholly inapplicable. The names too come from different roots, l Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 136. sepelivit; et Nobe urbem quondam sacer2 Kal'robs'rpess dtLboVS,'Apefpbea Kal dotum, nunc tumulum occisorum; Joppen WA(av Kcal'Paa, ae'trvess qrpo'ere sraav quoque," etc.-The Ramah which Jerome -r.'IouVaIa &r'rr is:aUape'Tr'os, 1 Macc. once couples with Beth-horon, refers un11, 34, and Joseph. Ant. 13. 4. 9. These questionably to er-Rm north of Jerusalem, three districts are elsewhere several times the Ramah of Benjamin; see Vol. I. pp. alluded to, without naming them; e. g. 1 576-578. Yet Dr Clarke refers it to Mac. 10, 30. 38. Jos. Ant. 13. 2. 3. ib. Ramlch! Travels II. i. p. 634. 4to. 13. 4. 9. See Pbeland's comments, Palhest. 4 The name Ramathem ('Paua.,u) is pp. 178, 179. simply the Greek form for the Heb. 3 Onomast. " Armnatha Sophim, civitas n Ramuhcaim. With the article Elchanve et Samuelis in regione Tamnitica (in-v,"i) this would readily pass over juxta Diospolim, unde fuit Joseph qui in into the Greek'ApiAataiaa Arinmatehea, of Evangeliis ab Arimathia esse scribitur." the New Testament. So too Jerome in Ep. 86 ad Eustoch. Epi- 5 It is also sometimes applied to a sandy taph. Paule, p. 673, "Et Lyddam versam plain itself; e. g. to the great tract of sand in Diospolim (vidit)-haud procul ab ea south of Jebel et-Tih towards Sinai. See Arimathiam viculumn Joseph qui Dominum Vol. I. p. 77. iii. 40. 41

240 ER-RAMLEHI. [SEC. XIII. and have no more etymological affinity than Ramah and Bramah, or Poland and Portland. The Arabian history of the founding of Ramleh affords an easy explanation, why the name should have been adopted; while as to Ramah, the supposition would be far more probable, that it was situated upon one of the hills not far distant from Lydda towards the northeast. It is somewhat remarkable too, if this ancient Ramah occupied the site of Ramleh, so near to Lydda and in full view from that place, that none of the early pilgrims should allude to it. Both the Bourdeaux pilgrim in A. D. 333, and St. Willibald about A. D. 765, mention Lydda and Emmaus (Nicopolis); and it is hardly conceivable, that they should have passed by Ramah or Arimathea, which in that case lay very near, without some notice, as the city of Joseph. Yet they have no allusion to the name or place; and the first mention of it, as we have seen, is by the monk Bernard a century later, who speaks of it only as Ramleh. All this goes to sustain the testimony of Abulfeda and William of Tyre.' Further, by combining several notices of Eusebius and Jerome, it appears to follow, that the Ramah (Arimathea) of which they speak, did actually lie somewhere eastward from Lydda, as I have above conjectured. It was, as we have seen, in the Tamnnitic region near to Lydda. But Thamna, which gave name to a toparchy, is described by the same writers as a large village in the borders of Lydda, on the way to Jerusalem.2 And from another passage, it appears, that the Tamnitic district extended not less than fifteen Roman miles on the north (or northeast) of Lydda; which point they still describe as on the borders of the latter city, although this was the head of a different toparchy.3 Hence, as the district in which their Ramah lay, stretched thus far on the east and north of Lydda, we are hardly entitled to assume, that it also,extended around to the southwest of that town, so as to include a place so near it in that direction as Ramleh. Nor is their expression " near by Lydda" (juxta Diospolim) to be pressed to an extreme; Lydda itself is said to be " near to Joppa," although the two places are three hours distant from each other.4 Hence, as this Ramah seems to have been situated on the northeast of Lydda, and the name implies that it stood upon a i See p. 234, above. ab ea milibus distans contra septentrionem 2 Onomast. " Thamna-ostenditur ho- in regione Thamnitica." For the names dieque prsegrandis vicus in finibus Dios- of the toparchies, Emmaus, Thamna, poleos euntihus AEliam."-Ibid. "II tnan Lydda, Joppe, etc. see Ptol. 5. 14. Joseph. -proximus Thamnxe vico grandi, qui si- B. J. 3. 3. 5. Reland Pal. p. 176. tus-est inter AEliam et Diospolim." 4 See above, p. 239, n. 3. —Acts 9, 3 Onomast. " Bethsalisa — est autem 38'Ey7Ys a' ovens A6Mjs T7 IOS T?1p villa in finibus Diospoleos, quindecim fenne iii. 41-43

JUNE, 8.] NOT RAMAEI. 241'height,' we are most probably to look for it somewhere in the tract of hills between the mountain and the plain. We however fell in with no further trace of it; and my purpose here has been, not so much to show where it lay, as to point out the circumstances which render it improbable, that Ramah was identical with Ramleh.' In accordance with this view, and witl the testimony of Abulfeda, most of the earliest crusaders speak of the place only as Ramleh, and appear not to have thought of any Ramah.2 Yet the hypothesis of their identity must have soon sprung up; for Benjamin of Tudela not long after A. D. 1160, speaks of the place as the ancient Ramah, and relates the fable of the bones of Samuel.3 Yet the scholars of the age did not adopt the common view; for, twenty years afterwards, William of Tyre expressly rejects it, and follows the testimony of Arabian writers, that Ramleh had been first founded by the Muhammedans.4 But the influence of his learning could not stem the tide of legend-loving credulity; and in the time of Brocardus, a century later, we find Ramleh fully installed as the Arimathea of Joseph, and also as the Ramathaim-Zophim of Samuel in Mount Ephraim.5 Yet long before this time, the present Neby Samwil was already held to be the latter place. I have already adduced reasons enough to show, that the city of Samuel could not have been at Neby Samwil, and still less at the Ramathem (Armatha) of Eusebius and Jerome near Lydda, wherever this may have lain.6 The idea that this Ramah may have been the Arimathea of the New Testament, is not in itself improbable; and it may be said too, that these fathers lived near the apostolic age, when a correct tradition might still be extant. Yet, on the other hand, in the very same article, they make the place also to have been the city of Samuel, which is impossible. Hence, the position of the scriptural Arimathea must, I think, be still regarded as unsettled. Instead of proceeding directly from Ramleh to Jerusalem, we would gladly have first availed ourselves of the opportunity to visit Yffa, the ruins of Caesarea (Kaisariyeh), and other points along the coast; and also to search for the site of Antipatris and other ancient places in the plain. But our time was limited; and we knew that the coast had been perhaps better I See more on this Ramah in Vol. III. cis fuisse temporibus, frequens habet Sect III, under Apr. 26th, 1852. opinio; quam post tempora seductoris Ma2 See above, p. 235, n. 2. humeth, ejus successores Arabum princiSee Vol. I. p. 459, n. 5. Benj. of Tud. pes, veteres tradunt historit, fundasse." pp. 78, 79. 5 Brocardus, c. 9. p. 184. Adrichomius, Will. Tyr. 10. 17, " Est autem Ramu- p. 29. So too as Arimathea, Raumer Pala civitas in campestribus sita, juxta Lid- list. Ed. 3, p. 197. dam, qua est Diospolis; hujus antiquurn See Vol. I. pp. 458, 459. #zomen non reperi; sed neque ipsam prisVOL. JI.-21 iii. 43, 44

242 ER-RAMLEH. [SEC. XIII. explored, than any other part of Palestine. Besides, the heat of summer had already come; and the experience of the last two days had warned us of what we must expect, if we continued in the plain. With reluctance, therefore, for- once, we set our faces towards the mountains and the Holy- City; leaving the plain to be explored by future travellers, under. more favourable auspices. A few notices are all that I can here give. We have seen above, that in the destruction of Eleutheropolis, Gaza, and Askelon, which took place A. D.:796, a city called, Sariphma shared the same. fate;: which therefore probably lay somewhere in the plain.' The name of Stephen, bishop of Saripha, is found among the subscriptions to. the council of Jerusalem in A. D. 536; though this city occurs as a bishopric in none of the ecclesiastical lists of Palestine..2:Reland suggests with probability, that it.: may have been the place now -called SSutrafend, a village on the road: from Ramleh to Yffa, half an hour from Ranmleh and an hour before Beit Dejan.3 In the district of Ludd, and apparently not far -from that town, our lists give the name of an inhabited village el-Yehcldiyeh. Is this perhaps the Jehlld of the children of Dan?4 Antipatris was built up by Herod the Great, and so named in honour of his. father Antipater, on the site of a former place called Caphar Saba. The spot was well watered and fertile; a stream also flowed around the city, and groves of large trees were near.5 To Antipatris the soldiers brought Paul by night from Jerusalem, on the route to Cuesarea; and then returned, leaving the. horsemen to go on with him alone.6 Antipatris lay between Cuesarea and Lydda; and the distance from Caesarea, according to the Bourdeaux pilgrim, was twenty-six Roman miles.' All these circumstances go to show, that Antipatris stood in the midst of the plain, and not upon the sea coast; and could not therefore have been at Arsulf, where the crusaders supposed they found it.8 See above, p. 62, n. 2. 6 Acts 23, 31. 32. 2.TrpavOS TroICo7rTOS 2apudpatas, Lat. 7 Hieron. Epitaph. Paulhe, p. 673 ed. " Stephanus episcopus Scarphiensis et Sa- Mart. Itin. IHieros. ed. Wesseling, p. 600. ripheeensis; " Labb. Concilior. Coll. Tom. Reland Pal. p. 417..-The same Itinerary V. col. 283. C. Reland Palest. p. 987. gives the distance of Antipatrisfrom Lydda Le Quien Oriens Clr. III. p. 630. at X Roman miles. " Reland ibid. pp. 987, 988. Our lists s Will. Tyr. 9. 19. ib. 14. 16. Jac. de give two sites called Sdrafend, one in ruins Vitr. c. 23. p. 1067. Marin. Sanut. p. and the other inhabited.by Muhammedans. 152. Brocardus, c. 10. p. 186. Comp. 4 Josh. 19, 45. Reland Palmst. pp. 569, 570.-Arsuif, so 5 Joseph. Ant. 16. 5. 2, IKaopapoafd — renowned in the history of the crusades, 7roTalo. e T 7repLpPfO ETOS T'rj, 7XLY aE'ur',, is now a deserted:village at the mouth of Kcal IcX. This matter of a stream must Nahr ArsUf, a small stream 2. hours north not be pressed too literally. It was doubt- of the village el-Haram, or about 6 hours less merely a Wady, which, coming. from from Y~fa.. See Irby and Mangle's Trathe mountains, had water in it onlya part vels, p. 189. [59.] The stream is called of the year. on Jacotin's map el-Haddar. ArsUff is iii. 44-46

JNE 9.] - CITIES IN THE PLAIN;. 243 Prokesch, in travelling from Ramleh northwards through the plain, passed a village some distance north of Ras el-'Ain, the name of which he writes "Kaffr Suba;" the identity of which with Antipatris has been suggested by Raumer. In the same neighbourhood, our lists contain the name of a village Jiljfuleh, corresponding to the ancient Galgula which Eusebius and Jerome place at six Roman miles north of Antipatris.2 This was perhaps the Gilgal in the region of Dor, whose king was subdued by Joshua;3 though it would seem to lie too far south. As we learned nothing more of this part of the great western plain, and travelled also from Ramleh to Jerusalem by a route more circuitous than the common one, I subjoin in a note two Itineraries which have reference to these regions. One is- from notes made by my friend Mr Smith, during a journey in A. D. 1835, along the coast from'Akka to Yafa, and thence by the direct road to Jerusalem; the other has been kindly furnished me by Mr Lanneau, and gives the ordinary distances in time along the same road from Jerusalem to Y~fa. The regular and well known rate with horses or mules from the Holy City to Ramleh, is nine hours; and from Ramleh to Y~fa, three hours. Yet, of course, one who travels leisurely, may easily occupy a'longer time; or, also, the distance may be hurried over in a shorter interval. It must also be borne in mind, that from Yafa to Latron, six hours, the way is mostly level; while the remaining half, quite to Jerusalem, is a difficult mountain road.4 Satutrday, June 9th. After a few hours of uneasy tossing on our couches, we thought it better to enjoy the cool air of the night abroad, and improve the beautiful moonlight, rather than waste the same time in vain attempts to sleep, pent up beneath a roof. We accordingly rose soon after 2 o'clock, made ourselves ready, and despatched Ibrahim for the Mukary and horses. We intended to have departed without disturbing the family; but as we descended the stairs, we found our host and his two sons waiting to see us off. Coffee was brought; and we at length bade farewell to our friends, not without respect and gratitude for their unaffected kindness and hospitality. At 3 o'clock we were upon our way; and found Qurselves greatly refreshed by probably the ancient Apollonia; Reland 2 Onomast. art. Gelgel. In Greek Pal. p. 573. raX-ouXv. Jacotin's map has a Jiljuleh Palast. ed. 3. pp. 131, 132.-Kefr SA- about the same distance towards the south. ba was visited by Rev. E. Smith in 1843; 3 Josh. 12, 23. Probably the Gilgal of see Biblioth. Sac. 1843, p. 490 sq. We Neh. 12, 29 and I Macc. 9, 2, was the likewise saw it in 1852; see Vol. III. same. Comp. Vol. I. p. 557, n. 3. Sect. III, under Apr. 24th, 1852. 4 See Note XL, end of the volume. iii. 460-48

244 FRO'M RAMLEH TO JEIRUSALEM. [Svc. XIII. the cool morning breeze. Our road lay over the level tract, on a straight course to Ludcld. On the way, we saw several caravans of camels encamped for the night; they were apparently travelling upon the great caravan road from Egypt to Damascus, which, touching Gaza, Ramleh, and Ludd, proceeds northwards through the plain; and then, at or near el-Lejjin, passes into the great plain of Esdraelon, and so to the foot of Mount Tabor. We reached Ludd at 3- o'clock, just as the first streaks of dawn were shooting up in the eastern sky, though not as yet enough to counteract the mild brilliancy of the declining moon. Ludd is a considerable village of small houses; but has nothing to distinguish it from ordinary Muhammedan villages, except the ruins of the celebrated church of St. George. It is still the, nominal seat of a Greek bishop; who however resides at Jerusalem.' All was now hushed in silence and sleep. We proceeded directly to the ruins in the southern quarter of the town, and found access to them without difficulty. The edifice must have been very large. The walls of the eastern end are standing only in the parts near the altar, including the arch over the latter; but the western end remains more perfect, and has been built into a large mosk; the lofty minaret of which forms the landmark of Ludd. The intervening portions of the walls are gone; but several of the columns remain, and one lofty pointed arch on the south of the grand aisle. The columns along this aisle are of a peculiar construction; a square shaft or body, and then on each of the four sides a pilaster with a column attached. We measured the width of the grand aisle, between the centres of the columns, thirty-six feet; and the northern side aisle to the wall, twenty-one feet; which gives seventyeight feet for the interior breadth of the church. The length we could not determine. We saw these noble ruins by the bright yet mellow light of the full moon; the lofty remaining arch towered in imposing majesty; and the effect of the whole, though mournful, was yet indescribably impressive. It transported me back to the similar, but far more perfect moonlight grandeur of the Coliseum. The history of Lydda as a city may be soon told. It appears to have been first built by Benjamites, though lying out of the limits of that tribe; it bore in Hebrew the name Lod, and was inhabited again by Benjamites after the exile.2 Demetrius Nicator, as we have seen, transferred it, with its district, from Samaria to Judea.3 After the death of Julius Caesar, Cassius was for a time in Palestine, and greatly oppressed the land; reducing whole cities to servitude, and selling as slaves the 1 See above, Vol. I. I. p. 424. Y See p. 239, above. 2 1 Chr. 8, 12. Ezra 2, 33. Neb. 11, 35. iii. 48-50

JUNE 9.] LUDD, LYDDA. 245 inhabitants of Gophna, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamna; who-at a later period were again set at liberty and restored to their homes, by a decree of Antony.' The next notice of Lydda is as the scene of Peter's miracle in healing Eneas.2 Some years later, Cestius Gallus, the Roman proconsul under Nero, marching from Caesarea against Jerusalem, took Lydda in his way, and laid it in ashes.3 It must have soon revived again; for we'find it, not long after, as the head of one of the toparchies of the later Judea; as such it surrendered to Vespasian.4 At that time it is described by Josephus as a village not inferior in size to a city; and is also celebrated by the Rabbins as a seat of Jewish learning. In the general change of names which took place in Palestine under the Roman dominion, Lydda became Diospolis. As such its name is found on coins struck under Septimius Severus and Caracalla; and is often mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome.6 It was early a bishopric of the First Palestine, and at the different councils, its bishops subscribe themselves variously as of Lydda or Diospolis.7 In the Greek ecclesiastical Notitia it stands as Diospolis; in the later Latin ones, again as Lydda.8 In the earliest of all, it is placed of course under the metropolis Caesarea; but is afterwards marked as a suffragan see; that is, as standing immediately under the patriarch- of Jerusalem, without the intervention of a metropolitan. The latest bishop distinctly mentioned is Apollonius in A. D. 518.9-In A. D. 415 Pelagius appeared here before a tumultuous council."~ Lydda became early connected in history with the homage paid to the celebrated saint and martyr St. George, not less renowned in the east, than at a later period in the west. The earliest calendars and legends relate, that this saint was born in Lydda; suffered martyrdom at Nicomedia in the earliest persecution under Diocletian and Maximian, near the close of the third century; whence his remains were transferred to his native place, and a church afterwards erected in his honour."T Whatever 1 Joseph. Ant. 14. 11. 2. ib. 14. 12. 2-5. fers to Josephus as already using the name 2 Acts 9, 32. 35. Diospolis; B. J. 1. 6. 4. But in relating 3 Joseph.- B.- J. 2. 19. 1. elsewhere the same event, the text of Jo4 Ibid. 3. 3. 5. ib. 4. 8. 1. sephus has Delion, another place; Antiq. Jos. Ant. 20. 6. 2. Lightfoot Opp. 14. 3. 3. II. p. 145. 7 See Reland Pal. p. 888. Le Quien 6For the coins, see Vaillant Numism. Oriens Chr. III. p. 582 sq. Imp. et Coes. p. 350. Eckhel Nummor. Reland ibid. pp. 215, 220, 222, 227. Doctr. III. p. 432. Mionnet M6dailles Labb.Concil. Coll. Tom. V. p. 194. Antiq. V. p. 497. Belley in. Mm. de Le Quien ib. p. 585. l'Acad. des Inscr. XXVI. p. 429 sq. —' See above, Vol. I. p. 380. " Lyddam versam in Diospolim; " Iieron. "I follow here throughout the results of Ep. 86, Epit. Paulh p. 673. ed. Mart. Papebroch the Bollandist; Acta Sanctor. Comp. Reland Paleust. p. 877. —The time April. Tom. III. p. 100 sq. See especially when this change of name took place is pp. 106-108. Whoever wishes to know unknown. The Abbe Belley (p. 433) re- more of St. George, will find enough of the VOL. II. —21* iii. 50, 51

246 FROM RAMLEH TO JERUSALEM. [SEC. XIII. may be the variations of the legends respecting his origin and life, all seem to agree in making Lydda his place of sepulture. But at what time the church of St. George at Lydda was built, we have no means of ascertaining. William of Tyre indeed affirms, that it was founded by Justinian; but Procopius, who wrote a treatise on the edifices erected by that emperor, mentions a church of St. George only in Armenia.' This shows sufficiently that the renown of the saint was already widely extended; and that probably therefore the church, or at least his sepulchre at Lydda, is of a still earlier date.2 The earliest historical notices which connect Lydda with St. George, are found in Antoninus Martyr, Adamnanus, and St. Willibald; they speak of it as his city, where he lies buried, but make no express mention of the church.3 Meantime the Muhammedan dominion had spread over Palestine in the seventh century; Lydda had been laid in ruins by Suleiman, son of the Khalif'Abd el-Melek, and Ramleh built up in the vicinity, in the early part of the eighth century.4 Towards the close of the ninth century, the monk Bernard speaks of the monastery of St. George, not far from Ramleh; it was probably connected with the church.5 The crusaders on their arrival at Lydda, found the splendid sepulchre of St. George; the church had just before been levelled to the ground by the Saracens, lest it should afford to the Christians materials and opportunity for assaulting the city itself. Hence, it appears, that the church then stood outside of the city.6 The crusaders established at once a bishopric of Lydda and Ramleh, as already related; and Latin bishops continued to bear this title for several centuries.7 The church appears to have been soon rebuilt; though I find no direct historical evidence to that effect.8 The crusaders, as we have seen, paid great honours to St. George,.and investe4 him with the dignity of their legends and Acta there collected. See lence of Eusebius is here a decisive objecalso Heylin's Hist. of St. George, Ed. 2, tion; the flatterer of that emperor would Lond. 1633. 4.-The attempt of Gibbon not have passed over such a merit in his to connect the St. George of England with patron, taking place too almost under his the opponent of St. Athanasius, who was own eye. killed in a popular tumult in Alexandria 3 Antoninus Mart. about A. D. 600, Itin. in the fourth century, seems to proceed 30. Adamnanus 3. 4. St. WillibaldiHofrom his spirit, rather than from his judg- depor. 21. p. 377, ed. Mabillon. ment. Chap. XXIII. 4 See p. 234, above. 1 Will. Tyr. 7. 22. Procop. de LEdific. 5 De Locis Sanct. 10. See above, p. Just. 3. 4, Kcai epbv rEagwpyt't,, jU pPTupt 234. fv BLtavos FEtE[uaTo. Procopius is here 6 Will. Tyr. 7. 22. speaking expressly of Armenia; in enu- Le Quien Oriens Chr. III. p. 1271 sq. merating the edifices erected in Palestine, See generally above, p. 235, and n. 2. he makes no mention of Lydda. See ib. 8 In A. D. 1123, we have an act sub5. 7. scribed among others by "Rogerus Lid2 Papebroch inclines to refer it to Con- densis St. Georgii episcopus." Will. Tyr. stantine himself; 1. c. p. 109. But the si- 12. 25. iii. 52, 53

JuIn 9.], LYDDA. HISTORICAL NOTICES. 247 patron; and from this time, apparently, his renown spread still more widely throughout Europe; where he in like manner became the patron, not only of England, but also of several other states and kingdoms.' Lydda being situated thus near to Ramleh, appears to have followed very much the fortunes of the latter place during the wars of the crusades. About A. D. 1177 it was violently assaulted by the renegade Ivelin; and the inhabitants all betook themselves to the church of St. George, now of course within the town.2 It fell with Ramleh into the hands of Saladin after the battle of Hattin. That Sultan, on the approach of Richard in A. D. 1191, caused the church of Lydda, which was like a strong fortress, to bQ razed, along with the castle of Ramleh; and Bohaeddin affirms expressly, that both still lay in ruins when he wrote.3 It afterwards reverted with Ramleh to the possession of the Christians; at first only in part, and then wholly; and probably fell back with that ilace under the Muhammedan dominion in A. D. 1266, if not earlier.4 In A. D. 1271 it was laid waste by the AIogols, with whom Prince Edward of England, (afterwards Edward I,) had made a league in aid of the Christians.' From this time onward we hear little more of Lydda.6 Towards the middle of the fourteenth century Ludolph de Suchem speaks of the church of St. George, with marble and Mosaic work; but does not say whether it was or was not in ruins, or whether he himself saw it.7 When Fabri visited it in A. D. 1483, the church, though broken down, was in part occupied by the Greeks; and lamps were kept continually burning.8 The mosk had already been erected in the western part, with a lofty minaret; indeed the language of Mejr ed-Din seems to imply, that the church, as such, had never been rebuilt after its destruction by Saladin.9 In the middle of the sixteenth century, we first find an intimation, that this church of St. George at Lydda was built by a king of England. This is asserted by Bonifacius; who however was not able to determine the name of the monarch; and the same is repeated from him by subsequent E. g. Malta, the republic of Genoa, 10. p. 186. Marinus Sanutus calls it St. the kingdoms of Arragon and Valencia, George, as the birthplace of that saint, p. etc. Papebroch 1. c. p. 160. 249. So too Jacob de Vitr. c. 57. p. 1078. 2 Will. Tyr. 21. 21, "Contulerat sane 7 Itin. p. 50. se populus omnis super ecclesiam beati 8 Reissbuch p. 240. martyris Georoii." 9 I1 y avait une eglise richement dot6e Bohaeddin, pp. 258, 259. See above, des chr6tiens et en grande renomm6e chez p. 235, n. 5. eux; elle fut ruinSe par Salaheddin. Au4 See above, p. 236. jourd'hui-il y a une mosqu6c qui Stait 6 Hugo Plagon p. 745. Marin. Sanut. autrefois une eglise grecque avec un minap. 224. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. VII. p. ret trWs-61ev6;" Mejr ed-Din, translated 598. by Von Hammer, Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 6 Brocardus merely mentions Lydda, c. 136. iii. 53) 54

248 FROM: RAMLEH TO JERUSALEM. [SEC. XIII. writers.' The deficiency is however supplied by Cotovicus in the same century, who gives the name of Richard of England;2 and the like rumour is current among the Franks in Palestine, unto the present day. On this legend, for itis probably nothing more, I would remark, that it may easily have sprung up out of the high honours paid in England to St. George, as the patron saint of the country. It was also very natural to connect the rebuilding of the church with Richard, who had himself been in the Holy Land, and was distinguished as the most, renowned and chivalrous of all the champions of the cross. Unfortunately, all the known facts in the case go to contradict the story. Vinisauf, the eyewitness and historian of Richard's deeds in. Palestine, has not a word respecting the church of St. George;3 and we have just, seen, that after the destruction of the edifice by Saladin, it was certainly not built up again for some time,- and probably never. Hence, the utmost that can Be supposed as a foundation for the report in question, seems to be, that funds might have been remitted from England, perhaps in aid of the church originally erected by the crusaders. But the first appearance of the story three or four centuries later, in a work notorious for its credu]ous narratives; and the fact that no other authority or testimony has ever yet been found; give to the whole account an air of fable. One is almost tempted to suppose, that the story, by a rule of contraries, may rather have sprung up from the actual connection of Prince Edward with the destruction of Lydda in A. D. 1271. We left Ludd at 4 o'clock, crossing immediately a Wady, or low tract, running off northwards, where it goes to form a tributary of the river el-'Aujeh, (sometimes also called Butrus, St. Peter,) which enters the sea two hours north of Yafa. From Ludd, the great camel road to Jerusalem leads directly by Jimzu; but our Mukcry, either: by mistake or to get us upon another road, took us nearly half an hour out of the way, by going further south to DaniyAl. The path led still along the plain. At 4.40 we reached the large well belonging to the latter place, still in the plain west of the hills; where a yoke of oxen were drawing water, travelling off with the rope in a straight line from the well, and then back. By measuring the ground thus passed Bonifacius de perenni cultu Terra aliqui putant." The conjecture lay near a Sancte, lib. 2, "Perhibent: Terrse Sanctoe hand. Annales istam- Ecclesiam fabricatam esse 3 That Vinisauf was himself in Palesa quodam Rege Anglorum, cujus nomen tine with Richard, appears from lib. VI. c. non inveni; " quoted in Quaresmius II. p. 23, where he relates the'visit of the second 9. See Zuallart Viaggio, p. 110. company of pilgrims to Jerusalem in the 2 Cotov. Itin. p. 138. The writer is first person plural, as an eyewitness. Gale careful to add the saving clause: " Ut Hist. Angl. Scriptores, II. p. 425. iii. 54-56

JUNE 9.] JIMZU, GIMZO. 249 over, we found the depth of the well to be one hundred and sixty feet. Here we lost a few minutes. The village lies some five minutes further east, upon an eminence, in the very verge of the hilly region between the plain and mountains. It is small, and takes its name Neby DAniyal (Daniel) from a Wely near by.' We here entered the hill country, similar to that through which we had travelled south of Wady es-Sir'r, though somewhat less fertile; and like that full of villages, many of which are in ruins. We left Daniyal at 4.50 and reached Jimzu at 5.20, in half an hour. This is a common and rather large village; and so situated on an eminence, as to make quite a show at a distance. The road passes along under the village on the north side. Here were many threshing-floors in operation; and also many subterranean magazines for grain, like cisterns, such as we found in most villages.2 The name Jimzu appears hitherto to have escaped the notice of travellers; but it is impossible not to recognise in it the Gimzo once mentioned in the Old Testament, as having been occupied by the Philistines along with Beth-shemesh, Ajalon, and other cities of the hills and plain.3 Just beyond Jimzu, the great road divides into two branches; one passing on directly and ascending the mountain by Beit'Ur; the other diverging more to the south, and leading up through Wady SuleimAn. The two unite again above, at or nea~r el-Jib. Our purpose was to take the path leading by Beit'Ur; but the Mukary, for reasons of his own, deceived us, and took the other road towards Wady Suleiman, probably as being the easiest. This led us at 6.20 to the village Berfilya, on our right. Soon afterwards, we began to descend gradually into a broad open valley or plain. Here, discovering our mistake, we determined to change our course, and cross over the fields towards the left to the other road. This the muleteer absolutely refused to do, and kept on his way; leaving us to follow or do as we pleased. We struck out into the fields, and soon found a crossroad leading in an easterly direction. This led us at 7.20 to a small village, called el-Burj; situated on an isolated hill surrounded by open valleys and plains. The name is modern; but there are here evident traces of an ancient site, apparently once fortified. Half an hour further, in the same direction, brought us obliquely into the public road we were in search of, near a well and ruin called Um Rfish, apparently once a Mukam or Wely. F1 rom DMniycll the bearing of Ludd 2 From Jimzu, Ludd bore N. 50~ W. was N. 3~ W. Jimzu, S. 85~ E. ~ 2 Chron. 28, 18. iii. 56, 57

250 FROM RABILEH TO JERUSALEM. [SEc. XIII. Here at 7.50 we stopped for breakfast; having lost about twenty minutes by our mistake in the road. At this place we had our choice of three large and spreading trees, under which to breakfast; a fig tree, an oak, and a KIharfb.2 We chose the oak, because the ground beneath it was more level and commodious. A man and boy were drawing water at the well; from whom we got a supply for ourselves and also for our horses; though as there was no trough or bowl at hand, we could let the latter drink only by pouring the water from the narrow leather bucket upon the ground. We set off again at 9.20, and began almost immediately to descend into a valley running off towards the south. Here after eight or ten minutes was another well by the way side, where a peasant was watering his young cattle in a wooden bowl instead of a trough; he rather ungraciously admitted our horses to a share. At 91 o'clock we had on our left, about fifteen minutes distant, a village called Stiffa. We had fallen in with two or three females travelling the same way; and now in ascending the hill from the Wady, we found that they were from Riimmon. One of them was a mother, whose son had been seized as a soldier; she had been down to Yafa to visit him, and was returning in sadness, never expecting to see him again. At 10.20 we came to a village on the top of the low ridge, called, Beit'Ur et-Tahta (the lower).:It is small;: but the foundations -of large stones indicate an ancient site, doubtless the nether Beth-hor'on of the Old Testament.3 This place is still separated from the foot of the high mountain by a Wady, which comes out from the mountain somewhat further to the left and turns south.4- This we crossed; and then began the long and steep ascent. The way winds up along the extremity of a sort of promontory, jutting out between two deep valleys as they issue from the mountain; one of them being that which we had just crossed. The ascent is very From this well, at Um Rubsh, we could long and a finger broad. They are eaten see the following places: el-Burj, S.- 85~ with relish by the common people; and WT. Deir Ma'in, S. 50~ W. RAs Kerker, are used extensively by them as an article N. 62~ E. Deir Abu Mesh'al,. N. 18~ E. of sustenance. We had them dry on board Deir Kadis, N. 15~ E. For these last there of our boat on the Nile in January; steeped places, see other bearings at Belt'Ur, in water they afforded a pleasant-drink. further on; and also those at Ram-Allah, -These are the KEpdcra of Luke 15, 16, Vol. I. p. 453, n. 2. (Engfl. Version incorrectly "husks,") on 2 The Ceratonia siliqua of. Linnmus, which the swine were fed; as is not unEngl. Carob, Fr. Caroubier, Germ. Johan- common at the present day. See Celsii nisbrodbaucn, common in Syria, Egypt, Hierob. 1. p. 226. Hasselquist Reise, p. Greece, and all the southern parts of Eu- 531. rope, and sometimes growing very large. - S I Chron. 7, 24. See more on the next The tree produces slender pods, shaped like page. a horn or sickle, containing a sweetish pulp 4 This Wady, or the one next north, is and several small shining seeds. These the deep valley which passes down on the pods are sometimes eight or ten inches north of Rhm-Allah. iii. 57-59

TUlY 9.] BETIa-HOON.- 251 rocky and rough; but the rock has been cut away in many places, and the path formed into steps; showing that this is an ancient road. At 10- o'clock we reached the top of the first offset or step of the ascent; here are foundations of large stones, the remains perhaps of a castle which once guarded the pass. At 11.20 we came out on the summit of the promontory, where stands the village Beit'Ur el-Foka (the upper), on an eminence upon the very brow of the mountain, with a deep valley on each side, both north and south. Further east, towards the plain around el-Jib, the ground still rises in rocky hills; but with a much more gradual ascent. The village is small, but exhibits traces of ancient walls and -foundations. Just below the little hill on which it stands, towards the east, is a small but very ancient reservoir. There can be no question, but that this village and the one at the bottom of- the mountain, Beit.'Ur the upper and lower, represent the ancient upper and nether Beth-horon.l In the name, we find the rather unusual change, from one harsh Hebrew guttural to one still deeper and more tenacious in the Arabic;2 in all other respects the name, position, and other circumstances agree. The nether Beth-horon lay at the northwest corner of the territory of Benjamin; and between the two places was a pass, called both the ascent and descent of Beth-horon, leading from the region of Gibeon (el-Jib) down to the western plain.3 Down this path Joshua drove the five kings of the Amorites, who made war upon Gibeon.4 Both the upper and lower. town were afterwards fortified by Solomon.5 At one of them, Nica-:nor was attacked by Judas Maccabaeus:; and the same was afterwards fortified by the Syrian Bacchides.6 Cestius Gallus, the Roman proconsul of Syria under Nero, on his expedition from Cesarea to Jerusalem, after having burned Lydda, ascended the mountain by Beth-horon, and encamped near Gibeon.7 By the same road perhaps, the apostle Paul was conducted by night to Antipatris, on his way to Cvesarea.8 In the days of Eusebius and Jerome, the two Beth-horons were small villages; and Jerome makes Paula pass by them both, in ascending from Nicopolis to Gibeon and Jerusalem.9 The distance from Jeru1 Chron. 7, 24. Josh. 16, 5. 17, 13. 1 Macc. 7, 39 sq. 9, 50. Joseph. 2 Heb. i'n r,; the r has passed Arntiq. 12.. 10. 5. ib. 13. 1. 3. over into the Arabic'Ain, there being Jos. B. J. 2. 19. 1. Comp. above, some affinity between these two sounds in Vol. I. p. 456. the corrnptions of' the modern Arabic. 8 Acts 23, 31. 32. 3 Joshl. 18, 13. 14.-Josh. 10, 10. 11. 9 Onomast.. art.. Bethoron. Hieron. Ileb. I/?.i'n> qz. 1 Macc. 3, 16. 24, Comm. in Zeph. i. 15, 16; see above, Gr. &vpdaaLs ial Kcar&$aeLs Bast)opc&i. Vol. I. p. 576. n 5. Hieron. Ep. 86, Epi4 Josh. 10, 1-11. taph. Paulre, p. 673, ed. Mart. 5 2 Chr. 8, 5. 1 Kings 9, 17. iii. 59, 60

252 FROM RAMLEH TO JERUSALEM. [SEc. XIIL salem to (upper) Beth-horon, according to these writers, was twelve Roman miles; according to Josephus one hundred stadia, or fifty stadia from Gibeon. It took us five hours to reach Jerusalem; though as parts of the road are very bad, and our horses were weary and jaded, we did not here travel much if any faster than the rate with camels; which would coincide exactly with Josephus. From all this it appears, that in ancient times, as at the present day, the great road of communication and heavy transport between Jerusalem and the sea-coast, was by the pass of Beth-horon. Whether the wVay through Wady Suleiman, the second valley south of Beit'Ur, which is only a branch of the same road, was then in use, we are nowhere informed; but such was not improbably the case. At present we understood this to be the easier route. Of old, as now, the direct road from Jerusalem to Yafa by Kuryet el-'Enab and WTady'Aly was probably used only by travellers without heavy baggage. That it anciently existed, can hardly be doubted; although I find no direct notice of it.' We heard of no other pass up the mountain between the Wadys Suleiman and'Aly; but Pococke relates, that from el-Kubeibeh, (the Emmaus of the monks,) on the top of the mountain, he descended directly by a path which took him some distance north of Latron, though that place was in sight, and so to Ramleh.2 This however could not have been a much travelled road. From the time of Jerome, nothing more appears of Bethhoron until the present century. The crusaders seem not to have recognised the name, or at least do not mention it. Brocardus and Marinus Sanutus indeed speak of the lower town; but apparently only with reference to scriptural authority, and not as eye or ear witnesses.' The long line of pilgrim travellers since the crusades, have almost uniformly taken the direct route between Ramleh and Jerusalem, and have heard nothing of Beth-horon. In A. D. 1801, by some, chance, Dr Clarke wandered hither from Kuryet el-'Enab, and recognised the ancient appellation in the present name Beit U'r.4 Since then it apThe most direct intimation of such a places, as she had already done in passing road, is perhaps the notice of Eusebius from Cmsarea to Nicopolis, travelling in and Jerome, that Kirjath-jearim lay nine various directions in the plain. It is hardmiles from /Elia on the way to Diospolis. ly to be supposed, that there should not If Kirjath-jearim was the same with the have existed a direct way between Nicopolis present Kuryet el-'Enab, this notice would and Jerusalem, as now; though the easier be decisive. Onomast. art. Cariathiarirn. road may still have been by Beth-horon. -At any rate, the fact that Jerome makes 2 Descript. of the East, II i. p. 50; Paula travel from Nicopolis to Jerusalem comp. p. 6. by way of Beth-horon, (see Text above,) Brocard. c. 9. p. 184. Marin. Sanut. is of no weight to prove that the direct p. 249. road did not then exist; she took the Clarke's Travels, etc. Pt. II. Vol. I. longer route in order to visit remarkable p. 628 sq. 4to. iii. 60-62

JUNE 9.] BETH-HORON. AIJALON. 253 pears not to have been visited again, until some of our friends took it in their way from Y'afa to Jerusalem, a few days before we set off on this excursion.' The inhabitants of Beit'Ur seemed to be mostly absent, probably in the fields or the plain, at work during the harvest. We found several women, and at length also one active old lian drawing water at a neighbouring well. He led us to the roof of a house, where we had a wide and very distinct view of the country around Beth-horon and towards the sea, with all of which he seemed well acquainted. The prospect included the hill country and the plain, as far on the right and left as the eye could reach. The prominent towns were Ramleh and Lydda; we could not make out Yafa. Towards the north were several places, which we had formerly seen from iRam-Allah; particularly R'as Kerker, a castle among the hills.2 Between us and Ramleh we looked down upon a broad and beautiful valley at our feet, formed by the junction of Wady Suleiman, the Wadys on the north and south of Belt'Ur, and others. This valley, or rather plain, runs out W. by N. quite through the tract of hills, and then bends off towards the great western plain. It is called Merj Ibn'Omeir; and we thought we perceived its further course to be on the right of the hills on which Khulda stands. This however was an error; for this Merj is drained by the Wady'Atulla, which passes down just north of el-Kubab and Lydda.3 The interest of this fine plain or valley is enhanced, by its probable connection with a remarkable event of biblical history. Upon the side of the long hill which skirts the valley on the south, we could perceive a small village in the W. S. W. called Yalo, which name cannot well be any other than the ancient Aijalon, the ancient city of that name in the tribe of Dan.4 We find that city coupled with Beth-shemesh and Zorah and Socoh and Ekron;5 which might seem to imply that it lay much further south; but it is at the same time in like manner coupled with Gimzo, which we had passed to-day.6 Jerome informs us, that the Hebrews of his day placed Aijalon about two Roman miles from Nicopolis, on the way to Jerusalem; and if this be reckoned on the road by Beth-horon, it would correspond well to the position of Yalo.7 Eusebius assigns the Aijalon of Dan to the same vicinity.8 There can therefore be little question, that 1 Messrs Nicolayson and Paxton. See III. Sect. III, under Apr. 26th, 1852. Paxton's Letters, Lett. XX. p. 227. Lond. 4 The Sept. and Eusebius write this name 2 Is this perhaps the Calcalia of the AiAc.v. Epiphanius has it'laxod, adv. HIer. crusaders, to which the renegade Ivelin lib. II. p. 702. Reland Pal.. 553. marched, after burning Ramleh and be- 5 Josh. 19, 42. 2 Chr. 11, 10. 28, 18. sieging Lydda for a time in vain? Will. 8 2 Chron. 28, 18. Tyr. 21. 21. 7 Onomast. art. Aialon (AlxcS6/). 9 See more in respect to Yalo in VoL 8 Ibid art. Aialon (Ai#\c6). VOL. 11,-22 iii. 62, 63

254 FROM RAMLEI TO JERUSALEM. [SEC. xm. this village marks the site of the ancient Aijalon; and that the broad Wady on the north of it, is the valley of Aijalon so renowned in the history of Joshua. Here it was, that this leader of Israel, in pursuit of the five kings, having arrived at some point near upper Beth-horon, looked back towards Gibeon and down upon the noble valley before him, and uttered the celebrated command: "Sun, stand thou still on Gibeon; and thou, Moon, in the valley of Aijalon."' A little to the right of Yalo, and in the plain at some distance from the foot of the same hill, a village was pointed out to us called Beit Nifbah. This probably represents the Nobe of Jerome; which also in his day was regarded by some as a Bethannaba, eight Roman miles eastward from Diospolis.2 Jerome appears to refer to this place, when he makes Paula, in the vicinity of Lydda and Arimathea, see Nobe; where he seems to suppose the priests were slain; though, as we have seen, the Nob of the priests must have been in sight of Jerusalem.3 In the age of the crusades, Beit NfTbah became celebrated; first, as the site of the " Castellum Arnaldi," erected by the patriarch and citizens of Jerusalem in order to protect the approaches to that city;4 and then as the place to which Richard of England, in June A. D. 1192, led his army from Askelon on their way to besiege Jerusalem. There, having lingered for several weeks ingloriously, the English monarch turned back with his troops to Ramleh and Joppa; and, after concluding a truce with Saladin,:soon left the country.5 From the notices connected with this march, it appears that Beit Nfibah lay near the western plain, on the great road between el-Jib and Ramleh. It is mentioned by Willebrand of Oldenberg upon the same road in A. D. 1211, and again by Brocardus;' but seems to have been wholly lost sight of from that day to the present time. Among the towns lying upon the mountains south of Bethhoron, one was pointed out to us (though doubtfully) towards the l Josh. 10, 12. Eusebius and Jerome 3 See above, Vol. I. p. 464. place the valley of Aijalon on the east of 4 Will. Tyr. 14. 8. He speaks of the Bethel, and near Gibeah and Ramah of place as " Nobe, qui hodie vulgari appellaBenjamin; in a direction wholly opposite tione dfcitur Bettenuble." Wilken Gesch. to that in which Joshua was pursuing the der Kr. II. p. 615. Amorites; Onomast. art, Aialon, (ADiAch). Gaufr.: Vinisauf 5. 49 sq. p. 399 sq. Yet Jerome, in relating that Paula as- Also 6. 6, 9. p. 408 sq. This writer calls cended from Nicopolis to Jerusalem by the place L"Betenoble" and "Betenopolis." way of the two Beth-horons, makes her Jac. de Vitr. 100. p. 1123. Bohaeddin leave on her right hand the Aijalon and Vit.. Salad. pp. 203, 230, 243. Wilken Gibeon where Joshua commanded the sun Gesch. der Kr. IV. pp. 508-533. and moon to stand still; Epitaph. Paule, Willebr. ab Oldenb. Itin. p. 146, in p. 673, ed. Mart. Allatii Symmikta, Col. Agr. 1653. Bro2 Hieron. Ep. 86 ad Eustoch. Epit. cardus, c. 10. p. 186. Brocardus writes Paulae, p. 673, ed. Mart. Onomast. art. "Bethnopolis," and makes it the same as Anob. Reland Pal. p. 661. Nob of the priests. iii. 63-65

JUNE 9.] BEIT NUBAH. EL-KUBEIBEH. 255 south, as el-Kubeibeh, where it has formerly pleased the monks to fix the site of the village Emmaus of the New Testament; whither the two disciples were going from Jerusalem, as Jesus met them and went with them.' According to Pococke, who visited the spot, it lies about an hour in a westerly direction from Neby Samwil; and in travelling to it from the latter place, he left the village of Biddu on the right, and Beit Sfurik on the left; further west and more towards the -north he saw Beit'Enan, which we also could now see.2 To this hypothesis of the monks there is the objection, that its position is not in accord with the language of Luke, whether the latter ought to read sixty stadia, or more probably one hundred and sixty; el-Kubeibeh being at least three hours, or more than seventy stadia distant from Jerusalem.3 To this we may add, that there never was the slightest ground for connecting elKubeibeh in any way with Emmaus; nor is there any trace of its having been so connected, before the fourteenth century.4 The bearings of these and other places, as seen from the upper Beth-horon, are given in the note below.5 The land around upper Beth-horon is exceedingly rocky, affording little opportunity for tillage. We left the place at 12 o'clock, and continued to ascend gradually among rocky and desolate hills, having all the characteristics of a desert. The ground was in general so strewed with rocks, that it was sometimes difficult to find the way; once we missed the path, and Luke 24, 13-35. Gallen, 1606. In the course of the six2 Descr. of the East. II. i. pp. 49, 50. teenth century, the transfer became comPococke says " three miles," which is his plete; Kubeibeh appears henceforth as usual reckoning for an hour. Comp. also Emmaus, and the place at the foot of the Nau, Voyage p. 502 sq. mountain took the name of"' Castellum See more in connection with'Am- boni Latronis " whence the present Arawas, in Vol. III. Sect. III, under Apr. bic name LStr6n. So Zuallart, p. 242, 27th, 1852. comp. p. 113. Cotovicus, p. 315, comp. 4 The crusaders and the pilgrims of the p. 143. Quaresmius II. p. 719 sq. comp. following centuries, appear to have fixed p. 12 sq.-All these writers and travellers, Emmaus and Nicopolis at Latr6n, on the wherever they may place Emmaus, regard way from Ramleh to Jerusalem; near the it as Nicopolis; making no distinction church dedicated to the Maccabees, which between the village and the city Emmaus, may not improbably mark the traditional nor even inquiring whether it was 60 or site of Modin; see above, p. 232; also pp. 160 stadia from Jerusalem. 6, 7. So Fulcher Carnot. 18, p. 396. 5 Bearings from upper Beth-horon, beginWill. Tyr. 7. 24. Jac. de Vitry, c. 63. p. ningin the southeast andproceeding towards 1081. Brocardus, c. 10. p. 186. Marin.'the right: Bidda S. 24~ E. (?) et-Tireh Sanut. pp. 146, 249. Tncher in Reissb. S. 10~ E. Beit'Enan S. 11~ W. Yl.lo S. p. 658. Breydenbach ibid. p. 105.-Yet 66~ W. Beit Nibah S. 70~ W. el-Kubab in the fourteenth century there are traces, W. Khltrbata N. 85~ W. - Ramleh N. 71 as if a new hypothesis had already be- W. Ludd N. 64~ W. Beit'Ur the lower, gun to transfer the site up the mountain to N. 60~ W. Shffa N. 57~ W. Deir KadWi Kubeibeh. Thus Ludolf de Suchem seems N. 30~ W. Deir Abu Mesh'al N. 10~ W. to speak of Emmaus as in the region of Rais Kerker N. Beit Ellu N. 8~ E. Deir Neby Samwil; Itin. p. 92. Reissb. p. 850. Bezi'a N. 10~ E. Janieh N. 12~ E. Abu So too Tschudi in 1519 places it expressly Zeitfn, a Wely, E. two hours from Jerusalem; p. 115. St. iii. 65-67

256 FROM RAMLEH TO JERUSALEM. [Sec. XIII. lost ten minutes in finding it again. Add to this, the way was winding, and our horses wearied; so that from Beth-horon to elJib our rate of travel was not greater than with camels. At 1.50, we came out upon the top of the whole ascent, and reached the edge of the plain on the west of el-Jib. Here we had Beit'Ur, el-Jib, and Neby Samwil, all in sight at once.' At this spot too was the site of a former village, the name of' which we could not learn, as we had no guide and met no peasants. We could here look down into Wady Suleiman on our right, which begins to descend directly from the western end of the plain; and could perceive the other road as it comes up that valley. We kept on our way towards el-Jib; and at 2.25 turned out of our path into the fields on our right, to visit the neglected well already mentioned, Bir el-'Ozeiz.2 It is nineteen feet in diameter, and nearly filled up with earth; being only eight feet to the water, which also is very scanty. Losing ten minutes by this detour, we proceeded along under the northern side of the hill of el-Jib; and at 2.50 stopped for a few minutes at the fountain in the cavern.3 From el-Jib to Jerusalem, our horses felt the impulse of travelling towards home; and were somewhat more active, though still jaded. VWTe did not care this time to climb the steep ascent to Neby Samwil; and therefore took the road by Beit Hanina, which passes down the valley at the northeast end of the ridge of Neby Samwil. This is the drain of the whole plain around el-Jib, except at its western extremity; and forms one of the heads of the great Wady Beit Hanina.4 Leaving the fountain at 3 o'clock, we soon entered and proceeded down the valley, which is narrow, rocky, and rugged. The path keeps along the bottom nearly to Beit Hanina, where it gradually ascends to the village. We reached this place at 3.50; it stands upon the rocky ridge running down between the Wady we had descended, and another similar one coming from the tract around er-Ralm. The village is not large, and is tolerably well built of stone. The land around is exceedingly rocky, affording little room for tillage; but there are many olive trees round about, which seemed flourishing. Neby Samwil here bore N. 720 W. From Beit Hanina we again descended gradually into the valley; and having passed the fork where the eastern branch comes in, after a while ascended obliquely the eastern hill, in order to cross over it in the direction of Jerusalem. This brought us to the upper part of the branch Wady, up which They bore as follows: Beit'Ur, N. 65~ S For our former visit to el-Jib, see W. el-Jib, S. 27~ E. Neby Samwil, S. Vol. I. pp. 454-457. 5~ E. 4 See above, Vol. I. p. 455. 2 See Vol. I. p. 455. iii. 67, 68

JUNI 9.] ARRIVAL. QUARANTINE. 257 the road from Neby Samwil leads;' and falling into this road we ascended the rocky slope to the tombs of the Judges, which we passed at 4.50, and reached oiur tent before the Damascus gate at twenty minutes past 5 o'clock. Komeh had pitched the tent, according to our directions, not far from the gate, under the shade of the olive trees; but in the midst of a ploughed field. Yet after long search, we too could find no better place.The owner of the horses was awaiting our arrival before the gate; but the refractory Mukairy did not make his appearance. Here we were soon joined by Mr Lanneau and our companion in travel, who had put off coming out of the city until our arrival. They now came with bag, and baggage, their own and ours; Mr Lanneau intending to go down to YAfa. They had kept a strict quarantine of a week in his own house, under the charge of a gutardiano, or health officer of the government. This man, as we learned later at Beiruft, was himself a few days afterwards taken with the plague and died. L See Vol I. p. 461, VOL. II.-22* iii. 68, 69

SECTION XIV. FROM JERUSALEM TO NAZARETH AND MOUNT TABOR. WE spent three days in our tent before the gates of Jerusalem. The first was -the Christian Sabbath; which was: never more welcome to us than now, after three and a half weeks of constant travel and exposure, accompanied often by high excitement and consequent exhaustion. It was to us a day of rest greatly needed; and we passed it in recalling the thrilling associations, and renewing and fixing the impressions, connected with the consecrated scenes around us. It was our last Sabbath at Jerusalem. The situation of affairs in the Holy City had not improved during our absence. It had been shut up the day after our departure; and now, for more than three weeks, all direct communication with the country had been cut off. Ten thousand persons were thus confined within the narrow streets and their own still narrower and filthy dwellings, without fresh air and without fresh provisions or vegetables, except so far as a scanty supply of the latter was to be obtained at the gates. Under such circumstances the wonder was, not that the plague did not abate, but that it had not increased its ravages. Yet this seemed not to have been the case; the instances of contagion were scattered and occasional, as before; and the disease continued to exhibit the same character for some weeks longer; the city not having been again thrown open until July.' A Hakim Bashi, a physician of the government, had arrived from Alexandria soon after the shutting up of the city; to whom the management of the health department was intrusted. As a special favour, our friends had been permitted by him to perform the necessary quarantine in their own house, instead of the wretched public establishment; and had thus escaped many' The plague has since prevailed in Je- city was again shut up during the month rusalem, both in 1839 and 1840. In the of March. former year at least, as I am informed, the iii. 70, 71

SEC. XIV.] JERUSALEM SHUT UP. 259 of the privations and annoyances, to which they must otherwise have been subjected. WVe were struck with the pallid hue of the inhabitants whom we saw, and of our friends in particular. The latter presented a strong contrast to our own dark visages; which, after so long an exposure to the burning suns of the'Arabah and the glowing winds of the Sephela, had become scorched to a bronze, deeper even than the ordinary Arab complexion. In the city, of course, all business was at a dead stand; the stranger merchants had departed, and none could come in from abroad, either to buy or sell. The labours and schools of our missionary friends were wholly interrupted. Many of the inhabitants had preferred to quit the city, and were living in the fields or wandering among the villages. The evils attendant upon such a state of things may be imagined better than described; they have already been sufficiently alluded to.':The Mutesellim, Sheikh Mustafa, who was absent at Duira and Hebron when Jerusalem was shut up, had pitched his tent just outside of the Damascus gate, where he transacted all his business without entering the city. The markets too were held at the Damascus and Yafa gates. A double fence, having an interval of six or eight feet, was erected around the gate on the outside, enclosing a considerable extent of ground. To this fence the inhabitants of the city could come on the inside, and the people of the country on the outside; while health officers walked to and fro in the intervening space, each equipped with a stout staff. All the traffic was carried on through the lines of this fence and across the intervening interval of six or eight feet, Here the provisions brought by the country people were first handed in, and then passed to the other side by the guardiano; and the money in like manner transferred from the city to the country side, after being dropped into water or vinegar. But, wo to the hands or fingers, on either side, that ventured too far within the pale! The attendants were ever on the watch. as to this point; and a no very gentle thwack with the staff, seemed to be not less a matter of zest to them, than of pain to the offending party. How it was possible for the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and especially for the numerous poorer classes, to hold out under. such a state of things, I am unable to conceive. The city had been shut up on a single day's notice, and for an indefinitetime; so that no one, of course,- could.make preparation for such an emergency. -Nothing~ could come into the city but provisions,..and. little or nothing passed out except money; and See Vol. I p. 248- sq. Vol. II. pp. 1, 80, 211. iii. 71, 72

260 FROM JERUSALEM TO NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. of this the vast majority of the inhabitants had little or none in store. Already the complaint was universal, that the daily purchases in the markets had exhausted the stock of small coins; so that it was next to impossible to give or obtain change. Nevertheless, permission could be obtained to enter the city by authority of the IIakim, preceded and followed by officials of the quarantine, to prevent all contact with the people and forbidden objects. The English travellers whom we had met at Hebron, and who were now encamped on the southwest of the city beyond the valley of Hinnom, availed themselves of such a permission, to visit the interior of Jerusalem; but in our case there was no motive to do so, strong enough to counterbalance the accompanying risk and trouble. With our friends, who still remained in the city, we had frequent communications from the walls; and once both Messrs Whiting and Nicolayson with their families came out, accompanied by a health officer, and met us for an hour or two under the terebinth at the northwest corner of the city. Here we bade each other farewell; and I am sure I shall forget their affectionate kindness only when I forget Jerusalem. Thus passed the days of our last sojourning at the Holy City. We made on Monday (June 11th) the excursion to Bethany, which has already been described.' In this, in writing up our journals, and in packing and preparing for our long journey northwards, the time was fully occupied. I had indeed hoped to be able to make the excursion to the convents of St. Saba and St. John, as formerly planned;2 but the necessity of reaching Beiruit in time to meet the English steamer on the 8th of July, compelled us to forego this purpose, and bend our steps northwards without delay. We engaged seven spirited mules, to take us to Nazareth and Damascus, or wherever we might choose to go, at fifteen piastres a day, and half price when we did not travel. We obtained also a clean bill of health from the Hakim, which might enable us to avoid the quarantine regulations established in various places, against all comers from Jerusalem. Wednesday, June 13th. Having made our arrangements, so far as possible, over night, we rose early, hoping to set off in good season. But the packing and loading of the first morning on a journey, always occupies more time than on the subsequent days; because everything has to be first distributed, and the loads balanced and arranged, in the order which afterwards remains unchanged. As too we were now leaving Jerusalem for the last time, we took with us all our baggage; which had not See Vol. 1. p. 431.' See above, p. 1. iii. 72-74

aJNE 13.] LAST VIEW OF THE HOLY CITY. 261 been the case on our previous excursions. Mr Lanneau also was setting off for Yafa at the same time, intending to take the camel road, and thus accompany us for an hour upon our way. We had this time but two muleteers, both owners and partners in the animals they drove; one, the elder and principal, from Jerusalem, and the other from Safed. Each took along also a donkey for his own occasional use; one of them a fine sleek animal, the other gaunt and shaggy, like a scarecrow. With all our exertions, it was 6- o'clock before we were able to set off; and then the muleteers had to go to the gate of the city after grain. We passed on by the tomb of Sheikh Jerafy at 6.55; and reaching the top of Scopus, stopped there for a quarter of an hour, to wait for our attendants, and to take our farewell view of the Holy City. The emotions which crowd upon the mind at such a moment, I leave for the reader to conceive. The historical associations connected with the city and the various objects around, cannot but be deeply interesting even to the infidel or the heathen; how much more to the heart of the believer! What a multitude of wonderful events have taken place upon that spot! What an influence has proceeded from it, affecting the opinions and destinies of individuals and the world, for time and for eternity! If my feelings were strongly excited on first entering the Holy City, they were now hardly less so on leaving it for the last time. As we had formerly approached, repeating continually the salutation of the Psalmist " Peace be within thy walls, and prosperity within thy palaces;" so now we could not but add: "'For our brethren and companions' sakes we will now say, Peace be within thee!"' Her palaces indeed are long since levelled to the ground; and the haughty Muslim now for ages treads her glory in the dust. Yet as we waited, and looked again from this high ground upon the city and the surrounding objects, I could not but exclaim: "Beautiful for situation, the joy of the whole earth, is Mount Zion, on the sides of the north, the city of the great King!" 2 One long last look; and then turning away, I bade those sacred hills farewell for ever. We proceeded on our way.3 At 73- o'clock we passed Sha'fdt five minutes on our left; and at 8.10, the old foundations near the foot of the descent beyond.4 A few steps further, the camel road to Ramleh goes off obliquely towards el-Jib, passing on the right of the intervening hills. Here we parted from our friend and host Mr Lanneau, to whose unwearied Ps. 122, 7. 8. salem was about N. by E. ~ E. while el2 Ps. 48, 2. Bireh bore N. 8 At this point our direction from Jeru- 4 See Vol. I. p., 577. iii. 74, 75

262 FROM JERUSALEM TO NABULUS. [SEC. XIV kindness and attention we had been so much indebted in Jerusalem; he going towards YAfa, and we keeping on towards elBireh. We passed the ruined Khan opposite er-Ram at a quarter before nine, having er-IRa-m on our right; and at 9.35 the ruins of'Atara were on our left.' Twenty minutes later we were on the ridge which separates the valley we had ascended from that south of el-Bireh running to the Jordan; and keeping around the head of this, we reached the fountain southwest of el-Bireh at 10 o'clock.2 We halted here for nearly half an hour, in order to procure a guide; intending to take the way leading by the village of Jufna, which lies west of both the branches of the great Nabulus road. We found a small caravan of camels resting at the fountain, laden with wheat, which they were transporting from Nabulus to Bethlehem. The men were baking a large round flat cake of bread, in the embers of a fire of camel's and cowdung. Taking it out when done, they brushed off the ashes and divided it among the party, offering us also a portion. I tasted it, and found it quite as good as the common bread of the country. They had no other provisions. These were men of Bethlehem; and this is the common fare of persons travelling in this manner. Having obtained a guide, we set off again at twenty-five minutes past 10 o'clock-;. proceeding along on the west side of the, village of Bireh, without entering it. The Nahbulus road here divides into two branches'; one passing near Bethel and by'Ain Yebrid, the other lying more west; they unite again further on, at or before'Ain el-Haramiyeh. We followed the western branch for ten minutes beyond the village; and then at 10.40 diverged from it more towards the left, on a course N. N. E. At 11 o'clock the way led along the side of a small shallow pond on our left, called el-Balf'a; it was now dry; but, in winter the water runs from it eastward towards the Jordan. Keeping on north, we very soon crossed the water-shed, where the land begins to decline gradually towards the northwest.'At a quarter past eleven, a ruin called Kefr Murr was on a hill at our: right ten minutes distant; and. we began to look down into the valley of Jufna, and to meet with a few stunted bushes. It is rather a peculiar feature of the whole region around Jerusalem, that while trees of various kinds are not infrequent, shrubs and bushes are rarely to be seen. We were somewhat surprised to find here the evident traces of an ancient paved road, entirely similar to the Roman roads of 1 For all these places and the aspect of also of our former visit to el-Bireh, see the country, see Vol. 1. pp. 575-579. Vol. I. pp. 451-453. 2 For an account of this fountain, and iii. 75-77

JUNE 13.] JUFNA, GOPHNA. 263 Italy and other regions. It was obviously of old a public, and probably a military way, between the cities of Gophna and Jerusalem; the great road apparently, which in ancient times, as now, led along the summit of the high mountainous tract, from the plain of Esdraelon through Neapolis and Gophna to the Holy City. The pavement still remains entire for a very considerable distance. At 11- o'clock a small ruin called ArnuLtieh was on our right; and we soon began to descend by a branch Wady into the deep valley in which Jufna lies. After fifteen minutes, there was a fountain on our left with running water, and flocks round about. The great Wady before us here runs northeast, and has its beginning at some distance to the left, north:of Ram-Allah, from which it is separated by another deep Wady passing down west. This of Jufna also afterwards curves around to the northwest and runs off to the western sea. It here spreads out into a small fertile plain, lying very deep, in which Jufna stands, surrounded by high hills. We reached the place at 12 o'clock, an hour and a half fiom el-Bireh. We stopped for lunch a few rods short of the village, under a large walnut tree, like the English walnut, the first we had seen. Close by were also two ]Meis trees, (Cordia myxa of botanists,) tall and beautiful, with round tops and large leaves; from the berries of which bird lime is made. The walnut tree was growing within the precincts of an ancient church, which the Christian Sheikh of the village, whom we sent for, said was dedicated to St. George. It must have been quite large; and many limestone columns with which it was ornamented, are lying around, or their fragments standing upright-; but there were not enough of the foundations remaining above ground to enable us to take the dimensions. Under the tree, a small enclosure contains an altar, on which: mass is still sometimes celebrated; and also the ancient baptismal font of limestone, partly buried in the ground. This latter measured five feet in diameter, three and a half feet high, and two feet nine inches deep within; the inside being excavated in the form of a cross, with the corners rounded. In the village itself, which lies just across the bed of the Wady, are the ruined walls of a castle, which may perhaps be of the age of the crusades. The whole valley, and the sides of the mountains around, are very fully. cultivated, and abound in olives, vines, and fig trees, belonging to this and the neirghbouring villages. Around the village itself are also numerous apple, pear, fig, pomegranate, apricot, and some walnut trees. The landscape on every side is rich, and indicates a high degree of fertility and thrift. The present inhabitants of Jufna are all Christians; they number only forty-two taxable men; which gives a population iii. 77, 78

264 FROM JERUSALEM TO NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. of not more than two hundred souls. After the rebellion of 1834, twenty-six'men were taken to Egypt and put into the public works, whence they have never returned. Not long since, one of their two priests went to Egypt to look after them, and died there.l In respect to Jufna, both the name and the position show conclusively, that it is the ancient Gophna of Josephus, Ptolemy, and the Peutinger Tables; a name which does not appear in this form in Scripture.2 Eusebius places it fifteen Roman miles from Jerusalem on the way to Neapolis,3 and the Tables at sixteen; we travelled over the interval in rather more than four and a half hours, and found the traces of the ancient public road. It appears from Josephus to have been a strong place. Like Lydda, it was taken by Cassius, and the inhabitants sold into slavery; from which they were released by a decree of Antony.4 It became later the head of a Toparchy; was captured by Vespasian; and Titus passed through it on his march from Samaria to the siege of Jerusalem.5 But since the days of Eusebius, all memory of it seems to have perished. The writers of the times of the crusades appear not to mention the name; nor do I find a single notice of it in any tradition or traveller. The name Gophna stands indeed upon some modern maps, in this vicinity; but simply, as it would seem, on the authority of Eusebius. We left Jufna at 1.40 without a guide; and following down the valley northeast twenty-five minutes, reached'Ain Sinia at five minutes past two; another village, surrounded in like manner with vineyards and fruit trees. Near by were also gardens of vegetables, watered from a well. The bed of the valley had here some standing water; and a branch Wady came in from the southeast, up which we could see'Ain Yebrfid on the top of a hill. From Jufna we took the following name Gophna may come from the Ophni bearings: Bir ez-Zeit a small Christian of Benjamin, Josh. 18, 24. In this case village half an hour distant, N. 45~ W. there must have been a change of the Tell'Astir with a Wely, N. 48~ E. Ye- Hebrew Ain (V) into Gimel (a), which brid, half an hour distant on the western sometimes, though rarely, took place. It branch of the Ndbulus road, N. 63~ E. may have come in this instance through'Ain Yebrufd, on the eastern branch, about the Greek, where the change was common. S.*7O0 E. Dutrah, S. 6S8 E.-Tell'Asfir See Gesenius' Heb. Lex. letters: and:. we had also seen formerly from'Alya, el- 3 Bireh, and Rhm-Allah; see Vol. I. pp. 448, Onomast. art. Vallis Botri, dspayt 452, 453. Isthis perhapstheHazor ofBenja- fpUoS This article is not translated by oin, Neh. 11, 33? If so, there is here the Jerome. It speaks for the ancient fertility same ch1e from He7 th e to'he, as in of the valley, that it was then held by same change Prom Heth (M) to'Ain, as in some to be the vale of Eshcol. some to be the vale of Esheol. Beit'Ur from Beth-Horon; see above, p. 4 See pp. 244, 245, above. Joseph. Ant. 251 and n. 1. 14.11.2. ibid. 14.12.2 sq. B.J. 1. 11.2. 2 Ptolem. 4. 16. Reland Palest. pp. 5 Joseph. B. J. 3. 3. 5. ib. 4. 9. 9. ib 461, 816. There is a possibility that the 5. 2. 1. Comp. 6. 2. 2, 3. iii. 78-80

JUNE 13.] JIJILIA. 265 The main valley here bends north; the cultivation continued as we advanced; first chiefly olives, and then fig trees. At 21 o'clock a side valley came in from the west; and all the -mountains around the wide space thus opened, presented the aspect of like cultivation. Fifteen minutes later, the large village of'Atara, appeared on the summit of a high hill, seen up through a small side Wady, bearing northwest and distant about half an hour. It might almost seem, as if this was the scriptural Ataroth of the border of Ephraim; or at Jeast that of which Eusebius speaks within that tribe.' We kept on down the valley; and at 2.55 minutes a branch of considerable size came in from the E. S. E. We ought to have gone up this lateral Wady, and thus reached the usual Ngbulus road in a narrow valley called Wady el-Jib, in which is the fountain'Ain el-Haramiyeh on that road.2 But our muleteers professed to know the way, and kept on down the main valley until 3.20. Here it becomes very narrow, turns northwest, and, under the name of Wady el-Belat, soon begins to descend the mountain towards the western plain. We now discovered that we were out of our road; and after a delay of ten minutes, by the direction of a peasant, we began to climb the steep hill on the north, along a small water-course, but without any path. The ascent was very difficult; but we came out at length after half an hour on the top; where we found table land and a fine plain, with people gathering the harvest. Here we struck a path; and continuing on north, came at twenty minutes past four, to the large village of Jiljilia. The poor people of this place- had never before seen Franks in their village, and seemed frightened at our coming; at first they even denied its name. The probable cause of this we afterwards found out at Sinjil. The place stands very high, near the western brow of the high mountain tract. It affords a very extensive view out over the great lower plain and sea; while at the same time the mountains of Gilead are seen in the east. Far in the N. N. E. too, we could see for the first time a lofty dark blue mountain; which we afterwards found to be no other' Josh. 16, 2. 7. Onomast. art. Atha- -of our lists; and the name of Wady el-Jib roth,'ApXLaTapc&. Eusebius says merely: doubtless comes from the former. See 7rdALs qvxuIs'Iwoj, which Jerome para- Maundrell under March 25.-Eusebius and phrases: "juxta Ramam intribuJoseph;" Jerome speak of a Geba, five Roman probably confounding it with the present miles from Gophna towards Neapolis,'AtAra near er-Ram. which is probably the same; but they err 2 This fountain is about an hour south in connecting it with the Geblm of Is. 10, of Sinjil. Maundrell in passing from 31; Onomast. art. Gebin. It might rather NAbulus to Jerusalem, mentions two vil- be the:Gibeah of Phinehas in Mount lages, first'Geeb' and then'Selwid,' as Ephraim; Josh. 24, 33, in the Hebrew. lying west of the road in that vicinity. Josephus racBaa, Ant. 5. 1. 29. These are probably the Jibia and Selwid VOL. II.-23 iii. 80, 81

266 FROM JERUSALEM TO NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. than Jebel esh-Sheikh, the Hermon of Scripture, beyond BAnias, still not less distant from us than eighty minutes of latitude. Close on the north side of the village, is the broad valley which passes down on the north of Sinjil; here some two hundred feet deep, and more contracted as it begins to descend to the west, in order to unite with Wady el-Belat, which we had left. In the lower western region also, the large Wady elLubban was pointed out; which, coming from the small plain of that name on the Nabulus road, runs down to join Wady elBelat at a village Kurawa, situated between the two. The united Wady is then called Wady Kurawa; and runs into the'Aujeh not far from Ras el-'Ain. The form Jiljilia obviously corresponds to the ancient name Gilgal; but I find no mention of any ancient place of that name situated in this vicinity.' In order to regain the aNbulus road, we found it necessary to go directly to Sinjil. There is indeed a path from Jiljilia to Nabulus; but it was represented as being very bad; and must necessarily cross several very deep valleys. We now took a guide although Sinjil was in sight; because we wished to obtain various points of information respecting the region. Leaving Jiljilia at 4.40, we returned for a short time on our former path, in order to pass around the head of a short but deep branch Wady, running down into that on the north. Our way afterwards led over high table land. At 5 o'clock we passed the foundations of a former village; and then after a few minutes a cistern. The mountains around Nabulus were in sight much of the way; and also Hermon far in the distance. We reached Sinjil at 53 o'clock, lying on the high southern bank of the deep Wady running west, at least two hundred feet above its bottom. Here we encamped for the night, and were very kindly received by the Sheikh and people of the village. Sinjil overlooks the broad fertile valley below it, which more towards the east spreads out into a rich basin or plain of considerable extent, surrounded 1by fine hills. In the midst of this basin the village Turinus'Aya2 is seen, situated upon a low mound. The great Nabulus road does not pass directly through Sinjil, but descends to the valley by a side Wady some ten minutes further east; and crossing it, keeps on over the hills to KMhan el-Lubban. On that road, following the eastern branch From Jiljilia various places were in " This name might at first suggest the sight, bearing as follows: Sinjil E. Abu -Ai of Scripture. But thllat place lay very el-'Auf, N. 70~ E. el-Ghtirabeh, N. 58~ near to Bethel, and none of the circum. E.'Amfria, N. 15~ W. Furkha, N. stances related of it correspond to Turmus 50~ W.'Aya. Josh. 8, 9. 12. 17. iii. 81-83

JUae 14.] SINJIL. 267 northwards from el-Bireh, the distances may be reckoned as follows: H. m. To Bethel (Beitin) 45.'Ain Yebrad... 1.'Ain el- HIaramiyeh.... 30. Bottom of valley under Sinjil. 1. KhAn el-Lubban'.... 1. 10. Jiljilia, Sinjil, and Turmus'Aya all lie within the province of Jerusalem. Further north all belongs to NaTbulus.2 We found the inhabitants of Sinjil in some commotion. A party of soldiers was now quartered in the village, in order to collect the price of a horse demanded by the government. A requisition, it seems, had been issued for a certain number of horses from each district; and these again having been apportioned among the villages, it had fallen to the lot of Sinjil to furnish one. The Sheikh said it would cost the village at least nine purses, equivalent to two hundred and twenty-five Spanish dollars. A crier went about at evening, proclaiming in a loud voice, that all the men must be at homue to-morrow; and that whoever should be absent, would be beaten with so many blows. -According to the Sheikh, the village was originally registered as containing two hundred and six taxable men, or about eight hundred souls; but since then more than one hundred had been taken as soldiers, and yet the village has to pay the taxes of the whole original number. It was probably in consequence of this requisition, now going on in the region, that the people of Jiljilia had been alarmed at our appearance among them; supposing us, at first, to have some connection with the government. We felt the same difficulty still more the next day, in passing through the country south of NAbbulus. Thursday, June 14th. A prominent object of our inquiries in this region, was of course the ancient Shiloh, celebrated in the history of the Israelites, as the place where the ark remained from the time of Joshua to Samuel. Our guide from Jiljilia yesterday spoke of a ruin northeast from Sinjil, called Seilin; of which there was a saying among the people, that were the Franks to visit it, they would deem it of such importance, that 1 For these last three distances I am of Josephus? Pompey marching from indebted to the notes of Mr Smith in 1835. Damascus to Jerusalem by way of Scy2 The bearings of the various places thopolis, comes to Coreme in the northern seen from Sinjil were as follows: Turmus part of Judea; Jos. Ant. 14. 3. 4. B. J. 1.'Ay, N. 85~ E. JAlhtd, N. 55~ E. 6. 5. Vespasian marches from Neapolis to Ki'riyflt N. 420 E. Abu el-'Auf N. 15~ Coreme the first day, and the next to JefiE.'Artlk el-Ghtlfir N. 4~ W. SekAkeh cho; B. J. 4. 8. 1. Both these specificaN. 13v W. Firkha N. 60~ W. Jiljilia tions accord well with the position of W. —Is Kflriyfit perhaps the Corem (Kopsat) Kiirivat. iii. 83, 84

268 FROM JERUSALEM TO NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. they would not go away in, less than a day. This man was a common peasant of Jiljilia, and could have heard this story only from the mouths of neighbours of his own class. On inquiring further at Sinjil, we found that the place in question lay not very far from the road, and might be visited by a small circuit. As the position seemed to answer well to that of Shiloh, we determined to go thither. We therefore sent off our servants, with the luggage, on the direct road by Khan el-Lubban; and taking a guide, proceeded ourselves in the direction of Turmus'Aya. We were ready to set off early, but were delayed. by our muleteers. The hospitality which we had found so common in the southwest of Judah, no.longer exists on this great road; too many Franks have passed here, not to have taught the people to take payment for everything. Yet we did not find them unreasonable in their demands. We finally set off at 6 o'clock, descending by a very steep path from the village to the bottom of the northern valley, where we crossed the Jerusalem road, and then proceeded eastward over the fine plain. We reached Turnmus'Aya at 6- o'clock, situated on a low rocky mound in the level valley. The plain swells out beyond into a beautiful oval basin, extending towards the east for an hour or more, shut in by picturesque hills. It was now covered mostly with the deep green of the springing millet, interspersed with yellow fields of ripe wheat. Leaving Turmus'Aya at our right, we turned up a small Wady N. N. E., in which after fifteen or twenty minutes we passed the water-shed, and found the valley beginning to descend towards the north. We came at 7 o'clock to the ruins of Seilin, surrounded by hills, but looking out through- the small valley we had traversed, towards the plain on the south. Hardly five minutes before reaching the proper site, is an ancient ruin, a tower, or perhaps a small chapel, about twenty-eight feet square inside, with walls four feet thick. Within are three prostrate columns, with Corinthian capitals lying separate. The stone which forms the upper part of the doorway, is ornamented on the outside with sculptured work, an amphora between two chaplets. Along the outer wall, a defence or buttress of sloping masonry has been built up, obviously at a later period. The Arabs call this ruin the mosk of Seilun. As we came up, three startled owls flew off in dismay. The main site consists of the ruins of a comparatively modern village, covering a small Tell; which is separated from the higher mountain on the north by a deep narrow Wady, coming from the east and running down towards Khan elLubban. On the east and west of the Tell. are two small, iii. 84-86

JUNE 14.] SEILUN, SHILOH. 269 though wider Wadys, running down north into the former; while towards the south the Tell connects with the slope running up from the plain of Turmus'Aya, but rises considerably above it. The position is in itself a fine one for strength, if it were ever fortified; though it is commanded by the neighbouring hills. Among the ruins of modern houses are many large stones, and some fragments of columns, showing the place to have been an ancient site. At the southern foot of the Tell is a small ruined mosk, standing partly beneath a noble oak tree.' Our guide told us of a fountain up through the narrow valley towards the east. We went thither, and found that the valley here breaks through a ridge, and is at first shut in by perpendicular walls of rock; then follows a more open tract; and here, at the left, fifteen minutes from Seiluin, is the fountain. The water is excellent; and issues from the rocks first into a sort of artificial well, eight or ten feet deep; and thence into a reservoir lower down. Many flocks and herds were waiting round about. In the sides of the narrow valley are many excavated tombs, now much broken away; near the fountain are also several tombs, and one in an isolated block. We returned down the valley, and followed it through on the north side of,Seilun. The proofs that Seilfin is actually the site of the ancient Shiloh, lie within a small compass; and both the name and the position are sufficiently decisive. The full form of the Hebrew name was apparently Shilon, as we find it in the gentile noun S;hilonite; and Josephus writes it also both Silo and Siloun.2 The position of Shiloh is very definitely described in the book of Judges, as " on the north side of Bethel, on the east side of the highway that goeth up from Bethel to Shechem, and on the south of Lebonah."3 Eusebius and Jerome place it, one ten and the other twelve Roman miles from Neapolis, in the region of Acrabatene.4 With the exception of these confused and probably conjectural distances, all the other circumstances correspond exactly to Seilun; for we were here on the east of the great road between Bethel and Shechem (Nabulus), and in The only bearings from Seilin were: 4 Onomast. art. Selo. These distances Turmus'iya S. S. W. Sinjil S. 50~ W. are both incorrect; for the village of Abu el-'Auf, S. 82~ W. Lebonah (Lubban) is itself more than four 2 The Hebrew exhibits various forms, hours or 12 Roman miles south of Nabulus. e. g. e''1% 1 K. 2, 27. al. i' j Josh. 18, Or Jerome may perhaps have estimated 1. 8. al. qi51t Judg. 21, 21. al. Kiv the distance on a straight course, passing on the east of Lubban; in which case his Judg. 21, 19. al. Gentile noun'1%5 12 miles would be less far out of the way, 1 K. 11, 29. 12, 15. See Gesenius Lex. though still too short. The text also may IHeb. art.''Zx. —Josephus, BLANc Antiq. have been corrupted; that of Eusebius is 8. 7. 7. ibid. 8. 11. 1. tLAov' Antiq. 5. certainly so, for the word Neapolis has 1. 19, 20. ibid. 5. 2. 9, 12. fallen out. s Judg. 21, 19. VOL. II. —23* iii. 86, 87

270 FROM JERUSALEM TO NABULUS. [SEc. XV. passing on towards the latter place, we came after an hour to the village of Lebonah, now el-Lubban. Here then was Shiloh, where the tabernacle was set up after the country had been subdued before the Israelites; and where the last and general division of the land was made among the tribes.' The ark and tabernacle long continued here; from the days of Joshua during the ministry of all the Judges, until the close of Eli's life; and here Samuel was dedicated to God, and his childhood spent in the sanctuary.2 In honour of the presence of the ark, there was "-a feast of the Lord in:Shiloh yearly," during which "' the daughters of Shiloh came out to dance in dances;" and it was on such an occasion, that they were seized and carried off by the remaining Benjamites as wives.3 The scene of these dances may not improbably have been somewhere around the fountain above described. From Shiloh the ark was at length removed to the army of Israel; and being captured by the Philistines, returned no more to its former place.4 Shiloh henceforth, though sometimes the residence of prophets, as of Ahijah celebrated in the history of Jeroboam,5 is nevertheless spoken of as forsaken and accursed of God.6 It is mentionecd in Scripture during the exile, but not afterwards; and Jerome speaks of it in his day as so utterly in ruins, that the foundations of an altar could scarcely be pointed out.7 From that time onward, the place of Shiloh appears to have been utterly forgotten in ecclesiastical tradition; and I find no further notice of its position until the time of the crusaders. These soldiers of the cross found Shiloh at Neby Samwil; and there too monks and pilgrims continued to find it, without much variation, until the middle of the sixteenth century.8 Yet early in the fourteenth century, R. Parchi rightly describes the place as on the left of the traveller proceeding towards Jerusalem; and as then called Sailun.9. It would seem, too, as if Bonifacius was acquainted with the true site. Speaking of the way from Jerusalem to Shechem (Nabulus), he says: "At fifteen miles north of el-Bireh there is a: large hospitium in a valley, with a fountain outside; and not far off on the right is Shiloh, where an altar and ruined church are seen."'~ This certainly I Josh. 18, 1-10. Epitaph. Paulke p. 676, ed. Mart. " Quid 2 1 Sam. c. 1-4. narrem Silo, in qua altare dirntum hodie3 Judg. 21, 19-23. que monstratur " 4 1 Sam. c. 4-6. 8 Benj. of Tudela p. 78, " St. Samuel 5 1 KI. 11j 29. 12, l5. 14, 2 sq. of Shiloh,: the ancient Shiloh." Brocardus 6 Ps. 78, 60 sq. Jer. 7, 12. 14. 26, 6., 9. c p. 184. Marinus Sanut. p. 249...Jer. 41,5. 5Hieron.Comm. in Sophon. Breydenbach.. in Reissb. p., 130,. 136. i..14.sq. "Vix ruinarumn parva.ves- Adrichomius p. 30. See Vol. I.p. 459. tigia in magnis quondam urbibus cer- 9 See in Asher's Benj. of Tud. II. p. 435. nimus. Silo tabernaculum et area Domini'0 De perenn. Cultu Terra- Sanct. quoted fuit; vix altaris fundamenta monstrantur." by Quaresmius Tom. II. p. 798. iii. 87-89'

JuNE 14.] SEHILOH. KIIAN EL-LUBBAN. 271 accords well with the position of Seilin relative to Khan elLubban; which itself is nearly five and a half hours from el-Bireh. But if the true position was thus for a time known, it was again soon forgotten; for at the close of the same century, Cotovicus places Shiloh at twelve miles north of el-Bireh upon the top of a high mountain, the highest in Palestine;' and although Quaresmius professes to adopt the report of Bonifacius, yet it is easy to- see from the confusion of his language, and the various other opinions which he rejects, that no certain and definite knowledge of the place was then extant.2 Since that time, so far as I can find, no further attempts have been made to ascertain the- site of Shiloh.3' Leaving -Seiln at 8 o'clock, we followed down the valley, which takes the name of Wady el-Lubban, by a rapid descent N. W. by W.- for twenty minutes, passing a well on our left. The valley then turns -west, and becomes level and fertile; the fields of millet were green and beautiful, perhaps a foot high; and here, for:the first and only time, we saw people at work weeding the millet with a sort of hoe; but without loosening the earth around the plants. The valley lies lower than that by Sinjil; for our ascent to Seilfin was much less than our subsequent descent. At 8.35 was another well; and fifteen minutes later we were opposite the Khan el-Lubban, lying perhaps five minutes distant southwest, at the south end of the charming little plain into which the valley here enters, and at the foot of the mountain over which the direct road comes from Sinjil. We had avoided this mountain by taking the route of Seillin, where the ridge is broken through by valleys. This Khan is now in ruins; near by it is a fine fountain of running water. From it the beautiful oval plain extends north about fifteen minutes, with perhaps half that breadth, lying here deep among high rocky hills. On the slope of the mountain in the northwest is seen the village of Lubban; while about the middle of the western side, a narrow chasm through the mountain, carries off the waters of the plain and surrounding tract. This is the Wady el-Lubban, which we had seen from Jiljilia as it runs to join Wady el-Belat, and so to the'Aujeh in the lower western plain.4 Our course was now north through this fine basin; here we again fell into the Jerusalem road, and came up with our'Cotovic. Itin. p. 336. The author show it at Kh'an el-Lubban; p. 405. here evidently confounds Neby Samwil Schubert at Sinjil speaks of "Silun" as. with this more northern position of Shiloh. lying in the northeast, but he did not visit 2 Quaresmius II. p. 796-799. it; Reise III. p. 130. s Troilo in 1667 says the site was utterly 4 See above, p. 266. unknown; though the Greeks professed to iii. 89, 90

272:FROM JERUSALEM TO NABULUS. [SEc. XIV. servants and luggage, waiting for us beneath the shade of some trees. We passed on, leaving them to load up and follow us. At 9 o'clock we were opposite the village of Lubban, situated on the northwest acclivity, considerably above the plain. It is inhabited; has the appearance of an old place; and in the rocks above it are excavated sepulchres. There can be little doubt of its being the Lebonah of the Old Testament, between Bethel and Shechem.' The coincidence was suggested by 3Maundrell; and has ever since been adopted without question by most of those who have noticed the village at all.2 Yet R. Parchi early in the fourteenth century has likewise a correct mention of it as the ancient Lebonah.3 But from the days of the book of Judges till the time of the crusades, I am not aware that there occurs any mention of this name or place; unless perhaps it be the Beth-leban of the Talmud.4 Brocardus, and after him others, call it Lemna and Lebna; but appear to have had no suspicion of its connection with any ancient site.5 At the northeast corner of the plain, where we now were, another level valley comes in from the east, through which we issued from this fine basin. The valley is at first narrow; but expands more and more as the road follows it up, until it turns northwards and becomes an open plain. Our course was about E. by N. for twenty minutes; and then N. N. E. At 9-l o'clock the village es-Sawieh was directly over us on the hill at our left, overhanging the road. A little further on, we stopped for ten minutes under the shade of a large tree, to let our servants and baggage come up. At 9.50 we passed a ruined Khan on the road, also called es-Sawieh, at the upper part of the plain, just upon the water-shed, where the land begins to descend towards the north into the next great valley running west. [Here we made a very considerable descent along a steep narrow Wady; and at 10.5 reached the bottom of a large and very stony valley running from east to west or rather towards the W. S. W. Some men from Ram-Allah whom we met, said it runs down to the'Aujeh in the western plain, uniting with it below the castle of Ras el-Ain. On our right, perhaps half an hour distant, were two villages; one on the south side of the valley, near the summit of a high conical hill, called Kiibalan, surrounded by vineyards and large groves of olive and fig trees; the other called Yetma,6 on the north side of the valley near Judg. 21, 19. NAbulus towards Jerusalem on the right, 2 Maundrell, March 24. RelandPalest. c. 7. p. 178. Breydenbach, copying pp. 871, 872. Brocardus, writes Lepna; Reissb. p. 128. a See in Asher's Benlj. of Tud. II. p. 435. Cotovicus has Lebna; p. 337. Quares4 Reland l. c. mius makes no allusion to the name or 5 Brocardus places "Lemna, casale place. valde pulchrum," at four leagues from 6 There is reason to doubt the correct..i 90-92

JUNE 14..] THE PLAIN ARUKHNA. 273 the top of the mountain, almost in ruins. These names, however, were given to us some time after we had passed; for on the spot, we could find no one to inform us, nor could we learn the name of the valley.' This Wady again lies deeper than the plain of el-Lubban; for our descent into it was greater than our ascent from that plain to the water-shed. From this valley we had a rather steep ascent to the summit of the high ridge on the north. We reached the top at 10.35, having just before passed the foundations of a ruined tower. Here we had our first view of the great plain of Mikhna, which stretches along for several hours on the east of the mountains among which Nalbulus is situated. Those mountains were now before us in all their beauty; Mount Gerizim, crowned by a Wely on its highest: point, bearing north; just beyond it the entrance of the valley of Na'bulus bearing nearly N. N. E.; further north the rugged heights of Mount Ebal; and then the fine plain extending apparently still beyond towards the N. N. E. skirted on its eastern side in its whole length by tracts of picturesque though lower hills. Much as I had read of Palestine, and multitudinous as have been the travellers upon this very road, I must confess that the existence here of such an extensive plain, running in this direction from S. S. W. to N. N. E. was- almost utterly unknown to me. We could perceive our road forming a waving line along the foot of the high western hills, and under Mount Gerizim, until it entered the valley of Nabulus, still two hours distant. A steep descent brought us in:twenty minutes to the southern extremity of the plain, near a cistern; in this part indeed the plain comes almost to a point. At 11.25 we crossed the dry bed of a torrent, which in winter carries off the waters of the whole southern part of the plain towards the west, forming a deep Wady through the western hills; but we could neither learn its. name, nor to what stream it runs in the great lower plain.2 Fifteen or twenty minutes down this valley on our left, were two villages; one on the southern hills in ruins, called Kuiza; the other on the northern side called'Ain AbAs. Directly opposite on our right, upon the hills along the eastern side of the plain, perhaps forty minutes distant, was the large village of Beita. Just beyond this Wady we passed at 11.35 the large and old village of Hawhra, lying above us on the slope at our left. ness of the name, as applied to this village. III. Sect. VII, under May 12th; and Sect. Our lists seem to give it on the west of III, under Apr. 26th, 1852. the road. 2 It proved to be the beginning of the This Wady has its head at'Akrabeh, deep Wady Kalnah, which runs to the and passes down into the western plain as great plain south of Jiljilia, and so to the Wady Ribzih. It passes north of R.s el-'Aujeh. See in Vol. III. Sect. III, under'Ain, and so to the'Aujeh. See in Vol. Apr. 24th and 26th, 1852. iii. 92, 93

274 FROB JEtRUSALE3M TO NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. Here the plain spreads out to a greater width; the eastern hills retiring somewhat more. On that side they are quite irregular and rocky, and often jut out into the plain; while on the western side the base of the slopes departs much less from a right line. The broad plain presented a beautiful appearance; it is everywhere cultivated, and was now covered with the rich green of millet, mingled with the yellow of the ripe grain, which the peasants were harvesting. Yet the soil seemed less fertile than that of most of the plains we had visited. The average width of this plain, may be here not far from half an hour, or forty minutes. In passing along this plain we fell in with many people; but found more trouble in obtaining information from them, than we experienced in any other part of Palestine. They would hardly answer any of our questions; and although my companion dismounted and walked with them a long distance, and entered into conversation with them, yet it was with the greatest difficulty that he could get them to tell even the names of the various villages. We had several times found something of the same reserve at first, and especially yesterday at Jiljilia; but why it should be so much greater here than anywhere else, we were at a loss to conceive. We did not find it in INabulus itself, nor further north; and it may not improbably have been connected with the general dread of the governmental requisitions now in progress. Perhaps too the appearance of our Egyptian servants, carrying muskets, may have led them to imagine, that we had some connection with the government, and were seeking for information which might injure them. The peasantry around NAbulus, it may be remembered, as well as those around Hebron, had felt the stern vengeance of the Egyptian government, after the rebellion of A. D. 1834. Another steep Wady, coming down from the left, we passed at five minutes before noon; on which, high up and out of sight, is the large village or rather market town of Baurin. Half an hour later we had the little hamlet of Kefr Killin above us on the side of Mount Gerizim. Several villages were scattered along on the eastern hills; on that side Haudela,'Awerta, and Raujib, succeeded each other. Instead of keeping along at the foot of the mountain quite to the entrance of the valley of Nabulus, the road ascends and winds around the northeast corner of Mount Gerizim. We turned this point at 1 o'clock, and entered the narrow valley running up northwest between Mounts Gerizim and Ebal; thus leaving behind us the plain, which extends still further north. Below us, on the right, and not far above the edge of the plain, are the ruins of a little hamlet called Belat; further north and iii. 93. 94

JuNE 14.] VALLEY OF NABULUS. 275 nearly in the middle of the mouth of the narrow valley, stands a small white building, a Wely, called Joseph's tomb; while near the foot of Gerizim below Belat, is the ancient well, known as that of Jacob. Directly opposite to the mouth of the valley, among the eastern hills, a beautiful smaller plain runs up eastward from the larger one; and on the low hills near its entrance on the north, are seen the three villages of'Azmuft, Deir elHlatab, and Salim. After turning the point of the mountain, our path descended very little; yet so great is here the ascent of the narrow valley, that in a quarter of an hour we came out upon its bottom, near a fine copious fountain in its middle,'Ain Difneh, furnished with a reservoir. Below the fountain, towards the east, a tract of ground of three or four acres had recently been enclosed as a garden; but as yet it contained no trees. Above this point, we soon came to the olive groves, where the ascent is less rapid, and the soil hard and stony. On the left, before reaching the city, at the foot of Gerizim, is a small tomb of a Muslim saint, called'Amufd; but of recent construction, as we were informed, and containing nothing of antiquity. At 1 o'clock we were opposite the eastern end of the long narrow town, which we did not now enter. Keeping the road along its northern side, we passed some high mounds, apparently of ashes; where, all at once, the ground sinks down to a valley running towards the west, with a soil of rich black vegetable mould. Here a scene of luxuriant and almost unparalleled verdure burst upon our view. The whole valley was filled with gardens of vegetables and orchards of all kinds of fruits, watered by several fountains, which burst forth in various parts and flow westwards in refreshing streams. It came upon us suddenly like a scene of fairy enchantment. We saw nothing to compare with it in all Palestine. Here, beneath the shade of an immense mulberry tree, by the side of a purling rill, we pitched our tent for the remainder of the day and night. The city of NTbulus is long and narrow, stretching. close along the northeast base of Mount Gerizim in this small deep valley, half an hour distant from the great eastern plain. The streets are narrow; the houses high and in general well built, all of stone, with domes upon the roofs as at Jerusalem. The valley itself, from the foot of Gerizim to that of Ebal, is here not more than some five hundred yards wide, extending from southeast to northwest. The city lies directly upon the watersummit in this valley; the waters on the eastern part, as we We follow in this name the orthogra- pronunciation of the present day, it would phy of Abulfeda, which is probably the be written Nablus. Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. 85. most correct According to the vulgar iii. 95, 96

276 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. have seen, flowing off east into the plain and so to the Jordan; while the fine fountains on the western side send off a pretty brook down the valley northwest towards the Mediterranean. This somewhat remarkable circumstance, so far as I can find, has hitherto been noted by no traveller. Mounts Gerizim and Ebal rise in steep rocky precipices immediately from the valley on each side, apparently some eight hundred feet in height.' The sides of both these mountains, as here seen, were to our eyes equally naked and sterile; although sonine travellers have chosen to describe Gerizim as fertile, and confine the sterility to Ebal.2 The only exception in favour of the former, so far as we could perceive, is a small ravine coming down opposite the west end of the town, which indeed is full of fountains and trees; in other respects both mountains, as here seen, are desolate, except that a few olive trees are scattered upon them. The side of the northern mountain, Ebal, along the foot, exhibits many ancient excavated sepulchres. The southern mountain is now called by the inhabitants, Jebel et-Tfir,3 though the name Gerizim is known at least to the Samaritans. The modern appellation of Ebal we did not learn. One of our first objects at Nabulus, was to visit the Samaritans, that singular and feeble remnant of an ancient people, which to this day has survived the storms of ages and of adverse influences, upon their native soil. Some men formerly from Beirft, soon came around us; and an old Christian of the Greek rite undertook to conduct us to the Samaritans, to the summit of Mount Gerizim, and to Jacob's well. We repaired to the city, passing among luxuriant groves of fig and other fruit trees, and entering by a gate at the western end. The quarter occupied by the Samaritans is in the southwest part of the city, rising somewhat upon the acclivity of Gerizim. It is well built, and the houses seemed solid and comfortable. On coming to the synagogue we found it closed. Several of the Samaritans came to us; but as the priest was not at hand to open the door, we could not now visit the synagogue. They offered us a guide, however, to the top of Mount Gerizim; and we determined to go thither immediately, and see the priest on our return. We set off therefore at 4 o'clock on foot, attended by one of the younger Samaritans, an honest simple-minded man. Our old According to Schubert's barometrical to the time of Benj. of Tudela; who says observations, the town of Nlbulus is 1751 correctly, that there are fountains and fruit Par. feet above the sea, and the summit of trees on Gerizim, that is, in the ravine Gerizim about 2500 feet, or about the same described in the text; but this is not true as the Mount of Olives. This gives 750 feet of the mountain in general, which is as for the height of the mountain above the barren as Ebal. Itin I. p. 68. town. - Reise III. p. 146. 3 So too YakUt in Schult. Ind. in Vit. 2 Cotovicus p. 338. O. von Richter Salad. art. Tourutm. Wallfahrten p. 56. This story goes back iii. 96, 97

JUNE 14.] THE SAMARITANS. MOUNT GERIZIM. 277 Christian we were willing to dismiss till we came back; having discovered meantime, that his plan had been to take a Samaritan guide himself, besides demanding one of our mules to ride. We struck up the ravine above mentioned, which comes down from the southwest and is full of fruit trees and verdure. Just out of the city is a fine fountain, called'Asal; and still further up, an aqueduct and mill. Above the ravine the ascent of the mountain is steep; yet not so but that one might ride up without difficulty. When about two thirds of the way up, we heard a woman calling after us, who proved to be the mother of our Samaritan guide. He was her only son, and had come away, it seems, without her knowledge; and she was now in the utmost terror at finding that he had gone off as a guide to Franks, to show them the holy mountain. She had immediately followed us, and was now crying after us with all the strength of her lungs, forbidding him to proceed, lest some evil should befall him. The young man went back to meet her, and tried to pacify her; but in vain; she insisted upon his returning home. This he was not inclined to do; although he said he could not disobey his mother, and so transgress the law of Moses. This touching trait gave us a favourable idea of the morality of the Samaritans. After reasoning with her a long time without effect, he finally persuaded her to go with us. So she followed us up; at first full of wrath, and keeping at a distance from us; yet at last she became quite reconciled and communicative. Twenty minutes of ascent from the city in the direction southwest led us to the top of Gerizim; which proved to be a tract of high table land stretching off far towards the west and southwest. Twenty minutes more towards the southeast along a regular path upon the table land, brought us to the Wely we had seen before, standing on a small eminence on the eastern brow of the mountain, perhaps the highest point; and overlooking the plain on the east, and indeed, all the country around, including Jebel esh-Sheikh or Hermon in the distance. Here is the holy place of the Samaritans, whither they still come up three times a year to worship. The spot where they sacrifice the passover, seven lambs among them all, was pointed out to us, just below the highest point and before coming to the last slight acclivity. It is marked by two parallel rows of rough stones laid upon the ground; and a small round pit, roughly stoned up, in which the flesh is roasted. On ascending the rise of ground beyond this spot, the first object which presents itself, are the ruins of an immense structure of hewn stones, bearing every appearance of having once been a large and strong fortress. It consisted of two adjacent VOL. II.-24 iii. 97-99

278 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. parts, each measuring about two hundred and fifty feet from east to west and two hundred feet from north to south, giving a length in all of about four hundred feet in the latter direction. The stones are the common limestone of the region, tolerably large, and bevelled at the edges, though rough in the middle. The walls in some places are nine feet thick. At the four corners of the southern division were square towers, and one in the middle of the eastern side. In the northern part is now the Muslim Wely, and also a cemetery. The stranger at first is very naturally struck with the idea, that these must be the remains of the ancient temple of the Samaritans upon Mount Gerizim; but the Samaritans of the present day attach no sanctity whatever to these ruins, and simply call them el-K ul'ah,'the Castle.' We shall hereafter see, that they are probably the remains of a fortress erected by Justinian. Just under the walls of the castle, on the west side, are a few flat stones, of which it is difficult to say whether they were laid there by nature, or by man. Under these, the guide said, are the twelve stones brought out of Jordan by the Israelites;' and there they will remain, until el-Muhdy (the Guide) shall appear. This, he said, and not the Messiah, is the name they give to the expected Saviour. He could not tell when he would appear; but there were already some tokens of his coming. Soon after we passed the castle, towards the south, the guide took off his shoes, saying it was unlawful for his people to tread with shoes upon this ground, it being holy. After a few steps we came to a large naked surface of rock, even with the ground and occupying a considerable area, inclining somewhat towards a cistern in the western part. This he said was their holiest spot, the place where the tabernacle of the Lord with the ark of the covenant had been pitched. He seemed to have no tradition of any temple here; and although we inquired repeatedly, we could not perceive that he had ever heard of any. Around this rock are slight traces of former walls, perhaps of the ancient temple. We measured them, so far as they could be distinguished, fifty-eight feet from north to south and forty-five feet from east to west, but we were afterwards not sure whether this latter ought not to be doubled. This spot is the Kibleh of the Samaritans. On whatever side of it they may be, according to our guide, they always turn their faces towards it in prayer; but when upon the spot itself, it is lawful for them to pray in any direction. Near by the same place, he pointed out the spot where they believed Abraham was commanded to offer up Isaac. On being Benjamin of Tudela relates, that the was built of these twelve stones. Itin. I. altar of the Samaritans on Mount Gerizim p. 67. iii. 99, 100

Jmmu 14.] SUMMIIT OF MOUNT GERIZIM. 279 asked if there were Samaritans in any other part, he said *there were others living beyond the river Sabt, which could be crossed only on a Saturday; but as the Samaritans do not travel on that day, nothing more was known about them. Further south, and indeed all around upon this eminence, are extensive foundations, apparently of dwellings, as if the ruins of a former city. There are also many cisterns; but all were now dry. This point commanded a wide view of the country, and especially of the great plain below, through which we had travelled on approaching Nabulus. The region round about, bore an aspect different from that around Jerusalem; as we had already had occasion to remark upon our journey. Indeed, from Sinjil northwards, we had noticed, that the mountains in general were less lofty and steep, and also less naked; while the valleys spread themselves out into fertile plains or basins, stretching mostly from east to west, but also sometimes from north to south. This plain of Nabulus is the largest of all upon the high tract between the western plain and the Jordan valley; and these mountains are the highest in this region. The length of the plain from S. S. W. to N. N. E. is not far from four* hours; its breadth is somewhat variable in consequence of the irregularity of the hills along the eastern border; but may be taken on an average at from one half to three quarters of an hour. The southern part, as we have seen, which is apparently less fertile, is drained by a Wady running westwards to the Mediterranean. But fiom a point some distance south of the valley of Nabulus, the land begins to incline towards the north, and the waters are carried off at the northeast extremity towards the Jordan, by a branch of the great Wady el-Fari'a.Across the valley of Nabulus, we could see the summit of Mount Ebal spreading out into table land, not unlike that of Gerizim. But the feature in the prospect which struck us most, was the smaller plain already alluded to, which runs up E. S. E. from the eastern side of the MIlkhna, overagainst the valley of Nibulus. It is properly separated from the Mtikhna by a low ridge of rocky hills, through which runs an open Wady connecting the two plains, and draining off the waters of the smaller one westwards, where they then flow northwards and so to the Jordan. On the hills along the north side of this Wady, are seen the three villages of'Azmut, Deir el-Hatab, and Salim; the latter lying furthest east. This may not improbably be the Shalim, a city of Shechem, to which Jacob came on his return from Padan-aram.1 The plain beyond extends eastwards 1 Gen. 33, 18. The existence of this bulus or Shechem, shows at least that it ancient name of a village so near to NAi- is not necessary to suppose the name Shaiii 101, 102

280 NABULTIS. [SEC. iV. for an hour or more, bearing the same characteristics of fertility and beauty as the Mfikhna itself. On its further side, on the low hills, was seen a village called Beit Dejan;' and beyond the southeast part, appeared the high peak of a mountain looking towards the Jordan, along the foot of which passes a road leading from Nabulus through this plain to the Jordan. This was Klirn Silrtabeh, which we had so often seen from the neighbourhood of Jericho.2 On the nearest part of the southern side of the plain, lay another village called Beit Ffurik, not two hours from Nalbulus. The ruined village Kefr Beita lies twenty minutes further west.3 In the same region (southeast) our lists contained the name of'Akrabeh as a village still existing; it follows immediately five of the villages just enumerated, and those of Beita, Haudela,'Awerta, and Raujib, which are situated along the eastern side of the large plain. It would seem therefore to stand somewhere south of the five former, and east of the four latter. We however did not see it, nor was it here mentioned nor pointed out to us by any one. Wherever it may be situated, it is doubtless the ancient Acrabi of Eusebius and Jerome.4-At about twelve Roman miles from Neapolis, in the same quarter, the Onomasticon places a village called Edumia; and in our lists of that region stands the name Daumeh, which probably marks the same site.5 We returned down the mountain by the same route; occupying twenty minutes to the brow of the descent, and twenty minutes thence to the city. We now found the Samaritan priest and several of his people waiting for us, in the little court before their synagogue and school room. The priest seemed about sixty years old, with a shrewd intelligent expression of countenance, and a manner which would command influence anywhere.6 His son, now sub-priest, perhaps thirty-five years of age, seemed in all respects to be of a more ordinary characlim (Salem) to be applied in this passage just visible, N. by W. Mount Hermon to Shechem itself; as is done by Eusebius N. 30~ E.'Azmat N. 55~ E. Deir eland Jerome and others after them. Ono- Hatab N. 70~ E. Sdllim N. 80~ E. Beit mast. art. Salem and Sichem. Equally un- Dejan S. O8 E. Raujib S. 50~ E.'Awerta necessary is the other mode of interpreta- S. 15~ E. tion, which regards it as an adjective, in 4 Onomast. art. Aorabi,'AKpalB9reiv. the meaning safe, prosperous. See gene- 5 Onomast. art. Edomia. - We visited rally, Reland's Dissertat. Miscell. I. 3. p. both'Akrabeh and Daumeh in 1852; see 143. Vol. III. Sect. VII, under May 11th and I This implies another ancient Beth 12th. Dagon, of which we have no account. Our notes do not contain the narme of Comp. above, p. 232, n. 2. the priest; but he is probably the same See Vol. I. p. 536. Sel~meh, who wrote to De Sacy and others Irby and Mangles p. 329. [100].- in 1808, 1820, and 1826. See Notices et From Mount Gerizim we took the fol- Extr. des Mss. etc. Tom. XII. pp. 15, 17, lowing bearings: Nabulus, the west end 234. iii. 102-104

JUNE 14.1 VISIT TO THE SAMARITANS. 281 ter. The priest wore an external robe of red silk, with a white turban; the others had mostly red turbans. In other particulars their dress was similar to the usual costume of the country.. Their common language of intercourse, among themselves and with others, is the Arabic. They were very civil and polite; answered readily all our inquiries respecting themselves, their customs, and their faith ~ and asked many questions, especially the priest respecting America, and particularly whether there were any Samaritans in that country. We did not understand, them as believing, that other colonies of Samaritans actually exist there or elsewhere; but they seemed to have the idea that such a thing was possible, and were anxious to learn the true state of the case. The priest said, they have many books of prayers, commentaries, and the like, in their ancient language and character; which character they call el-'Ebry (the Hebrew), in distinction from that used by the Jews, which they call el-Kashury. They have a copy of tho first volume of Walton's Polyglott; and in the course of conversation, the priest acknowledged to us the correctness of the Samaritan Pentateuch contained in it. They complained, as usual, of the Jewish corruptions of the text; and dwelt upon the superior purity, both of their text and of their observance of the law. After considerable conversation, the priest at length rose and opened the door of their Kenqseh, (the Arabic word for both church and synagogue,) and we all entered, taking off our shoes. It is a small plain arched room, with a recess on the left hand at entering, where their manuscripts are kept, before which a curtain is suspended. We noticed no figure of a dove or of other objects. We inquired after the noted manuscript, which they professed was now 3460 years old; referring it to Abishua the son of Phinehas.l The priest brought out a manuscript from the recess, rolled on two rods in the usual Jewish form; but it turned out to be written in a modern hand and on new parchment. When this was pointed out, the old man laughed, and produced another, which he and the rest all said was the true one. It was certainly very much worn, and somewhat tattered with use and much kissing, and here and there patched with shreds of parchment; but the handwriting appeared to me very similar to the former, and the vellum seemed in like manner not ancient. Of course we were not permitted to handle or touch it; and whatever may be its real age, it is very probably the manuscript which has usually been shown to former travellers and excited their wonder. They professed to have about a hundred 1 Chron. 6, 3. 4. This manuscript is often mentioned in their letters; e. g. De Sacy Corresp. p. 125, and Note. VOL. II.-24' iii. 104, 105

282 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. manuscripts; and the priest said, that he employs himself in writing out copies of the law. When asked if they would sell a copy, the answer was: Yes, for fifty thousand piastres. The Samaritans are now reduced to a very small community; there being only thirty men who pay taxes, and few, if any, who are exempt; so that their whole number cannot be reckoned at over one hundred and fifty souls. One of them is in affluent circumstances; and having been for a long time chief secretary of the Mutesellim of Nabulus, became one of the most important and powerful men of the province. He had recently been superseded in his influence with the governor by a Copt; and now held only the second place. He was called el-'Abd es-Samary. The rest of the Samaritans are not remarkable either for their wealth or poverty. The physiognomy of those we saw was not Jewish; nor indeed did we remark in it any peculiar character, as distinguished from that of other natives of the country. They keep the Saturday as their Sabbath with great strictness, allowing no labour nor trading, not even cooking nor lighting a fire, but, resting from their employments the whole day. On Friday evening they pray in their houses; and on Saturday have public prayers in their synagogue at morning, noon, and evening. They meet also in the synagogue on the great festivals, and on the new moons; but not every day. The law is read in public, not every Sabbath day, but only upon the same festivals. Three times a year they go up to Mount Gerizim (Jebel etTuir) in solemn procession to worship; and then they begin reading the law as they set off, and finish it above. These seasons are: The feast of the Passover, when they pitch their tents on the mountain all night, and sacrifice seven lambs at sunset; the day of Pentecost; and the feast of Tabernacles, when they sojourn there in booths built of branches of the arbutus.' They still maintain their ancient hatred against the Jews; accuse them of departing from the law in not sacrificing the passover, and in various other points, as well as of corrupting the ancient text; and scrupulously avoid all connection with them. If of old " the Jews had no dealings with the Samaritans,"2 the latter at the present day reciprocate the feeling; and neither eat nor drink, nor marry, nor associate with the Jews; but only trade with them. Ex. 23, 14-17. For many years at offer sacrifices on the mountain, and perthe close of the last century and the begin- formed their rites only in the town. Yet ning of the present, the Samalitans were from their letter in 1820, it would appear, unable to perform their devotions on Mount that they had already been able to resume Gerizim, on account of the exactions and their pilgrimages to the summit of Gerizim. oppressions of the government and Sheikhs. De Sacy Corresp. des Samar. pp. 126, 157, Writing to France in 1810, they say that 158. for twenty-five years they had ceased to 2 John 4, 9. iii. 105-107

JUNE 14.] THE SAMARITANS. JACOB'S WELL. 283 We inquired of the Samaritans respecting Jacob's well. They said they acknowledged the tradition, and regarded it as having belonged to the patriarch. It lies at the mouth of the valley, near the south side; and is the same which the Christians sometimes call Bir es-Sgmiriyeh,' Well of the Samaritan woman.' They acknowledge also the tomb near by as the place of Joseph's burial; though the present building is only a Muhammedan Wely. Late as it was, we took a Christian guide, our first old man not having again made his appearance, and set off for Jacob's well. We now passed down on the north of the fountain in the valley and the enclosed gardens below; so that we came to the opening of the valley on the north side. Our guide had professed to know all about the well; but when we had got thus far, he could not tell where it was. We met, however, a Muhammedan, who also acknowledged the tradition respecting Jacob's well and Joseph's tomb. He led us by the latter, which stands in the middle of the mouth of the valley; and then to the well, situated south of the tomb and just at the base of Gerizim, below the road by which we had passed along this morning. We were thirty-five minutes in coming to it from the city. The well bears evident marks of antiquity, but was now dry and deserted; it was said usually to contain living water, and not merely to be filled by the rains. A large. stone was laid loosely over,.or rather in, its mouth; and as the hour was now late and the twilight nearly gone, we made no attempt to remove the stone and examine the vaulted entrance below. We had also no line with us at the moment, to measure the well; but by dropping in stones, we could perceive that it was deep.2 Adjacent to the well are the ruins of an ancient church, forming mounds of rubbish; among which we remarked three granite columns.3 What we thus could not do, had however been done long before by Maundrell. He describes the well as covered by "an old stone vault," into which he descended by a narrow hole in the roof, and there found the proper mouth of the well with a broad flat stone upon it. He removed the stone and measured the well. "It is dug in a firm rock, and contains about three yards in 1 We heard nothing of the tombs of Wetstein Nov. Test. in Act. 1. c. Hieron. Eleazar, Ithamar, Phinehas, and others, Ep. 86, Epitaph. Paulae, p. 677, " atque which the Samaritans have formerly pro- inde [Sichem] divertens vidit duodecim fessed to show at Nabulus. See De Sacy patriarcharum sepulchra." Yet a different Corresp. des Samar. pp. 181, 210, etc.- tradition is also preserved by Josephus, In the address of Stephen, Acts 7, 16, the which makes them to have been buried at twelve sons of Jacob are spoken of as Hebron; Antiq. 2. 8. 2. buried at Shechem; and historical notices 2 John 4, 11. of a Jewish tradition to the same effect, 3 For a subsequent visit to the well, see are found in the Rabbins and in Jerome; in Vol. III. Sect. III, under Apr. 23d, 1852. see Lightfoot Hor. Heb. in Act. 7, 16. iii. 107, 108

284 NABUTLUS. [SEC. XIV. diameter, and thirty-five in depth; five we found full of water."' It was near the end of March when Maundrell thus found fifteen feet of water in the well. In April, 1839, the Rev. S. Calhoun found the well to be only seventy-five feet deep below the vault, with ten or twelve feet of water. This measurement was verified by Dr Wilson in April, 1843; but at that time the bottom was scarcely covered with water.2 According to Bonifacius about 1555, there was then an altar in this vault, on which mass was celebrated once a year; but Quaresmius in the next century remarks, that this practice had been already discontinued many years by the Latins; although the altar still existed in the vault, where the Greeks sometimes yet read mass.3 This tradition respecting both Jacob's well and Joseph's tomb, in which by a singular coincidence Jews 4 and Samaritans, Christians and Muhammedans, all agree, goes back at least to the time of Eusebius in the early part of the fourth century. That writer indeed speaks only of the sepulchre; but the Bourdeaux pilgrim in A. D. 333, mentions also the well; and neither of these writers has any allusion to a church.5 But Jerome in his letter on Paula, which is referred to A. D. 404, makes her visit the church erected at the side of Mount Gerizim around the well of Jacob, where our Lord met the Samaritan woman.6 The church would seem therefore to have been built during the fourth century; though not by Helena, as is reported in modern times. It was visited and is mentioned, as around the well, by Antoninus Martyr near the close of the sixth century; by Arculfus a century later, who describes it as built in the form of a cross; and again by St. Willibald in the eighth century.7 Yet Ssewulf about A. D. 1103, and Phocas in 1185, who speak of the well, make no mention of the church; whence we may conclude that the latter had been destroyed before the period of the crusades.8 Brocardus speaks of ruins around the well, blocks of marble and columns, which he held to be the ruins of a town, the ancient Thebez; they were probably those of the church, to which he makes no allusion.9 Other travellers, both of that age and later, Maundrell, March 24. extructam circum puteum Jacob intravit 2 Lands of the Bible II. p. 55 sq. Ecclesiain," etc. Comp. Narrat. of the Scotch Deputation 7 Anton. Mart. Itin. 6. Adamnanus 2. in 1829, June 20th. 21. St. Willib. Hodwcpor. 22. p. 378. ed. 3 "Tantumin ore pntei remanet altare;" Mabill. See these writers cited in full, Bonifacius, quoted by Quaresmius, II. p. Reland Palsest. p. 1007 sq. 801, col. a. b. 8 Ssewulf Peregrinat. p. 269. Phocas do 4 Lightfoot Hor. Ileb. in Act. 7, 16. Locis Sanct. 13. Reland 1. c. 5 Onomast. art. Sicheiz. Itiner. Hieros. 9 Brocardus c. 7. p. 177. Comp. Marin. ed. Wess. p. 587 sq. Sanut. p. 248, who also mentions the tomb I Hieron. Ep. 86, Epit. Paule, p. 676. of Joseph. ed. Mart. " Et ex latere montis Garizim iii. 109, 110

JUNE 14.] JACOB'S WELL. 285 speak of the church only as destroyed, and the well as already deserted.' Before the days of Eusebius, there seems to be no historical testimony to show the identity of this well, with that which our Saviour visited; and the proof must therefore rest, so far as it can be made out at all, on circumstantial evidence. I am not aware of anything in the nature of the case, that goes to contradict the common tradition; but on the other hand, I see much in the circumstances, tending to confirm the supposition, that this is actually the spot where our Lord held his conversation with the Samaritan woman. Jesus was journeying from Jerusalem to Galilee, and rested at the well, while " his disciples were gone away into the city to buy meat."2 The well therefore lay apparently before the city, and at some distance from it. In passing along the eastern plain, Jesus had halted at the well, and sent his disciples to the city situated in the narrow valley, intending on their return to proceed along the plain on his way to Galilee, without himself visiting the city. All this corresponds exactly to the present character of the ground.3 The well too was Jacob's well, of high antiquity, a known and venerated spot; which, after having already lived for so many ages in tradition, would not be likely to be forgotten in the two and a half centuries, intervening between St. John and Eusebius. A very obvious question presented itself to us upon the spot, viz. How it can be supposed, that the woman should have come from the city, now half an hour distant, with her waterpot, to draw water from Jacob's well, when there are so many fountains just around the city, and she must have also passed directly by a large one at mid-distance? But, in the first place, the ancient city probably lay in part nearer to this well than the modern one; and then too it is not said, that the woman came thitherfrom the city at all. She may have dwelt, or have been labouring, near by the well; and have gone into the city only to make her wonderful report respecting the stranger prophet.4 Or, even granting that her home was in the city, there would be nothing improbable or unusual in the supposition, that the inhabitants may have set a peculiar value on the water of this ancient well of Jacob, and have occasionally put themselves to the trouble of going thither to draw. That it was not the ordinary public well of the city, is probable from the circumSo Will. de Baldensel in Basnage northwards, ascends and crosses the ridge Thesaur. IV. p. 353. Sir J. Maundeville of Mount Ebal at a point west of the town. p. 105. Lond. 1839. Lud. de Suchem. But there is, and doubtless was, also a Itin. p. 93. Reissb. p. 850. Cotovic. p. road along the plain. 337. Quaresmius II. p. 801. etc. etc. 4 John 4, 7. 28. 29. "Woman of Sa2 John 4, 3-8. maria " is here only equivalent to " a Sas The present usual road from Nlbulus maritan woman," one of the Samaritans. iii. 110, 111

286 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. stance, that there was here rio public accommodation for drawing water.' More difficult is it to account for the fact, that a well should ever have been dug here at all, on a spot in the immediate vicinity of so many natural fountains; and irrigated, even at the present day, by rills of running water, brought down from the source higher up the valley, and of sufficient volume to drive a mill. I can solve this difficulty only by admitting, that this is probably the actual well of the patriarch; and that it was dug by him in some connection with the possession of the "parcel of ground," bought of Hamor the father of Shechem; which he gave to his son Joseph, and in which Joseph and possibly his brethren were buried.2 The practice of the patriarchs to dig wells wherever they sojourned, is well known;3 and if Jacob's field, as it would seem, was here before the mouth of the valley of Shechem, he might prefer not to be dependent for water on fountains, which lay up that valley and were not his own. Or, very possibly, the fountain itself may be of later date; the effect of earthquakes, to which the land is subject. I think we may thus rest with confidence in the opinion, that this is Jacob's well, and here the parcel of ground which Jacob gave to his son Joseph. Here the Saviour, wearied with his journey, sat upon the well, and taught the poor Samaritan woman those great truths, which have broken down the separating wall between Jews and Gentiles: "God is a spirit; and they that worship him, must worship him in spirit and in truth." Here, too, as the people flocked from the city to hear him, he pointed his disciples to the waving fields which decked the noble plain around, exclaiming: "Say not ye, There are yet four months, and then cometh harvest? Behold, I say unto you, Lift up your eyes, and look on the fields; for they are white already to harvest! "4 It was half past 8 o'clock when we returned to our tent; wearied indeed in body, but refreshed in spirit, as we read anew, and in the midst of the very scenes, the account of our Saviour's visit and sublime teaching.5 In our interview with the Samaritans, we had forgotten to inquire respecting the general statistics of Nabulus; and we had no other acquaintance on whose information we could depend. The only Christians here are Greeks, numbering 120 taxable men, or about 500 souls. There is a Greek bishop of 1 John 4, 11.' Gen. 21, 25. 30. 26, 15. 18-32. 2 Gen. 33, 19. Josh. 24, 32. John 5, 4 John 4, 20-24. 30. 35. 5. Acts 7, 15. 16. Comp. Lightfoot We visited NAbulus again in 1852; Hor. Heb. in Act. 7, 16. See also above, see Vol. III. Sect. III, under Apr. 23. p. 283. n. 1. iii. 112, 113.

JUNE 14.] SHECHEM, HISTORY. 287 Nabulus; but he resides in the convent at Jerusalem.' The Samaritans count some 150 souls, as we have seen; and there were Baid to be about as many Jews. From various data, we were led to estimate the whole population at about 8000 souls; all Muhaimmedans, with the exceptions above specified. The present governor of the province of Nabulus was a son of Husein, the former Mudir of'Akka.2 It would be useless to spend time here, in showing that the NWabulus of the present day is the Neapolis of the Roman age; or that the latter appellation took the place of the more ancient name Shechem. It is one of the very few foreign names imposed. by the Romans in Palestine, which have survived to the present day. The historical testimonies to the general identity of Neapolis and Sichem are hardly less definite and numerous, than in the case of Allia and Jerusalem;3 while the situation of Na'bulus in the mountains of Ephraim and beneath Mount Gerizim, of which tradition has never lost sight, corresponds entirely to the ancient accounts of the position of Shechem. Shechem was a very ancient place, though we do not find it mentioned as a city, until the time of Jacob. Abraham indeed first came, in the land of Canaan, " unto the place of Shechem, unto the oaks of MIoreh;;" and Jacob on his return from PadanAram, came to Siialim, a city of Shechem, "and pitched his tents before" (east of) the latter city. This corresponds to the present village of Salim, which lies east of Nabulus across the great plain. In this plain the patriarch encamped, and purchased the " parcel of ground," still marked by his well and the traditional tomb of Joseph.5 It was here that Dinah was defiled by Shechem the son of Hamor, prince of the country; and the city Shechem with its gates is spoken of, named probably after that prince. It would seem not then to have'been large; inasmuch as the two sons of Jacob were able to overcome and to slay all the males.6 Jacob's field, as we have seen, was a permanent possession; and the patriarch, even when residing at Hebron, sent his flocks to pasture in this neighbourhood. It was on a visit to them in this region, that Joseph was sold by his brethren.7 1 See Vol. I. p. 425. 1068. Hieron. Ep. 86, Epitaph. Paulae, p. There are said to be leprous persons 676, "Transivit Sichem,-qua nunc Neaat Ndibulus, as well as at Jerusalem; but polis appellatur," etc. See also other auwe did not here meet with them. Pax- thorities, Reland Pal. p. 1004 sq. ton's Letters, xv. p. 173. Loud. 4 Gen. 12, 6. 3 JosephuLs has usually Sichem; but 5 Gen. 33, 18. 19. See above. p. 279. also once Neapolis, B. J. 4. 8. 1. Epipha- n. 1; also p. 286. nius adv. Ifier. lib. iii. p. 1055,'EY ~vrcdloLs, 6 Gen. 34, 1. 2. 20. 24. 25. ToOr' >Rs-T, &vt il vu yr NSaC-eo'Ae. ib. p. 7 Gen. 37, 12-14. iii. 113. 114

288 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. On the return of the Israelites from Egypt, after they had passed over Jordan, they were directed to set up great stones and build an altar on Mount Ebal; and to station six of the tribes upon Mount Gerizimn to bless the people, and six upon Mount Ebal to curse.' Between these two mountains, according to Josephus, lay Shechem, having Ebal on the north and Gerizim on the south.2 In the division of the land, Shechem fell to the lot of Ephraim, but was assigned to the Levites and made a city of refuge.3 Here Joshua met the assembled people for the last time.4 In the days of the Judges, Abimelech treacherously got possession of the city, which gave occasion for the beautiful parable of Jothamn, delivered from Mount Gerizim; in the end the people proved treacherous to the usurper, and the city was destroyed by him.5 At Shechem all Israel came together to make Reboboam king; here the ten tribes rebelled; and the city became for a time the royal residence of Jeroboam.6 We hear nothing more of it before the exile; during which it seems still to have been inhabited.7 After the exile, Shechem is mainly known as the chief seat of the people, who thenceforth bore the name of Samaritans. Of the origin of this people we have no ancient account, except in the Scriptures and in Josephus. It appears that after the carrying away captive of the Israelites from Mount Ephraim and the region of Samaria by the Assyrian Shalmaneser, the same monarch brought men from Babylon, and from other eastern countries, "and placed them in the cities of Samaria instead of the children of Israel; and they possessed Samaria and dwelt in the cities thereof."8 Visited and disturbed by lions, this people applied to the king of Assyria for one of the Israelitish priests, to "teach them the manner of the God of the land;" and one was sent accordingly, and took up his abode at Bethel, the former scene of Jeroboam's idolatry. So, " they feared the Lord, and served their own gods," each his own national idols; " and made unto themselves of the lowest of them priests of the high places." This continued to be the case down to the time when the scriptural account was written; and it was this people, according to Josephus, who were called in Hebrew Cutheans, and in the Greek language Samaritans.9 1Deut. 27, 1-13. The altar in verse 5 Judg. 9, 1-49. 4, according to the present Hebrew text, 6 I Kings 12, 1. 12-16. 25. was to be on Ebal. The Samaritan text 7 Jer. 41, 5. reads here Gerizim; and this is the main 8 2 Kings 17, 3. 6. 24. Joseph. Antiq. point, in which they charge the Jews with 9. 14. 1, 3. ib. 10. 9. 7. —The Samnaritalis corrupting the text. themselves afterwards refer their transpor2 Joseph. Ant. 4. 8. 44. Comp. Judng. tation into the land to Esar-haddon, Ezra 9, 7. 4, 2. This may have been a later emnigraJosh. 20, 7. 21, 20. 21. tion. 4 Josh. 24, 1. 25. v 2 Kings 18, 25-34. 41. Joseph. Ant. l. c. iii. 114-116

JUNE 14.] ORIGIN OF THE SAMARITANS. 289 According to these accounts, it appears that the Samaritans were originally foreigners, having nothing in common with the Jews; and not a mixed race, as is commonly assumed, except so far as a comparatively few straggling Israelites of the lower classes may not improbably have remained in their homes.' The introduction of the Pentateuch among them is sufficiently accounted for, by the return of the Israelitish priest to Bethel, and the partial renewal of the Israelitish worship. When the Jews returned under Zerubbabel from their exile, and began to rebuild Jerusalem and their temple, the Samaritans also desired to aid them in the work: "Let us build with you; for we seek your Gdd as ye do; and we do sacrifice unto him since the days of Esar-haddon."2 It was the refusal of the Jews to admit them to this privilege, that gave rise to the subsequent hatred between the two races; and from that moment the Samaritans did all they could, to hinder the rebuilding both of the temple and the city.3 It was the same refusal, probably, and subsequent acts of mutual hatred, that stimulated the Samaritans to erect a temple of their own upon Mount Gerizim. The immediate occasion appears to have been the circumstance related by Nehemiah, that a son of Joiada the high priest had become son-in-law to Sanballat, and had on this account been expelled from Jerusalem.4 According to Josephus, this person was Manasseh, a brother of the high priest Jaddus, and was expelled as having married the daughter of Sanballat, the Persian governor of Samaria under Darius Codonmanus and Alexander the Great, about 330 B. C. some eighty years later than the time of Nehemiah.5 The same writer relates, that Manasseh withdrew to the Samaritans; and that Sanballat, his father-in-law, having joined Alexander the Great before Tyre, obtained from that moliarch permission to erect a temple on Mount Gerizim, in which he constituted Manasseh high priest.6 Sichem, at the foot of Gerizim, now became the metropolis of the Samaritans, and was inhabited by apostate Jews; and according to Josephus, if a Jew at Jerusalem was called to an account for eating unclean food, or for breaking the Sabbath, or for any I The common view is perhaps most seem most probably to be a chronological strongly stated by De Sacy, Corresp. des error on the part of Josephus; since it is Samaritains, p. 3, in Notices et Extr. des hardly supposable, that the very same fact, Mss. de la Biblioth. du Roi, Tom XII. with the like circumstances, should occur For the opposite view, see Hengstenberg at two different times to different persons Authentie des Pentat. I. p. 1 sq. bearing the same names. Hence too the Ezra 4, 2. building of the temple on Gerizim, is proEzra c. 4. Nehem. cc. 4. 6. Joseph. bably to be placed earlier than the time of Ant. 11. 4. 9. Alexander. 4 Neh. 13, 28. 6 Joseph. Ant. 11. 8. 2, 4. Joseph. Ant. 11. 7. 2. This would VOL. II.-25 iii. 116, 117

290 NABULUS. [SEc. XIV. similar crime, he fled to the Sichemites, declaring himself to be unjustly accused.' The mutual hatred continued to increase, each party contending for the sanctity of their own temple;2 though the Jewish historian, with apparent justice, accuses the Samaritans of professing to be Jews and descended from Joseph, when this might tend to their advantage; or of disclaiming all kindred and connection with them, when this would better serve their turn.3 Broils sometimes ensued;4 and at length:-the temple on Gerizim was destroyed by John Hyrcanus, about 129 B. C. having stood, according to Josephus, about two hundred years.5 The broils continued, and the hatred increased. Uhder the procurator Coponius, who followed Archelaus, a Samaritan entered Jerusalem secretly, and polluted the whole temple, by scattering in it human bones.6 The name Samaritan had now become among the Jews a by-word and term of reproach; and all intercourse with them was avoided. Of this we find various traces in the New Testament. Jesus himself was called a Samaritan in scorn; and the seventy disciples, when first: sent out, were not to go to the cities of the Samaritans, since they did not belong to the house of Israel.7 They still clung to their worship on Mount Gerizim; and lived in expectation of a Messiah.' In consequence of this hatred, and in allusion to this idolatry, the town of Sichem probably received among the Jewish common people the by-name Sychar, which we find in the Gospel of St. John; while Stephen, in addressing the more courtly Sanhedrim, employs the ancient name.' Yet many of the Samaritans believed on Christ in Sichem itself; and afterwards, churches were gathered in their towns and villages by the apostles." I Jos. Ant. 11. 8. 6, cal/apfe?'Tat p.tp7tpro- 26, 6 Aabs towpbs 6 CaTroLIccs:ivs ZLdl/Ls. XI' 1rTe r1pV iIctpla iEXoTes, IcLUev?1vY rpbs Testam. XII Patriarch. p. 564. 4 r EapifEv'pIEL val c iaTc U rY'Vv verb frrCy vs John 4, 20. 25. nroeo'raTrv ToD'Iov~aLowvz foUs. Ib. l1. 9 John 4, 5. Acts 7, 16.-This name 8. 7.-Comp. Jahn Bibl. Archteol. Th. II. Sychar (uvXd,o) might come from Heb. Bd. II. p. 303. thy: falsehood, spoken of idols, Hab. 2, " Jos. Ant. 12. 1.1. Nb. 13. 3. 4. 3 Jos. Ant. 12. 1. 3. iThus towards 18; or also from'3.j drunkard, in allu3 Jos. Ant. 9. 14. 3. Thus tow~ards sion to Is. 28, 1. 7. C(omp. Sirac. 50, 26. Alexander they professed to be Hebrews, Test. XII Patr. p. 564, oTrat ya7p &rb a7,uEib. 11. 8. 6. With Antiochus they claimed pov >Loky AXye-dbal 7rtALS o-uV'Twv. The to be Medes and Persians, and asked per- Jews were fond of such slight like-sounding mission to dedicate their temple to Jupiter perversions of proper names Hellenius; ib. 12. 5. 5. Comp. 2 Macc. between C:lt Beelebb 2. 1, 2. 3, 6, 2. * - * between MIMI ~.:1 Beelzebub, 2 R. 1, 2. 3, and BeEX(e/3S 0X Beelzebul, applied in the Jos. Ant. 12. 4. 1. ib. 13. 3. 4. ib. 13. 10Jos. bAn. 1i. 4.. ib 13 3 4 ib 13N. T. to Satan, Matt. 10, 25. etc. So too 5 2Ibid. 13. 9.1. B. J. 1. 2. 6. Bethaven for )Bethel, Hos. 4, 15. 5, 8; comp. Amos 5, 5. See Reland Dissert. 6 Jos. Ant. 18. 2. 2. Comp. 20. 6. 1. Miscell. I. p. 140 sq. Hengstenb. Auth. des John 8, 48. 4, 9. 27. Matt. 10, 5. Pentat. I. p. 25 sq. Luke 17, 16. 18. See also Sirac. 50, 25.' John 4, 39-42. Acts 8, 5-25. 9, 31. iii. 117-119

JUNE 14.] HISTORY. iNEAPOLIS. 291 Not long after the times of the New Testament, the city of Sichem received the new name of Neapolis, which remains to the present day in the Arabic form Nabulus. This took place apparently under Vespasian; for the coins of the city, of which there are many from Titus to Volusianus, bear the inscription " Flavia Neapolis;" the former epithet being adopted in honour of Flavius Vespasian, probably in consequence of some benefit conferred by him.' The name Neapolis is already mentioned by Josephus, and also by Pliny, who died A. D. 79; and both these writers affirm, that the place was before called Mabortha or Mamortha by its inhabitants; a circumstance of which there seems to be no further historical trace, and no very satisfactory solution.2 There is also a question, whether Neapolis occupied, or now occupies, precisely the same spot as Sichem; though the fact of their general identity does not:appear to be doubtful.3 The difficulty has apparently arisen, from what seems to have been a mrere hypothesis current in the days of Eusebius, when the rage for pilgrimages and the finding out of scriptural places was just beginning. At that time Sychar and Sichem were regarded as two distinct places, and both of them different from Neapolis. Eusebius says expressly, that Sychar lay before (east of) Neapolis by the field of Joseph with Jacob's well; while Sichem was pointed out as a deserted place in the suburbs of Neapolis, where was also Joseph's tomb.4 The Bourdeaux pilgrim in the same age (A. D. 333) is more specific. According to him, by Neapolis at the foot of Mount Gerizim lay the place called Sichem, where was the monument of Joseph; and at one Roman mile further was Sychar, whence the Samaritan woman came to draw water at Jacob's well.5 It is hardly necessary to remark upon the confusion and inconsistency of all this, and how strongly it savours of the For this custom of cities adopting the make out of it Flavia Neapolis, which names of their benefactor on coins, see was not a metropolis. See Harduin Numabove, p. 60 and n. 3. For the coins mor. antiq. populorum et arbium illustr. of Neapolis, see Eckhel Doctr. Num- p. 341. Cellarius Collectanea Hist. Samar. mor. III. p. 433 sq. Mionnet MWdailles p. 10. Reland Dissert. Miscell. I. p. 137 sq. Antiques, Tom. V. p. 499. Suppl. VIII p. p. See above, p. 287. n. 3. 344 sq. 4 Onomast. arts. Sichar, Sichem. See 2 Jos. B. J. 4. 8. 1, 7rap& riYj NedbroXiv also arts. Luza, Terebinthus. Reland KaXovEZvoV,, Ma/3opa 8 a'uI'lrbiz iLrpXWpiw[v. Paloest. p. 1004. Plin. H. N. 5. 13, "Neapolis, quea ante 6 Itin. Hierosol. ed. Wesseling, p. 587, Marnmortha dicebatur." Harduin professes "Neapoli.-Inde ad pedem montis ipsius to give a coin of Marcus Aurelius with the locus est, cui nomen Sechim; inde poreading: NEA. MHTPOnOA. MOPOIA, situs est monumentum, ubi positus est (to which he prefixes @A.) which last word Joseph in villa, quam dedit ei Jacob MOPOIA Cellarius and Reland take for the pater ejus.-Inde passus mille, locus est name Mamortha, and attempt to explain cui nomen Sechar, unde descendit mulier it. But I find no such inscription among Samaritanas ad eundem locum, ubi Jacob all the coins in Eckhel and Mionnet; and puteum fodit," etc. there certainly is no sufficient ground to iii. 119. 120

292 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. spirit of the age. Nor did this hypothesis continue long. Jerome, who had more of critical acumen than most of his cotemporaries; and who in his version of the Onomasticon, had contented himself with simply translating Eusebius' account of a distinct Sychar and Sichem; comes out boldly in other places, and pronounces Sychar to be merely an erroneous reading for Sichem, which latter he declares to be identical with Neapolis.' From that time onwards, this identity does not appear to have been again drawn in question. Yet in all probability, the ancient city was much larger than the Neapolils of Eusebius; and there is nothing incredible in the idea, that a portion of its ruins may still be seen on the east of the latter place, stretching down for some distance towards Jacob's well, or even near to it. Jerusalem itself extended anciently much further north and south, than at the present day. That such ruins should now have disappeared around Nhabulus, is not surprising; the stones would very naturally be used in the structures of the modern city.2 Indeed, if we may credit the accounts of Josephus, the Neapolis of his day appears to have had a population far greater than that of the present city; and the people continued long to be known chiefly by the name of Samaritans. So early as the time of Pilate, we read of a tumult and sedition excited among them by an adventurer, who persuaded the common people to follow him to the summit of Mount Gerizim, where he proposed to show them the golden vessels which Moses in ancient times had buried there. But Pilate ordered troops to attack this multitude; and having dispersed them, caused many of the leaders to be put to death. The Samaritans complained of him before Vitellius, then proconsul of Syria.; and this was the occasion of Pilate's being deposed and sent to Rome.3 In general, the Samaritans would seem to have been no less hostile to the Romans, than were the Jews themselves. While Vespasian was engaged in subduing various portions of the country, a great multitude of the Samaritans collected and posted themselves upon Mount Gerizim. Vespasian, anticipating their movements, sent against them Cerealis with a body of troops; "Transivit Sichem, non ut plerique 2 Maundrell mentions " some pieces of a errantes legunt Sichar, quse nunc Neapolis very thick wall still to be seen not very far appellatur;" Ep. 86, Epit. Paulae, p. 676. from hence," i. e. from the well; March 24. ed. Mart.-" Hebraice Sichem dicitur, ut Schubert speaks of the " supposed walls Johannes quoque Evangelista testatur; of ancient Sichem" as visible in several lieet vitiose, ut Sichar legatur, error inole- places between the present city and Jacob's vit;" Qumst. in Gen. cap. xlviii. no. 22.- well; Reise III. p. 153. We were not It may be proper to remark, that this able to make out anything of this sort; opinion of Jerome as to the reading Sychar, and saw only the ruins of the church and is contradicted by all the Greek mannu- of the hamlet Belat. scripts of the N. T. s Joseph. Ant. 18. 4. 1, 2. iii. 120-122

JUNE 14.] HISTORY. THE SAMARITANS. 293 who ultimately surrounded them, and having in vain proposed terms of submission, attacked them and slew to the number of eleven thousand six hundred -persons.l: Whether the city itself was destroyed or rebuilt by Vespasian, we are not informed. The Samaritan worship would appear to have long continued predominant at Neapolis; for upon the coins of the subsequent centuries, we find Mount Gerizim with its temple depicted as the symbol of the city. There is indeed no historical testimony, that the former temple was ever rebuilt; yet there was doubtless an altar, or some kind of structure, where their worship was held. The Samaritans are not mentioned in connection with the Jewish war and catastrophe under Adrian; but under Septimius Severus, about A. D. 200, they appear to have made common cause with the Jews against that emperor; and Neapolis was deprived by him of its rights as a city.2 In that and the following centuries, the Samaritans were spread extensively not only in Egypt and the east, but also in the west as far as to Rome itself; where they had a synagogue in the time of Theodoric, after A. D. 493.3 Their occupation appears to have' been chiefly that of merchants and money changers, much like the Jews.4 There had already been converts to the Christian faith in Neapolis under our Saviour; and in all probability a church had been gathered here, during-the ministry of the apostles.5 The celebrated Justin Martyr, who suffered at Rome about A. D. 163, was a native of this city.6 It also became early the seat of a Christian bishop. The name of Germanus, bishop of Neapolis, appears among the subscriptions to the councils of Ancyra and Neocesarea A. D. 314, and to that of Nicea A. D. 325; while the names of four others are also preserved, the last of whom, John, was a sigrer at the synod of Jerusalem A. D. 536.7 The general condition of the city in the fourth and fifth 1 Joseph. B. J. 3. 7. 32. 4 See the edict of Justinian, lepl 2 Euseb Chron. " Judaicum et Samari- apyvpo7rparucrtcv svvaaxwyl'rcowv, where it ticum bellum motum est." Spartian. in is said: Esi ypd//yara (pEpot av'ToD'oe T'rs Sept. Sev. c. 16, "Neapolitanis Palkesti-'pa-rer1s 7rpoesoKo'reos,'roD ys o' roypapEs nensibus jus civitatis tulit, quod pro Nigro abrov, os YaapcEps'ras fcaXovol. Cellarius, [ Severi oemulo] diu in armis fuerant." This 1. c. pp. 23, 25. right was probably restored; for the same 5 John 4, 39-42. Acts 8, 25. 9, 31. writer remarks, c. 15, "Palestinis pcenam 15, 3. remisit, quam ob caussam Nigri meruerant." " Apol. 2. p. 41,'Iov6rrT'Vos —a'rb 4,XaoVtas See Cellarii Collectan. Hist. Samar. I. 7. Neas d4xoews E vpfas'ris IIa.atortvsqs. p. 22. Euseb. Hist. Ecc. 4. 12. 3 This appears from the laws of the 7 Labbe Concil. general. Coll. Tom. I. Cod. Theodos. especially XVI, XXVIII, pp. 1475, 1488. Tom. II. p. 51. Tom. de Judaeis, Coelicolis, et Samaritanis; V. p. 286. See generally, Le Quien Oriens XVIII de Noviculariis; CXXIX, CXLIV, Chr. III. col. 647 sq. Reland Palest. p. de Samaritis. Cellarius l. c. pp. 16, 22, 1009. See above, Vol. I. p. 383. Neapolis 23, 25.-For the synagogue, see Cassiodor. stands also in the Greek ecclesiastical Variar. Epist. lib. III. 45. Cellarius, 1. c. Notitin; see Reland Pal. pp. 215, 220. p. 23. VOL. II.-25* iii, 122. 123

294 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. centuries, as reported by Eusebius, the Bourdeaux pilgrim, and Jerome, we have already seen.' Nearly a century later, the hatred of the Samaritans broke out against the Christians, and gave rise anew to scenes of tumult and slaughter. The historian Procopius relates, that under the reign of Zeno (after A. D. 474) a tumult arose at Neapolis, in which the Samaritans rushed in great numbers into the church, where the Christians were celebrating the festival of Pentecost, killed many, maimed the bishop Terebinthus by cutting off his fingers, and committed other horrible atrocities. The bishop himself repaired to Constantinople, and made complaint to the emperor; who immediately took measures to punish the guilty. The Samaritans were driven from Mount Gerizim, which was made over to the Christians; and Zeno erected there a church in honour of the virgin, which he surrounded by what in ap*pearance was a wall, though in realityr only a fence;2 stationing a strong garrison below in the city, but only a small guard at the church above. The Samaritans smothered their indignation for a time;3 but it broke out again under Anastasius and Justinian. During the reign of the former, a band of this people, under the guidance of a woman, ascended Mount Gerizim from a different side, seized upon the. church, and slew the guard; but the troops in the city were able to prevent their being supported by the inhabitants, and the ringleaders were seized and punished. In respect to the troubles under Justinian, Procopius only remarks, that this emperor erected outside of the former wall or fence around the church on Mount Gerizim, a second wall, which, while it left the appearance of the work unchanged, rendered it wholly impregnable. This was probably the fortress, the ruins of which are still seen upon the mountain, bearing every mark of a Roman origin.4 The emperor also caused the five Christian churches, destroyed by the Samaritans in the city itself, to be rebuilt. The Samaritan insurrection under Justinian, is more fully described by Cyril of Scythopolis in his life of St. Sabas. According to him, the whole race of the Samaritans in Palestine rose upon the Christians, in May, A. D. 529, the third year of Justinian's reign. They perpetrated many atrocities, plundering and burning churches, torturing Christians to death, and setting on fire whole villages, especially in the vicinity of NePages 291, 292. drive out the Christians from Caesarea. 2 TeLXL.t IerOS idb tlepb,' -roi-o Biev r' Reland Pal. p. 673. AXyT, r'b Be &a1,aes &aroTpLyX&Oas. 4 Procop. de A dific. Justin. 5. 7. Id. According to the Chronicon Paschale, Historia Arcana (Anecdot.) ~ 11.-See A.. D. 484, the Samaritans under a leader above, p. 277 sq. Justusa, made an attempt in that year to - iii. 123-125

JUNE 14.] HISTORY. THE SAMARITANS. 295 apolis, their head quarters. Here they put the bishop Ammonas to death, and set up a leader of their own, Julian, whom they crowned as king. The emperor immediately sent troops against them; a battle took place; and Julian with an immense number of the Samaritans was slain. The holy Sabas now repaired to Constantinople in the name of the Christians of Palestine, to ask for a remission of tribute on account of the devastations of the Samaritans, and protection against their future machinations. The emperor granted all his requests; remitted the tribute; ordered the churches to be rebuilt; and by an edict took away from the Samaritans all their synagogues, and dedclared them incapable of holding any public employment, or of acquiring property by inheritance or by gift among themselves.' This testimony is borne out also by the laws of Justinian.2 The same general account is likewise given by Theophanes and Eutychius; from the former of whom it appears, that many of the Samaritans fled to Chosroes king of Persia, who was induced by their persuasion not to make peace with Justinian.3 Many also became Christians.4 From that time onwards, the existence of the Samaritans is rarely mentioned in history. On the invasion of the Muhammedans, and while the siege of Jerusalem was going on, Neapolis, Sebaste, and other smaller towns, were brought under the power of the conquerors.5 From that time until the crusades, we hear nothing further of Neapolis; except the slight notices of the few pilgrims, who mention only Jacob's well and Mount Gerizim.Y Immediately after the capture of Jerusalem by the crusaders, some of the chiefs from the mountains of Samaria around Neapolis came to the Christian camp, bringing presents, and inviting the Franks to take possession of those towns; which was done by Tancred without resistance.7 In A. D. 1113 Neapolis was laid waste during a temporary incursion of the Saracens.8 Under king Baldwin II in A. D. 1120, an assembly of prelates and nobles was held at Cyrill. Scythop. Vita St. Sabse ~ 70 5 Abulfeda Annales ed. Adler Tom. I. sq. in Cotclerii Eccles. Grsec. Monurn. Tom. p. 229. Haftime 1789. 4. III. p. 339 sq. Reland Pal. p. 674. Le 6 See above, p. 284. Reland Pal. p. Quien Oriens Chr. III. p. 190 sq. 1007 sq.-Neapolis is also found in the 2 Cellarii Collectanea Hist. Samar. II. Latin ecclesiastical Notitia appended to the 11. p. 25. Procop. Histor. Arcan. Notes work of William of Tyre, referring to the p. 131, ed. Paris. pp. 405, 406, ed. Bonn, period before the crusades; Reland Pal. p. lesgEr elvrb Ua.apcEzr&W 7rp(UVyJYVrwv 227. But in another very corrupt one, aura,, Theophanis Chronogr. p. 152, ed. referring evidently to the time of the Paris. Eutychii Annales II. p. 156. crusades, it is omitted; Reland ib. p. 222. Oxon. 1658. Comp. Reland Pal. p. 673.- Both these Notitihe are obviously made up Theophanes places this war in A. D. 548; of heterogeneous materials. but his account and that of Cyril probably 7 Will. Tyr 9. 20. Guibert Abbot. 14. refer to the same events. p. 540. Chron. Paschal. Also Procop. Notes 8 Fulcher. Carnot. 40. p. 424. p. 131, ed. Par. p. 406, ed. Bonn. iii. 125, 126

296 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. lNeapolis to consult upon the state of the country, then visited with the judgments of God for the sins of the people, and suffering not only from the assaults of the common enemy, but also from frequent earthquakes, and from the plague of locusts and mice during four successive years. The decisions of this assembly were directed against the enormous lewdness-and other vices prevalent among the crusaders; and copies of them were everywhere deposited in the churches.' Neapolis was not itself made a Latin bishopric, but belonged probably to that of Samaria; and the property of it was assigned to the abbot and canons of the church of the Holy Sepulchre.2 The city did not escape the calamities of those days. In A. D. 1184 it was plundered by Saladin after his repulse from Kerak.3 It remained however in the hands of the Christians; for two years later, A. D. 1186, Count Raymond and the priests and barons who opposed -the usurpation of Sibylla and her husband Guy of Lusignan, made it their rendezvous.4 Immediately after the fatal battle of Hattin in 1187, Neapolis was laid waste, and the holy places around it polluted, with many atrocities, by a portion of the troops of Saladin.2 In A. D. 1242 it appears again to have fallen into the hands of the Christians; but two years later was captured by Abu'Aly, the colleague of Bibars.6 Since that time it has remained in the hands of the Muhammedans, apparently without great change; and is mentioned by all travellers who have passed by the direct route, between Jerusalem and Nazareth or'Akka. It is singular that the Christian historians of the crusades, appear to make no allusion whatever to the existence of the Samaritans at Nabulus; they probably regarded them as Jews, of whom in like manner they make little mention. The Jewish traveller Benjamin of Tudela, in the last half of the twelfth century, was the first to bring them again into notice. He speaks at Ntabulus of the Cutheans, who amounted to about one hundred persons, and were called Samaritans; they professed to be of the tribe of Ephraim, and had priests descended from the family of Aaron. He describes them much as they are at the present day; they had their synagogue, and sacrificed on Mount Gerizim on the day of the passover and other festivals.7 Ara1 Will. Tyr. 12. 13. Wilken Gesch. der 5 Rad. Coogesh. in Martene et Durand Kr. I. p. 310. II. p. 457 sq.-The acts of Tom. V. p. 560 sq. Mejr ed-Din in Fundgr. this assembly are contained in Mansi Con- des Or. III. -p. 81. Wilken ibid. p. 294. cil. Tom. XXI. pp. 261-266. o Makrizi in Wilken Comment. de Bell. 2 Jac. de Vitr. 58. p. 1078. Notitia in Cruc. p. 204. Reland Pal. p. 222.'7 Benj. of Tud. I. p. 66-68. Benjamin s Bohaedd. Vit. Salad. p. 59. Abulf. asserts, that in his day there were also two Annal. A. H. 580. hundred Samaritans in CEesarea; ib. p. 65. 4 Wilken Gesch. der Kr. III. ii. p. 252. iii. 126-128

JUNE 14.1 HISTORY. THE SAMARITANS. 297 bian writers of the same period speak also of the Samaritans, whom they confound with the Jews.' The first Christian travellers who appear to have noticed this people, are William of Baldensel in A. D. 1336, and Sir John Maundeville about the same time; the former describes the Samaritans as a singular sect, differing alike from Christians, Jews, Saracens, and Pagans; and distinguished from all by their red turbans, as at the present day.2 The pilgrims of the following centuries appear seldom to have taken this route; and I find no further mention of the Samaritans until Cotovicus in A. D. 1598, who speaks of them as a sect of the Jews, but without affording any particulars concerning them.3 Della Valle, in the early part of the next (seventeenth) century, was the first to give some account of them; Maundrell in A. D. 1697 visited and describes them; and Morison also slightly mentions them in the following year.4 During the eighteenth century, they appear to have been noticed by very few if any travellers; indeed almost no Frank passed on this route. Within the present century they have again been brought more into notice; although few travellers have taken the pains to visit them.5 A greater interest however has been excited in behalf of the Samaritans, and more information acquired respecting them, in consequence of their correspondence with several learned Europeans, and the publication of their copies of the Pentateuch. The existence of the Pentateuch among them appears to have been early known to scholars; and Julius Scaliger, in the sixteenth century, was the first, according to De Sacy, to point out the importance of obtaining copies of it in Europe.6 This wish was first fulfilled by the traveller Della Valle in A. D. 1616. When at Constantinople on his way to the east, he was commissioned by De Sancy, then French amrbalssaclor in that city, to purchase Samaritan manuscripts; and after attempting So the Arabian geographer Yakfut devotedtwofolio volumesto an "historical, about A. D. 1200; see Schultens Ind. theological, and moral elucidation" of the geogr. in Vit. Salad. art. Neapolis. Abul- Holy Land, in which he describes Nabulus feda Tab. Syr. p. 85. Mejr ed-Din in and recounts the ancient history of the Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 139. Samaritans, makes nevertheless not the 2 Guil. de Baldensel Hodepor. p 353, slightest allusion to their present existence. in Canisii Thesaur. ed. Basnage, Tom. IV. 5 Dr Clarke speaks of the Samaritans, Sir J. Maundeville gives much the same but only from Benjamin of Tudela and account; p. 108. Lond. 1839.-See above, Maundrell; p 511 sq. 4to. Buckingham p. 281. does the same, also without having seen 3 Cotovic. Itin. p. 342. them; p. 528 sq. Within the last twenty Della Valle Voyages Tom. II. p. 103 years they tlave been visited by Messrs sq. Paris 1745. Maundrell March 24 Jowett and Fisk, Connor, Elliott, and Morison Relation, etc. pp. 234, 210.-It is others. perhaps worth observing, that Quaresmius, 6 De Sacy Corresp. des Samar. p. 7 in who lived several years in Palestine, and Notices et Extr. Tom. XII. iii. 128, 129

298 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. it in vain at Cairo, Gaza, and Nabulus, he was able to procure at Damascus two copies of the Pentateuch. One, on parchment, exhibiting the Hebrew text in Samaritan characters, he transmitted to the ambassador; the other, on paper, containing the Samaritan version, he retained for himself.' The former was sent by De Sancy to the library of the Oratoire in Paris, and was published by J. Morin in the Paris Polyglott; the latter was loaned by Della Valle to the same editor, and appeared also in the same work.2 Both were afterwards reprinted with slight corrections in the London Polyglott. The munificence of archbishop Usher was able to procure, not long after, no fewer than six additional manuscripts of the Hebrew-Samaritan Pentateuch; another was sent to England by Robert Huntington about A. D. 1672; and the number continued to increase, so that Kenriicott was able to collate, for his great work, not less than sixteen manuscripts more or less complete. Of these, six are in the Bodleian Library, and one in the British Museum.3-The Samaritan-Arabic version of Abu Sa'id has never yet been fully printed; but lies in seven manuscripts in the libraries of Rome, Oxford, Paris, and Leyden.4 The general merits of all these copies of the Pentateuch, have been investigated by able scholars.5 Long before the wish of the elder Scaliger had thus been fulfilled, in the acquisition and- publication of the Samaritan Pentateuch, his son Joseph Scaliger had attempted to open a direct correspondence with that people themselves; and had written to their communities in NAbulus and Cairo. Answers were sent from both these places; but although dated in the year 998 of the Hejra, A. ID. 1589, they never reached Scaliger, who died A. D. 1609. After passing through several hands, they came into the possession of J. Morin, who made a Latin translation of them, which was published after his death.6 The Della Valle Voyages Tom. II. p. 105 horn's Einleit. ins A. T. Vol. I. p. 595. sq. 128 sq. Paris 1745. 5 See Gesenius Comment. de Pentat. 2 De Sacy Corresp. des Samar. 1-. c. p. Samaritani Origine, Indole, etc. Halea 8. Cellarius Collect. Hist. Samar. p. 46. 1815. 4. On the Samaritan version, see See the correspondence between Morin and ibid. pp. 18, 19. Bertholdt Einleit. II. pp. P. della Valle in the little work published 608-612. The Samaritan-Arabic version anonymously by R. Simon: "Antiquitates is fully treated of by De Sacy, Comment. de Ecclesizk Orientalis," Lond. 1682. 8. pp. Versione Sam. Arabica libror. Mosis, in 156-205. Also the Life of J. Morin, in Eichhorn's Allgem. Biblioth. der bibl. Lithe same volume, p. 18 sq. - terat. Th. X. pp. 1-176. Enlarged and 2 See Kennicott Diss. General. ed. Bruns reprinted in Memoires de l'Acad. des Inscr. p. 259 sq. De Rossi Var. Lect. in V. T. et des Belles Lettres Tom. XLIX. pp. 1Tom. I. p. clvii. Bertholdt's Einl. II. p. 199.-On the value of the Samaritan Pen476 sq. tateuch in general, see also Hengstenberg Van Vloten Specimen philol. cont. Autbent. des Pentat. I. p. 1 sq. Deser. Codicis Ms. Vers. Sam. Arabicme 6 In the work above mentioned, pubPentat Lugd. Bat. 1803. 4. The por- lished by R. Simon: Antiquitates Ecclesim tions published are enumerated in Eich- Orientalis, Lond. 1682. 8. iii. 129, 130

JuNE 14.] THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. 299 originals are in the Royal Library at Paris; and the text, with a more accurate version, has been published by De Sacy.1 In A. D. 1671, Robert Huntington, who was then chaplain of the English Factory at Aleppo, and died in 1701 as bishop of Raphoe in Ireland, visited the Samaritans at Nabulus on his way to Jerusalem. They appear to have received from him, through some misapprehension, the impression, that there were Samaritans in England; and he proposed to them to write to their brethren in that country, giving a summary of their doctrines and rites, and to transmit at the same time a copy of their law. A manuscript of the Pentateuch was accordingly put into his hands, and a letter sent after him to Jerusalem; both of which he forwarded to England. The letter was answered by Thomas Marshall, Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford; and the correspondence thus commenced, continued until A. D. 1688, chiefly through Huntington at Aleppo. This correspondence, extending to six letters from the Samaritans, so far as it has been preserved in passing piecemeal through various hands, has been first fully published by De Sacy.2 In the mean time, another correspondence had been commenced with the Samaritans of NAbulus, by the celebrated Ludolf. Taking advantage of the return of a Jewish agent to Palestine in A. D. 1684, he sent by him a letter, written in Hebrew with Samaritan characters; and received from the Samaritans two letters in reply, in the same language and character, dated in 1685. These were soon published by Cellarius.3 Ludolf wrote again, and received another letter in 1691, which was not published until long afterwards.4 For more than a century, these various letters continued to be the only source accessible to the scholars of Europe, from which a knowledge of the tenets and ceremonies of the Samaritans could be derived. In A. D. 1807, the French bishop and senator Gregoire again took up the subject; and, by his influence, instructions were sent to the French consuls in the Levant, to make inquiries respecting the Samaritans. The consul at Aleppo opened a communication with those at NAbulus, and received from them a letter in 1808, which was forwarded to Europe, written in Arabic by the priest Selameh, son of Tobias, probably the same person whom we saw. This letter 1 In Eichhorn's Repertorium fiir bibl. in the new edition of his Collectan. Hist. and morgenl. Literat. Bd. XIII. See also Samar. Hale 1699. Bruns first published De Sacy Corresp. des Saniarit. p 9, in it in full: Epistola Samar. Sichem. tertia Notices et Extr. des Mss. Tom. XII. ad J. Ludolfum, ed. P. J. Bruns, Helmst.' Correspond. des Samar. pp. 9-11, 1781. 4.-The full correspondence is given 162-225. in Eichhorn's Repertorium Bd. XIII, in E3 pistolie Samaritanse Sichemitarum connection with the letters to Scaliger. ad J. Ludolfum, Cize 1688. 4. See De Sacy Corresp. des Samar. 1. c. pp 4 Cellarius gave some extracts from it 11, 12. iii. 131, 132

300 NABULUS. [SEC. XIV. came into the hands of De Sacy, who answered it for Gregoire; and received in 1811 a reply in Hebrew, written with Samaritan characters. Another letter arrived for De Sacy in 1820, and also one addressed to a supposed Samaritan community in Paris; for which likewise a second letter came in 1826. These five letters have been published by this learned orientalist, in the collection so often referred to.' The published literature of the Samaritans, therefore, consists of the various copies of the Pentateuch in whole or in part; and of this series of their letters at four different periods, stretching through an interval of nearly two and a half centuries. 2 In addition to this, Gesenius discovered, in a Samaritan manuscript in England, a curious collection of hymns, chiefly of a doctrinal nature, which he has published with a commentary.3 They possess also manuscripts of a work professing to be the book of Joshua, often mentioned in their letters. It has never yet been printed; but a manuscript of an Arabic version, written in the Samaritan character, was procured by Joseph Scaliger for the library of the university of Leyden. The work is a sort of chronicle extending from Moses to the time of Alexander Severus; and, in the period parallel to the book of Joshua, has a strong affinity with that book.4 Accounts of their tenets and rites have been often drawn up from these various sources, to which I can here only refer.s From the earliest letters of the Samaritans and from the accounts of Della Valle, it appears, that, two centuries ago, they had small communities in Cairo, Gaza, Nabulus, and Damascus. The three former are mentioned repeatedly in their letters; the latter we know only from Della Valle, who purchased at Damascus his copies of the Pentateuch. They seem to have been only a few families, in the gardens outside of the city; perhaps a temporary establishment; and we hear no more of them.6 Those of Nabulus and Gaza appear to have stood in close connection; and one of the letters to England was written from the latter place.' In their first answer to the inquiries of 1 Corresp. des Samar. pp. 13-18, 50- 196. Bertholdt's Einleituno Th. III. p. 161, 225-235. 869 sq. The letters to Scalifger and Ludolf, as 6 See especially De Sacy Corresp. des we have seen, are given in fnll only in Sam. 1. c. pp. 18-36. Gesenius de SamarEichhorn's Repertorium Bd. XIII; those itanor. Theologia 1. c. —Earlier writers are: to England and France, only in the Cellarius Collect. Hist. Samarit. Cizae 1688. work of De Sacy so often cited. Reland Dissertat Miscell. II. 1 sq. (Both s Carmina Samaritana e Cod Lond. et reprinted in Ugolini Thesaur. Tom. XXII.) Gothanis etc. illustr. G. Gesenius, in Anec- Bruns in Staudlin's Beytrdge zur Philos. u. dot. Oriental. Fascic. I. Lips. 1824. 4. See Gesch. der Relig. u. Sittenlehre, Bd. I. also his programm, De Samalitanor. Theo- p. 78 sq. logia ex fontib. ined. Comment. Halme Della Valle Voyages II. p. 128. Paris 1823. 4. 1745. 4 De Sacy Corresp. des Samar. pp. 124, 7 De Sacy Corr. des Sam. p. 191 iii. 132, 133

JUNE 14.] LITERATURE OF THE SABMARITANS, ETC. 301 Gregoire (A. D. 1808), they say that for more than a century there had been no Samaritans in Egypt; and that they then existed only at Nabulus and Yafa.' There may have been an agent of the community, or perhaps a family or two then at Yafa; but at the time of our visit, neither they nor any one else spoke of any Samaritans except at Nabulus; our Samaritan guide certainly knew of no other.2 It appears to be the last isolated remnant of a remarkable people, clinging now for more than two thousand years around this central spot of their religion and history, and lingering slowly to decay; after having survived the many revolutions and convulsions, which in that long interval have swept over this unhappy land; a reed continually shaken with the wind, but bowing before the storm. The modern history of Nabulus and the surrounding region, is one of wars and rebellion. These districts were formerly regarded as among the most dangerous in Palestine; and for this reason, during the whole of the eighteenth century, the great body of travellers avoided this route, and passed between Jerusalem and Nazareth by way of YCfa and'Akka. The country around Nabulus belonged first to the Pashalik of Damascus, and then nominally to that of'Akka; but the inhabitants were governed by their own chiefs, who were invested by the Pasha. They were known as a restless people,.continually in dispute with each other; frequently in insurrection against the government; and ever ready to plunder the traveller, who might venture among them without proper protection. Even the notorious Jezzar of'Akka never succeeded in completely subduing them; and Junot with a body of fifteen hundred French soldiers was defeated by them. Such is the account of Burckhardt; 3 and when too Dr Clarke travelled from Nazareth' to Jerusalem in 1801, he had a military escort, and found the country full of rebels.4 Indeed, just before the Egyptian conquest, the fortress of Sanfir, often the strong hold of rebels, had De Sacy ibid. p. 69. his own imagination. IIe did not visit 2 See above p. 27;. Stephen Schulz Nabulus, and never came in contact with speaks of having found Samaritans at the Samaritans. Leitungen des Hochsten Antioch; but on looking further, it appears Th. IV. pp. 360-371. Paulus' Sammlung, that he merely fell in with two persons, Th. VI. pp. 222-224.-Since writing'the whom he chooses to call Samaritans on above, I find a remark of Niebuhr upon account of their behaviour; because, he this very passage of Schulz; he supposes says they professed to be Muhammedans, the persons in question may have been Christians, or Jews, as might best serve of the Nusairiyeh or some Muhammedan their turn, although dressed as Muhamme- sect; Reisebeschr. II. p. 439. The dedans! There is not the slightest evidence scription of Schulz is indeed very similar to that the good credulous man heard the that which M-auldrell gives of the Nuname of Samaritans applied to them by sairiyeh; see Maundrell, March 4th.' any one but himself, or that there was any B3 Bnrckh. Travels in Syria, etc. p. 342. sort of ground for such an appellation; and 4 Travels in the Holy Land p. 505. 4to. the whole matter seems a mere conceit of VOL. II.-26 iii. 134, 135

302 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. been destroyed by Abdallah, Pasha of'Akka, after a siege of several months. Times have changed under the Egyptian government; which has taken the administration into its own hands, and crushed the power of the popular chiefs. This district is now quiet and safe, like the rest of the land. Yet this state of things was not brought about without a struggle. In A. D. 1834, on occasion of a levy, the people of the district of INabulus, like those of Jerusalem and Hebron, rose in rebellion against the Egyptians. The insurrection was so important, that Ibrahim Pasha himself took command of the troops sent to quell it; and encountering a body of the insurgent peasants at Zeita, a village in the northwest part of the province of Nahbulas, put them to flight, after killing ninety men. Another large body had posted themselves at Deir, a village on a steep hill not far from Zeita; they were in like manner defeated by storming the hill; and fled, leaving three hundred slain. Ibrahim now repaired with his troops to Nabulus, and the whole district submitted without further resistance. Yet the war continued for a still longer time in the region of Hebron.':Friday, June 15th. We rose early, awakened by the songs of nightingales and other birds, of which the gardens around us were full. We had engaged a guide as far as to Nazareth, a Christian formerly from Beiruit, who had often travelled through the country, and professed to know all about it. Our plan for to day was to visit Sebtstieh, and then reach Jenin. It was 7 o'clock before we set off, proceeding down the valley at first W. N. WV. and then generally northwest on the way to Sebfstieh. The direct road fbr Jenin ascends the northern hill at once from Nabulus, and keeping along on high ground, leaves Seblstieh at some distance on the left. After fifteen minutes there was on our road a fine large fountain by the path; and near by we met a string of camels loaded with salt from el-'Arish, where it is gathered on the flats along the sea. The whole valley of Nlabulus is full of fountains, irrigating it most abundantly; and for that very reason not flowing off in any large stream. The valley is rich, fertile, and beautifully green, as might be expected from this bountiful supply of water. The sides of the valley too, the continuation of Gerizim and Ebal, are studded with villages, some of them large; and these again are surrounded with extensive tilled fields and olive groves; so that the whole valley presents a more beautiful and inviting 1See, for an account of these events, Menoin Histoire de l'Egypte, etc. de ran 1823 a' an 1839. pp. 73-77. iii. 1'35, 136

JUNE 15.] WAY TO SEBUSTIEH, 303 landscape of green hills and dales, than perhaps any other part of Palestine. It is the deep verdure arising from the abundance of water, which gives it this peculiar charm; in the midst of a land where no rain falls in summer, and where of course the face of nature, in the season of heat and drought, assumes a brown and dreary aspect. As we descended along the valleyT, we were opposite to Rafidia at 7.20, a large village on the side of the southern mountain, inhabited entirely by Christians; and said to contain one hundred and fifteen taxable men, or nearly five hundred inhabitants. At the same time, looking down the valley, we could see Beit Lid at a distance upon the mountains, beyond where the valley turns more northwards, bearing N. 65~ W. At a quarter before eight, the village Zawata was on the hill side at our right; while the top of the mountain on the left was crowned by a ruined village called Juneid. Ten minutes further on, Beit Uzin was on the same side; and at 8 o'clock Beit Iba, also on the left hand slope. For some time a fine little brook had been conducted along our path, somewhat above the bottom of the valley; and at this point (8 o'clock) it was turned into a mill race or aqueduct with twelve unequal pointed arches, leading off for some distance across the valley to an ordinary Arab mill.' Here our road left the valley, and turned up the hill N. by W. Ten minutes brought us to the top of the first ascent, where two other villages came in sight; both at some distance on the opposite mountains. Our way continued gradually ascending, and crossed a higher tract of uneven ground, which declined towards the west; where the valley of Nabulus bends to the N. N. W. and passes off on the left of Sebristieh. Several other villages were now within view on the hills west of the valley; while below us, about half an hour distant, on this side of the Wady, lay the village Deir Sheraf. A fountain was on our way at 8-} o'clock; and ten minutes beyond, we reached a higher point, where we looked down upon Sebtistieh and its broad noble basin, into which the valley, coming from Nabulus, may be said to spread out. We could perceive the bed of the Wady as it passes along N. N. W. in the western part of the basin, until under the hill of Ramin in the N. W. by W. it again bends off. more westwards, and descends towards the Mediterranean. That village seemed to be about an hour and a half distant.2 This would be hardly worth mention- 2 We took here at 85 o'clock, the following, but for the pompous remark of Ri- ing bearings: Beit Uzin S. 26~ E. Juneid chardson: " A little above (!) the town we S. 22~ E Beit Iba S. 18~ E Sitrra S. saw an ancient bridge with twelve arches, 5~ W. Deir Sheraf S. 45~ W. Beit Lid which were still capable of maintaining S. 75~ W. Kefr el-Lebad N. 56~ W. Ramin the communication between the two sides N. 55'~ W. Sebiistieh N. 5~ W. of the valley!" Travels II. p. 411. iii. 136138

304 FPROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. AVe now had a long and gradual descent, with the village en-Nakitrah on our right, into the southern valley out of which the hill of Seb-lstieh rises; and ascending again from the valley along the eastern side of the hill, we reached that place at ten minutes past nine o'clock. The fine round swelling hill, or almost mountain, of Samaria, stands alone in the midst of this great basin of some t~o hours in diameter, surrounded by higher mountains on every side. It is nearer the eastern side of the basin; and is indeed connected with the eastern mountains, somewhat after the manner of a promontory, by a much lower ridge, having a Wady both on the south and on the north. On the west is the broad valley, running northwards as it comes down from Nabulus, and passing off in the N. N. W. to the sea. The mountains and the valleys around are to a great extent arable, and enlivened by many villages and the hand of cultivation. From all these circumstances, the situation of the ancient Samaria is one of great beauty. The hill itself is cultivated to the top; and, at about midway of the ascent, is surrounded by a narrow terrace of level land, like a belt, below which the roots of the hill spread off more gradually into the valleys. Higher up too are the marks of slighter terraces, once occupied perhaps by the streets of the ancient city. The road by which we had come, crosses the low ridge on the east at the foot of the hill, and passes on without ascending to the village. The latter lies on the level belt just described, on the east side, seventy feet or more above the road. We ascended to it by a very steep and winding path, among ancient foundations, arches, walls, and the like. The village is modern; the houses are tolerably built of stones from the ancient remains. The inhabitants have the reputation of being restless and turbulent; and our missionary friends who had passed this way a few weeks before, with ladies in their company, had met with incivility, and found difficulty in examining the church.' WVe therefore, on entering the village, took care to show off our old guns and pistols to the best advantage, in order to inspire the people with due respect for our strength; and either from this circumstance, or more probably because our party contained only men, we encountered here only the same ready civility, which we had ever met with elsewhere. The first object which presents itself, and at the same time the most conspicuous ruin of the place, is the church dedicated to St. John the Baptist, erected over the spot where a tradition of long standing has fixed the place of his burial, if not of his martyrdom. The eastern end overhangs the brow of the steep 1 Cotovicus complains, that he and his party met here the same incivility, and even outrage, in his day; Itin. p. 345. iii. 138-140

JUNE 15.] SEBUSTIEH.-RUINED CHURCH. 305 descent below the village. It is quite entire; and arrests the attention of the traveller long before he reaches Sebtstieh. The church is approached from the west, where is a narrow sunken court. The walls remain entire to a considerable height, enclosing a large space; in which are now a mosk and the small building over the tomb. The dimensions of the church are, by measurement, one hundred and fifty-three feet long inside, besides a porch of ten feet, and seventy-five feet broad. The alcove for the altar, occupying the greater part of the eastern end, which thus assumes a rounded form, is rather an imposing piece of mixed architecture. The Greek style predominates in it; the arches of the windows are round, and the whole alcove is highly ornamented, especially on the outside. But the upper arches on the inside of the alcove are pointed; as are also the great arches in the body of the church. These latter rest on columns belonging to no order of architecture; the capitals are indeed Corinthian in shape and size, but are decorated with ornaments resembling the trunk of the palm tree. The windows are high up and narrow; and the whole church has at the same time an air of military defence. On the outside of the southern wall are slender buttresses; I should have presumed the same of the northern wall, but some traveller describes this as plain. In one place inside, two or three large marble tablets are built into a modern wall, on which are sculptured in relief many crosses of the order of the knights of St. John; of these the Muhammedans have broken off the upright part, so that the tablets now exhibit only horizontal bars. The architecture necessarily limits the antiquity of this edifice to the period of the crusades; though it is not improbable that a portion of the eastern end may be of an earlier date. Common tradition, as in so many other cases, falsely ascribes this church to Helena.' The presence of so many crosses of the knights of St. John, and the circumstance that the spot was regarded as the sepulchre of their patron saint, go to render it probable, that the church may have been erected by that order, in connection perhaps with the Latin bishopric; but I have been able to find no historical testimony to that effect. Under a Wely in the enclosure of the church, is the reputed sepulchre of St. John the Baptist, the tomb of Neby Yehya, as the Arabs call it; a little chamber excavated deep in the rock, to which the descent is by twenty-one steps. In progress of time tradition has confounded the sepulchre of the saint, with his prison and place of execution; and this vault is now, and has been for centuries, shown also as the latter. Yet Josephus relates expressly, that John was beheaded in the castle of Ma1 See Yol I. p. 375. VOL. II. —26* iii. 140,141

306 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. chmerus on the east of the Dead Sea; and Eusebius copies this testimony, thereby showing that no other credible tradition was extant in his day.' —It is hardly probable that the disciples of John, who " came and took up the body, and buried it,"2 first transported it all the way to Samaria; nor does Eusebius, in describing Samaria, make any mention of this sepulchre in his day.3 The tradition seems however to have sprung up not long after, and to have become already quite current in the days of Jerome; who several times speaks of Samaria as distinguished particularly for containing the sepulchre of John the Baptist, as well as those of the prophets Elisha and Obadiah.4 In the same century, according to later writers, the heathen, during the reign of Julian the Apostate, about A. D. 361, had broken open the sepulchre, burnt the bones, and scattered the ashes to the winds.5 Some such event may probably have had something to do with the greater currency of the tradition, if not with its origin. Early in the eighth century, we begin to find Sebaste marked also as the place of the Baptist's imprisonment and death;6 and this legend having become more definite and full during the time of the crusades, has maintained itself more or less even in the mouths of the Muhammedans, until the present day. The church is first mentioned by Phocas, about A. D. 1185; though probably a former one had existed here at a much earlier date.7 The village itself presents no other ruin of importance, unless it be a square tower adjacent to the church on the south, the bottom of which is surmounted by a mass of sloping work. Many fragments of ancient columns and sculpture, are also built into the modern dwellings. We now ascended the hill towards the west, and came soon to the threshing-floors of the village. They were still in full operation; although the harvest seemed to be chiefly gathered in. Here we first fell in with the Joseph. Antiq. 18. 5. 2. Euseb. Hist. 718. Amst. 1735. St. Willibald in the Ecc. 1. 11. ninth century mentions only the tombs of 2a Matt. 14, 12. John, Elisha, and Obadiah; Hodcepor. p. a Euseb. Onomast. art. Senmecon, ZOjeE- 378, ed. Mabillon. pv.,. Phocas describes the vault as the pri4 Thus in the Onomast. in translating the son of John, where he was beheaded; and article of Eusebius, he adds: " Ubi S. first mentions the church; De Locis Sanct. Joannis reliquime conditae sunt;" Onomast. ~ 12. Brocardus speaks only of the art. Semeron. So Comm. in Obad. i. 1, church as erected in honour of the Baptist; "Sepulcrum ejus (Obadise) usque hodie c. 7. p. 177. Sir John Maundeville also cum mausoleo Elisei Prophetne et Baptis- mentions only the tomb and church; p. tpe Johannis in Sebaste veneratione habe- 107. Lond. 1839. But the full legend of tur, quse olim Samaria dicebatur" Various imprisonment, death, and burial, is found other passages are cited in full by Reland, again in William of Baldensel A. D. 1336, Palest. pp. 980, 981. p. 353; and also in Cotovicus (p. 345), Theodoret Hist. Ece. 3. 7. Chrou. Della Valle, and other travellers. QuaresPasch A. D. 361. Reland Pal. p 981. mius rejects the story of imprisonment and 6 Job. Damnascen. (ob. 750,) Orat Ill. death at Sanlaria, but not the burial; II. p. 368; comp. Wesseling's Note on Hiero- p. 811 sq. des in Vet, Romanor. Itin. ed Wessel. p. iii. 141-143

Ju-NE 15.] SEBUSTIEI.-THRESHING SLEDGE, COLUMNS, ETC. 307 sled or sledge, as used for threshing. It consists simply of two *planks, fastened together side by side, and bent upwards in front; precisely like the common stone sledge of New England, though less heavy. Many holes are bored in the bottom underneath, and into these are fixed sharp fragments of hard stone. The machine is dragged by the oxen as they are driven round upon the grain; sometimes a man or boy sits upon it; but we did not see it otherwise loaded. The effect of it is, to cut up the straw quite fine. We afterwards saw this instrument frequently in the north of Palestine. The whole hill of Sebtistieh consists of fertile soil; it is now cultivated to the top, and has upon it many olive and fig trees.'The ground has been ploughed for centuries; and hence it is now in vain to look here for the foundations and stones of the ancient city. They have been either employed in the constructions of the later village; or removed from the soil in order to admit the plough; or have been covered over by the long course of tillage.' Yet on approaching the summit, we came suddenly upon an area once surrounded by limestone columns, of which fifteen are still standing and two prostrate. They measured seven feet nine inches in circumference. How many more have been broken up and carried away, no one can tell. We could not distinguish the order of their architecture; nor is there any trace of foundations round about, which might afford a clue to the nature of the edifice. Phocas and Brocardus describe the top of the hill, as occupied in their day by a Greek church and monastery;2 and these columns may possibly have been connected with the former. Yet they certainly have much more the appearance of having once belonged to a heathen temple. The view from the summit of the hill presents a splendid panorama of the fertile basin and the mountains around, teeming with large villages; and includes also a long extent of the Mediterranean, not less than twenty-five degrees, between W. by N. and N. W. Nabulus is not here visible; but so near as we could judge of its direction, it must bear about S. 30~ E.3 Many other places were pointed out to us by an inhabitant of the village.4 Cotovicus in the sixteenth, and von wrong; for NMbulus lies in the valley, and Troilo in the next century, speak of the Sebltstieh lies much higher than the same ground as strowed with masses of ruins, valley some two hours further northwest. which is not now the case. Cotov. p. 345. So that even admitting that the valley Von Troilo p. 409. Dresd. 1676. falls in this distance 800 feet (which is 2 Phocas ~ 12. Brocardus c. 7. p. 177. hardly possible), yet still Sebfistieh would s Schubert, as we have seen, p. 276 not be more than three or four hundred above, makes the elevation of Nlbulus 1751 feet lower than Nabulus. The actual difFrench feet; that of Sebhstieh he gives ference is probably not so great. at 926 feet above the sea; Reise III. p. 4 These bore as follows: Beit Iba on 160. I think this latter number must be the southern hill west of Naibulus S. 15~ iii. 143. 144

308 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. Descending the hill on the W. S. W. we came to the very remarkable colonnade, which once ran from this point along thdy belt of level ground on the south side of the hill, apparently quite around to the site of the present village. It begins at a mass of ruins on this quarter of the hill, which may have been a temple, or more probably an arch of triumph or something of the like kind, looking out W. N. W. over the green valley and towards the sea; forming apparently the entrance of the city on this side. From here, the colonnade runs E. S. E. for about a thousand feet, and then curves to the left, following the base of the hill. In the western part, about sixty limestone columns are still erect, most of them on ground recently ploughed; and further east are some twenty more standing irregularly, at various intervals. Many more than these lie prostrate; and we could trace whole columns or fragments nearly or quite to the village. The columns which we measured, were sixteen feet high, two feet in diameter at the base, and one foot eight inches at the top. The capitals are gone; we could nowhere find a trace of them remaining. The width of the colonnade was fifty feet. We measured from the western end for more than 1900 feet, and were afterwards satisfied that it extended for a thousand feet or more further; making its whole length not much less than three thousand feet. This colonnade is probably to be referred to the time of Herod the Great; who, as we shall see, rebuilt and adorned Samaria with splendid structures. But the purpose of the work, and the edifice it was intended to decorate, are alike unknown; and these columns now stand solitary and mournful in the midst of ploughed fields, the skeletons as it were of departed glory. I find no mention of this colonnade by travellers before the present century, except in very general terms.' There were said to be likewise columns on the north side of the hill; which, however time did not permit us to seek out. Sebtistieh is the Arabic form of Sebaste, another foreign E. Silrra S. 1~ E. Deir Sheraf S. 7~ W. Mart. Apol. lib. II. Euseb. Hist. Ecc. 2.13. Kuryet Jit S. 51~ W. Beit Lid S. 65~ W. See more in Reland Palhest. p. 813 sq.-In Kefr Lebad N. 72~ W. Ramin N. 70~ W. the former edition, Ti1l Keram was spoken Bizaria N. 30~ W. Burka N. 6~ E. Beit of as in sight, which is not the case. Imrin N. 60~ E. Nuss Ijbeil N. 80~ E. There was also an interchange of RBmin Ijnisnia S. 78~ E. esh-Sheikh Sha'leh, and Kefr Lebad. Wely, S. 60~ E. en-NAkiirah S. 40~ E.- 1 Maundrell mentions only the columns The village Kuryet Jit lies on the hills be- on the hill, or, as he says, on the north; yond the Wady of N'Abulus, and is probably March 24th. Morison speaks of over the Gitta (r1'-Ta) mentioned by Justin 200 columns on the west and south; by Martyr, Eusebius, and other ancient writers, which he probably means the colonnade-; as a village in the region of Samaria, the p. 231. It seems to be first described by reputed birth place of Simon Magus, Just. Buckingham; p. 514. 4to. iii. 144, 145

JUNE 15.] SEBUSTIEH, SEBASTE, SAMARIA. 309 Greek appellation, which since the days of Herod has continued to usurp the place of the earlier name Samaria. This ancient city, the later capital of the kingdom. of the ten tribes, was built by Omri king of Israel, about 925 B. C. after he had purchased the hill from. Shemer its owner, from whom the city took its name.' The site of this capital was therefore a chosen one; and it would be difficult to find, in all Palestine, a situation of equal strength, fertility, and beauty combined. In all these particulars, it has very greatly the advantage over Jerusalem. It continued to be the capital of Israel for two centuries, and until the carrying away of the ten tribes by Shalmaneser, under king Hoshea, about 720 B. C.2 During all this time it was the seat of idolatry; and is often denounced by the prophets, sometimes in connection with Jerusalem.' Here too was the scene of many of the acts of the prophets Elijah and Elisha, connected with the various famines in the land, the unexpected plenty in Samaria, and the various deliverances of the city from the Syrians.4 After the carrying away of the ten tribes, Samaria appears to hasve continued, for a time. at least, as the chief city of the foreigners brought into their place; though Sichem (Nabulus), as we have seen, soon became the capital of the Samaritans as a religious sect. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish, whether under the name Samaria, the city or the region is meant.5 John Hyrcanus took the city after a year's siege, and razed it to the ground.6 Yet it must soon have revived; for we find Samaria not long after mentioned still as in the possession of the Jews; Pompey restored it to its own inhabitants; and it was afterwards built up again by Gabinius.7-Augustus, after the death of Antony and Cleopatra, bestowed Samaria on Herod the Great; who ultimately rebuilt the city with great magnificence and strength, and gave it the name Sebaste in honour of Augustus.8 Here he placed a colony of six thousand persons, composed partly of veteran soldiers, and partly of people from the country round about; enlarged the circumference of the city; and erected around it a strong wall, twenty stadia in circuit. In the midst of the city, he left a sacred place of a furlong and a half, splendidly decorated; and here he erected a temple in honour of Augustus, which was celebrated for its magnitude and beauty. 1 K. 16, 23. 24. Jos. Antiq. 8. 12. 5. 6 Jer. 41, 5. Ezra 4, 10. 17. Neh. 4, 2 K. 17, 3. 5 sq. 2. 1 Macc. 5, 66. 2 Mace. 15, 1. s Ahab built here a temple of Baal, 1 6 Joseph. Ant. 13. 10. 3. B. J. 1. 2. 7. K. 16, 32. 33. Jehu destroyed this ternm- Jos. Ant. 13. 15. 4. ib. 14. 4. 4. ib. ple, 2 K. 10, 18-28. Prophetic denuncia- 14. 5. 3. tions see in Is. 9, 8 sq. Jer. 23, 13. 14. 8 Jos. Ant. 15. 7. 3. B. J. 1. 20. 3. Ez. 16, 46-55. Am. 6, 1. Mic. 1, 1 sq. Comp. Ant. 15. 7. 7. ib. 15. 8. 5.-The Sed also Hos. 8, 5-14. Am. 4, 1. etc. name Sebaste is the Greek translation of 4 1 K. 17, 1. 18, 1. 2 sq. c. 20. 2 K. the Latin epithet or name Augusta. 6, 24. c. 7. iii. 146, 147

310 FROM NABILUS TO NAZARETUI. [SE:c. XIV. The whole city was greatly ornamented; and became a strong fortress.' Such was apparently the Samaria of the New Testament, where Philip preached the Gospel, and a church was gathered by the apostles.2-That the colonnade now seen along the southern side of the hill, was connected with the temple just mentioned, although not in itself improbable; is yet more perhaps than we are warranted certainly to affirm. In the next following centuries we know nothing of Sebaste, except from its coins; of which there are several, extending from Nero to Geta the brother of Caracalla.3 Septimius Severns appears also to have established there a Roman colony, in the beginning of the third century.4 Eusebius scarcely mentions the city as extant; but Jerome speaks frequently of it, as do other writers of the same and a later age.5 Samaria early became an episcopal see. The bishop Marius or Marinus was present at the council of Nicea in A. D. 325; and the names of six others are preserved, the last of whom, Pelagius, attended the synod at Jerusalem in A. D. 536.6 The name of this see occurs in the earlier Greek Notitice, and also in the later Latin ones.7 The city fell, with Nabulus, into the power of the Muhammedans during the siege of Jerusalem; but we hear nothing more of it, until the time of the crusades, except the slight mention by St. Willibald, in the ninth century.8 At what time the splendid city of Herod was laid in ruins, we are nowhere informed; but all the notices of the fourth century and later, would rather lead us to infer, that the destruction had already taken place before that early period. The crusaders afford us little information as to the Sebaste of their day. They established here a Latin bishopric, of which Rayner is first mentioned as the occupant, about A. D. 1155; and the title was continued in the Romish church until the fourteenth century.9 Saladin marched through it in A. D. 1184, on his retreat from Kerak.'~ Benjamin of Tudela describes it as a strong place, situated on a hill, watered with rivulets, and abounding in gardens, orchards, vineyards, and olive trees." Phocas and Brocardus speak only of the church and tomb of " Jos. Ant. 15. 8. 5. B. J. 1. 21. 2. citations in Rteland Palast. pp. 979-981. Strabo 16. 2. 34. 6 Labb6 Concil. II. c..51. V. c. 286. 2 Acts 8, 5. 9 sq. Reland Pal. p. 983. Le Quien Or. Chr. 3 Eckhel Doctr. Numm. III. p. 440. III. p. 650 sq. Mionnet MMd. antiq. V. p. 513. 7 Reland Pal. pp. 215, 220, 222, 228. 4 Ulpian. Leg. I. do Censibus: "Divus 8 See above, p. 295. St. Willibald. Hoquoque Severus in Sebastenam civitatem deep. p. 378, ed. Mabillon. coloniam deduxit." Coins of JuliaDomna o Will. Tyr. 18. 6. Jac.'de Vitr. 56. p.: the wife of Severus, bear also the inscrip- 1077. See genr. Le Quien Oriens Chr. tion COL. SEBASTE. Cellarius Notit. III. p. 1290 sq. Orb. II. p. 432.'O Abulfeda Annal. A. H. 580. See Epist. 86, Epitaph. Paulsa p. 677. See above, p. 296. above, p. 301. See also the numerous 1 Benj. of Tud. I. p. 65. iii. 147-149

JUNE 15.] SEBUSTIEH, SAMARIA, ETC. 311 John the Baptist, and of the Greek church and monastery near the summit of the hill.' Similar slight notices are found in the travellers of the fourteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries;2 in the eighteenth it appears not to have been noticed at all; while in the present century it has again been often visited and described.3 There are in Sebiustieh a few Greek Christians; and a titular Greek bishop of Sebaste resides in the convent at Jerusalem.4 From Sebfistieh two roads lead into the direct route from Nabulus to Jenin. The easiest meets it at Beit Imrin, a village on that route, distant from Sebtistieh an hour and a quarter, N. 60~ E. By this we despatched our servants and baggage, while we were occupied in looking at the ruins. The other road leads over the high ridge, which shuts in the basin on the north. This we took. Leaving SebUsltieh at 10.40, we descended into the northern valley; and then ascending the range of hills beyond, we came at 11.20 to Burka, a large village situated upon a sort of terrace on the side of the northern ridge, overloolking the whole basin of Sebtistieh.5 Like all the villages of these parts, it is surrounded by extensive olive groves. At 113I o'clock we reached the top of the ridge beyond, by a steeper ascent, and had >a noble prospectof the fine basin behind us; of the Mediterranean upon our left; and also a view before us of another of those beautiful plains, which characterize this region in distinction from that of Jerusalem. It was a fine broad valley running from east to west, divided into two parts at some distance on our right, by irregular rocky hills, projecting into it from the north. The eastern portion appeared here green and beautiful, extending far eastward like an oval plain; on its northwest side lies Sintir, which was not here visible. The western part was narrower, less regular, and less rich, running off westwards towards the Mediterranean, but not uniting with the valley of Nabulus and Sebtistieh. Many villages lay before us in various directions, scattered upon the lower hills beyond the valley; but in consequence of the ignoPhocas ~ 12. Brocardus c. 7. p. 177. upon himself or others, or even to suggest W2 Villiam of Baldensel A. D. 1336, p. the idea, that the fortress of Siinfir (his 353. Sir J. Maundeville, p. 107. Lond. Santorri) might have been the site of thie 1839. Zuallart p. 245. Cotovicus p. ancient Samaria and Sebaste, merely be345. Della Valle II. p. 108. Paris 1745. cause he did not happen to see Sebfistieh. Quaresmius II. p. 811 sq. Maundrell See above, Vol. I. p. 434, n. 2. March 24. Morison p. 231. 4 See Vol., I. p. 425. s It is absolutely unpardonable in Dr 6 From Burka the bearino of Sebustieh Clarke, that he should attempt to impose is S. 6~ W. iii. 149, 150

312 FROM NABIULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. rance of our guide, we failed to obtain the names of many of them. He indeed was always ready with a name; but we discovered by cross examination, that he did not always give the same; and therefore recorded only such as were confirmed by other testimony.L We now descended obliquely along the northern side of the ridge on a general course E. N. E. We reached at 12.20 a small village called Fendekuimieh,2 lying up some distance on the hill side, with several fountains near it. We continued on the same course, still along the slope, with the fine valley below us on the left; and at 12- o'clock came to Jeba', a large village, or rather town, on the slope of the range of hills, which at this point are much lower than where we had crossed further west. In the village is a tower; and there is quite an appearance of antiquity. The name, too, marks it decidedly as another ancient Geba or Gibeah; but I am not aware of any notice of a place of that name in this quarter, unless it be the Gabe mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome, sixteen Roman miles from Caesarea.3 Here we fell into the direct Nlabulus road; and descending to a fine fountain at the foot of the hill, found our servants and baggage waiting our arrival. We halted under the shade of the olive trees to dine. Setting off again at half past 2 o'clock, we continued on the same course for twenty minutes; when we passed the narrowest part of the valley, a stony dell, and emerging upon the open plain beyond, turned northeast. Here Sanu'r came in sight; a ruin on an almost isolated rocky hill before us. Fifteen minutes further brought us to the apparent water-summit in the plain; beyond which the waters no longer flow westwards. The valley opens out gradually into an extensive plain on the east of Sanuir. At 3.10, a spot was pointed out on our left, where a weekly fair is held, which is frequented by the neighbouring peasants. At the same time the villages of IMeithelon and Misilya were in sight upon our right; the former bearing E. S. 1 The places which we ascertained, bore hour to Sebilstieh; March 24th. Morison as follows: Sebtlstieh S. 15~ W. Stirra describes the well as on a hill, and the S. 3~ W.'Ajjeh N. 50 E. Fahmeh N. village lower down upon the slope; p. 229. 5~ W. er-RWmeh N. 6~ W.-Among the This Sileh is marked in on our lists in convillagfes which we thus lost, was probably nection with'Ajjeh,'Arrdbeh, and Fabmeh; Sileh, or Silet ed-Dahr, "Sileh of the and from the description of these travellers, summit," as it is called in distinction from would seem to be perhaps on the same the Sileh west of Jenin, near the plain of slope as Fendekumieh, but further west. Esdraelon. Maundrell in passing by a di- 2 This name is doubtless an ancient rect route from el-Lejjin to Sebhtstieh, had Pentacomia, IIETratcouta. But I find no the two villages'ArrtLbeh and Rameh at ancient place of this name mentioned, exhis left. on the hills; and came thence in cept in Palmsstina Tertia, east of the Dead an hour to a well called Sileh, after the Sea. Rel. Pal. pp.. 215, 218, 223, 227, 925. nearest village; from this point he was an 3 Onomast. art. Gabathon. iii. 150, 151

JUmE 15.] JEBA'. SANUR. 313 distant about half an hour, and the latter E. by N. perhaps an hour distant. We passed along the base of the hill on which'Satnuir stands at 3.20, having the village and ruin over us upon the left. This is a village and former fortress, situated on a round rocky hill of considerable elevation, almost insulated in the plain, being connected with the lower mountains in the northwest only by a low rocky ridge. The village was once considerable. The fortress was formerly very strong; and so far as the situation is concerned, might easily have been made impregnable. It belonged to one of the independent Sheikhs of the country; who, although nominally subject to the Turkish Pasha, was not always ready to yield him obedience. The notorious Jezzar with five thousand men once besieged the Sheikh for two months in his strong hold, without success.' More than thirty years later, the chieftain having placed himself in open rebellion against the late Abdallah Pasha of'Akka, that officer laid siege to the fortress in 1830, the year before'Akka itself was invested by the Egyptian army. With the aid of troops from the Emir Beshir of Mount Lebanon, he finally succeeded in taking the place, after a siege of three or four months; razed the fortress; and cut down all the olive trees. It is now a shapeless mass of ruins; among which a few families still find a home, living chiefly in caves. The castle is described as having borne the character of the middle ages; but I find no allusion to it in any writer, Frank or Arabian, until near the present century; and it is therefore probably not of very ancient date.2 The plain on the east of Sanuir is a beautiful tract, oval or nearly round in form, three or four miles in diameter, and surrounded by picturesque hills not very elevated. It is perfectly level, with a soil of rich dark loam exceedingly fertile. Its waters would seem naturally to flow off somewhere on the southeast quarter; but not being able to distinguish any outlet among the hills, we inquired, and were told that none exists. The plain, it was said, drinks up its own waters; and in winter they collect upon it and form a lake, which renders our present road impassable. Hence it is planted chiefly with millet, a summer crop; although in the northwest part, where the surface is higher, we found the peasants engaged in harvesting wheat. From its mud in winter, the plain is called Merj el-Ghfiriik,'Meadow of sinking or drowning,' equivalent to'Browne's Travels p. 565. Clarke's was visited by Dr Clarke in 1801, and Travels in the Holy Land. 4to. p. 504.- later by Turner, Buckingham, and others. This was before A. D. 1799. It is the Santorri of Dr Clarke, which he 2 First apparently by Browne, who how- tries to pass off as Samaria; p. 503. 4to. ever does not give the name; p. 565. It VOL. II. —27 iii. 151-153

314 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV.'Drowned meadow."' Around its southern and eastern borders are several villages.2 We issued from the large plain at 4 o'clock, opposite to Jerba on our left, by a narrow plain or Wady coming from the northeast. After fifteen minutes this valley turns east, where it runs up for some distance. uOnits southern side was the small village Kufeir, about twenty minutes distant. We kept on up the slight rocky ascent on the north; and reaching its top at 4.25, were suddenly:gratified with a wide and glorious view, extending across the lower hills to the great plain of Esdraelon and the mountains of Nazareth beyond. The impression at first almost overpowered me. Just below us, on the left, was a charming little basin or plain, a recess shut in among the mountains, and separated on the north from the great plain only by a slight ridge. I looked eagerly for the round summit of Tabor, but it was not visible; the mountain of Dfihy, the Little Hermon, rose in desert nakedness between, and shut out Tabor wholly from the view. Further west, the mountains rose boldly along the north side of the great plain; and the precipice S. by E. of Nazareth, to which an ecclesiastical tradition gives the name of the " Mountain of the Precipitation,"' was conspicuous, bearing N. 7~ E. We now had a considerable descent on the same course, about northeast, and came at 43 o'clock to Klbatiyeh, a large village in the midst of very extensive and beautiful olive groves. It lies on the east of the little plain above described, and somewhat higher; from the plain a valley extends up by the village on the north side, and opens into a still smaller plain in that direction, which it serves to drain. Our course now led us across this latter plain along its left side; it is skirted by low hills, and was covered with fields of wheat; but seemed not very fertile. Crossing a low rise of ground at 5- o'clock, we left the plain, and descended into a narrow stony naked dell, not very deep, but yet suffliciently so to cut off all further observation. It was now dry; but water apparently often runs through it.4 We followed down this dell about N. N. E. till it brought us at 61-o'clock to Jenin. M Ionro, in passing this way on the of the hills; viz. Sanufr S. 25~ W. Meithe2d of May, saw here a lake, which he l6n S. 20~ E. Judeideh S. 23~ E. Siris says " had been formed within a short time S. 35~ E. Misilya S. 72~ E. from some unknown cause i" His muleteers' Saltus vel Prsecipitium Domini Brohad probably never before seen it. I. p. cardlus c. 6. p. 175. Quaresmius II. p. 276.-Schubert travelled from Sebhlstieh 842. Cotovic. p. 349. The tradition from to Jenin by a more western route, leading which this name springs, is late and leby the village of'Arrabeh; Reise III. p. gendary; as we shall see further on. 161. 4 Molro describes a spring as gushing These at 3.55 bore as follows; the out in this valley and forming a considerlittle village of Jerba lying at the same time able brook.'I'This was early in May. north about ten minutes distant at the foot Summer Ramble I. p. 277. iii. 153. 154

JU&N 15.] JENIN, GINMA. 315 This place is situated in the mouth of the same Wady, as it enters the great plain of Esdraelon, having gentle hills on either side. The town lies in the midst of gardens of fruit trees, which are surrounded hy hedges of the prickly pear; here too are seen a few scattered palm trees. The houses are of stone, tolerably well built; the place may contain perhaps two thousand inhabitants; among whom are only three or four families of Greek Christians.' The most remarkable thing here is the fine flowing public fountain, rising in the hills back of the town, and brought down so as to issue in a noble stream in the midst of the place. The fountain is built up with plain but good mason work. It has a reservoir of stone, in which the people may dclip their jars; and also a long stone trough for the herds and flocks. The water flows off northwestwards towards the Mediterranean.2 This fountain had not long been built; and is a good specimen of the public spirit of Husein'Abd el-HAdy, late Mudir of'Akka, whose authority extended over all the southern provinces of Syria. Husein was the head of a powerful family; was very rich; and employed some two or three hundred yoke of oxen in cultivating the plain of Esdraelon. He was now dead, and one of his brothers had succeeded -to the same office. One of his sons:was at this time governor of NTbulus. Another was also governor of Jenin, which is the chief place of the district embracing the great plain, and is subordinate to Nabulus, in the same manner as Hebron is to Jerusalem. He too cultivates large tracts of land upon the plain in the vicinity of Jenin. Jenin is probably the En-Gannim of the Old Testament, a Levitical city, in Issachar, in or near the great plain.3 It has also ever been held, and with good reason, to be the Ginaea of Josephus, which lay on the borders of the great plain towards Samaria; indeed the province of Samaria extended from it southwards as far as to Acrabatene.4 No further notice of the place appears, until the time of the crusades, when it is several times mentioned by Arabian writers in connection with the march of Saladin.5 Brocardus speaks of it as Ginum;6 and as it lies upon the great road between Jerusalem and'Akka or Nazareth, it has since been visited and described by many travellers. The plain of Esdraelon is skirted on its southern side by low hills, running from Jenin in a northwest direction, until they Scholz says from 1500 to 2000 inhab- teenth century; see in Asher's Benj. of itants; p. 266. - I suppose the place to be Tud. II. p. 433. at least one quarter as large as Nabulus, rPata Jos. Ant. 20. 6. 1. 1. J. 3. 3. 4. and probably more. Comp. B. J. 2. 12. 3, where it is r7a'v. The elevation of Jenin, and of course Reland Pal. p. 812. of the plain just adjacent, is given by Schu- 6 Bohaedd. Vit. Salad. p. 59. Abulfede bert at 515 Paris feet. Reise III. p. 162. Annal. A. H. 578, 580, pp. 30, 36, in S Joshl. 19, 21. 21, 29. This identity Schultens Excerpt. Abulf. post Vit. Salad. is also assumed by R. Parchi in the four- RBrocardus c. 7. p. 177. iii. 154-156

316 FROM NABULTUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. unite with what may be called an extension of the ridge of Carmel. Further south, these hills become higher and form the mountains of Samaria. It is this extension of Carmel towards the southeast, consisting of a low ridge or range of hills, which separates the great southern plain along the coast, from that of Esdraelon. From the knoll on the west of Jenin, we could look out upon this part of the plain and the adjacent southern hills, which are very much lower and less bold than those on the northern side around Nazareth. Looking towards Carmel, on the southeast side of a low Tell or mound, a little back from the plain, we could distinguish the place called Ta'annuk, about two and a half hours distant; it was said to have ruins, which led the people to suppose it was once a large city, though it now contains but a few families. Further to the right, the direction of el-Lejjtin, the ancient Legio, was shown; but we could not make it out distinctly. Ta'annuk is undoubtedly the ancient Taanach; first a city of the Canaanites; then allotted to Manasseh and assigned to the Levites; and afterwards celebrated in the triumphal song of Deborah and Barak.' Eusebius and Jerome describe it as three or tour Roman miles from Legio; which accords with the present site.2 The name is found upon Jacotin's map; but I am not aware that the place has been noticed by any traveller before Schubert.3 Eastward of Jenin, an arm or offset of the great plain runs up southeast between the hills of Samaria on the south, here higher than those further west, and a range of naked rocky heights on the north, which extend for some distance from southeast to northwest into the plain. This branch of the plain is about three quarters of an hour broad, and rises with a perceptible ascent towards the southeast for an hour and a half or two hours beyond Jenin. On its sides round about, are the villages Deir Abu Dha'if, Beit Kad, Ftiku'a, Deir GhtlzAl, and'Araneh. On one of the highest points of the rocky heights north of this arm, lies the village of Wezav,4 apparently a ruin, and seen in all directions. From Jenin a direct road to Beishn leads obliquely up this plain, and across this northern range of mountains; on this road, and upon these mountains, half an hour southwest of the highest point, lies an inhabited village called Jelbon, in which we may recognise the ancient Gilboa.5 Josh. 12, 21. 17, 11. 21, 25. Judg. 1, 6 Here again the final'Ain of the He27. 5, 19. It is further mentioned in Scrip- brew has fallen away as in el-Jib; a very tare only 1 K. 4, 12. unusual circumstance. See Vol. I. p. 255. 2 Onomast. arts. Thaanach and Tha- n. 2, and p. 456. Our information renaach, one four, the other three miles from specting this village was obtained afterLegio. wards at Nazareth, from an i-ntellirrent Reise III. p. 164. Christian, who had himself travelled the 4 Schultz writes this name Mezar; but road in question. See also Liebetrut's incorrectly. Ritter Erdk. XX. p. 422. Reise, I. p. 254, Hamb. 1854. iii. 156, 157

JUNE 15.1 ENVIRONS OF JENIN. 317 This circumstance serves to identify these as the mountains of Gilboa, where Saul and Jonathan were slain; and on which, according to Eusebius and- Jerome, a large village of the same name existed in their day.' The inhabitants of Jenin now call this range Jebel Ftikit'a, from the adjacent village; but it is hardly probable that others give it this appellation. It constitutes a mountainous tract with several ridges, in all about an hour in breadth.2 Besides the villages we had to day seen on the right of our road after leaving Jeba', there is also marked in our lists a place called Tfibas, which probably corresponds to the Thebez of Scripture, where Abimelech met his death.3 That place Eusebius and Jerome describe as thirteen Roman miles distant from Neapolis towards Scythopolis, now Beisan.4 Berggren in passing from Nazareth to Ndbulus took a route lying eastward of Jenin, and spent the night at Tfibas; he gives its position at nine hours from Nazareth and four from Nabulus.5 In the district west of our road also, our lists give the name of the village Kefr Kfld; probably the Caparcotia of Ptolemy and the Peutinger Tables, on a road between Caesarea and Scythopolis, marked at twenty-eight Roman miles from the former and twenty from the latter. Of this ancient place nothing more is known.6 -Buckingham, in travelling from N'bulus to Nazareth, describes himself as leaving the road to Jenin at KibAtiyeh, and taking a more westerly direction, which brought him in about two hours to a village which he calls "Birreheen," that is, Birkin. This village, he says, "is seated on the brow of the hill, and contains from forty to fifty dwellings; and just —opposite to it on the west, distant about a mile, is another village of the same size," which according to him is Kefr Kfid. Afterwards, he turned northeast through a narrow pass, and came out upon the plain of Esdraelon about two miles west of Jenin.7 The position of KIefr Kf1d is thereOnomast. " Gelbue, montes alienige- I. pp. 568, 569.-We made many inquiries narum in sexto lapide a Scythopoli, in after Tirzah the most ancient capital of the quibus etiam vicus est grandis, qui vocatur kingdom of Israel; 1 Kings 14, 17. 15, Gelbus." 33, etc. We could find, however, no name 2 From Jenin we took the following resembling it; unless perhaps it be Tllb-. bearings: Northern declivity of Carmel, za, a place which we visited in 1852; see as here seen, N. 30~ W. Ta'annuk N. 42~ in Vol. III. Sect. VIL W.'ArAneh in the plain N. 39~ E. We- Ptolem. 4. 16. Reland Pal. pp. 421, zar N. 46~ E.'Arhbb6neh N. 60~ E. Fi- 461. The Peut. Tables read Caporcotaku'a N. 78~ E. ni; which doubtless is the same place. Judg. 9, 50. 7 Travels in Palest. pp. 551, 552. 4to.4 Onomast. art. Thebes. Notwithstanding the apparent display of Bergo'en Resor, etc. Del. III. Bihang accuracy in B.'s account, I am still unable p. 18. This appendix in the original, con- to fix definitely the exact position of Kefr taining Itineraries, is not given in the Ger- Kufd. He leaves Sanuir at 8 o'clock; man translation. See however the latter, reaches KIib:tiyeh (his Cabaat) in about Reisen Th. II. p. 266 sq. Comp. above, Vol. two hours; and' Birreheen' in about two VOL.. I-27* iii. 157-159

318 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. fore, probably, not far from an hour west or southwest from Jenin, among the hills, three quarters of an hour or more distant from the plain. In crossing the latter, this village was nowhere visible to us. Mr Wolcott also, in 1842, when at. Btirkin, saw Kefr Klid about half an hour distant, in a valley among the opposite hills.' Sat-urday, June 16th. The guide whom we had yesterday taken at Nabulus, proved so incompetent and untrustworthy, that we dismissed him, and engaged a Muslim of Jenin to accompany us to Nazareth; not indeed to show us the road, for that was plain enough, and our muleteers had often travelled it; but in order to elicit from him information as to the country along the way. We were for some time undecided what route to take. I had a strong desire to visit Ta'annuk and el-LejjAn, to say nothing of the "excellency of Carmel;" but we had already been compelled reluctantly to exclude this mountain from our plan, in order to reach Beiruit at the proper time; and the way by the two villages in question, presented nothing else of special interest. Along the direct route to Nazareth, also, there is very little to be seen upon the plain. But by taking a direction somewhat further east, we should pass by Zer'in and several other places, which seemed connected with antiquity. We decided for the latter route, and were afterwards glad that we did so; as it afforded us better views of the plain itself and of its general character, than we could have obtained upon the other roads. Our grand object to day was the position of the ancient Jezreel; could this be satisfactorily determined, it would afford a clue for fixing the sites of various other places and historical events, connected with this region. Setting off from Jenin at 4- o'clock, we struck out upon the noble plain on a course about N. by E. 1E. towards the western extremity of the mountains of Gilboa, which I have above described as running towards the northwest. We thus crossed the arm or offset of the plain, which here extends up southeast, and found all the watercourses, though now dry, running off westwards, as do those also from the southern hills; all going to swell in the rainy season " that ancient river, the river Kishon,"2 as it flows towards the Mediterranean. In the plain are occasionally low ridges and swells. Perched high on the summit of one of the naked peaks hours more. Of course it was now about 12 distance from thence to Kefr Kud, is probo'clock. Then he turns N. E. through a nar- ably to be contracted in like proportion. rowpass, and afterpursuingrhisway for some 1 Biblioth. Sacra, 1843, p. 76. See time, comes out upon the plain of Esdraelon more inVol. II1. Sect. III, under April 21st, at noon. From Sanur to Ktbhitilyeh we 1852. were short of an hour and a half; and B.'s Judg. 5, 21. iii. 159, 160

J=E 16.] ZER'IN, JEZREEL. 319 of Gilboa, the village Wezar was a conspicuous object, and apparently had been once a fortress. At 51 o'clock, we left the village'Araneh on our right, and soon reached the broad western end of Gilboa. The path now led over occasional slight spurs, or roots of the mountain, stretching down still further westwards; and from such points we had wide views of all the extent of the great plain, spread out upon our left, and of the long blue ridge of Carmel beyond. The prospect was charming for its rich fertility and beauty. Yellow fields of grain, with green patches of cotton and millet interspersed, checkered the landscape like a carpet. The plain itself was almost without villages; but on the slope of Carmel, as it extends southeast, or on hills further to the left, several places were pointed out, as el-Lejjftn, Um el-Fahm, Ta'annuk, Sileh, el-Yamon, el-BArid, Kefr Adan, and others. A small village called Jelameh, apparently deserted, was just on our left at ten minutes before 6 o'clock; and here too we could see Mukeibeleh, a village in the plain, on the direct route from Jenin to Nazareth.l The water-courses from the mountains on our right, all passed off westwards into the plain; at 6.10 we came upon the junction of two of these of some size, but with no trace of water. Five minutes beyond, we had a small site of ruined foundations on our right, called Sindela. At 61 o'clock, we crossed the principal of the low spurs, and Zer'in lay before us. We now began to get sight of the country north of the range of Gilboa; and were surprised to find it lying much lower than the plain we were crossing. At 6.40 the head of a Wady was on our right, running down northeast. We had thus been about an hour in passing along the whole breadth of these mountains at their western end. At 7 o'clock we reached Zer'in. Thus far we had been travelling over the plain; which here perhaps might be called undulating, in consequence of the slight spurs and swells above described. Further west it seemed perfectly level, with a general declivity towards the Mediterranean, to which its waters flow off. As we approached Zer'in, there was only a very gentle rise of the surface, like another low swell; and it was therefore quite unexpected to us, on reaching that village, to find it standing upon the brow of a very steep rocky descent of one hundred feet or more towards the northeast. Here the land sinks off at once into a great fertile valley running down E. S. E. along the northern wall of the mountains of Gilboa. This valley is itself a broad deep plain; its waterFrom Jelameh my companion took the Adiln S. 70~ W. Sileh W. Ta'annuk N. following bearings; Wezar N. 60~ E. Kefr 70~ W. el-Mukeibileh, N. 60~ W. Mi. 16)0-162

320 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. bed runs along under the rocky declivity on the right, and then under Gilboa; while on the other, or northeastern side, the ground slopes gradually upwards to the base of the mountain of DtJhy, the little Hermon. The western extremity of this mountain bears from Zer'in about north by east, and fromr that point it stretches off east-southeastwards for some distance, parallel to Gilboa. It thus shuts out still all view of Mount Tabor; of which as yet we had had no glimpse. I- ermon is not long; its eastern part being only a very low ridge along the north side of the valley. This deep plain, thus enclosed between the ranges of Gilboa and little Hermon, is about an hour in breadth; and below Zer'in continues down E. S. E. quite to the plain of the Jordan at Beisan. We could here see the acropolis of Beisan lying much lower than Zer'in; and from every account, that place appears to be situated not far above the level of the Jordan valley. On our left, the Wady or plain below us ran up towards the northwest, where it seemed soon to reach the level of the great plain above. The exact place of the division of the waters, we were not able to determine; but so far as we could judge of it, as seen from the higher ground which we afterwards crossed, it seemed to be near the ruined villages Ffileh and'Affileh in the plain. There is apparently no distinct water-shed; but the portions of the great plain on the north and south of these hamlets, obviously send their waters westwards to the Mediterranean; while near those ruins, the waters as obviously begin to run eastwards to the Jordan, with a much more rapid descent through this broad deeper valley, than exists towards the west. Here then we have a second arm, or branch of the great plain of Esdraelon, running down eastwards between the two parallel ridges of mountains quite to the Jordan; thus regularly connecting the valley of the latter with the great plain above and further west, without any steep ascent or pass. In the valley directly under Zer'in is a considerable fountain; and twenty minutes further east, another larger one under- the northern side of Gilboa, called'Ain Jalud. Zer'in itself thus lies comparatively high, and commands a wide and noble view; extending down the broad low valley on the east to Beis'in, and to the mountains beyond the Jordan; while towards the west it includes. the whole great plain quite to the long ridge of Carmel. It is a most magnificent site for a city; which, being itself thus a conspicuous object in every part, would naturally give its name to the whole region. There could therefore be little question, that in and around Zer'in, we had before us the city, iii. 162, 163

Jrum 16.] ZER'IN, JEZREEL. 321 the plain, the valley, and the fountain, of the ancient Jezreel. 1 The identity of this place with Jezreel was recognised by the crusaders, who gave it the name of Parvum Gerinum; but they remark also that it was called Zaraein; and describe it as situated near the western end of Mount Gilboa, and commanding a wide prospect on the east to the mountains of Gilead, and on the west to Carmel.2 But this identity was again lost sight of; and although writers in the seventeenth century speak of this deep valley under the name of Jezreel, and describe it correctly as lying between Gilboa and little Hermon and extending to the Jordan, yet the village itself seems not further to be mentioned, from the fourteenth century down to the year 1814.3 Since then it has been again brought into notice by several travellers, but without any description of its site; and also without any suggestion of its identity with Jezreel.4 It is only within the last three years, that this idea has been revived, apparently on mere conjecture.5 Quite as recently, likewise, other travellers have still found the site of Jezreel at Jenin.6 Here, as in so many other cases, the name itself is quite decisive; although at first view the resemblance between Jezreel and Zer'in is less striking. But the first feeble letter of the Hebrew being dropped, and the last syllable el becoming in, as is not unusual in Arabic,7 the two forms are seen to be obviously. identical. From Eusebius and Jerome we know, that Jezreel lay in the great plain between Legio (el-Lejjun) and Scythopolis now Beis'n; and the pilgrim of Bourdeaux sets it at twelve Roman miles from the latter place, and ten from 1 Valley of Jezreel, Josh. 17, 16. Judg. S Adrichomius copies the account of 6, 33. los. 1, 5. pobuntain at Jezreel, I Brocardus, p. 73. Fiirer of Haimendorf Sam. 29, 1. Plain of Esdraelon, Judith (1566) speaks of the fountain and valley 1, 8. under Mount Gilboa, and mentions appa2 Will. Tyr. 22. 26, "Jezraheel, nune rently the village, of which he misunderautem vulgari appellatione dicitur parvum stood the name; p. 269. Nurnb. 1646. Gerinum." Benjamin of Tudela mentions Doubdan describes the valley as extending here also Jezreel, which he calls S'erain; to the Jordan, p. 580. So too Morison, p. I. p. 80. Brocardus c. 7. pp. 176, 177, 216. Quaresmius makes no allusion to "Jezrabl-hodie vix habet viginti domos, Jezreel or its valley. vocaturque Zaracin (Zaraein?) in pede First by Turner in 1814, Tour in the montis Gelbob ad Occidentem sita.-Ha- Levant II. p. 151. Afterwards by BuckbetJezrabl pulchrum prospectum pertotam ingham, p. 495, 4to. Berggren Reisen II. Galilam, usque ad Carmelum et montes p. 266. Phoenicis, montemque Thabor et Galaad." 5 Raumer's Palst. Ed. 2. p. 155. This mention of Tabor is wrong. Bro- Schubert Reise III. p. 164. Elliott's Tracardus describes also the broad valley of vels II. p. 379. Jezreel as running down between Gilboa Monro's Summer Ramble I. p. 277. and little Hermon to the Jordan.-Sir Hardy's Notices of the Holy Land, Lond. John Maundeville likewise gives correctly 1835,. p. 225. Paxton's Letters, Lond. the site of Jezreel, "that sometyme was 1839. p. 176. clept Zarym;" p. 111. Lond. 1839. So 7 As in Beitin for Bethel; lsmea'in for too Parchi; Asher's Benj. of Tud. II. p. Ishmael, Isma'il; and other examples. 429. See above, Vol. I. p. 449. iii. 163-165

322 FROM NABITLUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. Maximianopolis, which lay somewhere near Legio.l The Arabs at Zer'in, whose estimates of distances by time are never very exact, gave the distance to both el-Lejjfn and Beis:n at about three and a half hours. Both places were in sight, and seemed nearly equidistant. - Jezreel is first mentioned as belonging to the tribe of Issa, char; and it constituted afterwards a part of the kingdom of Ishbosheth.2 It became more notorious under Ahab and Jezebel, who, though residing at Samaria, had a palace here; and it was to enlarge the grounds of this palace, that the king desired the vineyard of Naboth, and gave occasion for the tragic story of the latter.3 In the retributions of divine Providence, the same place became the scene of the massacre of Jezebel herself, her son Joram, and all the house of Ahab, by the hand of Jehu.4 Still later, Jezreel is alluded to by the prophet Hosea; and we find the name in the boolk of Judith under the Greek form Esdrelon.5 In the days of Eusebius and Jerome it was still a large village, called Esdraela; and the Bourdeaux pilgrim in the same age mentions it as Stradela.6 We hear nothing more of it until the time of the crusades; when it was called, as we have seen, by the Franks Parvum Gerinum, and by the Arabs Zer'in.7 In A. D. 1183, Saladin encamped by the fountain, then known to the Franks as Tubania; but deserted it on the approach of the Christians, after a skirmish with, a band of knights coming from Kerak and Shobek, and after destroying the village.8 In A. D. 1217, a Christian host advanced through this valley to Beisan.9 Zer'in then contained hardly twenty houses; and since that time we hear no more of it, until the present century, as above described.10 At the present day, Zer'in has perhaps more than twenty houses; but they are mostly in ruins, and the place contains few inhabitants. The principal mark of antiquity we saw, was a sarcophagus with sculptured ornaments, lying on the left of our path just as we entered the village. Other travellers speak of more.' There is a square tower of some height, partly in ruins; from the several windows of which we enjoyed a splendid view of the adjacent country in all directions. Several of the 1 Onomast. art. Jezrael. Itin. Hieros. ed. 7 Miinter enumerates Parvum Gerinum WVessel. p. 586.-On the probable position among the possessions of the Templars; of Maximianopolis, see in Vol. III. Sect. Statutenbuch, etc. I. p. 419. III, Apr. 21st, 1852, under Lcjjl2sla. 8 Will. Tyr. 22. 26. Bohaed. Vit. Salad. 2 Josh. 19, 18. 2 Sam. 2, 8. 9. pp. 53, 54. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. II. ii. 1 K. 18, 45. 46. c. 21. pp. 231, 232. 4 2 K. 9, 14-37. 10, 1-11. 9 Wilken ib. VI. p. 144. 5 Hos. 1, 4; comp. 1, 11. 2, 22.- lo Brocardus c. 7. pp. 176, 177, quoted Judith 1, 8. 4, 5. 7, 3. on p. 321, note 2, above. 6 Olomast. art. Jezrael. Itin. Hieros. p. 11 Buckingham p. 495, 4to. Elliott, 586. Vol. II. p. 379. iii. 165, 166

JUNE 16.] ZER IN.'AIN JALUD. 323 inhabitants gathered round us; and we had here no difficulty in finding out the names of all the places visible. Most of them we knew already. Wezar was still in view on its high peak; and below it, on. the northern slope of the mountain, was another village, Nuiris. Tell Beisan, the acropolis of that place, was quite distinct down the great valley far below us.' North of that valley, on the low ridge running out eastwards from little Hermon, was seen the village Kuimieh; on the summit of the same mountain was the Wely of Dihy; and at the western end, overagainst Zer'in, lay the village Solam, to which we afterwards came. In the west, we could now distinguish more clearly the place of el-Lejjinm, on the slope of the plain, as it rises gradually to the line of hills, which form the extension of Carmel in that quarter.2 Leaving Zer'in at 71- o'clock, we descended in a direction nearly east, to the fountain below the village, reaching it in twelve minutes, by a steep and rocky path. The water is copious and good; not gushing out in one large fountain, but flowing up through the gravel in various places and running off in many little rills to form a small brook below. We were told that this fountain in former times became dry every summer, and at length dried up wholly; but the same public spirited Husein'Abd elHady already mentioned,3 had caused it to be again opened about four years previously, by digging down till the water flowed, and then filling in loose gravel; so that now the water never fails. From this circumstance it bears the name of'Ain el-Meiyiteh, "the Dead Fountain." Frolrn here we proceeded down the valley southeast twenty minutes to'Ain Jalud, a very large fountain, flowing out from under a sort of cavern in the wall of conglomerate rock, which here forms the base of Gilboa. The water is excellent; and issuing from crevices in the rocks, it spreads out at once into a fine limpid pool, forty or fifty feet in diameter, in which great numbers of small fish were sporting. From the reservoir, a stream sufficient to turn a mill flows off eastwards down the valley. There is every reason to regard this as the ancient foun1 So Beth-shean (Beisdn) is said to be W.(?) Sileh S. 75~W. el-Ym6nS. 55~ W. "beneath Jezreel," 1 K. 4, 12. el-Brid S. V. 50~ W. Kefr Adn S. 45~ W. Fr2 om Zer'in we took the followingo Mukeibileh S. 40~ W. Jelameh S. 15~ W. bearing's, beginning at the south, and pro- Jenin S. 15~ W.-I am since satisfied, that ceeding towards the left: Wezar S. 38~ we mistook some other village for el-Lejjun, E. NTCris S. 47~ E. Tell Beisdn S. 65~ perhaps Salim, which lies S. S. E. of E. KImieh E. Wely ed-Dfihy, summit of Lijjfin, an hour distant. Lejjuin has no little Hermon, N. 26~ E. SClam N. 12~ minaret or other mark by which it could E Fileh N. 11~ W.'Afhileh N. 22~ W. be seen at all. See Wolcott in Biblioth. Khuneitis (or Ukhneifis) N. 32~ W. North Sac. 1843. p. 77. end of Carmel, as here seen, N. 34~ W. 3 See above, p. 315. el-Lejjun N. 80~ W. (?) Ta'annuk S. 80O iii. 166-168.

324 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. tain of Jezreel, where Saul and Jonathan pitched before their last fatal battle; and where, too, in the days of the crusades, Saladin and the Christians successively encamped. At that time the Christians called it Tubania; but among the Arabs it already bore its present name.' The presence of fish in the fountain, probably gave rise to the story of its furnishing a miraculous supply for the whole Christian army during several days.2 Having breakfasted at the fountain, we set off again at 8.55, bending our steps towards Solam, on our way to Nazareth. The place was not visible here in the deep valley, nor was there any direct path leading to it. We struck off through the open fields in a direction about north; and crossed soon the little streamlet, coming from the other fountain and probably also from higher up the valley. The soil of this plain, and also of the gradual northern slope, is exceedingly fertile; and the fields in many parts were still covered with a rich crop of wheat, long ready and waiting for the sickle. The harvest in other quarters of the plain seemed to be already ended. This valley is included under the name Merj Ibn'Amir, by which the whole great plain of Esdraelon is known to the Arabs. Our guide from Jenin took us directly through several fields of grain, where his donkey and our mules cropped their fill in passing; but at length, after ascending gradually for some time, we fell into the path from Zer'in to Solam, and reached the latter at 10.25, in an hour and a half from'Ain Jalud. Our progress however had been rather slower than usual. Solam lies, as we have seen, on the declivity at the western end of the mountain of Dfihy, overagainst Zer'in, but higher; having the deep broad valley of Jezreel between, and overlooking the whole western plain to Carmel. Mount Tabor was not yet visible. The village is small and dirty, lying upon a steep slope, with a small fountain hardly sufficient for the wants of the inhabitants. The people were civil and friendly. One old man accosted us, professing to be the keeper of the Wely of 1 1 Sam. 29, 1. Will. Tyr. 22. 26. Bo- 2 Will Tyr. 22. 27, " Cum hactenus tam haed. Vit. Salad. p. 53. See above, p. 322. fons supra nominatus quam qui ex eo rivus Bohaeddin writes el-JAlft; which form JA- profluit, pisces aut nullos aut rarissimos 1it is the Arabic for Goliath. It is difficult, habere crederetur, illis diebus tantam diciat first, to see how this name should come tur copiam ministrasse, qum universo exto be found in this region; but there would ercitui sufficere posset."-The same writer seem to have been an early legend, that correctly describes the stream as flowing here was the scene of David's combat with towards Beisdan; ibid. 26: " Subito SalaGoliath. In connection with Stradela hadinus castra solvens, ex insperato fon(Jezreel) the Itin. Hieros. has the follow- tem deserit, inferiusque versus Bethsan, ing: "Ibi est campus, ubi David Goliat fontis ejusdem fluenta sequens,... casoccidit;" p. 586, ed. Wesseling. Parchi trametatus est." So too Marinus Sanutus, mentions the same legend; see in Asher's p. 251. Comp. Reland Pal. p. 863. Benj. of Tud. II. p. 429, 430. iii. 168,169

JUNE 16.] SOLAM, SHUNEM. 325 Dfihy; and offered his services as a guide to the mountain, which he said was often visited by the monks.' - Although we could find no remains of antiquity about the village, yet there is little room for doubt, that it is the ancient Shunem of the tribe of Issachar, where the Philistines encamped before Saul's last battle.2 From the same place apparently, Abishag the Shunamite was brought to the aged David; and here it was, probably, that Elisha often lodged in the house of the Shunamitish woman, and afterwards raised her son from the dead.3 Eusebius and Jerome describe it in their day, as a village lying five Roman miles from Mount Tabor, towards the southern quarter, and they write the name already Sulem.4 The crusaders also speak of Suna on the southwest side of the little Hermon;5 but from that time onwards, the name I believe nowhere occurs, until we find it upon the map of Jacotin in the present century. In A. D. 1822, the village was seen by Berggren;5 but although since then various travellers have taken it in their route, yet it has been recognised as Shunem only within the last three or four years.7 As we here at S1am took leave of the valley of Jezreel, and of the objects immediately connected with it; this may be a proper place to pause for a moment, and bring together what remains to be said upon that valley, and on some other points which have been already brought into view. Gilboa. I have already adduced the evidence, which goes to show that the heights south of the said -valley, separating it from the more southern arm of the great plain, are no other than the ancient mountains of Gilboa; they were so regarded in the days of Eusebius and Jerome, and also in the age of the crusades and since.s Yet the name Gilboa (Jelbon) is not now l We took at Solam the following bear- text of Eusebius, the name stands as ouvings: Wely ed-DiMhy, top of the mountain, 8?], but Jerome's copy evidently had SouN. E. by E. Wezar S 9~ E., Zer'in S. AxIu. This change from n to I was frequent 12~ W. Jenhl S. 20~ W. Ta'annuk S. in Hebrew, as it is in other languages. 56~ W. Um el-Fahm S. 65~ W. SAlim See Gesenius Lex. lett. i. S. 84~ W. (?) Nazareth, as we found after- b Brocardus c. 7. p. 176. Marin. Sanut. wards, bears from S6lam N. 9~ W. p. 249. 2 Josh. 19, 18. 1 Sam. 28, 4. 6 Reisen etc. II.p. 265. Perhaps Scholz 1 K. 1, 3. 2 K. 4, 8-37. 8, 1-6. means the same by his " Selwam," p. 264. Eusebius and Jerome suppose the hostess 7 Monro mentions here a tower (not of Elisha to have dwelt at Sonam, a vil- town) as having been destroyed by'Abdallage in Akrabatene. But the mother, on lab Pasha of'Akka about 1831; Vol. I. the death of her child, goes to Elisha on pp. 278, 280. Elliott's Travels II. p. 378. Mount Carmel, apparently not very dis- Schubert Reise III. p. 165. Raumer Patant; 2 K. 4, 22-25. This accords far Iast. Ed. 3. p. 124. better with the relative position of Sdlam. 8 See above, p. 317. n. 1; where the words Onomast. art. Sonam. of Eusebius and Jerome are cited. Will. 4 Onomast. art. Sulem. In the present Tyr. 22. 26. Brocardus c. 7. pp. 176, 177.. VOL. II. -28 iii. 169-171

326 rFROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV*. known among the inhabitants, as applied to these mountains, but only to the village upon them.' This latter circumstance, together with their relative position to Scythopolis (Beisan), Jezreel, and Shunem, leaves no room for doubt respecting their identity. The highest part is towards the east, two hours or more from Zer'in. Further down toward the Jordan valley, they become somewhat lower. Little Hermonz. The high ridge on the north of Jezreel, known to the Arabs as Jebel ed-Dihy, I have above called the Little Hermon, in distinction from Jebel esh-Sheikh north of Banias, the true and only Hermon of the Scriptures.2 There isno ground to suppose that this mountain of D1ihy is mentioned in Scripture as Hermon; yet this name was certainly applied to it in the days of Jerome, and may therefore be used without impropriety, for the sake of convenience.3 It probably had its origin in the fourth century, after the conversion of Constantine had made Palestine accessible to foreign ecclesiastics and monks, who now busied themselves in tracing out all the names and places of Scripture, without much regard to criticism or to earlier tradition.4 Eusebius appears to have listened doubtfully to an older tradition of Hermon as situated near Paneas; but makes no allusion to one near Tabor.5 Jerome heard the same tradition of the true Hermon from his Jewish instructor, and speaks of it much more decidedly.6 The name Hermon, therefore, was probably first applied to this mountain near Tabor, in the interval between these two writers, on a mere conjecture drawn from the words of the Psalmist: " Tabor and Hermon shall rejoice in thy name; "7 and it was natural for Jerome Parchi in Asher's Benj. of Tud. II. p. 430. montem Thabor... Aspiciebat procul Marinus Sanutus p. 251. Cotovicus p. montes Iermon et Hermonim, et campos 347. Doubdan p. 580, etc. Quaresmius latos Galilseoe," etc. This form Hermonim does not mention Gilboa. is the Hebrew plural, borrowed from Ps. 1I speak here advisedly; for I had 42, 7. been misled by Richardson, to look for the 4 See the remarks at the beginning of nmountains of Gilboa as bordering upon the Sect. VII. Vol. I. p. 251 sq. Jordan valley north of Beisan. He says 5 Onomast. art..Ermon. expressly of the mountain there: " The D "Hebrseus vero, quo prelegente Scripnatives still call it Gibl Gilbo, or mount turos didici, affirmat montem lErmon Gilbo;" Travels II. p. 424. This led us Paneadi imminere,... de quo nuns to make minute and extensive inquiry, testivye nives Tyrum ad delicias feruntur." which resulted in showing the language of Jerome adds all this to the article of EuseRichardson to be utterly without founda- bius. tion. 7 Ps. 89, 12. [13.] It was taken for See more on Jebel esh-Sheikh as Her- granted, that as Tabor and Hermon are mon, near the end of the next section. here mentioned together, they must also 3 Jerome twice mentions a Hermon lie close together. But both this and all near Mount Tabor. Ep. 44, ad Marcellam, the other passages of Scripture, in which Opp. ed. Mart. T. IV. ii. p. 552, "Appa- Hermon occurs, apply with far greater rebit oppidum Naim... Videbitur et strength and beauty to Jebel esh-Sheikh. Hermonim et torrens Endor in quo super- So especially the difficult passage Ps. 133, atur Sisera." Ep. 86, ad Eustoch. Epi- 3; which, however it may be explained, taph. Paula ibid. p. 677, " Scandebat can have no allusion to the vicinity of iii. 171, 172

JoVi 16.] VALLEY OF JEZREEL. 327 afterwards to speak of it in the plural form, Hermonim, in distinction from what he knew to be the proper IHermon in the north. This name continued, in ecclesiastical tradition, through the middle ages and the following centuries; and maintains itself still in the monasteries.' The Arab Christians appear also to be acquainted with it as Haramon, but do not use this name; and among the Muslims, it seems to be entirely lost. The old man whom we met at Solam, had learned it from pilgrims to the mountain. This mountain of ed-Diihy, therefore, has little of historical interest; nor has it either beauty or fertility to excite the attention of the traveller. It is in fact a desert shapeless mass; and when, as we approached Jenin from the south, it was erroneously pointed out to me as Tabor, I felt great disappointment. The highest part, crowned by the Wely, is towards the western end; further east it sinks down gradually to a low ridge of table land, parallel to the eastern part of the valley of Jezreel. Valley of Jezreel. This great valley is celebrated in Scripture history, for the remarkable victory of Gideon, and the last fatal overthrow of Saul. The Midianites, the Amalekites, and the children of the east had come over Jordan and pitched in the valley of Jezreel; and Gideon had gathered the Israelites of the northern tribes together, and encamped at the well of Harod, probably on Mount Gilboa; since " the host of Midian was beneath him in the valley."2 Here Gideon went down to the host, and heard the dream; and then, with his three hundred men, attacked and miraculously routed the whole host of Midian.3-Against Saul, the Philistines came up and pitched in Shunem (Solam), and Saul and all Israel pitched in Gilboa; afterwards the Philistines are said to be at Aphek, and the Israelites at a fountain in Jezreel, probably the present'Ain JaMud.4 Forsaken of God and in the depth of his despair, Saul now crossed over the ridge of the little Hermon to Endor,'to consult the sorceress. The battle took place next day; "the men of Israel fled from before the Philistines, and fell down slain in mount Gilboa; " and Saul and his three sons were found among the dead. The Philistines cut off his head, stripped the dead body, and then fastened it to the wall of Beth-shean.5 Thus in the language of David's pathetic elegy: "'The beauty of Israel was slain upon thy high places! " and hence the curse upon the scene of slaughter: "Ye mountains of Gilboa, let Tabor, notwithstanding Reland's sugges- 4 1 Sam. 27, 4. 29, 1. Eusebius and tion; Palest. pp. 325, 3X6. Jerome place Aphek near Endor; the latBrocardus c. 7. p. 177. Marin. Sanut. ter is on the north side of the little Herp. 251. Cotovic. p. 347. Maundrell, Apr. 19. mon. Onomast. "Aphec, juxta Endor 2 Judg. 6, 33. 35. 7, 1. 8. Jezraelis, ubi dimicavit Saul." s Judg. 7, 9-25. 15 Sam. 28, 5-25. c. 31. iii. 172-174

328 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEc. XIV. there be no dew, neither rain upon you, nor fields of offering."l Beisan. In the former: -edition of this work, historical notices of Beis~n were here subjoined. But as we ourselves visited that place in 18527, the reader is referred for them to the third volume.2 Fileh. On the great plain west of Solam, lie the ruined villages FiAleh and'Affileh; the former hardly three quarters of an hour distant, and the latter about a mile beyond; both lying near the low water-shed at the head of the valley of Jezreel. Fiftleh has become celebrated in modern times as the central point of the battle in A. D. 1799, between the French and the Turkish army advancing from Damascus for the relief of'Akka, commonly known as the battle of Mount Tabor.3 But the place: has a still older renown, as the site of a fortress in' the time of the crusades, known among the Arabs as Fiuleh and among the Franks as the castle Faba, and occupied jby the knights Hospitalers and Templars in common.4 - It is mentioned in A. -D. 1183 in'connection with the march of the Christians to the fountain Tubania; and was captured by Saladin in 1187 after the battle of Hattin.5 - Le'jj3'n. On the western border of the great. plain -of Esdraelon, where it already begins to rise gently towards the low 2 Sam. 1, 19. 21. Napoleon; see likewise Thiers R6volution - See Vol. III., Sect. VII, at.the end. Francaise, Tom. X. p. 405-407. Paris, 9 "When the French. invaded Syria, 1834. Nazareth was occupied by six or eight 4 Faba is simply the translation of Fhundred men, whose advanced posts were leh,'a bean;' Fr. la. Feve. l —Huigo Plaat Tfibariyeh and Safed. Two hours from gon in Martene et Durand-, Tom. V. pp. Nazareth, General Kleber sustained, with 598, 599. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. III. ii. a corps not exceeding fifteen hundred men, pp. 231, 267. Brocardus c. 7. p. 176..the attack of the. whole Syrian army, In Le Clerc's edition. of'Brocardus, this amounting to at least twenty-five thousand. name, is wrongly printed Saba; the-edition He was posted in the plain of Esdraelon, of Reineccius (Magdeb. 1587) has correctly near the village of Fuleh, where.he formed Faba. his battalion into:a square, which. contin- 6 Bohaed. Vit. Salad. p. 54. Wilken l. ued fighting from sunrise to mid-day, until c. pp. 231, 232.-Abulfede'Annal. A. H. they had expended almost all their ammu- 583. Mejr ed-Din in Fundgr. des Or. III. nition. Bonaparte, informed: of Kleber's -p. 81. i Wilken. Comment.. de —Bell..:Crc.: perilous situation, advanced to his support p. 142.-The Frank fortress Belvoir, menwith six hundred men. No sooner had he. tioned in connection with'the same events, come in sight of the enemy and fired a appears to be the Kaukab of the Arabs, the shot over the plain, than the: Turks suppo-.present Kaukab el-Hawa described further sing that a large, force was advancing, took on, situated,.on the. heights west of the precipitately to flight; during which seve- Jordan valley, between Beisan and the ral thousand were killed and many drown- lake. A place'Afiurbala (Lat. Forbelat) ed in the river of Debfirieh, which then is also mentioned, which lay apparently inundated a part-of the plain. Bonaparte between BeisAn and Belvoir on a plain; dined at Nazareth,... and returned the but whether below in the Jordan valley, same day to'Akka." Burckhardt's Travels or on the table land above, is not said. in Syria, etc. p. 339. This was on the Will. Tyr. 22..16; 26. Bohaed. Vit. Salad. 16th of April, 1799. The same general pp. 54, 76, et Ind. art. Apherbala. Wilken account is given in the various Lives of Gesch. der. Kr. III. ii. pp. 210, 211, 232. iii. 174. 176-178

JUNE 16.] LEJJUN, LEGIO. 329 range of hills, which connect Carmel and the mountains of Sa-maria, there was pointed out to us from SOlam, as also from -Zer'in, the position of el-Lejjuin. Near by it there was said to be a large fountain, sending forth a mill stream; which, like that at Jenin and all the brooks along the southwestern hills, so far as these flow at all, runs into the plain, and goes to aid in forming the ancient Kishon. The place was visited by Maundrell, who speaks of it in his day as an old village near a brook, with a Khan then in good repair; he could here overlook the plain of Esdraelon.' The Khan was for the accommodation of caravans, passing on the great road between Egypt and Damascus, which here comes over the hills from the western plain along the coast, and enters that of Esdraelon.2 Lejjan is without doubt the ancient Legio of Eusebius and Jerome. In their day it must have been an important and well known place; since they assume it as a central point, from which to mark the position of several other places in this quarter.3 Yet I find no further certain allusion to it, neither during the age of the crusades, nor in the preceding nor subsequent -centuries, until the time of Abulfeda.4 The visit of Maundrell took place in A. D. 1697. In the present century it reappears upon the map of Jacotin. It does not seem probable, that the ancient Legio was a city founded by the Romans; but rather, that this was a new name imposed upon a still older place; which, like the names Nabulus and Sebtistieh, has maintained itself in the mouths of the native population, while the earlier name has perished. This circumstance led us naturally to inquire, whether there was any ancient city so situated, as to correspond with the position of'Lejjan. As we travelled across the plain, and had Ta'annuk and the place of Lejjfin continually in view, we could not resist the impression, that the latter probably occupies the site of the ancient Megiddo, so often mentioned along with Taanach. The distance of Taanach from Legio is given by Eusebius and JeMaundrell, March 22. mer Pal. p. 141. ed. 3. That list is ob2 We visited Lejjin in 1852; see Vol. viously composed, on the one hand, of ear-'III. Sect. III, under Apr. 21st. lier materials; for it contains Beit Jibrin 3 See the Onomast. arts. Aphraint, which had long been destroyed, and also Camona, Nazareth, Thaaelach and Tha- Neapolis which was never a Latin see; and naach, etc. on the other hand, it exhibits, among other 4 Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. 8, and Addenda additions, Nazareth, which was made a prefixed.-In the Latin ecclesiastical No- bishopric only during the crusades, and titia appended to the History of William Mount Tabor, which appears never to have of Tyre, the name Legionumn occurs as a been a bishop's seat at all. If Legionum suffragan see; Will. Tyr. in Gesta Dei Ap. be actually the same as Lejjun, it may in 1046. Reland Pal. p. 228. From this it like manner have been added as the seat has sometimes been inferred, that Lejjun of a Christian community; but there seems was made a bishopric in the age of the to be no other trace of its ever having. crusades; Bachiene Th. II. iv. p. 40. Rau- been a bishopric. VOLE II. —28* iii. 1.78, 179

330 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. rome at three or four Roman miles;' and it is somewhat remarkable, that Megiddo is rarely spoken of in Scripture, except in conjunction with Taanach; a circumstance which likewise implies their vicinity to each other.2 The chief onslaught also in the battle of Deborah and Barak, took place in the plain near Taanach and ":the waters of Megiddo:;" and whether this expression be applied to a large fountain, or to the rivers Kishon, we know that the -scene of battle was at any rate not far from the Kishon.3 1Megiddo too gave-its name to the adjacent valley or low plain along the Kishon; and in like manner Eusebius and Jerome speak of the plain of Legio.4 All these circumstances make out a strong case in favour of the identity of Legio and Megiddo; and leave in my own mind little doubt upon the point.5 We left l81amat 10 -I1o'clock for Nazareth; our road passing at first along the western end-of the mountain of Diihy on high ground. The general direction quite to Nazareth is N. 9~0 W. After some twenty minutes, we began to turn the N. W. corner of the mountain, where a third great arm of the plain gradually opened upon us, running up between the Little Hermon and Mount Tabor. At 114- o'clock the latter for the first time rose upon our view in the N. E. an hour or more distant, a fine round mountain, presenting (as here seen) the appearance of a segment of a sphere; sprinkled with old oaks to its very; summit, and realizing in its graceful form and beauty all that I had been led to anticipate respecting it. Yet it seemed not so.lofty as has usually been represented; and, on this side, it is surrounded and X Onomast. arts. Thaanach, Thanaach. in the fourteenth century; see in Asher's 2 So as being each the seat of a Ca- Benj. of Tud. II. p. 433.-After my renaanitish king, Josh. 12, 21. Both were turn to Europe, I first learned that the assigned to Manasseh, though lying within same suggestion had been made by the the borders of Issachar or Asher, Josh. Reviewer of Raumer's Palistina in the 17, 11. 1 Chr. 7, 29. Both remained lono Miinchner Gelehrte Anzeigen, Dec. 1836, unsubdued, Judog. 1, 27. The battle of p. 920. He however adduces no ground Deborah and Barak took place near both, of identity, except that the names: of Judg. 5, 19. Both came under the same Megiddo and Legio are both applied to purveyor, 1 Kings 4, 12.-Ahaziah fled the plain.-It might at first seem. an obfrom Jezreel to Megiddo, and Josiah died jection to this whole hypothesis, that Eusethere; 2 K. 9, 27. 23, 29. 30. bius and Jerome in their article Mageddo, s Judg. 5, 19. 21. make no mention of Legio. Butit is eviValley or plain of Megiddo, Hebr. dent from the article itself, that the name Ij~2:: 2 Chron. 35, 22. Zech. 12, 11. Megiddo was already lost; and they do Gr. irsE6orvEsdr. 1,-27. —Euseb,. *steoXv ris not even attempt to mark the position of, Jerome "campus Leionis the place. The same was the case in reOnemasto, Jeromes acampus Legionise, Onomast. arts. Gabathon, Arbela, Camon, sPect to Sichem; and even the identity of etc. Sebaste and Samaria they only give as a 6 The identity of Megiddo and Lejjbn report. See Onomast. arts. Afageddo, Siwas already recognised by R. Parchi early clheA, Semvron, iii. 179, 180

JuE: 16.] FIRST VIEW OF TABOR. 331 shut in by other mountains of nearly equal altitude. -It stands out almost insulated upon the plain, being connected with the hills in the N. W. only by a low ridge. Across this ridge- on the left of Tabor, we could here again see the lofty peak of the distant Hermon; and could now distinguish the ice upon its summit glittering in the mid-day sun. This third branch of the great plain is, like the others, about an hour in breadth, but is more distinct and marked; the mountains which enclose it being higher and rising more abruptly from its borders.:It extends around and beyond Tabor, quite to the brow of the Jordan valley, and likewise northwards with slight interruptions almost to Hattin. In this part its waters run westwards to the Kishon, and the Mediterranean; further east, as we shall see, beyond Tabor, they flow towards the Jordan. Below us, on the left, were the deserted villages of Ffleh and'Afiuleh; the former next to us about half an hour distant, -and the -latter beyond. So far as we could here judge, they stand nearly upon the dividing line of waters, between the head of the valley of Jezreel and the more western plain. But -there is here no apparent ridge or swell of land to mark the water-shed; the ground on the north, south, and west, is level, and sends its -waters. to the Mediterranean; while towards the southeast it begins to decline gradually, to form the great valley running to the Jordan.. - -At the same point (11 o'clock) we crossed the great caravan road from Egypt to Damascus; which, coming by Gaza, Ramleh, and Lejjan, here strikes the corner of the little- Hermon, and passes on, one branch over the low ridge on the left of Tabor, and another on the right of that mountain in the plain. The branches unite again at the Khan beyond; and the road continues and descends to the shore of the lake, about three quarters of an hour north of Tiberias. We now descended gradually to cross the arm of the plain before us. At 11.40 there was a large dry water-course coming from the right; and at. 11.55 another, apparently the bed of the main stream of this part of the plain, coming from the direction of -Mount Tabor. But- in this season of droight, not one drop of water did we meet-with in all the great plain, except in the valley of Jezreel.. Near this latter channel, was a small site of -ruins, called el-Mezra'ah.' On our right, at some distance, we:could perceive, on the northern slope of. the little Hermon, the hamlet: of Nein; and at the base of Tabor, the village DebArieh. Nearer at hand in the plain, on a low rocky ridge or mound, not 1 This is probably the "Casal Mesra" of which Brocardus speaks in this quarter, c. 7. p. 176. So too Marinus Sanut. p. 241. iii.. 180-182

332 FROM NABULUS TO NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. far from the foot of the northern hills, was the village of IksMl, described as containing many excavated sepulchres.' It is prob-~ ably the Chesulloth and Chisloth-Tabor of the book of Joshua, on the border of Zebulun and Issachar; the Chasalus of Eusebius and Jerome in the plain near Tabor; and the Xaloth of Josephus, situated in the great plain.2-At 12.20 we approached the border of the plain on the north, being still ten minutes distant from the foot of the mountains, which here rise abruptly.3 We were here opposite the mouth of the narrow Wady, which appears to come out directly from the basin of Nazareth; and is skirted on the east by the steep bluff usually called the mount of Precipitation. A path leads directly up this valley to Nazareth; but it was said to be difficult, and our muleteers chose to take a circuitous road lying more towards the west. This led us along the base of the mountain for a short distance, passing the mouth of one small Wady, and then winding around and up a projecting point of the mountain, to gain the entrance -of another. We thus obtained a noble view of the western part of the great plain, and of the third great eastern arm which we had just crossed. The plain in this part is rich and fertile, but lay mostly untilled; here and there only were a few patches of grain, intermingled with the far greater portions now let run to waste. From this point a beaten path went off across the plain towards Lejjfun, falling into the great caravan road in that direction. The way now led up through a narrow, rocky, desert Wady northwards; near the head of which we came at 1- o'clock to a cistern of rain water with flocks waiting around. Not far from this spot, in another valley on the left, is the little village of Yafa, of which I shall speak again. Fifteen minutes further brought us to the brow of the valley, or basin, in which Nazareth is situated; from which point descending gradually and obliquely, we reached the town at 1- o'clock. Passing along its lower side, we encamped five minutes beyond, among the olive trees; just above the public fountain known as that of the Virgin. Pococke calls this village Zal. Re- Acchaseluth; "Appellatur autem et quiturning from Tabor to Nazareth through dam vicus Chasalus juxta montem Thabor the plain, he says: " I came to the village in campestribus in octavo milliaro Diocreof Zal, which is about three miles [one saree ad orientem respiciens." Josephus hour] from Tabor, situated on rocky B. J. 3. 3. 1, &rb ssr fZ, w MEydhA 7retc ground, rising a little above the plain. IcevYqs Ki&~cls, ~ baeXp KaXAeTaL. Jos. Near it there are many sepulchres cut in de Vita sua ~ 44. Raumer Pal. p. 111. the rocks; some of them are like stone ed. 3. Pococke 1. c. coffins above ground; others are cut into 3 From this point, at 12L o'clock, the the rock, like graves; some of them hay- places in sight bore as follows: Iksal N. ing stone covers over them; so that for- 63~ E. Debuirieh N. 73~ E. Summit of merly this might be no inconsiderable Tabor N. 80~ E. Nein S. 50~ E. Dtihy place;" Descr. of the East, II. i. p. 65. S. 400 E. 2 Josh. 19, 12. 18. Onomast. art. iii. 182, 183

JoE 16.] NAZARETH. POPULATION. 333 The town of Nazareth, called in Arabic en-Nasirah, lies upon the western side of a narrow oblong basin, extending about from S. S. W. to N. N. E. perhaps twenty minutes in length by eight or ten in breadth. The houses stand on the lower part of the slope of the western hill; which rises steep and high above them, and is crowned by a Wely called Neby Isma'il.! Towards the north the hills are less high; on the east and south they are low. In the southeast the basin contracts and a:valley runs out -narrow and winding, apparently to the great plain. Various roads pass out of the basin; on the north to Sefffirieh and'Akka; in the northeast to Kefr Kenna and Tiberias; towards the east to Mount Tabor and Tiberias; and in the southwest to Yafa and the plain of Esdraelon. The houses of the town are in general well built of stone. They have only flat terraced roofs, without the domes so common in Jerusalem and the south of Palestine. The largest and most solid building, or rather collection of buildings, in the place, is the Latin convent. We called soon on Abu Nasir, an Arab-Greek Christian of Nazareth, who' had formerly spent some time in'Beirut. He had there become acquainted with the American missionaries, and taken great interest in their schools. We found him now in his open shop in one of the streets, a mild, friendly, and intelligent man; he welcomed us very kindly, and pressed us much to take up our quarters in his house, which we declined. He afterwards was exceedingly attentive, and devoted much of his time to us. We found here likewise Elias, a young man of the place, who had been for three years a pupil in the school of the English missionaries in Cairo.: From Abu Nasir we received the following statement as to the population of Nazareth, viz,. Greeks... 160 families, or 260 taxable men. Greek Catholics.. 60 " 130 " Latini do..65' ",, 120 L; Maronites... 40 " 100 " Muhammedans.. 120 " 170-' " Total 445 " 780 " This implies a population of about three thousand souls. The wealthy family of Katafago was said to retain its impor1 Schubert gives the elevation of the zareth (the western one is the highest) at valley of Nazareth at 821 Paris feet above from 1500 to 1600 feet above the sea, or the sea; and that of the plain at the between 700 and 800 above Nazareth. foot of Tabor at 439 feet. The ele- This is far too great; the Wely cannot vation from the great plain further west, well be more than 400 to 500 feet above directly to Nazareth, must therefore pro- the valley. See Schubert's Reise III. p. bably be from 300 to 350 feet. He es- 169.-The Wely on:the western hill bears timates the height of the hills around Na- at Kana the name of Neby Sa'id. iii. 183-185

334 NAZARETH. [SEC. XrV: tance and general influence in the country, as described by Burckhardt and Prokesch;' but this influence was also said not to be in all respects for good. We had not come to Nazareth as pilgrims to the holy places, pointed out in legendary tradition. Yet we now repaired to the Latin convent, accompanied by Elias; not because it is said to cover the spot where the Virgin lived, but as being a point of some notoriety in the modern history of the country, or rather, as having been visited by many travellers. The monks had put themselves in quarantine, in consequence of the recent death, by plague, of the physician of duke Maximilian of Bavaria within their walls.2 We entered and crossed the spacious court, intending to visit the garden, but it was now closed. Finding the door of the church open, we went in; it was the hour of vespers; and the chanting of the monks, sustained by the deep mellow tones of the organ, which came upon us unexpectedly, was solemn and affecting. The interior of the church is small and plain, with massive arches; the walls around were hung with damask stuff, striped with blue, producing a rich effect; indeed the whole impression transported me back to Italy. A barrier was laid across the floor, not very far from the entrance, as a warning to persons from without not to advance further; and a similar precaution was taken, to prevent the hangings along the walls from being touched. Towards the grand altar the floor is raised, and there is an ascent to it by steps. Under this is the grotto, where, as the story goes, the Virgin once lived; here the Latins say Mary received the salutation of the angel, and the church thence takes the name of the Annunciation.3 This grotto is now a chapel; and over it, according to the Romish legend, once stood the house, which afterwards, to escape contamination from the Muhammedans, wandered away through the air to Loretto in Italy, stopping for a time in Dalmatia or Illyria.4 This church and convent, as we shall hereafter-see, began to be built up on the ruins of the more ancient church in A. D. 1620; a century later, the whole was thoroughly repaired and rebuilt, and the convent enlarged to its present spacious dimensions.5 The house for the reception of pilgrims was thrown down by the earthquake of Jan. 1, 1837, from which Nazareth and other adjacent villages suffered more or less; but it had already been rebuilt.6'Burckhardt's Travels p. 341. Pro- Korte, who was here in 1738, says the kesch p. 129. new convent had then been built about 2 See Vol I. p. 250. twenty years; but the church had been Luke 1, 26 sq. finished only a few years before. Burckh. 4 Quaresmius II. p. 834 sq. p. 337. Korte pp. 298, 299. Burckhardt says this took place in A. 6 Schubert's Reise III. p. 168. The D. 1730, probably according to the friars. convent was otherwise considerably injured iii. 185, 186

JUa1E 16.] CONVENT. MOUNT OF PRECIPITATION. 335 From the convent we went to the little Maronite church. It stands quite in the southwest part of the town under a precipice of the hill, which here breaks off in a perpendicular wall forty or fifty feet in height. We noticed several other similar precipices in the western hill, around the village. Some one of these, perhaps that by the Maronite church, may well have been the spot, whither the Jews led Jesus "unto the brow of the hill whereon their city was built, that they might cast him down headlong; but he, passing through the midst of them, went his way-.' There is here no intimation that his escape was favoured by the exertion of any miraculous power; but he made his way fearlessly through the crowd; and probably eluded their pursuit by availing himself of the narrow and crooked streets of the city. The monks have chosen for the scene of this event the mount of the Precipitation, so called; a precipice overlooking the plain of Esdraelon, nearly two miles S. by E. from Nazareth. Among all the legends that have been fastened on the Holy Land, I know of no one more clumsy than this; which presupposes that in a popular and momentary tumult, they should have had the patience to lead off their victim to an hour's distance, in order to do what there was an equal facility for doing near at hand. Besides, the hill on which Nazareth stands, is not a precipice overlooking the plain of Esdraelon; but it is this western hill, a good hour distant from that plain. Indeed, such is the intrinsic absurdity of the legend, that the monks themselves nowadays, in order to avoid it, make the ancient Nazareth to have been situated not far distant on the same mountain.2 That precipice was doubtless selected, because it forms a striking object as seen from the plain; but the legend seems not to go further back than the time of the crusades. It is not mentioned by Antoninus Martyr, who particularly describes the holy places then shown at Nazareth; nor by Adamnanus, nor St. Willibald, nor Scewulf who was here about A. D. 1103. But the crusaders cherished Nazareth, and raised it to a bishop's see; and then, apparently, this precipice was selected, as the brow of the mountain. Phocas first mentions it slightly in A. D. 1185, and then Brocardus more fully;3 and since their day it has been noticed by most travellers. by the earthquake; but only one other 2 Clarke 1. c. p. 437. Monro II. p. 292. house was thrown down. Five persons in -The good friars forget the dilemma into all were killed. See Mr Thomson's Re- which they thus bring themselves; for if the port on this earthquake, in the Missionary ancient Nazareth lay near the precipice Herald for Nov. 1837, p. 439. overhanging the plain, what becomes of the Luke 4, 28-30. Compare John holy places now shown in the present town? 8, 59. 10, 39. Clarke's Travels, p. 537. 3 Phocas de Locis Sanct. ~ 10. Brocar4to. dus c. 6, p. 175. iii. 186-188

336 NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. We came back to our tent, intending to improve the time for writing up our journals; but the civilities of Abu Nasir, in returning our visit and showing us every attention, did not permit us to accomplish our purpose. Sunday, June 17th. The fountain of the Virgin near our tent, though not large, was much frequented by the females of the village, bearing their:water pitchers. I went to it several times; but such was the crowd waiting around to fill their jars, and the strife who should come first, that I could never get near enough to examine it fully. Later in summer it dries up; and then water is brought from more distant fountains. The source itself is under the Greek church of the Annunciation, eight or ten rods further north; and thence the little stream is conducted by a rude aqueduct of stone, over which at last an arch is turned, where it pours its scanty waters into a sculptured marble trough, perhaps once a sarcophagus. The church is built over the source, as the spot where the Greeks say the Virgin was saluted by the angel Gabriel; it is very plain outside, but gaudy and tawdry within, and has a subterranean grotto arranged as a chapel.-The aqueduct seems to have existed in Pococke's day, and doubtless the church also; though he speaks only of a Greek church under ground, in which was the fountain.' In the century before, instead of the aqueduct, travellers describe here a reservoir; of which there is now no trace.2 After breakfast I walked out alone to the top of the western bill above Nazareth, where stands the neglected Wely of Neby Isma'il. Here, quite unexpectedly, a glorious prospect opened on the view. The air was perfectly clear and serene; and I shall never forget the impression I received, as the enchanting panorama burst suddenly upon me. There lay the magnificent plain of Esdraelon, or at least all its western part; on the left was seen the round top of Tabor over the intervening hills, with portions of the little Hermon and Gilboa, and the opposite mountains of Samaria, from Jenin westwards to the lower hills extending towards Carmel. Then came the long line of Carmel itself, with the convent of Elias on its northern end, and Haifa on the shore at its foot. In the west lay the Mediterranean, gleaming in the morning sun; seen first far in the south on the left of Carmel; then interrupted by that mountain; and again appearing on its right, so as to include the whole bay of'Akka, and the coast stretching far north to a point N. 10~ W.'Akka itself was not visible, being hidden by intervening hills. Below on the north, was spread out another of the beautiful plains of 1 Vol. II. i.p. 63. Neitzschitz in 1635 2 Surius, Pelerin, p. 310. Doubdan, Voyspeaks here of an old Greek church over age, p. 566. the fountain; p. 234. iii. 188, 189

JurN 17.] PROSPECT FROM THE WESTERN HILL. 337 northern Palestine, called el-Btttauf; it runs from east to west, and its waters are drained off westwards through a narrower valley, to the Kishon (el-Mukfitta') at the base of Carmel. Near the southern border of this plain, the eye rested on a large village on the slope of an isolated hill, with a ruined castle on the top; this was SeffArieh, the ancient Sepphoris or Dioceasarea. Beyond the plain el-Bilttauf, long ridges running from east to west rise one higher than another; until the mountains of Safed overtop them all, on which that place is seen, " a city set upon a hill." Further towards the right is a sea of hills and mountains, backed by the higher ones beyond the lake of Tiberias, and in the northeast by the majestic Hermon with its icy crown. Carmel here presented itself to great advantage, extending far out into the sea, and dipping his feet in the waters. The highest part of the ridge is towards the south. The southern end of the proper ridge, as here seen, bore S. 800 W. and the highest point S. 860 W. Thence it declines gradually northwards, until at the convent, according to Schubert, it has an elevation of only 582 Paris feet above the adjacent sea. The same traveller estimates the highest point at 1200 feet; which seems to me relatively too high.' The northern extremity bore N. 580 W. Towards the southeast Carmel is partially connected with the mountains of Samaria, by the broad range of low wooded hills, separating the great plain of the more southern coast from that of Esdraelon. Here large trees of the walnut are said -to be prevalent. The middle point of this connecting range bore S. 64~ W. The same appearance of bushes and trees is seen on many parts of Carmel; which thus presents a less naked aspect, than the mountains of Judea.2 Seating myself in the shade of the Wely, I remained for some hours upon this spot, lost in the contemplation of the wide prospect, and of the events connected with the scenes around. In the village below, the Saviour of the world had pa'ssed his childhood; and although we have few particulars of his life during those early years, yet there are certain features of nature which meet our eyes now, just as they once met his. He must often have visited the fountain near which we had pitched our tent; his feet must frequently have wandered over the adjacent hills; and his eyes doubtless have gazed upon the splendid prospect from this very spot. Here the Prince of peace looked down upon the great plain, where the din of battles so oft had rolled,'Reise III. p. 212. naud Extraits, etc. p. 437 sq. Par. 1829.' Prokesch Reise ins heil. Land p. 128. At present, it seems to be called by the Schubert's Reise III. p. 205.-The name Arabs Jebel Mdr Elyas, from the convent of Jebel Kurmul appears in Arabian wri- of Elias near its northern end; Berggren ters; see Edrisi par Jaubert p. 348. Rei- Reisen II. p. 225. VOL. II.-29 iii. 189-191

338 NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. and the garments of the warrior been dyed in blood; and he looked out too upon that sea, over which the swift ships were to bear the tidings of his salvation to nations and to continents then unknown. How has the moral aspect of things been changed! Battles and bloodshed have indeed not ceased to desolate this unhappy country, and gross darkness now covers the people; but from this region a light went forth, which has enlightened the world and unveiled new climes; and now the rays of that light begin to be reflected back from distant isles and continents, to illuminate anew the darkened land, where it first sprung up. The day, though beautiful, was warm; on the hill the air was delightful; but on returning to our tent in the valley, the heat soon became oppressive; the thermometer in the shade of the trees rising after 10 o'clock to 880 F. We held our devotional exercises in our tent; but were glad towards noon to accept of an invitation from Abu Nasir, as he returned from the services of the Greek church, and join him at his house. Here we found the rooms of stone' much cooler than our tent. The house had just been built, and was not yet finished. In order to lay the foundations, he had dug down to the solid rock, as is usual throughout the country; here to the depth of thirty feet; and then built up arches.' The workmanship was solid, but coarse; he assured us, it was the best work the masons of Nazareth could turn out. The want of timber in the country is much felt in building; and for this reason, in the south at least, most rooms are arched.2 The little which Abu Nasir used, was pine, brought, like the cedars of old, from Mount Lebanon, by way of Haifa. But if our kind friend was thus bettering his own external comforts, he was also engaged, heart and soul, as it seemed, in endeavouring to improve the moral condition of the Greek-Arab community around him. While at Beirit, he had paid great attention to the missionary schools in that place; and had become so deeply interested and impressed with their importance and salutary influence, that-on returning to Nazareth, he had immediately set about the establishment of similar schools among his own people. In this he had been so far successful, that the first one established, which had now been for some time in operation, contained at present fifty pupils; and another had been recently opened with about twenty children. One main difficulty had been the total want of school books; and for these, and these alone, Abu Nasir had been dependent on the mission at Beirfit.'Compare the words of our Lord, Luke dation on a rock." This is still the corn6, 48: "He is like a man which built a mon usage. house, and digged deep, and laid the foun- 2 See Vol. I. p. 223. iii 191, 192

3JUNE 18.] NATIVE SCHOOLS. 339 In order to set an example to his neighbours, and lead on to better things, he had also ventured upon the unheard of step of sending his own youngest daughter to one of the schools; and she was the first female who for centuries had learned to read in Nazareth. At the present time she was also learning to write at home. The example was followed, though with hesitation; and three other females were now numbered among the pupils. Abu Nasir was thus doing much good; but he met also with opposition; and being straitened for means, he was therefore very desirous that the schools should be taken up by the mission at BeirAt, and others be established in the neighbouring villages. But at that time, the resources of the mission, and of the society at home, had become so much contracted, as to admit of no extension of their operations.' Abu Nasir and his son sat with us; the latter a promising young man of about twenty years. A daughter somewhat younger came in for a few moments, but soon retired; while the youngest daughter, a bright timid child of twelve years, remained for some time. The father was obviously proud of her acquirements at school; she repeated from memory to my companion twelve psalms, and portions of Watts' catechism for children, all of course in Arabic. The son gave us information respecting the village of Jelban on Mount Gilboa, which he had himself visited.2 —We remained to dinner with Abu Nasir, towards evening. There was nothing special in the entertainment, varying from the usual forms of the country, as already described; except that we had our own plates, knives and forks, and the like, from our tent; and our own servants waited upon'us. All the rest was done by the host and his son; and the former alone ate with us. The attentions of Abu NAsir towards us proceeded from the most entire kindness and respect; but they deprived us of the greater portion of our time, and had already prevented us from writing out our notes as we had purposed. We therefore laid our plan for the next day, to go in the morning to the summit of Mount Tabor, and there pitch our tent; in order to take time and fill out our journals, which were greatly in arrears. Monday, June 18th. Before setting off, we went again upon the western hill to the Wely of Neby Isma'il, accompanied by Abu Nasir, who was acquainted with all the country around. The prospect however was now less fine; the south wind had sprung up, the commencement of a Sirocco, and had 1 I regret to have to say, that these cure for him any personal advantage as a promising beginnings of Abu Nh sir did correspondent or agent of the Franks, they not result in any permanent benefits. were soon discontinued. When he found, that his efforts did not pro- 2 See above, p. 316. iii. 192-194

340 NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. brought up a haze, which spoiled in part the view-of yesterday. Yet the important points were all distinctly to be seen; although not in the clear transparent light of the preceding day. All the places around the plain of Esdraelon, which we had formerly seen, were still to be made out. Haifa likewise was yet visible; now a place of considerable trade at the foot of Carmel, on the southern shore of the bay of'Akka.; It is probably the ancient Sycaminum, a city of the Phenicians not far distant from Ptolemais or'Akka.I In the north, Abu NAsir pointed out the village of Kefr Menda;2 and also a ruined place on the northern border of the plain el-BUttauf, called; by the natives Kana el-Jelil, to which I shall recur. again. I do not recollect whether we saw the village Rummaneh, -a little further east; at any rate, we did not take its bearing.4 In returning down the hill, we came upon a spot of ground which had been burnt over; and learned that this had been done in order to destroy the young locusts, which were lying dead in great numbers. We had seen them occasionally for several days; and had passed some fields of cotton, which had been greatly injured by them. At Jenin we were told, that the governor, who had extensive fields upon the plain, fearing for his cotton and other crops, had mustered the peasants of the neighbouring villages, and destroyed the locusts by burning and otherwise. But every few miles as we travelled across the plain, the ground was covered by the young swarms. They were green, and: yet too young to fly; but just at the right age to eat. The environs of Nazareth, for some distance around, were covered with them, devouring vineyards, gardens, and every thing green.-The bird which follows and destroys the locusts, had not yet reached Nazareth, but was reported to be at Hattin. It is called Semermer;5 and the Arabs say it does not eat the locusts, or at least not many; but-attacks them with beak and talons, killing as many of them as possible. 1 For Haifa, see in Vol. III. Sect. II, nin S. 6~ W. Sileh S. 23~ W. Ta'annuk end. S. 27~ W. Um el-Fahm S. 40~ W. Sa2 Mentioned likewise by Van Egmond lim S. 420 W. (?) Middle of hills extendand Heyman, Reizen II. p. 16. ing from Carmel, S. 64~ W. Carmel, 3 Is this perhaps the Rimmon of the south end of ridge, S. 80~ W. Carmel, tribe of Zebulon? Josh. 19, 13. 1 Chr. highest point, S. 860 W.'Asifia'N. 800 6, 77. [62.] Pococke mentions this vil- W. Haifa N. 59~ W. Kaukab N. 10~ W. lage; II. i. p. 62. Seffuirieh N. 9~ W. Kefr Menda N. 8~ W. 4 The following bearings were taken Kana el-Jelil N. 5~ E. Safed N. 40~ E. from the western hill above Nazareth, Jebel esh-Sheikh N. 410 E. Nazareth at mostly with our large compass, beginning the same time lay below us, S. 10~ E. disat Tabor and proceeding towards the right: taut about ten minutes. —S6am, though Tabor S. 670 E. Kaukab el-Hawa beyond not here visible, lies in the same line with Tabor S. 56~ E. End6r S. 39~ E. Nein Wezar, and therefore S. 9~ E. See p. 324. S. 21~ E. Diihy S. 19~ E. Niris S. 10I~ 6 Turdus Seleucis; Grylli-vora. ForE. Wezar S. 90 E. Zer'in S. 3~ E. Je- skal Descr. Animal p. vi. iii. 194. 195

JUNE 18.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 341 The name of Nazareth (Arabic, en-Nasirah) is found in Scripture only in the New Testament. The place is mentioned neither in the Old Testament nor in Josephus; and was apparently a small and unimportant village. "Can there any good thing come out of Nazareth? " is a question implying any thing but respect; and the appellation of Nazarenes was in like manner.given to the first Christians in scorn. Yet to the present day the name for Christians in Arabic continues to be en-Nisdra, that is, Nazarenes.2 From the days of our Saviour we hear no more of Nazareth, until Eusebius, in the fourth century, again describes it as a village, fifteen Roman miles eastward from Legio (Lejjin), and not far from Tabor.3 Epiphanius relates, in the same century, that until the time of Constantine, Nazareth was inhabited only by Jews; from which at least it would appear, that Christians dwelt there in his day.4 It would seem, however, not then to have become a regular place of pilgrimage; for Jerome mentions it only incidentally; and makes Paula on her journey merely pass through it without stopping.5 Nor was it made a bishopric; for the name is not found in any of the ecclesiastical Notitice before the time of the crusades. Yet it must early have been visited by pilgrims; for towards the close of the sixth century, Antoninus describes in it the ancient synagogue and a church.' Arculfus a century later found here two churches; one over the fountain, and the other covering the house where Mary had lived. St. Willibald in the eighth century mentions but one church.7 About A. D. 1103, Saewulf describes the place as having been totally destroyed by the Saracens; though a noted monastery still served to mark the place of the Annunciation.8 After the crusaders had got possession of Jerusalem, the country of Galilee, extending from Tiberias to Haifa, was given by Godfrey of Bouillon as a fief to the noble leader Tancred. He immediately subdued Tiberias; administered the province with justice and equity; erected churches at Nazareth, Tiberias, and on Mount Tabor, and richly endowed them; so that his I John 1, 46.- Acts 24, 5. " Et nos a matter of course, monastic tradition asapud veteres, quasi opprobrio, Nazarvi cribes the later church to Helena. dicebamur, quos nunc Christianos vocant;" 6 Antonin. Mart. ~ 5. It is remarkable Euseb. et Hieron. Onomast. art. Nazareth. that Antoninus praises the beauty of the fe2 Sing. Nusrdcny; Plur. Ntis,?ira, often males of Nazareth, as is also done by some written in vulgar Arabic ViiVsdrah. travellers at the present day; though it s Onomast. art Nazareth. did not strike us particularly. Turner's 4 Epiphan. adv. Hieres. lib. I. pp. 128, Tour in the Levant II. p. 135. Berggren 136. Reland Pal. p. 905. Reisen II. p. 232. Antoninus ascribes this 6 C; Inde cito itinere percucurrit Naza- to the special favour of the Virg!n Mary. reth nutriculam Domini;" Ep. 86, Epit. 7 Adamnanus ex Arculf. 2. 26. St. Paulhe, p. 677, ed. Mart. Comp. Ep. 44, Willib. Hodoepor. 16. ad Marcell. ibid. p. 552. Yet almost as a Sawulf Peregrinat. p. 270. VOL. II. —29* iii. 196, 197

342 NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. memory was long cherished in this region.' In the new ecclesiastical arrangements of the country, the see of Scythopolis, the former metropolitan seat of Palestina Secunda, was transferred to Nazareth; which then first became a bishopric, and remains so nominally in the Greek church to the present day.2 When this transfer took place we are not informed; but it must have been at an early period; for in A. D. 1111 a strife already existed, between the bishop of Nazareth and the convent founded by the Benedictines of Clugny on Mount Tabor, respecting the jurisdiction of the bishop over the latter. The matter was adjusted by Gibelin, patriarch of Jerusalem, in an assembly of the bishops and clergy, with the consent of the'king and barons, to the satisfaction of both parties. The consecration of the abbot - and monks, and also of the larger church, was to depend only on the patriarch; while the bishop of Nazareth was to exercise all other episcopal rights over the convent.' The fatal battle of Hattin, in A. D. 1187, was followed by the subjugation of almost the whole land by Saladin, and of Nazareth and Sepphoris among other places.4 At what time Nazareth again passed into the hands of the Christians is uncertain; but in A. D. 1250, king Louis of France made a pilgrimage from'Akka thither, and to Mount Tabor;5 and in A. D. 1263, the town of Nazareth and the noble church of the Annunciation, as also the church of the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor, were laid in total ruins by the Sultan Bibars.6 Nazareth appears afterwards to have been neglected, and the church not to have been again built up until after several centuries; although the nominal succession of Latin bishops, or rather archbishops, was long continued in the Romish church.7 Brocardus, in the thirteenth century, says nothing of the state in which Nazareth then was; but writers of the fourteenth, describe it as a small village, with a church wholly in ruins, and Alb. Aq. 7. 16. Will. Tyr. 9. 13. H. 583. Mejr ed-Din in Fundgr. des Or. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. II. pp. 33-37.- III.. 81. Wilken ib. III. ii. pp. 293, 297. Tancred resigned this fief after two or' Wilken ib. VII. pp. 277, 278, and the three years, but received it back again be- authorities there cited. - The emperor fore his death; Will. Tyr. 10. 10. Alb. Aq. Frederick II. affirmed, that the possession 11. 12. Wilken ib. pp. 92, 208. of Nazareth by the Christians was in2 Will. Tyr. 22. 16. Jac. de Vitr. 56. p. eluded in his treaty in A. D. 1229; but 1077. Marin. Sanut. p. 176. Le Quien Arabian writers speak only of places on Oriens Christ. III. 1293 sq. and 694.-The the route between Jerusalem and'Akka. present titular Greek bishop of Nazareth Yet Nazareth might well be included in resides at Jerusalem; see above, Vol. I. p. that route. Wilken ib. VI. p. 479. Marin. 424. Sanut. p. 213. Reinaud Extraits, etc. p. 3 See the document containing this com- 430. pact in Mansi Concil. Tom. XXI. p. 71. 6 Epist. Urban. IV, in Raynaldi AnnaL Wilken Gesch. der Kr. II. p. 365. Gibelin ecclesiast. A. D. 1263. ~ 7. Abulf. AnnaL died at the close of A. D. 1111, or begin- A. H. 661. Reinaud Extraits, etc. p.A488. ning of A. D. 1112; Will. Tyr. 11. 14, 15. Wilken ib. VII. p. 461. Bohaedd. p. 71. Abulfed. Annal. A. 7 Le Quien Oriens Chr. III. 1294 eq. xii. 197, 198

JUNE 18.1 HI STORICAL NOTICES. 343 a fountain; and make bitter complaint of the Muslim inhabitants.' In the fifteenth-ecentury, Nazareth seems hardly to have been visited by pilgrims. About the middle of the sixteenth, Belon describes here the chapel of the Annunciation as a grotto below ground, surrounded by the ruins of an ancient church; the village was inhabited only by Muhammedans.2 Cotovicus, at the close of that century, confirms this account, describing the people as the worst he had seen; there being only two or three Christian inhabitants. The former church still lay in ruins. His party were here treated only with insult.3 It was in A. D. 1620, that the Franciscan monks first obtained permission from the celebrated Fakhr ed-Din, then master of this region,' to take possession of the grotto and rebuild the church in Nazareth, with which they naturally connected a monastery. The circumstances are fully related by Quaresmius, as they happened in his time; but the buildings appear not to have -been completed for many years. Doubdan, some thirty years later, speaks of the place as a miserable village, almost ruined and deserted, with eight or ten monks residing there from the convent in Jerusalem.4 Surius, a few years before, found in the village only four Maronite and two Greek families of Christians.5 At the close of the same century, Maundrell describes the monks as being shut up in their convent for fear of the Arabs.6 About A. D. 1720-30, as we have seen, the church and convent were repaired and enlarged.7 Since that day, the number of Christians in Nazareth has been greatly augmented; and the character of the place has undergone an entire change. Even in the time of Korte, there were here only one hundred and fifty families in all; but the Christian population is said to have increased greatly under the noted Sheikh Dhaher of'Akka, about the middle of the century.8 In the vicinity of Nazareth, we find also the names of several other ancient places; of which it may be proper here to say a few words. Ydfa. The little village of Yafa, as we have seen, lies somewhat more than half an hour southwest of Nazareth, in another valley.9 It contains about thirty houses, with the remains of a 1 Brocardus c. 6. p. 175. - Sir J. Maun-' Belon Obs. Paris 1588. p. 327. deville p. 112. Lond. 1839. W. de Bald- 3 Cotov. Itin. pp. 349, 350. Comp. ensel speaks of the inhabitants as "pessi- Sandys' Travels p. 160. mi Saraceni;" p. 354. L. de Suchem, 4 Quaresmius Elucid. II. p. 837 sq. Itin. p. 94. Reissb. p. 850. According to -Doubdan p. 569. this last writer, the Saracens had endea- 5 Surius Pelerin, p. 305 sq. voured to fill up the fountain; and had 6 Maundrell Apr. 18. polluted the ruined church as far as pos- 7 See above, p. 334. sible, by- making it a receptacle for the K8 ortens Reise p. 298. Mariti-Voyages dead bodies of asses, camels, cattle, and II. pp. 153, 154. Neuw. 1791. dogs. 9 See above, p. 332. iii. 198-200

344 ENVIRONS OF NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. church; and has a few single palm trees. The Italian monks call it St. Giacomo; inasmuch as their tradition regards it as the residence of Zebedee and his two sons, James and John. The name seems to identify it with the Japhia of Scripture, on the border of Zebulon, described also by Eusebius and Jerome.' The Japha fortified by Josephus was probably the same, a large and strong village of Galilee, afterwards captured by Trajan and Titus under the orders of Vespasian. In the storm and sack of the place, according to the same writer, fifteen thousand of the inhabitants were put to the sword, and two thousand one hundred and thirty made captives.2 The earliest trace of the tradition respecting the residence of the sons of Zebedee at this place, seems to occur in Marinus Sanutus in the fourteenth century; and the tradition itself is therefore probably not older than the time of the crusades.3 Seminieh. Nearly west by north of Yafa, on a hill, lies the small village of Semunieh. In this name it is not difficult to recognise the Simonias of Josephus; which, according to his description, was situated on the hills north of the plain of Esdraelon. Here an attempt was made by the Romans to surprise Josephus by night, and make him prisoner.4 I do not find the place again mentioned, until it appears in the present century, upon the map of Jacotin. The name does not occur in the Scriptures. Jebdthac. In the S. S. W. from Yafa, on one of the low hills running down into the plain of Esdraelon, is the village of Jebatha. This would seem to be the Gabatha of Eusebius and Jerome, in the borders of Diocaesarea (Sepphoris), near the great plain of Legio or Esdraelon.5 It is not named in Scripture; and I find no other mention of it except upon the map of Jacotin and in our lists. SeffArieh. From the Wely over Nazareth, we saw the village of Sefffirieh N. by W., near the southern part of the fine plain el-Biittauf; distant, it was said, about an hour and a half from Nazareth. It is a small village, lying on the southern slope of an isolated hill, on the summit of which are the ruins of a large ancient tower. This name is obviously the Sepphoris 1 Josh. 19, 12. Onomast. art. Japhic: Saphar, Saffra, and Saffa. Later travel"Japhet in tribu Zabulon, nune usque lers, among others who mention this Yafa, Joppe vocatur, ascensus Japho."-There are: Korte p. 305. Turner II. p. 133. is here a third instance of the falling away Schubert III. p. 203, etc. of the Hebrew'Ain at the end of names; 4 Joseph. Vita ~ 24. Reland Palsest. p. the two others being el-Jib and JelbSn. 1017. 2 Joseph. Vit. ~ 37, 45. B. J. 2. 20. 6. 6 Onomast. art. Gabathon: "Et alia ib. 3. 7. 31. villa Gabatha in finibus Diocmesarem juxta I Marin. Sanut. p. 253. Sir J. Mann- grandem campum Legionis." The Greek deville p. 115. Lond. 1839. Quaresmius of Eusebius, is here confused, and probably II. p. 843. These authors write the name corrupted. iii. 200, 201

JmuNE 18.] SEFFURIEH, SEPPHORIS. 345 of Josephus, and the Tsippori of the Rabbins, a place:not mentioned in Scripture, but afterwards called by the Romans Diocsesarea. Josephus often speaks of Sepphoris. It was captured by Herod the Great, and afterwards laid in ashes: by Varus; but having been rebuilt and fortified by Herod Antipas, it became the largest and strongest city of Galilee; and at length took' precedence of Tiberias.2 There were here many synagogues; a provincial Sanhedrimn was established here by Gabinius; and after the destruction of Jerusalem, the great Jewish Sanhedrim is said to have been transferred to Sepphoris for some years, before it went to Tiberias.3 The city appears afterwards to have become the seat of a Christian church, and a bishopric of Palsestina Secunda.4 Epiphanius relates, that a certain Josephus, who lived in the time of Constantine, received permission to build here a church.5 In A. D. 339, Sepphoris was destroyed by the Romans, in consequence of a rebellion of the Jews, who were still its most numerous inhabitants.6 Near the close of the sixth century, it is mentioned by Antoninus Martyr; who speaks here of a cathedral built upon the spot, where the Virgin Mary received the salutation of the angel.7 In this account we may probably recognise the germ of the later legend, which makes Sepphoris to have been the residence of the parents of the Virgin. We hear no more of the place until the time of the crusades; when Seffirieh becomes again celebrated for its large fountain, nearly half an hour southeast of the town, towards Nazareth, which was often made the rendezvous for the armies of the Christian warriors.8 Here the forces of the crusaders assembled in pomp and pride before the fatal battle of Hattin; and here, a few days later, Saladin encamped with his victorious host, on his way to'Akka; leaving the castle to be subdued by his troops a short time afterwards.9 Not long before this period, Benjamin of Tudela mentions Sepphoris merely as containing the tomb of Rabbi Judah Hakkodesh, who died here; and Phocas describes it as almost uninhabited.l~ "Saphorim quse hodie appellatur Dio- 220, 228; ib. p. 1001. Le Quien Oriens csesarea;" ieron. Procem. in Jonam. Chr. III. p. 714. Reland Palnest. p. 999. Coins are extant 5 Epiphan. adv. HIeres. lib. I. p. 128. of Sepphoris under Trajan, and of Diocae- 6 See above, Vol. I. p. 377. sarea under Antoninus Pius, Commodus, 7 Antonin. Mart. Itin. ~ 2. The name and Caracalla; Mionnet Medailles An- is there erroneously written NVeocnesarea. tique V. pp. 482, 483. Eckhel Doctr. 8 So under Amalric, Will. Tyr. 20. 27. Numm. III. p. 425. Under Baldwin IV, Will Tyr. 22. 15, 16, 2 Jos. Ant. 14. 15. 4. ib. 17. 10. 9. ib. 25.-Wilken Gesch. der r. III. ii. pp. 18. 2. 1. B. J. 2. 18. 11. ib. 3. 2. 4. 208, 231. Vita ~~ 9, 45, 65. Wilken ib. pp. 273, 274, and the au-. Jos. Ant. 14. 5. 4. Lightfoot Opp. thorities there cited. Ibid. p. 292.-Bohaed. Tom. II. pp. 144 sq. 229. Ultraj. 1699. Vit. Salad. p. 71. Mejr ed-Din in Fundgr. Comp. Buxtorf Tiberias pp. 17, 22... des Or. III. p. 81. 4 See the Notitice, Reland Pal. pp. 217,'o Benj. of Tud. I. p. 82. Phocas do iii. 201-203

346 ENVIRONS OF NAZARETH. [SEC. XIV. In the following centuries, Sefffirichl is mentioned as a town with a castle; to which latter Marinus Sanutus gives the epithet of "beautiful."' But the chief circumstance, which has called the attention of pilgrims to the place since the crusades, is the legend of its having been the residence of Joachim and Anna, the reputed parents of the Virgin Mary.2 The remains of a church are still to be seen upon the hill, dedicated to these saints. These ruins are -described with a good deal of highwrought colouring by Dr Clarke, who apparently holds them to belong to the church erected here in the fourth century, as above described. But in doing this, he forgets, that he had just spoken of them as the remains of " a stately Gothic edifice;" a circumstance, which of course limits the age of the present ruins to a period not earlier than the crusades, when the pointed arch was first applied to churches. The legend in this form and extent, is first mentioned by Brocardus; and probably had been dressed out by the Latin monks on the earlier foundation, to which Antoninus alludes. Dr Clarke found here some Greek paintings on wood; which, as the very circumstances show, could not have been of any great antiquity; probably the Greeks may, at no very remote period, have used a portion of the ruins as a church.3 At the present day Sefffrieh is a poor village, situated just below the ruins of the castle. It received little or no injury from the earthquake of A. D. 1837. In the middle of the last century, Hasselquist describes the inhabitants as raising great quantities of bees, and obtaining great profit from the honey.4 Kdna el-Jelil. The monks of the present day, and all recent travellers, find the Cana of the New Testament, where Jesus converted the water into wine,5 at Kefr Kenna, a small village an hour and a half northeast from Nazareth, on one of the roads to Tiberias. It lies on an eminence connected with the hills of Nazareth, on the south side of a shorter plain connected with el-Bittauf, which runs up towards the village el-Lubieh. Here are shown the remains of a Greek church, and of a house reputed to have been that of St. Bartholomew.6 So fixed indeed Loc. Sanct. ~ 10.-This tomb of R. Hak- II. p. 852. Doubdan p. 586 sq. Pococke kodesh is also mentioned in the Jewish II. i. p. 62. Itinerary in Hottinger's Cippi Hebraici, p. 4 Hasselquist Reise p. 177. Michaud, 74. Ed. 2. Also in other Jewish Itinera- etc. Corresp. d'Orient V. p. 442 sq.-See ries; see Carmoly, p. 185, 256, 454. more on Seffdrieh in Vol. III. Sect. III, Brocardus c. 6. p. 175. Marin. San. under Apr. 20th, 1852. p. 253, " castrum valde pulchrum." 5 John c. 2. 2 Yet Anna had too her house in Jeru- G Pococke II. i. p. 66. Mariti Voyages salem, where the Virgin was born; see etc. II. p. 162. Neuw. 1791. Burckhardt Vol. I. p. 233. p. 336. Clarke's Travels in the Holy s Clarke's Travels in the Holy Land, Land, 4to. p. 444. Scholz p. 188. Schu4to. pp. 417. 418. See also Quaresmius bert III. p. 222.-Dr Clarke saw in the iii. 203, 204

JcNE 18.] KANA, CANA OF GALILEE. 347 has the impression now bbcome, that this was the true Cana, that most travellers probably are not aware of there ever having been a question as to the identity. I have already related, that from the Wely above Nazareth, our friend Abu Nasir pointed out to us a ruin which he called Kana el-Jelil, on the northern side of the plain el-Bdttauf, about N. IE. from Nazareth, and not far from three hours distant.I It lay at the foot of the northern hills beyond the plain, apparently on thb slope of an eminence, not far on the east of Kefr Menda. In the days of Quaresmius it contained a few houses. This spot, Abu Nasir said, was known both among Christians and Muslims only by this name, Kana; while the same name was sometimes applied by Christians alone, to the village Kefr Kenna. Now as far as the prevalence of an ancient name among the common people, is any evidence for the identity of an ancient site,-and I hold it to be the strongest of all testimony, when, as here, not subject to extraneous influences, but rather in opposition to them,-so far is the weight of evidence in favour of this northern Kana, as the true site of the ancient Cana of Galilee. The name is identical, and stands the same in the Arabic version of the New Testament; while the form Kefr Kenna can only be twisted by force into a like shape.2 On this single ground, therefore, we should be authorized to reject the present monastic position at Kefr Kenna, and fix the site at Kana el-Jelil; which, likewise, is sufficiently near to Nazareth, to accord with all the circumstances of the history. This view is further confirmed, and indeed the question set entirely at rest, when we trace back the matter in history. We thus find, that an earlier tradition actually regarded the present Kana as the ancient Cana; and that it is only since the sixteenth century, that monastic convenience has definitely assigned Kefr Kenna as the site. Quaresmius relates, that in his day, two Canas were spoken of among the inhabitants of Nazareth and the vicinity; one' called simply Cana of Galilee (Kana el-Jelil), and the other Sepher Cana (Kefr Kenna); and he describes their position as above. He decides however very distinctly for the latter place, because of its being nearer to Nazareth and having some ruins; without, however, as he says, venturing to reject the other tradition.3 Yet it probably was church fragments only of waterpots; but 2 See the Arabic N. T. John 2, 1. In a whole one has since been set up, and is Kefr Kenna, the word Kefr must first be shown as one of the original six; Richard- dropped; and then the first radical changed, son II. p. 434. Monro I. p. 304.-The and the doubling of the second omitted. distance of Kefr Kenna from Nazareth is 3 Quaresmius Elucidat. II. pp. 852, 853: given variously by travellers, from one "Posterior hsec sententia mihi valde prohour up to three hours and a half. Burck- babilis videtur, (licet alteram rejicere non hardt by some error has the latter. audeam,) quoniam proximior Nazareth. See above, p. 340. et quia potest adinveniri memoria ecclesim iii. 204-206

348 ENVIRONS OF NAZARETH. LSEC. XIV. the authority of this very writer, which tended more than any thing else to fix attention upon Kefr Kenna, and throw the true Kana into the shade; for from that time forward the latter is very rarely noticed by travellers. It may be remembered too, that in the time of Quaresmius, the church and convent at Nazareth were first built up, after the desolations of many centuries; and this circumstance conspired to give currency among travellers, to the view which the monks adopted respecting Cana.' It is apparent, that some tradition in favour of Kefr Kenna had existed before Quaresmius; but he brings forward no testimony to that effect, except the account of Bonifacius in the middle of the preceding century; which however is doubtful.2 But on the other hand, Adrichomius, near the close of the sixteenth century, quoting from earlier writers, places Cana three miles north of Sepphoris, and describes it as having a mountain on the north, and a broad, fertile, and beautiful plain towards the south; all which corresponds to the position of Kina, and not to Kefr Kenna. Anselm, about A. D. 1507, assigns to Cana the same site; and so does Breydenbach in A. D. 1483, evidently copying former accounts.3 But the most distinct notice of the Cana of those days, is from Marinus Sanutus about A. D. 1321. He describes it also as north of Sepphoris, adjacent to a high round mountain on the north, on the side of which it was situated, and having the same broad, fertile, beautiful plain on the south extending to Sepphoris. In coming from Ptolemais ('Akka), he says, the usual course was to proceed first eastwards to Cana; and thence south through Sepphoris to Nazareth.4 All this leaves no doubt, that the site of Kana is here meant. At that time the place was professedly shown, where the six water-pots had stood; and also the triclinium where the feast was held; but constructn in loco miraculi." The passage places Cana three miles north of Nazareth preceding this is quoted in full in Rosenm. on the borders of a large and fertile plain. Bibl. Geogr. II. ii. p. 83. It is on the strength of this " three miles" 1 Quaresmius was in Palestine as a that Quaresmius supposes him to mean monk firom A. 1D. 1616 to 1625; and Kefr Kenna; but this is at any rate wrong; again as Guardian of the Holy Sepulchre and the rest of the description applies from 1627 to 1629; see the last leaf of his better to the other place, or Kina. work.-Among later travellers, Neitzschitz 3 Adrichom. Theatr. p. 138. Anselmi in 1635 visited Kefr Kenna with monks Descr. Terr. Sanct. in Canisii Thesaur. ed. -from Nazareth, p. 222; Surius about 1645, Basnage, Tom. IV. p. 784. Breydenb. in p. 313. Doubdan copies from Quaresmius, Reissb. pp. 123, 124. These three, with but visited only Kefr Kenna, p. 582; and Bonifacius, appear to be the only writers so many others. Pococke alone seems of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, who to have heard of Kina el-Jelill, and in- speak directly of Cana. clines correctly to regard it as the true 4 Marin. Sanut. p. 253. On his map site of Cana; Vol. II. i. pp. 62, 66. in like manner, Cana is placed north of 2 Bonifac. de peren. cultu Terrme Sanct. Sepphoris. The account of Adrichomius quoted by Quaresmius II. p. 853. He is drawn chiefly from this writer. iii. 206, 207

JumiE 18.] CANA OF GALILEE. 349 the whole was in a crypt or cavern under ground, like the grotto of the Annunciation and of the Nativity.' Brocardus, if he was not the original author of this account, yet gives nothing more.2 The few earlier notices go to confirm the same. Svewulf, about A. D. 1103, describes Cana as nearly six miles north of Nazareth on a hill, and nothing then remained except a monastery called Architriclinium.3 St. Willibald in the eighth century found here a large church, in which was shown one of the six water-pots.4 Antoninus Martyr near the close of the sixth century was likewise at Cana; he speaks of no church, but saw two water-pots, and seems to say that he filled one of them with water and brought forth from it wine.5 The only other account of Cana, later than the first century, is that.of. Eusebius and Jerome, who merely mention it as, in their day, a small town of Galilee.6 All this, as it seems to me, together with the strong evidence of the name, goes t6 show conclusively, that the site of the Cana of the New Testament is to be sought at Ka'na north of Seiffirieh; and that there is no good ground whatever, for regarding Kefr Kenna as having any relation to that ancient place. I hope that future travellers may bear this in mind; so that the former site may be reinstated in those historical rights, which have now so long been usurped by the latter village. The Cana of the New Testament does not occur in the Old;7 but is mentioned by Josephus as a village in Galilee.8 Our Lord not only perfobrmed there his first miracle, but afterwards visited the place; and the disciple Nathanael was a native of Cana.9 Konday, June 18th, continued. Two principal roads lead from Nazareth to Tiberias. The more usual one passes out northeast over the hills to er-Reineh, a small village more than half an 1 Ibid. This triclinium B. de Salig- 3 Ssewulf. Perigrinat. p. 271. Phocas niaco professes to have seen in A. D. 1522. in the same century, travelling from'Akka, Tom. IX. c. 9. comes first to Sepphoris, then to Cana, and The account of Cana in Brocardus, then to Nazareth; ~ 10. affords a striking instance of the differ- 4 Hodcepor. ~ 16. p. 374. ed. Mabillon. ence in the editions, or rather recensions, 5 Itin. ~ 1, " Ex quibus hydriwe dum of that writer. In the edition of Le Clere ibi sunt. Implevi aqua unam, et protuli it is merely said, that in proceedingsouth- ex ea vinum." east from'Akka, the first place that occurs 6 Onomast. art. Cana. is Cana of Galilee after four leagues; c. 7. 7 The Old Testament has only Kanah p. 175. But in the edition of Canisius in Asher, southeast of Tyre; a place which and Basnage (Thesaur. IV. p. 13), in the we afterwards visited. Josh. 19, 28. very same connection, is subjoined the ac- s Joseph. Vita ~ 16, 64. B. J. 1. 17. 5. count of the miracle and a description of 9 John 2, 1. 11. 4, 46. 21, 2.-See the place, in the same words used by Ma- the subject of Cana further discussed in rinus Sanutus. It might be difficult to Vol. III. Sect. III, under Apr. 19th, 1852. decide, which is the original. VOL. 1I.-30 iii. 207-209

350 MOUNT TABOR. [SEC. XIV. hour distant, and so to Kefr Kenna; leaving the village elMeshhad on a high hill at the left, just before reaching the latter place;' thence it goes on by Libieh to the lake. The second leaves Nazareth over the lower eastern hills, and leading by the village'Ain Mahil and the Khcn et-Tujjar, turns more northeast by Kefr Sabt to Tiberias. - We followed a third route, lying still further to the right, in order to ascend Mount Tabor and spend the afternoon and* night upon its summit. In doing this we anticipated much gratification, and were not disappointed. As a guide, we took with us a young man of Nazareth, a Christian, recommended by Abu NaWsir. Setting off from Nazareth, or:rather from the fountain of the Virgin, at 7.35, we came in ten minutes to the top of the low hills on the east of the valley, and kept along on high ground, directing our course towards Tabor. After half an hour we descended into and crossed a broad Wady, running out to the great plain on the right. Hitherto the hills had exhibited only grass and herbs; here they began to be covered with bushes and many oak trees with caducous leaves, the first of the kind we had yet remarlked.2 Along the gradual ascent beyond this valley, there was a large orchard of these oaks; and they extend more or less thickly, quite to the foot of Tabor. At 8{ o'clock we reached the brow of the descent towards that mountain; and could look down upon the low ridge which alone connects it on the northwest with the hills we had just crossed. iebtirieh was visible below us on the southwest slope of this ridge. Descending, we came in twenty-five minutes to the bottom, in a Wady, and at 9- o'clock to another Wady; the two unite and run out southwards into the plain just by Deburieh. The branch of the Damascus road passes up this latter Wady, and so over the low -ridge to Khan et-Tujj'ar.:We came to the proper base of the mountain at 9.20; leaving Debufrieh about ten minutes distant on our right. The village of Debirieh is small and unimportant, lying on the side of a ledge of rocks just at the base of Tabor. It is According to Schubert, both er-Reineh Kings 14, 25. Quaresmius II, p. 855. and Kefr Kenna suffered severely fiom the Jerome too says, Promem. in Jonam: " Porearthquake of Jan. 1, 1837. Reise III. p. ro Geth in secundo Saphorim miliario qum 222. But Mr Thomson, who passed here hodie appellatur Diocoesarea euntibus Tythree weeks after the event, in order to seek beriadem, haud grandis viculus, ubi et out the sufferers, says that while er-Reineh sepulchram ejus ostenditur." Benjamin was a heap of ruins, Kefr Kenna sustained of Tudela speaks of the tomb of Jonah no injury, and had not a house cracked; in his day, as on a mountain near SepphoMlnissionary Herald for Nov. 1837, pp. 439, ris; Itin. I. p. 80. It would seem therefore 442.-At el-Meshhad is one of the many not improbable, that this village may be Muslim tombs of Neby Ydnas, the prophet the G eth of Jerome. Jonah; and hence modern monastic tradi- 2 Quermcs AEyilops, according to Schu.. tion has adopted this village as the Gath- bert, Reise III. p. 172. hepher, where the prophet was born; 2 iii. 209, 210

JUNE 18.1 DEBURIE]. ASCENT OF TABOR. 3511 said to have once had a Christian church, the ruins of which are still visible.' This would seem not improbably to be the Daberath of the Old Testament, belonging to Issachar, but assigned to the Levites; the same apparently with the Dabira of Eusebius and Jerome by Mount Tabor in the region of Diocmesarea;2 and probably too the Dabaritta of Josephus in the great plain.3 The mountain, as we approached it on this side, presented the form of a truncated cone; we began to ascend it at 9.25 from the W. N. W. Our muleteers at first made some difficulty, on account of the loaded animals; their purpose had been to stop below and let us ascend on foot, which by no means tallied with our plans. But we found the path good, except in two or three spots, and even these were far less difficult than the passes of'Ain Jidy and es-SuifAh; so that I rode with facility quite to the summit. The path winds considerably, and is obviously ancient; in several places steps are hewn out in the rock. The soil is good all the way up; and the grass tall and abundant, though now dried up. The sides of the mountain are mostly covered with bushes and orchards of oak trees (Ilex and IEgilops), with also occasionally the Butm, like the glades of a forest, presenting a beautiful appearance and fine shade. We were an hour in reaching the top, and encamped at 10-} o'clock for the day and night on the southwestern brow, overlooking the wide extent of plains below. The path by which we ascended from the W. N. W. is the most feasible; the acclivity on that side being perhaps less steep; yet there is no part of the mountain, where a person on foot would find any difficulty whatever in the ascent. Tabor is a beautiful mountain, wholly of limestone; bearing among the Arabs, like so many other mountains, only the general name Jebel et-Tuir.4 It stands out alone towards the southeast from the high land around Nazareth; while the northeastern arm of the great plain of Esdraelon sweeps around its base, and extends far to the north, forming a broad tract of table land, bordering upon the deep Jordan valley and the basin of the lake of Tiberias. The mountain as seen from the southwest presents, as has been already remarked, the appearance of the segment of a sphere; seen from the W. N. W. the form inclines more to the truncated cone. The top of the mountain, as a whole, is rounded; l Neitzschitz p. 233. Pococke II. i. p. 65. Buria, juxta Naim." Cotovicus also men-: Schubert III. p. 174. tions a Buria; but he sets it too far west, 2 Josh. 19, 12. 21, 28. 1 Chr. 6, 57. where he began to ascend the mountain on [72.] Onomast. art DaCbira AaoeLpd. foot to Nazareth; p. 347. I do not find' Joseph. Vita ~ 62. B. J. 2. 21. 3. See Debidrieh named in any of the earlier trahowever Reland Pal. p. 737.-William of vellers. Tyre seems to speak of Deburieh; 22. 14: So too in Arabian writers: Abulfeda'Locus sub monte Thabor, cui nomen Annal. A. H. 661, etc. iii. 210-212

352 MOUNT TABOR. [S. c. XI. off, and is perhaps, in all, twenty minutes in diameter; but the proper summit consists of a beautiful little oblong plain or basin, twelve or fifteen minutes in length from N. W. to S. E. by six or eight in breadth. This is skirted on the southwest by a ledge of rocks of some altitude, covered with foundations and ruins; and on the northeast by lower rocks; and this higher ground on both sides is thickly overgrown with bushes and small trees, while the basin itself lies in grass without trees or ruins. We pitched our tent at the southeast extremity of this little plain, and were delighted with our temporary abode. No person besides our party, was at this time on the mountain to interrupt us; and although there was a hot Sirocco wind, which in the afternoon brought up a hazy atmosphere, yet even this was more tolerable here than in the plains below. At 10 o'clock the thermometer stood here at 980 F. At 2 P. M. it had fallen to 950~. At sunset it stood only at 74~; and the next morning at sunrise, at 64~ F. We estimated the height of Tabor, after many comparisons, at not over one thousand feet above the plain; and if any thing, less. Indeed, it appeared to us to be little more elevated above Esdraelon, than is Mount Gerizim above the plain at its foot., The mountains towards the south, those of DUhy and Gilboa, are apparently at least as high, and shut out the prospect in that direction. The former we had first seen from the high ground south of Jenin and KUibtiyeh, where it was nearly in a line between us and Tabor, and entirely excluded all view of the latter mountain; so that not even a trace of its rounded summit was anywhere visible. From Tabor, in like manner, no point of the mountains of Samaria is visible over the little Hermon. All this shows, at least, that Tabor cannot rise much above the summit of the latter.-As seen from Tabor, Mount Gilboa lies to the left of the little Hermon, and is somewhat higher. Nor are the highest of the hills west of Nazareth much inferior in elevation to Tabor; they shut out the view, not only of the bay of'Akka, but likewise of the whole horizon of the sea; which is not seen except over some of the lower ridges in that direction. Immediately after our arrival, I took a walk around the whole brow of the mountain, in order to examine the ruins, mark the main features of the surrounding country, and enjoy the glorious prospect. This we repeated several times during the day; and also the next morning, when the air was again clear and pure, and everything could be seen with the utmost dis1 So too Elliott estimates the height of the sea, 1748 Par. feet; elevation of the Tabor as not exceeding 1000 feet; Travels plain at the base, 438 feet; leaving for the II. p. 363.-The result of Schubert's ba- height above the plain, 1310 Par. feet. rometrical measurement is somewhat This would make it 100 feet higher than greater, viz. Elevation of Tabor above his estimate of Carmel. Reise Ill. p. 175. iii. 212, 213

JUNE 18.] HEIGHT. RUINS. 353 tinctness.-The ruins upon the summit of Tabor belong to different ages. All around the top may be traced the foundations of a thick wall built of large stones, some of which are bevelledi, showing that the wall was perhaps originally entirely of that character. In several parts are the remains of towers and bastions. Thus towards the northeast, almost beneath the brow, is a structure apparently of this kind, which must have been quite extensive. But the chief remains are upon the ledge of rocks. on the south of the little basin, and especially towards its eastern end. Here are high heaps of ruins, mingled in indiscriminate confusion, consisting of walls and arches and foundations, apparently of dwelling-houses as well as other buildings, some of hewn and some of large bevelled stones. The walls and traces of a fortress are seen here and further west along the southern brow; of which one tall pointed arch of a Saracenic gateway is still standing, and bears the name of Bab el-Hawa, " Gate of the Wind." Connected with it are loopholes, and others are seen near by. These latterfortifications belong obviously to the era of the crusades; but our experience at Jerusalem and elsewhere, had taught us to refer the large bevelled stones to a style of architecture not later than the times of the Romans; before which period indeed a town and fortress already existed on Mount Tabor. In the days of the crusaders too, and earlier, there were here churches and monasteries. On the southeast part, near the highest point among the ruins, is a small vault, where the Latin monks from Nazareth celebrate an annual mass in memory of the Transfiguration; the scene of which an early, though probably legendary tradition, places upon this mountain. The spot is merely a ruide cellar with an altar, and a small side vault with three niches or altars. The Greeks show the remains of a church on the north side of the little basin; in which they have a temporary altar and celebrate the same event. The Greek priests of Nazareth are said to come hither on the festival of the Virgin; on which occasion thousands of pilgrims repair to the mountain with their families, to celebrate the day.'-The summit has many cisterns, now mostly dry; in one we found good water. A wandering family sometimes take up their abode here, or a pilgrim comes to sojourn upon the sacred mountain for a few days.2 The usual loneliness of the spot, and its forest of oaks and abundant herbage, have made it the chosen retreat of numerous wild swine. We started two of these animals in our rambles around the summit., Burckhardt p. 334 sq. Schubert fell in with a Syrian pilgrim, 2 Burckhardt found here a family of who had come to pass forty days alone: Greek Christians from HaurAn; p. 334. upon the mountain; Reise III. pp. 177, 178. VOL. I. —30* iii. 213-215

354 MOUNT TABOR. [SEC. XIV. The view from Tabor is very extensive and beautiful; far more so, indeed, than we had anticipated from the relative height of the adjacent mountains. The Sirocco of the afternoon thickened the air, and for a time dimmed the prospect; but the next morning was again bright, and gave us the full enjoyment of one of the finest landscapes in Palestine. The view towards the whole western and northern quarter, between S. W. and N. N. E. was similar to that from the Wely near Nazareth, though less near and less distinct. It embraced the western part of the great plain with its villages, as far as to Lejjuin and Carmel; but the sea view was mostly shut out by intervening heights. Whether the sea is visible at all on the left of Carmel, as at Neby Ism'a'il, I am unable to say; but my impression is, that we did not thus perceive it. The northern end of Carmel likewise, and the bay of'Akka, do not appear; but on the right of Nazareth a portion of the sea is seen in the northwest, as well as slight glimpses in other parts. In the north and northeast are Safed and its mountains, the highest point in all that region; but overtopped by Jebel esh-Sheikh and its snows beyond. Directly beneath us, in the same direction, lay spread out the great plain, which, sweeping from Esdraelon around the base of Tabor, extends far northwards, and contains several villages. In this plain, at the distance of about three hours, is seen Jebel Hattin or Tell Hattin, the mount of Beatitudes so called by the Latin monks, a low ridge or saddle with two points, called by the Arabs Kfiruin Hattin, " Horns of Hattin." On the right of the same plain, the whole outline of the basin of the lake of Tiberias can be traced; but only a small spot of the lake itself is visible in the northeast on the right of Jebel Iattlin.' Beyond the lake, the eye takes in the high table lands of Jaulan and Haurn; and further south, beyond the Jordan, the higher mountains of the ancient Bashan and Gilead. Towards the south the view is of course bounded by the adjacent mountains of D)thy and Gilboa; the high portions of the latter being seen over the low ridge, or rather the high plain, running out eastwards from the former, and forming there the northern side of the valley of Jezreel. We could look over this tract into the broad valley of the Jordan around Beishn, though that place itself was not visible; and could distinctly perceive, that the valley from the west spreads itself out to a wide plain as it enters that of the Jordan; so that the latter plain might be said to come up and meet it, or rather that a branch from the Jordan valley runs up towards'Ain J6lad. On the north of 1 say thlis advisedly; because various p. 214. Buckingham's Travels in Pal. p. travellers seem to speak of seeing much 108. 4to. Schubert's Reise III. p. 176. more of the lake from Tabor. See Morison iii. 215 216

JUNIE 18.] PROSPECT. 355 BeisAn, as seen from Tabor, and also from Zer'in, the valley of Jezreel is not skirted by mountains, but by the high table land above mentioned; to which the side of the valley rises by a gradual ascent.-The view extends in this quarter far down the Jordan valley, and to the mountains of Gilead beyond; but those who have thought they could distinguish from here the waters of the Dead Sea, have forgotten, that the direction of that sea from Tabor brings it directly behind the mountains of -Diihy and Gilboa.' The mountain of DUhy, as already remarked, sinks down towards the east into a low ridge, or line of flat hills, along the valley of Jezreel. On its northern side, as seen from Tabor, this mountain exhibits a double ridge; that is, upon its northern slope another much lower ridge springs up and runs off eastward, parallel to the main mountain; of which it indeed truly constitutes a part. Further east, this ridge and that running off from the mountain itself, are about of equal height; and between them lies the higher plain or table land, above described as bordering on the valley of Jezreel. In it however is a deep depression north of Krimieh, drained towards the south. The eastern part of' this same tract is drained, according to Burckhardt, by a small Wady, called Wady'Osheh, which runs down to tlhe valley of the Jordan at some distance north of Beisan. North of this tract, the somewhat lower plain around Tabor fills up the space quite to the brow of the Jordan valley, and northwards towards Libieh and Hattin. Here in the northeast is seen the Khan et-Tujjar; from which the bed of a seemingly shallow Wady runs first southwards, and then southeast and breaks down through the hills to the valley of the Jordan, about half an hour north of Wady'Osheh. 3 This is there called Wady el- Bireh, apparently from a village of that name in the vicinity, marked in our lists. All along this Wady, a small silvery thread of water was visible, coming from the fountain near the Khan. This Wady as it descends to the Jordan valley, is deep; but further north, the plain appears to slope up eastwards gradually to the very brow of the cliffs over the Ghor and lake of Tiberias, presenting there no appearance whatever of hills as seen from this side. It was to us a matter of particular interest, to ascertain, if possible, the line of division between the waters running to the Jordan, and those flowing to the Mediterranean through the plain of Esdraelon. This it was not difficult to do, as the plain lay spread out like a map before us, and all its channels and 1 Cotovicus p. 355. D'Arvieux Me- 2 Burckhardt's Travels, p. 342. moires, Tom. II. p. 284. Par. 1735. S Burckhardt, ibid. Schubert's Reise III. p. 176. iii. 216-218

356 MOUNT TABOR. [SEC. XIVw water-courses, though now mostly dry, were nevertheless distinctly visible. The water-shed, then, is within the arm of the great plain on the south of Tabor, about on a line between this mountain and the top of the little Hermon. All the waters east of this line, go to the Jordan through Wady el-Bireh, in which water was now running; and from the village of Endor on the northern slope of the lower ridge of Hermon, a shallow Wady passes down northeast to join the same. - Not far west of Endor, another little Wady in like manner goes off northwest to join those running towards the Mediterranean.' On the northern slope of the mountain of Duhy, just below the summit towards the northwest is seen the small village of the same name. Somewhat lower down, in the same direction, is the little hamlet of Nein; and further east on the northern slope of the lower parallel ridges lies Endor, merely an ordinary village. These two are ancient places, to which I shall recur again. On the line of low hills stretching off eastwards from the little Hermon, we could perceive again Kfimieh, which we had seen from Zer'in; while on the northern line of hills, the extension of the lower parallel ridge, between the Wadys'Osheh. and el-Bireh, lie the villages el-Murfissfis, Denna, and Kaukab el-Hawa.2 Somewhere in the same region are also Tumrah, Kefrah, and Shuitta.3 North of Wady el-Bireh, towards the brow of the Jordan valley, lie the villages Sirin,'Aulam, etc. This last may not improbably be the Ulama of Eusebius and Jerome, twelve Roman miles from Diocuesarea towards the east.4 From the southeast part of the summit of Tabor, we took many important bearings, recorded in the note below.5 Mount Tabor is several times mentioned in the Old TestaI We were the more particular in this 6 Bearings from Mount Tabor, beginning examination, because the fountain near at the Wely above Nazareth and proceedKhan et-Tu.jar is sometimes said to be the ing towards the right: Neby Isma'il N. source of the Kishon, and to flow off around 68~ W.'Ain Mahil N. 54~ W. Mes-hed Mount Tabor westwards. So D'Arvieux N. 10~ E. (?) esh-Shajerah N. 12~ E. expressly; Memoires, Par. 1735. Tom. Libieh N. 12~ E. Safed N. 24~ E. Jebel II. p. 279, 280. Mr Paxton also errone- esh-Sheikh or Hermon about N. 28~ E. ously makes a branch of the Kishon rise Khfin et-Tu'ijr N. 32~ E. Jebel Hattin, north of Tabor, and flow east of the moun- middle, N. 34~ E. Kefr Sabt N. 44~ E. tain, and then south and west around its Tiberias, not visible, about N. 53~ E. foot. Letter xx. p. 178. Loud. 1839. Ma'derah E. Wady el-Bireh as it passes 2 Burckhardt passed near el-Murussus down to the Jordan valley S. 52~ E. in going from Nazareth to Beisan; he Kaukab el-Hawa S. 37~ E. Kefrah S. mentions also the other two villages; Tra- 253 E. BeisAn, not visible, about S. 15~ vels p. 342. Kaukab el-IHawa, the Belvoir E. Gilboa, eastern end of high part, S. of the Franks, was celebrated during the Tdmrah S. 3~ W. Kfmieh S. 10~ W. crusades; see further on. Endor S. 16~ W. Wezar S. 16" W. Little'. Has this perhaps any connection with Hermon, east end of high part, S. 23~ W. the Beth-Shittah of Judg. 7, 22, through Kefr Musr S. 26~ W. Little Hermon, which the Midianites fled when defeated summit, S. 35~ W. Village Dtihy S. 37~ by Gideon in the valley of Jezreel? W. Nein S. 40~ W. 4 Onomast. art. Ulamaus. iii. 218 219

JuNE 18.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 357 ment; first as on the border of Issachar and Zebulun; and then as the place where Deborah and Barak assembled the warriors of Israel, before their great battle with Sisera.' The beauty of the mountain and its conspicuous position, rendered it a favourite object of poetic contemplation; and when the Psalmist exclaims: " Tabor and Hermon shall rejoice in thy name," he selects these two as the representatives of all the mountains of Palestine; the former as the most graceful, and the latter as the loftiest.2 There appears also to have been, in those days, a city of the same name, doubtless situated upon the mountain, which belonged to the tribe of Zebulun, but was assigned to the Levites.3 In the New Testament, Mount Tabor is not mentioned. In Greek and Roman writers, the name takes the form Itabyrion or Atabyrion, which appears also in the Septuagint.4 The historian Polybius relates, that Antiochus the Great of Syria, after having captured the city Philoteria near the lake of Tiberias,5 4" ascended the mountain and came to Atabyrion, a place lying on a breast-formed height, having an ascent of more than fifteen stadia; and by stratagem and wile he got possession of the city," which he afterwards fortified.6 This was in the year 218 B. C. and shows that the former city upon the mountain still remained. According to Josephus, a battle took place at Mount Itabyrion about 53 B. C!. between the Roinan forces under the proconsul Gabinius and the Jews under Alexander, son of Aristobulus; in which ten thousand of the latter were slain.7 At a later period, Josephus himself caused Mount Tabor to be fortified, along with various other places.8 He describes the mountain as having an ascent of thirty stadia;9 on the north it was inaccessible; and the summit was a plain of twenty-six stadia in circumference. This whole circuit Josephus caused to be enclosed with a wall in forty days; the materials and also water being brought from below, since the inhabitants had only rain-water.1~ This account, although exaggerated, corresponds well with the remains still found on the mountain."I Still later, 1 Josh. 19, 22; comp. vs. 12. Judg. 4, Xpolevors Ka car rbs'v cKapba,'roo'~rov 6. 12. 14. Joseph. Ant. 5. 1. 22. ib. 5. Evs'ep Kala o7Tparn?7y4/a'tr KBCaE'Xe i-' 7IrJ5. 3. XAZ. —'AepaXtodCLueros 6 ical -b'Ara/Svplo', 2 Ps. 89, 12. Comp. Jer. 46, 18. Hos. aeziu've. See Reland. Palest. p. 599. 5, 1. Jahn Bibl. Arch. II. i. p. 374. I 1 Chr. 6, 77. Perhaps also the city I Jos. Antiq. 14. 6. 3. B. J. 1. 8. 7. is meant in Josh. 19, 22. Jahn Bibl. Archeeol. II. i. p. 546. 4 Hos. 5, 1'IFra'ptov; comp. Hieron. " Jos. Vita ~ 37. B. J. 2. 20. 6. Comm. in loc. Josephus 1. c. Onomast. 9 Rufinus reads twenty stadia, which art. Itab?/rion. Polyb. 5. 70. 6'A'rap3,pozv. corresponds better with the fifteen stadia 5 For Philoteria see Reland Pal. p. 954. of Polybius and with the truth. Reland 6 Polyb. 5. 70. 6.... b7rEpe',aXae rv Pal. p. 332. ope1'v c Kial wap1s ie'rl'A-raf,35povp ~ KiEra1'lo Jos. B. J. 4. 1. 8. c Xoues u /adov TaOEoLOVS,'ryv 8e 7'rp6- 11 See above, pp. 352, 583. amry bKEScl 7rkAoEvo f 7rrevEKcadecca Ta 1 9-W2v iii. 219-221

358 MOUNT TABOR. [SEC. XIV. and after Josephus himself had fallen into the hands of the Romans, a great multitude of the Jews toolk refuge in this fortress; against whom Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen. By a feint, he induced the great body to pursue him into the plain, where he slew many and cut off the return of the multitude to the mountain; so that the inhabitants, who were suffering from want of water, made terms and surrendered themselves and the mountain to Placidus.' It thus appears, that from the earliest times, a fortified city had existed on Mount Tabor. The language of Josephus implies, that the city, as well as the fortress, remained in his day; for he speaks expressly of the inhabitants of the place as straitened for water; in distinction from the body of strangers who had occupied the mountain. We hear nothing more of Mount Tabor until the fourth century; when it is often mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome in the Onomasticon, but only in reference to its general character, and as a known point from which. to determine the position of various places.2 In the same century, however, appears to have sprung up the opinion, which soon grew into a tradition, that the summit of Mount Tabor had been the place where our Lord was transfigured in the presence of his three disciples; and that this, therefore, was "the holy mountain" referred to by St. Peter.3 That century, as we have seen, was the hotbed of like superstitions, which have spread their legendary fruits far and wide over Palestine and over Christendom.4 Eusebius, who died about A. D. 340, makes no allusion whatever to the opinion in question; although nothing would have been more natural, had it then existed;. inasmuch as he describes the mountain in reference to the Old Testament. The first notice of Tabor as the place of the transfiguration, appears a few years later, as a passing remark, in the works of Cyril of Jerusalem;5 and Jerome twice mentions the same thing, though slightly, and so as to imply that there was not yet a church upon the summit.6 All these circumstances, in connection with the fact that the Evangelists nowhere make the slightest allusion to Tabor, go to show that the legend was of recent origin; and that the foreign ecclesiastics, who now swarmed in Palestine, had probably pitched upon Tabor as the scene of the transfigu1 Jos. B. J. 4. 1. 8. Josephus himself 5 Cyrill. Hieros. Cat. 12. 16. p. 170. ed. had been captured some time before; B. Touttede. J. 3. 8. 1-9. 6 Hieron. Ep. 44, ad Marcell. p. 552, 2 011omast. arts. Thabor, Itabyrium. "Pergemus ad Itabyrium et tabernacula See also arts. Dabira, Cison, Nazareth, Salvatoris." Ep. 86, Epitaph. Paulre, p..Naim, etc. Reland Pal. p. 333. 677,'" Scandebat montem Thabor, in quo Matt. 17, 1 sq. Mark 9, 2 sq. Luke transfiguratus est Dominus."-These " ta9, 28 sq. 2 Pet, 1, 18. bernacula " can hardly have been already 4 See Vol. I. p. 251 sq. churches. iii. 221, 222

JUNE 18.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 359 ration, simply as being the most striking mountain in the neighbourhood of the lake of Galilee. The context of the narrative seems to imply, as has been shown by Lightfoot and Reland, that the mount of Transfiguration is rather to be sought somewhere around the northern part of the lake, not very far from Casarea Philippi, where there are certainly mountains enough.' But a circumstance which those writers overlooked, and which puts Mount Tabor in this case entirely out of the question, is the fact above substantiated, that long before and after the event of the transfiguration, the summit of Tabor was occupied by a fortified city. Yet the legend having once got footing, continued to gain ground; the mountain became more sacred, and churches were erected. Towards the close of the sixth century, Antoninus Martyr speaks here of three churches, corresponding to the three tabernacles proposed to be erected by Peter.2 A century later (about A. D. 696) Arculfus found also the same three churches on Tabor, and a large monastery with many cells; the whole being surrounded by a wall of stone.3 St. Willibald about A. D. 765, mentions in like manner, the monastery and a church.4 Sawwulf, about A. D. 1103, speaks only of three monasteries of ancient construction, corresponding to the three tabernacles; but this is probably an error instead of churches.5 In this state the crusaders found the mountain. We have seen above, that Tancred, to whom Galilee was assigned as a fief, erected a Latin church upon Mount Tabor; and this appears to have been soon followed by a Latin monastery, tenanted by Black friars of the reformed order of Benedictines of C]ugny in France; whose dispute with the archbishop of Nazareth, and its amicable adjustment in A. D. 1111, have already been related.6 But their quiet was not of long continuance; for during the temporary incursion of the Muhammedans from Damascus in A. D. 1113, the convent was laid waste and the monks massacred.7 The convent was probably soon restored. In A. D. 1183 the monasteries on Tabor were assaulted by a portion of the troops of Saladin, during his encampment at and below'Aini JAliid; but were preserved by the bravery of the monks, and of the country people who took refuge with them.8 1 Lightfoot Hor. HIebr. in Marc. 9, 2. 7 Append. ad Sigebert. Gemblac. ChroReland Pal. p. 334-336. nogr. in Pistor. Scriptor. Rer. Germ.' ed. 2 Itin. ~ 6. Struve, Tom. I. p. 365. Comp. Fulch.' Adamnanus de Locis Sanct. 2. 27. Carnot. 40. p. 423 sq. Will. Tyr. 11. 19. 4 Hodoepor. ~ 16. p. 374. ed. Mabillon. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. II. p. 374. 5 Smwulf Peregrin. p. 270. 8 Will. Tyr. 22. 26. Wilken ib. III. ii. p. 6 See above, p. 342. "Abbatia nigro- 231.-William of Tyre here mentions rum monachorum;" Jac. de Vitr. 58. p. particularly only the Greek monastery, 1078. L. de Suchem, Itin. p. 95. RIeissb. called St. Elias. p. 851. iii. 222, 223

360 MOUNT TABOR. [SEC. XIV. Two years afterwards, in A. D. 1185, Phocas describes here two monasteries, one Greek, the other Latin. The former was towards the left or north; the latter was tenanted by a multitude of Latin monks, and stood upon the highest point of all, towards the southeast. The altar qcchpied the very spot, where the transfiguration was supposed to have taken place. In A. D. 1187, not long before the battle of Hattin, Mount Tabor was laid waste by the troops of Saladin.2 Twenty-five years afterwards (A. ID. 1212), Melek el-'Adil the brother of Saladin and now Sultan of Damascus, as a check upon the Christian forces in'Akka, erected upon this mountain a strong fortress, the remains of which are still to be seen; he not only employed his troops in this service, but collected workmen from the provinces.3 In A. D. 1217, the pilgrim host from'Akka laid siege to this fortress, which was defended by chosen troops; so that the Christians were obliged to abandon the attack after two fierce and unsuccessful assaults. Yet their attempt bromtght this fruit, that the fortress was razed by order of Melek el-'Adil himself.4 Whether the monasteries were destroyed during these events, we are not informed;5 but at any rate, the work of desolation was completed in A. D. 1263, under Sultan Bibars, while encamped at the foot of the mountain. By his orders, not only was the church at Nazareth, but also that of the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor, levelled to the ground.6 Brocardus, about A. D. 1283, mentions here only the ruins of various palaces and towers, already the retreat of many wild beasts; and such the summit of Tabor has remained unto the present day.7 In later times, the Greek church which formerly existed here, has commonly been ascribed to Helena; but as we have had occasion to see, in opposition to all ancient testimony.8 Of the places seen from Mount Tabor, the names of Endor, Nein, and Kaukab el-Hawa, demand some further illustration. _Endor is obviously the Endor of the Old Testament, assigned to Manasseh, though lying without the borders of that tribe; mentioned also in connection with the victory of Deborah and Barak; but chiefly known as the abode of the sorceress, whom Saul consulted on the eve of the fatal battle of Gilboa.9 Phocas de Locis Sanct. ~ 11. the fortress; Itin. p. 95. Reissb. p. 851.' Wilken ib. III. ii. p. 276.' Wilken Gesch. der Kreuzz. VII. p. 461, Abulfeda Annal. A. H. 609. Tom. IV. and the authorities there cited. Reinaud p. 248. Marin. Sanut. p.. 206. Wilken Extraits pp. 488, 489. ib. VI. p. 63. 7 Brocardus, c. 6. p. 175. Sir J. Maun4 Wilken ib. VI. pp. 149-153, and the deville, p. 113. Lond. 1839. L. de Suchem, authorities there cited. Marin. Sanut. p. 1. c. 207. Reinaud Extraits p. 387. 8 Niceph. Callist. 8. 30. See above, Vol. Accordingr to L. de Suchem the mo- I. p. 375. nasteries were originally fortified with walls Josh. 17, 11. Ps. 83, 10. 1 Sam. 28, and towers, constituting perhaps portions of 7 sq. iii. 224. 225

JUNE 18.] ENDOR, NEIN, ETC. 361 The name does not occur in the New Testament; but in the days of Eusebius and Jerome, Endor was still a large village four Roman miles south of Mount Tabor, corresponding to the present site.' It was recognised in the time of the crusades, and is mentioned by Brocardus; but appears afterwards to have been again lost sight of, at least partially, until the seventeenth century.2-The Arabic orthography of this name, obtained from an intelligent native, and correct according to the present pronunciation, exhibits perhaps a solitary instance, where the letter'Ain of the Hebrew has in the Arabic passed over into a softer letter at the beginning of a word; perhaps too the only instance, where the Hebrew word En (fountain), does not in Arabic retain the corresponding and usual form'A in.3 Nein is the Nain of the New Testament, where occurred the affecting scene of our Lord's raising the widow's son.4 Eusebius and Jerome describe it as not far from Endor; thie crusaders recognised it; and it has since been mentioned by most travellers to the present day.5 It has now dwindled to a small hamlet, occupied at most by a few families. Kaulkab el-Hawa, as we have seen, lies upon the brow of the Jordan valley, near the extremity of the line of hills between the Wadys'Osheh and el-Bireh.G According to Arabian writers, Kaukab was a fortress of the Christians;. and was subdued and destroyed by Saladin after the capture of Safed in A. ID. 1188.7 Frank writers make no mention of any fortress of this name; but the situation corresponds exactly to that of the castle, which they call Belvoir or Belvedere, erected by the Christians. It is described by William of Tyre as lying upon the mountain between Beisan and the lake of Tiberias, not far from Mount Tabor; and by another writer as captured by Saladin in the year above mentioned.8 The name Belvoir appears afterwards, in the text and on the map of Marinus: Onomast. arts..cndor ('A71YS&p) 6 See above, p. 356..Endor ('0Hvip). 7 Bohaed. Vit. Salad. pp. 76, 88, et 2 Brocardus, c. 6. p. 176. Marin. Sanut. Schultens Ind. Geogr. art. Caucheba. p. 248. Endor is indeed mentioned by Meir ed-Din in Fundgr. des Or. III. p. Breydenbach, Anselm, and Zuallart, but 215. Reinaud Extr. p. 232 sq. Wilken apparently only as they copied Brocardus. Gesch. der Kr. IV. p. 245, and Beil. p. 84. Quaresmius makes no allusion to it. We Jac. de Vitrv mentions the building find it again in Doubdan, p. 580. Nau, of this fortress by the Christians along p. 632. Maundrell, Apr. 19th, etc. etc. with Safed; c. 49. Will. Tyr. 22. 16. s See Vol. I. p. 255. n. 2. "Postea reversus Saladinus in Galilheam, L uke 7, 11 sq. Belvedere castrum munitissimum, quod'* Onomast. art. Naim. Brocardus, c. fines Jordanis custodiebat, vias Tiberiadis, 6. p. 176. Marin. Sanut. p. 249. Cotovic. Neapolim, et Nazareth angustabat, per -p. 347. Quaresmius II. p. 851. Maundrell, inediam compulit ad deditionem;" Sicardi Apr. 19th. etc. The text of Eusebius now Cremon. Chronicon, in Muratori Scriptor. reads twelve Roman miles from Tabor; Rer. Italicar. T. VII. p. 606. Wilken ib. that of Jerome two; both are obviously p. 245. corruptions. VOL. II. —-31 iii. 225, 226

362 MOUNT TABOR. [SEC. XIV. Sanutus in the fourteenth century, who ascribes the building of it to king Fulco, probably about A. D. 1140.1 From the summit of Tabor we had our last view of the great plain of Esdraelon; and I therefore subjoin here, what remains to be said respecting the plain and its waters, so far as they go to form the river Kishon. Singular as it may appear, after so many centuries, during which- Palestine has been overrun with swarms of pilgrims and travellers, there yet exists no correct nor intelligible account of the eastern portions of this plain. Even the great map of Jacotin, exact and faithful as it is for the northern portions of the plain, and the arm around Tabor, is nevertheless entirely without accuracy in respect to the portions eastward of Zer'in and Jenn.2 The celebrated plain of Esdraelon, now known among the natives as Merj Ibn'Amir, exclusive of the three great arms towards the east, may be said to lie in the form of an acute triangle. A line forming the eastern side, drawn from Jenin along the western ends of Gilboa and Little Hermon, so as to strike the northern mountains not far from the mount of Precipitation, would not vary much from the magnetic meridian; this indeed was nearly the course travelled by us; and the length of this side of the triangle is not far from six hours. From Jenin, as we have seen, the hills that skirt the plain on that side, and also the line of Carmel, stretch off from S. E. to N. W. or more exactly, from S. E. by S. to N. WV. by N. On the northern side of the plain, the mountains which there rise more abruptly, extend, as seen from Tabor, in the general direction from E. N. E. to W. S. W. and run down at length into a line of lower hills towards Carmel, between the great plain on the left and the valley which drains el-Buittauf on the right. A narrow valley along the base of Carmel, between that mountain and these hills, affords a passage for the Kishon from the great plain to the sea.-The length of this northern side of the triangle of the plain, is apparently four or five hours. East of this large triangle, which is everywhere a level tract of fertile, though now neglected soil, the plain of Esdraelon sends out towards the brow of the Jordan valley the three great arms already described;3 each nearly an hour in breadth, and Marin. Sanut. pp. 166, 247. Brey- unaccountably transferred to the south denbach mentions it also in the same po- side of the mountain of Dtlhy. sition, under the name of Castle Belliforth; 3 See above, pp. 316, 320, 330 sq. The Reissb. p. 126. plain, as we have seen, belongs to the 2 I may add too, that the village of government, and is only partially cultiEnd6r on the French map is placed very vated; see above pp. 315, 319, 324, 332. much too far west; while Nein is most Comp. also p. 46, above. iii. 227 228

JUNE 18.] THE RIVER KISHON. 363 separated from each other by the ridges of Gilboa and Little Hermon. The remarkable and distinguishing feature of these three great portions of the plain is, that while both the northern and southern decline towards the west, and their waters flow off through the Kishon to the Mediterranean; the middle arm sinks down between them eastwards, so that its waters, from a point within the triangle as above described, run with a more rapid descent to the valley of the Jordan, along what was anciently known as the valley of Jezreel. Through the plain of Esdraelon, the." ancient river" Kishon is of old represented as pouring its waters in such abundance, as to "sweep away" the troops of Sisera during the battle of Deborah and Barak;, and we still find the same river a considerable stream, under the name of el-Mukiitta', flowing along the base of Carmel into the bay of'Akka. But, as already remarked, in crossing the whole plain from Jenin to Nazareth on the 16th of June, although we passed several channels of some size, running westwards from both the northern and southern arms,2 yet not one drop of water did we find in all those parts of the plain, which in the rainy season send their waters to the Mediterranean. But this was a year of drought; and. it would be a false conclusion, to affirm for this reason, as Shaw has done, that the Kishon has no communication with Tabor, and never flowed through the plain.3 Not improbably in ancient times, when the country was perhaps more wooded, there may have been permanent streams throughout the whole plain, like that which still runs eastwards along the middle arm; and even now, in ordinary seasons, during the winter and spring, there is an abundance of water on the plain flowing westwards to form the Kishon. The large-fountains all along' the southern border, furnish at such times more powerful streams; and all the water-courses from the hills and along the plain, are full and overflowing. During the battle of Mount Tabor, between the French and Arabs, April 16th, 1799, many of the latter are expressly said to have been drowned in the stream coming from Debuirieh, which then inundated a part of the plain.4 Monro, in crossing the arm of the plain from Solam to Nazareth, on the first or second of May, describes himself as passing in half an hour from S5lam "a considerable brook from the eastward, and afterwards some 1 Judg. 5, 21, "The river of Kishon tains of Tabor and HIermon; with which swept them away, that ancient river, the it has no communication." Shaw makes river Kishon." the whole length of the Kishon to be only 2 See above, pp. 318, 319, 331. about seven miles. Shaw's Travels 4to. p. 274, "Mr 4 Burckharldt's Travels, p. 339. See Sandys and others have been mistaken in above, p. 328. n. making the Kishon flow from the mouniii. 228-230

364 PLAIN OF ESDRAELON. [SEc. XV. others, which flow into a small lake on the northern side of the plain, and eventually contribute to swell the Kishon."' This account corresponds with the channels we saw. In April, 1829, Prokesch, in travelling directly from Ramleh to Nazareth, entered the plain of Esdraelon at or near Lejjuin; here he came upon the Kishon, flowing in a deep bed through marshy ground; and after wandering about for some time to find the way through the morass, was at length set right by an Arab who pointed out the proper ibrd.2 All these considerations, and especially these marshes in the region of Lejjun or Megiddo, fully bear out the sacred writer, in affirming that the forces of Sisera were swept away by the Kishon; swollen as the stream probably was by the tempest and rain, with which the Lord interfered in behalf of the Israelites.3 The earlier writers were therefore justified, in placing a principal source of the Kishon in the vicinity of Mount Tabor;4 although probably the branch fed from the southern arm of the plain and the southern hills, is in general not less important. The water-shed in the arm of the plain between Tabor and the Little Hermon, as we have seen, is about on a line between those two mountains;5 although during the rains, much water must necessarily come from the Wadys northwest of Tabor, and there form what Burckhardt calls the river of DebiUrieh, issuing upon the great plain near that village. Yet in regard to this source of the Kishon, a most singular error has prevailed ever since the time of the crusades, which seems not wholly to be done away even in the present century. I find it first in Brocardus; who relates, that the torrent KIishon has its source in the rain water which descends from the eastern side of Tabor, whence the stream flows partly eastwards to the lake of Galilee, and partly westwards to the Mediterranean.6 There is so much foundation for this report, as may be found in the fact, that all the waters on the eastern side of Tabor, including the fountain near the Khan et-Tujjar, do actually flow off eastwards through Wady el-Bireh to the Jordan; but, as we have 1 Monro, Summer Ramble I. p. 281. ately called XEt/ap)os, storm-brook, winter Yet so confused is this writer's narrative, torrent. Sept. Judg. 4, 13. 5, 21. etc. that he goes on to place Little Hermon Euseb. 1. c. still an hour further north; although he 5 See p. 356, above. had before correctly described S61lam, 8 Brocardus, c. 6. 7. p. 176. Marin. where he had lodged, as lying at the foot Sanuttls copies Brocardus, p. 252. This of Hermon; p. 279. story is repeated by travellers down to the 2 Prokesch Reise ins h. Land p. 129. middle of the last century; e. g. Cotovic. ~ Judg. 5, 20. 21; comp. 5, 4. Joseph. p. 127. Doubdan, p. 581. Mariti Voyages, Ant. 5. 5. 4. Tom. II. pp. 121, 169. Neuw. 1791. The 4 Onornast. art. Gisosn. In Greek the same is also brought forward by RosenKishon, like the Kidron, is very appropri- miuller, Bibl. Geogr. II. i. p. 203. iii. 230 231

JUNE 18.] TIE RIVER KISHON. 365 seen above, only the western and southern parts of Tabor send their waters to the Mediterranean. It appears, then, that the Kishon in this part of the plain, is not now a permanent stream; but usually flows only during the season of rain, and for a short time afterwards.2 Yet the river, as it enters the sea at the foot of Carmel, never becomes dry; and we must therefore seek for its perennial sources along the base of that mountain. Whether the brook at Lejjun reaches the bed of the Kishon during the summer, we are not informed; but the main sources appear to be lower down, in the valley by which the channel issues from the plain. When Maundrell crossed the Kishon here on the 22d of March, three and a 1alf hours from Lejjun, the water was low and inconsiderable. Shaw is the only traveller who appears to have noticed the sources of the permanent stream. "In travelling under the eastern brow of Carmel," he says, "I had an opportunity of seeing the sources of the river Kishon, three or four of which lie within less than a furlong of each other. These alone, without the lesser contributions nearer the sea, discharge water enough to form a river half as big as the Isis."' The length of the stream from these sources to the sea, he estimates at seven miles, or about two and a half hours. It was probably somewhere along this permanent stream, that Elijah slew the prophets of Baal.4 The quantity of water in the Muklitta' as it passes through the lower plain to the sea, is not inconsiderable. Schubert forded it in May in travelling directly from Nazareth to Haifa, and found it scarcely forty feet in breadth, and three or four feet deep; the water coming half way up the bodies of the mules.5 Monro crossed the river near its mouth, at the southeast nook of the bay of'Akka, in a boat; he describes the stream as about thirty yards in width, and deep; so that the asses with their heads tied to the boat, were compelled to swim.6 Yet Shaw relates, that the Kishon when not swollen by the rains, " never falls into the sea in a full stream, but insensibly percoSee above, p. 356. of the prophets of Baal, some travellers 2 We crossed the Mukiutta' in the plain are disposed to derive the modern name of in 1852; see Vol. III. Sect. III, under the river el-Mukiitta', following the meanApr. 21st. ing secuit, excidit, of the Arabic verb. So 3 Shaw's Travels 4to. p. 274. Shaw D'Arvieax, Mem. II. p. 294. Berggren says these fountains are called'" RAs el- Reisen, II. p. 230. But among the comKishon," which cannot be true as to the mon people the name signifies merely' the Arabs, because the name Kishon is here ford,' from another meaning of the same unknown. They would more probably verb, trajecit flumen. See Freytag's Lex. bear the name of R's el-Mukiitta'; and Arab. IIL p. 465. D'Arvieux learnedly such it would seem from D'Arvieux is refers the name Kishon (French Cison) to actually the case; Memoires lI. p. 294. the same slaughter; it being, he says, deParis, 1735. The ponds of which Shaw rived from the Latin ccedere. speaks, four miles northeast of these foun- 5 -Reise III. p. 206. tains, do not exist. 6 Summer Ramble I, p. 56. 4 1 Kings 18, 40. From this slaughter VOL. II.-31* iii. 231-233

366 PLAIN OF ESDRAELON. [SEC. XIV. lates through a bank of sand, which the north winds throw up against the mouth of it; " thus he found it in the middle of April A. D. 1722, when he passed it.I Such were, in general, the results of our observations and inquiries respecting the noble plain of Esdraelon and the objects around it. We took leave of it from the summit of Mount Tabor, as it lay extended before us, quiet and peaceful, in the brilliant light of an oriental morning; so tranquil indeed, that it was difficult to connect with it the idea of battles and bloodshed, of which for a long succession of ages it has been the chosen scene. Here Deborah and Barak, descending with their forces from Mount Tabor, attacked and discomfited the host of Sisera with his " nine hundred chariots of iron," from Endor to Taanach and Megiddo, where the Kishon swept them away.2 In and adjacent to the plain, Gideon achieved his triumph over the Midianites; and here too the glory of Israel was darkened for a time, by the fall of Saul and Jonathan upon Gilboa.3 It was also adjacent to Aphek in the plain, that Ahab and the Israelites obtained a miraculous victory over the Syrians under Benhadad; while at Megiddo, the pious Josiah fell in battle against the Egyptian monarch.4 Then came the times of the Romans, with battles under Gabinius and Vespasian.5 The period of the crusades furnishes likewise its account of contests in and around the plain;6 and almost in our day the battle of Mount Tabor was one of the triumphs of Napoleon.7 From Mount Tabor the view took in also, on the one side, the region of Hattin, where the renown of the crusaders sunk before the star of Saladin; while, not far distant, on the other side, the name of'Akka or Ptolemais recalls many a deadly struggle of the same epoch. There too Napoleon was baffled and driven back from Syria; and in our own day, torrents of blood have flowed within and around its walls, during the long siege and subsequent capture of the city by the Egyptian army in A. D. 1832. The ink with which these lines were penned, was hardly 1 Shaw's Travels 4to. p. 274. See also between one hundred and fifty knights, Irby and Mangles, p. 194. Mariti Voyages both Hospitalers and Templars, with 500 II. p. 120. Neuw. 1791. foot, and the Saracen troops under Melek a Judg. 4, 12-15. vs. 19-21. Ps. 83, el-'dil. The Christians were almost 9. 10. totally destroyed; the Grand Master of' Judg. c. 7. 1 Sam. 29, 1. c. 31. See the Hospitalers slain; while the Grand above, p. 327. Master of the Templars escaped with diffi4 1 Kings 26, 26-30. —2 Chr. 35, 20-24. culty. Hugo Plagon in Martene et Do2 K. 23, 29. 30. rand T. V. p. 597 sq. Rad. Coggeshal. 5 See above, p. 357. Chron. Terra S. ibid. T. V. p. 549 sq. 6 See above, pp. 359, 360. Reinaud Gaufr. Vinisauf. I. 2. p. 248. Wilken Extraits p. 384, 387, 488, etc.-In A. D. Gesch. der Kr. III. ii. p. 267 sq. 1187 a fierce and fatal conflict took place 7 See above, p. 328 n. in the plain around Tabor, near the Kishon, iii. 233, 234

JuInE 18.] HISTORICAL NOTICES, 367 dry, when the coasts of Syria were again visited by war; and'Akka became the closing scene of the struggle, between the allied English and Austrian fleets and the forces of Muhammed'Aly. On the third day of November 1840,'Akka was bombarded for several hours; until the explosion of a magazine destroyed the garrison, and laid the town in ruins. iii. 234

SECTION XV. FROM MOUNT TABOR BY THE LAKE OF TIBERIAS TO SAFED. Tuesday, June 19th, 1838. The sun rose gloriously upon us as we sat at the door of our tent, upon the summit of Tabor. A very heavy dew had fallen during the night; so that the tent,was wet as with rain. After the sun had been up about half an hour, a fog came on and veiled everything below from our view. We now prepared to depart; but three of our mules had strayed away during the night, and this detained us for an hour. Meanwhile the fog cleared away, and we had again the glorious prospect of yesterday, now still more distinct and maplike. The summit of Tabor is subject to such morning fogs, which hang around it like a fleecy crown. We set off at length at 7.35 from the top of the mountain, going down the same way we had come up. The view towards the northwest over the hills of Nazareth was charming, covered as they are with orchards of oaks; which, standing singly, have much the appearance of apple trees. Our path led through similar glades along the flank of Tabor. We came to the bottom of the main descent at 81 o'clock; and then kept more to the right along high ground to gain the Damascus road, which we struck at 8.40, on the top of the low connecting ridge, between Tabor and the northwestern hills. After a stop of ten minutes to adjust the loads, we proceeded along this road to the Khan. The descent here from the ridge just mentioned, is hardly perceptible, in comparison with the ascent on the other side; this eastern plain being higher than that on the southwest of Tabor. At 9- o'clock there was a well on our left; and ten minutes afterwards we reached Khan et-Tujjar, in a shallow Wady of some breadth, running off southwards through the plain. The Khan itself lies in the Wady, and is much broken down; though a few people still house among its ruins. Close by on the left of the path, on the gentle acclivity which forms the side of the Wady, stands another quadrangular building of about the same size and appearance, but in better preservation. Wii. 235, 236

JUNE 19.] KHAN ET-TUJJAR. LUBIEE. 369 This may have been another Khan, though it has more the appearance of a castle, like that of'Akabah. Both were once important structures, having towers at the corners; and were erected for the accommodation and protection of caravans, passing upon this great high road between Damascus and Egypt. In the Khan is a spring of water; but the chief fountain, whose little stream we had seen from Tabor, flowing off through Wady el-Bireh to the Jordan, rises some five or ten minutes further south in the Wady.'-At this Khan a weekly fair, Slik el-Khan, is held every Monday, which is frequented by the people of Tiberias, Nazareth, and all the adjacent villages. It had yesterday drawn away from home a large portion of the people of Nazareth. From the Khan, the Damascus road proceeds to Kefr Sabt, and descends to the shore of the lake beyond Tiberias. We followed a path lying more to the left, towards Luibieh. At 10O o'clock, we came to a broad low tract of land, running from west to east, a flat of fine fertile soil, drained off towards the right by a narrow Wady to the larger basin beyond Kefr Sabt; which place was now about half an hour distant on our right, on somewhat higher ground. The basin here mentioned is a broad and deeper fertile tract, beginning on the east of Luibieh, and extending S. S. E. between the higher plain on the edge of which Kefr Sabt stands, and the ridge along the lake south of Tiberias.. At the southern end, it breaks down through this ridge by a narrow Wady to the Jordan, just below where the latter issues from the lake. This basin is called by Burckhardt Ard el-Hamma.2 Besides Kefr Sabt, lying on the high ground on its southwestern side, the ruined villages Dameh and Bessuim are seen further south along the foot of the same acclivity. There was now no water visible in this whole tract; though Burckhardt speaks of a fountain'Ain Dfmeh half an hour distant from Kefr Sabt, probably near the ruin of the same name. On the north of the low flat above described, our path led up a rocky acclivity, to a more elevated tract, on which stands the village of LAbieh. Half an hour before reaching that village, we had on our left the beginning of the fine plain which runs off westward between the hills, having on its northern side the large village of Tur'an, and near its southwest corner the village of Kefr Kenna; both of which were here in sight.3 This plain is fertile and beautiful; its waters run off at the northwest corner to the large parallel plain el-BiUttauf, near which Sefffirieh is situ-'According to Prokesch, Kaukab el- the name Ard el-Ahmar; see Vol. III. Hawa bears from the Khan S. 38~ E. Reise Sect. VIII, under May 18th. ins heil. Land, p. 137. s For Kefr Kenna see above, p. 346 sq. a Travels p. 333. We afterwards heard iii. 230, 237

370 FROM MOUNT TABOR TO TIBERIAS. [SEC. XV. ated. The Tell of this latter place could here be seen; and also the Wely near Nazareth. The road from Nazareth passes from Kefr Kenna through this plain to Lubieh. The large village of Lfbieh, which we reached at 11 o'clock, has an old appearance;' it stands upon a low Tell, with a deep valley on the east and a broader one on the north, with a fountain running towards the Ard el-Hamma. It suffered greatly from the earthquake of the preceding year.2 A road leads from this place directly to Tiberias; but we kept on N. E. by N. in order to visit the Tell and village of Hattin. The country continues undulating-; rocky swells in the high plain, with intervening valleys. The road passes down to Hattin on the west of the Tell; as we approached, we turned off from the path towards the right, in order to ascend the eastern horn, which we reached at 12 o'clock. As seen on this side, the Tell or mountain is merely a low ridge, some thirty or forty feet in height, and not ten minutes in length from east to west. At its eastern end is an elevated point or horn, perhaps sixty feet above the plain; and at the western end another not so high; these give to the ridge at a distance the appearance of a saddle, and are called Kfirun Hattin, " Horns of Hattin."3 But the singularity of this ridge is, that on reaching the top, you find that it lies along the very border of the great southern, plain, where this latter sinks off at once, by a precipitous offset, to the lower plain of Hattin; from which the northern side of the Tell rises very steeply, not much less than four hundred feet. Below, in the north, lies the village of Hattin; and further towards the north and northeast a second similar offset forms the descent to the level of the lake. The- summit of the eastern horn, is a little circular plain; and the top of the lower ridge between the two horns, is also fattened to a plain. The whole mountain is of limestone. On the eastern horn are the remains of a small building, probably once a Wely,4 with a few rough ruins of no import; yet the natives now dignify the spot with the name el-Medineh. This point commands a near view of the great plain over which we had passed, north of Tabor, and also of the basin Ard el-Hamma; the latter lying spread out before us with fields of varied hues, like a carpet. On the -other side, the eye takes:in, even here, only the northern It is mentioned by Bohaeddin, Vit. 4 According to Bohaeddin a tomb of Sal. p. 68..- Jethro, Kabr Shu'eib, stood upon this Tell 2 Mr Thomson who passed this way in his day, i. e. at the close of the twelfth three weeks after the earthquake, describes century. Vita Salad. p. 69. The same the place as a heap of ruins; one hundred is mentioned in the Jewish Itinerary in and forty-threepersons were killed. Miss. Hottinger's Cippi Hebraici, p. 74. Ed. 2. Herald, Nov. 1837,-p. 439. Quaresmius supposes the remains to be a Bohaeddin calls the whole ridge Tell those of a chapel; II. p. 856. Hlattin; Vit. Salad. p. 69. iii. 23-7-239

JUNE 19.] KURUN HATTIN. 371 part of the lake of Tiberias, and on its western shore the little plain of Gennesareth; while in the north and northwest Safed and a few other villages are seen upon the hills. The prospect is in itself pleasing; but bears no comparison with that which we had just enjoyed from Mount Tabor. - This Tell is nearly on a line between Tabor and Hermon, the latter bearing about N. N. IE.-E. and the former nearly S. S. W. 1W.2 The Kuirun Hattin are held by the Latins to be the mount of Beatitudes, the place where the Saviour delivered the Sermon on the Mount to the multitude standing on the adjacent plain. There is nothing in the form or circumstances of the hill itself to contradict this supposition; but the sacred writers do not specify any particular height by name; and there are in the vicinity of the lake perhaps a dozen other mountains, which would answer just as well to the circumstances of the history. It might therefore be difficult to say, why this spot should have been selected as the scene of our Lord's discourse; unless, perhaps, because its position and peculiar configuration render it rather a prominent object. Further, this tradition is found only in the Latin church; the Greeks know nothing of it, as we learned by repeated inquiry at Nazareth and elsewhere; nor have they any tradition whatever connected with the Sermon on the Mount. This circumstance leads naturally to the conclusion, that the whole matter is of Latin origin; probably one of the scions of foreign growth, grafted by the crusaders upon the already luxuriant stock of earlier Greek tradition. The historical notices extant confirm the same view. The mountain is first mentioned, as the scene of our Lord's discourse, by Brocardus about A. D. 1283; and also as the spot where he fed the five thousand with the five loaves;3 though the place of this latter miracle was earlier 1 Dr Clarke's account of this prospect is W;: SeffClrieh S. 80~ W. el-Mighar N. 17~ excessively overcharged and exaggerated. W. el-Mansurah N. 13~ W.-These last He does not scruple to say, that here " a two villages are in the district esh-Sh-lghir view was presented, which for its grandeur, lying between those of'Akka and Safed. independently of the interest excited by Lord Belmore and his party left the road the different objects contained in it, has between Nazareth and Tiberias a little no parallel in the Holy Land! " p. 453. 4to. west of Luibieh, and travelled directly to He ventures to make this sweeping asser- Jubb Yusuf (east of Safed), passing west tion, without having himself been either of Hattin. About four hours from Lfibieh, upon Tabor, or Carmel, or Gerizim, or they came in sight of el-Mlighcr oil the the hill above Nazareth, or the tower of side of a high hill on the left. Lower down Ramleh, or any other important point of the hill is a copious fountain, and near view in all Palestine. Pococke's account by it the village el-MansCirah. Richardis more modest, but exhibits a strange son's Travels II. p. 442. jumble of names; Vol. II. i. p. 67. Brocardus c. 4. p. 173. So too BreyOther places in sight from Tell Hattin, denbach in Reissb. p. 122. Anselmi Descr. bore as follows: Safed N. 11~ E. Ard el- Terr. S. p. 784. B. de Salignaco Tom. IX. Hamma S. S. E. Bessim S. 15~ E. Da- c. 8. Cotovic. p. 357. Adrichom. p. 111. meh S. 5~ E. Kefr Sabt S. 21~ W. Lu- Quaresmius II. p. 856. bieh S. 57~ W. Wely by Nazareth S. 71~ iii. 239, 240

372 FROM MOUNT TABOR TO TIBERIAS, [SEC. XV. slown, as it is also now, on the broad ridge about an hour southeast of the mount, towards Tiberias.1 But all earlier writers, both Latin and Greek, although they speak of the miracle of the five loaves, are wholly silent as to the Sermon on the Mount.2 Hence, while the concurrence of the two churches, in their tradition as to the place of the former miracle, certainly cannot establish its identity, inasmuch as the earliest trace does not reach back beyond the fourth century; still more is the total silence of the Greek church as to the Sermon on the Mount, fatal to the Latin hypothesis, which connects that discourse with the mountain in question. On the high uneven plain, extending southwards between the Tell or IKfirun Hattin and el-Lfbieh, took place on the fifth of July, A. D. 1187, the celebrated and fatal battle of Hattin.3 This was the great and decisive conflict of the crusades; between the flower of the Christian strength and chivalry on the one side, with the sovereign at their head; and on the other, the eager gathering of the Muhammedan might, led on by the Sultan Saladin in person. It resulted in the almost total annihilation of the Christian host; and was followed by the immediate subjugation of nearly all Palestine, including Jerusalem, to the MIuslim yoke. The power of the Franks in the Holy Land was thus broken; and although the monarchs and princes of Europe undertook expeditions thither for more than seventy years after this event, yet the Christians were never able to regain in Palestine the footing, which they had held before this memorable catastrophe. The usurpation of the crown of Jerusalem in August of the preceding year, by the weak-minded Guy of Lusignan, had embittered against him a powerful rival, Count Raymond of Tripolis, and many other barons; and Raymond, who was now lord also of Tiberias and Galilee, had even entered into negotiations with Saladin and received from him aid.4 Yet a truce had been con1 Here are four or five large blocks of A. D. 697; 2. 24. Svewulf A. D. 1103, black stone, called by the Arabs Hejltr en- p. 271. Greek writers: Phocas in 1185, MNbsara,' Stones of the Christians,' and by ~ 11. Epiphanius Hagiopol. in 13th cent. the Latins'Mensa Christi;' which an early in L. Allatii Symmikta, Col. Agr. 1653. p. tradition marks as the site of the miracle 62.-Jerome may also not improbably of the five thousand. Quaresmius II. p. allude to the same spot; lp. 44, ad Mar856. Burckhardt p. 336. Berggren Reise cell. T. IV. ii. p. 552. ed. Mart. II. p. 256. See the next Note.-It is The battle occurred on Saturday; hardly necessary to remark, that the tra- which Wilken reckons as the 5th of July, dition attached to this spot can only be while Reinaud counts it as the 4th. Willken legendary; since the feeding of the five Gesch. der Kr. III. ii. p. 282. Reinaud thousand took place on the east side of Extr. p. 194. the lake; and probably also that of the 4 See generally Wilken Gesch. der Kr. -four thousand. III. ii. p. 250-258, and the authorities 2 So amollng Latin writers: Adamnanus there cited. iii. 240-242

JUNE 19.] BATTLE OF HATTIN. 373 eluded with the Sultan, and the Christians now hoped for repose; when suddenly, the compact was broken by the reckless Raynald of Chatillon, then lord of Kerak, who faithlessly fell upon and plundered a caravan of merchants, passing from Damascus to Arabia. He not only laid his prisoners in chains; but refused to deliver up both titem and the booty, when demanded by Saladin according to the terms of the truce. The enraged Sultan swore a solemn oath, to put Raynald to death with his own hand, should he ever fall into his power. The Christians were soon alarmed by the dire intelligence of immense preparations on the part of Saladin, to avenge their breach of faith. Hosts of well-appointed warriors were rapidly assembled at Damascus, not only from the Syrian provinces, but also from Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Arabia.' This dreadful note of preparation induced the Christian princes to lay aside their strife; and after an apparent reconciliation, they formed a rendezvous and encampmenlt at the fountain of Seffirieh.2 Here was assembled the most stately host, which had ever fought against the Saracens in the Holy Land. The Hospitalers and Templars came with many troops from their various castles; Count Raymond with his forces appeared from Tiberias and Tripolis; and also Raynald with a train of knights from the fortresses of Kerak and Sh6bek. Other barons with their knights and followers flocked to the camp from Neapolis, Cesarea, Sidon, and Antioch; the king too was present with a host of knights and hired troops. The army thus collected amounted to two thousand knights and eight thousand foot soldiers; besides large bodies of light-armed troops or archers. The holy cross also was brought from Jerusalem into the camp, by the bishops of Ptolemais and Lydda.3 For five weeks the Christian army waited at the fountain of Seffirieh; when at length the hosts of Saladin broke in like a flood upon the land. They advanced by the northern end of the lake of Tiberias. Light detachments preceded the main army; these penetrated to the neighbourhood of Nazareth, and also to Jezreel and Mount Gilboa, laying waste the land with fire and sword, and desolating Mount Tabor. The Sultan encamped upon the heights north of Tiberias, in the hope of being attacked by the Christian army. They did not appear; and he therefore sent his light troops to take possession of Tiberias. They easily became masters of the city; and the wife of Count Raymond with her children retired to the castle.4 1 Wilken ibid. p. 264 sq.-The Arabian 2 Wilken ibid. p. 265, 272, 273. See historian'Em'r ed-Din gives a different above, p. 345. account of the occasion of Saladin's oath 3 Ibid. pp. 274, 275, against Raynald; Reinaud Extraits p. 4 Ibid. pp. 275, 276. 198. n. VOL. II.-32 iii. 242, 243

374 FROM MOUNT TABOR TO TIBERIAS. [SEC. XV. Intelligence of this event reached the Christian camp on the third of July; and the king immediately called a council of war to decide upon the measures to be pursued. The general voice at first was, to march in close array for the deliverance of Tiberias; it being well understood, that this movement would involve a general battle with the Saracenic ahny. Count Raymond, although of all others personally the most interested, gave different advice. Experience had taught him, that the Fabian policy was most successful against Saladin; and he therefore counselled to avoid a battle, to fortify the camp, and to await the attack of the Sultan at Sefffirieh. Here they had water and other resources in abundance, and might hope for success; if they abandoned this position and marched towards Tiberias, they exposed themselves at once, to the constant attacks of the Saracenic army, in a region without water, under the fierce summer heat; where; exhausted and harassed on every side, their retreat might easily be cut off. This advice was so judicious, and rested on grounds so strong, that it was unanimously approved by the king and barons; with the single exception of the rash and insolent Grand Master of the Templars. The council broke up at midnight.' The barons had scarcely laid themselves down to rest, when the trumpets sounded; and heralds proclaimed, throughout the camp, the orders of the king, that all should arm immediately. After the council broke up, the Grand Master of the Templars had gone to the king, and overwhelmed him with reproaches, for listening to what he called the traitorous advice of the Count of Tripolis; conjuring him not to suffer such a stain of cowardice to rest upon the Christian name. The fickle-minded sovereign yielded to his impetuosity; and gave orders to arm. The barons now repaired to his tent to warn him against so fatal a step; but he was putting on his armour, and gave them no audience. They followed his example with indignation; the army was drawn up, and the fmarch began towards Tiberias without delay.2 This movement of the Christian army fell in completely with the ardent wishes and plans of Saladin; who was confident of victory, could he but draw the Franks from their position, and bring on a general battle. On receiving the intelligence from his scouts, he immediately despatched his light troops to harass the Christians upon the march; and posted his main army, as it would seem, along the high ground above the lake, between Tiberias and Tell Hattin. In the afternoon of the same day (Friday), the Christian army reached the open ground around el-Lfibieh, where the most violent onset Wilken ibid. pp. 277, 278. 2 Wilken ibid. pp. 278, 279. iii. 243-2459

JUNE 19.] BATTLE OF HATTIN. 375 of this day took place, on the part of the light troops.' But the Frank warriors were already so exhausted by the burning heat of the day, coupled with tormenting thirst and want of water, as well as by the continual attacks of the enemy, that they were scarcely able longer to bear up against the assaults. Fear and dismay spread throughout their ranks, and various omens of direful import were recognised. Instead of pressing on to attack at once the main army of Saladin, and at least break through to the lake of Tiberias, so as to obtain a supply of water, the feeble Guy gave orders to encamp on the high rocky plain, without water, in sight of the enemy; and thus defer the conflict till the following morning. This fatal step is said to have been counselled by Count Raymond; from treachery, as some aver; and to it the Franks with one voice ascribe the disasters of the following day.2 The night was dreadful. The Christians, already tormented with thirst, stood in continual fear of a night attack. The Saracens approached close to their camp, and set on fire the dry shrubs and herbage round about; the heat and smoke of which served to increase still more the distress of the Franks. The latter passed the whole night under arms, anxiously waiting for the dawn. But the morning brought them no consolation. They saw themselves upon this rocky plain, surrounded by the hostile hosts of Saladin; from whom there was now no escape except in the chances of battle. How different the auspices under which the two armies entered upon the conflict! On the side of the Christians, a feeble leader, divisions, despondency, exhaustion from thirst and watching, and the feeling that they were forsaken of God; on the other side, Saladin, the most renowned of all the champions of Islam, and his hosts flushed with confidence, and eager to rush upon the foe. The result could hardly be doubtful for a moment. This is not the place to enter upon the details of the battle; nor do they seem indeed to be preserved with enough of exactness, to enable us to trace them fully. Suffice it to say, that wherever the Christian warriors pressed forward in solid masses, there the Saracens gave way at once; yet hovered everywhere around, and harassed the Franks by continual onse: upon their more exposed parts. It was the policy of Saladin, to let the Christians weary themselves out by a series of fruitless charges; well knowing, that heat and thirst would not fail to do their work, and prepare for him an easy prey. The Hospitalers and 1 So Bohaeddin expressly, Vita Sal. no other trace seems to remain; Wilken p. 68. Frank writers mention somewhere ibid. p. 280. here a place called Marescallia, half way 2 Wilken ibid. pp. 280-282. Reinaud between Seffirieh and Tiberias, of which Extraits pp. 191, 192. iii. 245, 246

376 FROM MOUNT TABOR TO TIBERIAS. [SEc. XV. Templars, and also the archers, fought with their wonted valour, so long as their strength held out. The foot soldiers at length, exhausted and pining with thirst, broke their ranks; some threw down their arms and surrendered at discretion; another party fled and were pursued and cut to pieces; while the great body withdrew in confusion to the summit of Tell Hattin. Hence they were summoned by the king, to return to the combat and support the knights in protecting the holy cross; but to this order they gave no heed. The king then directed the conflict to cease, and the knights to encamp around the cross. This they attempted in great disorder; but the Saracens now pressed upon them, and let fly showers of arrows; by one of which the bishop of Ptolemais, who bore the cross, was slain. In this extremity, Guy gave command to renew the fight; but it was too late. Surrounded by the foe, the knights of Count Raymond, when ordered to advance, raised the cry of " Sauve qui peunt!" and put their horses to full speed over the bodies of their fallen brethren. The Count himself, and several other chiefs, followed their example; and rushing through the ranks of the enemy, which opened to let them pass, escaped by a shameful flight in the direction of Tyre. All now was lost. The king withdrew to the height of Tell Hattin, and with his brave followers drove back the Saracens as they attempted to ascend. Three times did the latter storm the height; at length they got possession of it; and the Christians were either made prisoners, or driven headlong down the steep precipice on the northern side. Among those who surrendered were king Guy himself, the Grand Master of the Templars, Raynald of Chatillon, Honfroy of Toron, and the bishop of Lydda, the last bearer of the holy cross. The cross itself had already fallen into the hands of the enemy.' Such was the terrific overthrow of the Christian army and the Christian power. After the conflict had ceased for want of victims, the captive princes were led befbre the Sultan, in the antechamber of his pavilion, as yet hardly pitched.- Saladin received them, as became a brave and noble warrior, with mildness and respect. On- Raynald alone his eye fell fiercely; for he remembered his oath against him. He ordered sherbet cooled Reinand Extraits pp. 194-196. Wil- tle, in order to preserve itfrom the infidels; ken ibid. pp. 282-288. The capture of though he was not able afterwards to find the cross by the Saracens is asserted by it again; Wilken ibid. p. 288. n. But in Rad. Coggeshale, p. 557; and also by the "LExtraits" of Reinaud, first published Gaufr. Vinisauf, 1. 5. Wilken, writing in 1822, and again in 1829, the circumin A. D. 1819, remarks, that no Arabian, stances of the capture of the cross are writer then known mentions the circum- narrated by'Emad ed-Din, as having hapstance; and he relates from Hugo Plagon pened before the last conflict upon Tell the story of a Templar, who professed to Hattin; p. 195. No writer, however, exhave buried the cross on the field of bat- plains what became of, it afterwards. iii. 246-248

JUNE 19.] BATTLE OF HATTIN. 377 with ice to be presented to the king of Jerusalem; and when the latter passed it to Raynald, Saladin bade the interpreter declare to the king: "Thou givest him drink, not I;" in allusion to the well known Arab custom, that whoever gives food or drink to another, is bound to protect him at all hazards. The prisoners were then removed; and all except Raynald having been refreshed with food, they were reconducted to the presence of Saladin in his tent. The Sultan had determined on his course. Addressing himself to Raynald with looks of wrath, he reminded him of his cruelty and insolence against the Muhammedans and their religion, and invited him now to embrace the doctrines of the prophet. As Raynald declared that he would live and die only in the Christian faith, Saladin rose from his seat, drew his scimetar, and with a single blow struck through the shoulder of the prisoner. The attendants rushed upon him and despatched him. The terrified king and other prisoners expected to share the same fate; but Saladin reassured them, declaring the massacre of Raynald to be only. the punishment due to his atrocities.-All the captive knights, both of the Hospital and of the Temple, were beheaded without mercy and in cold blood, to the number of two hundred. The king and captive princes were transferred to Damascus.' Saladin was not slow to profit by his victory. The fortresses of the Christians throughout the country, had been weakened by drawing off their garrisons to the camp at Sefffirieh; and the stately host which there assembled, had now perished, or been made prisoners at Hattin. The castle of Tiberias surrendered the next day; two days afterwards the Sultan marched against'Akka, to which he laid siege; parties of troops spread themselves through the land in various directions, subduing the smaller places; and before the end of September,'Akka, Calsarea, Yafa, Askelon, and all the cities of the northern coast, except Tyre, as far as to Beirut, were in the hands of the conqueror.. The grand catastrophe was completed; and the power of the Christians in Palestine fully broken, by the capitulation of the Holy City; which took place on the third day of October, three months after the battle of Hattin.2 This account of Raynald's desah is sq.-Arabian cotemporary writers are: drawn chiefly from Bohaeddin, pp. 70, 71. Bohaeddin the secretary and friend of Comp. Wilken ib. p. 289. Reinaud Extraits Saladin, Vit. Sal. p. 67 sq. Ibn el-Athir p. 198.-The Frank writers who give the in Reinaud Extraits pp. 190-199.'Emad details of the battle of Hattin are: Ber- ed-Din, ibid. The latter writer, and pernardus Thesaur. in Muratori Scriptores haps also the two others, were present Rer. Ital. Tom. VII. c. 152 sq. Radulph during the battle. Coggeshale in Marterle et Durand Tom. 2 Wilken ib. pp. 291-311. V. p. 553 sq. Hugo Plagon, ibid. p. 600 VOL. II.-32* iii. 248, 249

378 FROM MOUNT TABOR TO TIBERIAS. [SEC. XV. We descended from Tell Hattin, the scene of the last struggle in the memorable conflict above described;' and at 12.25 bent our course westwards to regain the road we had left. As however this lay at some distance, we preferred to turn down a cattle-track nearer at hand, though still circuitous; a steep and stony path, through a narrow and very rugged side Wady. This brought us down at 12.50 to a fine fountain, bursting out just under the western end of the Tell, still in the ravine. A few paces before coming to the fountain, are the remains of a large stone building. All the -cattle of the village seemed collected around the water; so that at first we could hardly approach it. The village of Hattin lies close at hand, at the mouth of the ravine, which here opens out northwards into the lower plain. It is an ordinary village of no great size; the houses are of stone, meanly built. The plain is narrow, hardly twenty minutes in breadth, running from N. W. to S. E., and forming the middle step of descent from the high plain south of Tell Hattin, to that of Mejdel and the lake itself. On the southwest it is skirted by the ridge or offset, of which the long Tell forms a part; the latter rising on this side nearly or quite four hundred feet.2 On the northeast it is bordered by what, as here seen, is a slight swelling ridge, but on the other side descends steeply some three hundred feet to the plain of Mejdel and the lake. Through this plain, called Sahil Hattin, passes down the bed of a mountain torrent, now dry, which has its rise in the hills east of'Arrabeh and Deir Hanna. At a point about forty minutes N. 750 E. from the village of Hattin, this torrent breaks down abruptly through the ridge to the plain of MAejdel, by a steep, narrow valley, called Wady el-Hamum. In the precipitous sides, are the singular ruins and caverns of the castle Kul'at Ibn Ma'an, of which I shall speak further on. Just at the upper end of this gap, on the south side, are the ruins of what appears to have been an ancient town. It bears N. 800 E. from Hattin, about three quarters of an hour distant; and the people said, that among the ruins were columns and the remains of churches. It is called Irbid, and is unquestionably the spot, which Pococke describes under the name of "Baitsida;" where were columns and the ruins of a large church, with a sculptured door-case od. white marble.3 That traveller held it to be the Bethsaida of Galilee; and So Ibn el-Athtr expressly, Reinaud say there are here " a few Roman ruins;" Extr. pp. 195, 196. p. 299. [91.]-&-e an account of our visit 2 See above, p. 370. in 1852, in Vol. Ilk. Sect. VIII, under May 3 Pococke Vol. II. i. p. 68.-Irby and 18th. Mdangles write the name "Erbed; " and iii. 249-251

Ju 19.] HATTI-N. IRBID. 379 granting his report of the name to be correct, there would be little room for doubt in the case. But here, as in many other instances, I must question the accuracy of Pococke's information. We inquired of old- and young; but no one knew of any other ruins in the vicinity, nor of any other name than Irbid. We repeated particularly the names of Bethsaida and Chorazin; but no one had ever heard them. And afterwards, we made similar inquiries at Tiberias and all along the lake, but with no better success. I must therefore believe that Pococke was mistaken in the name; or heard it perhaps from the monks, or from Arabs in some way connected with them; or not impossibly inquired of his Arab guide, if that were not Bethsaida, and received an affirmative reply.' That this name is not now known among the common people, is very certain; and there is also good reason to suppose, that this place is no other than the ancient Arbela of Josephus; the form Irbid being probably a corruption for Irbil. I shall recur to this topic again when I come to speak further of the RKl'at Ibn 3I'a'n; with which these ruins are said to be connected. We left Hattin at 1 o'clock for Tiberias, keeping near the foot of the Tell on a general course about S. E. by E. along the plain. In this direction were numerous threshing-floors belonging to the village; and the people were yet engaged in gathering the harvest on the plain. As we passed on, the opening of Wady el-Hamham and the site of Irbid lay about twenty minutes distant on our left; but the ruins are so nearly levelled to the ground, that we could not distinctly make them out, even at this short distance. Not far beyond is a low water-shed in the plain, dividing it into two basins; that which we had passed is drained by the Wady el-Hama'm; while the waters of that to which we now came, run off through another small Wady, which in like manner breaks down through to the lake, a little more than half an hour north of Tiberias. Across this latter basin ran a small dry water-course, coming down from the higher plain on our right, from near the reputed place of the miracle of the five loaves and five thousand. Down the same Wady passes the main Damascus road, as it comes from Mount Tabor; leaving Tiberias at someI distance ol the right. We kept on our course, in the direction of Tiberias, towards the top of the intervening ridge, to which the plain here runs up by a gradual ascent. As we rode along, many flocks of the Semermer or locust bird flew up around us; and 1 See the remarks on p. 112 of Vol. I. its name was Khan "Bat Szaida;;' Zach's In the same way, perhaps, Seetzen, at the Monatl. Corr. XVIII. p. 348. Reisen I. p. well known Khan Minyeh, was told that 344, 345. iii. 251) 252

380 TIBERIAS. [SEC. XV. we could perceive, that almost every bird had a locust in its mouth. They are a great blessing to the country. At 2- o'clock we reached the brow of the height above Tiberias, where a view of nearly the whole lake opened at once upon us. It was a moment of no little interest; for who can look without interest upon that lake, on whose shores the Saviour lived so long, and where he performed so many of his mighty works? Yet to me, I must confess, so long as we continued around the lake, the attraction lay more in these associations, than in the scenery itself. The lake presents indeed a beautiful sheet of limpid water, in a deep depressed basin; from which the shores rise in general steeply and continuously all around, except where a ravine, or sometimes a deep Wady, occasionally interrupts them. The hills are rounded and tame, with little of the picturesque in their form; they are decked by no shrubs nor forests; and even the verdure of the grass and herbage, which earlier in the season might give them a pleasing aspect, was already gone; they were now only naked and dreary. Whoever looks here for the magnificence of the Swiss lakes, or the softer beauty of those of England and the United States, will be disappointed. My expectations had not been of that kind; yet from the romantic character of the scenery around the Dead Sea, and in other parts of Palestine, I certainly had anticipated something more striking than we found around the lake of Tiberias.' One interesting object greeted our eyes, a little boat with a white sail gliding over the waters; the only one, as we afterwards found, upon all the lake. We descended the slope obliquely from the northwest towards Tiberias. Here we had our first sight of the terrors of an earthquake, in the prostrate walls of the town, now presenting little more than heaps of ruins. At 3 o'clock we were opposite the gate upon the west; and keeping along between the wall and the numerous threshing-floors still in operation, we pitched our tent ten minutes later, on the shore of the lake south of the city. Tiberias, in Arabic Tubariyeh, lies directly upon the shore, at a point where the heights retire a little, leaving a narrow strip, not exactly of plain, but of undulating land, nearly two miles in length along the lake. Back of this the mountain ridge rises steeply. The town is situated near the northern end of this tract, in the form of a narrow parallelogram, about half a mile long; surrounded towards the land by a thick wall, once 1 "The lake of Tiberias is a fine sheet gether devoid of character." Irby and of water, but the land about it has no Mangles, p. 294. [89.] striking features, and the scenery is altoiii. 252-254

JaNE 19.] THE LAKE. THE JEWS. 381 not far from twenty feet high, with towers at regular intervals. Towards the sea, the city is open. The castle is an irregular mass of building at the northwest corner. The walls of the town, as we have seen, were thrown down by the earthquake of Jan. 1, 1837; and not a finger had as yet been raised to build them up. In some parts they were still standing, though with breaches; but from every quarter, footpaths led over the ruins into the city. The castle also suffered greatly. Very many of the houses were destroyed; indeed few remained without injury. Several of the minarets were thrown down; but a slender one of wood had escaped. We entered the town directly from our tent, over the prostrate wall, and made our way through the streets in the midst of the sad desolation. Many of the houses had already been rebuilt in a hasty and temporary manner. The whole town made upon us the impression, of being the most mean and miserable place we had yet visited; a picture of disgusting filth and frightful wretchedness. The Jews occupy a quarter in the middle of the town, adjacent to trhe lake; this was formerly surrounded by a wall with a single gate, which was closed every night. We found many Jews in the streets; but although I addressed several of them in German, I could get only a few words of reply, enough to make out that they were chiefly from Russian Poland, and could not speak German. The men were poor, haggard, and filthy; the shadows of those I had so often seen in the fairs of Leipsic. The Jewish females, of whom also we saw many, looked much better, and were neatly dressed; many of them in white. Tiberias and Safed are the two holy cities of the modern Jews in ancient Galilee; like Jerusalem and Hebron in Judea. This place retains something of its former renown for Hebrew learning; and before the earthquake there were here two Jewish schools.' Upon this people, it was said, fell here in Tiberias the chief weight of the earthquake; and a large portion of the hundreds who then perished, were Jews.2 -A Muhammedan, with whom my companion fell into conversation at the threshing-floors, related, that he and four others were returning down the mountain west of the city in the afternoon, when the earthquake occurred. All at once the earth opened and closed again, and two of his companions disappeared. He ran home affrighted; 1 Burckhardt p. 326. Elliott's Travels weeks after the earthquake, bringing alms II. p. 346 -Steph. Schulz in 1754 found and aid to the sufferers fiom Beirut, there here twventy youths studying the Talmud; probably perished at Tiberias about seven Leitungen, etc. Th. V. p. 200 sq. hundred persons, out of a population of 2 See also Schubert's Reise III. p. 234. twenty-five hundred. Miss. Herald, Nov. According to the report of Mr Thomson, 1837. p. 438. who visited Safed and Tiberias not three iii. 254, 255

382 TIBERIAS. [SEC. XV. and found that his wife, mother, and two others in the family, had perished. On digging next day where his two companions had disappeared, they were found dead in a standing posture.1 The earthquake gave of course a terrible blow to the prosperity of the town. All the statistics we could now obtain, were to the following import. Before the earthquake the taxable Muslims were numbered at two hundred; of whom more than one hundred had perished, or been impressed as soldiers. The Christians are all Greek Catholics; and number from one hundred to one hundred and fifty men; while the men among the Jews were reckoned between one hundred and fifty and two hundred. This gives scarcely a population of two thousand souls.2 The fullest account of Tiberias in modern times, and particularly of the Jews, is by Burckhardt.3 Close on the shore, in the northern part of the town, is the.church dedicated to St. Peter; a long narrow vaulted building, rude and without taste, which has sometimes been compared not inaptly to a boat turned upside down. It is in fact merely a long vault with a pointed arch, without windows; having at its west end a very small court. This court and church have been the usual resting place of Frank travellers in Tiberias; and have in this way become somewhat notorious, for the swarms of fleas by which they, as well as all the houses of the town, are infested.4 The church belongs to the Latin convent of Nazareth; the monks visit it annually on St. Peter's day and celebrate mass; at other times it is lent to the Greek Catholics of Tiberias.5 Latin monastic tradition places the edifice on the spot, where the miraculous draught of fishes took place after our Lord's resurrection, and where he gave his last charge to Peter.6 Almost as a matter of course, too, the building of the church is'In A. D. 1759, Oct. 30th, Tiberias of whom one fourth part were Jews; p. was in like manner laid waste by a similar 322. In 1815 the number of houses is earthquake. Mariti, who visited it soon given by Turner, on the authority of a after, describes it as utterly in ruins; and respectable Jew, at 400 Turkish, 100 Jewsays that several buildings were swallowed ish, and 50 Christian; Tour etc. II. p. 140. up; Voyages II. p. 165, 166. Neuw. 1791. Berggren in 1822, also on Jewish authorAccording to Volney, the shocks of the ity, gives the number of souls at over same earthquake continued for three 4000, of whom only some 300 were said months to disquiet the inhabitants of to be Jews. Reise II. p. 244. Mount Lebanon; and 20,000 persons Travels pp. 320-328. See also Scholz were reported to have perished in the val- p. 248. ley of el-Biikd'a; Voyag e I. p. 276, Paris Hasselquist p. 181. Burckhardt p. 320. 1787. Conmp. Bachiene Th. II. Bd. IV. p. Turner p. 140, 142. Irby and Mangles 134.-I have not been able to find any pp. 294, 295. [89, 90.] Monro I. pp. 309, more full account of this earthquake; 313, 316. The natives are said to have which seems to have been not less terrific here the current saying: "The king of than that of 1837. the fleas has his court at Ttibariyeh;" 2 In 1836 there are said to have been Clarke's Travels in the Holy Laud p. 478. three hundred families of Jews in Tiberias; 4to. Irby and Mangles 1. c. Turner 1. c. Elliott's Travels II. p. 346. Burckhardt 5 Burckh. p. 322. Turner 1. c. in 1812 gives the population at 4000 souls, 6 John c. 21. iii. 255-257

JUNE 19.] THE EARTHQUAKE. THE BATHS. 383 ascribed to Helena, or at least to the fourth century; and even Dr Clarke chimes in with this absurdity.' The pointed arch necessarily limits its antiquity to the time of the crusades, at the earliest; and Irby and Mangles further noticed, " that one of the stones of the building had part of an inverted Arabic inscription on it," which also goes to contradict the legend.2'We observed no other traces of antiquity within the walls.3 Passing out of the city again to our tent, we kept on southwards along the lake, to visit the celebrated warm baths. On the way are many traces of ruins, evidently belonging to the ancient city, and showing that it was situated here; or, at least, extended much further than the modern town in this direction. They consist mostly of foundations, with traces of walls, heaps of stones, and a thick wall for some distance along the sea. Near the middle lie several scattered columns of gray granite, twelve or fifteen feet long; and at some distance, a single solitary column is still standing.' Among the threshing-floors on the west of the town, were also two blocks of a column of polished red Syenite granite, about three feet in diameter; they were said to have been carried thither from these ruins. These traces of ancient remains extend nearly to the baths.5 The baths are on a part of the shore a little elevated above the lake, at the southern end of the strip of land above described, and about thirty-five minutes from the city. There is an old bathing house, now in decay, though baths for the common people are still kept up in it.6 A new building has been erected a few rods further north by Ibrahim Pasha; it was commenced in 1833, and passes here, and with reason, for a splendid edifice. The principal or public bath occupies the centre of the building, consisting of a large circular apartment, with a marble pavement all around the circular reservoir in the middle, to which several steps lead down. The roof is supported by columns. There are 1 Nicephorus Callistus in the 14th cen- tioned; e. g. by Quaresmius II. p. 864. tury places here one of Helena's reputed Van Eomond and Heyman II. p. 33. churches; 8. 30. See above, Vol. I. p. Burckhardt p. 328. Burckhardt says also, 375. Clarke's Travels etc. pp. 465, 466, that there are other remains on the north 4to. See the historical notices of Tiberias of the town, on a hill close to the lake, further on. which commands the town and seems to 2 Travels p. 295. [89.] have been once fortified; p. 329. Irby 3 According to Burckhardt, "in the and Mangles, p. 293. [89.] But these are street, not far from the church, is a large probably not older than the eighteenth stone, formerly the architrave of some century; see further on, p. 394. building; upon which are sculptured in 6 This is the building described by bas-relief two lions seizing two sheep." Burckhardt; p. 339. According to SeeTravels p. 322. tzen it was erected by Jezzlr Pasha; 4 Burckhardt speaks also of columns of Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVIII. p. 349. Reigray granite lying here in the lake; and of sen I. p. 348. In Hasselquist's day there others opposite the town, likewise in the was only a miserable house in ruins; p. water; pp. 321, 328. 557. Quaresmius speaks only of a hut The same ruins have been often men- (tugurium) with two rooms; II. p. 866.. iii. 257, 258

384 TIBERIAS. [SEC. XV. several doors, and between them niches or recesses in the wall, for the use of the bathers. We passed through this apartment, and found the heat and steam so very oppressive, that I was glad to regain the open air. In the same building are private rooms for wealthier guests; furnished in an uncommonly good oriental style. In the one we entered, was a large and beautiful bath of white marble. Just above the old building is the round reservoir, arched over; in which the water from the springs is first collected, and suffered to cool to the proper temperature for the use of the new baths. There are no traces of antiquity visible around the baths.' According to the bath-keeper, there are four springs; one flowing out under the old building, and three others at intervals of a few paces further south.2 A covered channel now runs along before them all, collecting the water and conducting it to the reservoir; so that the comparatively small quantity which still flows in their former channels down to the sea, appears merely as if oozing out of the ground, rather than as coming from large springs. The more southern were said to be the largest. The water, as it issues from the ground, is too hot to bear the hand in it; a pocket thermometer held for some time in the water, and then examined in the air, stood at 140~ F. Our friend Mr Hebard, a short time before, had carefully examined his thermometer while still in the water, and found it standing at 144~ F.3 The taste is excessively salt and bitter, like heated sea water; there is also a strong smell of sulphur, but no taste of it. The water deposits a sediment as it runs down to the sea, which differs in colour below the different springs, being in one white, in another greenish, in a third reddish yellow, etc. I am not aware that the water has ever been carefully analyzed.4 These baths are regarded as efficacious in rheumatic complaints, and in cases of debility; and are visited, principally in July, by people from all parts of Syria.' Irby and Mangles speak of a wall than at ordinary times. See Mr Thombeyond the springs, running from the lake son's report, Miss. Herald Nov. 1837, p. to the mountain's side; they regard it as 438. the fortification of Vespasian's camp, 4 Monro speaks of an analysis made for which is not improbable; p. 294. [89.] him by Dr Turner, the result of which is See Jos. B. J. 3. 10. 1; comp. 4. 1. 3. given very unsatisfactorily as follows: 2 The mountain has here a dark basaltic " The deposite consists chiefly of carbonate appearance. Hasselquist describes the of lime, with a very small proportion of rocks under which the springs flow out, as muriatic salts, differing in no respect from composed of a black and somewhat brittle that of the Dead Sea;" Summer Ramble sulphureous stone, which he seems to re- I. p. 312. Pococke brought home a bottle gard as the stink-stone of the Dead Sea; of these waters, and says: " It was found, p. 556. See above,. Vol. I. p. 512. that they had in them a considerable 3 At the time of the earthquake, Jan. quantity of gross fixed vitriol, some alum, 1, 1837, and for some days afterwards, the and a mineral salt; " Vol. II. i. p. 69. See quantity of water flowing from the springs also Hasselquist Reise p. 556. Burckhardt is said to have been immensely increased; p. 329. it was also thought to have been hotter iii. 258-260

JUam 19.] HOT SPRINGS. 385 These warm fountains are mentioned by Pliny, and also not unfrequently by Josephus and in the Talmud.' According to Josephus, they were not far from Tiberias, and were called Ammaus, signifying'warm baths;' so that this name would seem to be very probably merely the Greek form of the Hebrew HIammath, which has the same signification, and was the name of a town belonging to the tribe of Naphtali.2 The Talmud also everywhere speaks of these baths as the ancient Hammath; and although this position would perhaps fall more naturally within the limits of Zebulun, yet the place might still have been assigned to another tribe, as was done in so many other instances.3 The present Arabic word for warm baths, is in like manner the kindred form Hammgam.-V espasian for a time had a fortified camp near these springs.4 I find no further direct mention of them, except in the Rabbinical writings already referred to, until the time of the crusades; when Benjamin of Tudela describes them. They are rarely spoken of by subsequent travellers before the seventeenth century.5 We returned from the baths; and as we sat at evening in the door of our tent, looking out over the placid surface of the lake, its aspect was too inviting not to allure us to take a bath in its limpid waters. The clear and gravelly bottom shelves down in this part very gradually, and is strewed with many pebbles. In or after the rainy season, when the torrents from the neighbouring hills and the more northern mountains, stream into the lake, the water rises to a higher level, and overflows the court-yards of the houses along its shore in Tiberias.' The lake furnishes' the only supply of water for the inhabitants; it is sparkling and pleasant to the taste; or at least it was so to us, after drinking so long of water carried in -our leathern bottles. Indeed, I should not have hesitated to have joined Josephus and Quaresmius in pronouncing it sweet and most potable,7 had not some of our party discerned in it a slight brackish taste; which, considering the very copious brackish fountains that flow into it, is not improbable.8 Along the shore, Schubert picked up shells Plin. H. N. 5. 15, "Ab occidente Ti- Salignaco Tom. IX. c. 9. Cotovic. p. 359. beriade, aquis calidis salubri." Joseph. Quaresmius II. p. 866, etc. etc. Ant. 18. 2. 3. B. J. 2. 21. 6. ib. 4. 1. 3. 6 Burckhardt p. 332. Turner's Tour Vit ~ 16. For the Talmudicpassafges, see II. p. 142. See the remarks on the rise Lightfoot Op. II. pp. 224, 225. Buxtorf of the Jordan, above, Vol. I. pp. 541, Tiberias p. 18. 542. 2 Joseph.'Auyaovs Ant. 18. 2. 3. B. J. I Joseph. B. J. 3. 10. 7, AJivur.... 4. 1. 3. Heb. rar HNammath, Josh. 19, yXviUceK're bOPws r1r Kal 7r'rCOTdVCT17. 35. Quaresmius II. p. 862, "Non ccenosve, 3 Lightfoot 1. c. Reland Palest. p. 161, paludose, vel amarme, sed clarm, dulces, 1036. potabiles, et fecundre." Joseph. B. J. 3. 10. 1; comp. 4. 1. 3. 8 Schubert limits the brackish taste of See above, p. 384. n. 1. the water to the shallow places along the E. g. Abulfeda Tab. Syr. p. 84. B. de shore; III. pp. 237k 238. VOL. I. —33 iii. 260, 261

386 TIBERIAS. [SEc. XV. of the same species of fresh-water snails, which he had before found on the shore of the Dead Sea near the mouth of the Jordan.' The lake is full of fish of various kinds; and Hasselquist was the first in nmodern times, to note the remarkable circumstance, that some of the same species of fish are met with here, as in the Nile, viz. Silur~s and ]lfugil (chub), and likewise another which he calls Sparuls Galilcaus, a species of bream.2 We had no difficulty in procuring an abundant supply for our evening and morning meal; and found them delicate and well flavoured. The fishing is carried on onlyr from the shore; it is usually farmed out by the government; but we did not learn on what terms it was at present held.3 The little boat which we had seen with its white sail, as we'descended to the city, was now lying on the eastern shore five or six miles distant; it had gone thither in order to fetch wood; and we pleased ourselves with the idea of taking a sail in it upon the lake the next clay. Schubert saw here no boat the preceding year; though my companion found one, probably the same, in 1834 and again in 1835.4 The view of the lake from Tiberias embraces its whole extent, except the southwest extremity. The entrance of the Jordan from the north was distinctly visible, bearing N. E. by N. with a plain extending from it eastwards. Further west, Safed was also seen, N. 6~ W. Upon the eastern shore, the mountain, or rather the wall of high table land, rises with more boldness than on the western side, and two deep ravines are seen breaking down through to the lake. That towards the north is the Wady Seinak of Seetzen and Burckhardt; the more southern one is Wacly Fik, bearing E. by N. and having its head near the town of the same name.5'The view of the southern end of the lake is cut off by a high promontory of the western mountain, which projects considerably, not far beyond the hot springs; we could clistinguish only the southeast corner of the sea, bearing about S. S. E. We would gladly have followed the shore southwards to the Schubert III. pp. 237, 238. boat had fallen to pieces the year before; 2 Hasselq. Reise pp. 181, 389, 412 sq. p. 332. According to Turner, it had been 428 sq. Josephus speaks also of kinds of built by Jezz r in order to bring wood from fishes peculiar to this lake, B. J. 3. 10. 7. the eastern shore; II. p. 141. Irby and 3 When Burckhardt was here in 1812, Mangles in 1818 found no boat whatever, the fishery of the lake was rented at 700 p. 295, [90,] although RIichardson a year piastres a year; Tray. p. 332. earlier speaks of seeing two; Vol. II. p. 4 Schubert Reise III. p. 237. Poccke 429. According to Berggren there was made an excursion upon the lake in a none in 1822, II. p. 242; and Prokesch boat, which was kept "in order to bring affirms the same in 1829; p. 139. wood Ifom the other side;" II. i. p. 69.-' Seetzen in Z ach's Mon. Corr. XVIII. Seetzen in 1806 found a zingle boat on the p. 347. Reisen I. p. 343. Bnrckhardt p. lake, but not in a state to be used; Zach's 281. For the A\ady and village of Eik, Monatl. Corr. XVIII. p. 350. Reisen i. p. see more in Burckhardt, p. 279 sq. 350. Burckhardt in 1812 says the only iii. 261-263

JUNE 19.] SOUTH END OF THE LAKE. 387 outlet of the lake, where the Jordan issues from it; but our time did not permit. The distance to the southern end of the lake, according to Pococke, is four mniles from Tiberias; according to Mr Fisk it is one hour from the b'aths.' Pococke went thither, and describes the end of the sea as narrow; the Jordan issues near the western side, at first running south for about a furlong, and then turning west for half a mile. In this space, between the river and the lake, there is a rising ground called Kerak, where at present is a Muslim village apparently recently sprung up. Pococke speaks here only of traces of fortifications and ruins; and so too Seetzen and others. On the west of this is a long bridge, or causeway on arches, over marshy ground; under which the water flows into the Jordan when the lake is high, making the site of Kerak an island. There are likewise remains of a bridge over the Jordan itself.2 Here was unquestionably the site of the ancient Tarichaea, which Josephus describes as situated below the mountain on the lake, thirty stadia south of Tiberias.3 This was one of the cities fortified by Josephus himself; and was taken with great slaughter' by Titus, acting under the orders of Vespasian.4 About a quarter of an hour east of the Jordan, on the shore of the lake at its most southern point, lies the village of Semakh, containing thirty or forty poor mud houses, and a few built of black stone. According to Burckhardt, the beach along this part of the sea is a fine gravel of quartz, flint, and tufwacke; there is no shallow water; the lake being of considerable depth close in shore, and without either reeds or rushes. The Ghor is here not cultivated, except a small tract around Semakh. The village is inhabited by Muslims and a few Greek Christians.5'Pococke Vol. IL i. p. 70. See Life suggest, that the place may have been forof Fisk; also Miss. Herald, 1824, p. 308, tifled by cutting a channel on the western etc. Berggren has also one hour; Reise side, by which means it would be surroundII. p. 246. ed with water. 2 This description is drawn chiefly from 5 Burckhardt pp. 275, 276. For a dePococke, Descr. of the East, II. i. p. 70. scription of the Gth6r and the Jordan below It is confirmed further by Hardy, Notices the Lake of Tiberias, see above, Vol. I. of the Holy Land, Lound. 1835. p. 236. pp. 537-540; also Vol. III. Sect. VII, unBerggren Reiscn II. p. 246. Irby and der May 15th, 1852.-Besides Kerak and Mangles pp. 296,300. [90,91.] The bridge, Semakh, the following places were named according to the latter, has ten arches. See to us as lying south of the lake in the also Lynch's Off. Report, p. 16, and Map. Gh6r, viz. el-'Obeidiyeh and el3-lBik'ah on Narrat. p. 172. the western bank of the Jordan; and DelJoseph. B. J. 3. 10. 1. Vita ~ 32. hemiyeh on the eastern bank opposite the Pliny says also of the lake: "A meridie, latter, about half a mile above the mouth Tarichnea; tab occidente Tiberiade, aquis of the Yarmuik. On the eastern shore of calidis salubri;" H. N. 5. 15. See Reland the lake, are Khurhbet es-Srtmrah an hour Palsest. p. 1026. from Semakh, and'Adweirib;ai further 4 Jos B. J. 3. 10. 1-6. Pococke and north; comp. Burckhardtp. 279. also Lrby and Mangles (as above cited) iii. 263 264

388 TIBERITAS. [SEc. XV. I have already adverted to the probable depression of the lake of Tiberias below the Mediterranean; a depression, however, the amount of which is even yet not accurately ascertained.1 This gives to the deep basin of the lake, and the adjacent shores and valleys, a climate and vegetable.character similar to those around Jericho; though less intense and less marked. The thermometer at sunset stood at 800 F. and at sunrise the next morning at 75~ F. A Sirocco wind the next day raised it to 950 F. but it had stood at the same point and even higher on the summit of Tabor. The winter is apparently much more severe and longer at Tiberias, than at Jericho; and even snow sometimes, though very rarely, falls. At the latter place the wheat harvest was nearly completed on the 14th of May; while here at Tiberias it was in about the same state of advance only on the 19th of June. This difference may not improbably arise, in part, from the greater depth and breadth of the Ghor around Jericho, shut in as it is by far loftier and more naked mountains; and then, too, from the more extensive and powerful reflection of the sun's rays from those mountains, and from the broad tracts of desert sand which occupy the southern portions of the great valley. The products of the vegetable kingdom around Tiberias, are not unlike those near Jericho; but plants of a more southern clime are here less predominant. Scattered palm trees are seen; and further north, at least around Mejdel, the thorny Nuibk appears again; as also the oleander, which we had found in such abundance in and near Wady Mfisa.2 Indigo is also raised, but in no great quantity.3 The usual productions of the fields are wheat, barley, millet, tobacco, melons, grapes, and a few vegetables. The melons raised along the shores of the lake of Tiberias, are said to be of the finest quality, and to be in great demand at'Akka and Damascus, where that fruit ripens nearly a month later.4-The main formation along the lake is everywhere limestone; yet around Tiberias, and as one approaches it from above, black basaltic stones are found scattered upon the surface of the ground, having a volcanic appearance.; indeed the walls and houses of Tiberias are in part built of them.5 Towards the north end of the lake, as we shall see, See above, Vol. II. p. 183; also Note and that several people had it in their gar XXX, end of Vol. I. dens; ibid. Schubert searched for it; but' For the Nfibk see above, Vol. I. pp. could neither find it nor hear of it; Reise 505, 560. For the oleander, see Vol. II. p. III. p. 238. 126. 5 Burckhardt p. 321. Schubert III. p. 3 Turner p. 141. Comp. above, Vol. I. 232. Dr Clarke remarked basaltic phep. 561. nomena between Kefr Kenna and Tur'an; 4 Burckhardt p. 323. Burckhardt was p. 447; comp. p. 464. 4to. Indeed, the told, that the shrub which produces the stones all along that plain are volcanic. balsam of Mecca, thrives well at Tiberias, iii. 264-266

JUNE 19.] CLIMATE. FOUNDED BY HEROD. 389 they are much more frequent, and thickly cover the ground in some places. The earliest notice we have of the city of Tiberias, is in the New Testament,;, and then in Josephus. The latter relates, that the city was founded by HIerodes Antipas on the lake of Gennesareth, near the warm baths called Ammaus; and was so named in honour of his friend and patron the emperor Tiberius.2 The Jewish historian gives no hint of its being built up on the site of any former place; but the Rabbins, with one voice, regard it as occupying the place of the Rakkath of the Old Testament; and Jerome affirms that it was anciently called Chinnereth.3 The first hypothesis seems to have arisen, merely from the juxtaposition of the names Rakkath and Hammath in the biblical text, the latter of which the Rabbins held to be at the warm baths; 4 the second is mentioned by Jerome himself merely as a report.5 Both are obviously mere conjectures, which can neither be proved nor directly disproved; though the circumstance mentioned by Josephus, that there were here many ancient sepulchres, so that the new city could not be inhabited by Jews without becoming ceremonially polluted, seems to show that no town had formerly occupied the precise spot.6 Herod collected inhabitants from all quarters for his new city, and granted them many privileges; he built here a royal palace, which was afterwards destroyed in a popular tumult; and favoured the city so far, that Tiberias became the capital of Galilee, and was not improbably Herod's chief residence.7 During his life,, and for some time afterwards, it took rank of the earlier Sepphoris; at a later period it was bestowed by Nero with a part of Galilee on the younger Agrippa, who restored Sepphoris to its former rank as the chief city of the district.8 In the Jewish war which ended in the destruction of Jerusalem, Tiberias bore also a conspicuous part; especially during the command of Josephus in Galilee, who fortified the city, and had frequent occasion to visit it.9 At that time there was here an immense Jewish proseucha, a house or place of prayer, in which he convened a public assembly of the people.10 The city, as also Tarichala, still belonged to Agrippa; and Vespasian under1 John 6, 1. 23. 21, 1. 6 Jos. Ant. 18. 2. 3. Rosenmiiller Bibl. 2 Jos. Ant. 18. 2. 3. B. J. 2. 9. 1. Geogr. II. ii. p. 75 sq. 3 Josh. 19, 35. Lightfoot Opp. II. p. 7 Jos. Ant. ibid.-Vita ~ 12, 13.-Ibid. 223.-Hieron. Comm. in Ezech. 48, 21, ~ 9. Bachiene Th. II. ~ 693. Rosenmiil"Tiberias qume olim appellabatur Chene- ler i. c. p. 76. reth." Onomast. art. Chcnnereth. Comp.' Jos. Vita ~ 9, 45, 65. Antiq. 20. 8. Deut. 3, 17. Josh. 11, 2. 1 K. 15, 20. 4. B, J. 2. 13. 2. See above under Sef4 Josh. 19, 35. See above, p. 385. furieh, p. 345. 5 Onomast. alrt. Chennereth: "Tiberia- 9 Joseph. Vita ~ 8 sq. 12 sq. 17 sq. 32 sq. dem fersunt hoc primum appellatum no- 53 sq. 63 sq.-B. J. 2. 20. 6. mine." This passage is added by Jerome;'o Id. Vita ~ 54. Eusebius does not mention the rumour. VOL. II. —33* iii. 266, 267

390 TIBERIAS. [SEC. XV. took to subdue them again to his allegiance. As he approached Tiberias, the principal inhabitants went out to meet him and made their submission, imploring peace. This was granted, in accordance with the wish of Agrippa; and the Roman army entered and occupied the town.' They afterwards erected a fortified camp at Ammaus, probably not far south of the warm baths; which continued to be the head quarters during the siege of Tarichmea. That city was captured by troops under the command of Titus; but great numbers of the inhabitants having escaped by water in their boats and small craft, Vespasian caused boats to be built in order to pursue them on the lake. A naval battle took place, in which the Jews were totally overthrown. In this lake fight, and in the capture of the city, the slain amounted to six thousand five hundred persons. Twelve hundred more, who were either too old or too young to bear arms or to labour, were put to death in cold blood in the stadium of Tiberias.2 It was probably in consequence of this voluntary submission of the city of Tiberias to Vespasian, that the Jews, after the destruction of Jerusalem, and in still later times, were not only permitted to reside here unmolested, but enjoyed many privileges. Indeed, the terrible catastrophes, which both under Titus and Adrian drove them from the south of Palestine, and cut off their approach to Judea and Jerusalem, seem not to have fallen upon them with a like exterminating power in Galilee.3 They continued to occupy this district in great numbers; and Epiphanius, himself a native of Palestine, relates in the fourth century, that especially Tiberias, Sepphoris, Nazareth, and Capernaum, had long been inhabited exclusively by Jews; and none of any other nation, neither heathen, nor Samaritan, nor Christian, was permitted to dwell among them.4 Indeed, in his age, or shortly before, they had rebelled against the Romans, and Sepphoris been laid in ruins. Tiberias itself appears to have remained undisturbed during all these commotions, ending in the overthrow of the Jewish commonwealth. Coins of the city are still extant, bearing the names of the emperors Tiberius, Claudius, Trajan, Adrian, and Antoninus Pius.' It would seem too that Adrian undertook here the building of a large temple; which, being left unfinished, bore afterwards the name of the Adrianium.7 At Jos. B. J. 3. 9. 7, 8. 5 See also above, Vol. I. p. 377. Joseph. B. J. 3. 10. 1, 5, 6, 9, 10. 6 Ekhel Doctr. Numm. Tom. III. p. Comp. 4. 1. 3. 426. Mionnet MWdailles Ant. Tom. V. p. 3 See above, Vol. I. pp. 367-369, 371. 483 sq. 4 Epiphan. adv. Hoeres. 1. 11. Opp. T. 7 Epiphan. adv. Hser. 1. 12. p. 136. ReI. p. 136. Paris 1622. Reland Palsest. p. land Pal. 1039. 1038 sq. iii. 267-269

JUNE 19.] EARLY HEBREW SCHOOL. 391 any rate, Galilee, and especially Tiberias, became the chief seat of the Jews after the destruction of Jerusalem and their expulsion from Judea. The national council or Sanhedrim, according to Jewish accounts, which at first had been transferred to Jabneh, came after several removes to Sepphoris and then to Tiberias.' This was about the middle of the second century, under the presidency of the celebrated Rabbi Judah Hakkodesh; and from this time, Tiberias became for several centuries the central point of Jewish learning. Here their most esteemed Rabbins taught in the synagogues; and a school was formed for the cultivation of their law and language. As head of this school, Rabbi Judah collected and committed to writing the great mass of Jewish traditional law, now known as the Mishnah; an immense work, which was completed, according to the best accounts, about A. D. 190, or as some say in A. D. 220.2 Rabbi Judah died soon after; and with him faded the chief glory of the academy. The latter however continued to flourish more or less for several centuries; although the school of Babylon soon became its rival, and at a later period eclipsed its fame. In the third century (A. D. 2'30-270) Rabbi Jochanan compiled here the Gemara, a supplement and commentary to the Mishnah, now usually known as the Jerusalem Talmud.3 In the same school is supposed to have arisen the great critical collection known as the Masora, intended to mark and preserve the purity of the Hebrew text of the Old Testament.4 In the days of Jerome, the school of Tiberias continued apparently to flourish; for that father employed one of its most admired teachers as his instructor in Hebrew.5 After this time there seem to exist no further certain accounts respecting it. Already, under the reign of Constantine, the exclusive possession, which according to Epiphanius the Jews had held of Tiberias and other towns of Galilee, was broken in upon; and Josephus, a Jew who had embraced Christianity, was empowered by that emperor to erect churches in Tiberias, Sepphoris, Nazareth, Capernaum, and other neighbouring villages. In Tiberias, Lightfoot. Opp. Tom. II. p. 141-145. and minute; and is more esteemed by the Ultraj. 1699. Jews. Buxt. Tiber. p. 24-28. Lightfoot 2 Buxtorf Tiberias p. 19-24. Lightfoot 1. c. p. 149. Opp. T. II. p. 145.-See in general Bas- Buxtorf Tiber. p. 28 sq. Lightfoot 1. nage Hist. des Juifs, Tom. III. p. 564. c. p. 149. Rotterd. 1707. Hieron. in Prasf. ad libr. Paralipom. 3 Buxtorf Tiber. p. 23. Lightfoot 1. c. ad Domnionem et Rogat. Opp. Tom. I. p. p. 145.-The Gemara or Talmud of Baby — 1418. ed. Mart. "De Tiberiade quendam ion was the product of the Babylonian Legis doctorem, qui apud Hebrseos admischool, and contains their commentary and ratione habebatur, assumpsi, et contuli supplement to the Mishnah. It is referred cum eo a vertice, quod aiunt, ad extremum to the sixth century; is much more full unguem," etc. iii. 269, 270

392 TIBERIAS. [SEC. XV. he chose for the site of the church the unfinished temple above mentioned, called the Adrianium; and being hindered in his proceedings by magic arts, he was able to overcome them by a miracle, which led to the conversion of many Jews.' Epiphanius speaks at the same- time of a bishop of Tiberias;2 but we have no other notice of any such dignitary, until the name of John, bishop of Tiberias, appears among the subscriptions of: the Robber synod of Ephesus, A. D. 449, and again at the council of Chalcedon A. D. 451.3 Another John appears in A. D. 518; George in A. D. 553; and a bishop Basilius is named so late as the eighth century.4 Justinian, in the sixth century, rebuilt the walls of Tiberias; and the city is barely mentioned by Antoninus Martyr.5 On the approach of the Persian army under Chosroes against Jerusalem, in A. D, 614, the Jews of Tiberias and the neighbouring parts of Galilee are said to have joined the expedition; and to them Eutychius ascribes the chief slaughter of the Christians, on the capture of the Holy City.' The emperor Heraclius, on his return from. Persia, is reported to have passed through Tiberias on his way to Jerusalem, bearing the true cross.7 With the rest of Palestine, both Tiberias and Galilee in A. D. 637 yielded to the arms of the Khalif Omar and passed under the Muhammedan dominion. The only further notice of the city before the crusades, seems to be that of Willibald, about A. D. 765, who describes it as then containing many churches and a synagogue of the Jews.8 Very soon after the crusaders obtained possession of the Holy Land, the district of Galilee, as we have seen, was given by Godfrey of Bouillon as a fief to Tancred; who subdued Tiberias, and erected here a church, as well as others in neighbouring places.' The city was also made the seat of a Latin bishop, the only suffragan of tlhe archbishopric of Nazareth; and the title continued in the Latin church for nearly two centuries."~ The city appears to have remained without interruption in the possession of the Christians until A. D. 1187; and the assault upon it by Saladin in that year, became the immediate occasion of the great battle of Hattin, already described, so fatal to the Epiphan. adv. HIer. 1. 4-12. pp. 127- See Vol. I. p. 387. n. 1. 137. 7 Anastasius Biblioth. p. 101. ed. Pans. 2 Ibid. 1. 4. p. 128. See above, Vol. I. p. 388. a Labb. Concil. Tom. IV. pp. 118, 267, Hodcepor. ~ 16, "Ibi sunt multe ec312. Ibid. pp. 82, 328, 460, etc. Le Quien clesice et synagog0e Judseorum." Oriens Christ. III. p. 708. 9 See above, p. 341. This was very 4 Le Quien ibid. He had previously probably the present church of St. Peter, been stationed at Jericho; comp. above, near the shore, as above described, p. 382. Vol. I. p. 566. n. 10. So too Morison, p. 203. 5 Procop. de aEdif. Just. 5. 9. Anton. 1o See above, p. 342. Le Quien Oriens Martyr. Itin. ~ 7. Chr. III. p. 1302. iii. 270, 271

JUNE 19.] MIDDLE AGES. LATER HISTORY. 393 Christian name and power. The castle of Tiberias surrendered the day after the conflict.' Benjanmin of Tudela had visited the place some twenty years before, and found here only fifty Jews with a Rabbi at their head; he speaks also of a Jewish cemetery, in which, among others, was the tomb of R. Jochanan.2At a later period, A. D. 1240, Tiberias reverted for a time into the hands of the Christians, in consequence of a treaty with the Sultan of Damascus; but in A. D. 1247, while in the possession of Odo of Montbeliard, it was again subdued by the troops of the Sultan of Egypt, and remained thenceforth under the Muhammedan dominion.3 From that time onwards until the seventeenth century, we know little of Tiberias. Travellers in the fourteenth century speak of it as a small place; and Arabian writers of the same age, who mention it, describe chiefly the warmn baths.4 About the middle of the sixteenth century, Bonifacius relates, evidently on hearsay, that Tiberias was no longer habitable, on account of tlhe multitude of serpents; a report which Zuallart and Cotovicus repeat near the close of the century; but which Quaresmius takes pains expressly to contradict.5 The latter writer is the first to describe the city correctly; the inhabitants, he says, were Arabs of the worst character; and the ancient church was then used as a stall for cattle. Other travellers in the same century, and even later, speak of the church in the same manner, and describe the town as in ruins and scarcely inhabited.6' A rich Jewess, it was said, had built up the walls, in order that the Jews might reside there; but they were very soon driven out again by the Turks.7 About the middle of the eighteenth century, Tiberias made part of the domain of the noted Sheikh Dhlher el-'Omar, whose history is related by Niebuhr and Volney.s His family belonged to the Bedawin on the north of the lake, along the upper 1 See above, pp. 373, 377. 1839. Abulfedas Tab. Syr. p. 84. Ibn - Itin. I. p. 87. The Jewish Itinerary el-Wardi ibid. p. 184. YIkfat in Schult. in Hottinger's Cippi Hebraici mentions Ind. in Vit. Salad. art. Tiberias. here also this tomb, and especially that of Bonif. de perenn. cultu Terr. Sanct. in R. Akiba with 24,000 of his disciples; p. Quaresmius II. p. 864; comp. p. 465. 54. Ed. 2. See also the Jewish Itineraries Zuallart p. 250. Cotov. Itin. p. 359. published by Carmoly, Brux. 1847, pp. 6 Elucid. II. pp. 864, 865. I)'Arvieux 130, 185, 257, 385, 445. Comp. Light- Memoires II. p. 276. Paris 1735. Von foot Opp. II. p. 144.-Burclkhardt heard Troilo pp. 429, 430. Morison p. 203. So of this latter tomb; but the number of too Van Egmond and Heyman, Reizen IL disciples had dwindled to 14,000; p. 328. p. 31. Hucgo Plagon in Martene et Durand 7 D'Arvieux 1. c. Thevenot'Voyages Tom. V. pp. 722, 731. (Comp. Marin. II. p. 676. Amst. 1727. Yet this appears Sanut. pp. 215, 218.) Wilken Gesch. der to be only an old story revamped.; the Kr. VI. pp. 600, 652. Comment. de Bell. same is mentioned by Fiurer of HaimenCruc. pp. 201, 205. dorf in 1566, p. 278. 4 W. de Baldensel in Basnage Thes. IV. Niebuhr Reisebeschr. III. p. 72 sq. p. 355. Sir J. Maundeville p. 115. Lond. Volney Voyage c. xxv. Tom. II. p. 84 sq. iii. 272, 273

394 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. ISEC. XV. Jordan; and seems to have acquired considerable power in the neighbouring region. On the death of his father'Omar, he succeeded to the possession of Safed; to which he afterwards added Tiberias and Nazareth. Pococke found him, in A. D. 1738, erecting a fort on a hill north of Tiberias, and strengthening the old walls with buttresses inside; he being at that time in strife with the Pasha of Damascus.I Hasselquist in A. D. 1751 relates, that he had recently built up walls around the city, and also erected a castle on a hill outside.2 In A. D. 1749, Sheikh Dhaher by a sudden march got possession of'Akka, which he fortified; and here maintained himself almost as an independent chief for many years, against all the attacks and intrigues of the surrounding Pashas. In A. D. 1775, at the age of ninety years, he was still able to mount a fiery horse; but a fleet being sent against him in that year by the Porte, he was entrapped by fraud, and his head sent to Constantinople.3 The French had possession of Tiberias for a short time, during the invasion of Syria by Napoleon in A. D. 1799.4 Wednesday, June 20th. It had been our plan to proceed' from Tiberias along the lake northwards, and so by the Jordan and the shore of el-HfUleh to Banias. Here we proposed to search out all the sources of the Jordan, and then take the route up Wady et-Teim by Hasbeiya and Rhsheiya to Damascus. From this city we hoped to cross Anti-Lebanon to Ba'albek, and so by way of the cedars over Lebanon to Beirit. For all this we still had a sufficient number of days at our command. But the time had now come, when the disturbances in the north of Palestine were to affect our plans, and compel us to change our intended course. As we yesterday visited the warm springs, we found there a special messenger with a letter from our friend Abu Nasir of Nazareth, whom we had left only on Monday morning; informing us, that soon after our departure news had come, that the rebel Druzes from the Lejah had made an inroad upon Hasbeiya, seized the place by surprise, and killed the governor and all the Turkish and Christian inhabitants. In consequence, not only this road, but also that by the bridge and Kuneitirah, had become unsafe; inasmuch as the rebels were on the look out for caravans and travellers, whom they were said not only to rob, but also to murder. 1 Pococke Descr. of the East, II. i. p. 2 Hasselquist Reise pp. 181, 182. 69.-The ruins spoken of by Burckhardt 3 Volney 1. c. p. 87. Niebuhr 1. c. p. 76. on the north of the town are perhaps' re- 4 See Clarke's Travels etc. p. 479. 4to. mains of this fort; see above, p. 383. etc. etc.. 2 -5. iii. 273-275

JUNE 20.] RISING OF THE DRUZES. 395 We did not doubt but that this intelligence was very greatly exaggerated; yet as, on inquiry in Tiberias, we learned that similar accounts had been also received from the eastern side of the lake, we thought it more prudent to obtain further information, before we ventured to proceed directly towards Damascus.. It was evident that Abu Nasir had considered the source of his intelligence as trustworthy; for his solicitude led him to despatch a special messenger on our account; a kindness which another native would hardly have rendered to us. We concluded therefore to remain this day encamped at Tiberias; hire the little sail boat, and visit all the places along the western shore as far north as to the entrance of the Jordan; and the next day proceed directly to Safed, where we might hope to obtain later and more authentic information. Such was, and such is, this land of wars and rumours of wars! Reports fly current from mouth to mouth, of which no one can learn whether they are true or false; suspense, agitation, and anxiety prevail continually; without the possibility of ascertaining whether or not there actually exists the slightest cause of inquietude. In the present instance, the hopes and wishes of the Christian inhabitants of Palestine, were strongly on the side of the Egyptian troops. " May God give victory to our Effendi," was the concluding prayer of Abu Nasir's letter to us; and this wish was not unnatural, although the war itself was totally unjust and conducted with horrible atrocity. The Christians were anxious for the success of Ibrahim, because this was connected with the maintenance of the Egyptian government, in opposition to the Turkish; under which, for the first time, they were treated as on an equal footing with the Muhammedans, and enjoyed rights and a security in person and property, which they had never known before. We rose early this morning, in the hope of a pleasant excursion upon the lake, so often honoured by the presence of our Saviour. But a strong southwest wind had been blowing all night and still continued; so that the boat had not returned, nor could it be expected. Under these circumstances, we determined to set off at once, and proceed to day along the shore of the lake to the entrance of the Jordan; and thence to morrow to Safed. We started accordingly, following along the western wall, which presented a melancholy spectacle of ruin; and. leaving the gate at 8.20. The hill we had descended yesterday, comes quite down to the shore on the north of the town; and the path leads along its steep side, at some distance above the water. At about forty minutes from Tiberias, a small Wady breaks down through to the lake, the upper entrance of iii. 275, 276

396 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. which we had yesterday passed in coming from Hattin.' Down this Wady comes the main Damascus road from Mount Tabor; and then follows the shore as far as to KIhan Minyeh. Here, at the mouth of the little Wady, is a small space of arable plain along the shore, on which were a few patches of vegetables, with a miserable hut or two for the keepers. On the lower part, just by the beach, are five or six fountains near each other, one of which is very large and copious; the water rushing forth with violence. The water is clear, and slightly brackish; the temperature was about the same as that of the air, not far from 80~ F. The place bears the name of'Ain el-Barideh, " Cold spring;" in distinction from the hot sources on the south of Tiberias. WVe saw here for the first time a kind of structure, which we are not fully able to explain. Each fountain had once been enclosed by a round reservoir of stone, ten or twelve feet deep, perpendicular on the inside, and fifteen or twenty feet in diameter; only two of these are still in tolerable preservation. The obvious purpose of these structures was, to raise and retain the water at a considerable height above the fountain; on the same principle as the reservoirs at the celebrated Ras el-'Ain near Tyre. But whether it was thus raised for bathing, or for irrigation, or for other uses, it is difficult to decide. The former is not impossible; and the waters may anciently have been used in some connection with the hot baths; though we did not learn that any medicinal virtue is attributed to them at the present day. The reservoirs may or may not be of ancient workmanship; there seemed to be no distinctive marks about them.2 Upon the plain grow oleanders and trees of the Ntibk. Beyond this spot, the mountain again comes down to the shore; and the path leads, as before, along its side above the water. At 9- o'clock another large plain opened before us; and just here lies el-Mjcldel, a miserable little Muslim village, looking much like a ruin, though exhibiting no marks of antiquity. From Tiberias hither, or rather from beyond the hot baths, the general direction of the coast is about from S. E. to N. W. But from this point onwards the coast trends off towards the N. N. E. while the hills retire in a curve, leaving a beautiful plain an hour in length and about twenty minutes in.breadth, in the form of an irregular parallelogram, verging almost to a crescent. In the southwest, the mountain forming the ridge or step between this plain and the Sahil Hattin is steep, and not less than three or four hundred feet high. The 1 See above, p. 379. the exaggerated account of Buclingham, 2 Irby and Mangles speak of these as I can with difficulty recognise the place; ancient Roman baths; p. 299. [91.] In Travels in Palestine 4to. p. 465. iii. 276-278

JUNE 20.] MEJDEL, MAGDALA. 397 Wady el-Hamm breaks down through it a quarter of an hour west of Mejdel, and its bed runs to the lake just north of that village.' On the west and north the hills are lower, and rise less abruptly from the plain. At the northern extremity of the plain, lies the ruined Khan Minyeh; while Mejdel is quite at the southeast corner. The name Mejdel is obviously the same with the Hebrew Migdal and Greek Magdala; and there is little reason to doubt, that this place is the Magdala of the New Testament, chiefly known as the native town of Mary Magdalene. The ancient notices respecting its position are exceedingly indefinite; yet it seems to follow from the New Testament itself, that it lay on the west side of the lake. After the miraculous feeding of the four thousand, which appears to have taken place in the country east of the lake,2 Jesus "took ship and came into the coast of Magdala;" for which Mark writes Dalmanutha.3 Here the Pharisees began to question him; but he "left them, and entering into the ship again, departed to the otler side;" an expression which in the New Testament is applied almost exclusively to the country east of the lake and the Jordan.4 Thence he goes to the northeastern Bethsaida, where he heals a blind man; and so to Ceasarea Philippi.5 This view is further confirmed by the testimony of the Rabbins in the Jerusalem Talmud, compiled at Tiberias; who several times speak of Magdala as adjacent to Tiberias and Hammath or the hot springs.6 The Migdal-el of the Old Testament in the tribe of:Naphtali, was probably the same place.7-Quaresmius mentions here the present name, and recognised the place as the Magdala of Scripture.8 1 See above, pp. 378, 379. Geder, which he translates Magdala of 2 According to Mark 7, 31, Jesus went Gadara; ib. pp. 226, 413. But, even if from the coasts of Tyre and Sidon into the such be the meaning, this name occurs Decapolis; in which connection the mira- only in the Talmud of Babylonl; which in cle is immediately related, Mark 8, 1-9. this case is of far less authority.-The But all the cities of the Decapolis, except text of Josephus too, in the earlier ediScythopolis, lay on the east of the lake tions, has a Magdala in the vicinity of and the Jordan; Onomast. art. Decapolis. Gamala; Vita ~ 24. But, according to Jos. B. J. 3. 9. 7. Reland Pal. p. 203. Hlavercamp, all the manuscripts, instead Rosenmiiller Bibl. Geogr. II. ii. p. 11 sq. of Magdala, read here Gamala; Which he 8 Matt. 15, 39. Mark 8, 10. Of Dal- has consequently restored in the text. See manutha we have no further trace. Gesenius' Notes on Burckhardt p. 1056. 4 Mark 8, 13 &r'X7AEV Eis T wre'pav. " Josh. 19, 38. Comp. Matt. 16, 5. For this use of ib s Quaresmius II. 866. The testimony irepav, see Mark 5, 1. 10, 1. Luke 8, 22. of this author was probably unknown to Also without adjuncts, Matt. 8, 18. 28. Lightfoot; and has been overlooked by Mark 4, 35. etc. most later writers, who adopted the view " Mark 8, 22. 27. Matt. 16, 13. of the latter. Comp. Bilsching Erdbeschr. Lightfoot Opera II. p. 226. Yet Th. XI. p. 491. Van Egmond u. Heyman Lightfoot himself (as also Cellarius) places IReizen II. p. 37.-Steph. Schulz also finds MaXdala on the east of the lake, on no Magdala here an hour north of Tiberias; better ground, it would seem,- than because Leitungen etc. V. p. 205. Whether this it is sometimes called'7i. Sinq; Migdal was tle Magdalum Castrum of Brocardui VOL. II.-34 iii. 278, 279

398 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. Half an hour west of Mejdel, in the high perpendicular cliff forming the southeast side of Wady el-Hamam, are situated the singular remains of Kttl'at -Ibn Ma'an, to which I have already alluded.' These were visited and described by Burckhardt; and, as we were not aware at the time of anything antique about the place, we therefore passed on without examining it more closely.2 The following is Burckhardt's account:' In the calcareous mountain are many natural caverns, which have been united together by passages cut in the rock, and enlarged in order to render them more commodious for habitation. Walls have also been built across the natural openings, so that no person could enter them except through the narrow communicating passages; and wherever the nature of the almost perpendicular cliff permitted it, small bastions were built, to defend the entrance of the castle, which has thus been rendered almost impregnable. The perpendicular cliff forms its protection above; and the access below is by a narrow path, so steep as not to allow of a horse mounting it. In the midst of the caverns several deep cisterns have been hewn. The whole might afford refuge to about six hundred men; but the walls are now much damaged.-A few vaults of communication, with pointed arches, denote Gothic architecture."3 I have ventured to copy this description, because it accords remarkably with the account given by Josephus, of certain fortified caverns near the village Arbela in Galilee. They are first mentioned in connection with the march of Bacchides into Judea; at that time they were occupied by many fugitives, and the Syrian general encamped at Arbela long enough to subdue them.4 When Herod the Great took possession of Sepphoris, these caverns near Arbela were occupied by a band of robbers, who committed depredations and distressed the inhabitants throughout the region. Herod first sent a detachment of troops to take post at Arbela, to act as a check upon their depredais less certain, though most probable; c. el-HamAm; p. 299. [91.1 According to 5. p. 174. It is doubtless that of a writer the same travellers (ibid.) "there are of the same century, who after speaking some curious old convents" in the side of of the Mensa Domini, goes on to say; the cliff between Meidel and the mouth of "Ibi prope juxta mare Tiberiadis versus Wady el-Hamilm; they are described as Tabariam est locus qui dicitur Magdalon," "being built several stories high in the etc. See Steph. Baluzii Miscellanea, Tom. perpendicular cliff, with galleries," etc. VI. p. 369. Paris 1713. 8. These we did not notice. I See above pp. 378, 379. It seems to 4 Joseph. Ant. 12. 11. 1. This is doubthave been first mentioned by Pococke II. less the same event recorded in 1 Macc. 9, i. p 67. 2; where Bacchides is said to have sub2 In 1852 we passed down through dued Messaloth in Arbela. The word Wady el-Hamam, beneath the caverns; Messaloth (Mscoaxck) may perhaps be see'Vol. III. Sect. VIII, under May 18th. nothing more than the Heb. r,7,t.~ 9 Burckhardt's Travels, p. 331.-Irby in the sense of steps, stories, ternaces; see and Mangles describe also an externalfor 2 Chr- 9 11. tress, just northwest of the mouth of Wady iii. 279-2f381

JUNE 20.] KUL AT IBN MA'AN. ARBELA. 399 tions; and after forty days followed with his whole force, in order to exterminate them. On his approach, they boldly gave him battle, and at first routed his left wing; but the battle turning against them, they were put to flight, and pursued beyond the Jordan. Herod now laid siege to the caverns; but as they were situated in the midst of precipitous cliffs, overhanging a deep valley, with. only a steep and narrow path leading to the entrance, the attack was exceedingly difficult. Parties of soldiers were at length let down in large boxes, suspended by chains from above, and attacked those who defended the entrance with fire and sword, or dragged them out with. long hooks and dashed them down the precipice. In this way the place was at last, subdued. 1-The same caverns were afterwards fortified by Josephus himself, during his command in Galilee, against the Romans; in one place he speaks of them as the caverns of Arbela, and in another as the caverns near the lake of Gennesareth.2 According to the Talmud likewise, Arbela lay between Sepphoris and Tiberias.3 All these circumstances seem to me very clearly to identify the Arbela of Galilee and its fortified caverns, with the present Kiul'at Ibn Ma'an and the adjacent site of ruins now known as Irbid.4 This latter name is apparently a corruption of Irbil, the proper Arabic form for Arbela;5 for although this change of 1 into d, is very uncommon, yet the same name Irbid is found also in a large village in the region east of the Jordan, where we know there was another Arbela.6 The same Arbela of Galilee may not improbably have been the Beth-Arbel of the prophet Hosea.7-It is singular, that no mention of this fortress occurs during the time of the crusades. William of Tyre describes indeed a very similar fortified cavern, which was regarded as impregnable; but he places it expressly in the country beyond the Jordan, sixteen Italian miles from Tiberias.8 1 Jos. Ant. 14. 15. 4, 5. B. J. 1. 16. seems little ground to doubt, that this is 2-4. The latter account is the most full. the present Irbid (Burckhardt writes Er2 Vita ~ 37,'Ap$B4cXwv morhaXtoy. B. J. bad) the chief town of a district east of 2. 20. 6, T& lrepl ~rE5vinap Tlv X2.us,7 Um Keis, the ancient Gadara; BnrckaorrXhata. hardt's Travels, pp. 268, 269.-There is s Lightfoot Opp. II. p. 231. no question but that d and I are kindred 4 The first suggestion of this identity sounds; though the chance from the forwas made, I believe, by the reviewer of mer to the latter is more frequent than the Raumer's Palistina in the " Gelehrte An- reverse; e.g. Heb.'1l and.".. zeigen" of Munich, Nov. 1836. p. 870 sq. d Heb. Chald. i and Aflt He does not, however, bring forward all Lat. Ulysses; the grounds. M oGreek aud La.'Okuo'', Ulysses; See above, p. 379. The Arbela where p lecryma. Lat..Eyidius, EngL Alexander's great battle took place, is Giles. See Gesenius Lex. Heb. lett. i. still called in Arabian writers Irlhil; see 7 Hos. 10, 14; where it is implied that Schult. Ind. in Vit. Salad. art. Arbela. Beth-Arbel was regarded as an impregnaG Euseb. et Hieron. Onomast. art. ble fortress. Arbelac: "Est usque hodie vicus Arbel 8 Will. Tyr. 22. 15, 21. trans Jordanem in finibus Pellet." There iii. 281, 282

400 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. The plain upon which we now entered from Mejdel, is at first called Ard el-Mejdel, but further on takes the name of elGhuweir, "Little Ghr;" which strictly perhaps includes the whole. It is unquestionably the Gennesareth of Josephus.1 Our attention and inquiries were now directed, I may say with the most absorbing and exciting interest, to a search after some trace of the long lost Capernaum, so celebrated in the New Testament, as our Lord's residence and the scene of several of his miracles; a city in, that day "exalted unto heaven," but now thrust down so low that its very name and place are utterly forgotten. We had indeed begun our inquiries among the people of Nazareth, and pursued them systematically ever since; but as yet with no success. W.e now, however, were approaching the spot where the city must have stood; for there was every reason to suppose, that it lay in or near the plain of Gennesareth; or at least must have been situated not very far beyond. We took a path along the inner side of the plain, at thefoot of the western hills, in order to examine some ruins which were said to exist in that direction. Our course was about N. by W. At 9~ o'clock we were opposite to Wady el-Hamaim, as it breaks down through between two lofty ledges of rock. We soon struck an artificial water-course coming down from before us, in which was a considerable brook, irrigating this part of the plain. This we followed up, and found it scattering its rills and diffusing verdure in all directions. At 10.10 we reached a large and beautiful fountain, rising immediately at the foot of the western line of hills. At first we had taken it for the source of the brook which we had followed up; but we now found, that the latter is brought from the stream of Wady er-Ri0bidiyeh further north; and is carried along::the hill-side above this fountain, to water the more southern parts of the plain. The fountain bears the name of'Ain el-Mudauwarah, " Round Fountain; " it interested us exceedingly; for we then thought it, (though incorrectly, ) to be the same which Josephus describes as watering and fertilizing the plain of Gennesareth, and which he says was called by the inhabitants Capharnaum.2 It is enclosed by a low wall of mason work of hewn stones, forming an oval reservoir more than fifty feet in diameter; the water is perhaps two feet deep, beautifully limpid and sweet, bubbling up and flowing out rapidly in a large stream, to water the plain below. Numerous small fish were sporting in the basin; which is so thickly surrounded by trees and brushwood, that a stranger would be apt to pass by without noticing it.3 1 Joseph. B. J. 3. 10. 8. 3 Several travellers must have passed on a Joseph. ibid. this route between Hattin and Safed; but iii. 282-284

JUNE 20.] THE ROUND FOUNTAIN. 401 The oleander (Difleh)was growing here in great abundance, now in full bloom; and trees of the Nlibk were also very frequent. The waters of this fountain irrigate the ground between it and the lake; but those from Wady er-Ribidiyeh, being higher up and still more copious, are carried over the more northern and southern portions of the plain. Admitting that this fountain was the Capharnaum of Josephus, there was every reason to suppose, that the city of Capernaum must have lain somewhere in the vicinity. The western hill above the fountain, as fe could perceive here, and had also noticed from Hattin, is strewed with large stones, having at a distance much the appearance of ruins. I ascended it therefore, excited with the eager hope of finding some trace of a former site, which then I should hardly have hesitated to consider as the remains of Capernaum. But my hope ended in disappointment; a few stones had indeed been thrown together; but there was nothing which could indicate that any town or village had ever occupied the spot. The stones which cover the hill, are of the same dark colour and volcanic character, as those around Tiberias. From this point, looking up through Wady el-Hamam, I could perceive the site of Irbid.' After a stop of twenty minutes at'Ain el-Mudauwarah, we proceeded on the same course along the foot of the hills, and in ten minutes (at 10.40) reached the opening of Wady er-Rubbidiyeh, coming down from the northwest from the plain of Ramah; where it bears the name of Wady Sellameh. The hills are here low and gentle. The Wady brings down a very copious stream of pure water; which is scattered over the plain in all directions, by means of small canals and water-courses. Here is a deserted mill, which might easily be repaired; and also the remains of two or three others. Upon a slight eminence on the north side, are the remains 6f a village called Abu Shfisheh; which we visited, in order to see if there was anything, that could be referred to Capernaum. But here too are no traces of antiquity; no hewn stones nor any mason work; nothing indeed but the remains of a few dwellings, built of rough volcanic stones; some of them still used as magazines by the Arabs of the plain. A Wely with a white dome marks the spot.2 I find the fountain certainly mentioned Beatitudes so called, adjacent to the vilonly by Pococke, who also held it to be lage of Hattin; II. p. 870. See above, p. the Capharnaum of Josephus; Descr. of 378. the East, II. i. p. 71. Probably purer of' Visited by us in 1852; see Vol. III. Haimendorf means the same; p. 275. Sect. VIII, under May 18th. Niirnb. 1646. Quaresmius indeed speaks 2 From Abu Shdsheh, Mejdel bore S. 8~ of a fountain Capharnaum; but he ex- E. and Khan Minyeh N. 62~ E. pressly describes it as under the Mount of VOL. Il. —34* iii. 284, 285

402 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. From this point, as well as from the hill over the Round Fountain, there was a fine prospect of the beautiful plain as it lies along the sea. It is exceedingly fertile and well watered; the soil, on the southern part at least, is a rich black mould, which in the vicinity of Mejdel is almost a marsh. Its fertility indeed can hardly be exceeded; all kinds of grain and vegetables are produced in abundance, including rice in the moister parts; while the natural productions, as at Tiberias and Jericho, are those of a more southern latitude. Indeed, in beauty, fertility, and climate, the whole tract answers well enough to the glowing though exaggerated description of Josephus. Among other productions, he speaks here also of walnut trees; but we did not note whether any now exist.I Excepting the portion around Mejdel, this plain is not tilled by the Fellahs, but is given up entirely to the Arabs dwelling in tents, the Ghawarineh; who seem here and further north to be an intermediate race, between the Beldawin of the mountains and deserts and the more southern Ghawarineh. A small tribe of them encamp in this quarter, called es-Semekiyeh; who keep a few buildings in repair in Abu Shusheh, which they use as magazines. A Sheikh was riding about upon a fine horse, entirely naked except his loins; and two or three others were lazily opening a water-course, to carry the water to a different point in the plain. Thus far we had followed one of the roads from Tiberias to Safed; which hence proceeds up Wady er-Rtiabidiyeh. We now turned northeast still along the foot of the hills, on a direct course to Khan Minyeh. Setting off at 11.10 we passed, after a quarter of an hour, a limestone column lying. alone in the plain, some twenty feet long, and at least two feet in diameter; we could discern no trace of any site or. ruins in the vicinity. The northern part of the plain is less abundantly watered than the southern; in some parts the ground was dry and parched, and thorny shrubs were growing thickly. At 11- o'clock the dry bed of a Wady crossed our path, coming down from the western hills, and called Wady el-'Amuid; probably from the column we had passed. It comes from the region. between Safed and Meiron.; and is there called Wady Tawahin.2 According toJosephus thistractwould given above in the text. We could hear be almost a paradise; B. J. 3. 10. 8. nothing of a name Leim6n. Pococke still 2 Burckhardt in passing along the shore, more incorrectly makes the brook el-Leigives the name el-Leim6n to both the m6n pass down through Wady el-Hamam; Wadys el-'Amuid and er-RubUIdiyeh, re- Vol. II. i. p. 71.-Burckhardt says further, garding them as branches of one and the that firom about this spot he saw a village same. Jacotin's map has the latter as el- oni the hills called Senjul, half an hour Leimon, and the former as er-Rdibidiyeh. east of Hattin. This I am unable to exWVe were aware of all this at the time, and plain; we made all possible inquiry, but made very minute inquiries of people on could hear of no such name or village. the spot; but obtained only the results. The only place so situated in relation to iii. 285, 286

JUNE 29.] KHAN MINYEI I- 403 We reached Khan Minyeh, not far from the shore, at the northern extremity of the plain, at 11.50; having thus occupied an hour and a half in passing from Mejdel around the inner side of the plain, while the distance along the shore is reckoned at one hour.' The Khan is now in ruins; it was once a large: and well built structure, corresponding to the Khans at Lejj n, et-Tujjar, Jubb YUsuf, and others along the great Damascus road. The place is mentioned under its present name by Bohaeddin in 1189.2 The Khan is spoken of by Ftirer of Haimendorf, in A. D. 1566; and then at long intervals by Quaresmius, -by Nau, by Van Egmond and Heyman, by Schulz, and in the present century by Burckhardt and others.3 Between the Khan and the shore, a large fountain gushes out friom beneath the rocks, and forms a brook flowing into the lake a few rods distant. Over this source stands a very large fig tree; from which the fountain takes its name,'Ain et-Tin. Near by are several other springs. Our guides said these springs were brackish; but Burckhardt, who rested for some time under the great fig tree, describes the water of the main source as sweet. Along the lake is a tract of luxuriant herbage, occasioned by the springs; and on the shore are high reeds.4 Large flocks and herds were at pasture in this part of the plain.-A few rods south of the Khan and fountain, is a low mound or swell with ruins, occupying a considerable circumference. The few remains seemed to be mostly dwellings of no very remote date; but there was not enough to make out anything with certainty. We could not learn that the spot bore any other name than that of Khan Minyeh. Close on the north of the Khan and fountain, rocky hills of considerable elevation come down again quite to the lake. Khan ]3inyeh, or rather the mound with ruins, is one of the various places which, in the absence of all certainty, have been regarded as the site of the ancient Capernaum. The descriptions of most travellers, who profess to have seen the remains of that city, are in general so very indefinite, that it is almost as difficult to determine what point they mean, as it is to look for the city itself; but in -the present instance the testimony of Quaresmius is express, that: the Capernaum of his day was at a place with a Kh'an called by the Arabs Minyeh.5 After long Hattin, is the site of Irbid above described. Nau, Elmenie, p. 570. Van Egmond and See Burckhardt p. 319. Heyman, el JloinVi, Reizen II. p. 38. Burckhardt p. 320. It is probably a Steph. Schulz, Almuny, Th. V. p. 205. large hour. See Burckhardt p. 319. 2 Bohaed. Vit. Salad. p. 98. He too Ali Bey speaks of several patches of writes the name el-Minyeh. rice in the vicinity; Travels II. p. 260, 3 Fiirer writes the name Mini, Reise- 6 Elucid. II. p. 868, "et miserabile dibeschr. Niirnb. 1646. pp. 276, 277. Qua- versorium, in quod se viatores recipiunt, resmius has it M]enich, Tom. II. p. 868. Arabice ffienich nuncupatur." See too iii. 287, 288

404 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEc. XV. inquiry and investigation, my own mind inclines also to the opinion, that we are here to seek for the probable position of the ancient Capernaum; at least, as it seems to me, there are various probabilities in favour of this spot, which do not exist in connection with any other. Often as Capernaum is mentioned in the New Testament, as the residence of our Lord and the scene of his teaching and miracles, there yet occurs no specification of its local situation; except the somewhat indefinite notice, that it lay "upon the sea-coast, in the borders of Zabulon and Nephthalim."l This last expression must not be urged too far, nor taken too literally. It does not necessarily imply, that Capernaum was on, or even near, the line of division between the two tribes; but only, that it lay on the sea within the territory of those adjacent tribes; which we know extended along the western coast of the lake of Tiberias.2 Some other incidental notices in the Gospels, serve to point out more nearly the part of this western coast, where Capernaum was situated. After the miraculous feeding of the five thousand on the eastern side of the lake, three of the Evangelists relate, that the disciples took ship to return to the other side; and it was on this passage that Jesus came to them during the storm, walking on the water.3 According to Matthew and Mark, "when they were thus gone over, they came into the land of Gennesareth."4 But John relates more definitely, that the disciples in setting off from the eastern shore, " went over the sea toward Capernaum;" and after Jesus had stilled the tempest, "immediately the ship was at the land whither they went; " he further relates, that the multitude also "took shipping and came to Capernaumn seeking for Jesus," and found him there, or at least not far distant.5 From all these notices it follows conclusively, that Capernaum lay on that part of the western shore, known as the region of Gennesareth. — The evangelist Mark likewise says, that the disciples set off to go over the lake to Bethsaida;6 from which, in connection with the preceding notices, it further follows, that the Bethsaida Surius p. 324. Comp. Fiirer von Haimen- baths of Tiberias with the ancient Hamdorf p. 277. Korte p. 309. math, viz. that the latter was in Naphtali, 1 Matt. 4, 13. while Capernaum, which lay north of 2 A parallel case is twice presented in Tiberias, was supposed to be on the line Mark 7, 31: " And again, departing from of division between Naphtali and Zebulon; the coasts (r& b'pia) of Tyre and Sidon, he Reland Pal. pp. 161, 1036 sq. See above, came unto the sea of Galilee, through the p. 385. midst of the coasts of Decapolis." Here 3 Matt. 14, 13-32. Mark 6, 32-51. the word translated " coasts," is the same John 6, 1-21. which in Matt. 4, 13, is rendered!' bor- Matt. 14, 34. Mark 6, 53. ders;" for which in Mark 7, 24 we have " John 6, 17. 24. 25. also teadpLa.-The view taken in the text 6 Mark 6, 45; comp. vs. 53.-See gedoes away the objection, urged by Reland nerally Lightfoot Opp. II. p. 227. and others, against the identity of the hot iii. 288-290

JUNE 20.] KUAN MINYEH, CAPERNAUM. 405 of Galilee lay near to Capernaum, and probably in or near the same tract of Gennesareth.' As we visited again the shore of the lake in 1852; and I have since had occasion to re-examine the whole subject of the site of Capernaum, as also of Bethsaida and Chorazin, I defer the further consideration of this topic to another volume.2 The names of Capernaum and Bethsaida have utterly perished; that of Chorazin possibly survives in the form Kerazeh, applied to a slight ruin among the hills, an hour west of the lake.3 From Khan Minyeh, and the plain el-Ghuweir, the coast along the lake runs in a general direction northeast quite to the entrance of the Jordan. The high rocky ground on the north of the plain, extends out as a promontory quite into the lake; so that only a narrow and difficult path, hewn in the rock, leads around its point above the water.4 The great Damascus road passes up the hill directly from the KhAn, and keeps along on a more northerly course over the high ground, by the Khan Jubb Yusuf, and so to the Jisr Benat Ya'kSb, the bridge over the Jordan south of the lake el-ltlileh.5 We set off at 11.55; our muleteers choosing to ascend the hill on the Damascus road, as the easiest; whence we again descended without a path to the shore on the other side of the promontory, about fifteen minutes distant from the Khan. After a few minutes more, we came at 12.20 to'Ain et-TAbighah. Here is a small village in a little plain or Wady, with a very copious stream bursting forth from immense fountains, slightly warm, but so brackish as not to be drinkable. The x So too Epiphanius, speaking of Beth- they of course gave such an answer as saida and Capernaum, says: oi Aajcp&, would be likely to propitiate the travellers o'or r. rwe, TrogroT0WY Trq 5Lao=rza'7l. and open their purses. Travels, etc. II. p. Adv. Hler. lib. II. p. 437.: Paris 1622. 443. —Pococke, as we have seen, heard the 2 See fully, in Vol. III. Sect. VIII, under name Bethsaida at Irbid; see above, p. 378. May 18th, 1852. Seetzen heard it applied to Khan Minyeh, Turner relates that Burckhardt told probably by the Greekbishop and priests him in Cairo, there was a village in this at Hasbeiyeh; Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVIII. vicinity called "Kafer Naym;"but Burck- p. 348. Reisen L p. 344, 345. The spot hardt in his Travels makes not the slightest however had long before been held to be allusion to any such name; nor could Tur- Bethsaida; so Radzivil in Reissb. II. p. ner himself hear of any such name or 154.-Pococke says he inquired for Choplace along the lake. Tour etc. II. p. 143. razin, but could only hear of a name Ge-Parthey also gives the name Caper- rasi; Vol. II. i. p. 72. This may have naum in Arabic letters, as being still ex- been the present Kerazeh. tant; but it appears on inquiry, that he 4 Nau p. 571. Berggren II. p. 250. obtained it at Nazareth; Berghaus' Me- Monro II. p. 5. moir zu s. Karte von Syrien p. 45.- This great road between Egypt and Richardson professes to have heard from Syria, thus leading along the lake, might, Arabs, in reply to a direct question, that if necessary, not inappropriately be taken Capernaum and Chorazin were quite near, as the " way of the sea," Is. 9, 1 [8, 23]. but in ruins. There may be here some Matt. 4, 15. But this expression in the doubt as to the correctness of the report; sacred text probably implies nothing more or, if such a reply was actually made (as than the region along the sea, the territohe says) by persons asking for charity, ries of Zebulun and Naphtali. iii. 290, 296

406 FROCM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. stream drives one or two mills; and double the same quantity of water runs to waste. Several other mills are in ruins. These mills were erected by the celebrated DhAher el-'Omar already mentioned; and now belong to the government. They are farmed by people in Safed; and are served by Ghawarineh, for whom a few tents were pitched near by. The rent paid to the government is from twenty-five to thirty purses. Just east of the mills, on the right of the path, is a brackish fountain enclosed by a circular wall of stone, or a reservoir, like those at'Ain el-Barideh; it is called'Ain Eyuib or Tannfir Eytib, "Fountain or oven of Job."-I find et-Tabighah mentioned by Cotovicus in A. D. 1598; but the name seems not to appear again until the time of Burckhardt; though Seetzen notices the brackish stream.' At present I regard it as the probable site of Bethsaida.2 As we proceeded, the path led along the gentle slope of the hills, which here come quite down to the shore; but they rise from it far less abruptly and to a much less elevation, than on the south of the plain el-Ghuweir. The ground is strewed very thicldy with the black volcanic stones already described; among which was an abundance of grass, now dry and scorched by the sun. At I o'clock we came to the ruins of Tell Hum, situated on a small prqjecting point or rather curve of the shore, slightly elevated above the water. Behind this spot the land slopes upward very gently and gradually for a considerable distance; but does not admit the name of mountain, unless in the most general sense; it certainly cannot be said to enclose the tract of ruins between it and the sea. The path passes at some distance from the ruins, along the gentle acclivity above; and as we turned aside to visit them, we had to pick our way among the profusion of volcanic stones. The ruins at Tell Huim are certainly very remarkable; and it is no wonder, that in the absence of all historical or traditional account respecting them, they should have been regarded as marking the site of the ancient Capernaum. YHere are the remains of a place of considerable extent; covering a tract of at least half a mile in length along the shore, and about half that breadth inland. They consist chiefly of the foundations and fallen walls of dwellings and other buildings, all of unhewn stones, except two ruins. One of these is a small structure near the Taboga, Cotov. p. 359. Seetzen in 2 See Vol. III. Sect. VIII.-This spot, Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVIII. p. 348. Rei- et-TAbighah, has already sometimes been sen I. p. 344. The name stands upon his reported as Bethsaida; so Fiirer von map. Burckhardt's Travels, p. 318. Haimendorf in 1566; p. 277. Niirnb. Buckingham's account of et-Tabighah is 1646. Elliott's Travels, Lond. 1839. Vol. drawn chiefly from his own imagination; II. p. 348. Travels pp. 468, 469. 4to. iii. 297, 298

JtaE 20.] TELL HUM. 407 shore, the only one now standing; on a nearer approach, it is seen to have been laid up in later times, with the hewn stones, columns, and pilasters of former buildings.' Not far off are the prostrate ruins of an edifice, which, for expense of labour and ornament, surpasses any thing we had yet seen in Palestine. The extent of the foundations of this structure, is no longer definitely to be made out. We measured one hundred and five feet along the northern wall, and eighty feet along the western; perhaps this was their whole length. Within the space thus enclosed and just around, are strewed, in utter confusion, numerous columns of compact limestone, with beautiful Corinthian capitals, sculptured entablatures, ornamented friezes, and the like. The pedestals of the columns are often still in their place, though sometimes overturned and removed. The columns are large, but of no great length. Here we found, for the first time, the singularity of double columns; that is, two attached shafts, with capitals and base, cut from the same solid block. The shafts are parallel, showing that they were not intended to form the corner of a colonnade. The same singularity is seen on a much larger scale, in some of the immense Syenite columns of the ancient church in Tyre. Another peculiarity here, consists in several blocks of stone, nine feet long by half that width, and of considerable thickness, on one side of which are sculptured pannels with ornamental work, now defaced. They have much the appearance of a stone door; but have no mark of having been suspended, and were more probably employed as pilasters, or perhaps as pannels, in the ornamented wall. The stones of this edifice were large; and the whole must once have been an elegant structure. The material is everywhere compact limestone; unless some of the blocks may be regarded as passing over into a coarse marble. The character of the building it is difficult to determine. We could discern no connection of the foundations with the shore; and could only regard the structure as having been either a church or a heathen temple. But the only distinctive mark (if such it be) in favour of the former supposition, was the circumstance, that the longest direction of the building appears to have been from west to east. The confusion is too great and hopeless, to admit of any certainty. Some slight excavations had recently been made among these ruins; we could not learn by whom or for what purpose. The foundations were thus laid open in spots; but not enough to make out the plan.2 l This is probably the "small church 2 This structure we found, in 1852, to of white marble" of which Pococke be of Jewish origin; see Vol. III. Sect. speaks. His "round port for small boats" VIII, under May 18th. we did not remark. Vol. II. i. p. 72. iii. 298, 299

408 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. The whole place is desolate and mournful. The bright waters of the lake still break upon its shore, and lave the ruins; as once they reflected the edifices and bore the little fleets of what of old was'no mean city.' But the busy hum of men is gone. A few Arabs only of the Semekiyeh were here encamped in tents; and had built up a few hovels among the ruins, which they used as magazines.' That these nameless ruins should have been taken for Capernaum, was not unnatural; they are obviously the remains of a place of some importance, of which it is perhaps no longer possible to ascertain the name. The considerations already adduced, which show with certainty that Capernaum was connected with the plain of Gennesareth, prove conclusively that these ruins, an hour distant from that plain, cannot mark its site. Yet the opinion which regards them as Capernaum goes back for some centuries, but not, apparently, to the time of the crusades; it existed apparently along with that, which fixed the site at Khan Minyeh. I find the name of Tell Hum for the first time in Nau, and then in Pococke; both of whom visited the spot, and speak of it as the place then commonly shown as Capernaum.2 The same position, however, is thought by some to be assigned to Capernaum by Marinus Sanutus in the fourteenth century; while Brocardus, on the other hand, apparently refers the latter to Khan AMinyeh.3 The next notice of Tell Hfim is by Burckhardt, who speaks only from hearsay; and since his day the spot has not unfrequently been visited.4 We inquired particularly, both of the Arabs encamped here and of others along the coast, whether there was now or formerly any different name for these ruins; but they had never heard of any other than Tell Huim. We left this interesting spot at 1.25, and soon crossed a dry - From Tell llum the bearings were: the same mountain; his account then anTiberias S. 20~ W. Mejdel S. 45~ W. swers to Khan Minyeh; c. 4. p. 173. If Tell Hattin S. 52~ W. however the two leagues of M. Sanutus 2 Nau writes the name Telhhoum; are to be reckoned from the north end of Voyage -p. 572. Pococke has Telhoue, thie lake, as is most probable, they reach and strangely enough supposes it to be the to K(hn Minyeh; and he then coincides site of Tarichoea; Vol. II. i. p. 72.-Korte with Brocardus. in the same year (1738) seems to have 4 Burckhardt in returning from Jerash, been pointed to IKhan Minyeh as Caper- speaks of Tell HiCm as on the east side of naum; p. 309. the lake; but afterwards, in passing from 3 Marin. Sanut. p. 247, " Cafarnaum Safed to Tiberias, he places it correctly; prope latus aquilonare maris Galilesee ad pp. 279, 319. Subsequent visitors are: duas leucas." - If these "two leagues" Buckingham p. 472, 4to. Berggren Reise are to be estimated from a point on the II. p. 250. Monro II. p. 8. Elliott II. p. shore near Mejdel, apparently assumed as 349, etc. Seetzen passed along this road, the foot of the Mount of Beatitudes, of but does not speak of Tell H Im; though which the writer had just been speaking; the name is found on his map; Zach's they serve to fix the site of his Capernaum Monatl. Corr. XVII. p. 348. Reisen I. p. at Tell HMm. Brocardus places it at one 344. league from the same place at the foot of iii. 299-301

JUNE 20.] TELL HUM. ENTRANCE OF THE JORDAN. 409 Wady, of which we could here learn no name; but found next day, that higher up towards the north, it is called'Ayfin el-'Abbasy. The ground continues all the way to rise gently from the lake towards the Aorthwest; but there is no high hill, no steep acclivity, as along the southern parts of the lake. The surface is everywhere strewed with the same black stones; and the path lies at some distance from the shore. At 1.50 we crossed a shallow Wady near its head, with a little water rising from small springs just by; it is called Wady el-Eshsheh. At 2~o'clock, after an hour and five minutes from Tell Htiim, we reached the banks of the Jordan, just at its entrance into the lake. The river here runs near the foot of the western hills, which next its valley are steep, but not high; while on the other side of the stream, a fine fertile plain stretches off along the end of the lake, for an hour or more, quite to the mountains which skirt the eastern shore. The estuary of the Jordan here presents an unusual appearance. The strong southerly winds have driven up a bank of sand before the mouth, which now rises above the water, and being connected with the eastern shore, extends out for fifteen or twenty rods southwest, forming a channel for the river for some distance along the shore on that side. We had thought of crossing the Jordan and encamping on the other bank; but as we found the stream not easily fordable with the luggage, and the ground also at this point was not favourable for encamping, we concluded to go to some tents which we saw on the western bank, eight or ten minutes higher up. An intervening marsh, occupied in part as a rice field, compelled us to make a circuit quite to the foot of the hills; and after a quarter of an hour we reached the tents and pitched for the night in their neighbourhood. Among the tents were several huts slightly built of reeds; these are- common in this quarter, as well as around the south end of the Dead Sea. The Ghawarineh who dwell here, have a few magazines rudely built of stone. Other similar encampments of the same people, are scattered upon the plain east of the river. This plain, skirted, as I have said, on the east by the mountains which enclose the lake, is shut in also on the north by similar mountains, or rather hills, of considerable altitude, which approach close to the Jordan higher up, and confine it to a valley of no great width. The plain has much the appearance of an alluvial deposit brought down by the Jordan;' or more probably driven up by the prevailing southerly winds from the bottom of the lake. At the northwest corner of the plain, 1 So Seetzen, Zach's MonatL Corr. XVIII. p. 346. VOL. I. —35 iii. 301, 302

410 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XVo a lower spur or promontory from the northern mountains, runs out for some distance southwards along the river, and forms for a time the eastern wall of its valley. On its southern extremity we could distinguish ruins; the people on the spot call it simply et-Tell, and knew for it no other name.' The plain itself bears the name of Batihah, signifying a low tract liable to be overflowed by streams.2 As we approached the north end of the lake, I had for some time felt myself unwell. - The thermometer for some hours had risen to 950 and 96~ F. with a strong southwest wind of the same temperature, sweeping over the lake. I had perhaps unwisely exerted myself too much, in ascending the hill by the Round fountain under such circumstances, and then in overtaking the party on foot at Wady er-Rtbtidiyeh. Whatever might be the cause, I now felt myself seized by a burning fever, and the wind came over me with a scorching glow; although to my companions it was cooling and refreshing. I sought for a shade; but not a tree was in sight which afforded one; the many thorn bushes, although large, yielded no shadow; and all I could do, while the tent was pitching, was to cast my Arab cloak over one of these latter, in order to procure shade at least for my head, while I lay down for a few moments in the vain hope of sleep. But the heat was too scorching, and I was glad to retreat as soon as possible to the tent, heated and confined as the air there was. We had proposed to cross the river in order to explore the beautiful plain, and examine several sites of ruins which the Ghawarineh spoke of; and the Sheikh, a very civil and intelligent man, had offered to accompany us. But in my present state, it would have been madness for me to attempt such an excursion; and I was therefore compelled, with sadness, to see my companions depart without me. My only remedy lay in abstinence and sleep. They were absent nearly two and a half hours, and returned highly gratified. The following notices of the plain are drawn chiefly from Mr Smith's notes. Taking the best mules, and accompanied by the Sheikh on his fine mare, they forded the river below our tent near the lake on a sand-bar, where the water came half way up the sides of the mules. Leaving the ford at 5 o'clock, their course lay at first about S. 40~ E. along the shore. In five minutes they came to the ruins of a village of moderate size, called el-A'raj,' So too Seetzen, Reisen I. p. 343. But 2 Burckhardt heard of this name as he he also writes the name Tellauihje; ib. p. crossed the Jordan at the bridge higher 342, 345; misprinted Tellanihje in Zach's up; and by a not unnatural mistake apMon. Corr. XVIII. p. 249 sq. Pococke plies it to a village at this point; p. 316. has Telouy, II. i. p. 72. We heard no- His orthography is also incorrect; see thing of any such name. Freytag Lex. Arab. Tomrn, I. p. 130. iii. o03, 304.

JUNE 20.] PLAIN tEL-BATIHAH. 411 consisting entirely of unhewn volcanic stones, like those along the western coast. The only relic of antiquity noticed here, was a small sarcophagus of the same material. Proceeding still in the same direction along the coast, they reached at 5.20 the similar village of el-Mes'adiyeh. The houses, built of the same species of stone, are mostly in ruins; but several of them are kept in a sort of repair by the Ghawarineh, as magazines for their grain, and other products.' The Sheikh spoke of Duikah as another like ruin, further down upon the coast; they went on and reached it at 5.47. It occupies a slight eminence projecting a little into the lake, and is considerably larger than either of the villages already described. Like them, it is composed entirely of volcanic stones, and several of the houses are repaired as magazines. It lies within a short distance of the eastern mountains, where they come down to the sea and give to the coast a southern direction.2 The party had now rode, in forty-seven minutes, over nearly the whole length of the plain along the lake, but at a much more rapid pace than usual; so that the whole distance may be taken at somewhat more than an hour, according to the ordinary rate of travel with mules. The average breadth they estimated at perhaps half the length. The general direction of the coast from the mouth of the Jordan to Dtukah is about S. 250 E. From Dfikah to the Tell the course lay diagonally across the plain, and afforded an opportunity of examining it more closely. It is perfectly level, and a more fertile tract can scarcely be imagined. There is a striking resemblance between it and the Ghuweir north of Mejdel, in form, climate, soil, and productions; yet the Batihah appears, if anything, to be superior. Like the other, it is given up to the Ghawarineh, who cultivate upon it wheat, barley, millet, maize, and rice. Burckhardt says the inhabitants raise large quantities of cucumbers and gourds, which they carry to the market of Damascus, three weeks before the same fruits ripen there. The excellent honey, which according to that traveller is produced here, we did not hear of.3 The Ghawarineh have also large herds of horned cattle, among which are many buffalos; all these were now returning from pasture across the plain, to pass the night near the tents of their owners; and presented a greater appearance of ease, not to say of wealth, than we had yet seen among the Arabs. The following bearings were taken 2 From DWkah, Tiberias bore S. 54~ W. here: Tiberias S. 39~ W. A'raj N. 40~ Ktirin Hattin S. 70~ W. et-Tell N. 5~ W. W. et-Tell N. 5~ E. Dhkah about S. 3 Burcklihardt's Travels in Syria, etc. p. 25~ E. 316. iii. 304-306

412 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. These buffalos are of course a different species from the vast herds bearing that name, which roam over the western wilds of North America. They are very common in Egypt, being kept both for milk and for labour; and are found also in Italy, especially in the Pontine marshes. In Egypt, as likewise here and around the lalke el-HAileh, they are mingled with the neat cattle, and are applied in general to the same uses. But they are a shy, illlooking, ill-tempered animal. They doubtless existed anciently in Palestine; though probably in a wild state, or unsubdued to labour, as at the present day in Abyssinia.' The remark was made to me in Egypt, that the Abyssinians, when they come to that country, are astonished at the comparative tameness of the buffalo, and stand in much greater fear of them than the Egyptians do. The actual existence of this animal in Palestine, leaves little doubt that it is the Reem of the Hebrew Scriptures; for which both ancient and modern versions have substituted the apparently fabulous unicorn.2 The present name of the buffalo in Arabic is JAmufs. The plain is owned by the government, which receives a share of the produce from the Ghawarineh, its only cultivators. The extreme fertility is owing not only to the fine soil of black loam, but also the abundance of water. Not less than three perennial streams, besides the Jordan, contribute to its irrigation. These were crossed by my companions in passing from Dufikah to the Tell. The easternmost and largest, Wady esSiinam, they reached at ten minutes past 6 o'clcok; it comes down from the mountains through a large ravine at the northeast corner of the plain. The next, Wady ed-Dalieh, was crossed at 6a o'clock; and the third, Wady es-Sfifa, five minuteslater; these two descend near each other from the mountains north of the plain. All were thickly bordered with oleanders now in full blossom. l[y companions failed to notice where these waters enter the lake; for though in passing along the coast, they crossed two or three small creeks, yet none of them attracted attention at the moment as the mouths of Wadys. The Ghawarineh were encamped all along the shore, mostly in small huts made of reeds and rushes; though a few hadtents of black cloth. They never live in houses. There may have been in all not far from a hundred and fifty of these temporary dwellings. The people, for the most part, were sitting listless in and around their open tents and huts; exposing themselves fully to the strong lake breeze under the temperature of 900 F. and apparently enjoying themselves in See Bruce's Travels, etc. Vol. V. p. 82. [11.] The Reem is several times coupled. Num. 23, 22. Deut. 3I, 17. Job 39, with, or compared to, the ox; see espe9. 10. Ps. 22, 21. [22.] 29, 6. 92, 10. cially Job 1. c. iii. 306. 307

JUNE 20.] PLAIN EL-BATIHAH. 413 their indolent mode of life. They had been all disarmed, and soldiers had been taken from them by the government; as was also the case with the Arabs we saw on the west of the lake. On the east of the river, in the district of Jaulan and elsewhere, the Arabs had not been disarmed. The party reachd et-Tell at 6.40. It is the largest of all the ruins around the plain, and is considered as a sort of capital by the Ghawhrineh; although they have lost the ancient name, and now occupy in it only a few houses as magazines. The Tell, as we have seen, extends from the foot of the northern mountains southwards, near the point where the Jordan issues from them. The ruins cover a large portion of it, and are quite extensive; but so far as could be observed, consist entirely of unhewn volcanic stones, without any distinct trace of ancient architecture.' In returning, they forded the Jordan not far from the Tell, where the water reached no higher than the bellies of the mules. The land along the banks was here so abundantly irrigated, as to become in several places almost a marsh. They reached our tent at twenty minutes past 7 o'clock.2 - This Tell and the ruins upon it above described, are probably no other than the site of the ancient Bethsaida of Gaulonitis, afterwards called Julias; which Pliny places on the east of the lake and the Jordan, and Josephus describes as situated in lower Gaulonitis, just above the entrance of the Jordan into the lake.3 It was originally but a village, called Bethsaida; but was built up and enlarged by Philip the Tetrarch, not long after the birth of Christ, and received the name of Julias in honour of Julia the daughter of Augustus.4 Philip would seem to have made it in part his residence; here he died and was buried in a costly tomb.5 This is the Bethsaida near to which Jesus fed the five thousand on the east of the lake; and probably also the same, where the blind man was healed.6 1 From the Tell, Tiberias bore S. 34~ W. the east of the Jordan, as decidedly as Entrance of the Jordan S. 45~ W. Kiirfin that of Galilee does the other Bethsaida Hattln S. 54~ W. on the west; John 12, 21. To this day 2 The following are the bearings taken the adjacent district on the east of the from the tent: Tiberias S. 37~ W. Tabor Jordan bears the name of Jaulan,-So S. 50~ W. Mejdel S. 54~ W. Kiirn Hat- too Jerome, Comm. in Matt. 16, 13: tin S. 60~ W. et-Tell N. 60~ E. "Philippus... ex nomine filia ejus (Au3 Plin. H. N. 5. 15: "Jordanes in la- gusti) Juliadem trans Jordanemr extruxit." cum se fundit,... amoenis circumseptum 4 Luke 3, 1. Joseph. Ant. 18. 2. 1, oppidis, ab oriente Juliade et Hippo." Jos. b,[Xrwos.....cc6.Knv Ber ai's&v Wrpos B. J. 2. 9. 1,'0 u (4tirXros) rps Tars AL's? 1e 3) rev'!lyaptTLo, wrteXws 7rapa-'iopc&'vov m7)7yas Ea' Havrisr 1r1xp KCTiIEL Oy.aV aJCfl~a, 7rlaraEL TE OKIC'qT4SpWY'e TEm KaLtopeLav, K&cv r1 tcdBco ravAaprtrK!, aX.AA. vvcEL, IovuiC &vuyarp-l ar Kaeoapos'IovA.cia. Ib. 3. 10. 7, Aiauel/as se (6o 6cvvuov rcd&aeorev.-See also the preceding'Iopa1dv7s) &repovs Erca'bv ercoor o-rastovs, note.,UET& wrAxts'IouALdra LeKoT4rLELW Trjv revvn-' Joseph. Ant. 18. 4. 6. r&p,uspav. See also ib. 3. 3. 5. The 6 Luke 9, 10. Mark 8, 22. See above, mention of Gaulonitis fixes this place on p. 397. n. 2. However definitely the two VOL. II. —35* iii 307-309

414 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. There seems to be no later historical notice of the place whatever. 1 The Jordan, as we saw it here, is less broad, less deep, and less rapid, than where we had come upon it near the Dead Sea. I estimated the breadth at about two thirds of what it was at Jericho; that is, from- sixty to seventy-five feet. It is a sluggish stream, turbid, but not clayey; winding beteen low alluvial banks, from which it washes off portions in one place to deposit them in another; so that the channel would seem to be continually changing. There are many bars and shallows, where the river may occasionally be forded-; in other parts the water has considerable depth, but no strength of current.2 We saw many neat cattle and buffalos swimming the river. The latter require somewhat deep water in order to swim; as only a small part of the head appears above the surface. The portion of the Jordan between the lake of Tiberias and that of el-Huleh, was to us a matter of no little interest;3 and becomes perhaps the more important, in connection with the varying and inconsistent accounts of the difference of elevation between the two lakes. Yet I am not aware that any traveller except Pococke, had then passed alongthis part of the river; Seetzen travelled from the bridge above, to the lake of Tiberias, over the high land on the east of the valley.4 From our encampment, and especially from the Tell further north, we could see up the valley of the river for at least an hour from the lower lake; above which the river appeared to issue from a still narrower, and, as we afterwards saw from higher ground, a somewhat winding valley with steep banks, which breaks down through the tract of table land between the two lakes. The Arabs living on the spot informed us, that the valley continues narrow quite up to the bridge, with no intervening smaller lake or spreading of the river. The distance from the mouth of the Jordan to the bridge, is reckoned at two hours. This accords with the information obtained by Burckhardt; who Bethsaidas of Galilee and Gaulonitis are others, that the Jordan maintains its: thus distinguished, yet Reland appears to course through the middle of the lake have been the first to assume two different without mingling its waters, is nothing places, Paltest p. 653 sq. Cellarius felt more than a fable. It seems to have: the difficulty as one of the greatest in sprung out of the language of Josephus, sacred geography, but could not solve it; who says the Jordan: divides the lake; B. Notit. Orb. II. p. 536. J. 3. 10. 7. See Clarke's Travels in the 1 Pococke calls the Tell in question Holy Land 4to. p. 474. So too Irby and "Telouy," and also makes it the site of Mangles, p. 295. [90.]Julias; of which name, he strangely 3 Burckhardt says the river in this enough holds his "Telouy" to be a cor- part is called Urdun by the inhabitants; ruption; Vol. II. i. p. 72. fol. Seetzen Travels, p. 43. We did not hear this places Julias at his "Tallauihje;" Zach's name. Monatl. Corr. XVIII. p. 346. See above, 4 Pococke Descr. of the East, II. i. pp.. p. 410. n. 1. 72, 73. Seetzen in Zach's Monatl. Corr. 2 The story told by Dr Clarke and XVIII. p. 346. Reisen I. p. 343. iii. 309, 310

JUNE 20.] THE UPPER JORDAN. 415 further gives the distance from the bridge to the lake el-Huleh, at three quarters of an hour.' At the bridge, thle river is described by the same traveller, as flowing in a narrow bed with a rapid stream; Schubert: speaks also of the rapid current, and gives the breadth at about eighty feet, the depth being about four feet.2 The stream can be seen below the bridge for nearly an English mile:; where -a sort of tumulus and ruins are visible.3 From the bridge to the point to:which we could look up the valley -is of -course about an hour of distance. In that interval, according to Pococke, the river, " passes between the hills over the rocks with a great noise; and the stream is almost hid by shady trees, chiefly of the platanus kind."4 Lieut. Lynch and his party here "followed the Jordan up the high mountain pass, down which it rushed a foaming torrent.? According to Wildenbruch, the Jordan below the bridge forms a continued waterfall." - The path appears to lie not in the chasm itself, but along the hills on the west.7 We naturally felt a strong desire to pass up through this valley:; but our muleteers were averse to it, and the Arabs described the path as neglected and difficult, on account of the many thorny shrubs. At that time, we expected still to cross the bridge, on our way to Damascus, and were therefore less disposed to insist upon taking this route; but we afterwards greatly regretted, that we did not proceed first to the bridge and thence to Safed. We here quitted the shores of the lake of Tiberinas; and in respect to the general impression made upon us by the scenery of its coasts, I have nothing to add to what I have already said, upon our first approach.8 The form of its basin is not unlike I Burckhardt pp. 315, 316. The dis- Monro II. p. 44. Pococke 1. c. p. 73. tance from the bridge to the plain Batihah Pococke i. c. p. 72. is given by Burckhardt correctly at L i Off. Report, p. 43. Narrat. p. 470. hour; ib. —Pococke says the Jordan runs In this last passage, the river is said to about ten English miles between the two be here " a perfect torrent." lakes. He everywhere reckons three miles 6 Monathsber. e. Ges. f. Erdik. III. p. to an hour; but as the path is here bad, 271, and Sect. Berlin, 1846. his estimate is doubtless too great. Descr. 7 The barometrical measurements of of the East 1. c.-From the bridge to el- Schubert give the difference of elevation, Hileh, Pococke makes a mile and a half; between the lake of Tiberias and the Jorwhile Monro gives it at only half a mile. dan at the bridge, as equal to 880 Paris Summer Ramble II. p. 44. The estimate feet; Reise III. p. 259. Bertou in like of Burckhardt is probably nearest the manner gives the difference between the truth.-Between the bridge and the Huleh, two lakes at 224.2 Fr. metres, or nearly Pococke describes amineralfountain walled 700 Paris feet. Bull. de la Soc. de Geogr. in, like those south of Mejdel; p. 73. Sept. 1839. pp. 145, 146. Wildenbruch 2 Burckhardt 1. c. Schubert Reise. III. gives 793.3 Paris feet; Monathsber. p. p; 259. Seetzen (1. c.) gives the breadth 271. Hence, in the distance of little more of the river at 35 paces; Cotovicus the than an hour, as mentioned in the text, length of the bridge at 60 paces; p. 361. according to the least of these estimates, According to Schubert's estimate, the the stream must have a descent of not less breadth of the stream is not much more than 500 feet. than half the length of the bridge. 8 See above, p. 380. iii. 310-312

416 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. an oval; but the regular and almost unbroken heights which enclose it bear no comparison, as to vivid and powerful effect, with the wild and stern magnificence of the mountains around the caldron of the Dead Sea. On the southern part of the lake, and along its whole eastern coast, the mountain wall may be estimated as elevated eight hundred or a thousand feet above the water, steep, but not precipitous. On the east the mountains spread off into the high uneven table land of Jaulan (Gaulonitis), and on the west into the large plain north of Tabor; rising indeed very slightly, if at all, above these high plains. Along the northwest part of the lake, beyond Mejdel, the hills are lower, and the country back of them more broken; they rise with a gradual ascent from the shore,. and do not reach at first an elevation of more than from three to five hundred feet. Such is the tract of broken table land occupying the space between the two lakes of Tiberias and HUileh; though more.n the northwest it has perhaps an elevation of eight hundred feet. Still further in the northwest the higher mountains of Safed rise abruptly from this table land, and reach at length an elevation not much less than two thousand five hundred feet above the lake. The position of this lake, embosomed deep in the midst of higher tracts of country, exposes it, as a matter of course, to gusts of wind, and in winter to tempests. One such storm is recorded during the course of our Lord's ministry.' But in order to account for this, it is surely not necessary to assume, (as is sometimes done,) any peculiarly tempestuous character in the lake itself; nor does it appear, either from the testimony of the ancients or of the present inhabitants, that storms are more frequent within the basin, than in the region round about.2 The volcanic nature of the basin of this lake, and of the surrounding country, is not to be mistaken. The hot springs near Tiberias and at Um Keis southeast of the lake, as also the lukewarm fountains along the western shore; the frequent and violent earthquakes; and the black basaltic stones, which thickly strew the ground; all leave no room for doubt on this point. Although the main formation is limestone, yet the basalt continues to appear, more or less, quite through the basin of the Huleh as far as to BAnias; the bridge between the lakes, as also the adjacent Khan, is built of basaltic stones; and the 1 Matt. 8, 23 sq. Mark 4, 35 sq. Luke and to the detention of the boat on the 8, 22 sq.-In the other instance, where other side which hindered us from hiring Jesus followed his disciples, walking on the it; see above, p. 395. water, it is only said that the wind was 2 Jac. de Vitr. c. 53. p. 1075. Mariti contrary, and as John adds, great; Matt. Voyages II. p. 168. Neuw. 1791. Clarke's 14, 24. Mark 6, 48. John 6, 18. All Travels in the Holy Land, 4to. p. 474. this would apply to the lake, as we saw it; Rosenmiiller Bibl. Geogr. II. ii. p. 180. iii. 312, 313

JUNE 21.] FEATURES AND EXTENT OF THE LAKE. 417 wild and dreary region on the east, between that bridge and the lower lake, consists wholly of basalt.' Other traces of volcanic action exist, as we shall see, in the northwest of Safed. The extent of the lake has sometimes been greatly overrated. We had now travelled along its western shore for nearly its whole length; and the results afford a means of forming an estimate approaching more nearly to the truth. The distances are as follows: From the southern end of the lake to H. Min. 1. The Warm Baths..... 1. 2. Tiberias........- 85 3. Mejdel.......1. 10 4. Khan Minyeh2..... 1. - 5. Tell Him 1. 05 6. Entrance of the Jordan,..... 1. 05 Whole length of the western coast... 5. 55 This distance of six hours is equivalent to about fourteen and a half geographical miles along the western coast. But as the latter forms a deep curve at Mejdel, the distance in a. straight line from the entrance of the Jordan on the north, to its exit in the south, cannot be more than eleven or twelve geographical miles; and the same result is also obtained from the construction of the map. The greatest breadth, opposite to Mejdel, is about half the length, or not far from six geographical miles; while the breadth opposite Tiberias is about five miles.3 Lieut. Lynch and his party made no regular survey of the lake of Tiberias; but they determined the length to be somewhat over eleven geographical miles.4 The bottom is a concave basin; and the greatest depth ascertained by sounding was 165 feet.5 The depression of the surface below the Mediterranean has as yet been measured only with the barometer, with varying results.6 Thursday, June 21st. We rose early, and I rejoiced to find myself better and able -to proceed. Abstinence and quiet rest Seetzen in Zach'sMonatl. Corr. XVIII. at 140 stadia or 17j Roman miles; which pp. 345, 346. Schubert Reise IlI. p. 260. if reckoned along the shore, accords very Burckhardt p. 319. Anderson's Geol. Re- nearly with our result of about 6 hours. port, p. 124, 134. Joseph. B. J. 3. 10. 7. Probably such 2 The distance No. 1,:is from Pococke was the intention of Josephus; but his and Fisk; see above, p. 387. That along account has usually been understood of the the shore from Mejdel to Khan Minyeh is absolute length of the lake. from Burckhardt, p. 320. The rest are 4 See in Note XXX, end of Vol. I. from our own observations. 5 Off. Report, p. 15. 3 Josephus gives the breadth of the lake See in Note XXX, end of Vol. I. at 40 stadia or 5 Roman miles; the length iii. 313,314

418 FROM TIBERIAS TO SAFED. [SEC. XV. had done a good work. Our neighbours, the Ghawirineh, were already busied with their herds, milking and sending them off to pasture. At the side of the reed huts, the females plied their cares with the dairy; one was churning in the manner we had often seen, having the milk in a large goat skin suspended in a slight frame of sticks; the skin being then ~noved to and fro with a jerk.' The morning was bright and balmy; the scene was enlivened by the moving herds; and I watched them with some interest, especially the buffalos, as they descended into the Jordan, swam through its tide with only their noses above water, and again emerged slowly and awkwardly upon the other side. We set off at 5.50 for Safed. The usual path leads directly up the somewhat steep hill on the west of the Jordan valley, and is considerably travelled by persons coming to trade with the Ghawarineh of this tract. But our younger muleteer, who was a native of Safed and well acquainted with the ground, chose to avoid the steep ascent, by taking us back for some distance along the shore on our path of yesterday, and then striking up the more gradual rise without a path, in order to regain the direct road. A large pelican was swimming on the smooth waters of the lake. At 6- o'clock we reached the proper Safed road, nearly upon the high table land; having lost by the detour about fifteen minutes. Our course was now not far from W. N. W. verging perhaps more towards the northwest and affording noble views of the lake in all its extent. This region of table land is less elevated than the plain south of Tell Hattin, and far more undulating and uneven. It is also exceedingly stony, being thickly strewed with the black volcanic stones already described, which are here larger, and so numerous, that the path is often obstructed. At 8.10 we passed the broad and shallow beginning of a Wady which runs down to the lake east of Tell Huim; in it at this point are several scanty wells called'Ayfin el-'Abbasy. At 8.40 we crossed the great Damascus road, which comes up from Khkn Minyeh, and here passes along the eastern base of the higher Safed hills, now just before us. Further on, this road bends more towards the northeast to the bridge over the Jordan; while a less frequented branch keeps along the western side of the Hilleh, and proceeds up Wady et-Teirn by Hasbeiya and Rasheiyeh, and so to Damascus. On this road, about fifteen minutes south of the point where we crossed, lies Khan Jubb Yfisuf, the Khan of Joseph's Pit; so called because of a well connected with it, which has long passed with Christians 1 See Vol. I. p. 485. iii. 314-316

JuNoi 21.] KHAN JUBB YUSUF. 419 and 3Muslims, for the pit or cistern into which Joseph was thrown by his brethren. This is another of the large Khans which mark the Damascus road; it is falling to ruin, although still partially kept in repair as a resting place for caravans. There is a well within the walls, and near by is a large tank for water. We learned at Safed, that a caravan was soon to leave'Akka for Damascus; and the governor of Safed had received orders, to furnish a supply of provisions and necessaries for it at this Khan. The reputed pit of Joseph is in the court by the side of the Khan, and is described by Burckhardt as three feet in diameter and at least thirty feet deep; the bottom is said to be hewn in the rock, and* the water never to fail; the sides are built up with masonry.' The Christian tradition, which makes this the place of Joseph's abduction, fixes here also as a matter of course Dothaim; and the whole legend was probably at first connected with the hypothesis, that the adjacent fortress of Safed was the Bethulia of Judith. Bethulia and Dothaim are indeed represented as not far distant from each other; but the book of Judith obviously speaks of them as on the south of the plain of Esdraelon; while Eusebius and Jerome definitely place Dothaim at twelve Roman miles north of Sebaste.2 Yet this legend, clumsy as it is, goes back to the time of the crusades. This place is distinctly pointed out by Brocardus as Dothaim, at the foot of the mountains of Bethulia, on the great road leading from Syria to Egypt.' No-t long after, Abulfeda mentions here also the Jubb Yusuf.4 The KIhan and cisterns are spoken of by Ftirer and Radzivil in the sixteenth century; and Quaresmius in the seventeenth appears to yield full faith to the tradition.5 After crossing the Damascus road, the volcanic stones ceased; and we began almost immediately to ascend the limestone mountain before us by a steep acclivity. We came out upon the high ground above at 91 o'clock; but still continued to ascend more gradually over higher table land, on the same general course as before. At 9.55 we came in sight of Safed, lying still higher up. We had already fallen in with many of the inhabitants of that place, gathering the scanty harvest, which they cultivate upon the naked and rather barren hills and 1 Burckhardt p. 318. place at four miles south of Tiberias; for 2 Judith 4, 5. 7, 1. 3. Onomast. art. which possibly we ought to read north; Dothaim. Eugesipp. in L. Allatii Symmikt. p. 109. 3 Cap. 5. 174. Brocardus says the very Col. Agr. 1653. cistern of Joseph was still shown; but 4 Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. 82. adds the saving clause: " si incolis fides 5 Fiirer von Haimend. p. 278. Niirnb. sit habenda." — Eugesippus relates the 1646. RPadzivil in Reissb. II. p. 154. same story perhaps earlier; but fixes the Quaresmius II. p. 870 iii. 316, 317

420 SAFED. [SEC. Xv. table land, for quite a distance around. They were mostly females; and seemed well acquainted with our younger muleteer, their townsman. Descending into a deep ravine running up west, we reached at 10.10 its junction with another coming down from the north, and having its head just below the castle of Safed, towards the northeast. At the point of junction is a fountain much frequented by the flocks; and also a thick and verdant garden of pomegranate trees below. We now ascended this steep ravine towards the north, and at 10- o'clock pitched our tent near the head of the same valley, below the castle, on the east. Safed lies on a high isolated hill or peak, rising upon the northern end of a steep ridge, which runs down towards the S. S. W., between the eastern valley through which we had ascended, and another still deeper one on the west. The latter has its beginning, as a deep narrow basin, on the north of the hill of Safed; the water-shed between it and the eastern Wady being on the northeast of the castle, just north of where we were encamped. The two valleys, after running for some time parallel, come together and thus terminate the ridge; the united Wady then passes on down to the lake of Tiberias across the plain el-Ghuweir as Wady el-'Amiud, The most elevated conical point of Safed is towards the north, and is crowned by the castle, high above the deep valley in the north and west, and considerably higher also than the head of the eastern valley and. the water-shed on the northeast. This castellated summit rises likewise high and rocky above the more southern part of the ridge; just at its southern base is a slight depression or gap in the ridge itself; south of which is another lower rocky point or summit.-The town of Safed was properly divided into three -distinct -quarters, separated by the nature of the ground. One was upon this lower southern summit, overagainst the castle; another below the castle in the head of the eastern valley near our tent; and the third, the seat of the Jews, was on the steep western and northwestern side of the main summit, immediately below the castle. Between this and the southern quarter, is the market. Safed was formerly a busy, thriving place, with a population of eight or nine thousand inhabitants; among whom were some Christians and a large proportion of Jews, chiefly from Poland; though there were also some from Germany, Austria, and Spain.' Muhammedans occupied the southern and eastern'We unfortunately obtained no statisti- whom more than 5000 were Jews and cal data at Safed; and the estimates which Christians; see Mr Thomson's Report, exist, vary exceedingly. In connection with Missionary Herald for Nov. 1837, pp. 433, the earthquake, the whole population was 438. Tllis is perhaps too large. In 1836, spoken of as amounting to 10,000 souls, of Elliott, travelling with Mr Nicolayson, iii. 317-319

JUNE 21.] SITUATION. INHABITANTS. 421 quarters; their houses were built chiefly of stone, and seem to have had more solidity than those of the Jews. The people, or at least the individuals whom we met, appeared to be a more active and enterprising race than those further south. The young men especially made much more display, than we had been accustomed to find. Here for the first time, we saw the short close jacket, with embroidered sleeves hanging loose from the shoulders; the back being at the same time ornamented with strips of cloth of another colour. This, with a certain peculiar twist of their white turbans, gave them quite a jaunty air. Our younger muleteer, who was here at home, was of this class; but he had taken care not to appear in this costume until we approached Safed.-Around the town are large plantations of olives; and, to my surprise, we found here vineyards. The chief occupation of the inhabitants was formerly dyeing with indigo, and the manufacture of cotton cloth.' The Jewish quarter was far more slightly built, as well as more crowded. Clinging to the steep western declivity below the castle, their houses were often of mud, and stood in rows one above another, almost like the seats of an amphitheatre; so that, in some instances, the flat roofs of one row actually served as the street for those next above.2 Safed is one of the holy places of the Jews in Galilee, and for several centuries has been more visited by them than Tiberias; though the chief Rabbi of the latter city, is said to take rank of the one in Safed.3 Of their former flourishing, state and their celebrated schools, I shall speak further on; but even since the period of their decay, they have had six or seven synagogues, and a school for the study of the Talmud, as in Tiberias. More than all this, too, they have had a printing office dating from the sixteenth century; in connection with which, in 1833, some thirty persons found regular employment.4 gives the whole number at 6000; of whom 1 Burckhardt p. 317. Hardy Notices, 1500 were Jews, and about 50 Christians; etc. p. 243. Travels II. p. 353. This again would seem 2 Elliott 1. c. p. 353, "As the hill on to be too small. In 1833, Hardy, travelling which the town is built is precipitous, and also with Messrs Nicolayson and Thomson, the roofs are flat, public convenience has fixes the whole number at 8000; Notices sanctioned the conversion of these into etc. p. 243. Mr Jowett, who was here thoroughfares; so that, both on mules and with Mr Fisk in 1824, estimates the whole on foot, we repeatedly passed over the tops population at 7000, among whom were of dwellings." 400 families of Jews; Chr. Res. in Syr. Jowett Chr. Res. in Syria, p. 180. p. 180. Lound. Berggren in 1822 gives Lond. 3000 Muhammedans with 800 Jewish and. Nau in 1674 speaks of seven syna80.Christian families; Reisen II. pp 253- gogues; p. 561. So too Von Egmond and 255. Burckhardt estimated the houses at Heyman, and afterwards Pococke; the 600 in all; of which 150 belonged to the former also mention the high school and Jews, and 80 to 100 to Christians; p. 317. printing office; Reizen II. p. 41. Pococke All this seems to indicate at least, that the II. i. p. 76. Schulz in 1755 gives the population had been gradually increasing. number of Jews at two hundred; the VOL. II.-36 iii. 319, 320

422 SAFED. [SEC. XV. Crowning the rocky summit, above the whole town, was the extensive Gothic castle, a remnant of the times of the crusades forming a most conspicuous object at a great distance in every direction, except towards the north. Though already partially in ruins before the earthquake, it was nevertheless sufficiently in repair to be the official residence of the M3utesellim; and on a former visit to Safedcl, my companion had paid his respects to that officer within its walls. The fortress is describedc as having been strong and imposing, with two fine large round towers; it was surrounded by a wall lower down, with a broad trench.' Such was Safed down to the close of the year 1836. But on the first day of January, 1837, the new year was ushered in by the tremendous shocks of an earthquake, which rent the earth in many places, and in a few moments prostrated most of the houses, and buried thousands of the inhabitants of Safed beneath the ruins. The castle was utterly thrown down; the Muhammedan quarters, standing on more level grotund and being more solidly built, were somewhat less injuredl; while here, as in Tiberias, the calamity, in its full weight, fell with relentless fury upon the ill fated Jews. The very manner in which their houses were erected along the steep hill-side, exposed them to a more fearful destruction; for when the terrific shock dashed their dwellings to the ground, those above fell upon those lower down; so that, at length, the latter were covered with accumulated masses of ruins. Slight shocks continued at intervals for several weeks; serving to aggravate the scene of unspeakable dismay and distress, which now prevailed here. Many were killed outright by the falling ruins; very many were engulfed and died a miserable death before they could be dug out; some were extricated even after five or six days, covered with wounds and bruises, only to prolong for a few hours a painful existence; while others, with broken limbs, but more tenacity of life, lived to recover. The spectacle which was presented for several weeks after the catastrophe,-in every quarter the wounded, the dying, and the dead, without shelter, without attendance, without a place to lay their heads; on every side "' wounds, and bruises, and putrifying sores, that had not been closed, neither bound up, neither mollified with ointmentl "2- these scenes were described number of students in the school at twenty; quite respectable; and near thirty persons and says the printing office had been in were employed in the different departthe village'Ain ez-Zeitfin in the valley ments of composing, press work, and north, but was then given up. Leitungen, binding. See Hardy's Notices, p. 244. etc. Th. V. pp. 211, 212. In 1833 M4r Comp. Monro II. p. 13. See more further Hardy mentions two presses at work, and on. two others in the course of erection. The 1 Van Egmond and Heyman II. p. 43 type and furniture were said to be made sq. Pococke II. i. p. 76. Burckhardt p. here under the direction of the master. 317. The execution of the works printed was a Is. 1, 6. iii. 321, 322

JUNE 21.1] THE EARTHQUAKE. 423 to us by eyewitnesses as inexpressibly painful, and sometimes revolting even to loathsomeness. According to the best accounts there perished, in all, not far front five thousand persons; of whom about one thousand were Muhammedans and the rest chiefly Jews.' So soon as certain intelligence of these sufferings, arrived atBeirfit, contributions were immediately made to relieve the survivors; and persons were appointed to proceed to the scene of distress, in order to superintend the distribution of the various articles contributed, and provide for the taking care of the wounded. The Rev. Mr Thomson, American Missionary, accompanied by Mr Calman, departed on this errand of mercy, and reached Safed on the 18th of January. To his friendly communications I have been much indebted. He wrote also an account of his journey and of the horrors of the scene at Safed, which was soon after published. I subjoin it in a note, as a graphic and authentic record of this awful catastrophe.2 Nearly eighteen months had now elapsed since the calamity, when we visited Safed. The frightful spectacle of human misery, had of course passed away; but the place was still little more than one great mass of ruins. In the eastern quarter, where we had pitched our tent, many of the houses had been again built up; though more still lay around us level with the ground. The southern quarter was perhaps the least injured of all; here the rubbish had been cleared away, and this was now the chief seat of the Mluhammedan population. Here too the Mutesellim had taken up his abode. The castle remained in the same state in which it had been left by the earthquake, a shapeless heap of ruins; so shapeless indeed, that it. was difficult to make out its original form. In the Jews' quarter, many houses had likewise been temporarily rebuilt; but the rubbish had not been removed from the streets. We passed throughout the whole quarter, and found the poor Jews still wandering amid the ruins, among which we could scarcely wend our way. Many of them were employed in digging among the rubbish, each apparently before what had once been his dwelling. In general, the town was beginning to revive; and the appearance of the place was more busy and far less desolate, than I had expected to find it. The usual Friday market was again regularly held, and attended by the peasants of the surrounding villages, even from a considerable distance.8 It would not be at all surprising, if 2 See Note XLI, end of the volume. this estimate of the destruction of life Mr Thomson's Report was first published were found to be considerably exaggerated. in the Missionary Herald for Nov. 1837, p, Compare the varying estimates of the po- 433 sq. Boston. pulation of Safed above, p. 420, note. 3 This market is also mentioned by See Mr Thomson's Report, referred to in Burckhardt, p. 317. the next note. iii. 322, 323

424 SAEDSEC. [Sc. XV. In a few more years, the traces of the earthquake will probably be no longer visible in Safed. Such is the tenor of oriental life. Earthquakes and the desolations of war have time and again swept over the land, and laid waste its cities and villages; but the inhabitants cling to the soil, rebuild their towns, and live on as if nothing had happened; until, after an interval, another and perhaps more terrible destruction overtakes them. Thus Safed itself, like Tiberias, was laid in ruins, and a great portion of its inhabitants destroyed, in the great earthquake of Oct. 30th, 1759.' Safed appears obviously to have formed the central point of this mighty concussion, and to have suffered more, in proportion, than any other place; except perhaps the adjacent villages of'Ain ez-Zeitufn and el-Jish. Yet the destruction, as we have seen, extended more or less to Tiberias and the region around Nazareth; many of the villages in the region east of the lake were likewise laid in ruins; many houses were thrown down in Tyre and Sidon, and several were cracked and injured even in Beiruit. In Nabulus, also, the shock was severely felt, and a number of persons were killed. It is a remarkable circumstance, that some villages remained entirely unaffected by the earthquake, although situated directly beween other places, which were destroyed. Thus a small village near to el-Jish and Safed was uninjured. On the way from Tiberias to Nazareth, eshShajerah was overthrown; Kefr Kenna received no harm; erReineh was levelled to the ground; Nazareth sustained little damage; and Sefffirieh escaped entirely. All these places lie upon the same range of hills, with no visible obstruction to break the shocks between them; and the exceptions are therefore the more wonderful.2 A very high antiquity has usually been ascribed to Safed; which, however, so far as it depends on any historical accounts, appears not to be well founded. The only trace of the name Safed before the time of the crusades, is found in the Latin Vulgate;3 where, in describing the native place of Tobit, as situated in the tribe of Naphtali in Upper Galilee, that version marks it as "c having on the left the city of Sephet."4 This is a Mariti Voyages II. p. 164. Neuw. Talmud, Rosh Hashaua ii. But there is 1791. Bachiene Th, II. Bd. IV. p. 134. nothing to connect these names definitely Volney Voyage I. p. 276. II. p. 213. See with this spot. above, p. 382. n. 1. 4 Vulg. Tobit 1, 1, "in sinistrohabens 2 Mr Thomson visited all these places civitatem Sephet." The Greek original in the course of his journey; see his Re- has nothing of the kind.-On the strength port, Miss. Herald Nov. 1837. pp. 442, 443. of this notice, apparently, Brocardus makes s Unless perhaps it be in the name Safed (Sephet) to have been one of the Seph (Zfp), one of the places fortified by cities of the Decapolis; c. 6. p. 175. So Josephus in upper Galilee; B. J. 2. 20. 6. too Adrichomius p. 114. The name nt occurs also inthe Jerusalem iii. 323-325

JUNE 21.] PROBABLY NOT ANCIENT. 425 pure addition to the Greek original, and no one knows whence it came. Modern ecclesiastical tradition has often regarded Safed as the Bethulia of the book of Judith; which, however, as we have seen, is said to have lain near the plain of Esdraelon not far from Dothaim, and guarded one of the passes towards Jerusalem.' Brocardus indeed, and others, seem to distinguish Bethulia from Safed, and place the former on a mountain further south; but the description they give of it, as seen conspicuously throughout all the region, and as having a castle and other ruins, applies particularly to Safed; while the indefiniteness and confusion of their accounts, render it not very improbable, that they are only speaking of one and the same place under different names.2 It is only within the last two centuries, that the identity with Bethulia has been distinctly assumed by some, and denied by others.3 As therefore there is no evidence that any ancient place existed on the present site of Safed, the supposition that this was the " city set on a hill," alluded to by our Lord in his Sermon on the Mount, falls of itself to the ground, or can at most be considered only as a fanciful conjecture.4 Of the same nature is the hypothesis, which regards this as the mountain on which our Lord was transfigured.5 Even in the times of the crusades, it is not until the Christians had been in possession of the Holy Land for more than 1 See p. 419, above. Judith 7, 1. 3. 4, question as Bethulia; e. g. Scholz p. 157. 5. Reland Palsest. p. 658. Eusebiusand Monro II. p. 11. Elliott II. p. 352. Jerome place Dothaim twelve Roman Berggren doubtfully, Reisen II. p. 252.miles north of Sebaste; Onom. art. Do- Burckhardt says Safed was the ancient thaim. Japhet; he probably had in mind the' Brocardus pp. 173, 175. Eugesippus Japha ('Iapd) of Josephus, the present in L. Allat. Symmikt. 1653. p. 109.. Yafa near Nazareth; since there is no noAdrichomius pp. 114, 137. Doubdan p. tice of any ancient place called Japhet; 578. The first notice I find, which points Travels p. 317. In the Itineraries of distinctly to Safed as Bethulia, is in the William of Baldensel and L. de Suchem, journal of Melchior von Sevdlitz in A. D. the name is also printed Japhet, obviously 1556; he has Bethulia upon a high moun- by mistake for Saphet. Basnage Thesaur. tain on the left (not right) hand after pass- Tom. IV. p. 355. L. de Suchem, Itin. p. ing Jubb Yusuf, and before coming to the 97. Reissb. p. 852.- Some travellers bridge of the Jordan; see Reissb. ins h. curiously enough make Safed the birthLand p. 487. place of queen Esther; so Stochove Voyage 3 See the preceding note. Quaresmius du Levant p. 342. Thevenot Voyages II. describes Safed, but says not a word of p. 685. Amst. 1727, Bethulia; II. p. 904. D'Arvieux says, 4 Matt. 5, 14. Maundrell, Apr. 19th. some held it in his day to be Bethulia, but 5 Busching Erdbeschr. Th. XI. i. p. the latter lay a league distant from Safed; 488. Pococke i. c. p. 77. Hamelsveld II. II. p. 322. Par. 1735. Von Troilo p. 425. p. 366. Did the sacred writers say that Nau relates, that some of the Jews of the mount of the Transfiguration was the Safed regarded that place as Bethulia, and highest in all these parts, then the descrip-: he seems inclined to adopt their view; p. tion would certainly apply to the two 563. Maundrell Apr. 19th. Van Egmond peaks just north of Safed. But their lanand Heyman II. p. 39. Pococke II. i. p. guage is simply:' a high mountain;" Matt. 77.-In the present century, several tra- 17, 1. Markl 9, 2. Luke only says "a vellers appear to adopt Safed without mountain," 9, 28. VOL. II.-36* iii. 325, 326

426 SAF D. [SEc. xv. half a century, that we find any notice of Safed. It seems to be first distinctly mentioned by William of Tyre, who in describing the surprise and defeat of the Christians under Baldwin III, at the ford below the lake el-Huileh in A. D. 1157, relates, that the king escaped with difficulty to the castle of Safed situated on the adjacent mountain; an Arabian writer narrating the same events, speaks of it as a small castle; and it is twice again cursorily mentioned by the archbishop of Tyre.' The somewhat later writer Jacob de Vitry relates, that the Christians had erected strong fortresses upon the extremities of their territory, in order to protect their borders from the inroads of the Saracens, viz. Montroyal (Shobek) and Kerak in the southeast, and Safed and Belvoir (Kaukab) in the northeast against Syria.2 The date of the erection of these latter fortresses is not specified; but they would seem not improbably to have been built, perhaps nearly in the same period with those of Kerak, Beit Jibrin, and Tell es-Safieh, in the latter years of king Fulco, not long before A. D. 1140.3 In respect to neither Safed nor Kaukab is any hint given, that a fortress had formerly existed on the spot. The charge of the castle at Safed appears to have been committed to the knights Templars, who afterwards laid claim to all the country around.4 In A. D. 1188, a year after the battle of Hattin, all the country and cities of Palestine, except Tyre, were in the possession of Saladin; he had even threatened Antioch, but at length returned to Damascus. By his orders, his brother now laid siege to Shobek and Kerak and subdued them; while the Sultan himself marched against the two remaining fortresses of Safed and KIaukab. In the mean time, Sated would appear to have been strengthened and perhaps enlarged; for both Christian and Arabian writers speak of it as exceedingly strong, and impregnable by its position; it had also become very troublesome to the Muhammedans.5 Saladin with his army sat down before the place late in October, and pressed the siege with great vigour; the Sultan himself conducting all the operations night and day. After about five weeks, Safed capitulated; and the inhabitants were permitted to withdraw to Tyre.6 Saladin immediately proceeded to lay siege to Kaukab, as already related.7 Safed now continued for half a century in the power of the Muhammedans. In A. D. 1220, Melek el-Mu'adh-dhem, Sultan Will. Tyr. 18. 14. ib. 21. 28. ib. 22. Jac. de Vitr. c. 49, 95. Bobaed. Vit. 16. Abu Shameh, quoted in Wilken Gesch. Salad. p. 87. Reinaud Extraits, p. 232. der Kr. III. ii. pp. 44, 45. 6 Bohaed. p. 87. Abulf. Annal. A. H. 2 Jac. de Vitr. c. 49. p. 1074. 584. Reinaud Extr. p. 232. Wilken' Marin. Sanutus expressly ascribes Gesch. der Kr. IV. pp. 244, 245, and Safed to king Fulco; p. 166. Beyl. p. 83. 4 Will. Tyr. 21. 30. 7 See above, p. 361. iii. 326-328

JUNE 21.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 427 of Damascus, dreading lest the Christians should again get possession of the strong holds of the country, caused the fortress of Safed to be demolished; just as the year before he had adopted the same course with the walls of Jerusalem, and the castles of Bania's and Tibnin.' In A. D. 1240, in consequence of a treaty with the Sultan Isma'il of Damascus, Safed, together with the castle esh-Shbukif and Tiberias, reverted into the hands of the Christians.2 The Templars were desirous immediately to rebuild the castle, and were promised protection and aid in the work, by the king of Navarre and other princes then at'Akka; but as neither men nor money were furnished, the work was not begun. In the mean time, Benedict, bishop of Marseilles, who was then in the Holy Land, having travelled from Damascus by way of Safed to'Akka, was so impressed with the importance of a fortress at that point, as a shield to the cities on the coast and a means of overawing and harassing Damascus and the interjacent region, that after persevering exertion, he prevailed on the Templars to undertake the rebuilding of the castle, upon the strength of their own resources. The work was immediately commenced; the bishop himself laid the corner stone in December of the same year; and deposited upon it a cask of gold and silver coins as his own contribution. He remained near at hand, until the walls were so far advanced as to be defensible; and then returned to his home, leaving behind his blessing and all his property in Palestine to the fortress, as to a beloved child. On a second visit to the Holy Land in Oct. 1260, he found the castle of Safed. completed with admirable strength and magnificence, nearly inaccessible from its position, and impregnable through the solidity and skill of its construction.3 I Jac. de Vitr. Hist. orient. lib. III. p. Y See the extracts from a Ms. in the 1144. Marin. Sanut. p. 209. Oliverii Biblioth. Colbert. in Steph. Baluzii MiscelSchol, Hist. c. 26, in Eccardi Corp. Histor. laneor. lib. VI. Tom. VI. pp. 357-369. med. lEvi Tom. II. p. 1421. Wilken 1. c. Paris 1713. 8. From various expressions VI. p. 303.-The text of Jac. de Vitry in this tract, which gives a particular ac(which Marin. Sanut. copies) instead of count of Benedict's efforts, it appears to Mu'adh-dhem has " Coradinus," and reads have been written between A. D. 1260 as follows: " Anno Dom. 1220, Coradinus and 1266; i. e. before the final capture of Princeps Damasci destruxit Safed castrum Safed by Bibars. Many Muhammedan firmissimum," etc. This is copied by the captives were employed in the building up editor of Van Egmond and Heyman with of Safqd; see Reinaud Extr. p. 444. Wilthe remarkable substitution of extruxit for ken 1. c. VI. p. 629.-The circumstances destruxit, just inverting the meaning of thus far related, serve to contradict the the writer; Reizen II. p. 42. This error, common impression, that the present castle which makes Mu'adh-dhem the builder up of Safed was of Roman origin; a view instead of the destroyer of Safed, has which seems to rest chiefly on the weak been several times copied; e. g. Bachiene authority of Stephen Schulz; Leitungen Th. II. ~ 685. Hamelsveld II. p. 367. etc. Th. V. p. 209. Basching Erdbeschr. 2 IHugo Plagon in Mart. et Durand Tom. Th. XI. p. 487. The best account of the V. p. 723. Marin. Sanut. p. 215. Rei- castle, as it existed a century ago, is in naud Extr. pp. 440, 443. Wilken Gesch. Van Egmond and Heyman Reizen II. p. der IKr. VI. p. 600. 43 sq. iii. 328, 329

428 SAFED, [SEC. XV. The Templars were not permitted long to possess their new fortress in peace. In June, A. D. 1266, the formidable Bibars, Sultan of Egypt, having already made himself master of most of the Holy Land, laid siege to Safed, and pressed it with such reckless vehemence, that in July the garrison were compelled to make terms of capitulation. These were granted; the garrison marched out; and having placed themselves in the power of the conqueror, were put to death in cold blood to the number of two thousand men. The prior of the Templars and two Franciscan monks, who had exhorted the Christians to constancy in their faith, are said to have been flayed alive. The circumstances of this brutal perfidy, as related by Arabian historians, are even more atrocious than they are described by Christian writers.'Bibars immediately restored the fortifications of Safed, and posted there a strong garrison; gave orders for the erection of two mosks; and established in the town a colony brought from Damascus.2 The next year he again strengthened and completed the fortifications, so as to render Safed the bulwark of all Syria.3 NWe hear little more of the political state of Safed. Abulfeda speaks of it as a fortress, and of the town as divided into three parts; and the same is repeated by edh-Dhahiry about the middle of the fifteenth century; the latter describes the castle as of surpassing strength, and adds that the town contained mosks, tombs of saints, schools, baths, and markets.4 All this indicates a high degree of prosperity; and Safed at this time was the head of a province.-During the eighteenth century, as we have seen, it was the beginning of Sheikh Dhaher's power; and its desolation by the earthquake of A. D. 1759 has already been mentioned.5 During the invasion of Syria by the French in 1799, they occupied Safed with a garrison of about four hundred men, whose outposts were advanced as far as to the bridge of the Jordan. After their retreat the Jews' quarter was sacked by the Turks.6 The origin of the Jewish settlement at Safed, and of the celebrated Rabbinic school, although of comparatively modern date, is nevertheless involved in obscurity. Benjamin of Tudela, who travelled in Palestine about A. D. 1165, and is careful to speak of every place whfere even two or three Jews were to be found, visited and describes the adjacent cemetery of Meiron, See Makrizi and other Arabian writers 4 Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. 83. Edh-DhAhiry in Reinaud Extraits pp. 494-498. Marin. in Rosenmueller Analect. Arab. Pars. III. Sanut. p. 222. Wilken 1. c. VIII. pp. 486- p. 19, Arab. p. 40, Lat.-W. de Baldensel 492. speaks also of Safed in A. D. 1336 as a 2 Reinaud 1. c. p. 498. Wilken L. c. p. strong fortress, surpassed only by Kerak; 493. p. 355. ed. Basnage. 3 Reinaud L c. p. 502. Wilken 1. c. p. 5 See above, pp. 393 sq. 424. 515. o Burckhardt p. 317. iii. 329-331,

Ju-E 21.] JEWISH SCHOOL OF LEARNING. 429 but says not one word of Safed.I The latter was then a fortress in the hands of the Christians; and it follows conclusively from Benjamlin's silence, that no Jews at that time dwelt in the place. Nor were the circumstances of Safed, during that and the following century, such as were likely to allure them to take up their abode there. The rules and sway of the Templars were not favourable to tolerance, and least of all to the Jews. During the fifty years of Muhammedan dominion, after the capture of Safed by Saladin, it is indeed possible, that some of this people may have repaired thither; but when in A. D. 1240 the Templars regained possession for six and twenty years, it is hardly to be supposed, that Jews could have formed a portion of the inhabitants. Bibars, as we have seen, repeopled the place anew with a colony from Damascus. Most writers also of the two following centuries, make no mention of Jews at SafedY2 Later Jewish Itineraries speak here of the tomb of the prophet Hosea.3 But in whatever period the first establishment of that people here may fall, or whenever their school of learning may have been founded, it is certain, that the latter was in its most flourishing state about the middle of the sixteenth century; and various circumstances render the supposition probable, that its origin is not to be placed much if any further back, than the early part of the same century.4 All the celebrated Rabbis, who are known to have lived and taught in Safed, fall within this period. One of the first mentioned is Jacob Be-Rab, a Spanish exile, who was first chief Rabbi at Fez in Africa and then at Safed, where he became celebrated as a writer and teacher, and died in A. ID. 1541. Among his more distinguished pupils, who became also his colleagues and successors at Safed, were: Moses de Trani of Apulia, who taught as Rabbi for fifty-four years from 1525 to 1580, the year of his death; Joseph Karo of Spanish descent, one of the chief ornaments of the academy from 1545 until his death in 1575; and Solomon Alkabez, who began to distinguish himself as a writer in 1529, and was still living in 1561.5 A pupil and colleague of Karo and Alkabez 1 Benj. of Tud. I. p. 82. Parchi a century later has the name Tse2 The only exception I formerly found fath; but nothing more; see in Asher's is Ludolf de Suchem (A. D. 1336-50), Benj. of Tud. II. p. 420. who merely relates that in his time a Jew s Carmoly, p. 381, 447. Hottinger Cippi and his wife from Westphalia were living Heb. p. 58. at Safed; Itin. p. 97. Reissb. p. 852. 4 Basnage adduces the silence of BenSee Brocardus c. 4. p. 173. Marin. Sanut. jamin, as showing that there could then pp. 222, 248. W. de Baldensel p. 355. have been no Jewish school at Safed; but Sir J. Maundeville p. 117. London 1839.- remarks conjecturally, or at least without But the Jewish Itinerary of Samuel bar referring to any authority, that it was Simson in 1210 speaks of communities founded not long after. Hist. des Juifs of the Jews at Safed; see Carmoly, Brux. Tom. V. p. 1942. Rotterd. 1707. 1847. pp. 132,133; comp. pp. 187,261, 447. 5 See De Rossi Dizionario Storico degli iii. 331, 332

430 SAFED. [SEC. XV. was Moses of Cordova, the most famous cabbalist since the days of Simeon Ben Jochai; he died: as chief Rabbi of Safed in A. D. 1570. Moses Galante, a native of Rome, was somewhat later and died in 1618. But the academy was not indebted for its fame to strangers alone; Samuel Oseida and 3Moses Alsheikh, both natives of Safed, contributed to its celebrity during the sixteenth century; the latter died between 1592 and 1601.' The writings of all these learned men are numerous and of high renown in Jewish literature; and under their teaching, the school of Safed became famous, and was frequented by pupils from every quarter. It appears also, that a printing-office was already established; and a work of Galant6, a comment on the book of Ecclesiastes, is extant, bearing the imprint of Safed 1578.2 To this period is doubtless to be referred the description of the former prosperity of the Jews in Safed, as given by Nau nearly a century later. Safed was to them like another Jerusalem. They dwelt there in great numbers; and had a vast Khan like a square fortress, covered with lead, in which many lived, and where there was a fine synagogue. Besides the schools in which the sciences were taught, they counted eighteen synagogues distinguished by the names of the several nations which possessed them; as the Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, and others.3 The cessation of this prosperity is ascribed to the oppressions of the Muhammedans; and probably took place by degrees. Some of the renowned Rabbis, as appears above, continued their labours into the seventeenth century; and Quaresmius, writing about A. D. 1625, speaks of Safedcl as inhabited chiefly by Hebrews, who had their synagogues and schools; and for whose sustenance, contributions were made by the Jews in other parts of the world.4 The further accounts of this people in Safed, from the middle of the seventeenth century onward, have already been adverted to.5 Closely connected with the history of the Jews in Safed, and perhaps originally the occasion of their settling here, is the village of IMeircn, lying about two hours distant W. N. W.6 Here are the reputed tombs of several ancient holy Rabbis; and as a place of pilgrimage for the Jews, this is now the most famous and venerated in Palestine. It seems to be mentioned in the Autori Ebrei, etc. Parma 1802, arts. Be- Jakob;" De Rossi 1. c. art. Galatnte. BarRab, Trani, Karo, Alkabez.- See also for tolocci Biblioth. R1abb. Tom. IV. p. 67. these and the other Rabbins mentioned, The later accounts of this press have alBartolocci Biblioth. Rabbin. under the ready been given; see above, p. 421. several names. Basnage Hist. des Juifs 3 Nau Voyage, etc. pp. 560, 561. Tom. V. p. 1943 sq. Rotterd. 1707. 4 Quaresmius II. p. 904. De Rossi 1. c. arts. Cordovero, Galarnte, See above, p. 421. Oseida, Alscheich. 6 We visited Meir6n in 1852; see in 2 The title of the book is "Kehilat Vol. III. Sect. II, under Apr. 14th. iii. 332-334

JUNE 21.] JEWISH SCHOOL. MEIRON. 431 Talmud as Meron and Beth Meron.' Benjanmin of Tudela speaks of it about A. D. 1165; and relates that in a cavern near by, were the sepulchres of the celebrated Jewish doctors Hillel and Shammai, as also of twenty of their disciples and other Rabbis.2 The Jewish Itinerary of Samuel bar Simson (1210) mentions here likewise the tombs of these two masters, and describes in addition the sepulchre of R. Simeon Ben Jochai, the reputed author of the cabbalistic book Zohar; while later Itineraries in like manner speak of all these tombs.3 At the present day, there is at Meiron quite a cemetery of ancient Jewish tombs. The sepulchres are described as hewn out of the rock, each large enough to contain several bodies, and covered with immense stones, some of theml a foot in thickness.4 The most sacred of the tombs at present, is that reputed to belong to R. Simeon Ben Jochai; but which, to judge from the silence of Benjamin, must be of far later date. To this tomb the Jews make an annual procession in May, in memory of the saint; and over it they are said to burn the most costly articles they possess, including sometimes valuable Cashmere shawls.5 The occasion was described to us, I hope slanderously, as a festival, during which the Jews give themselves up to revelry and intoxication.6 The situation of Safed, as we have seen, is very high. The whole region of Galilee is in general less elevated, than the mountainous tract of Judea; yet Safed itself, and especially the two eminences half an hour further north, cannot well be much lower than Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives. These eminences, although as here seen only rounded hills, form one of the highest points of Galilee; around which in winter the clouds gather, and cause an abundance of rain. In summer I See the passages in Lightfoot Opp. II. 4 See the similar description, Hottinger p, 593. Reland Pal. p. 817. 1. c. p. 68. 2 Benj. of Tud. I. p. 82.-Hillel and 5 Elliott's Travels, etc. II. pp. 355, 356. Shammai are reputed to have been the 6 I have mentioned above the story heads of different schools before the Chris- current in the sixteenth and seventeenth tian era. Lightfoot Opp. II p. 6. fol. centuries, that a rich Jewess had built up a 3 See in Carmoly, p. 135; also pp. 184, part of Tiberias, in order that the Jews 260, 381. Parchi in Asher's Benj. of might dwell there; but that they had been Tud. II. p. 427. Hottinger's Cippi Hebr. driven out by the Turks; see above, p. 393. Ed. 2. p. 68; compare above, Vol. I. p. This report, or at least the building up, is 332. n. 2. Niebuhr Reisebeschr. III. p. mentioned by Fitrer in A. D. 1566. Taking 69.-R. Ben Jochai is said to have been a this story in connection with the apparent pupil of R. Akiba, and to have flourished rise of the school in Safed, about the about A. D. 120. The Zohar is a cabba- beginning of the same century, it seems listic commentary upon the Pentateuch; not improbable, that the main impulse fox De Rossi regards it as having been com- the settlement of Jews at the latter place,' piled by the pupils of Ben Jochai, half a mayhavebeen given by a colony thus driven century later. See De Rossi Dizionario out from Tiberias; who fixed thesmselves at Storico, etc. art. Jochai. Comp. Wolf Safed, perhaps, on account of its vicinity Biblioth. Rabb. I. p. 1134. LightfootOpp. to Meiron. II. p. 144. iii. 334. 335

432 SAFED [S. [Sc. XV. the air is pure, and the climate not unlike that of the Holy City. Our thermometer stood here in the afternoon with a west wind at 82~ F., and the next morning at 61~; but at ten o'clock it had risen to 87~ F. with a serene atmosphere and the heat not oppressive. The olive, the pomegranate, the fig, and the vine, were here frequent, and seemed to thrive. From the isolated hill of Safed, and particularly from the castle, there is a wide and diversified prospect on every side except the north; where the view is cut off by the two higher peaks above mentioned. In the southeast the lake of Tiberias lies spread out before the spectator in its deep basin; while beyond, and towards the east, the eye takes in the whole extent of the high table land of Jaulan, the ancient Gaulonitis, presenting the appearance of a vast uneven plain, intersected by deep valleys and chasms running towards the lake. The view stretches even beyond this district; and embraces a great part of Hauran, quite to the borders of el-Lejah. The sightly mountain Kuleib Hauran, " the Dog," which is everywhere a conspicuous object in travelling through that country, was here very distinctly visible.' Far in the south, the fine mountains of'Ajlfin, around el-Husn, were seen across the Ghor below the lake; and then more towards the right came Tabor, the little Hermon, and a small portion of the great plain northwest of Jenin, with the mountains of Samaria. In the southwest and west, two dark mountain ridges, partially covered with shrubs and trees, shut in the view at the distance of two or three hours. Towards the east and north, the mountains around Safed are naked.2 A visit to Safed had not been included in our original plan; and our main object in coming hither, was to obtain intelligence respecting the safety of the roads to Damascus. This therefore had been our earliest inquiry; but we could gather at first very little information; every one being silent for fear of the government. Every one advised us, however, not to go at all by the way of Hasbeiya; nor by the way of the bridge without a caravan. By degrees, the intelligence we had received at Tiberias was here confirmed; and it was further supposed, that by this time, the troops which had been sent against the rebels must have been successful, and that the roads were now open and safe, or would soon become so. Indeed, in this expectation, a small company of muleteers and merchants was already forming at Safed, to set off for Damascus on Saturday. The regular 1 See Burckhardt's.Travels in Syria, pp. 2 Bearings at Safed from the castle: 90, 92. Col. Leake regards this mountain Jebel Kuleib Hauntin S. 69~ E. Semu'y S. as the Alsadamus of Ptolemy, lib. 5. 15. 80~ W. Meir6n two hours distant N. 67~W. Pref. to Burckhardt p. xii. Sa'sa' N. 45~ W. iii. 335-337

JuE 21.] PROSPECT. ROADS UNSAFE. 433 Friday's fair was to be held in Safed to-morrow, which is usually attended by persons from Hasbeiya and Rasheiya; and the merchants in question were now waiting to receive further information from this source. - We concluded to join the company, should it depart as proposed; and at any rate to wait here until Friday noon, for the sake of the expected intelligence. All these items we: could pick up only by degrees and with difficulty, chiefly by the aid of our muleteers, and from their associates. The agent of the American consul at Beirut, who resides here, was now absent; as were also two or three other individuals whom we had hoped to find. My companion called upon the Mutesellim, where he was for the first time on our journey received with impoliteness; that dignitary would say nothing, but that the road to Damascus was open; whether it was safe or not, he would not aver. I lighted upon a Jewish Rabbi who spoke tolerable German; but the same fear of the government kept him back from giving any explicit information. Some other Jews whom I addressed, seemed almost too stupid to reply. The next morning, Friday, the expected fair was held at +Safedc; but not an individual appeared from HAsbeiya or its immediate vicinity. People from the northern part of the basin of the Hfileh were there; and reported, that Hasbeiya was in a state of siege from the troops of the Pasha; that predatory bands of the Druzes had made inroads even into the Huhleh and the villages round about it, and especially upon the eastern roads to Damascus. There was too a rumour, that the troops had been worsted in an encounter with the rebels; but this seemed to need confirmation. The general news, however, was of such a tenor, that the company at Safed gave up their purpose of proceeding next day to Damascus; and we were thus again left to ourselves. We did not deem it prudent to set off alone. We might indeed wait for the larger caravan, which was soon to leave'Akka for Damascus, and pass the night at the Khan Jubb Yfusuf; but we could not learn when it was to start, and no orders had yet been received, when to furnish supplies at the Khan. Add to all this, our time was limited; for the steamer was to leave Beirutt at the very latest on the 10th of July. Under these circumstances, we felt reluctantly compelled to abandon our further journey towards Damascus, and proceed directly to Beirut by way of Tyre and Sidon; flattering ourselves, that from Beirit we should still be able to -make an excursion to Ba'albek, and return by way of the cedars of Lebanon.-It was well that we now came to -this determination; for we afterwards learned at Beirut, that just at this period the whole region of Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon had been VOL. 11. —37 iii. 337, 338

434 REGION OF THE HULEH. [SEC. XV. unsafe and impassable; and all the roads, even between Damascus and Beirut, had been for a time shut up. Towards the close of the fair, I strolled to the market place where it was held, on the southwest side of the castle hill. Many people were still there, though the business was mostly over. The main articles exposed for sale, were new wheat and barley; the rest were chiefly garden vegetables and fruits. There seemed not to have been many purchasers.-The first time we passed over the market place, not long after our arrival, we were hailed by a quarantine guard with the question, Whence we came? On our replying, From Hebron, they inquired further: Whether we had been in Jerusalem? Our aniswer in the negative put an end to the examination. REGION OF THE HULEH. While we were thus waiting in uncertainty at Safed, being very desirous to obtain a view of the basin of the Huileh and the country around the sources of the Jordan, our younger muleteer, who was here at home, proposed to take us to a spot about an hour northeast of the town, where he said we might have an extensive prospect. We accordingly set off about 4 o'clock of Thursday afternoon, and proceeding northeasterly around the head of the deep valley on the north and northwest of Safed, came in half an hour to the ridge constituting the gap between the two higher peaks already mentioned. Here Safed bore S. 40~0 W. and Benit, the place to which we were going, N. 450 E. The path now descended a little, crossing the heads of one or two Wadys which run off eastwards, but keeping in general upon high table land, until in about twenty-five minutes more, we reached Benit. Here are the slight remains of a former village, situated directly on the brow of the mountains enclosing the Hufleh, and commanding a splendid view over the whole basin and the surrounding region. Almost directly at our feet lay the lake el-Hfileh, separated from the mountain on which we stood only by a lower tract of uneven table land, the continuation of that between the mountains of Safed and the Jordan. This lower intervening tract hid from our view the southwestern and western shores of the lake itself, and caused it to appear to us as of a triangular form, running out almost to a point at its southeast extremity, where the Jordan issues from it about an hour above the bridge. The length of the lake we estimated at about two hours, or from four to five geographical miles; its breadth at the northern end is iii. 338-340

JUNE 21.] EXCURSION TO BENIT. THE LAKE. 435 probably not less than four miles.l On the north the waters of the lake are skirted by a marshy tract of considerable extent, covered with tall reeds and flags; into which our guide assured us neither man nor beast could penetrate. At the season when the lake is full, if not indeed at all times, this tract is doubtless covered with water; so that the whole may properly be regarded as pertaining to the area of the lake. Viewed in this light, the lake and its marshes may be said to occupy nearly the southern half of the basin of the Hfileh, and may be reckoned at five or six geographical miles in length by four or five in breadth. Through this great marsh, two or three small streams are seen pursuing their way towards the lake, chiefly from the north, and one or more from the west; they wind exceedingly, and occasionally swell out into small ponds. These glitter in the midst of the marsh and among the reeds; but neither deserve, nor admit, the name of separate lakes.2 On the east, the lake extends quite to the foot of the high ground, which shuts in the basin on that side. On the southwestern and western side, there is a tract of arable land all the way between the lake and the mountains, along which the road passes. This would seem to be somewhat uneven; for my companion, in travelling through it twice, in A. D. 1834 and the following year, had been able to get from the road only one or two glimpses of the lake. At the northwest corner of the clear part of the lake, adjacent to the marsh, a small mill stream enters, which rises from a single large fountain called'Ain ql-Mellahah, at the foot of the western mountain.3 The tract on the southern end of the lake and on its western side, as far north as to el-Mellahah, is called Ard el-Khait or Belad elKhait; and the lake itself sometimes takes the same name, elKhait. This district, which is arable and apparently nowhere marshy, is under the government of Safed. Near'Ain el-Mellahah, there is usually a large encampment of the Ghawarineh in tents and reed huts. North of el-Mellahah, the arable tract still continues of variable width, between the marsh and the western mountain. At the distance of an hour is another similar fountain, called Belat or Belateh, with a copious stream running into the marsh, Pococke describes the lake as four 3 Burckhardt extends the name of the miles broad at its northern end, and two fountain, el-Mellahah, by mistake, to the miles at the southern; the waters, he says, whole southwest coast of the lake; which are muddy and reckoned unwholesome. he wrongly says is covered by a saline Vol. II. i. p. 73. crust; Travels p. 316. This name is here 2 Something of this kind doubtless gave of long standing; for William of Tyre apoccasion for the story of a small lake plies it to the whole lake: " circa lacum north of the Hfileh; Buckingham's Tra- iMeleha;" Will. Tyr. 18. 13. vels among the Arab Tribes p. 406. 4to. iii. 340 341

436 REGION OF THE HULEI. [SEC. XV. and usually a like encampment of Ghawarineh. The water of both these copious fountains is not cold; and is described by my companion as much resembling that of'Ain es-Sultan near Jericho. At these points, and along these streams, the marsh extends up westwards almost to the fountains.-The marsh itself, towards the north, gradually passes over into a still more extensive and broader tract of fine meadow land, occupied by nomadic Arabs, who are mostly if not entirely GhawArineh, and whose main employment is the raising of cattle, chiefly buffalos.' The road passes up on the western side; and along it, for a considerable distance, runs an artificial ditch or canal for irrigation, which can be crossed only with difficulty; east of -it the ground is more firm, though still so low, that the Arabs cultivate rice. This canal branches off from the stream which comes from Hasbeiya, not far below the bridge Jisr el-Ghfijar;2 and forms with the main stream a sort of Delta, in which, near the northern end, is the miserable village ez-Zfik belonging to the Ghawarineh. Still further north, the ground rises more; and a most fertile plain extends towards Binihs, on which grain iscultivated. But the whole region is given up to Bedawin and Ghawhrineh. A few villages are scattered upon the eastern hills; two or three of which are inhabited by Nusairlyeh. The whole length of the basin may thus be about fifteen geographical miles. The name el-Huleh, therefore, as used at present by the inhabitants, belongs strictly to that part of the basin north of el-Mellahah and the lake; though it is commonly so extended. as to comprise the whole.3 The more eastern portion, including some villages around BAnias, is called Hulet Banias, and belongs to the government of HaIsbeiya. Around and below Banias itself, the region is called Ard Bani s.4 The northwest part of the basin falls within the district- of Merj'Ayuin, which extends down so as to embrace it. In 1834, my companion, Mr Smith, on his way to -Damascus, travelled from Tiberias to Hasbeiya, a good two days' journey, encamping for the night~ at'Ain el-Mellahah.: The next year he passed from Safed along the lake, encamped at Belat, and pursued his journey through Merj'Ayuin and by Jezzin and Deir el-Kamr to Beirut. In neither instance, did he hear of any inhabited -village in the Hfileh near the road. 1 Willibald in the eighth century speaks 2 So called from the village el-Ghuijar here also of buffalos: " Armenta mirabilia not far distant. longo dorso, brevibus cruribus, magnis 3 So already Bohaeddin, Vit. Salad. p. cornibus creati; omnes sunt unius coloris." 98. Abulfeda speaks only of the lake of He describes them in summer as immers- Banias; Tab. Syr. pp. 147, 155. ing themselves wholly in the marshes, ex- 4 Burckhardt p. 38. cept the head, etc. Hodoepor. ~ 17. p. 375. iii. 341-343

JunE 21.] THE PLAIN. GENERAL FEATURES. 437 Such was the amount of our observations and information, in respect to the lake and basin of the Hfileh itself. The town of BAnias in its northeast quarter we could not here see; it being hidden behind some projections of the hills in its vicinity. But the ruined Saracenic castle, Ktl'at B'anias, called by Arabian writers Kiil'at es-Subeibeh, standing upon a thin ridge cut off from Jebel esh-Sheikh by a deep ravine, was distinctly visible. From the point where we now stood, this castle bore N. 400 E. and we judged the distance to be not far from fifteen or sixteen geographical miles. Beyond it, nearly in the same direction, and perhaps twice as remote, towered the lofty summit of Jebel esh-Sheikh, here seen in all its majesty, with its long narrow glaciers, like stripes of snow,'extending down below its icy crown, and glittering in the sun. Our position enabled us to obtain a good general idea of the country on the north, around the sources of the Jordan; and the same was confirmed by further observation, on our subsequent journey. The mighty parallel ridges of Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, the Jebel Libn'An and Jebel esh-Shutrky (East Mountain) of the Arabs,' enclose the noble valley now called.el-Biika'a, once Ccele-.Syria proper, watered throughout the greater portion of its length by the river Litany, the ancient Leontes. The general direction of the mountains, the valley, and the stream, is from northeast to southwest. The lofty southern end of AntiLebanon is called Jebel esh-Sheikh. It rises to its highest elevation nearly south of Rasheiya and over HaIsbeiya; and is supposed to be somewhat higher than Jebel Sfinnin near Beirfit. The usual estimate of its height is ten thousand feet above the Mediterranean. The top is partially crowned with snow, or rather. ice, during the whole year; which however lies only in the ravines, and thus presents at a distance the appearance of radiant stripes, around and below the summit. The mountain afterwards slopes off gradually and irregularly towards the W. S. W. quite down to the opening of Wady et-Teim upon the plain, northwest of Banias. In this part there is some cultivation, and several villages. From the southeastern base of the high part of Jebel esh-Sheikh, a low broad spur or mountainous tract runs off towards the south, fbrming the high land which shuts in the basin and lake of the Htleh on the east. According to Burckhardt, this tract is called Jebel Heish; the higher portion of it terminates at Tell el-Faras, nearly three hours north of Fik; but the same high plain of Jaulhn continues towards the I These are general names; but the nin, etc.-The name Jebel Libnan occurs Arabs more commonly employ particular in Edrisi, par Jaubert pp. 336, 355, 361. names for different parts of these moun- Abulfeda Tab. Syr. pp. 163, 164. tains; e. g. Jebel esh-Sheikh, Jebel SiunVOL. II.-37* iii. 343-345

438 REGION OF THE iHULEH. [SEC. XV. south, until the mountains of'AjlAn rise again above it, in the district el-Wastiyeh and around el-Husn.' The chain of Lebanon or at least its higher ridges, may be said to terminate at the point, where it is broken through by the river Litany, somewhat north of Tyre. But a-broad and lower mountainous tract continues towards the south, bordering the basin of the Hileh on the west; it rises to its greatest elevation around Safed (Jebel Safed); and ends at length abruptly in the mountains of Nazareth, as the northern wall of the plain of Esdraelon. This high tract may be regarded as the prolongation of Mount Lebanon. Wady et-Teim lies: along the western* base of Jebel eshSheikh and Anti-Lebanon; being separated from the proper valley of the Litany by a: ridge and line of hills, extending north as far as'Anjar. The water-shed, which is also the head of the southern valley, is not far north of Rasheiya. It enters the basin of the Hduleh about an hour west of Batnias. -It is a fertile valley with a considerable stream; skirted on each side by declivities of various height, usually cultivated; with no plain along the middle, except at the southern end. On the hills are many villages. It is divided into two districts, called the Upper and Lower Wady et-Teim; the capital of the former being Rasheiya, and that of the latter -Hasbeiya. The lower district includes also Banias and the vicinity. These and some other districts, form the province of Jebel esh-Sheikh.2 West of the southern part of Wady et-Teim, between it and the Litany, lies the fine region of Merj'Ayfn, separated from the Teim by a range of hills. It is an oval or almost circular basin, about an hour in diameter, a beautiful, fertile, well-watered plain, surrounded by hills,: which in some parts are high, but mostly arable. On the north, they retain this character quite to the brow of the descent towards the Litany. Towards the south, Merj'Ayuin communicates with the plain of the Hllleh by a narrow entrance, through which flows a stream. Merj'Aytn3' forms a district within the government of Belad Besharah, a large province occupying the mountains between the Huileh and the plain of Tyre, and having for its capital the castle of Tibnin.4 The route of my companion from P Burclkhardt pp. 281, 286 sq. city Ijon, (Heb. lar) of the Old Testa2 The Arabian writer edh-DhAhiry in ment, which lay somewhere in the neighthe 15th century, speaks of Wady et-Teim bourhood of Dan and Naphtali. 1 Kings as a district in the province of Damascus, 15, 20. 2 Chr. 16, 4. so called from the Wady, and containing 4 The district of Merj'Ay~n ismentioneda 360 villages; see Rosenmiiller's Analect. under the same name by Arabian histoArab. ItI. p. 22. Lat. p. 46. rians of the times of the crusades; see Not improbably the word'Ayun in Bohaed. Vit. Salad. pp. 89, 93; and in the this name may have some relation to the same work, Excerpta Abulfed. A. H. 585, iii. 345, 346

JuNE 21.] WADY ET-TEIM; MERJJ'AYUN, ETC. 439 Safed to Deir el-Kamr in 1835,: led him directly through Merj'Ayuin, and so over the bridge of the Litany near the castle eshShfikif to Jezzin. The preceding account -has been corrected by observations made during a visit to Banihs and the sources of the Jordan in 1852. The fuller account of the region now in view belongs to another volume.' The high tract of country bordering the HAleh on the west, is thickly populated. It bore everywhere the marks of tillage, and many villages were in sight, the names of which our guide. did not know. One was mentioned on the hills opposite the marshes, -still bearing the name of Kedes; it is without doubt the ancient Kedesh: of Naphtali, a city of refuge and of the Levites, the birthplace of Barak, situated twenty Roman miles from Tyre and not far from Paneas.2 The view from Benit, the spot where we stood, was very extensive and magnificent. Before us rose Jebel esh-Sheikh in all his glory; while more on the left, the ridges of Lebanon were visible to a great distance, terminated far in the N. N. E. by the snowy peak of Jebel S innin near Beirft. On the east of Jebel esh-Sheikh, the eye scanned the lower mountains and high table land which extends off far southwards; including the districts of Kuneitirah and Jauln; and beyond these Haurin with its mountain. -The bridge BenAt Ya'kob was not itself visible; but we could see the Khan upon its eastern side, and could distinctly trace the outline of the narrow valley of the Jordan, from the Hfleh to the Lake of Tiberias. A portion of the latter lake, the northeastern part, could also be perceived, like a separate lake, deep among the mountains;4 and beyond it the " high hills"' of Bashan presented their beautiful outline. Towards the south and west the view was shut out by the adjacent higher ground. But the place of the ancient Dan was before us; and we thus had been permitted-to behold the Promised Land in all its length, even from Dan to Beersheba.? p. 47. Schultens Index Geogr. art. f2Varsj- Tiberias, aided by its apparent nearness Ojoun.-Abulfeda writes the name with as seen through the transparent atmosphere, the article, Merj el-'Ayfin. has doubtless given occasion for the story l See in Vol. III. Sect. IN. of another small lake between that -of Ti2 Joh. 19, 37. 20, 7. 21, 32. J-udg. 4, berias and the Hfleh. Richardson's Tra6. Afterwards conquered by Tiglath- vels II. p. 446. An English traveller, pileser, 1 Kings 15, 29. Onomast. art. whom we afterwards met at Beirut, had Cedes. The place is mentioned by Benja- fallen into the same error on the testimony min of Tudela, I. p. 82; and by Brocardus, of his own eyes, as he supposed. c. 4. p. 173. It is said to have been visited b The bearings taken from Benit were a few years since by Lady Hester Stan- as follows: Ktll'at BaniAs N. 40? E. Jebel hope, and again soon after we left Syria by esh-Sheikh N. 40~ E. Mouth of Wady etBertou; Bull. de la Soc. de Geogr. Sept. Teim about N. 20~ E. Snowy peak of 1839, p. 144. Jebel Sinnin N. 24~ E. Lake el-Hileh 3 See above, under Safed, p. 432. north end N. 41~ E. (?) Lake el-Hfileh 4 Some such partial view of the lake of south end N. 65~ E. Khn at Jisr Bendt iii. 347, 355. 356

440 REGION OF THE HULEH. [SEC. XV. We returned to Safed highly delighted with our excursion; which we felt assured had given us a better idea of the HUileh and the adjacent country, than we could have obtained by simply passing through the plain. Such, at least, was the experience of my companion, who had already twice travelled along the Hfileh; where the road is so low as to afford no prospect of the land, and only occasional glimpses of the lake. A few historical notices of the HuIleh and two or three places in and around it, may close this section. The lake el-Hizleh is mentioned in the Old Testament as the waters of Merom; in the vicinity of which Joshua smote Jabin king of Hazor and the Canaanites, with a great slaughter.' Josephus, speaking of another Jabin, also king of Hazor, places that city over the lake Samochonitis, the appellation by which alone he knows these waters.2 The name el-Hiuleh goes back, as we have seen, at least to the period of the crusades; while Abulfeda describes it only as the lake of Banias.3 In Jebel es7h-Sheikh we have the majestic Hermon of the Old Testament, which is put as the northern limit of the territory of Israel beyond Jordan, "ifrom the river of Arnon unto Mount Hermon.", The Psalmist couples it with Tabor, as the representatives of all the mountains of the Promised Land.5 Eusebius describes gMount Hermon as overagainst Paneas and Lebanon; Jerome learned from his Hebrew teacher, that Hermon impended over Paneas; and in that day its snows were carried in summer to Tyre as a luxury.6 -Mount Hermon bore also the name of Sion; was called by the Sidonians, Shirion; and by the Ammonites, Senir; which latter name in the Arabic form Sunir was still applied, in Abulfeda's day, to the portion of Anti-Lebanon north of Jebel esh-Sheikh.7 Very early too Hermon began to receive the appellation of the "Snowy Mountain," in Chaldee Tutr Telga, in Arabic Jebel eth-Tlhej; which latter was its common name in the time of Abulfeda, and is Ya'k6b N. 81~ E. Dukah on the lake of 5 Ps. 89, 12. [13.] See above, pp. 326, Tiberias S. 35~ E. DelAta, village, N. 23~ 357. Comp. Ps. 42, 6. 133, 3. E.-Del/ta is mentioned in the Jewish 6 Onomast. art..zrmorno,.,Eron, Itineraries as a place of Jewish tombs; " Hebrmus vero quo prnlegente Scripturas Carmoly, pp. 135, 185, 263, 379, 450. Hot- didici, affirmat montem YErmon Paneadi tinger Cippi Hebr. Ed. 2. p. 66. imminere;... de quo nune estive nives Josh. 11, 5. 7. Tyrum ob delicias feruntur." 2 Joseph. Ant. 5. 5. 1. B. J. 3. 10. 7. 7 Sion Dent. 4, 48. Senir Dent. 8, 9. Boha. 4... Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. 164.-The Sion Bohaed. Vit. Salad. p. 98. Edh-DhA(Heb. ]X W) here spoken of, is a wholly hiry in Rosenrn. Analect. Arab. III. p. 22. here spoken o is a wholly Lat. p. 45. Abulf. Tab. Syr. pp. 147, 155. different name from the Zion (Heb. iX.) See above, p. 436. For the name Meleha, in the Holy City; and can therefore have probably a mere extension of'Ain el-Mel- nothing to do with the explanation of the lahah, see p. 435. difficult passage in Ps. 133, 3; where only 4 Deut. 3, 8. 4, 48. Comp. Josh. 11, 3. the latter name is read. 17. 13, 11. iii. 356, 357

JUNE 21.] THE LAKE. HERMON. THE BRIDGE. 441 perhaps heard occasionally at the present day.' The monkish transposition of Hermon to the plain of Esdraelon, where the name of Little Hermon is still sometimes employed, has been already sufficiently considered.2 The Jisr Benat Ya'kob, " Bridge of the daughters of Jacob,"1 appears to be later than the time of the crusades, and was probably erected in connection with the great caravan roadc from Egypt to Damascus, with its numerous Khans. The writers of that period speak only of a ford of Jacob; according to a legendary tradition or supposition, that the patriarch here crossed the Jordan on his return from Mesopotamia. Abulfeda, about A. D. 1300, calls the spot- Beit Ya'kob (Jacob's house), and the ford, el-Ajran.4 Travellers of the fourteenth century, on their way from Palestine to Damascus, journeying apparently with the regular caravans, crossed the Jordan below the lake of Tiberias.5 In Jan. A. D. 1450, the party of Gumpenberg is described as travelling to Damascus along the lake of Tiberias northwards, then over hills, and afterwards crossing a bridge where was a toll; this answers to the bridge in question, though the Jordan is not named.6 In the remainder of the fifteenth, and the greater portion of the sixteenth century, the tide of travel among the pilgrims turned from Jerusalem southwards towards Sinai and Egypt; but about the middle of the sixteenth, we find Belon passing to Damascus by the present great road and bridge; and he was- followed by several others in the same century.7 It would appear, therefore, that this great caravan route hacd been established, the bridge built, and the Khans erected, probably before the middle of the fifteenth -century. The KhAn near the bridge, at its eastern end, is similar to the rest, as we 1 chald. arn Gus, Targ. Hierosol. came first to the ford of the Jabbok, the Deut. 4, 48. So too Vers. Samarit. ibid. present Zerka, north of Jericho; here See Reland Pal. pp. 323, 324.-Abulf. Esau met him, having come from Mount Tab. Syr. p. 163. Seir. Gen. 32, 22; comp. vs. 3. 2 See above, pp. 326, 327.-For Dan W. de Baldensel ed. -Basnage p. 855, and B onies, see Vol. III. Sect. IX, 1852. "Jordanem transivi ponte in eo- loco, ubi 3 Instead of Bendt Ya'k6b, Burckhardt ipse fluvius se a mari Galilee separat." has incorrectly Beni Ya'k6b,' Sons of Ja- Sir J. Maundeville p. 115. Lond. 1839.cob;' p. 315. So late as A. D. 1508, Baumgarten crossed 4 "Vadum Jacob," Will. Tyr. 18. 13. the Jordan near Jericho, and proceeded ib. 21. 26, ib. 22. 22, "per locum, cui thence to Damascus, on the east side of nomen Vadum Jacob, fluvium pertran- the river; p. 107 sq. siens." Quaresmius II. p. 871. Abulfed. Reissb. in h. Land p. 451. The stream Annal. A. H. 575; in Bohaed. Vit. Salad. is merely spoken of as " a water Daie." Excerpt. p. 26. Bonifacius has here also T Belon Observ. Paris 1588, p. 331. a "domus Jacob;" Quaresmius 1. c. p. Then followed M. Seiditz as a prisoner in 872; and Pococke speaks of a small hill 1556, Reissb. p. 489; Radzivil in 1583, north of the bridge with some ruins, called Reissb. II. p. 153; Cotovicus in 1598, p. the town of Jacob; II. i. p. 73.-But 361 sq. Comp. Quaresmius Elucidat. Tom. Jacob, in returning from Mesopotamia, II. p. 871. iii. 357, 361-363

442 REGION OF THE HULEH. [SEC. XV. could see; and is the fifth upon this great public road, after. it enters the plain of Esdraelon at Lejjin.1 The bridge itself is built of the black volcanic stones of the region; has four pointed arches; and is sixty paces long by about sixteen feet in breadth.2 This passage of the Jordan was however a point of great importance, even in the era of the crusades. It was here that king Baldwin III, in A. D. 1157, while proceeding from Banias to Tiberias, after having relieved the former place, was surprised by Nureddin; his attendants were mostly captured, and he himself escaped with difficulty to the castle of Safed.3 In October, A. D. 1178, Baldwin IV. laid here, by the ford, the foundations of a new fortress, upon an eminence of moderate height, on the west side of the river. The castle was quadrangular; the walls of great thickness and solidity, and of appropriate height. The whole work was completed in about six months; and gave the Christians entire control of this important pass. The charge of the castle was committed to the Templars; and it thus formed a sort of outpost to their adjacent and more formidable fortress of Safed.4 The Christians had carried on the works without interruption from the Saracens, except one or two attacks from robber hordes. But in June A. D. 1179, not three months after the fortress was completed, it was assaulted by Saladin, at first without success. Having, however, defeated the Christians in a subsequent engagement near Banias, in which the constable Honfroy was mortally wounded, and the Grand Master of the Templars, and others, made prisoners, the Sultan again invested the castle, became master of it by storm, put the garrison mostly to the sword, and razed the fortress to the foundations.5 The remains of this castle are doubtless the ruins, which travellers describe as situated on a tumulus-like hill on the west side of the river, about a mile below the bridge.6 1 These are the Khans el-LejjU'n, et- 6 Pococke Vol. II. i. p. 73, "A small Tujj'ar, el-Minyeh, Jubb Yusuf, el-Jisr. mile below the bridge, there is an oblong 2 Burckhardt, p. 315. Cotovicus p. 361. square hill, which seems to have been made Comp. above, pp. 414, 415. by art; round the summit of it are the 3 Will. Tyr. 18. 13, 14. Wilken Gesch. foundations of a strong wall; and on the der Kr. III. ii. p. 44. Comp. above, p. 426. south end and on the east side, I saw the 4 Will. Tyr. 21. 26, 30. WillKen ibid. remains of two very handsome gates of p. 189. hewn stone, with round turrets at the 5 Will. Tyr. 21. 27-30. Reinaud Ex- corners. At the north end there is a great traits p. 182. Abulfed. Annal. A. H. 575. heap of ruins, probably of a castle; the Bar Hebr. Chron. Syr. pp. 380, 381. whole is about half a mile in circumferWilken ib. pp. 191-194. Id. Comment. de ence." Monro Vol. II. p. 44. Bell. Cruc. p. 126. iii. 363, 364

SECTION XVI. FROM SAFED BY TYRE AND SIDON TO BEIRUT. Friday, June 22d, 1838. Having been thus compelled to turn away from exploring personally the sources of the Jordan, and from visiting Damascus, we felt that the other parts of our general plan had been accomplished, and that the main objects of our journey were at an end. In proceeding from Safed to Tyre, and thence by Sidon to Beiruft, we supposed that we were about to travel a beaten track, which had been repeatedly described, and could therefore present nothing of novelty; whatever there might be of interest connected with the renowned emporiums of ancient Plenicia. Under the influence of this impression, and feeling that our work was done, I am sorry to say, we paid a less exact attention to our course and to the various objects along the way, than had been hitherto our custom. I regret this the more; because it turns out, that the country between Safed and Tyre was altogether unknown; and even the route along the coast between Tyre and Beirut, although often travelled, has never been accurately described. Indeed, all this portion of the coast of Syria has never yet been fully surveyed, nor the positions of its chief towns correctly determined; and although it is now constantly visited by steamers and vessels of war, yet there exists up to the present time (1856), neither a good chart of the coast, nor the materials from which one might be constructed. Our missionary friends from Beirfit, a few weeks before, had travelled from Safed to Tyre by a somewhat different road; and. had also been for several years in the habit of passing between these two places. Indeed, the route was regarded as a common one; and I first learned after returning to Europe, and not without some surprise, that it had hitherto been almost or quite unknown in books. On examination, I find that Nau, in A. D 1674, travelled from the mouth of the Kasimiyeh, north of iii. 365. 366

444 FROM SAFED TO TYRE.. [Sec. XVI. Tyre to Safed; but he gives merely the names of a few villages along his route.' In A. D. 1833, Monro too went from Safed to Tyre, and returned to Safed; but his account is meager, though overcharged; and his road appears to have been a different one from ours, at least for a great part of the way.2 Mr Thomson likewise took this route to Safed, after the earthquake of 1837; and mentions the names of a few places.' These appear to be the only printed notices of the whole region between Safed and Tyre. We set off from our place of encampment in Safed at 12j o'clock; and passing around the north side of the hill, below the castle, began at once to descend into the northwestern valley, here not less than three or four hundred feet deep. We reached the bottom about 12.35; and had on our right, in the valley, the large village'Ain ez-Zeit-n with its fine vineyards, north of Safed. The village at this distance had a thrifty appearance, although it was laid in ruins by the earthquake. This great valley, as we have seen, passes down at first about S. S. W. and after receiving the eastern Wady, runs to the lake of Tiberias as Wady el-'Amfid. We now crossed two low ridges, or swells, between smaller Wadys; and had Meiron in view on our left, near the foot of the mountain in that direction. Further on, we began to pass up a narrow lateral Wady, coming down from the northwest. Upon the height on our left, was the village of Kadita, which at 1.40 was directly over us. Another village on our right, perhaps half an hour distant, was called Teitebeh. Kadita has many vineyards and fig trees in its neighbourhood, and was greatly injured by the earthquake. We were now again in a region of dark volcanic stones, like those around the lake of Tiberias. We soon came out upon a high open plain, about on the level of Kadita, or perhaps higher; and the volcanic stones increased as we advanced, until they took the place of every other; and, besides covering the surface of the ground, seemed also to compose the solid formation of the tract. In the midst of this plain, at five minutes past 2 o'clock, we came upon heaps of black stones and lava, surrounding what had evidently once been the crater of a volcano. It is an oval basin, sunk in the plain in the direction from S. W. by S. to N. W. by N. between three and four hundred feet in length, and about one hundred and twenty feet in breadth. The depth is perhaps forty feet. The sides are shelving, but steep and ragged, obviously composed of lava; of which our friend Mr Hebard had been able to distinguish three 1 Nau Voyage Nouv. de la Terre Sainte See his Report in the Missionary p. 550 sq. Herald for Nov. 1837, p. 435 sq. 2 Summer Ramble, Vol. II. p. 16 sq. 33. iii. 366, 367

JUNE 22.] TIE CRATER. EL-JISH. 445 different kinds or ages.-N- ear the northwestern extremity, a space of a few feet in width slopes up more gradually from the bottom, leaving a sort of entrance through the wall of the crater. The basin is usually filled with water, forming a pond; but was now nearly or quite dry, and contained nothing but mud. All around it are the traces of its former action, exhibited in the strata of lava and the vast masses of volcanic stones. It may not improbably have been the central point or AIbleiter of the earthquake of 1837. Mr Thomson, who passed here a short time afterwards, mentions the spot in his report; but appears not to have examined it in reference to its possible connection with the earthquake.' Our friends also, a few weeks before, had seen it; and in their letters had directed our attention to it.2 The pond bears the name of Birket el-Jish, from the next village.3 Further on, and still in the plain, one road to Tyre goes off more to the left; our friends who preceded us, had taken this route, and visited upon it a place, where a species of chalcedony is found in great abundance. Our path continued straight onward; at 2.25 we reached the extremity of the high plain, and had before us a fine lower basin-like plain, tilled and surrounded by bushy hills. Its waters here flow off northwest through a narrow valley. Before us was el-Jish on a conical hill; and further to the left, Sa'sa', on a similar hill, on the north of the line of mountains already mentioned, running off northwest from the vicinity of Safed, and limiting the prospect on that side.4 We came to the foot of the hill on which el-Jish is situated at 2.35, on the north of the beautiful plain just described, and having in the northeast a deep narrow Wady, a ravine, running N. N. W. Jish was totally destroyed by the earthquake; not a house of any kind was left standing. The Christians were at prayers in their church; which fell upon them, and destroyed more than one hundred and thirty persons. Two hundred and thirty-five names, in all, of those who perished in the village, were returned to the government. A large rent in the ground just on the east of the village, when seen nearly three weeks afterwards, was about a foot wide and fifty feet long; it was described as having been at first much larger.5 As we now saw the village, it had been partly rebuilt, and began to assume again its former aspect. 1 See his Report, Miss. Herald 1. c. p. 3 From the crater, Safed bore S. 27~ E. 436. and Benit S. 65~ E. See p. 434, above. 2 See on this crater, Anderson's Geol. 4 See above, p. 432. Report, p. 128. Dr Anderson found two Mr Thomson's Report, Miss. Herald other similar craters near Teitebeh and 1. c. p. 435).-West of el-Jish Mr T. seems Delta; ibid. p. 129. to have followed another road. VOL. 11.-38 iii. 367-369

446 FROM SAFED TO TYRE. [SEc. XYL The name el-Jish enables us to recognise here the Giscala of Josephus, a place several times mentioned by this writer, and fortified by his orders. It was the last fortress in Galilee to hold out against the Romans; but finally made terms with Titus, and surrendered itself, contrary to the will of John, a native leader, who retired to Jerusalem and became one of the defenders of that city against Titus.' Jerome relates, as a fable, the story, that the parents of the apostle Paul were from Giscala.2 It is the same place spoken of in the Talmud under the name of Gush Halab, situated not far from MAeiron, and celebrated for its oil. 3-Benjamin of Tudela mentions it as containing a score of Jews in his time, and. lying a day's journey from Tibnin; in the following centuries, the tombs of several Jewish Rabbis are enumerated here, and there is said also to have been a synagogue.4 From the foot of the hill of Jish, Sa'sa' bore N. 77~ W. distant about an hour. This place is also mentioned in the fourteenth century and later, as containing the tombs of several Jewish Rabbis.5 It is now a Muhammedan village. Instead of entering the village of Jish, we passed below it, around the right side of the hill, along the brink of the deep valley above mentioned, into which we gradually descended. We came to the bottom at 2.55, where was a very small streamlet of water.-Further down were two or three small fountains, where shepherds were watering their flocks. This valley is called WVady el-Mu'addamiyeh; the banks are very steep and high, so that we could for a time see nothing of the country. After half an hour we reached its junction with another larger Wady coming from the southwest. We followed down this valley towards the north for fifteen minutes; here it turns again northeast and goes to join another Wady called Hendaj, which descends into the Ard el-Khait, and enters the lake el-Hltleh at its southern extremity. Leaving this valley, we ascended by a steep lateral Wady towards the N. N. W. and came out at 41 o'clock upon high undulating table land, arable and everywhere tilled, with swelling hills in view all around, covered with shrubs and trees. The stones had mostly disappeared. Here too we had a view Joseph. B. J. 2. 20. 6. ib. 4. 1. 1. ti r, of which the Arabic retains ib. 4. 2. 1-5. ib. c. 3. Vita ~ 38. Comp. only the first word. ~~ 10, 13. Reland Pal. p. 812. 4 Benj. of Tud. I. p. 82. Carmoly, pp. 2 Hieron. Comm. in Philem. 23, "Ta- 133, 184, 262, 380, 452. HottingerCippi lem fabulam accepimus: Aiunt parentes Hebraici Ed. 2. p. 70. The writer of this Apostoli Pauli de Gyscalis regione Judan," latter Itinerary speaks of the synagogue, etc. Reland p. 813. and refers it back to R. Simeon Ben See the Talmudic passages, Lightfoot Jochai. Opera II. p. 593. Reland Pal. p. 817; 6 Carmoly, pp. 262, 380, 451. Hottincomp. 813. The Rabbinic form is ger Cippi Heb. p. 68. iii. 369. 370

Jarn 22.] EL-JISH, GISCALA. YARON. 447 of a fine tract of open cultivated country towards the Hdlleh, with several villages upon it.' Passing on over a tract of high ground, covered with small oaks, we descended a little along a fine shallow basin on our left, in which the reapers were gathering an abundant harvest. Its waters are drained off towards the southwest, and become tributary, we were told, to a Wady called el-'Ayun, which runs to the western sea just north of Ra.s el-Abyad, the Pronontorium album. As we rode along the northeastern border of the basin, we had on our right the open country around Farah, as already mentioned; the waters of which descend to the Huleh. We came now upon still higher ground, and had soon upon our left a large village, about half an hour distant, named Yaron;2 while another called Mqr6on was on a higher hill at about the same distance on our right. Just beyond these, at 43 o'clock, we saw on our left, near the road, a very large sarcophagus, lying here in utter loneliness. It is of limestone, plainly hewn, and measures eight feet in length by four and a half feet in breadth and height. The lid is thrown off, and measures two feet thick; the upper side is slanted off like a double roof; the ends resemble a pediment. Scattered around it are columns and fragments of columns of moderate size. It would seem as if the sarcophagus had stood originally on or near this spot, with a small temple over it; forming a solitary tomb, not unlike that of Hiram nearer Tyre. The way now led us along an almost level ridge, on the watersummit between the Hileh and the Mediterranean. It was a fine and fertile strip of land, and patches of it were occupied by a species of vetch, called in Arabic Hummfis. At 4.55 we crossed a small shallow Wady running west, and ascended a ridge wooded with small oak trees, on a course northwest. The whole country was now a succession of swelling wooded hills and valleys, a soft and pleasing landscape, especially towards the southwest. The prickly oak is very abundant. Half an hour later, we reached the top of the ridge, and our course became north. This soon brought us to a broad shallow arable valley, called Wady Rumeish, running off towards the south to the village of that name to join Wady el-'Ayuin. We passed up along its eastern side, and came at 6.10 to Bint Jebeil, a large 1 Among others, FArah bore N. 85~ E. These are probably the " ruins of a church Ras el-Ahmar S. 45~ E. el-Jish S. 10~ E. of white marble " spoken of by Monro; who 2 In A. D. 1674, Nau and his party appears also to have seen the sarcophagus spent a night at YdrSn; he describes there mentioned in the text, though I am unable the remains of a monastery and church on to recognise it in his description; Vol. II. an eminence near by, with the bases and p. 17. West of this point, his route seems to fragments of many columns; pp. 551, 552. have been different from ours. iii. 370-372

448 FROM SAFED TO TYRE. [SEC. XVI. village, surrounded by many vinreyards, where we proposed to halt for the night. We were about to pitch our tent outside of the village, near the threshing-floors, where the people were still at work, when the Sheikh and head men of the village came to us, saying they were exposed to an attack from the rebel Druzes now in arms in and around Hasbeiya. A village in the north, not far off, had been robbed the night befbre; and to night their village might be plundered; they therefore advised us to go on further. WTe at first regarded all this as a mere pretext; and our muleteers also declined to go on, as it was now late and no other village near. The men then proposed that we should lodge within the village in a Medafeh, where we should be more secure; since our tent would naturally at once attract the notice, and excite the cupidity of plunderers. This advice also we were not disposed to follow, well knowing the torments to which we should thus be subjected. Meanwhile, one of the chief men invited us to lodge in his own house; and as this very unusual step testified at least their sincerity, we at length, though unwillingly, accepted his proposal. The whole house was given up to us; the women and children being removed out of it for the night. Our muleteers were lodged at a Medafeh. The inhabitants of Bint Jebeil are all, or nearly all, M3etawileh, (Sing. Mutawaly,) a Muhammedan sect here regarded as heretical, though their tenets accord for the most part with those of the sect of'Aly, or the Shiites (Shi'ah) of Persia.l Their chief practical characteristic, which forces itself upon the notice of a stranger, is the custom neither to eat nor drink with those of another religion; to which they rigidly adhere. They use no vessel, for instance, out of which a Christian has eaten or drank, until it has been thoroughly cleansed; and if a Christian chance to drink out of one of their earthen vessels, they break it in pieces. They are said even to regard themselves as unclean, should a stranger touch their clothes. All these circumstances in their character went to show the sincerity of our host, when he gave up his house for our use. We were treated in all respects with great civility; yet both our host and his friends absolutely refused to partake of our evening meal; and those who came to visit us, would not touch our coffee. —In this manifestation of kindness, they did not profess to be wholly disinterested; for if any thing happened to us, the government, they said, would hold them responsible. It only showed the reality of their alarm; which, however, for this time proved groundless. The house to which we were thus introduced, was one of the 1 See Sale's Koran, Prelim. Disc. c. viii. Nicbuhr Reisebeschr. II. p. 426 sq. Volney Voyage II. p. 77 sq. iii. 372.373

JUNE 23.] BINT JEBEIL. PRIVATE HOUSE. 449 best in the village, and marked a man of some wealth. It stood with its north end on one of the lanes; on the west side was a very small court adjoining the lane; and in the corner of it a small shed serving as a kitchen. The door entered from this court; and one trod within first upon the ground, and then upon the floor, raised like a low platform on two sides of the interior, leaving an unfloored space of about one third of the whole interior to serve as a stable. Here a donkey was already enjoying his night-quarters; while we spread our beds upon the adjacent floor. The room and floor might be termed neat for a Syrian village; and the walls were even not destitute of ornament. In one corner was a small fireplace, having little cupboards over it decorated with carved work; rudely done indeed, but yet ornamental. Our host and several people of the village sat with us till late at night. We were now in the province called BelAd Besharah; this includes also the two villages Y6ron and Maron which we had passed, and extends to the plain of Suir. On the north it is bordered by the Litany, and embraces the district of Merj'Ayun. It is a large province, having a governor of its own, who was now residing in Suir (Tyre); though the proper capital of the province is Tibnin. It contains many thrifty villages, inhabited mostly by Metawileh; with only a few Christians, chiefly of the M/aronite sect. One characteristic of the region is, that it cultivates few olive trees and makes little oil. On the other hand, butter is abundant; and our lamp to-night was filled with butter instead of oil. The part of the district which we traversed, is a beautiful country; and was to us not the less interesting, for being well wooded. Here, for the first time in Palestine, we saw the hills thickly clothed with trees. South of Belad Besharah, between Safed and'Akka, is the smaller district called el-Jebel, in which, although inhabited chiefly by Muhammedans, the Druzes are very frequent. Between this district and Nazareth, is another called esh-Shaghur, which has likewise a few Druzes.L Saturday, June 23d. We prepared for a very early start; but a new hindrance arose, which delayed us for a time. Our younger muleteer had been ill more or less all the way from Jerusalem, so that he was often unable to help load the animals. Yet he had gradually been gaining in health; and as we approached Safed, his native place, his minute acquaintance with the country, and his obliging disposition, had rendered his services quite valuable. Indeed, he had never appeared in better spirits, nor had we ever estimated his intelligence and goodnature more highly, than on our little excursion from Safed to 1 See above, p. 371. n. 2. VOL. II.-38* iii. 373-375

450 FROM SAFED TO TYRE. [SEC. XVI. Benit. But during the night in Safed, he had probably been guilty of excesses, which had yesterday made him again quite ill, and now rendered him unable to proceed. He was therefore left at Bint Jebeil; and his partner hired a young man to go on with us, as his servant. The latter was a MutawAly; but made no scruple to eat and drink with our Muhammedan servants. We set off at length without breakfast at 4- o'clock, on a course at first N. N. W. crossing Wady- Rumeish; on the east side of which Bint Jebeil is situated. The count'ry continued as before, undulating, cultivated, wooded, and beautiful; a succession of hill and dale, with more distant hills still higher and more thickly wooded. Indeed, from this whole region, considerable quantities of wood for fuel are carried to the coast, for transportation by sea. The chief- supply for Beiruit comes from this quarter. The little village of Tireh we saw a few minutes distant on our left, at 5.20; the ground declining in that direction. At 6 o'clock we came out upon an elevated ridge, where there was a distant glimpse of the western sea. Here we had our last view of the country behind us; Sa'sa' bore S. 5~ W. showing the general direction of our course; and Tershihah S. 450 W. Both are Muhammedan villages in the district elJebel. The way now led us for some time down a densely wooded hill side. After ten minutes, the view opened before us over an open tract, with the village Haddltta in front; while more on the right was an extensive, undulating, cultivated region, of great beauty, with the castle of Tibnlin on an isolated hill in the midst. Around the base of the castle hill is the town of the same name, regarded as the chief place of the district Bela'd Besharah. The waters of all this tract run northwestwards to the Litany. At 6~ o'clock we passed Haddata, a large village close on our left. Here Tibnin bore N. 30~ E. about half an hour distant. The castle appeared large, and the walls not greatly impaired, though dilapidated. It is obviously of the time of the crusades. In it resides a family of Sheikhs, which is regarded as the head of all the Metawileh of this region; called the house of'Aly es-S-rghir.. They boast of high antiquity; and are exclusive in their marriages, like the Sheikhs of the Druzes. -A small village called'Aithah was also on our right, at the distance of about fifteen minutes. The valley on our right passed off N. N. W. towards the Litany. Five minutes further on, at 6.35, the great castle Kul'at eshShtlkif opened on our view, bearing N. 40~ E. at the distance of several hours. This fortress stands on a precipice, which overhangs the western bank of the Litany, near the bridge northwest of Merj'Ayun. It is in high renown among the iii. 375, 376

JUNE 23.] CASTLE OF TIBNIN. 451 natives, as a place of wonderful structure and vast strength. It gives name to the adjacent district, called Belad esh-Shlikif; lying between the Litany on the south, and the territory of the Emir Beshir of Mount Lebanon on the north, and extending west to the plain along the coast. These two great fortresses of Tibnin and esh-Shfikif figure not unfrequently in the history of the crusades; but lying in the mountains at a distance from the common routes, they have subsequently escaped the observation of almost all travellers. A few further notices of them, may therefore be here not out of place. The fortress of Tibnzn, as we are informed by William of Tyre, was erected in A. D. 1107 by HIugh of St. Omer, then lord of Tiberias. This chieftain was in the habit of making incursions upon the city and territory of Tyre, which had not yet been subdued by the Franks; and built this castle as a strong hold, in furtherance of his plans, on the way beween the two cities; selecting for its site a conspicuous height, in the midst of a rich and cultivated tract upon the mountains, abounding in vineyards, fruits, and forests. To this new fortress, built up most probably on earlier foundations, the founder gave the name of Toron, by which it is usually mentioned among the Franks; Arabian writers know it only as Tibnin.L It became an important fortress, and gave name to the family of its possessors. In A. D. 1551, Honfroy of Toron was appointed as the constable of king Baldwin III; he is described as having large possessions in Phenicia, and in the mountains around Tyre; and after having acted a conspicuous part in the transactions of the succeeding years, was at last mortally wounded in the battle near Banias in A. D. 1179.2 His grandson of the same name, married the younger sister of Baldwin IV; and was afterwards offered the crown of Jerusalem, by the barons assembled at Nabulus, in opposition to Guy of Lusignan. This he was wise enough to decline; and having joined the banner of Guy, was taken prisoner at the battle of Hattin.3 Immediately after this battle, ii the same year, A. D. 1187, the fortress was invested by Saladin himself, and captured after an assault of six days.4 1 Will. Tyr. 11. 5, " In montibus... ture of Tyre in A. D. 1124; Gesch. der ab eadem urbe Tyrensi quasi per decem Kr. V. p. 42. n. distantibus miliaria, in locum cui nomen 2 Will. Tyr. 17. 14. ib. 21. 27. Wilken priscum Tibenin, castruma sedificare, cui 1. c. III. ii. pp. 13, 191. See above, p. 442.... nomen indidit Toronum." Jacob de 3 Will. Tyr. 22. 5. Jac. de Vitr. c. 93. Vitry copies the language of William of p. 1117. Wilken i. c. pp. 201, 255, 287. Tyre, omitting the date; c. 43, p. 1072. Comp. above, p. 376. WVilken quotes the latter author, and ap- Bohaed. Vit. Salad. pp. 71, 72. Reie pears to have overlooked the original ac- naud iExtr. p. 202. Wilken 1. c. III. ii. p. count of the former; hence he remarks 295. only, that Toron was built before the capiii. 376-378

452 FROM SAFED TO TYRE. [SEC. XVI. The original relations of Tibnin and Tyre were now reversed; and the Saracens in possession of the former, henceforth harassed from it the Christians as masters of the latter. To do away this evil, the new host of pilgrims and crusaders, chiefly from Germany, which arrived in the Holy Land in A. D. 1197, undertook among other enterprises the reduction of the castle of Tibnin. The Christian host sat down before the fortress on the 11th of December, under the command of the Duke of Brabant; not indeed with unanimity and confidence; for distrust already existed between the Syrian Franks and the new comers, who longed to press forward against Jerusalem. Yet the siege was urged with vigour; and as the steepness of the hill on which the castle stood, prevented the approach of the usual machines, mines were driven under the hill beneath the walls. In this labour, the many pilgrims from Goslar in Germany, who were practically acquainted with mining for metals, rendered great service. At length Ifter four weeks the mines were sprung, and breaches formed in the walls in many places. The Muslim garrison now desired to capitulate, and sent seven of their leaders to the Christian camp to propose terms. Their proposals were favourably received by the princes; but the voice of discontent broke out in the host, and especially among the Syrian Franks, that the now defenceless fortress should not be carried by storm, and an example be made which should strike terror into the hearts of their enemies. Yet after long wavering, the terms proposed were accepted; and a portion of the delegates remained as hostages in the camp, while the rest returned to the fortress. But such was their report of the disunion prevailing among the Christian warriors, that the garrison resolved to maintain their post; and continued the defence with obstinacy, leaving the hostages to their fate. The besiegers now renewed their assaults; with the more energy perhaps, because they had reason to dread the approach of M3elek el-Adil with a Saracen army. On the last day of January a council of war was held, and a general storm of the fortress determined upon for the next day. The announcement of this measure was received with joy; and all parties united in mutual resolves and exhortations, either to conquer or die. Meantime it was reported through the host, that the servants of the princes, with their baggage, had left the camp on their way to Tyre. The pilgrims instantly followed the example; loaded up their baggage, and hurried off in the same direction, on horseback and on foot; abandoning the camp in such haste and confusion, that many lost all their effects, and the sick and wounded were left behind. To heighten the confusion and dismay, a violent storm of rain and hail burst upon the heads of iii. 378, 379

JUsN 23.] CASTLE ESH-SHUKIF. 453 the Christians during their disgraceful flight. Thus shamefully ended this memorable siege; after having twice been on the point of being brought to a successful conclusion.' We hear little more of Tibnin. In A. D. 1219 it was dismantled, like other fortresses, by the Sultan Mu'adh-dhem, in order that it might not again become a strong hold of the Christians.2 Yet it appears once more to have come into their hands; for in A. D. 1266 we find Sultan Bibars taking possession of it, after the siege and capture of Safed.3 The place is spoken of by Benjamin of Tudela, and also by Brocardus; but appears ever since to have remained unvisited and unknown, except the slight mention of the name by Nau, who passed here in A. D. 1674.4 The castle esh-ShViikif bears among the Frank historians of the crusades the name of Belibrt or Beaufort.5 The date of its erection is not given, nor are we informed whether it was erected by Christians or Saracens; though not improbably it was built up by the Christians, like the neighbouring fortresses of Tibnin, Safed, Kaukab or Belvoir, and others. It is mentioned by William of Tyre, in A. D 1179, as a castle of the Franks; he relates that after the partial defeat of the Christians in that year by Saladin near Banias, many of the knights and troops took refuge in the neighbouring fortress of Belfort.6 In A. D. 1189, nearly two years after the battle of Hattin, Saladin with his army sat down on the last day of April before esh-Shiikif. The siege was prolonged by the artifices of Raynald of Sidon, the commander of the castle; who came into Saladin's camp and offered to deliver up the fortress, provided the Sultan would grant him three months' time, in order to remove his family and effects from Tyre to a place of security. The conditions were accepted; but when the time expired, Raynald still sought by various pretexts to obtain further delay. Meantime the investment of'Akka by a new host of crusaders, called off the attention of Saladin; and tired of the subterfuges of' Raynald, he sent him in chains to Damascus, and broke off for a time the siege of esh-Shtikif, in order to watch the army of the Franks. Yet the fortress was again invested, and was surrendered to him in April I The particulars of this siege are 4 Benj. of Tud. I. p. 108; comp. Hotgiven by Arnold of Lubeck lib. V. c. 4 sq. tinger Cippi Hebr. Ed. 2. p. 66. —BrocarinLeibnitz Scriptor. Rerum Brunsvic. Tom. dus c. 3. p. 172. Nau Voyage etc. p. 552. II. p. 706 sq. Oliver. Scholast. in Eccardi 5 See the third following note. Among Corp. Hist. Med. AEvi, Tom. II. p. 1391 Arabian writers its common appellation is sq. Comp. Ibn el-Athir in Reinaud Extr. esh-ShUkif ArnCln, to distinguish it from pp. 380, 381. See Wilken Gesch. der Kr. several other fortresses of less note also V. p. 42-53. called esh-Shfkif. Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. - Wilken ib. VI. p. 236, and Abu Sha'- 98. Schultens Index in Vita Salad. art. meh as there cited. Sjak/fq m. 3 Reinaud 1. c. p. 498. Wilken lb. VII. 6 Will. Tyr. 21. 29. Wilken ib. III. ii. p. 493. p. 193. iii. 380. 381

454 FROM SAFED TO TYRE. [SEC. XVI. of the next year; on condition of the liberation of Raynald, and the unmolested retirement of the garrison.' The castle esh-Shrikif was restored to the Franks in A. D. 1240, along with Safed, in consequence of a treaty with Isma'il, Sultan of Damascus.2 The garrison, however, refused to deliver it up to the Christians, and surrendered it at last only to Isma'il himself, leaving him to do with it what he pleased.3 Twenty years later, in A. D. 1260, the Templars acquired Sidon and the fortress of Belfort by purchase;4 and they still held possession of it, when Bibars, in April A. D. 1268, suddenly appeared before it, and began a vehement assault. A portion of the garrison had been withdrawn the preceding day; and there remained not enough to hold out against the vigorous attacks of the enemy. After a few days of vain resistance, the Christians surrendered at discretion; the men were distributed as slaves among the attendants of the conqueror, while the women and children were sent to Tvre. The fortress was again built up, and furnished with a garrison, a Kacly, and Imans for the mosk.5 It is mentioned not long after by Abulfeda, and again by edh-Dhahiry;6 but from that time until the present century, esh-Shuklif appears to have been lost sight of by all travellers.7 Our course as we descended towards Haddata had become about northwest and continued in this general direction, or rather N. W.,W. quite to Tyre. Twenty minutes from Haddata, at 6.50, we passed a village on the left, called el-Haris;8 and five minutes beyond, came out upon the brow of a steep and long descent, leading down from the high broad region of mountainous counury, over which we had hitherto been travelling, to a lower tract of hills and valleys lying intermediate between this upper region and the plain of Tyre; not unlike that which skirts the mountains of Jerusalem on the west. These hills extend for' Bohaeddin Vit. Salad. p. 89 sq. 95 sq. 6 Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. 98. Rosenmiiller 113. Reinaud Extr. pp. 237, 239, 240. Analect. Arab. III. p. 20 Arab. p. 41 Wilken ib. IV. pp. 247, 255, 259, 274. Lat. 2 See above, p. 427. In recording this 7 Unless perhaps it be the " Elkiffe" transaction, the Arabian historians speak of Sandys, which he says was strongly of esh-Shdkif and Safed, while the Chris- fortified by Fakhr ed-Din; p. 165. Burcktian writers have Belfort and Safed. Rei- hardt heard of esh-Shtikif in A. D. 1810, naud p. 440. Abulf Annal. A. H. 638. in passing from HAsbeiya to BaIniis; p. 36. Tom. IV. p. 462. Hugo Plagon p. 723. Buckingham passed near it in 1816 on his Marin. Sanut. p. 215. Comp. Wilken ib. way from Bdnics to Sidon; but merely VI. p. 600.-Marin. Sanutus further de- mentions the name; Travels among the scribes the river el-Kasimiyeh (Litainy) as Arab Tribes 4to. p. 407. In 1835 the flowing close under Belfort; p. 245. route of Mr Smith through the Huleh and 3 Reinaud p. 441. Wilken 1. c. p. 603. Merj'Ayun to Jezzin, led him very near it; 4 Hugo Plagon p. 736. Marin. Sanut. p. see above, pp. 436, 438 sq. —We visited 221. Wilken ib. VII. p. 400. esh-Shklif in 1852; see Vol. III. Sect. II, 6 Makrizi in Reinaud p. 504. Marin. under Apr. 9th. Sanut. p. 223. Wilken ib. pp. 518, 519. s Not Hadith, as in the former edition. iii. 381, 382

JuNE 23.] VIEW TOWARDS TYRE. 455 some distance north of the Litany, here called el-Kasimilyeh. The point where we stood, may have been from twelve to fifteen hundred feet above the sea. Here was a most extensive and magnificent view of the hills and plains, the coast and sparkling waters of the Mediterranean; on which last we could distinguish several vessels under sail, like white specks in the distance. Directly before us, and the only object to break the monotony of the flat coast itself, was Stir and its peninsula; while its plain, and the lower region of hills, teeming with villages, and variegated with cultivated fields and wooded heights, were spread out before us in great distinctness and beauty. It ranked high among the many beautiful prospects we had seen.-Stir bears from this spot N. 570 W. 3My companion took here the bearings of ten villages; but afterwards found reason to doubt whether our Mutawaly guide had given him the name of a single one correctly; and therefore did not record them. We greatly regretted the loss of our more trusty muleteer.' The path now led us down, after a great descent, into the head of a deep and narrow Wady, which we followed for a long distance directly on our course. It is called Wady'Ashuir, and was now without water; but the steep sides are thickly wooded with prickly oak, maple, arbutus, sumac, and other trees and bushes, reaching quite down to the bottom; so that we' often travelled among the trees. It reminded me strongly, of some of the more romantic, valleys among the Green mountains in Vermont. Beneath the fine shades of this sequestered dell, we stopped at 8-} o'clock for breakfast. The morning was serene and beautiful; and as the journey of the day was to be short, we gave ourselves up for a time to the luxury of rest. At five minutes past 10 o'clock we proceeded down the valley, still in a northwest direction. The bed of the Wady began now to be studded with oleanders in blossom. After half an hour, the hills became lower, the valley wider and cultivated. At 103- o'clock, there was a village on the hill at our left, called el-Beyd; and another high up on the right, named el-Mezra'ah. Further on, the valley turns north, and runs to the Litany. We ascended the cultivated ridge which here skirts it on the west; and reaching the top at 11 o'clock, began to descend immediately into another broad fertile valley, also running towards the north. We crossed its water-bed at 11.20; and ascending again gradually to an undulating region of cultivated country. passed at 11.40 the large village of Kana, on the brow of the valley; and close by it another called Mtikhshikeh. l We came to this point again in 1852; that the view was less extensive than now. but the weather was misty and showery, so See Vol. III. Sect. II, under Apr. 12th. iii. 382-384

456 FROM SAFED TO TYJRE. rSEC. XVI. In this Ktna we may doubtless recognise the Kanah of the book of Joshua, described as one of the towns in the northern part of the tribe of Asher, whose border extended unto Sidon.' -The name is recorded by Eusebius and Jerome; but I am not aware that the place has been noticed by any pilgrim or traveller, from that time until the present day.2 The hill country, as we here approached Sfir, is fully tilled; and a peculiar characteristic of it, is the production of great quantities of tobacco. Throughout all Palestine, this plant is cultivated more or less for home consumption, in small patches around most of the villages where the soil permits; but here it is largely raised for exportation, and actually forms one of the main exports of Sur, if not the chief; being carried mostly to Damietta. Proceeding over the hilly tract with a gradual descent, we had a village above us on our left at 12.25, called Hanaweih.3 Ten minutes further on, we came to one of the most remarkable monuments of antiquity, yet remaining in the Holy Land. It is an immense sarcophagus of limestone, resting upon a lofty pedestal of large hewn stones; a conspicuous ancient tomb, bearing among the common people the name of Kabr Hairan, " Sepulchre of Hiram." The sarcophagus measures twelve feet long by six feet in height and breadth; the lid is three feet thick, and remains in its original position; but a hole has been broken through the sarcophagus at one end.4 The pedestal consists of three layers of the like species of stone, each three feet thick, the upper layer projecting over the others;'the stones are large, and one of them measures nine feet in length. This gray weatherbeaten monument stands here alone and solitary, bearing the marks of high antiquity; but the name and the record of him by whom or for whom it was erected, have perished, like his ashes, for ever. It is indeed possible, that the present name may have come down by tradition; and that this sepulchre once held the dust of the friend and ally of Solomon; more probably, however, it is merely of Muhammedan application, like so many other names of Hebrew renown, attached to their Welys and monuments in every part of Palestine. I know of no historical trace 1 Josh. 19, 28. By way of distinction, 3 A mile east of this village, Monro probably, the Cana of the New Testament describes various Egyptian figures sculpis called Cana of Galilee, now KIna el-Jelil. tured on tablets cut in the rocks; II. p. 2 Onomast. art. Cana. The text of Jerome 23-25. See in Vol. III. Sect. II, under is here exceedingly confused, and probably Apr. 10th, penult. corrupted. Eusebius seems not to distin- Such tombs, composed of a single guish this Cana from that of Galilee.-Mr soros or sarcophagus, of immense size, are Thomson lodged at Ktna on his way from not uncommon in Asia Minor; see FelTyre to Safed in 1837; Miss. Herald for low's Journal in Asia Minor, Lound. 1839, Nov. 1837, p. 434. Pococke heard of the pp. 48, 219,-248. lame, as he passed along the coast. iii. 384, 385

JUNE 23.] HIRAM'S TOMB. RAS EL-'AIN. 457 having reference to this tomb; and it had first been mentioned by a Frank traveller only five years before.' Still descending gradually along a Wady, we turned off at a quarter before one from the main road to Sftr; taking a path more to the left in order to visit RAs el-'Ain. We kept along down the same Wady; and having passed the villages of Beit Ulia and Dar Ka'non at a little distance on our left, entered the plain and reached Ras el-'Ain at 13 o'clock. Here we made our mid-day halt of nearly two and a half hours, for rest, and in order to examine those remarkable works of ancient days. Ras el-'Ain has its name as being the'fountain-head' of the aqueducts, by which Tyre was anciently supplied with water. The place lies in the plain, hardly a quarter of an hour from the sea shore, and one hour from Tyre on the direct road. It is a collection of large fountains; where the water gushes up in several places with great force, and in very large quantities. These sources in themselves are not unlike those at Tabighah and elsewhere along the lakes of Tiberias and the Huleh, as to quantity and force of ebullition; but the water is here clear and fine. In order to raise them to a head sufficient to carry off the water by aqueducts, the ancients built around them elevated reservoirs, with walls of large stones, immensely thick and fifteen or twenty feet high. There are four of these reservoirs in all, at this place. Two on the east are adjacent and connected together; these are of an irregular form, and have steps to ascend to the top, where is a broad space or walk forming the border around the basins.2 We measured the depth of water in one of these, and found it fourteen feet. Directly from these two reservoirs, an ancient aqueduct goes off N. N. E. through the plain, exhibiting strong and excellent masonry, with round arches and a continuous cornice above them, evidently of Roman architecture. The channel is about four feet in breadth, and two or three in depth, and remains for some distance ten or fifteen feet above the ground; afterward, the surface of the land rises nearly to its level. The water must contain large quantities of lime in solution; for, wherever it has flowed over the aqueduct, or percolated through, large stalactites have been formed, which in some places fill up the arches.-On the other side too of the fountains, towards the south, an aqueduct with pointed arches, runs off, carrying water to some gardens. This is obviously a more modern Saracenic work. The third and principal source and reservoir, is some rods By Momnro in 1833, whose road had 2 Maundrell describes these basins, one again fallen into ours; Vol II. p. 25. The as twelve, the other as twenty yards tomb is also described by Mr Thomson in square; Journal, March 21. 1837; 1. c. p. 435. VOL. II.-39 iii. 385-387

458 FROM SAFED TO TYRE. [SEC. XVI. west of those now described. It is octagonal, and somewhat higher above the ground; with a very wide border, and a broad way leading to the top, so that one might ride up. The water rises in it, and rushes-from it, with more violence and in greater quantity, than from all the others together. This basin was anciently connected by an aqueduct with the two former; or rather, the main aqueduct began here, and was first carried eastwards to the other two; but this part has been broken away, and only some very large masses of stalactites still remain to show its place.1 The water in this reservoir is in constant ebullition, and must be difficult to sound; the people said it was sixty feet deep; but 3Maundrell found it only thirty feet, and this is probably too great. The water of this fountain is now used only to turn a single mill, which stands immediately under the north side of the basin; having tub wheels, like most mills in Syria. Several other mills formerly stood here, to which the water was distributed; but it now runs in a single rapid brook to the adjacent sea.2 In the same direction is an isolated hill of a considerable elevation. There is still a fourth fountain and reservoir, but much smaller, with an aqueduct of modern construction. Around these fountains there is much verdure and many trees. We made our noon-day halt in an orchard of fig trees; and the whole scene was rural and refreshing.3 There is also something of a village. A few years ago, the Pasha of Egypt began to erect here several factories for cloth; and for this purpose removed two or three mills. But after a while, the expenses were found to be so great, that the project was abandoned. The foundations of two buildings yet remained, as they were then left; and the materials collected, still lay upon the ground. The opinion has long prevailed, that these fountains must be brought, by an artificial subterranean channel, from some 1 This aqueduct appears to have been Upon the brink of it you have a walk standingr in Volney's day; Voyage II. p. round, eight feet broad; from which, de1919. Matundrell and Pococke also mention scending by one step on the south side and it expressly; and the latter even says there by two on the north, you have another were two; Vol. II. i. p. 81. Poeocke's walk, twenty-one feet broad.... The plan has little resemblance to the spot. aqueduct, now dry, is carried eastwards M AIaundrell, under March 21st, gives a about 120 paces, and then approaches the full and perhaps accurate description of this two other basins." As to the materials, reservoir, as being " of an octagonal figure, our notes speak also of large stones, many 22 yards in diameter. It is elevated above of which are decayed; and Niebuhr says the ground nine yards on the south side, expressly, that this basin is built up with and six on the north; and within is said large squared stones; Reisebeschr. III. p. to be of unfathomable deepness, but ten 758.-In the days of Brocardus there were yards of line confuted that opinion. Its here six mills; c. 2. p, 170. wall is of no better a material than gravel. Hasselquist notes as growing here: and small pebbles; but consolidated with Salix (Sufs-f), Vitex ag nus castus (Rishso strong and tenacious a cement, that it rash), Palla Christi il abundance, Solaseems to be all one entire vessel of rock. numa, etc. Reise pp. 187, 556. iii. 387-389

JuEJs 23.] RAS EL- AIN. 459 part of the adjacent mountains.' But there is nothing to limit such a supposition to these sources alone; and if it be adopted here, it may with the same reason be applied to all the other fountains along the coast, and also to those north of Tiberias and in the HIdlleh. They are merely very copious natural springs, gathering their waters doubtless beneath inclined strata at the foot of the hills; and thus issuing with such force, as to admit of being raised to so great an elevation. The piety of the middle ages referred these remarkable fountains and works to Solomon; or at least regarded them as the spot alluded to in the Canticles: "'A fountain of gardens, a well of living waters, and streams from Lebanon."2 This, however, is merely fanciful. Yet in all probability, ancient Tyre was supplied by aqueducts from these sources, long before the present Roman works were erected; and to them apparently the language of M3enander is to be applied, who relates from the Tyrian archives, that when Shalmaneser retired from the siege of insular Tyre, he left guards behind to cut off the Tyrians from the stream and the aqueducts; so that for five years, they drank water only from the wells they dug.3 The first distinct notice we have of these fountains in their present state, is in the historical work of the venerable archbishop of Tyre, near the close of the twelfth century. He describes them as they still exist; and speakis particularly of the easy and solid steps leading to the top of the reservoirs, by which horsemen could ascend without difficulty. In that age, the abundant waters were applied to the irrigation of the adjacent plain; which was full of gardens and orchards of fruit trees; and where particularly the sugar cane was cultivated to a great extent; since sugar, although new to the first crusaders, now began to be regarded as a necessary of life.4 It was not improbably in connection with the previous culture of this plant by the Muhammedans, that the Saracenic aqueducts were built, which carry the waters over the plain south of the fountains; being coeval perhaps with those around Jericho, erected apparently for a like object.5 We set off from Raas el-'Ain at 4.25 for Sur, taking a road on the right of the usual one, and more inland, in order to: Even Maundrell adopts this view; 4 Will. Tyr. 13. 3, " et canamellas, unde ibid. preciosissima usibus et saluti mortalinm 2 Cant. 4, 15. The Vulgate corresponds necessaria maxime, conficitur Zaecharc: still better: "Fons hortorum, puteus unde per institores ad ultimas orbis partes aquarum viventium, que fluit inapetu de deportatur." Such is the close of this Libano." So Will. Tyr. 13. 3. Jac. de writer's description of Ris el-'Ain. Comp. Titr. c. 43. p. 1071. Brocardus c. 2. p. also 7. 22. Jac. de Vitr. c. 43. p. 1071. 170. Quaresmius Elucidat. Tom. II. p. Brocardus, c. 2. p. 170. Marin. Sanut. 904, etc. etc. pp. 160, 245. 3 Menander in Joseph. Antiq. 9. 14. 2. See above, Vol. I. p. 561. iii. 389, 390

460 FROM SAFED TO TYRE. [SEC. XVI. follow for a time the ancient aqueduct. Twenty minutes brought us to two other fountains and reservoirs, similar to those of Ras el-'Ain, but not so large nor abundant. Their waters are now used merely to irrigate adjacent gardens and meadows towards the sea. As we advanced, the great aqueduct could be seen running off through the plain in a N. N. E. direction towards el-Ma'shuik, a round rocky isolated hill in the plain on the east of Sfur, nearly half an hour distant from the city, and crowned by a white Wely or tomb of a Muhammedan saint. For a considerable portion of the way, the channel is nearly or quite on a level with the ground; in other parts it rests on low round arches. We were told in Tyre, that this aqueduct had been cleared out, and in some parts repaired, not many years ago, by a governor of the place; so that the water is now carried through it nearly or quite to el-Ma'shuk, and used for irrigating the meadows, gardens, and cotton-fields, in the plain east of the city. From el-Ma'sh k again, a range of arches in ruins, belonging to an ancient aqueduct, runs directly towards Tyre; but the greater part are broken away. Those remaining have the appearance of being much higher than'the aqueduct from the south; and our first thought was, that the water of the latter might in some way have been raised to a higher level at Ma'shtlk, in order to be carried to the city. But the height of the arches was probably occasioned by the declivity of the ground; the aqueduct having doubtless been carried along on the same high level as before, and thus brought into the city, in part at least, at a considerable elevation. We were assured, that there are no traces of reservoirs or of masonry of any kind, on or around the hill of Ma'shfik.' But why the aqueduct for conveying water from Rhs el-'Ain to Tyre, should thus have been carried first to el-Ma'shuik, so far out of the direct line, it is difficult to perceive. It may have been on-account of the low and perhaps marshy nature of the ground on a straight course; which would have required a long range of lofty arches on an uncertain foundation; while, as at present constructed, it rises little above the ground, and high arches were required only along the short distance between Ma'shfk and the city. Another, and perhaps prominent object of this circuitous course, may have been the irrigation of the higher parts of the plain, as at the present day. We now passed down obliquely through the plain, crossing 1 The Arabian writer edh-DhAhiry, village. Rosenmueller's Analect. Arab. about the middle of the 15th century, Pars III. p. 19 Ar. p. 41Lat. Sandys also aentions el-Ma'shiik along with Tyre, as mentions a village here in A. D. 1611; a eity so desolated as to be then a mere Travels p. 166. iii. 390-392

JUNE 23.] AQUEDUCT. CONSULAR AGENT. 461 in several places moist and marshy ground, and reached the beach of soft sand just at the south side of the isthmus. Following for a few minutes the beach as washed by the waves, we then struck diagonally across'the sandy isthmus, near a large solitary tower of no great antiquity, and reached at 5.35 the only gate of the city, situated close by the water on the northern side. A quarantine guard stopped us, as coming from Jerusalem, where the plague was known to exist; but the proper officer being called, a shabby looking Italian, and our bill of health being pronounced regular, we were admitted without further delay. With indescribable emotion, I found myself within the circuit of the ancient mistress of the commerce of the east; alas, how fallen! rlWe had hesitated, whether to go at once to the house of the American consular agent; or to seek for a place where we might pitch our tent within the walls. We greatly preferred the latter course in itself; as we expected to remain the next day in Sfr, and should be in our tent far more masters of our time and of our own movements and convenience, than in the house of another. We therefore passed through the city to the western shore of the ancient island, now the peninsula, hoping to find there a fitting spot for the tent, in the open space between the houses and the sea. But, to our disappointment, this was now wholly occupied as a tobacco plantation; and after searching for some time, we reluctantly turned our steps backward into the streets of the city. Yet, had we looked a few rods further, we should have found a very tolerable spot by a threshing-floor, where we might have pitched close upon the bank, and enjoyed, in all its luxury, the cool sea breeze and the dashing of the surge upon the rocky shore. The American consular agents in the Syrian cities are appointed by, and dependent on, the American consul in Beirult. They are usually native Christians of wealth and influence, for whom it is a privilege to obtain the appointment; inasmuch as it secures to them protection and exemption from many of the ordinary exactions of their own government. In return, they regard the few Americans who may happen to visit their places of residence, as peculiarly entitled to enjoy their hospitality and consider it a duty and privilege to entertain them at their own houses. The agent at Suir was now Ya'k6b'Akkad, a Greek Catholic, with whom my companion was already acquainted; a man of wealth, between thirty and forty years of age, occupying a large house in the middle of the city, along with his mother and one or two brothers; all living with their wives and children together in one family. We were received by him with, great hospitality and kindness; and were at once quartered in VOL. II.-39* iii. 392, 393

462 TYRE. [SEC. XVI. the largest and best parlour, which we were to occupy by day and by night. But it is a part of oriental hospitality, by day never to leave a guest alone; so that we were really incommoded, by what was meant as kindness and respect. We were hungry, and would have eaten; weary, and would have rested; I felt myself unwell, and would gladly have lain down for repose; but every thing of this kind was out of the question. Our host could not think of leaving us; his neighbours and friends came in to sit with him and pay their respects to his visitors from a remote world; his mother also made us a regular visit, and sat with us for some time, an elderly lady of intelligence and dignified appearance. She came once more to us in like manner the next day; but we saw none of the other females of the family, except at a distance. Our servants, as being Muhammedans, were not admitted to the house; but were lodged in another house belonging to our host not far distant which was undergoing repairs, and was therefore unoccupied. Thus passed away the remainder of the afternoon, greatly to our dissatisfaction, without repose, and without our being able to take any step for ourselves or see any part of Tyre. Notwithstanding too all the well meant kindness, we missed here the prompt attention and arrangement, which we had found under similar circumstances at Ramleh. We were tired and hungry; and as dinner had been early announced, we waited with some impatience for its appearance. But we waited long in vain; and not until 9 o'clock at evening were we summoned to partake of it. Here too a shabby imitation of the Frank style was any thing but welcome. As having often to do with Franks, our host had procured a long clumsy table, and several coarse chairs to be used with it. This was set in an adjacent room, with plates and rusty knives and forks. The dishes and cookery were Syrian, with a miserable red wine, the poorest we tasted in the country. The agent and his brother partook with us; but waiting and weariness prevented enjoyment; and we were glad to break up as speedily as possible. We spread our own beds upon the carpet of our parlour; and I wished myself most heartily back again upon the ground beneath our tent. Sunday, June 24th. The progress of our journey had now brought us to the sea coast of Phenicia, and into the midst of one of its mighty emporiums. Hitherto along our route, I have everywhere entered into the historical questions connected with the different places; and have thus endeavoured to make the reader acquainted with the outlines both of their past and present state. In respect to Tyre and Sidon also, there are several such questions of great difficulty and grave import; the due consideration of which, combined with historic sketches, might iii. 393-395

JUNE 24.] HOSPITALITY. THE CITY. 463 easily fill out an interesting volume. But they have been often discussed; and they present besides a field too extensive for a work of this nature. These considerations are sufficient, I trust, to excuse me henceforth from entering into such investigations; and also from giving any further historical notices, except such as may arise incidentally, in close connection with the subject in hand. We spent this day, the Christian Sabbath, at Tyre; but with less enjoyment and profit to ourselves, than we had often done in the midst of the desert. The continual presence of our host was a burden; in the house we could neither read nor write, nor indeed do any thing by or for ourselves. After breakfast, I wandered out alone towards the south end of the peninsula, beyond the' city, where all is now forsaken and lonely like the desert; and there bathed in the limpid waters of the sea, as they rolled into a small and beautiful sandy cove among the rocks. I continued my walk along the whole western and northern shore of the peninsula, musing upon the pomp and glory, the pride and fall, of ancient Tyre. Here was the little isle, once covered by her palaces and surrounded by her fleets; where the builders perfected her beauty in the midst of the seas; where her merchants were princes, and her traffickers the honourable of the earth; but alas! "thy riches, and thy fairs, thy merchandise, thy mariners, and thy pilots, thy calkers, and the occupiers of thy merchandise, and all thy men of war, that were in thee and in all thy company,"-where are they? Tyre has indeed become "like the top of a rock, a place to spread nets upon!" The sole remaining tokens of her more ancient splendour, lie strewed beneath the waves in the midst of the sea; and the hovels which now -nestle upon a portion of her site, present no contradiction of the dread decree: "Thou shalt be built no more I"' We afterwards went together to the same and other points of interest in the city; and among them to the ancient cathedral. The amount of our hasty survey of the site of Tyre, is contained in the following sketch. In the afternoon I found myself again unwell; and retiring to the house where our servants were lodged, and spreading nmy carpet in an empty room, I rejoiced in being alone, and slept long in quietness. The peninsula on which Tyre, now Sur, is built, was originally a long narrow island, parallel to the shore, and distant from it less than half a mile. It was perhaps at first a mere ledge of rocks; and inside of this, the island was formed by the sand washed up from the sea. The isthmus was first created by the famous causeway of Alexander; which was enlarged and rendered permanent by the action of the waters, in throwing the Is. 23, 8. Ez. 26, 4.5. 12. 14. 27,4. 27. iii. 395, 396

464 TYRE, [SEC. XVI. sand over it broadly and deeply. At present, the isthmus cannot be much less than half a mile in width; and although consisting of loose sand, yet it is covered with traces of the foundations of buildings, probably out of the middle ages. It lies between the shore and the more northern part of the island; so that the latter, as seen from the shore, seems to prqject further towards the south of the isthmus than towards the north, and forms here a larger bay; although the harbour, or rather road, in which vessels lie, is that on the north. The island, as such, is not far from a mile in length. The part which projects on the south beyond the isthmus, is perhaps a quarter of a mile broad, and is rocky and uneven; it is now unoccupied except by fishermen as "a place to spread nets upon." The southern wall of the city runs across the island, nearly on a line with the south side of the isthmus. The present city stands upon the junction of the island and isthmus; and the eastern wall includes a portion of the latter. On the north and west, towards the sea, are no walls; or at least they are so far broken away and neglected, as to be like none. The inner port or basin on the north, was formerly enclosed by a wall, running from the north end of the island in a curve towards the main land. Various pieces and fragments of this wall yet remain, sufficient to mark its course; but the port itself is continually filling up more and more with sand, and nowa-days only boats can enter it. Indeed, our host informed us, that even within his own recollection, the water covered the open. place before his house, which at present is ten or twelve rods from the sea and surrounded with buildings; while older men remember, that vessels formerly anchored where the shore now is. The western coast of the island is wholly a ledge of ragged, picturesque rocks, in some parts fifteen or twenty feet high; upon which the waves of the Mediterranean dash in ceaseless surges. The city lies only upon the eastern part of the island; between the houses and the western shore is a broad strip of open land, now given up to tillage. This shore is strewed from one end to the other, along the edge of the water and in the water, with columns of red and gray granite of various sizes, the only remaining monuments of the splendour of ancient Tyre.' At the northwest point of the island, forty or fifty such columns are thrown together in one heap beneath the waves. Along this coast, too, it is apparent, that the continual washing of the waves has in many places had the effect to form layers of new rock; in which stones, bones, and fragments of pottery are cemented as constituent parts. 1 I mean here, of course, Tyre before the Christian era; or at least before it fell under the Muhammedan dominion. iii. 396-398

JOuI 24.] THE PENINSULA. ANCIENT CHURCH. 465 There are also occasional columns along the northern shore. I examined here very particularly the old wall of the port, at its western extremity; where its abutments are at first built up along the shore, before it strikes off into the water. It is here constructed of large hewn stones; and at first I took it to be of very ancient date. But on looking further, I perceived that the foundations rest on marble columns laid beneath; a proof that these portions of the walls at least, if not the whole port in its present form, cannot probably be much older than the middle ages. The remains of the ancient cathedral church of Tyre, are quite in the southeastern corner of the present city. It was in the Greek style, and must have been originally a large and splendid edifice; but is now in utter ruin. The eastern end is partially standing; the middle part is wholly broken away; but portions are again seen around its western extremity.-The dimensions of the church were two hundred and sixteen feet long, by one hundred and thirty-six feet broad.' The area is now wholly filled up by the mean hovels of the city; many of which are attached, like swallows' nests, to its walls and buttresses. In the yard of one of these huts, lies an immense double column of red Syenite granite, consisting of two parallel connected shafts of great size and beauty, once doubtless a main support and ornament of the cathedral.2 Volney relates, that Jezzar Pasha, in the beginning of his career, attempted to remove this column to'Akka, to ornament a mosk; but his engineers were unable to stir it from the spot.3 Other columns of gray granite are strewed in the vicinity, and are seen along the streets. The earthquake of 1837 did great injury to these noble ruins; throwing down a lofty arch and several other portions, which had been spared till then. There is nothing which can serve to connect these ruins directly with any known ancient church. Yet the supposition of Maundrell is not improbable, that this may have been the same edifice erected by Paulinus, bishop of Tyre in the beginning of the fourth century, for which Eusebius wrote a consecration sermon. The circumstances related by Eusebius, show that it was a cathedral church; he describes it as the most splendid of all the temples of Phenicia.4 The writers of the times of the crusades make no mention of the cathedral; although Tyre was then erected into a Latin archbishopric' These are Capt. Newbold's measure- s Volney Voyage, Tom. I. p. 196. ments in 1845. Journ. of the R. Asiat. 4 The account of Eusebius, and his Soc. XIL p. 355. sermon as preserved by himself, are found 2 Such doutble columns we had before in his Hist. Ecc. 10. 4. Comp. Maundrell, seen only at Tell Hcm; where, however, March 20. they were much smaller. See above, p. 407. iii. 398, 399

466 TYRE. [SeC. XVI. under the patriarch of Jerusalem. TRilliam of Tyre, the venerable historian of the crusades, became archbishop in A. D. 1174; and wrote here his history, extending to the commencement of A. D. 1184.1 It was probably in this cathedral, that the bones of the emperor Frederick Barbarossa were entombed. 2 The present Suir is nothing more than a market town, a small sea port, hardly deserving the name of city. Its chief export is the tobacco raised upon the neighbouring hills;3 with some cotton, and also charcoal and wood from the more distant mountains. The houses are for the most part mere hovels; very few being more than one story high, with flat roofs. The streets are narrow lanes, crooked, and filthy. Yet the many scattered palm trees throw over the place an oriental charm; and the numerous Pride of India trees interspersed among the houses and gardens, with their beautiful foliage, give it a pleasing aspect.4-The taxable men at this time were reckoned at four hundred M3uhammedans and three hundred Christians; implying a population of less than three thousand souls. Of the Christians, very few are of the Greek rite; the great body being Greek Catholics. The latter have a resident bishop; while the bishop of the former, who is under the patriarch of Antioch, resides at Hasbeiya.5 We heard here of no Jews; though in Jerusalem we were informed, that two years before, a considerable nunber had taken up their residence in Tyre. The earthquake of 1837 was felt here to a very considerable extent. A large part of the eastern wall was thrown down, and had just been rebuilt; the southern wall also had been greatly shattered, and still remained with many breaches, over which. 1 Will. Tyr. 21. 9. William of Tyre is Ierum. Ang'licar. p. 651. Brompton in sometimes spoken of as an Englishman; Selden Script. Hist. Anclic. p. 1165. His others have claimed him as of French or bones only are said to have been entombed German birth; see Bongars' Pref. in at Tyre; Sicard. Chron. in Muratori Tom. Gesta Dei per Francos No. xi. His French VII. p. 612. Dandolo in Muratori Tom. continuator says expressly, that he was XII. p. 314.-By some strange perversion, born in Jerusalem; ibid.. Le Quien Oriens there prevails a legend, apparently of the Chr. III. col. 1314. Comp. Bibliographie sixteenth century, but related by many Universelle art. Gusillaume, etc. travellers, that Barbarossa was drowned 2 The emperor Frederic I. (Barbarossa) in the Kdsimlyeh, just north of Tyre; see was drowned in the Calycadnus (some say Sandys' Travels, p. 166. Mhonconys I. p. the Cydnus) in Cilicia, on his march' to 331. Pococke II. i. p. 84. Hogg's Visit the Holy Land, June 10th,:1190. His to Damascus, etc. II. p. 148. body was first carried to Antioch, and de- 3 See above, p. 456. posited in the cathedral before the altar of' Mlelia Azedercch of Linnnus; called St. Peter; Wilken Gesch. der Kr. IV. pp. also Pride of China; said to be a native of 139, 143. Raumer Gesch. derHohenstau- Syria. fen II. pp. 436, 437. English chroniclers j Seetzen, in 1806, lodged at Hlsbeiiya relate, that only his flesh and bowels were with " the learned bishop of SCir or Saida; ultimately left at Antioch: "Viscera et Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVIII. p. 341. cerebrum et carnem suam aqua coctam et Reisen I. pp. 323, 327. Burcklladt also ab ossibus separatam in civitate Anti- had letters to him ill 1810; Travels p. 33. ochive;" Roger Hoved. in Savile Scriptor. iii. 399, 400

JUNE 24.] POPULATION. SUPPLY OF WATER. 467 one could pass in and out at pleasure. Several houses were destroyed, and many injured; so that the inhabitants, at the time, forsook their dwellings and lodged in tents, regarding the place as ruined. Twelve persons were killed outright, and thirty wounded. 1 Sifr at the present day is supplied with water, almost wholly, from two deep fountains with buildings over them, a few paces outside of the gate on the north side of the peninsula; the one nearest the gate being the largest and chiefly used. This is a singular place for fresh water to spring up; and the conjecture is not unnatural, that they stand in some unknown connection with the ancient fountains of Ra's el-'Ain. Such was the belief of our host and of others in Tyre. lie related, that some two or three years ago, the governor of Saur, having been ordered to furnish a certain number of recruits as soldiers, collected all the peasantry of the district under the pretence of clearing out the ancient aqueduct, which was supposed to have come to the city. They actually dug fbr a day or two along the isthmus, not far from the gate, and found traces of an aqueduct at some depth under ground, consisting of very large and thick tubes of pottery. The governor now seized his recruits; and his object being thus accomplished, the matter was dropped. Tyre is said to have been founded by a colony from Sidon, two hundred and forty years before the building of Solomon's temple. The original city is usually held to have stood upon the main land; and Tyre is already mentioned, in the division of the land by Joshua, as a strong city, and afterwards under David, as a strong hold.2 In the letter of Hiram to Solomon, as given by Josephus, the Tyrians are described as already occupying the island.3 In the days of Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, about 720 B. C. the chief city was upon the island, and the city on the land already bore the name of Paletyrus, "Old Tyre;"4 the latter submitted to that monarch, while the former was blockaded by him for five years in vain.5 Nebuchadnezzar, also, at a later period, laid siege to Tyre for thirteen years; whether it was at last captured by him, we are not expressly informed.' Then came the celebrated siege by Alexander the Great, about 332 B. C. who succeeded after seven months in taking the island city, after having with great labour and difficulty built up a causeway or mole, from the main land to the walls. For this purpose, Palhetyrus was razed, and the stones See Mr Thomson's Report, so often re- 4 So Xi?r'dAa TWpos or flaXac'rupos I)iodl. ferred to, Miss. Herald Nov. 1837, pp. 434, Sic. 17. 40. Jos. Ant. 9. 14. 2. Vetus 441. Tyruzs, Q Curt. 4. 2 18. Justin. 11. 10, 11. 2 Josh. 19, 29. 2 Sam. 24, 7. Jos. Ant. 5 Menander in Joseph. Ant. 9. 14. 2. 8. 3. 1. Justin. Hist. 18. 3. Joseph. c. Apion. 1. 21. Antiq. 10. 3 Jos. Ant. 8. 2. 7. ib. 8. 5. 3. 11. 1. iii. 401, 402

468 TYRE. [SEC. XNI. employed for the mole and other works of the besiegers.' Tyre continued to be a strong fortress; after Alexander's death it fell under the dominion of' the Seleucidwe, having been besieged for fourteen months by Antigonus. At a later period, it came under that of the Romans. The mole of Alexander having remained, had now divided the strait into two harbours; and thus Tyre is described by Strabo, as a flourishing trading city, with two ports.2 Such it was in the times of the New Testament, when it was visited by our Lord and his apostles, and afterwards by Paul.3 It early became a Christian bishopric; and in the fourth century, Jerome speaks of Tyre as the most noble and beautiful city of Phenicia, and as still trading with all the world.4 Thus it continued apparently, under the Muslim rule, and until the time of the crusades.5 Not until after they had been for twenty-five years in possession of the Holy City, were the crusaders able to lay siege successfully to Tyre, at that time a flourishing city and strong hold of the Muslim power.6 William of Tyre, writing upon the spot describes the city at the time as very strongly fortified; being enclosed towards the sea, in most parts, by a double wall with towers; on the north, within the city, was the walled port, with an entrance between double towers; and on the east, where it was accessible by land, it was protected by a triple wall with lofty towers close together, and a broad ditch, which might be filled from the sea on both sides.7 On the 11th of February, A. D. 1124, the Christian host sat down before Tyre; and on the 27th of the following June, the city was delivered into their hands. On entering the wealthy emporium, the pilgrims were surprised at the strength of its fortifications, the size and splendour of the houses, the loftiness of the towers, the solidity of the walls, and the beauty of the port, with its difficult entrance.8 For more than a century and a half, Tyre appears to have 1 Jos. Ant. 11. 8. 3. Diod. Sic. 17. 40 nobilissimam et pulcherimam civitatem." sq. KcSalphi Trnyv 7raAac'alv ksyoLorV7y lb. xxvii. 2, "usque hodie perseverat: ut Trdpo,, Kal 7roAAhXv c VpLd&Ov, KO/it'ovasyj omnium propemodum gentium in illa ~obS Xiaovs, XAua Kta'reTce'aCE 8 r2rAsEpov exerceantur commercia." Tr3 7rAsrTE. —Quint. Curt. 4. 2 sq. 18, 5 See generally Reland Pal. p. 1046 sq. "Magna vis saxorum ad manum erat, Cellarius Notit. Orb. II. p. 381 sq. Winer Tyro vetere praebente." Arrian. Alex. 2. Bibl. Realwbrterb. art. Tyrus. Rosenmil16 sq. ler Bibl. Geogr. Bd. II. i. p. 29 sq. Heng2 Plin. H. N. 5. 17. Strabo 16. 2. 23. stenberg de Rebus Tyriorum Berl. 1832. 8. p. 519 sq. " King Baldwin I. besieged it for four Matth. 15, 21. Mark 7, 24. Acts months in vain, in A. D. 1111. Albert Aq. 21, 3. 7. 12. 1-7. Fulch. Carm. c. 37. Will. Tyr. 4 Cassius, bishop of Tyre, was present 11. 17. Wilken Gesch. der Kr. II. p. 227. at the council of Cesarea about A. D. 196 7 Will. Tyr. 13. 5. Wilken Gesch. der or 198; for him and other bishops, see Kr. II. p. 505. Reland Pal. p. 1054. Le Quien Oliens " Will. Tyr. 13. 14. Wilken ib. p. Chr. II. col. 801.-Hieron. Comm. in Ez. 511. See generally Will. Tyr. 13. 5xxvi. 7, " quam hodie cernimus Phcenicis 14. Wilken ib. pp. 505-512. iii. 402, 403

JUwE 24.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 469 remained in the possession of the Christians, and maintained its prosperity. The entrance of the port was closed every night by a chain between the towers; and the city was celebrated for the manufacture of glass, and the production of sugar.' After the battle of Hattin, in A. D. 1187, when Jerusalem and nearly all Palestine were wrested from the Christians by Saladin, this city was almost the only place of importance, which held out against his arms. The Sultan, indeed, invested Tyre in November of the same year; but after three months of fruitless effort, was compelled to give up the siege.2 The city afterwards became an apple of contention among the Christians themselves; and about the middle of the thirteenth century, appears to have been chiefly, if not wholly, under the control of the Venetians; of whose property and administration in and around Tyre at this period, there exists a very minute and faithful account.3 The strength and almost impregnable position of Tyre, appear to have restrained the rapid and formidable Bibars from any direct attempts against the city at first; although in A. D. 1267 he plundered the territory round about, under pretext of vengeance for the murder of one of his Mamluks; and did not retire, until the inhabitants had paid a fine of blood of fifteen thousand gold pieces, and set at liberty all the Saracen prisoners in their possession. He then granted them peace for ten years.4 Meantime, he subdued the castles in the interior, and got possession of Yafa, Arsuff, and Caesarea in the south, and of Antioch and other cities in the north;5 so that the Christians were henceforth confined chiefly to the coast north of Carmel. But such was now the feeble tenor of their remaining possessions, and such the predominancy of the Muslim might on every side, that only a single blow was wanting, to drive out wholly the name and power of the Franks from the Holy Land. Hence, when in March, A. D. 1291, Melek el-Ashraf, then Sultan of Egypt and Damascus, invested'Akka, and took it by storm with horrible atrocities after a siege of two months;6 on the evening of the very day of its capture, the Frank inhabitants of Tyre embarked with their effects on board their ships, and abandoned this important city to the Saracens, who took possession of it the next day.7 Sidon, after some delay, was forsaken in like manner; Beiruit was seized by treachery; and the for-': Will. Tyr. 13. 3. Benj. of Tud. I. pp. princes for the possession of Tyre, see in 62, 63. Wilken ib. VI. p. 623 sq. 2 Reinaud Extr. p. 219, Wilken ib. 4 Reinaud Extr. p, 503. Wilken ib. IV. p. 225-233, and the authorities there VII. p. 516. cited. 5 Wilken ib. pp 474-478, 521 sq. 3 In the report of Marsilius Georgius, a 6 Wilken ib. pp. 735-770. Reinaud ExVenetian Bailo or governor in Syria;:see traits p. 570 sq. Wilken ib. VII. pp 371-387.-A strife 7 Marin. Sanut. p. 231. c. 22. Abulf. among the various Christian parties and Annal. V. p. 98. Wilken ib. VII. p. 771. VOL. II.-40 iii. 403-405

470 TYRE. [SEa. XVI. tifications of both places destroyed. The subsequent abandonment of'Athlit (Castrum Peregrinorum) and Tortosa in the same year, completed the entire expulsion of the Frank power from the soil of Syria and Palestine.' Not long before this time, Tyre is described by Brocardus as fortified on the land side by strong quadruple walls, with which there was connected on the island a citadel with seven towers, regarded as impregnable.2 These fortifications appear to have been razed by the Saracens, as at Sidon and Beirut; and the place itself'was abandoned more or less by the inhabitants. Abulfeda, not many years afterwards, describes Tyre as being desolate and in ruins; and edh-Dh'hiry speaks of it in the same manner, in the middle of the fifteenth century.3 It therefore never recovered from the blow, but continued apparently to sink deeper and deeper in abandonment and desolation. Travellers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries describe it as only a heap of ruins,-broken arches aud vaults, tottering walls and fallen towers, with a few miserable inhabitants housing in the vaults amid the rubbish.4 Yet Fakhr ed-Din, the celebrated chief of the Druzes in the first half of the seventeenth century, made some attempts to restore its importance, and erected here a spacious palace and other buildings; but they were soon suffered to fall to decay; and, in the time of D'Arvieux, the little that remained of the palace, served as a Khan for travellers.5 Maundrell, at the close of the same century, found "not so much as one entire house left,' and only a few poor fishermen harbouring themselves in the vaults.6 In Pococke's day (1738) the French factory at Sidon exported large quantities of grain from Tyre; but the same traveller speaks here only of two or three Christian families and a few other inhabitants.7 Hasselquist in 1751 describes Tyre as a miserable village, having scarcely more than ten inhabitants, Muhammedan and Chrisiian, who lived from fishing.8 In A. D. 1766 the Metawileh from the neighbouring mountains, having taken possession of Tyre and built up the present walls, laid thus the foundation for its partial revival. Twenty years later, according to Volney, the village, although consisting of wretched huts, covered a third part of the peninsula; but its only exports were still a few sacks of grain and cotton, and its only merchant a Greek factor in the 1 Marin. Sanut. p. 232. Reinaud p. a reverent aspect, and do instruct the pen573. sive beholder with their exemplary frailty." 2 Brocardus c. 2. p. 170. Quaresmius II. p. 906. A3 bulf. Tab. Syr. p. 95. Edh-DhAhiry 5 D'Arvieux Memoires, Par. 1735. Tom. in Rosenmiiller Analect. Arab. III. p. 19. I. p. 21. p. 41, Lat. 6 Maundrell's Journal, March 20th. 4 Cotovicus p. 120. Sandys p. 168, 7 Pococke Descr. of the East, II. i. p. "But this once famous Tyre is now no 82. other than a heap of muins; yet they have 8 Reise p. 187. ~iii. 405, 406

JUNE 25.] MODERN HISTORY. PALAETYRUS. 471 service of the French establishment at Sidon.' The export of tobacco to Egypt has given it an impulse during the present century; in 1815 this formed already its chief staple, along with cotton, charcoal, and wood; and the population was continually increasing.2 Yet the greater prosperity and importance of the trade of Beirit, will probably prevent any further extensive enlargement. In connection with the preceding account of ancient Tyre, a question arises in regard to the site of the earliest land city, Paletyrus; of which no known vestige now remains. The only distinct notice we have of its position, is from Strabo, three centuries after its destruction by Alexander. He says it stood thirty stadia south of the insular city.3 Both the direction and the distance carry it, therefore, to the vicinity of Ras el-'Ain. It probably lay on the south of those fountains along the coast; and the hill in that quarter may perhaps have been its citadel.4 That no remains are now visible, is amply accounted for by the fact, that Alexander, more than twenty centuries ago, carried off its materials to erect his mole;5 and what he left behind, would naturally be swallowed up in the erections and restorations of the island city, during the subsequent centuries. Even in the more modern Tyre of the middle ages, what has become of her double and triple walls, her lofty towers, her large and massive mansions? lNot only have these structures been overthrown, but their very materials have in a great measure disappeared; having been probably carried off by water, and absorbed in the repeated fortifications of'Akka and other constructions.6 Monday, June 25th. Our journey for this day was along the coast from Tyre to Sidon, a distance usually reckoned at eight Volney Voyage IT. pp. 194, 196, 208. grounds, the city upon the island might Comp. Niebuhr Reisebeschr. III. p. 78. well be regarded as the original one; 2 Turner's Tour, II.. 101. though against this view we have the 3 Strabo 16. 2. p. 521, Me'r& rb Tsipoy name Palsetyrus, and this alone, applied flaXarTUvpos 4''rpltohc,'a o'a5otLs. Strabo to the land city. (Comp. Hengstenb. de is here following the direction from north Reb. Tyr. c. 1.) To avoid this difficulty, to south, and goes next to Ptolemais. it is sometimes suggested, in accordance There are ruins in the plain an hour with Volney, RosenmiUller, and others, and a half south of Ras el-'Ain, as noted that Palxtyvrus mav have been situated upon by my companion; but these are too dis- the rocky hill el-Ma'shfik; to which the tant. Irby and Mangles mention them as name n8: (Ts6r) would certainly. be very "the rubbish of an ancient city; " Travels applicable. But this hill is east, or rather p. 197. L6l.] northeasterly, from Tyre, at less than 5 See above, p. d467 sq. half an hour's distance; and can therefore 6 The Hebrew name of Tyre is IiY have no connection with Strabo's Palvety(Ts6r, rock), which is admirably adapted rus. Winer Bibl. Realworterb. art. Tyr#us, to the island, but not specially so to the site note. Rosenmiiller Bibl. Geogr. II i. p. here assigned to the land city. Etymolo- 31. Volney Voyage II. pp. 200, 201. gically therefore, and perhaps on other iii. 407, 408

472 - FROM TYRIE TO SIDON.. - SE. XVL hours. We left the gate of Tyre at 6 o'clock; and following the beach of sand along the northern shore of the isthmus, left the high and broken arches of the ancient aqueduct upon ourright., Beyond the isthmus, the path gradually leaves the beach. In thirty-five minutes we came to a large spring of fine water, once enclosed by a wall; it is highly prized by the Tyrians, who suppose it to possess medicinal virtues.' The road now strikes obliquely across the plain, towards the point of the hills where the valley of the Litany, here called: Nahr el-Kasimiyeh, issues from them. Here, on the high southern bank of the Wady, at the foot of the -hills, stands the Khan el-Kasimiyeh, which we reached at 71 o'clock; an old dilapidated building, on which Sandys already bestows the epithet of ancient.2 At this place we stopped an hour for breakfast. The Khan:is inhabited;: but the people were all absent, and had left their poultry and other effects to the honesty of all comers. Our servants looked around for something to eat, and found at last some eggs in the nest; these they took, leaving money in the nest to pay for them. Mounting again at 81 o'clock, we descended the steep bank to the river, which here flows immediately beneath it, and is crossed by a fine modern bridge of one arch.3 The stream in this part is of considerable depth, being perhaps one third as large as the Jordan above the lake of Tiberias; and flows to the sea with many windings, through a broad low tract of meadow land. Its name, el-Kasimiyeh, is sometimes said to signify'division;' and is supposed to have arisen from: its being the boundary between adjacent districts; though it is more probably derived from a proper name.4 It is the same stream, which under the name of el-Lit'ny drains the great valley of el-BUika'a between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, and then breaks down through to the sea, by a mountain gorge, at the south end of Lebanon.5 This river is now commonly held to be the Leontes of the ancient geographers; and not without good reason, though the proofs 1 This spring appears to be the same 4 D'Arvieux in 1659 says it was so which Pococke calls " Bakwok;-" II. i. p. called as. dividing the governments of 84. Saida and Safed;: MSm. II. p. 5. Paris 2 "An ancient Cane, whose port doth 1735. Nau in 1674, makes it separate the bear the portraiture of achalice;" Sandy's territories of Saida and Siqr;* p. 548. It Travels p. 166. Monconys also mentions now forms the line between:the districts the chalice on a stone tablet; I. p. 331. Belad Besharah and Belad esh-Shfikif. — Comp. Nau p. 541. The form Kusm signifies'division-;'d d3 In the seventeenth century, D'Arvieux sim is divider,' but it is used also as a and Maundrell describe a bridge of four proper name. El1-Kdsimiyeh seems-to be arches over the KAsimiyeh, broken down the feminine of the relative adjective Kacand dangerous to be passed; D'Arvieux simy, derived from this proper name. Mim. II. p. 5. Maundr. March 20th. b See above, pp. 437, 438. The fable Pococke in 1738 found a;-bridge of two respecting the drowning of the emperor arches; II. p. 84. Turner in 1815 speaks Frederick Barbarossa in this river, has alhere of " a handsome new bridge, twenty ready been noticed; p. 466. n. 2. feet wide;" Tour etc. II. p. 98. iii. 408-410

JmaE 25.] PHENICIAN PLAIN. 473 are not absolutely decisive.' By an error destitute of the slightest foundation, yet going back to the times of the crusades, the KAsimiyeh was formerly regarded as the ancient Eleutherus; a stream which all the ancient geographers agree in placing on the north of Tripolis, and which Maundrell was the first to find again in the Nahr el-Kebir, at the northern end of Lebanon.2 Our road lay for the remainder of the day along the celebrated Phenician plain, sometimes at the foot of the mountains, and sometimes near the shore. This plain extends from Ras el-Beyad or el-Abyad, the Promontorium album of the ancients, nearly three hours'south of Sur, to the Nahr el-Auwaly an hour north of Saida; a distance of ten or eleven hours. Its breadth is unequal; but it is nowhere more than half an hour, except around the cities of Tyre and Sidon; where the mountains retreat somewhat further. In some places they approach quite near to the shore. The surface is not a dead level, but undulating; the soil is fine and fertile, and everywhere capable of tillage; though now suffered for the most part to run to waste. The adjacent heights are hardly to be called mountains; they constitute indeed the high tract running off south from Lebanon, which has some higher bluffs and ridges further east, towards the Huleh; but as here seen, they are low; and though sometimes rocky and covered with shrubs, are yet oftener arable and cultivated to the top. The hills too are enlivened with villages; of which there is not a single one in all the plain, until near Sidon. We crossed the dry bed of a mountain torrent at 93- o'clock, Edrlsi, in the twelfth century, de- 2 William of Tyre twice mentions this scribes a river called Nahr Lantek, as de- stream by Tyre, but gives it no name; 7. scending from the mountains to the sea 22. ib. 13. 9. Brocardus has it as the between Sur and Siirafend; Edr. par Jau- Eleutherus, c. 2. p. 171; and so too Mabert p. 349. Reland Pal. p. 290. This rinus Sanutus p. 245. Adrichomius p. 3, name is obviously an Arabic form for the etc. etc. Yet the ancients with one voice Leontes; and the stream could not well place the Eleutherus north of Tripolis, on have been any other than the Kasimiyeh; or near the northern border of Phenicia; especially as the name el-Litany, still ap- so Ptolem. 15. 4. Strabo 16. 2. 12. p 753. plied to the same in the mountains, is pro- Plin. H. N. 5. 20. See Cellarius Not. bablv only a further corruption of Leontes Orb. II. p. 374. Mannert Geogr. von and Lanteh.-Yet Ptolemy sets the river Arabien, Palistina, etc. p. 303. Leipz. 1831. Leontes between Berytus and Sidon; and Josephus also makes it a border river north Strabo also places a city Leontonpolis be- of Tyre and Sidon; and this view is also tween the Tamyras and Sidon. Ptolem. consistent with the first book of Macca5. 4. Strabo 16. 2. p. 520. Reland Pal. bees; 1 Mace. 11, 7. 12, 30. Joseph. Ant. p. 457. Cellarius Notit. Orb. II. pp. 377, 15. 4. 1. B. J. 1. 18. 5.-Maundrell was 379. In that case the present river el- the first to draw attention to the streams Auwaly (the Bostrenus) north of Sidon north of Tripolis; the largest of which is would correspond to the Leontes; and so the Nahr el-Kebir, answering in all respects lfannert assumes it; Phcenic. p. 294.- to the Eleutherus; Maundrell under March Strabo expressly speaks of a river on the 9th. So too Pococke II. i. p. 204 sq. north of Tyre, unquestionably the present Burckhardt p. 161. Reland Palsest. p. el-KAsimiyeh; but unfortunately does not 291. There exists no ground whatever, record its name: eha 7rpbS T6p, Wrotacbs for assuming a second stream of this name ~tzltO. 16. 2. 24. p. 758. in Phenicia. VOL. II. —40* iii. 410, 411

474 FROM TYRE TO SIDON. [SEC. XVi. called Abu el-Aswad; on which are the ruins of a bridge with a round arch, now broken down. This may be an ancient work; here too is a ruined Khan.. At 10O o'clock the hills approached nearer to the coast; and we had, on the -shore at our -left,- the traces of a former site called'Adlan, consisting of confused heaps of stones, with several old wells.'- On the- mountains above are two or three villages; one of which: is called. -el-Ansariyeh; and in the plain were fields of millet in bloom. The side of the projecting mountain is here-:rocky and precipitous near the base; and in it are many sepulchral -grotto., hewn -out of the hard limestone rock. These tombs are- very numerous; and were described to us by friends who had visited them, as being all of- the same form; having a door leading into a chamber:about six feet square, with a sort of bed left in the rock on three sides for the dead bodies. The doors are gone, and not a bone is left. This accords with the account of Nau in A. D. 1674, who describes them very minutely, and was led. -from -their regularity- and uniformity to regard them as an ancient Laura of monastic cells.2 Is this perhaps the spot. spoken of by William of Tyre, as the Tyrian cave in the territory of Sidon, occupied by the- crusaders as a strong hold?3 If so, we might compare it with; the "Mearah (cavern) that was beside the Sidonians," mentioned in the book of Joshua.4 The whole suggestion, however, is of very questionable value. Passing on, we crossed at 11.20 a small dry Wady studded with oleanders;5 and came at 11- o'clock to a Wely near the shore, with a small Khan close by, called el-Khidr, the Arab name of St. George. Five minutes beyond is a site of ruins on the left, broken foundations and irregular heaps of stones, indicating however in themselves -little more than a mere village. Opposite to this spot, high up on the southern slope of a partially isolated hill, and hardly half an hour distant, is a large village with two or three Welys, bearing the name of Sflrafend. l Edrisi speaks of this place in the Report of his journey to Safed, Miss. Hetwelfth century; par Jaub. p. 349. It is rald Nov. 1837, p. 442. doubtless the Adnoun of Nau and the Ad- 3 Will. Tyr. 19. 11, " Municipium quodnon of Pococke. Nau p. 548. Pococke II. dam nostrum,: in territorio Sydoniensi sii. p. 84.-Strabo places the small city tum, speluncam videlicet inexpugnabilem, (,roXXvwov) Ornithon, Ornith6npolis, be- qune vulgo dicitur Cavea de- Tyro." This tween Tyre and Sidon; but we -have no- was surrendered to the Saracens by treachthing to mark its position. It may or may ery. Wilken Gesch.' der Kr. III. ii. p. 94. not have been at AdlAn; the adjacent se- Comp. RosenmlAller Bibl. Geogr. II. i. pp. pulchres show at least that here must 39, 40. have been an ancient town. Strabo 16. 2.- 4 Josh. 13, 4. Comp. Roselmidller 1. c. 24. p. 758. Comp. Pococke-1l. c. Hasselquist remarks, that he first 2 Nau Voyage pp. 545-548. These found'the oleander (Nerium) between Tyre tombs are mentioned likewise by Sandys, and Sidon; Reise p. 188. We had before p. 166. D'Arvieux Mem. II. p.- 5. Po- seen it in great abundance around Wady cooke II. i. p. 84. Also in Mr Thomson's Mfisa and the lake of Tiberias. iii. 411-413 -

JUNE 25.3]- SURAFEND, -SAREPTA. 475 In this name we here have the Zarephath of the Old Testament, and the Sarepta of the New; a place situated, according to Josephus and -Pliny, between Tyre and Sidon, and belonging to the territory of the latter.' Here Elijah dwelt long in the house of the widow, and restored her son to life.2 Eusebius and Jerome have the name; and the latter speaks of Paula as having visited the spot.3 In Latin poems of the subsequent centuries, the wine of,Sarepta is highly celebrated; though at the close of the sixth century, Antoninus Martyr describes the -place as only a small Christian City.4:: It is however nowhere mentioned as an ancient bishopric; the crusaders first made:it the seat of a Latin bishop under the archbishop of Sidon; and erected near the port a small- chapel over the reputed spot, where Elijah dwelt and raised the widow's son from: the dead.5 Phocas, about A. D. 1185, speaks here of a fortress -on the shore of the sea. Brocardus a'century later says, the place had scarcely eight houses, though,many ruins indicated its ancient splendour.6 The Christian chapel was doubtless succeeded by the mosk, of which former travellers speaklas erected here over the widow's house; and at the present day, the same is probably found in the Wely elKhtudr.7 It- would thus seem, that the former city of Sarepta or Stirafend, stood near the sea shore; and- that the present village bearing the same name upon the adjacent- hills, has sprung up since the time of the crusades; the people having: probably chosen to remove thither for the same reason, whatever it may'have been, which has caused the abandonment of all the rest of the plain.- The mention of the former port and of the chapel near by, now marked by the Wely and also the adjacent ruins, a1 go to fix the former site near the sea. William- of Tyre likewise gives decisive testimony to the same effect, when he relates, that the host of the crusaders, as they first marched'1 Kings 17, 9. 10. Obad. vs. 20. a bishopric, 19. 14. Other bishops arereLuke 4, 26. Joseph. Ant. 8. 13. 2. Plin. corded afterwards. See Le Quien Oriens H. N. 5. 19. Cellarius Not. Orb. IL p. Chr. III. p. 1338 sq.-The chapel is men380. tioned by Jac. de Vitr. c. 44. Marin. San. 2 1 Kings 17, 9-24. p. 165. 3 Onomast. Art. Sarepta. hieron. Epist. 6 Phocas de Loc. Sanct. ~ 7. Brocardus 86, Epitaph. Paule p. 673. ed. Mart. —In c. 2. p. 171. the Itiner. Hieros. the name and the dis- 7 Sandys' Travels p. 166. Quaresmius tance from Sidon are lost; but the descrip- II. pp. 907, 908. Nau p. 544. Pococke tion remains: " Ibi Elias ad viduam as- II. i. p. 85.-The Christian tradition was cendit et petiit sibi cibum;" p. 583, ed.- formerly somewhat at fault. about this Wess. mosk; some making it cover the spot 4 Sidonius Apoll. 17. 16. Fulgent. My-'where our Lord met the Syrophenician thol. 2. 15. See the citations in full, Cel- woman; Matt. 15, 22. Mark 7, 25. 26. larius Not. Orb. II. p. 380 sq. Rel. Pal. See Quaresmius ibid. D'Arvieux Mrnoires, p. 986. II. p. 4. Paris 1735. 5 William of Tyre speaks of Sarepta as iii. 413, -414

476 FROM TYRE TO SIDON. [SEC. XVL through the Phenician plain on their way to Jerusalem, left the city of Sarepta on their right.'-In the rocks along the foot of the hills are many excavated tombs, once doubtless belonging to the ancient city.2 Proceeding on our way, we came at 12 o'clock in sight of Saida, still at a distance, but looking verdant and beautiful in the midst of a forest of trees. Ten minutes later brought us to a fine fountain near the shore, called'Ain el-Kanterah; shaded with many trees, and watering a small tract of gardens. At 121- o'clock we crossed a water-course from the mountains, nearly dry; and after a quarter of an hour another, with stagnant water in spots. Here again were many oleanders in blossom; and on our left the abutments of a ruined bridge. We came to'Ain el-Burak at 12.55, another fine fbuntain with a pretty stream running to the sea. In this pleasant spot, Mr Katafago of Saida had recently built a house and KIhan, and laid out large gardens, and planted extensive cotton fields. The whole establishment was yet in its commencement; but seemed to promise well. At a quarter past one o'clock we reached the Nahr ez-Zaherany, a moderate stream from the mountains; on our right, as we crossed, were the ruins of a modern bridge, and near by lay a Roman mile stone. Half an hour beyond was another Wady, with a little stagnant water; and at 2 o'clock we had on our right, at the foot of the mountains, the village el-Ghazieh. Here the mountains retire, leaving a broader plain around Saida; and the meadows and gardens belonging to the city commence, and extend north to the Auwaly. At 2- o'clock we crossed the wide and dry bed of a winter torrent in the plain, called Nahr Senik. On its northern side was a small Khan, or rather guard house, where was stationed a quarantine guard as an outpost before the city of Saida. The ignorant soldiers could not read our bill of health, and refused utterly to let us proceed, until they could send the paper to the city and obtain permission. They would not even allow us to accompany the messenger to the gate. There was no remedy but patience; yet the affair cost us a delay and loss of nearly three hours. The permission, as we afterwards learned, was granted the moment the paper was presented; so that at least one half of the delay, was to be ascribed to the unfaithfulness of the messenger. We set forward at length at 51 o'clock; and very soon passed another Roman mile stone, a large column with a Latin inscription, containing the names of Septimius Severus and Will. Tyr. 7. 22. comp. D'Arvieux Mem. II. p. 4. Pococke 2 These are not unfrequently mentioned; II. i. p. 85..i. 414, 415:

JUNE 25.] QUARANTINE. GATE OF SIDON. 477' Pertinax, lying by the wayside. The inscription has beenseveral times copied; among others by Monconys and Maundrell.' The path led for a time along an avenue: of large acacias and still larger tamarisks (Trirfa), which are common in this region; and we rode for the whole way among gardens and country seats, until at 5.50 we reached the southern part of the, city. Wishing to encamp outside, we kept along the eastern wall, passing by one gate, and seeking for a convenient' spot to pitch our tent in the open ground adjacent. This has many trees, and at a distance seemed inviting; but on approaching nearer, it turned out to be occupied in great part as a cemetery; while in the open places were many soldiers, and the whole was so public, that we concluded to enter the town and find a lodging there. We came therefore to the gate near the northeast corner; but were again stopped by a quarantine guard, who would listen to nothing until the head of the quarantine was called. MIeantime, leaving Mr Smith to adjust this matter, we looked further, and found at last a place for the tent, near the shore, at the distance of fifty or sixty rods northeast from the city. The chief health officer having been sent for, came himself to the gate, and proved to be a personal friend of Mr Smith, a Christian of some education, who had:formerly been employed in the schools of Beiruft. He was greatly rejoiced at thus meeting his friend; and gave at once the necessary orders to the guard, to let us pass in and out at our pleasure. The delay to which we had been subjected, was the more to be regretted; because, the day was now far spent, and it' was already too. late to see much of -this ancient place. I-can give therefore only the impression received. from a hasty view. We called upon our friend in his office.; and found him busily engaged in making out bills of health for several small vessels, which were about to leave the port for Beirut and: Egypt. He sent with us his father-in-law, to show us the port and: the chief buildings of the city. We afterwards called upon the American consular agent, Ibrahim Nfikhly, a wealthy Greek Catholic, to whom we desired to pay our respects. His house was a large one, built upon the eastern wall of the: city; the rooms were spacious, and furnished with more appearance of wealth, than any I saw in the country. An upper parlour with many windows, on the roof of the proper house, resembled a summer palace; and commanded a delightful view over: the country towards the east, full of trees and gardens, and country houses, quite to the foot of the mountains. Ibrahim was a man of middle age, of dignified appearance and manners; and gave us the usual Monconys' Voyages Tom. II. p. 332. Maundrell under March 20. iii. 415-417

478 SIDON. [SEC. XVI. pressing invitation to lodge at his house; but we were already provided for. Several of his neighbours were present or came in; and quite a divan assembled around us. In one of the rooms, open to all comers, a daughter five or six years old, lay dangerously ill. The little creature was evidently wasting away under a slow fever, and was indulged in eating everything it chose to call for; indeed all sorts of delicacies were proposed, in order to excite its appetite. The father was in great alarm, and evidently much affected; there was no physician in all the place in whom he could put confidence; and he besought us pressingly to examine and prescribe for his child. Never did I more long for the possession of some degree of medical knowledge; for the poor child was evidently going down to the grave, in the absence of all judicious treatment. It was late when we left the house to return to our tent. The gate of the city was already closed, and could not be opened without an order from the. military commandant; but he was near, and in five minutes we were enabled to pass out. Saida, the ancient Sidon, lies on the northwest slope of a small promontory, which here juts out for a short distance obliquely into the sea, towards the southwest. The highest ground is on the. south, where the citadel, a large square tower, is situated; an old structure, said by some to have been built'by Louis IX., in A. D. 1253.' A wall encloses the city on the land side, running across the promontory from sea to sea; it is kept in tolerable repair. The ancient harbour was formed by a long low ridge of rocks, parallel to the shore in front of the city. Before the time of Fakhr ed-Din, there was here a port capable of receiving fifty galleys; but that chieftain, in order to protect himself against the Turks, caused it t6 be partly filled up with stones and earth; so that ever since his day only boats can enter it.2 Larger vessels lie without the entrance, on the north of the ledge of rocks, where they are protected from the southwest winds, but exposed to those from the northern quarter. Here, on a rock in the sea, is another castle of the time of the crusades, the form of which is in part adapted to that of the rock; it is connected with the shore at the northern end of the city, by a stone causeway with nine arches, lying between the inner and outer port.' The streets of Saida are narrow, crooked, and dirty, like those of most oriental cities. The houses are many of them large and well built of stone; and the town, in this respect, presents' This seems to be the story of the vieux in 1658 makes no mention of the French residents, and may perhaps be well report; Mem. I. p. 296. founded; Nau p. 535. Pocoeke II. i. p. 2 l)'Arvieux Mdm. I. p. 298. 87. Turner's Tour II. p. 87. Yet D'Ar- s Niebuhr Reisebeschr. III. p. 79. iii. 417, 418

JUNE 25.] THE CITY. POPULATION. COMMERCE. 479 a strong contrast to modern Tyre. Those especially along the eastern wall, are distinguished for their size and height; they are built directly on the wall, so as to constitute a part of it; and enjoy a pure air and a pleasing prospect of the fields and country. Within the city are six Khans, called by the Arabs Wekaleh, for the use of merchants and travellers.' The largest of these is the Wekaleh formerly belonging to the French factory and consulate, and still called the French Khan; a large quadrangle of about one hundred and fifty feet on a side, with a fountain and basin in the middle, and covered galleries all around. It was erected by Fakhr ed-Din early in the seventeenth century; and is minutely described by D'Arvieux, who resided here for several years as a merchant, soon after the middle of the same century. The taxable males of Saida, as we were told, amount as registered to seventeen hundred; which, according to the usual proportion, would indicate a population of nearly seven thousand souls. Yet Ibrahim, who certainly had the best opportunities of information, estimated the whole number of inhabitants at not over five thousand. About two thirds of the whole are Muslims; one eighth part Jews; and the remainder Greek Catholics and Maronites in about equal proportions, with a very few Arab Greeks. The commerce of Saida, which five and twenty years ago was still considerable, has of late years fallen off, in consequence of the prosperity of Beirtli; the latter having become exclusively the port of Damascus. The chief exports from Saida are silk, cotton, and nutgalls.2 Indeed, we had now begun to enter upon the region, in which silk is extensively cultivated; as is indicated by the orchards of mulberry trees around the villages. The earthquake of 1837 threw down several houses in Saida and injured many others; but only a few persons were killed.3 The beauty of Saida consists in its gardens and orchards of fruit trees, which fill the plain and extend to the foot of the adjacent hills. The city and the tract around, are abundantly supplied with water, by aqueducts and channels which conduct it from the Auwaly and other smaller streams, as they issue from thfe mountains.4 The environs exhibit everywhere a luxuriant verdure; and the fruits of Saida are reckoned among the finest of the country. Hasselquist enumerates pomegranates, apricots,: Turner ib. p. 87. For the Wekfllleh, 4 BerggTen Reisen II. p. 217. Hasselsee Lane's Mod. Egyptians, II. p. 8 sq. quist describes the ancient aqueduct which This name is sometimes falsely written still supplies the city, as bringing the waOkella. ter from the mountains, a distance of two 2 Turner ib. p. 88. German or Swedish miles, i. e. some four Mr Thomson's Report in the Mission- or five hours; Reise p. 192. ary Herald for Nov. 1837, p. 434. iii. 418-420

480 SIDON. [SEC. XVI. figs, almonds, oranges, lemons, and plums, as growing here in such abundance as to furnish annually several ship loads for export; to which D'Arvieux adds also pears, peaches, cherries, and bananas, as at the present day.' At the foot of the hills, are many ancient excavated sepulchres.2 Saida was at this time the point, from which travellers were accustomed to make an excursion to the residence of Lady Hester Stanhope, about three hours distant in the mountains. We had letters to her; but pressed as we were for time, in the hope of still being able to visit Ba'albek, we felt no disposition to avail ourselves of the introduction. Her career was at least an extraordinary one; and whether she acted from the promptings of a noble or a wayward spirit, death has now closed the scene, and cast his pall over her virtues and her follies. Sidon was the most ancient of all the Phenician cities; and is mentioned both in the Pentateuch and in the poems of Homer; which Tyre is not.3 In the division of the Promised Land by Joshua, Sidon is spoken of as a great city, and was assigned to Asher; but the Israelites never subdued it.4 In later ages, the younger Tyre outstripped Sidon in the career of prosperity and power; but both were equally renowned for their commerce, their manufactures, and the cultivation of the fine arts, as well as for the luxury and vices usually attendant upon commercial prosperity.s When the Assyrian Shalmaneser entered Phenicia, about 720 B. C. Sidon and the rest of Phenicia, except insular Tyre, submitted to the conqueror, and remained long under the dominion of the Assyrians and Persians.6 Under Artaxerxes Ochus, about 350 B. C. Phenicia revolted from the Persian yoke; and Sidon was captured and destroyed by that monarch.7 Yet it was soon built up again; and in 332 B. C. opened its gates to Alexander the Great, on his approach.8 D'Arvieux Mem. I. p. 332. Hassel- But Josephus derives it from Sidon the quist Reise p. 188. Besides these fruits, eldest son of Canaan, Gen. 10, 15. Joseph. Hasselquist mentions also the numerous Ant. 1. 6. 2. mulberry trees, the Cordia Sebestena, from 4 Josh. 19, 28. Judg. 1, 31. 10, 12. whose berries bird-lime was made and ex- Jos. Ant. 15. 4. 1, IC rpoydv&cv ieva'pa. ported, and sumac (Rhus). He says the 5 Is. 23, 2. Ez: 27, 8. See too the vine was not cultivated around Saida; yet Homeric passages cited in note 3. Virg. D'Arvieux, who resided here -a century _En. 4. 75. Diod. Sic. 16. 41, 45. Strabo earlier, describes the vine as very abundant, 16. 2. 24. p. 757. Plin. H. N, 36. 66. The yielding grapes of great perfection, and a Sidonian architects were also in request; strong though delicate white wine; M6m. 1 Kings 5, 6. 1 Chr. 22, 4. Ezra 3, 7. 1. p. 328. Strabo (1. c.) attributes to the Sidonians Described by Maundrell, April 22d. great skill in philosophy, astronomy, geHasselquist Reise p. 189. Pococke lI.i. p. ometry, arithmetic, navigation, and all the 87. liberal arts. Gen. 10, 19. 49, 13. Horn. Ilias 6. 6 Menander in Joseph. Ant. 9. 14. 2. 289. ib. 23. 743. Odyss. 15. 415. ib. 17. 7 Diod. Sic. 16. 42 sq. 45. 424.-The Heb. -name'1'1S signifies " a 8 Jos. Ant. 11. 8. 3. Arrian. Alex. 2. fishing, fishery;" and such is the ancient 15. Q. Curt. 4. 1, 15. etymology preserved by Justin; 18. 3. iii. 420, 421

JunE 25.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. 481 After Alexander's death, Sidon continued alternately in the possession of the Syrian and Egyptian monarchs, until it came at last under the Roman power; at this time it was still an opulent city.' This was during the times of the New Testament, when our Lord visited the territories of Tyre and Sidon; and Paul afterwards found here Christian friends on his passage to Rome.2 There doubtless was early a Christian church and bishop at Sidon; though the first bishop, whose name is preserved, was Theodorus, who was present at the council of Nicea, in A. D. 325.3. In the same century, Eusebius and Jerome still speak of Sidon as an important city;4 but we know little more of it until the time of the crusades.5 The original host of the crusaders, in their progress from Antioch towards Jerusalem, in A. D. 1099, marched along the whole Phenician coast, leaving the strong cities of BeirAt, Sidon, Tyre,'Akka, and others, unmolested, so far as the latter suffered them to pass by without hindrance. Their first and grand object was the Holy City. The Muslim commander of Sidon, however, then subject to the Khalif of Egypt, at first opposed himself to their progress; but his troops were driven back into the city by the pilgrims; and the latter then rested for several days in the rich environs, where their light troops brought in much booty from the vicinity.6 Not until A. D. 1107, were the crusaders able to undertake in earnest the reduction of Sidon; and even then, at first, the inhabitants succeeded in purchasing from king Baldwin I. a reprieve, with gold. Yet they themselves proved faithless; and in the next year (1108) Baldwin formally laid siege to Sidon; but, after great efforts, was obliged to abandon the enterprise. In A. D. 1111, the siege was again renewed, with better success; and after six weeks, king Baldwin had the satisfaction of seeing the city surrendered into his hands, on the tenth day of December. It was bestowed as a fief on the knight Eustache Grenier.7 Sidon remained in the possession of the Christians until A. D. 1187, when it fell into the hands of Saladin, without resistance, immediately after the battle of Hattin.8 The Sultan appears to 1 Pompon. Mela 1. 12, " adhuc opulenta s Will. Tyr. 7. 22. Wilken Gesch. der Sidon, antequam a Persis capta, maritima- Kr. I. p. 267.-In some of the writers of rum urbiutn maxima." that age, Sidon appears as'Sagitta;' Alb. 2 Matt. 15, 21. Mark 7, 24. Acts 27, 3. Aquens. 10. 3, 8, "urbs Sagitta, qum est * See the list of bishops, Reland Pal. p. Sidon." Marin. Sanut. pp. 155, 245. 104. Le Quien Oriens Chr. II. p. 811 sq. 7 Albert. Aquens. 10. 3, 4, 8, 45-50. ib. 4 Onomast. art. Sidon, "urbs Phcenices 11.31-34. Will. Tyr. 11.14. Wilken lib. insignis." II. pp. 213, 216 sq. 221 sq. 5 See generally Reland Palest. p. 1010 8 Bohaed. Vit. Sal. p. 72. Abulf. Ansq. Cellarius Notit. Orb. I1. p. 379 sq. nal. A. H. 583. Reinaud Extr. p. 202. Winer Bibl. Realw6rterb. art. Sidon. Ro- Wilken ib. III. ii. p. 295. senmiiller Bibl. Geogr. II. i. p. 20 sq. VOL. II.-41 iii. 421-423

482 SIDON. [SEC. XVIL have dismantled the fortifications, and partially destroyed the city; for when in A. D. 1197, after the hard-fought general battle with Melek el-'Adil in the vicinity, the Christians entered Sidon, they found it desolated. The pilgrims stabled their horses in mansions ornamented with the cedar of Lebanon; and cooked their food at fires fragrant with the odours of the same precious wood, collected from the ruins.' The crusaders proceeded to Beirft, of which they took possession; while Alelek el-'Adil again appeared in their rear, and completed the destruction of Sidon.2 The Christians, however, rebuilt and occupied the city; which, after half a century, was once more taken and dismantled by the Saracen forces in A. D. 1249, during the siege of Damietta by Louis IX. of France.3 Four years later, in A. D. 1253, when an officer of the French king with a small party of troops had begun to restore the city, a MIuslim host again approached, and took possession of the place. The garrison, with a few of the inhabitants, withdrew to the castle uponpthe rock; which being entirely surrounded by water, afforded them security; but of the remaining inhabitants, two thousand were slain, and four hundred carried off as prisoners to Damascus, after the city had been laid waste.4 In July of the same year, only a few weeks afterwards, king Louis himself repaired to Sidon, and caused the city to be rebuilt with high walls and massive towers.' The Templars in A. D. 1260 purchased Sidon fiom Julian its temporal lord; and, with the exception of its being plundered by the Mogols in the same year, they retained possession of it for thirty years.6 In A. D. 1291, after the atrocious and terrible overthrow of'Akka by the Sultan el-Ashraf, and the abandonment of Tyre, the Templars also left Sidon to its fate, and withdrew first to Tortosa and afterwards to Cyprus. Sidon was taken possession of by the 3Muhammedans, and once more dismantled.7 Eight or ten years before this event, Brocardus describes Sidon as a large place; although a great part of it already lay in ruins. On the north was a fortress in the sea, built originally by crusaders from Germany; and on the hill upon the south another, then occupied by the Templars.8 After its abandonment by the Franks, Sidon appears not to have been, like Tyre, Wilken ib. V. pp. 33-35, and the anu- the present castle in the sea connected with thorities there cited. Reinaud Extr. p. the shore by a causeway. 380. 5 Wilken ibid. p. 333. 2 Wilken ib. V. p. 41. 6 Hugo Plagon p. 736. Marin. Sanut. 3 Reinaud Extr. p. 453. Wilken ib. p. 221. Wilken lib. pp. 400, 415. VII. p. 323. 7 Wilken ib. pp. 771, 772. Reinaud p. W4 ilken ib. VII. p. 323, etc. etc. 570. Comp. above, p. 469. Marin. Sanut. p. 220.-This was of course Brocardus c. 2. p. 171, iii. 423, 424

JUNE 20.] LATER HISTORY. 483 entirely forsaken by its inhabitants. Abulfeda speaks of it not long after as a small town, having a citadel; and according to edh-Dhahiry in the middle of the fifteenth century it was a place of some importance, constituting one of the ports of Damascus, and visited by ships.' At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Frank travellers describe it as still for the most part in ruins, with few inhabitants and a single Khan. But about this time, Sidon received a new impulse from the genius and activity of the celebrated Fakhr ed-Din. This Emir of the Druzes, having got possession of all the towns along the coast, gave way to his propensity for building, not only at Beirfit and Tyre, but also at Sidon. Here he erected a vast seraglio or palace for himself; and also the large Khan afterwards occupied by the French, besides other structures.3 His policy was to encourage commerce; and although he filled up the port of Sidon, yet in consequence of his measures and protection, the trade of that city revived to some extent, and a greater activity was awakened along the whole coast. Professing to be himself descended from French ancestors, he treated the Christians in his dominions with great equity, especially the Franks; granting privileges and immunities to the Latin convents, and encouraging the commerce of the French, which had now extended itself to these shores.' The consul and merchants of this nation at Sidon, managed also to keep on good terms with the Emirs and Pashas who were his successors; although in consequence of a temporary quarrel, the consulate was for two or three years removed to'Akka; from which place it returned to Sidon in the spring of A. D. 1658.5 At this time, on the establishment of a new house at Marseilles for trading to Saida, one of its partners was appointed consul at the latter place; and D'Arvieux, a relative, who had already been five years in Smyrna, also repaired thither, where he continued chiefly to reside until A. D. 1655. To him we are indebted for a minute account of the city as it then was, and of the state of the French trade.6 1 Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. 93. Edh-DhAhiry Volney Voyage II. pp. 38-45. The Emir in Rosenm. Analect. Arab. III. p. 22. was strangled at Constantinople in A. D. Lat. p. 47. 1633, at the age of 70 years. The ac2 Cotovic. p. 116. Sandys' Travels p. count which honest Sandys (his cotem164, "But this once ample city, still porary) gives of him, is not very fitvourasuffering with the often changes of those ble; at least in respect to his moral countries, is at this day contracted into character. narrow limits, and only shows the founda- 6 D'Arvieux M6m. I. pp. 380, 397 sq. tions of her greatness," etc. etc. 404. —The occasion and progress of the D'Arvieux Mcm. I. pp. 303, 312. quarrel are detailed ib. pp. 261, 262 sq. 4 D'Arvieux M6m. I. pp. 362, 363.-For I M6m. Tom. I. pp. 294 sq. 331 sq. notices of the life and character of Fakhr- 463 sq. Tom. III. pp. 341-374.-At that ed-Din, see Sandys' Travels pp. 164-166. time there were many Jews in Sidon, D'Arvieux M6m. Tom. I. p. 357 sq. dwelling in a quarter by themselves; the iii. 424-426

484 SIDON. [SEc. XVI. At that period the French were the only nation, who took part in the commerce of Sidon, and the vicinity.' Their trade had, become so extensive and firmly established, as to bring annually two hundred thousand crowns into the coffers of the Grand Seignor; and was so beneficial to the inhabitants, according to D'Arvieux, that had the Franks removed to another place, the city would have been immediately abandoned and left desert.2 Saida was the central point, and traded directly with the Druzes; but the merchants established there had likewise factors in Ramleh,'Akka, Beirut, Tripolis, and sometimes Tyre, who purchased up the products of the country and transmitted them to Saida, whence they were shipped to Marseilles.3 A direct and secure road led from Saida to Damascus in two and a half days, over Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon; crossing the Bii]k'a obliquely, and passing by the villages Meshghtirah and Jubb Jenin.4 Saida was at this time regarded as the port of Damascus; but the tradeof the latter city as yet went more to Aleppo, and turned westwards only at a later period. The articles purchased and exported by the French from Saida, were cotton both raw and spun, silk, rice, nutgalls, ashes from the desert, bird lime, senna, and a few other drugs. Hitherto these had been paid for in money; but about this time the French began to import various articles in return; among which the chief were cloth, spices, dye stuffs, and some jewelry.5 The French consul at Saida enjoyed great consideration throughout the country. His jurisdiction and title included also Jerusalem; and it was a part of his duty to visit the Holy City every year at Easter, in order to afford protection to the sacred places and to the Latin monks.6 Such, with occasional alterations, though with a gradual extension, continued to be the state of the French trade at Saida down to near the close of the last century.7 In Pococke's day, the merchants all resided in the great Kh'an, and exported chiefly raw silk, cotton, and grain.8 Hasselquist in A. D. 1751 gives a more particular notice of their trade. More than twenty ships were every year freighted for France, laden chiefly with spun keys of which were carried, every night to Maundrell accompanied him on this the KAdy or the governor; ibid. I. p. 301. journey in A. D. 1697; see his Journal, Nau Voyage p. 537. March 19th. D'Arvieux ib. p. 464. 7 In A. D. 1665 and for some years Ibid. p. 311. afterwards, the Frank trade was greatly 2 Ibid. p. 334. Comp. p. 247 sq. depressed by the exactions of the Turks; 4 Ibid. I. p. 464 sq. II. p. 465 sq. Manun- and for this, among other reasons, D'Ardrell also travelled this road; Apr. 25th, vieux returned to France; MSm. Tom. etc. III. pp. 341-374. Comp. Nau Voyage p. D'Arvieux M6m. I. p. 334 sq. 465 sq. 542 sq. — The French consul and merchants had Pococke Descript, of the East, II, i. originally resided at Damascus, and re- p. 87. moved thence to Saida; ib. IL p. 464. iii. 426, 427

JUNE 26.] FRENCH TRADE. RIVER AUWALY. 485 cotton and raw silk; but carrying also the beautiful silken and half silken stuffs of Damascus to Italy, and likewise nutgalls, oil, and ashes to France. The imports were cloth, spices, Spanish iron, and dye stuffs; all of which were mostly sent to Damascus, which now furnished great part of the trade both of Saida and Beiruit.? In Volney's time the French continued to be the sole European traders at Saida; and had there a consul and six commercial houses. Cotton, both raw and spun, and silk, were still the chief commodities. The same traveller gives a general account and estimate of the French commerce in Syria at that period.2 But in A. D. 1791, Jezzar Pasha drove the French out of all his territories, including Saida;3 and since then its little trade has been carried on chiefly by the natives. At the present day, the tide of European commerce has turned to Beiruit; and Sidon is rarely visited by foreign vessels. Tuesday, June 26th. The sun rose upon what proved to be our last day of travelling in Syria. Our journey lay along the coast from Saida to Beirit, usually reckoned a distance of nine hours. But the road is difficult; leading most of the way over heavy sands or across rocky promontories; and presents comparatively little of interest. We set off at 5.10, keeping along the sandy beach; and after a few minutes, passed the Lazaretto of Saida in a pleasant shady spot on our right.4 An attendant of duke Maximilian of Bavaria, a mulatto, had been left here by his master ill of the plague; he now lay at the point of death; and in Beirut we heard of his decease.5 We came to the Nahr el-Auwaly at 81 o'clock, and in order to cross it, turned for some distance up along its southern bank, to a fine old bridge of hewn stone of one arch, with mills and a Khan upon the northern side. This bridge is the work of Fakhr ed-Din.6 The stream rises in Mount Lebanon, northeast of Deir el-Kamr and Bteddin,7 from fountains an hour and a half beyond the village of el-Bhrutk; it is at first a wild torrent, and its Hasselquist Reise p. 190. Niebuhr's See Vol. I. p. 250. account is similar in A. D. 1766; at that D'Arvieux says it was erected by an time there were here fourteen French Italian architect brought home by the merchants, all living in the KIhn. Reise- Emir; M6m. I. p. 327. beschr. III. p. 79. 7 Bteddin, vulg. for Beit ed-Din. This 2 Volney Voyage en Syrie II. pp. 192, singular contraction, or rather hurried pro391 sq. nunciation of Beit, which thus assumes s Brown's Travels 4to. p. 369. Olivier the form of a simple b, is very frequent in Voyages, etc. Tom. II. p. 231. Mount Lebanon; e. g. Bsherreh, Bhannis, 4 This appears to be the spot mentioned Bzummar, etc. Something of the same by D'Arvieux as the site of a Khan built kind is found in BeisAn for the Ieb. Bethby Fakhr ed-Din, on the shore north of Shean. See Gesenius Notes on Burckthe city, just beyond a rivulet; MWm. I. p. hardt p. 491. 326. VOL. II. 41* iii. 427-4'29

486 FROM SIDON TO BEIRUT. [SEC. XVI. course about south. It afterwards turns west; and where it issues from the mountains, its waters are taken out to supply the city of Saida, and to irrigate the surrounding plain. Yet it here was still a fine broad stream, flowing rapidly in a deep channel through a verdant region. Maundrell remarks, that before his time this river had been mentioned by no geographer; since then it has been noticed by all. Yet all appear to have overlooked the fact, that this can be no other than the ancient Bostrenuzs, described by Dionysius Periegetes as the:"' graceful" river, upon whose waters Sidon was situated.' The whole region of the Auwaly is full of fig and mulberry orchards, intermingled with Pride of India and other ornamental trees. The loftier peaks of Lebanon here began to appear; the hills became higher and more romantic. Just beyond this spot, indeed, the tract of mountains on the west of the upper part of the Auwaly approach the sea, and send out their roots quite to the shore. Here the fine plain of Sidon, as also the great Phenician plain, terminates; and for many hours further north, the rocky and uncultivated coast along the foot of the mountains, is interrupted only by a succession of sandy coves. The ancients sometimes reckoned this as the beginning of Lebanon on the south.2 The Auwaly is still, in this part, the southern boundary of the territories of the Emir Beshir of Mount Lebanon, extending from Belad esh-Skiikif to some distance north of the cedars, and including the whole mountain, from the shore of the sea to the Bika'a, as well as part of the latter. Only the town of Beirfit, and its immediate environs, are excepted. At 6.10, in crossing the first promontory beyond the Auwaly, there was a charming back view of Saida and its groves and gardens. The way was now uneven and rough, for nearly two hours, across the rocky tract, with an intervening sandy cove. Dionys. Perieget. Orbis Terr. Descr. 905: Kal Tpo,','vy[71,, Bqrpbi'ov r' aYav?pavv, B6,3Xov' wyxiahov, Kical &s/dva a'eoAo-eay, NatolleY XapfeTos (p' v'aotr B o or p 77 o 70,'rTA. This passage is translated by both thelater Latin poets Avienus and Priscianus as follows. Avienus: Hic Tyrus est opulens, et Berytus optima, Byblos, Sidoniique lares; ubi labens agmine amnceno Cespitis irrigui Bostrenus jugera findit. Priscianus: Antiquamque Tyrum, Beryti et mmnia gratse, Vicinamque mari Byblum, Sidonaque puleram, Quam juxta liquido Bostrenus gurgite currit. The passages are cited in full by Reland, Palest. p. 437 sq.-Mannert holds the Aunwaly to be the Leontes of Ptolemy, which however was more probably the Kdsimilyeh; see above, pp. 472, 473. n. 1. 2 Plin. H. N. 5. 20, " Sidon, artifex vitri... a tergo ejus mons Libanus orsus, mille quingentis stadiis Simyram usque porrigitur." iii. 429, 430

JUNE 26;] THE AUWALY, BOSTRENUS. NEBY YUNAS. 487 At 7- o'clock we came upon the remains of an ancient Roman road, laid down among the rocks and stones, which continued visible for some distance. Another cove begins shortly after, having a long, beach of dry heavy sand curving inland, along which the path leads. Not far beyond the middle, we reached at 8.10 Khan Neby YUnas, situated near the shore. Close by is the Wely Neby Yiunas, with a white dome, marking the place where, according to the Muhanmmedan legend, the prophet Jonas was thrown up by the fish. Here is also the small village of el-Jiyeh.' Backof this spot the mountains retire a little, and give place to a small plain covered with mulberry orchards. These trees are kept trimmed down very close, in order to make them put forth a greater quantity of leaves, for the supply of the silk worms'; but they thus come to have almost the character of dwarf trees, and contribute little to the beauty of the country, except by their verdure. We halted at the Khian, for breakfast. All the Khans of this region differ from those we had formerly seen, along the great Egyptian and Syrian road. The latter are very large, and were constructed merely for the accommodation of caravans, carrying with them their own provisions, both for man and beast. But the Khans this side of Tyre, (except that near the river elKalsimlyeh,) and those still further along the coast, are small; and-while they afford to the traveller no lodging beyond a mere shelter, yet they are inhabited by a keeper who sells coffee, provisions, and the like, to the guests, so far as they may need; and furnishes them with fire and the means of cooking for themselves. They are hence called in Arabic shops (Dukkan); and supply in some small degree the place of inns. Connected with the Wely is a building, containing two or three good rooms, in which travellers often lodge for hire. At this spot, or in the immediate vicinity, is doubtless to be placed, as suggested by Pococke, the ancient city Porphyreon, mentioned by Scylax, between Sidon and Berytus; and marked in the Jerusalem Itinerary, at eight Roman miles north of Sidon.2 We had occupied three hours in reaching the Khan. Pococke relates, that he saw here "some broken pillars, a Corinthian capital, and ruins on each side of a mountain torrent."3 In the side of the mountain, southeast of the village, are also extensive excavated tombs, which my companion had formerly visited, once apparently belonging to an ancient city. Porphyreon is mentioned also by Polybius, as a city not far south of 1 D'Arvieux mentions this village with Scylax p. 100; quoted also in full by Rethe Wely Neby Yfnas near it, writing the land, Palestina p. 431.-See more in Vol name' Gi6;' MWm. II. p. 329. Also Po- III. Sect. II, under Apr. 5th, 1852. cocke, as "Jee;" II... p 89. 3 Pococke II. i. p. 89. fol. 2 Itiner. Hierosol. ed. Wesseling p. 583. iii. 430-432

488 FROM SIDON TO BEIRUT. [SEc. XVI. the river Tamyras; and was of sufficient importance to be a bishopric under the metropolitan of Tyre.' Setting forward again at 8.50, we passed, after half an hour, another Roman mile stone, the third we had now seen. Before us was another promontory, with a rocky and difficult pass, along which the path is cut for some distance occasionally in the rock. This was formerly regarded as a dangerous spot; and a guard house or tower stood on the promontory, to protect travellers.2 After clearing this promontory and reaching the shore of the cove beyond, we came almost immediately to the Nahr edDiamCr, at 10- o'clock. This was now a moderate stream; but, coming from the mountains, it often swells in winter so suddenly and powerfully, as to become impassable; and many stories are told of travellers swept away in attempting to ford it.3 Near by were the ruins of a bridge, which has often been rebuilt, but can never be made to stand the fury of the winter torrent. The Dalmfur rises on the mountains, far in the northeast of Deir elKamr; and passes down on the north of that place, where there is a bridge over it called Jisr el-KRady, on the road to Beirut.4 In this stream, Nahr ed-DaamAr, we doubtless have the Tamyras or Damouras of the ancients, between Sidon and Berytus.5 This circumstance serves to mark the difficult pass over the promontory on the south, as the place of battle between Antiochus the Great and the forces of Ptolemy, about 218 B. 0. and also as the site of the ancient Platanum. Nicolaus, the Egyptian general, had divided his forces, stationing part at Porphyreon, and with the other occupying the narrow rocky passage at Platanum, where Mount Lebanon comes down to the sea. Antiochus advanced with his army from Berytus, and encamped at the river Damouras. After reconnoitering the position of the enemy, he despatched a party of troops to climb the mountain, and attack the Egyptians from above; while other assaults were made in front, and by sea. The Egyptians were driven from their strong post; two thousand were slain, as many more made prisoners, and the remainder took refuge in Sidon.' This 1 Polyb. 5. 68. Reland Palmest. pp. 531, 3 Maundrell relates that a Mr Spon, a 957.-The crusaders regarded Haifa as relative of the traveller Dr Spon, had a the ancient Porphyreon; see in Vol. III. few years before been swept away and Sec. II, penult. But there seems to be no evi- drowned; March 19th. dence, that a city called Porphyreon ever 4 In the mountains, the stream too bears stood on the bay of'Akka; all the his- the name of Nahr el-Kady; Burckhardt torical notices apply equally well, and in- p. 192. deed better, to the Porphyreon north of 5 Strabo 16. 2. 22. p. 726, FeT& Brnpv'r Sidon, the position of which is certain. grE-T:2S4v' e'sTa5b e 65 TauLpas Vrorapdt. I D'Arvieux Mem. II. p. 329 sq. This Polybius writes the name AayoSpas, 5. 68. was the Burj ed-Dimfir of Pococke; II. 6 Polyb. Hist. 5. 68, 69. —Antiochus adi p. 89. fol. vanced further southwards, and afterwardb iii. 432, 433

JucE 26.] THE DAMUR, TAMYRAS. KHAN KHULDA. 489 Platanum is probably the village Platana mentioned by Josephus, not far from Berytus; where the tyrant Herod left his two sons, during the mock trial held over them in that city.' It may, perhaps, have been a small fortress guarding the pass. On the river Damuir and further north, there is a fine narrow tract between the mountains and the shore, covered with mulberry orchards. The stream itself is skirted with oleanders. Several villages and small convents now came in view, hanging upon the side of Lebanon. At 10.55 we came to Khan elMusry, situated upon the sand near the shore; where a rude tent close by, was said to mark a station of the Pasha's post. On the mountain opposite were three villages and two convents; the largest village bearing the name el-Mu'allakah.-Another similar Khan, called el-Ghiifr, succeeded at 11.35; so named because a toll was formerly demanded here. Just before reaching it, the straggling village en-Na'imeh, with a convent, is seen on the mountain's side.2 Another spot of the like kind is Khlan Khulda, to which we cameat ten minutes past 12 o'clock. It is reckoned three hours or more distant fomr the gates of Beirat; and persons travelling to Sidon, often come thus far to lodge, in order to shorten the next day's journey. About ten minutes before reaching the Khan, many sarcophagi are seen among the rocks on the right, a little way up the foot of the mountain; and again, beyond the Khan, they are quite numerous on both sides of the path. These sarcophagi are of ordinary size, cut from the common limestone rocks as they lie upon the ground; the covers of some lie near them. They were obviously made upon the spot, and have never been moved. Were they once used as sepulchres? and was here the site of an ancient town?3'No other remains are visible in the neighbourhood; but the name Khulda suggests the Heldua of the Jerusalem Itinerary, the first station south of Berytus.4Shortly beyond Khan Khulda, the shore trends off northwest to form the large cape of Beiruit. After a stop of five subdued Mount Tabor; see above, p. tioned by Olivier, Voyages Tom. II. p. 357. 223. Buckingham, Travels among the Joseph. Antiq. 16. 1. 2 sq. vs KetCd Arab Tribes p. 437. 4to. -'Vr ZL&,~WCotI, IlXar'-gV Ka.ovyev. 4 Itin. Hieros. ed. Wesseling p. 583. 2 This seems to be the en-NA'imeh of The position of Heldua as marked in the Edrisi, between Saida and Beirat; he de- Itinerary, 12 Roman miles from Berytus scribes it as a strong place of moderate and 8 from Porphyreoi, does not corressize, surrounded by carob trees. It may pond to Khan Khulda; it would suit betthen, like Sarafend, have stood upon the ter if reversed, viz. 8 Roman miles from adjacent plain. Edrisi par Jaubert p. 355. Berytus and 12 from Porphyreon.-PoPococke notices these sarcophagi, and cocke makes a similar suggestion as to compares them with the tombs at IksAl Heldua and its position; although he apnear Mount Tabor; II. i. p. 89. fol. See pears not to have heard the name Khulda; above, p. 332. n. 1. They are also men- II. i. p. 89. iii. 433-435

490 FROM SIDON TO BEIRUTo [SEC. XVI. minutes, we proceeded on our way, and at 12. o'clock the path began to leave the coast. At I o'clock we crossed the dry ~Wady Shuweifdt, coming down on the north of the very large village of the same name, on the foot of the mountain. It is oftener called Nahr GhUdir; and conies out from Wady Shahruir in the mountains. Earlier in the season, it has a fine stream of water. From this point the mountain also runs off more to the right. The promontory of Beiruit is of a triangular form; and the town itself lies about an hour northeast of' the extreme point or cape. The southwest coast of the triangle is for some distance composed of sand, driven up into hills by the waves and winds; and these hills are continually encroaching more and more upon the cultivated land beyond. The sands now cover much of the western portion of the cape; while towards the east between them and the base of the mountains, a broad low plain or valley extends from south to north across the promontory, full of cultivation, and containing the largest olive grove in all Syria. This' grove lies directly under the village of Shuweifitt above mentioned, and bears its name. The plain further north, and west of Nahr Beirut, is known as Ard el-Btirajineh, from a village called Burj el-Biirajineh. The other parts of the promontory susceptible of tillage, and especially the tract around Beirit, are covered with mulberry groves; the culture of silkl being here the chief employment of all the inhabitants. The plain and the adjacent mountain side absolutely swarm with villages. Our path after leaving the shore, turned more northwest, and led us over and along the sand-hills on a direct course towards Beirut; we thus left the great plain and olive forest at some distance on the right. About 3 o'clock, we reached the grove of large and lofty pines planted by Fakhr ed-Din, called lHrsh Beirfit, still more than half an hour from the city.' On the northern border of this grove, we found a cordon of soldiers stationed; the town being yet nominally shut up on account of the plague; although there had been no cases of the disease for two or three weeks. Not wishing to deprive ourselves of the power of making further excursions, by entering a place from which we could not come out again, we pitched our tent within the grove; and sent word of our arrival to our friends. They soon visited us; but although we learned from them, that the cordon was little more than a sham, and would probably soon be removed, yet as there was some uncertainty, we preferred to re1 Common report ascribes the planting tury, describes Beirfit as having on the of this grove to Fakhr ed-Din; and so south a large forest of pines, extending too Monconys I. p. 334. D'Arvieux Mem. quite to Mount Lebanon; Edr. par JauIL p. 333. Maundrell March 19th. Yet bert I. p. 355. Edrlsi, in the middle of the twelfth ceniii. 435, 436

JuN-E 27.] LODGINGS WITH OUR FRIENDS. 491 main where we were for the night, in order to obtain more certain intelligence. We now paid off and dismissed our muleteer, who had brought us all the way from Jerusalem. We had been in general well satisfied with him and with his animals; but had never been able to place that confidence in his attachment and fidelity, which we had formerly felt towards all our guides of the Bedawin. The next morning, June 27th, having ascertained that the cordon would soon either be raised or wholly disregarded; or, at any rate would present no hindrance to any excursion we might wish to make; we entered the city, or rather the gardens on the south, and took up our abode in the houses of our friends. My companion went to the house of Mr Thomson, which had formerly been his own; while I found a home in the family of Mr Hebard.' Here our travels by land were at an end; and we were delighted to return once more to the order and neatness and comfort of civilized life, and to the enjoyment of social and Christian intercourse; where we again could perceive and feel, on every side, the influence of the female hand and the female mind; an influence to which, in our intercourse with oriental life, we had so long been strangers. In my own case, the unremitted attentions and kindness of the missionary families, under the painful circumstances which rendered my presence a burden, demand this expression of grateful acknowledgment. But ~alas! for her to whose active kindness and sympathy I was most indebted, this tribute came too late, and I could only lay it on her tomb.2 Beirfit is situated on the northwest coast of the promontory; and, as already said, an hour distant from the cape, directly upon the sea shore. There was once a little port, now filled up; so that vessels can anchor only in the open road. The town is surrounded on the land side by a wall of no great strength, with towers. The houses are high and solidly built of stone. The streets are narrow and gloomy, badly paved, or rather laid with large stones, with a deep channel in the middle for animals, in which water often runs.3 The aspect of the city 1 Mr Bird, the oldest member of the after a long and painful illness, Jan. 1840. Syrian Mission, had already returned with She has left behind a durable rememhis family to the United States. To his brance, not only in the hearts of her minute and valuable topographical notices friends, but in her influence upon the many and sketches of Mount Lebanon and the Arab children and families, to whom she coast, the map of that region accompany- was a benefactress. ing this work has been greatly indebted. 3 Monconys thus describes Beirat and 2 Mirs Hebfard, a lady of' un.comnmon its streets, I. p. 335: "La ville est sombre intelligence and energy of character, died et sale, les rues 6troites avec le ruisseau au iii. 436-438

492 BEIRUT. [SEC. XVI. is more substantial than that of any other we had seen along the coast. I went twice into the town, and saw the only remains of antiquity which are now pointed out, viz. the numerous ancient columns lying as a foundation beneath the quay, and the ancient road cut in the rock outside of the southwestern wall. South of the city gate, near the way side, is a little cemetery, in which one reads the names of Mr Abbot formerly British consul at Beirflt, and of Pliny Fisk, the missionary and man of God. The city lies on a gradual slope, so that the streets have a descent towards the sea; but back of the town, the ground rises towards the south and west with more rapidity, to a considerable elevation. Here, and indeed all around the city, is a succession of gardens and orchards of fruit and of countless mulberry trees, sometimes surrounded by hedges of prickly pear, and giving to the environs of Beirfit an aspect of great verdure and beauty; though the soil is perhaps less rich, and the fruits less fine, than in the vicinity of Saida. These gardens and orchards are all reckoned to the city, and were enclosed in the cordon; in them dwell at least one third of the population. The dwellings of the Franks are scattered upon the hills towards the south and southwest, each in the midst of its garden; they are built of stone in the southern European style, and exhibit many of the comforts of the west, heightened by the luxuries and charm of the east. The houses of our friends were in this quarter; and commanded a superb prospect.. From our windows the eye took in the whole great bay north of the promontory of Beirft, extending to the point near Nahr Ibrahim, the ancient Adonis. On the right the mighty wall of Lebanon rose in indescribable majesty, with one of its loftiest summits, Jebel Stinnin, in full view; while beneath, between us and its foot, lay spread out a broad region covered with green trees and full of beauty. Along the bay, where it sets up to the very foot of Lebanon, we could distinguish the mouth of the Nahr el-Kelb, the ancient Lycus, with its celebrated pass marked by Latin inscriptions and Assyrian and Egyptian monuments;1 near the southern corner is the Nahr BeirAt, perhaps the Magoras of' Pliny;2 while still more at hand was pointed out the region where, according to the legend, the combat took place between St. George and the dragon.3 milieu oui vont les chevaux, et deux che- Plin. H. N. 5. 20. Comp. Pococke II. mins de chaque costa relev6s ou marchent i. p. 91. fol.-There seems to be not the les hommes." The same form of narrow slightest foundation for regarding the name street is seen also in Jerusalem. Magoras as a corruption for Tamyras, as Maundrell March 17th. Pococke II. supposed by Mannert; Geogr. von Paliist. i. p. 92. Burckhardt p. 190. The Latin etc. 1831. p. 293. inscriptions are given by Maundrell and 3 Maundrell 1. c. Pococke ib. p. 91. Burckhardt. Turner's Tour. etc. II. p. 61.-The legend iii. 438. 439

SEc. XVI.] VIEW OF LEBANON. TEMPLES. 493 Yet what interested me most of all, perhaps, was the view of the towering heights of Lebanon, so rich in delightful associations drawn from scriptural history. As its ridges here present themselves to the eye, there is no difficulty in accounting for the name Lebanon, signifying in Hebrew the " White Mountain." The whole mass of the mountain consists of whitish limestone; or at least, the rocky surface, as it reflects the light, exhibits everywhere a whitish aspect. The mountain teems with villages; and is cultivated more or less almost to the very top. Yet so steep and rocky is the surface, that the tillage is carried on chiefly by means of terraces, built up with great labour and covered above with soil. When one looks upwards from below, the vegetation on these terraces is not seen; so that the whole mountain side appears as if composed only of immense rugged masses of naked whitish rock, severed by deep wild ravines running down precipitously to the plain. No one would suspect, among these rocks, the existence of a vast multitude of thrifty villages, and a numerous population of mountaineers, hardy, industrious, and brave. The great number of convents scattered over Lebanon, will be noticed in the next section. The celebrated cedar grove of Lebanon is some three days' journey from Beirut, near the northern and perhaps highest summit of the mountain, six or eight hours north of Jebel Sinnin. As I was able to visit the spot during a subsequent journey, a description of it belongs rather to another volume.2 To say nothing of the rich mines of discovery in physical science, still to be explored in Mount Lebanon, the mountain well deserves -further examination in a matter of historical import. I refer to the various ancient temples found in several parts of Lebanon, on both sides; some of them high up, in places where it must have been difficult to build; and exhibiting a style of architecture similar to the wonderful structures of Ba-'albek. The site of one of these temples was visible from our windows, near the village Beit Miry, half way up the mountain, at the distance of three hours from Beiruft. It is called Deir elKiil'ah; and was described as built of immense hewn stones without cement, with large columns in front; which, as well as the walls, are now mostly overthrown. Burckhardt visited not less than four other like temples in different parts of the mountain; and a sixth is marked by Mr Bird at Husn es-Sufiry, in has been attached to this spot at least ever come from the perennial snow upon the since the crusades, and is often mentioned mountain; but this does not exist in sufby travellers; see de Suchem Itin. p. 102. ficient quantity, to present any permanently Reissb. p. 828. Breydenbach in Reissb. p. marked appearance. 124. Quaresmius II. p. 909. Monconys I. 2 See in Vol. III. Sect. XIII, under June p. 334, etc. etc. 16th, 1852. The name is sometimes said to have VOL. II. —42 iii. 439-441

494 BEIRUT. [ISEC. XVI. the district of ed-Dinniyeh, northeast-of Tripoly. Not improbably more exist in various other places.' Beirutt is the ancient Berytus of the Greeks and Romans, and by some is supposed to be also the Berothai or Berothah of the Hebrew Scriptures. The notices, however, respecting the latter, are such, that the name alone suggests an identity.2 As Berytus it is mentioned by the Greek and Latin geographers.3 Under Augustus it became a Roman military colony by the name of Felix Julia; and was afterwards endowed with the js Italicurm.4 It was at:Berytus, that -Herod the Great procured the flagitious mock trial to be held over his two sons.5 The elder Agrippa greatly favoured the city, and adorned it with a splendid theatre and amphitheatre, besides baths and porticos; inaugurating them with games and spectacles of every kind, including shows of gladiators.6 Here too, after the destruction of Jerusalem, Titus celebrated the birth day of his father Vespasian, by the exhibition of similar spectacles, in which miany of the captive Jews perished.7 In the next succeeding centuries, Berytus became renowned as a school of Greek learning, particularly of law; and was visited by scholars from a distance, like Athens and Alexandria. Eusebius relates, that the martyr Appian resided here for a time to pursue Greek secular learning; and the celebrated Gregory Thaumaturgus, about the middle of the third century, after having frequented the schools of Alexandria and Athens, repaired to Berytus, to perfect himself in the civil law.8 A later Greek poet describes Berytus in this respect as " the nurse of tranquil life."9 It was early likewise made a Christian bishopric, under For Deir el-Kil'ah, see Vol. III. Sect. 3 Strabo 16. 2. 18, 19. p. 755; wherehe I.-Of the four temples seen by Burck- relates that Berytus was taken by the Rohardt, one is not far from Zahleh, and the mans after having been destroyed by Try rest in the vicinity of the convent Deir phon. Ptolem. 15. 4. Plin. H. N. 5. 20. Dimitry in the district el-Kurah southeast 4 Plin. ib. " Berytus colonia que Felix of TarTfbulus or Tripoly. Travels pp. 29, Julia adpellabatur." Joseph. B. J. 7. 3. 1. 173, 175.-In 1852 I was able to visit a Leg. 7, Dig. de Censibus: "Juris Italici large number of similar temples in Leba- sunt Troas, Berytus, Dyrrachium." non and Anti-Lebanon, and in the Bil- 6 Joseph. Antiq. 16. 11. 1-6. kha'a. See in Vol. III,passies. 6 Ibid. 19. 7. 5. 2 2 Sam. 8, 8. Ez. 47, 16. In the former 7 Joseph. B. J. 7. 3. 1; comp. 7. 5. 1. passage Berothai is spoken of as belonging Euseb. de Martyrib. Palest. c. 4, de to the kingdom of Zobah, (comp. vs. 5,) Apphiano: r-is'EAh.Ywv ral3tas E'retca which appears to have included 1Iamath; rKo-rpLKis...rTbvy 7reova itac& Trv B7rpvbY comp. vs. 9. 10. 2 Chr. 8, 3. In the taTrpgi*as Xpotvov.-Socrat. Hist. Ecc. 4. latter passage (Ez. 47, 15. 16), the border 27, de Gregor. NeocMes. o'TroS (s vPrc of Israel is drawn in prophetic vision, ap-'AS{vpnoL 7ra3Evrf'pLov avaXwp-'aras Ev'r. parently from the Mediterranean by Ha- Bi7puVc' VdUovs az'Vreayaev. See too Cave math and Berothah towards Damascus Scriptorum Ecc. Hist. p. 82. Genev. 1705. and HIauran. The Berothah here meant, 9 Nonnus Dionys. XLI, fin. B-lpurbs would therefore more naturally seem to BTro0o yaAXl71aoLotq ralwvl. have been an inland city. iii. 441-443

SEC. XVI.] BERYTUS. HISTORICAL NOTICES, 495 the jurisdiction of the patriarch of Antioch; and is mentioned by Jerome, as one of the places visited by Paula.' Under the reign of Justinian, in the sixth century, Berytus was regarded as the most beautiful city of Phenicia; its academy continued to flourish, and was visited by many young men of wealth and rank, who pursued here the study-of the Roman law in its Greek form. Under the same reign, Berytus was laid in ruins by an earthquake, and the school removed for a timne to Sidon.2 In a later and more legend-loving age, in the eighth century, Berytus became the reputed seat of the noted miracle, according to which, when an image of Christ was once mocked and crucified by the Jews in scorn, and the side pierced with a spear, there issued from it blood and water in great quantity.' The crusaders, in their first progress along the coast from Antioch to Jerusalem, in A. D. 1099, passed by Beirut, as they did other cities, without any attempt to get possession of it; indeed its commander is related to have furnished to them supplies of provisions and money, on condition that they would spare the harvest, the vineyards, and the trees around the city.4 The place was not captured until A. D. 1110; when king Baldwin I. took it, after a protracted siege of seventy-five days.5 It remained long in the hands of the Christians; and is described as surrounded by a strong wall, and as lying in the midst of orchards, and groves, and vineyards.6- Beiruit was made a Latin bishopric, under the archbishop of Tyre, and the patriarch of Jerusalem.7 In A. D. 1182, Saladin besieged the town by sea and land, and made violent efforts to take it by storm; but withdrew on the approach of the Christian forces from Sepphoris, after laying waste the adjacent orchards and vineyards.8 Five years later, immediately after the battle of Hattin, Beirait surrendered to him on the eighth day after it was invested.9 To the new host of crusaders, chiefly from Germany, who reached the Holy Land in A. D. 1197, the possession of Beirut I Reland Palsest. p. 216. Le Quien Wilken Gesch. der Kr. I. p. 267.-The Oriens Chr. II. col. 815 sq.-Hieron. Ep. crusaders sometimes call Beirut also 86, ad Eustoch. Epitaph. Paulne, p. 672. Baurim; Alb. Aq. 5. 40. ib. 10. 8. 2 Agathime Hist, lib. II. p. 51. ed. Paris 5 Alb. Aq. 11. 15-17. Fulcher Carnot. In here speaking of Berytus, Agathias c. 36. Will. Tyre 11.13. Wilken ib. II. remarks among other things: rIAAol 8e p. 212. voL 3irlAh.ves ebvracrp1iaL re Kal r'atesas 6 Edrisi par Jaubert p. 355. Jac. de gpL'ra EXOVTres, o0 6e rapoav'robs'PwLuawv Vitr. c. 26. aVwroi aaet'JluEroL vL/ovs. 7 For the bishopric and bishops of Beirht 3 See the tract of the doubtful Athana- see Will. Tyr. 14.. 13. ib. 15. 16. ib. 16. sius Junior, exhibited at the second coun- 17.' ib. 17. 1. ib. 21. 9. Le Quien Oriens cil of Nicea, A. D. 787. Act. IV. Comp. Chr. III. col. 1325 sq. Cave Scriptor. Eccl. Hist. pp. 416, 428 8 Will. Tyr. 22. 17, 18. Bohaed. Vit. sq. Genev. 1705. Jac. de Vitriac. c. 26. Sal. p. 49. Wilken ib. III. ii. p. 212. The story is quoted in full by Quaresmius, 9 Bohaed. p. 72. Jac. de Yitr. c. 95. II. p. 910. Wilken Gesch. der. Kr. III. ii. p. 295. Albert. Aq. 5. 40. Will. Tyr. 7. 22. iii 443, 444

496 BEIRUT. iSEC. XVL became an object of importance. It was now a seat of trade; it occupied a favourable position; and the Saracen galleys which harboured in and near its port, committed great ravages upon the Christian commerce, capturing and making slaves of thousands of pilgrims as they approached the Syrian coasts.' The Christian army marched from Tyre upon this enterprise; and after a general battle with the Saracen forces, near Sidon, appeared before Beirut. They found the gates open; for, on the preceding day, the Christian slaves within the walls had risen upon the Saracens, and delivered the city over to the Christian fleet. It was now given up to Amalric, as king of Cyprus and Jerusalem, and reannexed to the latter kingdom.2 In the later strife between the emperor Frederick II. and the regent John, of Ibelin, Beirfit was seized and occupied for a time, in A. D. 1231, by the imperial forces; but was again abandoned without taking the citadel.3 The city remained in possession of the Christians, until the final and terrible overthrow of the Frank dominion in Syria, in A. D. 1291, in the siege and storm of'Akka. After the abandonment of Tyre and Sidon by the Christians, the troops of the Sultan Ashraf approached Beirfut. The Emir in command announced to the inhabitants, that the former truce, which they had not broken, should be continued to them; and, at the same time, summoned them to come out and meet him with confidence, as he drew near. They went forth accordingly in procession, to receive him on their borders; but, false to his word, he caused them to be seized and put to death or thrown into chains, took possession of the city and castle, and laid them both in ruins.4 In the next following period, Beirit, like Saida, appears to have recovered from its desolation, and continued to be a trading city. Abulfeda describes it as surrounded by a rich soil and gardens, and as the port of Damascus. So, too, edhDhAhiry, in the fifteenth century.5 Frank travellers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, speak of the beauty of its environs, full of fruits and gardens of all kinds; among which, however, the mulberry already predominated; the culture of silk being, even then, the chief occupation of the inhabitants.6 Like Saida, this city also revived somewhat in the beginning of 1 Two galleys, which escaped to BeirAt' Mar. Sanut. p. 232. Reinaud Extr. p. from the destruction of Saladin's fleet in 570. Wilken ib. VII. 772. A. D. 1188, are said to have captured in 5 Abulf. Tab. Syr. p. 94. Edh-DhAhiry the nine following years not less than in Rosenmiiller Analect. Arab. III. p. 22. fourteen thousand pilgrims. Wilken Ge- Lat. p. 47. schichte der Kr. V. p. 33. Comp. also ibid. 6 Baumgarten in A. D. 1508; p. 225. IV. p. 232. Villamont in 1589, p. 225. Neitzschitz, 2 Wilken ib. V. p. 32-39. in 1635, speaks expressly of the culturo s Wilken ib. VI. pp. 529, 539. of silk; p. 207. Monconys I. p. 335. iii. 444-446

SEC. XVI.] HISTORICAL NOTICES. CONCLUSION. 497 the seventeenth century, from the activity of Fakhr edc-Din, who made it one of his chief places of residence, and erected here an extensive palace; although he filled up the port. According to D'Arvieux, Beiruit, in his day, was twice as large as Saida, and much better built; though the chief centre of European trade, during that and the eighteenth century, remained at Saida.' Caravans from Aleppo, Damascus, and Egypt, regularly arrived at Beiruit; especially at the season when the silk of each year came into market.2 Within the present century, and indeed within the last twenty years, Beiruit has received a new impulse, from having been made the centre of European trade for this part of the coast, and as the port of Damascus. Before that time, one or two consular agents were the sole representatives of the west. At present, there are resident consuls from most of the European powers, and also one from the American states; trade has flourished and been extended by the establishment of mercantile houses, some of which have branches in Damascus; and the activity, the population, and -the importance of the city have been greatly increased.3 This circumstance, and the facilities of communication with the interior and other parts of the country, have caused Beirfit to be selected as the chief seat of the American mission in Syria; which, in its schools, and by its press, as well as by direct effort, has prospered not only in proportion to its means, but to an extent far beyond what its limited means would have authorized us to expect. Such was Beirfit, and such were Tyre and Sidon, when we saw them; and also when the manuscript of these pages was completed, in August 1840. But in the middle of the very next month, September 1840, Beiruit was laid in partial ruin by a bombardment from the combined English and Austrian fleet; and Tyre, Sidon, Haifa, and'Akka, in their turn were subjected to the like fate. CONCLUSION. Thus ends the Journal of our Travels in the Holy Land. We had planned an excursion from Beirut to Ba'albek, intendD'Arvieux M6m. II. p. 337 sq. The squadron; Biisching Erdsbeschr. XI. i. p. palace of the Emir at Beirut is fully de- 362. scribed by Maundrell, March 18th. —For 2 D'Arvieux ib. II. p. 343. The French the general condition of Beirat and its had merchants at Beirut; but merely as trade, from that time to the commence- agents of the houses in Saida. ib. ment of the present century, see Niebuhr 3 Nearly sixty years ago, Volney gives Reisebeschr. II. p. 469. Volney Voyage the population of Beirft at six thousand; II. p. 169 sq. Olivier Voyage, etc. II. p. Voyage II. p. 170. Twenty years since, 218. In A. D. 1772, Beirut was bom- it was estimated at ten or twelve thousand; barded and plundered by a small Russian O. v. Richter's Wallfahrten p. 76. In VOL. II. —42* iii. 446, 447

498 CONCLUSION. [SEC. XVI. ing to cross the ridge of Lebanon by the usual road to Damascus, or esh-Sham, as the natives usually call it (by contraction for Dimeshk esh-Sham, Damascus of Syria), and then pass more to the northeast by Zahleh into the valley el-B1ka'a. Thence we wished to return over Lebanon by way of the cedars to Tripoly, and so along the coast to Beirfit. But during the first days after our arrival at Beirft;, the road to Damascus was understood to be shut up by the insurgent Druzes, and the whole BUika'a to be insecure. My own health too, which had been failing ever since we reached Tyre, now gave way; and on Friday (June 29th), and for the eight following days, I was confined mostly to my room. I was thus cut off from visiting even Nahr el-Kelb and Deir el-K1l'ah. It had ever been our hope, that before this time a line of steamers would have been established between Beirut and Smyrna; such a line had been long announced, and has since been put in operation. But as yet nothing of the kind had been commenced; and we therefore decided to take the English steamer to Alexandria, and thence proceed by the French line. We had indeed offers enough of Greek vessels direct to Smyrna, at a much less expense; but in these vessels, there was not only no accommodation for passengers, but besides, at this season, we could not hope to reach Smyrna by such a conveyance under thirty days. Indeed, we afterwards learned, that one of our friends, who had made the voyage a few weeks previously, had been forty days between the two ports. The English government-steamer, the Megsera, arrived at Beirit during the night of July 6th; and on Sunday the 8th we went on board at noon, after attending the English service of the mission held in the house of the American consul, Mr Chasseaud. The steamer got under way immediately. We found everything on board in the neatest order; the crew were all in their Sunday clothes; and in the afternoon, all were mustered to attend the solemn service of the English church on deck, each with his Bible and prayer-book. Among the passengers were the two English travellers, whom we had met at Hebron. We were throughout highy gratified with the kind and gentlemanly deportment of the commander, Lieut. Goldsmith; with whom it seemed to be the constant aim, to keep his ship in perfect order, and promote in the highest degree the comfort of his passengers. We entered the harbour of Alexandria in the afternoon of 1836 Elliott makes the population of the Egyptian government; Travels II. p. the town and suburbs to be fifteen thou- 218. A year later, Schubert gives it at sand, which is probably nearly correct; only nine thousand, meaning perhaps only the nanllerl having greatly increased under those within the walls; Reise III, p. 380. iii. 447-449

SEC. XVI.] SMYRNA. CONSTANTINOPLE, 499 Tuesday, July 10th; and anchored "in the midst of the leviathans of the Egyptian fleet, which now seemed like old acquaintances. Our vessel was of course in quarantine; and as she was to wait a week in this port for the arrival of the India mails, we preferred to remain on board, rather than venture the discomforts and risks of an Egyptian lazaretto. In due time the French steamer arrived; and at the end of a week, both vessels were to depart at the same hour. On the 17th, at the very last moment, after the French vessel had closed its communication with the shore, we were admitted on board at 4 o'clock P. M., and the two steamers left the port together, one steering towards Malta, and the other for Syra. After a long passage, rendered unpleasant by a strong head wind the whole way, we anchored at Syra early in the morning of July 21st; and having lain there all day, (the vessel being in quarantine,) were transferred again at the last moment to another French steamer; in which, after a calm and very pleasant trip, as on a river, we arrived at Smyrna at 11 o'clock A. M. the next day. Here, in the hospitable mansion of Mr Temple in the city, and afterwards in the lodgings of MSr Calhoun in the charming village of Bujah, I passed several days of great enjoyment. A week later, I proceeded to Constantinople, in one of the fine steamers that plough the waves of the Hellespont; accomplishing their voyage ordinarily in from twenty-four to thirty hours. Here too in the estimable families of missionary friends, Messrs Goodell and Schauffler, I was welcomed to a grateful home; and visited all the points of interest at leisure. We had arrived on the morning of July 30th, before dawn; and on coming upon deck, I had found myself in the midst of the glories which surround the Golden Horn. Splendid indeed for situation is Constantinople; magnificent in its graceful contour of land and water, in its towering domes and slender minarets, and in the deep verdure of the trees and gardens which everywhere rises above the dwellings; surpassingly beautiful as beheld from without; but within, alas, "full of dead men's bones and all uncleanness!" I rejoiced, that the crown of oriental cities had thus been reserved for me till the last. On the morning of August 13th, my companion, Mr Smith, arrived from Smyrna, in order to accompany me to Germany; whither he had been commissioned to repair, in order to procure the casting of new founts of Arabic types, for the press at Beirfut. We embarked the same day on board of one of the Danube steamers; and after a slow but pleasant voyage across the Black Sea and up the "dark rolling" river, skirted with cities renowned in the wars of former centuries, we entered the iii. 449, 450

500 CONCLUSION. [SEc. XVI. borders of Hungary. Our quarantine of ten days was spent at Orsova, in the midst of the green Carpathian chain, above the far famed Iron Gate, but still below the more romantic passes. We lay afterwards for a whole day at Semlin; and saw the first steamer enter and pass up the river Save, between that city and Belgrade. Among the immense marshes which stretch along the Danube in this quarter, I probably inhaled the poison of an intermittent fever; with which not less than four, out of the nine passengers of whom our company consisted, became ultimately affected. We had probably laid a foundation for it, in the change from an oriental to an occidental mode of life; and from constant and vigorous exercise, to the indolence and listlessness of a steam vessel. We reached Vienna on the 13th of September. Here my disorder, after a few days, assumed a new and alarming form, and brought me speedily to the borders of the grave. One day the physician left me, saying to my companion that I should probably expire in two or three hours. He afterwards returned, expecting to find me dead. Meantime, through the mercy of God, a crisis had taken place; I had slept, and was better. Two days later my family arrived by forced stages from Dresden; and from that time my recovery was as rapid, as had previously been the progress of the disease. For the preservation of my life, I regard myself as principally indebted, under God, to the judicious care and devoted attentions of the tried friend, who had been so long the companion of my wanderings in the east. 1 Our voyage up the Danube has al- key, in search of manuscripts of the Byready been described by one of the party, zantine law; and we had now met again Dr. E. Zacharia, a young jurist of Hieidel- at Constantinople. He too was one of the berg, with whom I had left Vienna in the four sufferers. See Zacharib's Reise in preceding autumn. He had travelled den Orient, Heidelb. 1840. Pref. and p. through Italy, Greece, and a part of Tur- 322 sq. iii. 450, 451

SECTION XVII RELIGIOUS SECTS IN SYRIA AND PALESTINE. THE object of the present Section is, to embody in one view the information to which we had access, respecting the various religious denominations and parties, prevailing throughout the Holy Land. This account contains the result of extensive inquiry on the part of the American mission, continued through several years; in which my friend, the Rev. Mr Smith, bore a leading part. He had travelled in this behalf through the greater portion of the Pashalik of Damascus, from Hamah on the north to HaurAn and the Belka on the south, as well as throughout Mount Lebanon and western Palestine. The inquiries of the mission were, of course, directed chiefly to the state of the Christian population in general, and particularly in Mount Lebanon. The following view of the various Christian sects, may therefore be considered as derived from the best authority. It is here given as exhibiting their actual state, without any reference to the somewhat difficult historical questions connected with the subject. The remarks near the close, upon the policy to be hoped for from Protestant England in behalf of the Christians of Syria, must be regarded as my own. I. CHRISTIAN SECTS. The Christian population of Syria and Palestine embraces, according to the best and most careful estimates, between four and five hundred thousand souls. It is divided into the following eight sects, viz. Greeks, Greek Catholics; Maronites; Syrians or Jacobites, Syrian Catholics; Armenians, Armenian Catholics; Latins. iii. 452, 453

502 RELIGIOUS SLCTS. [SEc. XVII. GREEKS. The most numerous of all the Christian sects are the Greeks. They are so called in Syria, merely because of their professing the Greek faith, and belonging to the Greek church. There are now no traces, either in their spoken language or in the language of their public services, of any national affinity with the Greek people. They are Arabs, like the other Arabs of the country. Nor, on the other hand, are there any indications of a Syriac origin in any part; with the single exception of Ma'lula and its vicinity, on Anti-Lebanon north of Damascus. In this region, the dialect now spoken, as well as the old church books, long since indeed disused, show that the inhabitants are originally of the Syrian race. With this exception, the language of the Greek Christians of Syria, both as spoken and as used in their churches, is Arabic. The spoken Arabic differs so little from the language of books, that all books written -in a plain style, are intelligible to the common people.' Hence it will be seen, that these Christians enjoy the great privilege, of having their religious worship conducted in a language which they understand; a privilege denied to those of the same church, who speak the Greek tongue, and to every other Christian sect indeed in Western Asia, except their countrymen and relatives, the Greek Catholics. Perhaps, however, it should be added, that their church books contain many untranslated technical terms, from the Greek; and that on particular occasions, or for the sake of variety, certain portions of the service, or even the whole service, is sometimes said in Greek. This is most frequently the case, when the high clergy officiate. It is an important fact, that nearly if not quite all the bishops of this sect, are Greeks by birth, and foreigners in the country; a circumstance which shows how great an influence the see of Constantinople exerts, in the ecclesiastical affairs of Syria. It is a fact to be lamented. These bishops rarely learn to speak the Arabic language well; of course they cannot preach; and their medium of intercourse with the people in conversation is very imperfect. There naturally fails to take place that unity of national feeling between the bishop and" his flock, which might lead to national improvement, especially in education. A Greek bishop from abroad, able only to stammer Arabic, and perhaps not reading it at all, and regarding it only as a barbarous dialect, (a feeling which is inherent in almost 1 This important remark is from the pen opportunities of forming a correct judgof Mr Smith, who has had the very best ment. iii. 453, 454

SEC. XVII.] GREEKS. 503 every Greek by birth,) cannot be expected to take much interest in promoting a system of national education among his flock. It is a natural result, though not arising exclusively from the cause here brought to view, that nothing of the kind is done. If a bishop thinks of establishing a school, as the object of his own particular patronage, it will be a school for teaching Greek, ancient or modern; and generally the apparent ruling motive, even for such a step, will be, that he may have around him a sufficient number of persons acquainted with the Greek, to assist him, when he performs the services of the church in that ton-gue. There exists, in the whole country, no school for the education of the Greek clergy. The parish priests are taken from the ranks of the common people, with no other preparation for their sacred office, than the ceremony of ordination. They are generally selected, each by the parish which he is to serve, from among themselves; and the usual ordination feeto the bishop, rarely fails to secure the administration of that rite, according to their wishes. These priests are universally married, and differ not in character from the rest of the people; frequently occupying themselves with the same handiwork, from which they obtained their livelihood before assuming the ecclesiastical character. They are often the schoolmasters of their villages; if that can be called a school, which consists of some half a dozen boys coming together at irregular hours, and bawling over their lessons, right or wrong, while their master is engaged in working at his trade.' The doctrines and ceremonies of the Greek church in Syria, are the same as in other countries; and therefore need not be' described here. In its ecclesiastical organization, the Greek church in Syria is divided into the two patriarchal dioceses of Antioch and Jerusalem; an arrangement which has existed ever since the fifth century.2 These are, nominally, both independent of the Greek patriarch of Constantinople; but are really, to a great extent, under his control. The head of the diocese of Antioch, is ordinarily styled " Patriarch of Antioch and of all the East;" and on certain occasions, more fully, " Patriarch of Antioch, Syria, Cilicia, and all the East." The Syrian bishoprics under his jurisdiction are the following: 1. Beiruit, which is the largest; and its occupant is styled also "Bishop of Phenicia on the coast." 2. Tri2poly (Tarabulus). 3.'A1ckar. 4. Laodicea (el-Ladikiyeh). 5. Hamah. 6. Hzums (Emnessa). 7. Saidandya and Ma'lila. 8. See the description of a Greek-Arab 2 See Vol. I. p. 380. schoolmaster, Vol. I. p. 454. iii. 454-456

504 RELIGIOUS SECTS. [SEC. XVII. Tyre, including Hasbeiya and Rtsheiya.1-Aleppo formerly belonged also to the patriarchate of Antioch. But it was severed from it not many years ago, on occasion of a dissension between the Greeks and Greek Catholics of that city; and has ever since remained under the immediate ecclesiastical government of Constantinople. The patriarch of Antioch usually resides at Damascus; and from this circumstance is ordinarily spoken of by the people, as the patriarch of Damascus. He is also a Greek by birth. The jurisdiction of the patriarchate of Jerusalem begins at'Akka, and extends over the whole of Palestine, both west and east of the Jordan. The following are the bishoprics subject to it: 1. Nazareth. 2.'Ac7cka. 3. Lydda. 4. Gaza. 5. Sebaste. 6. Nedbulus. 7. Phllcldelphia (es-Salt). 8. Petra (Kerak). Of these bishops, only the bishop of'Akka resides within his own see; all the rest remain shut up in the convents at Jerusalem. The patriarch himself is also a non-resident, living at Constantinople; and never, so far as we could learn, visiting his diocese. His place is represented, and the business of the patriarchate transacted, by a board of bishops (Wakils) at Jerusalem.2 GREEK CATHOLICS. The sect of Greek Catholics had its origin in a secession from the Greek church in Syria; which was brought about by Roman Catholic influence, not far from a century ago. Until recently, this sect existed only in Syria; but has now extended itself into Egypt. The Greeks who have elsewhere submitted themselves to the pope, have generally become amalgamated with the Latin church. The Greek Catholics of Syria, on the contrary, are a sect by themselves, constituting an oriental papal church. They take indeed the occidental view of the procession of the Holy Spirit, believe in purgatory and the pope, eat fish in lent, and keep a smaller number of fasting days than the Greeks; but otherwise, they subjected themselves to few changes, in passing from one jurisdiction to the other. They still enjoy the same privilege as their countrymen of the Greek church, in having their religious services performed in their native Arabic tongue. They observe the oriental calendar; receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper, in both kinds, as formerly; and their priests are still allowed to marry. This however, is not done so universally, as among the Greek-Arab clergy; a large part of them remaining unmarried. See above, p. 466. rusalem, their convents, and bishops, Vol. 2 See the account of the Greeks, at Je- I. pp. 424, 425. iii. 456, 457

SEa. XVII.] GREEK CATHOLICS. MARONITES. 505 They have eight bishoprics; and have long had their own patriarch; but until the country came under the more tolerant government of Egypt, he uniformly resided in Mount Lebanon; where the local authorities have, for many years, been under papal influence. He has now removed to Damascus; was fully acknowledged by the Egyptian government; and has extended his diocese into Egypt. The high clergy of this sect are mosfly Arabs by birth, and at the same time educated at Rome. They thus unite a natural attachment to their countrymen, with some degree of European cultivation; and the result is a certain elevation of their sect. The patriarch has also established a college, for teaching different languages and branches of science; which however seems, as yet, to have accomplished very little.' It was afterwards destroyed during the war with the Druzes. The sect embraces a large proportion of the most enterprising and wealthy Christians in Syria, and possesses great influence. Especially do its members occupy more than their due proportion of offices under the government. Some of them were now in high favour; and this secured for the sect, at the time, great consideration. A convent belonging to the Greek Catholics, at esh-Shuweir in Mount Lebanon, has for many years possessed an Arabic printing press; which supplies their own church, and also the Greeks, with most of their church books. The press in 1845 was nearly worn out.2 MARONITES. The sect of the Maronites furnishes decisive evidence of'a Syrian origin. Its ecclesiastical language is wholly Syriac; though none now understand it, except as a learned language. The Maronites also not unfrequently write Arabic in the Syriac character.a They acknowledge no affinity with any 6ther sect in the country, except through a common relationship to the While in Cairo I once attended the of good sense and practical force. —On the service of the Greek Catholics in company origin of this sect, see Smith and Dwight's. with Messrs Lieder and Smith, where the Res. in Armenia, I. pp. 61, 62. patriarch was present, conducted the ser- 2 This is the celebrated press of the convice, and afterwards preached a sermon. vent Mfir Y6hanna, which has been in All was in Arabic. The room was small operation ever since A. D. 1733. See and crowded; the people stood and listened Volney's account of the press and the attentively to the discourse; but on a mo- books printed, Voyage Vol. II. pp. 174tion of the hand by the patriarch, all 184. Schnurrer Bibliotheca Arabica, p. squatted down upon their feet. He was 379 sq. Miss. Herald, 1845, p. 355.-For a man of noble mien; his manner digni- a more detailed account of the Greek fled, full of gesture, and impressive. His Catholics, see Mliss. Herald, ibid. pp. 354, sermon, according to the judgment of my 355. companions, was well ordered, logical, full 3 See also Burckhardt's Travels p. 22. VOL. I. —43 iii. 457, 458

506 RE'LIGIOUS SECTS. [SEC. XVII. pope. They are disposed to be exclusive, and also conceited in the idea of their unparalleled orthodoxy; and are not much liked by their neighbours, even of the papal church; being generally accused of narrow-mindedness. The Maronites are characterized by an almost unequalled devotedness to the see of Rome, and the most implicit obedience to their priests. It may be doubted, whether there is to be found, anywhere, a people who have so sincere and deep a reverence for the pope, as the Maronites of Syria. Yet they have their own distinct church establishment: and also some usages which are not tolerated in the papal church in Europe. They follow indeed the occidental calendar; observe the same rules of fasting as the European papists; and celebrate in the same manner the sacrament of the Lord's supper. But they have some saints of their own, and especially their patron saint, M&'r Milron, not elsewhere acknowledged in the papal church. And every candidate for the priesthood, who is not already under the vow of celibacy, is allowed to marry before ordination; so that most of their parish clergy are actually married men. They have nine dioceses and more bishops; and at their head a patriarch, who styles himself "Patriarch of Antioch." His usual residence is the convent of Kanobin, on Mount Lebanon, back of Tripoly; though during the summer months his head quarters are at the convent Bkerky, in Kesrawan. They have in all more than fifty convents. The Maronites are found in cities and large towns, as far north as Aleppo, and as far south as Nazareth. But they are at home, as cultivators of the soil, only in Mount Lebhnon; unless with very few exceptions. This mountain they inhabit, more or less, throughout its whole range, from its northern end above Tripoly to the region of Safed. But their strong hold is Kesrawan, a district separated from that of Metn on the south by Nahr el-Kelb, and bounded on the north by the district of Jebeil. Of this tract they are almost the only inhabitants. Throughout the whole of the country governed by the Emir Beshir, they are more numerous than any other sect. The balance of power, which was formerly kept up between them and the Druzes, is now entirely destroyed; the latter having become far inferior in numbers and strength. This is the result of the conversion of the ruling family of Emirs, the house of Shehab, who were formerly Muslims, to the Maronite faith. Their example had great influence; and has been followed by the two largest branches of another family of Emirs of Druze origin; so that now almost all the highest nobility of the mountain are 1Maronites.l 1 For the history and character of the pp. 1-100. Niehuhr Reiseb. II. pp. 425 sq. tMlaronites, see Le Quien Oriens Chr. III. 455 sq. Volney Voyage II. p. 8 sq. Pariii. 458-460

SEC. XVII.] MARONITES. JACOBITES. 507 In the elementary instruction of the common people, the Maronites are quite as deficient as the other Christian sects in the country. But for a select number, and especially for clerical candidates, the patriarch has established a college at'Ain Warkah in Kesrawan, which takes a higher stand than any other similar establishment in Syria. It deserves great praise, for the thorough manner in which it initiates at least some of its pupils into the knowledge of their native Arabic tongue. They also study Syriac, Latin, and Italian.' SYRIANS OR JACOBITES. The same evidence of a Syriac origin, which exists in the case of the Maronites, is found also among the Jacobites. Though they now speak in Syria only Arabic, yet their church service is in Syriac. Indeed, the common name, by which they are known in the country, is simply Suridn, that is, Syrians. The epithet Jacobite it is not customary to add; as there are in the country no Syrians of the orthodox Greek rite from whom it is necessary to distinguish them; (though at Ma'luila and in its vicinity there probably existed such a community not many generations ago;) and the seceders to the papal church, are sufficiently designated by the term Catholics. The number of the Jacobites in Syria is very small. A few families in Damascus and in Nebk, the village of Sfidid,2 and a part of the village of Kuryetein, a small community in Hums, with a few scattered individuals in two or three neighbouring villages, and a similar community in Hamah, constitute nearly or quite the whole amount of the sect. They are subject to the Jacobi-te patriarch, who resides in Mesopotamia; and from him they receive their bishops. One of these latter has his residence at the convent of Mar Mfisa is 1787. Schnurrer de Ecclesia Maron- 2 The large village of Siidlid lies in the itica, 2 Progr. Tubing. 1800; also Ger- desert east of the road from Damascus to man in Staudlin and Tzschirner's Ar- Hums. To reach it my companion left the chiv fur Kirchengesch. I. 1. Schnurrer great road at Deir'Atiyeh north of enBibl. Arab. p. 309 sq. Gesenius' Notes on Nebk, from which Sddidd is a short day's Burckhardt p. 492. journey; and then fell into the same road 1 See more on this school in Burck- again at Hasya. In the name S, duid we hardt's Travels p. 185. — Seetzen and may recognise the Zedad (-i) of the Burckehardt mention also the Maronite Old Testament, on the northern extremity printing-press at the convent of Khiya of the Promised Land; Num. 34, 8. Ez. three hours from Kanbhin, where their 47, 15.-The ancient Riblah mentioned in. church books in the Syriac language were the same connection and elsewhere, is printed. It was established in A. D. 1802. found again in the present Ribleh, a vilSeetzen in Zach's Mon. Corr. XIII. p. 533. lage several hours S S. W. of Hums on Barckhardt p. 22. Miss. Herald, 1845, p. the river el-'&sy (Oontes) in the northern 319.- -For a more complete account of the part of the great valley el-Bdtkh'a. Num. Maronites, see Mi~ss. Herald, ib. pp. 314- 34 i. 2 I. 23, 33. 25, 6. etc. 319. iii. 460, 461

508 RELIGIOUS SECTS, [SEC. XVII near Nebk. The Jacobites are looked upon by all other sects in the country as heretics; and as such, and because they are few and poor, they are generally despised. SYRIAN CATHOLICS. The Syrian Catholics bear the same relation to the Jacobites, as the Greek Catholics do to the Greek church. They are Romish converts, who still retain the oriental rite and the use of Syriac in their churches. The community in Aleppo has long existed in its present relation to the pope. But the Syrian Catholics of Damascus and of Rasheiya in Jebel esh-Sheikh, are recent converts. Except in these places, there are not known to be any other communities of this sect among the people of Syria. In Mount Lebanon, however, there are two or three small convents inhabited by Syrian Catholic monks. ARMENIANS. The Armenians in Syria are properly to be regarded as foreigners. Yet they have been there so long, that the country has become their home; and they must not be overlooked in speaking of the native Christian sects. They are found only as merchants and mechanics in cities and large towns; and nowhere as cultivators of the soil. Their character, religious, intellectual, and national, is the same as elsewhere, and need not be described. Their number is very small. Their ecclesiastical establishment is distinct from that of Constantinople. At their head is a patriarch, who is styled "Patriarch of Jerusalem,"' and whiose diocese embraces also Egypt.' ARMENIAN CATHOLICS. These are seceders from the Armenian to the papal church; as the Greek Catholics are from the Greek church. Like them, too, the Armenian Catholics still adhere to the oriental rite, and have changed few of their original ceremonies or dogmas. They are few in number; but have their patriarch, who resides in a convent at Bzummair, on Mount Lebanon.2 It is worthy of remark, that this patriarchate existed here under the protection See more respecting this patriarch in 2 See Burckhardt's Travels in Syria, etc. Smith and Dwight's Researches in Arme- p. 186. nia, I. pp. 40, 62. iii. 461, 462

Sac. XVII.] ARMENIANS, ETC. CONVENTS. 509 of the government of this mountain, long before the sect was acknowledged and had its patriarch at Constantinople. LATINS. Native Roman Catholics of the occidental rite, are very few in Syria. They exist only in connection with the convents of the Terra Santa at Jerusalem, Bethlehem, St. John in the Desert, Nazareth, and perhaps a few other places. They are ecclesiastically dependent on the convents, and form parishes under the immediate charge of the monks; but amount in all to a few hundred in number. Their language is Arabic, like that of all the other native inhabitants of the country. There are also Latins at Aleppo; but whether of native or foreign descent, was not known. CONVENTS. Convents of native monks are very rare in Syria, except in the district of Mount Lebanon. Besides the Jacobite convent at Mfar ]fiusa near Nebk, and the Greek convents of Saidanaya, and of Mar Jirjis northeast of Tripoly, there is hardly another known to be inhabited by natives. All the convents in and around Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Ramleh, Yafa, and in other cities, whether Greek, Armenian, or Latin, belong entirely to foreigners, and are occupied by them. But while such is the case with the other parts of Syria, one of the most remarkable features of Mount Lebanon, is its multitude of convents. They are seen perched upon its rocks and scattered over its sides in every direction; even a glance at the map is sufficient to excite astonishment. While monasticism has declined, and almost gone out of date, in so many other countries; it continues here to flourish in its pristine vigour, if not in its pristine spirit. The numerous convents are many of them small establishments; but they are well filled with monks, and abundantly endowed. There are also convents of nuns. The greatest number belong to the Maronites;1 but all the other sects above mentioned, excepting the Jacobites, have each at least one convent, and most of them several. PROTESTANTS. At the time of our former journey, Protestants did not exist in Syria as a native sect, nor in any other part of the Turkish 1 The Maronite convent of Kan6bin is triarch before A. D. 1445. See Le Quien said to have been built by Theodosius the Oriens Chr. III. p. 63. Great, and was already the seat of the paVOL. II.-43* iii. 463, 464

510 RELIGIOUS SECTS. [SEc. XVII. empire; nor were they, as such, tolerated. The government has ever recognised and tolerated certain known sects of Christians; and the members of these were allowed to transfer their relations from one sect to another, whenever they might choose. But Protestants were not among these sects; and therefore no one was legally allowed to profess Protestantism. It was by the operation of this principle of the Turkish government, and by this alone, that the rise of Protestantism in Syria was checked. Very many persons, from time to time, show a strong disposition to throw off the domination of their: priests, and claim their right to the liberty of the Gospel.. Probably at one time, (A. D. 1839,) nearly the whole nation of the Druzes would have declared themselves Protestants, and put themselves under Protestant instruction, could they have: had secured to them, in that profession, the same rights as are enjoyed by the other Christian sects. That England, while she had so deep a political interest in all that concerns the Turkish empire, should remain indifferent to such a state of things in Syria, was a matter of surprise.' France has long been the acknowledged protector of the Roman Catholic religion, in the same empire; and the followers of that faith find in her a watchful and efficient patron; quite as efficient since the revolution of July, as before. The consequence is, that wherever there are Roman Catholics, France has interested partisans; and were she to land troops in Syria to morrow, every Roman Catholic would receive them with open arms, including the whole Maronite nation, now armed and powerful. In the members of the Greek church, still more numerous, the Russians have even warmer partisans. In Syria, the famed power of Russia is their boast; and though this feeling is carefully concealed from the Muslims, and would not be expressed to an Englishman, it often amounts almost to enthusiasm. Hence, wherever Russia sends her agents, they find. confidential friends and informants; and were she to invade the country, thousands would give her troops a hearty welcome. But where were England's partisans in any part of Turkey? Not a single sect, be it ever so small, looked to her as its natural guardian. Her wealth and her power are indeed admired; her citizens, wherever they travel, are respected; and the native Christians of every sect, when groaning under oppression, would welcome her interference as a relief. Yet, of course, none but Protestants would look to her for permanent protection. There is, too, no other Protestant power to whom such a The following remarks were first Syria to the immediate authority of the penned in A. D. 1839; but I do not perceive Sultan, detract at all from their force. that the later revolution and reversion of iii. 464-466

SEC. XVII. PROTESTANTS. MUHAMMEDANS. 511 sect could look for such protection, nor would they wish to look elsewhere; for England's protection, whenever granted, is known to be more efficient than-any other. To secure the existence of such a sect, the English government needed to take but a single step, and that unattended by difficulty or danger. It needed simply to obtain, for native Protestants, the same acknowledgment and rights, that are granted to other acknowledged Christian sects. Such a stand England has since taken; and now (since 1853) Protestant communities in the Turkish empire are placed upon the same footing with those of other Christian sects.l II. 3IUHAMMEDANS AND OTHER SECTS. I add here merely the names of the other religious sects in Palestine and Western Syria, not Christians. The ]lluhammedans who constitute the lords of the country, and the mass of the population, are Sunnites of the orthodox faith, and require no description. The Mletdwileh (Sing. MutawAly) have their chief seat in the district Belad Besharah, and the vicinity, and have been already noticed. They are of the sect of'Aly, and their faith is kindred to that of the Shiites (Shi'ah), the Muhammedans of Persia; but they are here regarded as heretics.2 The Druzes (ed-Deruiz, Sing. ed-Derazy) are at home upon Mount Lebanon; but dwell also as far south as the district el-Jebel west of Safed, in some parts of Hauran, and around Damascus. They were formerly masters of the country of Mount Lebanon and the adjacent coast; but are now surpassed in numbers and influence by the Maronites, as already described. The Druzes appear to have sprung up out of some one of the many Muhammedan sects of the centuries before the crusades; and the insane Hakim, Khalif of Egypt, is regarded as their deity.3 The Druzes keep their religious tenets and practices secret; though they have often professed themselves to be IMuhammedans. Not a few of their books, however, containing the dogmas of their religion, have found their way by the fortune of war, or other chances, to the libraries of Europe, particularly to Rome and Paris; and from these De Sacy compiled his work upon this people, the last published production of his long and learned career. In the course of the insurrection of 1838, many of their books were also seized by the Egyptians; one or two of which were purchased by the misSee the account of Protestantism in Volney Voyage ITI. p. 77 sq. Paris 1787. Turkey in Vol. III. Sect. I. See above, pp. 448, 449, 450. 2 Sale's Koran, Prelim. Disc. c. 8. Nie- 3 See Vol. I. p. 395. buhr Reisebeschr. II. p. 270 sq. 426 sq. iii. 466, 467

512 RELIGIOUS SECTS. [SEC. XVII. sionaries at BeirAt, and others are said to have reached Europe. After the return of peace, the Druzes came in throngs to put themselves under Christian instruction; and although the motive at the moment was perhaps political, yet had it been possible to take proper advantage of the movement, it might probably have resulted in an extensive and beneficial change in their relations.' The Ntusadiryeh2 are also regarded as the offspring of one of the early Muhammedan sects, the Karmathians. They too keep their religion a secret; and often conform externally to the faith of those by whom they are surrounded, whether Mussulmans or Christians. Their chief seat is the range of mountains extending on the north of Mount Lebanon towards Antioch; which takes from them the name of Jebel en-Nusairiyeh; but they are found scattered in villages, as far south as the vicinity of Binias. The accounts respecting them are as yet very imperfect.3 The Ismaelites (Isma'illyeh) were originally a religious political subdivision of the Shiites (Shi'ah); and are now the comparatively feeble remains of the people, who became too well known in the time of the crusades, under the name of the Assassins. They likewise possess a secret mystical religion; and still have their chief seat, as formerly, in the castle of MasyAd or Masyaf, on the mountains west of Hamah.4 1 On the Druzes, see especially: De XVII. pp. 975-995. This people was Sacy Expose de la Religion des Druzes, etc. visited in 1840 by the Rev. Mr Thomson 2. Tom. Paris, 1838. 8vo..Also Niebuhr of Beirut; whose report, however, adds Reisebeschr. II. p. 428 sq. Volney Voyage little to our previous information respectII. p. 37 sq. Par. 1787. Burckh'ardt's ing them. See the Missionary Herald for Travels pp. 193-205. Biblioth. Sac. 1843, Feb. and March, 1841. pp. 205-253. 4 See Von Hammer's Gesch. der Assassi2 Usually called Ansairiyeh, by a vul- nen, Stuttg. 1818. Wilken Gesch. der gar corruption. Kr. II. p. 240 sq. Quatrembre Notice 3 See Barhebr. Chron. Syr. p. 173. Historique sur les Ismabliens, in Fundgr. Assemani Biblioth. Oriental. Tom. II. p. des Orients IV. p. 339 sq. Also Niebuhr 318, where an account of their origin is Reisebeschr. II. p. 444 sq. Burckhardt's given. Pococke Spec. Hist. Arab. Ed. 1. Travels p. 150 sq. Gesenius' Notes on pp. 25, 265. Maundrell, under March 4th. Burckhardt p. 514-517. Ritter Erdk. Niebuhr Reisebeschr. II. p. 439 sq. Vol- XVII. p. 966-974. Abulfed. Tab. Syr. p. ney Voyage II. p. 1 sq. Burckhardt's 20. Schultens Index in Vit. Salad. art. Travels pp. 151, 155 sq. Gesenius' Notes Masiata. on Burckhardt p. 517. Ritter Erdk. iii. 467, 468.

NOTES. NOTE XXXI.-Page 33. SUMMEIL, ST. SAMUEL. Our visit to S[immeil enables me to correct an error of more than three centuries' standing. Tucher of Niirnberg in A. D. 1479, on his journey from Bethlehem by way of Dhikhrin to Gaza (see Text p. 29), passed by this place; and confounding the name Simmeil with Samuel, calls it the Castle of St. Samuel. He says it then paid a rent of two thousand ducats yearly to a hospital in St. Abraham or Hebron; from which twelve hundred loaves of bread and other articles of food, were daily distributed to the poor. See Reissb. p. 678. Tucher's work was first published in Germany in A. D. 1482.The next year, in A D. 1483, Breydenbach and Felix Fabri travelled from Hebron to Gaza, apparently by way of Beit Jibrin; at least they lodged the first night at the village of Sukkariyeh not far distant. Fabri, in describing St. Abraham (IIebron), speaks of the same hospital as situated near the great mosk; and tells the same story of the twelve hundred loaves of bread, and the two thousand ducats rent from a castle of St. Samuel; which he supposed to be not far off, though he did not see it. The very same account of a distribution of bread from the great mosk, or an establishment connected with it, is given in Gumpenberg's Journal A. D. 1449 (Reissb. p. 445); and also in the Arabic History of Jerusalem and Hebron by Mejr ed-Din, A. D. 1495; Fundgr. des Or. II. p. 377. All this goes to confirm the statements of Tucher; and there is nothing improbable in the account, that the mosk or hospital at Hebron may have derived a part of its revenues from Simmeil; just as the great mosk at Jerusalem still receives rents from the villages of Taiyibeh and RamAllah. This is also implied in the name Summeil el-Khfilil, which it still bears. But now comes Breydenbach, who made this journey with Fabri, in which they certainly did not take the route by Simmeil, and relates that on their first day's journey from Hebron, before they came to S;ikkariyeh, they passed by a castle of St. Samuel, near which was a

514 NOTES. [xxxII. small town called St. Abraham's Castle; here was a hospital which distributed bread, etc. Reissb. p. 186. This implies, that there was a second castle of St. Abraham distinct from Hebron, and a second castle of St. Samuel between Hebron and S&kkariyeh. But Fabri, who was in the same party, says not a word of all this; and the whole is obviously a mere figment, arising out of a gross misapprehension of Tucher's language, which the writer copies in order to supply his own deficiencies. It furnishes one instance of the higher value of Fabri's testimony in, general, as compared with that of Breydenbach. Yet Breydenbach's account has been copied and credited by B isching and others; and in consequence, a castle of St. Abrahamn and another of St. Samuel figure on Berghaus' map, at some distance west of Hebron. See B isching's Erdbeschr. Th. XI. i. p. 449. Bachiene Th. II. ii. p. 348. NOTE XXXII.-Page 41. THE "DESERT " NEAR GAZA. In Acts 8, 26, Philip is directed to go from Samaria " toward the south, unto the way that goeth down from Jerusalem unto Gaza, which is desert; 7 r TVv'8orv KaTaflac'vovorav a7ro'Ipovo'aXAp dEls raPav' a'rTq o'LTtv Eph#,ot. Here aur'q may refer either to o'8ov (way) or to Gaza. The facts in the history of Gaza given in the text, render it improbable that the city is here meant; although there is a possibility, that Luke might have written just after the destruction of Gaza about A. ID. 65; and thus have been led from the novelty of the event to mention it. On this hypothesis, the words must belong, not to the angel, but to Luke, as a mere parenthetic remark. If attributed to the angel, and understood in this sense, it is difficult to see what bearing they could have upon his instructions to Philip; since the latter was not to go to Gaza, but only upon the road leading to it; and this road was the same, whether Gaza was desolate or not. More probable therefore is it, that the term " desert " is to be referred to the road on which Philip should find the eunuch; and was indeed meant as a description, to point out to him the particular road, where he should fall in with the latter. This was the more necessary, because there were several ways leading from Jerusalem to Gaza. The most frequented at the present day, although the longest, is the way by Ramleh. Anciently there appear to have been two more direct roads; one down the great Wady es-Sarar by Beth-shemesh, and then passing near Tell es-SAfieh; the other, through Wady el-Musairr to Betogabra or Eleutheropolis, and thence to Gaza through a more southern tract. Both these roads exist at the present day; and the latter now actually passes through the desert; that is, through a tract of country without villages, inhabited only by nomadic Arabs. This is more particularly described in the subsequent pages of the text. If we may suppose the case to have been the same, or nearly so, when the book of Acts was written, the explanation becomes easy; for the chief difficulty has ever been, to show how this region, in itself so fertile, could be called " desert." That the district was at that time in like manner deserted, is not improbable. In the days of the Maccabees, the

xXIII.] INSCRIPTIONS AT BEIT JIBRIN. 515 Idumeans had taken possession of Judea as far north as to lHebron, Adora, and Marissa, cities lying on or near the mountains; where they were subdued and compelled to embrace Judaism; 1 Macc. 5, 65. Joseph. Antiq. 13. 9. 1. ib. 15. 7. 9. This serves to show, that the southern part of Judea was no longer occupied by the Jews themselves; nor is there any mention of cities or villages in the plain between Gaza and the mountains, later than the time of Nehemiah. It seems therefore probable, that even then the migratory hordes of the southern desert had spread themselves further to the north; and thus connected this tract, as at the present day, with their own "desert." When Jerome says that in his time " the site of ancient Gaza presented only vestiges of foundations, and the city of that day stood in a different spot," this seems only an hypothesis of his own, in order to make out the fulfilment of prophecy; Zeph. 2, 4. Amos 1, 7. Eusebius has nothing of the kind; and it is inconsistent with all other historical accounts. See Onomast. art. Gaza. When we were at Tell el-Hasy, and saw the water standing along the bottom of the adjacent Wady, we could not but remark the coincidence of several circumstances with the account of the eunuch's baptism. This water is on the most direct route from Beit Jibrin to Gaza, on the most southern road from Jerusalem, and in the midst of the country now " desert," i. e. without villages or fixed habitations. The thought struck us, that this might not improbably be the place of water described. There is at present no other similar water on this road; and various circumstances-the way to Gaza, the chariot, and the subsequent finding of Philip at Azotus-all go to show that the transaction took place in or near the plain. NOTE XXXIII.-Page 52. INSCRIPTIONS AT BEIT JIBRIN. The two following inscriptions in old Cufic, were copied by Mr Smith in the cavern with a small fountain, N. E. of the ruined church of Santa iIanneh, near Beit Jibrin. Through the kindness of Professor Roediger of Halle, I am enabled to subjoin their probable form in modern Arabic, with a translation. It will be seen that they are the work of visitors, and afford no information respecting the caverns. Jf]] ththrI. c A OaL [@tX Oft t@> O God! Ibn Suleiman testifies, LJ VI a t that there is no god but God.

516 NOTES. [xxxIv. II. aLLJI L g+U10 OGod! )jJ A~:Forgive thou YezLf( d-' id'bn'Omar L54~XJQI [)1b]?1 Ibn el-Kandy. NOTE XXXIV.-Page 64. Vicus BETAGABAEORUM. A village of this name is mentioned in the Life of St. Euthymius (ob. 473) by Cyril of Scythopolis, as situated in the region of Gaza and Eleutheropolis; and Reland supposes it to be the same with Betogabra; Palaest. p. 627. This biography is found in the Greek original in Cotelerii Monum. Ecclesias Greca, Tom. II. p. 200 sq. The Latin version of G. iervetus is given by Surius underJan. 20th, and also by Bolland in Acta Sanctor. Jan. Tom. II. p. 298 sq. The passage in question occurs in ~ 150 of the Life, Coteler. p. 328. Bolland p. 326. The writer, after enumerating several miracles of St. Euthymius, proceeds to recount another which took place in the village of the Betagabveans (KaTa TrV BrcTayaf/at[v KC/,Lqv, in vico Betagabceorum). There was in the monastery of St. Euthyilius a presbyter named Achthabius, who had practised there a life of obedience to Christ for fortyfive years. This man had a brother, called Romanus, in the village of the Tagabteans, (Ev T-r Taya/3atwv, in vico Tagabceorum,) twelve miles from Gaza, who was unlike him in every particular, living luxuriously and dissolutely. A certain person, envying the latter his wealth, plotted to deprive him of it; but not at first succeeding, he went to Eleutheropolis, and engaged a magician (yo6s) to use his arts against him. In this way the sufferer was thrown into a stupor and dropsy; of which he was at length miraculously healed by St. Euthymius in a vision. On this passage it is to be remarked, that the village of the Betagabveans and Tabagoeans is here obviously one and the same; and the name should therefore be written alike in both places. It is indeed so written (Bp-Taya3atlwv), probably by emendation, in the Greek of Cotelier; but the version of IIervetus (collated by Bolland) has " Tagabtorum" in the second instance, showing that his Greek copy had the same reading.

XXXV.] ZOAR. 517 -Again, this village was not itself Eleutheropolis, but lay apparently between that city and Gaza; or at least lay from Gaza somewhere in the direction of Eleutheropolis.-Further and mainly, the village was not Betogabra; for admitting the reading 2Betagabsei (Brlrayaf3al1v,) to be correct, the omission of the r would be a very unusual circumstance; this letter being (after'Ain) the most tenacious of the whole alphabet, and being very rarely dropped, if in any other instance. Besides, the village in question lay twelve Roman miles from Gaza, while Beit Jibrin (Betogabra) is about eight hours or twenty-four Roman miles distant from that city. I hold therefore that "vicus Tagabaeorum" (Taya,/aLov) is probably the true reading; while the other form may be supposed to have crept in later, among monkish transcribers, by confounding it with Betogabra. This was the more natural; as the village was probably unknown to them; and the name of Beit Jibrin was again current in the centuries before the crusades. This conclusion is strengthened, by the actual existence at the present day, of what appears to have been the original name of the village in question. From Um Likis, we saw and took the bearing of a deserted site called- Tdbiikah or Tibakah, lying S. 10~ E. in the country of Hasy, between HEij and Tell el-Hasy, about four hours or twelve Roman miles from Gaza, half way to Beit Jibrin. (See page 47.) The position corresponds very exactly to that of the "vicus Tagabrorum." This name too, on Greek lips, could hardly be expected to escape with less perversion; especially when monkish transcribers probably held it to be the same as Betogabra, and assimilated it to that form. NOTE XXXV. —Page 107. ZOAR. In the text I have brought forward the reasons which show conclusively, that the modern ez-Zuweirah has no relation to the ancient Zoar. The object of this note is, to present the testimonies on which those arguments rest, and to collect some further historical notices of the ancient Zoar. Abulfeda repeatedly speaks of Zoghar (Zoar) as a place adjacent to the Dead Sea and Ghor. Tab. Syr. ed. Kohler p. 8 bis, 9, 11, 148. Ibn el-Wardi ib. p. 178. Abulfeda also calls the Dead Sea itself "Lake of Zoghar; " ibid. p. 12, 148, 156. Edrisi, in the manuscript used by Jaubert, has Zu'ara; though the Latin version everywhere reads Zoghar; p. 338. That Zoar lay near and in sight of Sodom, and also in or adjacent to the plain, so as to be exposed to the same destruction as the other cities, is apparent from Gen. 19, 19-21; where the angel exempts Zoar from overthrow at the entreaty of Lot. That the ancient Zoar lay on the east side of the Dead Sea, appears from several considerations, which seem to be decisive. Lot ascended from it into the mountain, where his daughters bore each a son; and these became the ancestors of the Moabites and Ammonites; Gen. 19, 30. 37. 38. Now the Moabites and Ammonites both dwelt in the eastern mountains; and the purpose of the sacred writer, is here obviously to recount in what way these mountains became peopled, viz. by an VOL. II.-44.

518 NOTES. [xxxv. event which took place on the spot. Further, Josephus in speaking of this city, calls it " Zoar of Arabia," u'XpL ZoadpWv Tis'Apa/3tas, B. J. 4. 8. 4. But the Arabia of Josephus was on the east of the Dead Sea; and the name is never applied to the mountains west of the sea, which belonged to Judea. Bell. Jud. 4. 8. 4. To the same effect are various testimonies of Eusebius and Jerome, chiefly in the Onomisticon. Thus in the article Luith, they say this was a village situated between Areopolis and Zoar. But Areopolis was Ar of Moab, called also Rabbath Moab, and lay on the eastern mountains some hours north of Kerak; where its name and remains exist at the present day. See Reland Palsest. pp. 577, 957. Seetzen in Zach's Monati. Corr. XVIII. p. 433. Burckhardt p. 377. Irby and Mangles p. 456. [141.] Again in the art. Nemrim, they speak of a village Benamerium (Betb Nimrin) as lying north of Zoar; and Nimrin, as we have seen, lay east of the Jordan overagainst Jericho. See Text, Vol. I. p. 551.-Further, Pheenon is said by them to be situated between Petra and Zoar; art. Fenon, PLvv. —Last of all, Jerome expressly affirms, that Zoar was in the borders of Moab: "' Segor in finibus Moabitarum sita est, dividens ab iis terram Philistiim;" Comm. in Esa. xv. 5. He is here speaking of Zoar as being the key (vectes) of Moab towards the west. In like manner, the crusaders in the expedition of king Baldwin I, to the country S. E. of the Dead Sea in A. D. 1100, after marching from Hebron and descending into the Gh6r, proceeded around the south end of the lake, (girato autem lacu a parte australi,) and came at length to the place called Segor, doubtless the Zoghar of Abulfeda. From this point they began to enter the eastern mountains. Fulcher Cam. 23. p. 405. Will. Tyr. 10. 8. All these circumstances seem to me decisive as to the position of Zoar on the eastern side of the Dead Sea, at the foot of the mountains, near its southern end. Josephus and Eusebius indeed expressly describe the sea, the one as extending to Zoar, and the other as lying between Jericho and that place; Jo-:eph. B. J. 4. 8. 4. Onomast. art. Mare Salinarum. This would still be true in a general sense, supposing Zoar to have stood, as I have assumed in the text, in the mouth of Wady Kerak, where it issues upon the isthmus of the peninsula. This point is in fact the southern end of the broad part of the sea; the water which extends further south forming rather a bay; while the site in question is hardly more distant from the southern extremity even of this bay, than Jericho is from the north end of the sea. Further, this position of Zoar seems to me to be strongly implied in the notice of Eusebius above quoted, which places Luith between Areopolis and Zoar; for had Zoar lain further south, for instance at the mouth of Wady el-Ahsy, (the present Safieh,) it would have been far more natural to say, that Luith lay between Charac-Moab (Kerak) and Zoar. So too Jerome's account of Zoar as the vectes of Moab against Palestine, points to the same conclusion; for Wady Kerak was (and is to the present day) the great road between southern Judea and the country of Moab. The account given of the lower part of Wady Kerak by Irby and Mangles, is as follows: " All this tract might be, and probably has been irrigated; for it would be easy to dam up the brook and conduct it in

xxxvI.] ZOAR. TOMB OF AARON. 519 almost every direction. The form of fields, and even the marks of furrows, are to be seen; and some ruins like those of cottages, or of a small hamlet. Lower down there is very clearly an ancient site; stones that have been used in building, though for the most part unhewn, are strewed over a great surface of uneven ground, and mixed both with bricks and pottery. This appearance continues without interruption, during the space of at least half a mile, quite down to the plain; so that it would seem to have been a place of considerable extent. We noticed one column, and we found a pretty specimen of antique variegated glass; it may possibly be the site of the ancient Zoar. Near these remains, the Wady opens from its glen into the plain to the northward by a nook, where there is a wall of rude brick, with an arched doorway." Travels p. 447, sq. [138.] The preceding considerations seem to me sufficiently to bear out all the positions taken in the text relative to the ancient Zoar. A few other historical notices may properly find their place here. The earliest name of Zoar was Bela, Gen. 14, 2. In the Septuagint the name Zoar is written Yyycp, Segor; Josephus gives it by Zdapa, Zoara; while Eusebius and Jerome use both forms. After the destruction of the cities of the plain, Zoar continued to exist as a city of Moab; Deut. 34, 3. Is. 15, 5. Jer. 48, 34. It is never mentioned as belonging to Judea; except where Josephus speaks of it as having been wrested from the Arabians by Alexander Jannaeus, Antiq. 14. 1. 4. Ptolemy also assigns it to Arabia Petraa; see Reland Palxst. p. 463. Eusebius and Jerome describe it in their day as having many inhabitants and a Roman garrison; Onomast. art. Bala. Stephen of Byzantium calls it a large village and a fortress; Reland Palvest. p. 1065. In the ecclesiastical Notitice it is mentioned as the seat of a bishop in the Third Palestine, down to the centuries preceding the crusades; Reland pp. 217, 223, 226; comp. p. 230. The crusaders appear to have found the name Segor (Zoghar) still extant; and describe the place as pleasantly situated with many palm trees; Fulcher Carnot. 23. p. 405. Will. Tyr. 10. 8. Hence they also call it Villa Palmarum, and likewise Paumier or Palmer; Albert. Aq. 7. 41, 42. Jac. de Vitr. 53. p. 1076. Will. Tyr. 22. 30. But, as in the case of Jericho and'Ain Jidy, the palm trees have here also disappeared; and although the name of Zoghar appears to have existed in Abulfeda's time, yet we have no further notices of the city itself. In view of all this testimony, M. de Saulcy ought not to assume, so lightly as he has done, the identity of the names and position of Zoar and Zuweirah. Narrat. I. p. 481, 482. NOTE XXXVI. —Pages 152, 173. ToMB oF AARON. The following account is given by Irby and Mangles of their ascent of Mount IHor in 1818, and of the Muhammedan Wely dedicated to Neby Haircn on the summit. Travels p. 434 sq. [134.] "We engaged an Arab shepherd as our guide, and leaving Abu Ra

520 NOTES. [XXXVIo shid with our servants and horses, where the steepress of the ascent commences, we began to mount the track, which is extremely steep and toilsome, and affords but an indifferent footing. In most parts the pilgrim must pick his way as he can, and frequently on his hands and knees. Where by nature it would have been impassable, there are flights of rude steps, or inclined planes, constructed of stones laid together; and here and there are niches to receive the footsteps, cut in the live rock. The impressions of pilgrims' feet are scratched in the rock in many places; but without inscriptions. ~ Much juniper grows on the mountain, almost to the very summit, and many flowering plants which we had not observed elsewhere; some of-these are very beautiful; most of them are thorny. On the top there is an overhanging shelf in the rock, which forms a sort of cavern; here we found a skin of extremely bad water, suspended for drinking, and a pallet of straw, with the pitcher and other poor utensils of the Sheikh who resides here. He is a decrepit old man, who has lived here during the space, of forty years, and occasionally endured the fatigue of descending and reascending the mountain. "The tomb itself is enclosed in a small building, differing not at all in external form and appearance from those of Muhammedan saints, common throughout every province of Turkey. It has probably been rebuilt at no remote period; some small columns are bedded in the walls, and some fragments of granite, and slabs of white marble are lying about. The door is near the southwest angle; within which a tomb, with a pall thrown over it, presents itself immediately on entering; it is patched together out of fragments of stone and marble, that have made part of other fabrics. Upon one of these are several short lines in the Hebrew character, cut in a slovenly manner; we had them interpreted at Acre, and they proved to be merely the names of a Jew and his family who had scratched this. record. There are rags and shreds of yarn with glass. beads and paras, left as votive offerings by the Arabs. " Not far from the northwest angle is a passage, descending by steps to a vault or grotto beneath, for we were uncertain which to call it, being covered with so thick a coat of whitewash, that it is difficult to distinguish whether it is built or hollowed out. It appeared, in great part at least, a grotto; the roof is covered, but the whole is rude, illfashioned, and quite dark. The Sheikh, who was not informed that we were Christians, furnished us with a lamp of butter. Towards the further end of this dark vault lie the two corresponding leaves of an iron grating, which formerly prevented all nearer approach to the tomb of the prophet; they have, however, been thrown down, and we advanced so as to touch it; it was covered by a ragged pall. We were obliged to descend barefooted; and were not without some apprehension of treading on scorpions or other reptiles in such a place. " The view from the summit of the edifice is extremely extensive in every direction; but the eye rests on few objects, which it can clearly distinguish and give a name to; though an excellent idea is obtained of the general face and features of the country... An artist who would study rock scenery in all its wildest and most extravagant forms, and in colours which, to one who has not seen them, would scarcely ap

XXXVII.] PETRA. 521 pear to be in nature, would find himself rewarded, should he resort to Mount Hor for that sole purpose. "W We had employed just an hour in the ascent; and found that our return to the place where we had left our horses, occupied the same time." Mr Legh who accompanied Irby and Mangles, says: " Against the walls of the upper apartment were suspended beads, bits of cloth and leather, votive offerings left by the devotees; on one side, let into the wall, we were shown a dark-looking stone, that was reputed to possess considerable virtues in the cure of diseases, and to have formerly served as a seat to the prophet." According to Mr Stephens, ostrich eggs have since been added to the other offerings here suspended; Incidents, etc. II. p. 95. Schubert found, near the top of the mountain, many fragments of pottery and bits of coloured glass; but the convent which he speaks of as having once stood here, seems to have no sufficient historical foundation; Reise II. p. 420, 421. The irregular form of the summit of Mount Hor, has already been alluded to; Text p. 125. The date of the tomb of Aaron goes back beyond the time of the crusaders, who already found here an oratory or Wely; Gesta Dei p. 581. Fulch. Carnot. ib. p. 405.-The old Sheikh who formerly resided on the mountain has long been dead; his place as keeper of the Wely was now occupied by an inhabitant of Eljy, who occasionally visits the spot. He was present during our affair at Wady Mcisa, and strongly took our part; probably not being willing to forego the benefit which might be expected to accrue to himself, should we ascend the mountain. NOTE XXXVII.-Page 171, 173. PETRA. Two or three questions respecting the various names applied to Petra, and also respecting the application of this name to other places, remain to be investigated. Josephus relates, that the most ancient name of Petra was Arke or Arekeme ('ApKr,'ApEKLq), and that it was so called from its founder Rekem (aOt), one of the Midianitish kings slain by the Israelites; Num. 31, 8. Joseph. Ant. 4. 4. 7. ib. 4. 7. 1. But this seems to be somewhat doubtful; for the Targums of Onkelos and Pseudo-Jonathan apply the name Rekemi (pi.-) not to Petra, but to Kadesh; Gen. 16, 14. 20, 1. Eusebins and Jerome, indeed, speak of Rekem as the Syrian name for Petra; but as in another place they cite Josephus as their authority for this assertion, it would seem that they in no case speak from their own knowledge; Onomast. arts. Petra, Recem, comp. art. Areem. There seems to be no further very definite ancient notice of this name; but in the beginning of the fourteenth century, Abulfeda describes a place called er-Rakim, which in its character would well correspond to Wady MLisa: "Among the noted towns of Syria is er-Rakim, a small place near the Belka, the houses of which are all cut in the live rock, as if of one stone;" Tab. Syr. p. 11. This is accordingly assumed by Schultens and others, as the Arekem of Josephus and the Petra of the Greeks; Vita Salad. Index art. Errakimum. Biisching Th. XI. i. p. 508. But the position near the Belka is inconsistent with such VOL. II.-44.*

522 NOTES. [XXXVII. an hypothe3is; and the matter is set at rest by another passage in the same author. In his Annals, Abulfeda speaks of the same place as near to Kerak; and relates that Nireddin, marching from Damascus to Kerak, advanced as far as to er-Rakilm and there turned back. It lay therefore north of Kerak. Abulf. Annal. Musl. -ad A.- I. 568. Schult. Excerpt. in Vit. Sal. p. 15. See Gesenius Comm. zu Jes. 16, 1. p. 537. The excavated dwellings found by Seetzen, which Gesenius refers to this place, were situated far to the north both of the Belka and of Jebel'Ajln; Zach's Monatl. Corr. XVIII. pp. 355, 356. Equally untenable is the hypothesis first suggested by Bochart, which identifies Petra or Wady MeIsa with the place called by Arabian writers el-HIijr, where are- excavated caverns. Bochart was probably led to it by the Chaldee form Gon:, Gen. 16, 14. 20, 1; which the Targum of Onkelos there reads instead of Bered and Shur. IHe and others also read the Arabic name as el-Hajr (a stone), and held it therefore to be synonymous with the name Petra; although it is properly written with Kesrah, el-Hiijr, and has no such meaning. See Freytag's Lex. Arab. I. pp. 345, 316. Bochart Geogr. Sacr. p. 688. Bernard on Joseph. Ant. 4. 4. 7. ed. Havere. Reland Pal. p. 933. But apart from all this, the place clled el-Hijr lay at least eight days' journey south from Wady Mtisa, and therefore cannot be brought into any comnnection with Petra. Edrisi says that Tebrk lies-between el-Hijr and the border of Syria, four days' journey from the latter; and on the present route of the Syrian Haj, Tebak is also four days south of Ma'fan; Edrisi par Jaubert p. 333. Burckhardt's Travels App. pp. 658, 659. Further, Edrisi, in describing the same Syrian route, places el-Hijr at four days from Tebtlk towards Medina; ib. pp. 359, 360. Burckhardt's notices do not mention el-Hijr; probably because the Haj at the present day, south of Tebdtk, takes a more western route; ib. p. 659. —The supposed identity of el-Hijr with Petra is properly denied by Bernard and Schultens, as above quoted; and also by Gesenius, Comm. zu Jes. 16, 1. p. 537. The latter however refers by oversight to Rommel's Abulfeda, p. 84; where the writer is speaking of another el-lEijr, situated in the interior province Yemnameh. See Abulf. Tab. Arab. ed. Hudson, pp. 37, 60. Edrisi ib. pp. 154, 155. Thus far of Arabian writers. We turn now to another question: Whether, as has been assumed, there existed anciently more than one city of the name of Petra? It may first be proper to remark, that as early as the beginning of the fourth century, the general name of Palestine had been so extended as to include the whole of Arabia Petrsea, quite to Ailah. Thus at the council of Nicea A. D. 325, among the bishops of Palestine whose subscriptions are there preserved, is the name of Peter, bishop of Ailah; and Jerome, paraphrasing Eusebius, places Ailah in the extreme borders of Palestine on the Red Sea; Onomast. art. Ailath. Labbe Concil. Tom. II. c. 51. Le Quien Oriens Chr. III. p. 759. Hence Eusebius, writing about A. iD. 330, could with propriety speak of Petra, sometimes as a city of Arabia and sometimes as belonging to Palestine. Thus Onlomast. art. Petra': " Petra civitas Arabim in terra Edom; " but under the arts. Arcern and Cades: "Petra civitas nobilis Palsestinue." When therefore in other writers, we find Petra assigned sometimes to Palestine and sometimes to Arabia, this does not

XXXVII.] PETRA. 523 in itself imnply more than one Petra. Reland Pal. p. 926.-Early in the fifth century, as we have seen, this region took the specific name of the Third Palestine. See Text p. 161. Cellarius assumes a Petra of the Amalekites, distinct from that of Arabia, on the strength of Judg. 1, 36, and 2 Kings 14, 7; where a Petra (HIeb. Sela) is spoken of in connection with the ascent of Akrabbim and with the Valley of Salt; Notit. Orbis II. p. 580. The considerations advanced in the text, show this conjecture to be without solid foundation; see Text p. 169 sq. At a still earlier period, a Petra of Palestine had been assumed, also as distinct from Petra of Arabia, on the strength of a passage in the works of St. Athanasius; see Geogr. Sacr. Caroli a St. Paulo, Amst. 1711. p. 306. Reland p. 927.' The passage is usually referred to as contained in the " Epist. ad solitariam Vitam agentes; " though in the Benedictine edition at least, it is found, not in that epistle, but in the Historia Arianor. ~ 18, Opera Tom. I. p. 354. Paris 1698: Kal "ApEtov fLEV KLD AorctpLOV Toy phEV a7ro Hl1eETpWV rs uaXaLort'vqS Trov 3E Jo T'ApaGitas to'K orovS, (Et Arium quidem et Asterium, illum Petrarum Palaestinv, hunc ex Arabia, episcopos." In another place Athanasius speaks of Asterius alone as bishop of Petra in Arabia:'Ao-T-rp.o IIEr-o.1v rij3'Apa3tia~, Tomus ad Antioch. ~ 10. Opera Tom. I. ii. p. 776. Now, as Reland justly remarks, if there was actually a city called Petra, an episcopal see in Palestine, distinct from that of Arabia, it is certainly very singular, that there should nowhere exist the slightest allusion to it in all the subscriptions of councils, in the various ecclesiastical Notitie, and in the numerous writings of Eusebius and Jerome, who were cotemporary with Athanasius, and lived in and wrote expressly upon Palestine. This remark affords strong ground to suspect a corruption of the text in the passage of Athanasius; which, as Reland has acutely shown, might very easily take place. Either the word HIETpGV has been transposed from its proper place, so that we ought to read: Tov Epiv a -rro LI IxuoCrLvs7, rov 8 d-r IrTpov Rjs'Apa(aCaus,-or, as is more probable, the word IIETpiiv was at first a gloss in the margin, afterwards inserted in the text in the wrong place. On the latter supposition, no city was originally mentioned, but the text stood thus: -rvo 11Ev J7ro IIaXkacr-'v, rSv 83E JO''Apua,&'a. That this is the true reading is rendered the more probable from the fact, that Athanasius himself in another place uses the very same formula: MaKaplov cvro HaXatLTo-tVn KaL'Acr'lstv d'rr'Apafl as, Apol. contra Arianos ~ 48. Opp. Tomn. I. p. 166. (Here we have obviously the corruption MaKaptov for'Apoov.) The same reading is also supported by two like passages in the historical fragment of Hilarius, where he speaks of the same bishops, p. 188: " Arium ex Palast;ia et Stephanum (Asterium) de Arabia;" and p. 1293: "Arius a Palaestina, Asturus (Asterius) ab Arabia." See Reland Palsest. p. 928.-The preceding considerations seem to me completely to do away the authority of this isolated and unsupported passage of Athanasius. One other point of confusion remains to be noticed. We have seen in the text, that the crusaders thought they found Petra in Kerak; to which they accordingly gave the name of " Petra deserti," and established there a Latin bishopric; see Text pp. 166, 167. There can be no question

524 NOTES. [XXXVIII. that their "' Petra deserti " was Kerak; for besides the passages cited in the text, William of Tyre writes expressly, 20. 28: "Secundse Arabise metropolim Petram, quxe alio nomine Crac appellatur;" and again, 22. 28: " Urbem cui nomen pristinum Petra deserti, modernum vero Crach." So too Jacob de Vitry c. 56, p. 1077: "Est autem Petra civitas munitissima, quxe vulgari nomine hodie dicitur Crac et Petra deserti; " and he goes on to say correctly: "Est autem juxta urbem antiquissimam, quse dicitur iRabbath; " meaning the ruins of Rabbah still found two or three hours north of Kerak. I have also already alluded to the fact, that after the destruction of the ancient Petra, the metropolitan see of the Third Palestine was transferred to Rabbah; as appears from the two later Latin Notitile, in which the name of Petra is not found, but Rabbah stands as the metropolis; Reland Pal. pp. 223, 226. See Text, p. 166. But now, on the strength of two doubtful passages, it has been held, that the name of Petra deserti was also sometimes applied in like manner to Rabbah. See Raumer Pal. p. 412 sq. The first passage is the title inscribed over one of the Latin Notitice abovementioned: Sedes tertia Arraba Moabitis, id est Petra deserti. These last words are obviously nothing more than a gloss, added by the Latin transcriber or compiler; implying only, that, as he supposed, the metropolitan seat of Rabbah was once known as that of Petra deserti.-The other passage is in William of Tyre, 15. 21: Castrum vedificavit cui nomen Crach,... juxta urbem antiquissimam ejusdem Arabice metropolim, prius dictam Raba,.. e postea vero dicta est Petra deserti." But this is in direct contradiction with himself and the other historians of the crusades. Thus he says in 22. 28: "Urbem cui nomen pristinum Petra deserti, modernum vero Crach." See too the other references just above, and Text, pp. 163, 164, 166, 167. Hence it is a natural supposition, that the statement of the passage in question was a lapsus either of the author, or more probably of some transcribe'. —The later confused and erroneous notices of Brocardus and Marinus Sanutus need not here be taken into the account. The general result then of the inquiries in the present note, is the following, viz. That there was in ancient times only a single city called Petra, which is spoken of successively and sometimes indiscriminately as belonging to Edom, Arabia, and Palestine, and whose remains are still seen in Wady Musa; that to this city, whether as existing or in ruins, as Petra or as Wady Mctsa, Arabian writers, so far as yet known, make no allusion earlier than the 13th and 15th centuries; and that the crusaders transferred the name of Petra (Petra deserti) to Kerak, and to that place alone. NOTE XXXVIII.-Page 192. CATASTROPHE OF SODOM. The following is the original of the letter of L. von Buch, given in the text. Berlin, 20 Avril, 1839. MONSIEUR, C'est plutot pour repondre a l'honorable confiance que vous voulez

xXXVIII.] LETTER FROM L. VON BUCH. 525 avoir en moi, que dans l'espe6rance de pouvoir vous faire une observation digne de vous etre presentee, que je vous adresse ces lignes. La vall6e du Jourdain est une crevasse, qui s'6tend depuis le Liban jusqu'.' la mer Rouge sans interruption. Voila, a ce qui me semble, le resultat de vos recherches, comme de celles de Mr de Bertou et Mr Callier, qui, nialgr6 ce fait, en veulent a Mr Ritter pour avoir dit la mnme chose. Ces longues crevasses, fr6quentes surtout dans les montagnes calcaires, donnent la configuration' nos continents. Si elles sont tres larges et profondes, elles donnent passage aux montagnes primitives, qui, par cette raison, forment des cha.nes, dans une direction, que la crevasse leur a prescrite. On peut done s'attendre a un plus grand developpement des agents voleaniques au fond de cette crevasse, que sur les hauteurs. Le sel gemlme est, d'apres les recherches les plus recentes, un produit d'une action volcanique ou plutonique le long d'une ouverture de cette nature. Mais, les sources d'asphalte ou de bitume le sont aussi; comme le prouvent la quantit6 de sources de bitume depuis le pied du Zagros aux environs de Bassorah jusqu'.a Mosul, et aussi a Bakou; comme le prouvent encore la source de bitume dans le golfe de Naples, et a Mellilli pres de Siracuse; comme le prouvent les sources de bitumne sur l'ile de Zante, et merme le bitume de Seyssel dont on fait les trottoirs a Paris. L'Asphalte de la mer Morte n'est vraisemblablement que le bitume consolide au fond du lac, qui ne peut pas s'6couler, et forme par cons6quent uue couche sur le fond, comme a l'ile de Tri-nidad. I1 est assez vraisemblable, que cette accumulation se soit faite dans les temps reeul6s, comme de nos jours; et si des actions volcaniques, une elevation du terrain, et des tremblements de terre out mis au jour des masses d'asphalte analogues' celle que vous avez decrite, (ph(nomene de la plus haute importance, inconnu jusqu'ici,) on pent tr6s bien concevoir la conflagration de cites entieres par l'inflammation de matieres si enminemment combustibles. Si on pouvait d6couvrir quelque masse basaltique dans la partie m6ridionale ou vers l'extremite sud de la mer'*Morte, on pouvait croire, qu'un " dyke" basaltique se soit fait jour lors de la Me6lebre catastrophe, comme cela est arrive en 1820 pres de l'ile de Banda, et dans un autre temps an pied du volcan de Ternate. (Descript. phys. des Iles Canaries, p. 412, 433.) Les mouvements qui accompagnent la sortie d'un tel "' dyke " sont bien en etat de produire tous les phenomenes, qui out changes cette contree int6ressante, sans exercer une influence tres marqu6e sur la forme et la configuration des montagnes a l'entour. La fertilit8 du sol depend quelquefois de tres legers accidents. I1 n'est pas probable, que le bitume soit propre pour l'augmenter. Mais il est bien possible, que les mouvements du terrain out pu nmettre au jour une plus grande masse de sel gemme, qui entrain6 par les eaux vers le fond de la vall6e, suffirait pour lui oter sa productibilite. Le sel gemme n'aurait pas tant frapp6 Lot, pour s'imaginer que sa femme et 6te chang~e en sel, si on avait eu connaissance de son existence entre les couches de toute la montagne, avant la catastrophe m6morable. I1 faut espirer, que la SociGt6 g( ologique de Londres, si active, voudra bien un jour envoyer un de ses membres, pour 6clairer avec la flambeau de la G6ologie des faits qui int6ressent tout le moncle. Mais,

526 NOTES. C[xxIx. il faudrait rechercher toute la constitution geologiquce et du Liban et de toute la vall6e du Jourdain, depuis Tiberias jusqu'ai Akaba. Je conlois, Monsieur, que toute ceci doit peu vous contenter. Mais, je pense qu' il est t6mn6raire de se faire une theorie sur des faits, dont on n'a pas du moins observe soi-m'eme les resultats. J'ai l'honneur d'Otre avec la plus haute consid6ration, Monsieur, Votre tres-humble et obeissant, LEOPOLD DE Bucr. NOTE XXXIX.-Page 195. STATIONS OF THE ISRAELITES. The following Table, arranged in accordance with the suggestions advanced in the text, presents a synoptical view of all the stations of the Israelites enumerated, from their departure out of Egypt until their arrival overagainst Jericho. 1. From Egypt to Sinai. Exodus c. 12-19. Numbers c. 33. From Rameses, 12, 37. From Rameses, verse 3. 1. Succoth, 12, 37. Succoth, vs. 5. 2. Etham, 13, 20. Etham, vs. 6. 3. Pi-haheroth, 14, 2. Pi-haheroth, vs. 7. 4. Passage through the Red Sea, Passage through the Red Sea, and 14, 22; and three days' three days' march in the desert march into the desert of of Etham, vs. 8. Shur, 15, 22. 5. Marah, 15, 23. Marah, vs. 8. 6. Elim, 15, 27. Elim, vs. 9. 7. it Encampment by the Red Sea, vs. 10. 8. Desert of Sin, 16, 1. Desert of Sin, vs. 11. 9. Dophka, vs. 12. 10. Alush, vs. 13. 11. Rephidim, 17, 1. Rephidim, vs. 14. 12. Desert of Sinai, 19, 1. Desert of Sinai, vs. 15. 2. From Sinai to Kadesh the second time. Numbers c. 10-20. Numbers c. 33. From the desert of Sinai, 10, 12. From the desert of Sinai, vs. 16. 13. Taberah, 11, 3. Deut 9, 22. 14. Kibroth-hattaavah, 11, 34. Kibroth-hattaavah, vs. 16. 15. Hazeroth, 11, 35. Hazeroth, vs. 17. 16. Kadesh, in the desert of Paran, 12, 16. 13, 26. I)Deut. 1, 2. 19. Hence they turn back and wander for thirty-eight years; Num. 14, 25 sq.

XXXIX.] STATIONS OF THE ISRAELITES. 527 17. Rithma, vs. 18. 18. Rimmon-parez, vs. 19. 19. Libnah, vs. 20. 20. Rissah, vs. 21. 21. Kehelathah, vs. 22. 22. Mount Shapher, vs. 23. 23. Hiaradah, vs. 24. 24. Makheloth, vs. 25. 25. Tahath, vs. 26. 26. Tarah, vs. 27. 27. Mitheah, vs. 28. 28. Hashmonah, vs. 29. 29. Moseroth, vs. 30. 30. Bene-jaakan, vs. 31. 31. Hor-hagidgad, vs. 32. 32. Jotbathah, vs. 33. 33. Ebronah, vs. 34. 34. Ezion-gaber, vs. 35. 35. Return to Kadesh, Num. Kadesh, vs. 36. 20, 1. 3. From Kadesh to the Jordan. Numn. cc. 20. 21. Deut. cc. Numbers, c. 33. 1. 2. 10. From Kadesh, Num. 20, 22. From Kadesh, vs. 37. 36. Beeroth Bene-jaakan, Deut. 10, 6. 37. Mount Hor, Num. 20, 22; or Mount Hor, vs. 37. Mosera, Deut. 10, 6; where Aaron died. 38. Gudgodah, Deut. 10, 7. 39. Jotbath, Deut. 10, 7. 40. Way of the Red Sea, Num. 21, 4; by Elath and Ezion-gaber, Deut. 2, 8. 41. Zalmonah, vs. 41. 42. Punon, vs. 42. 43. Oboth, Numn. 21, 10. Oboth, vs. 43. 44. Ije-abarim, Num. 21, 11. lje-abarim, or Iim, vs. 44. 45. 45. The brook Zered, Num. 21, 12. Deut. 2, 13. 14. 46. The brook Arnon, Num. 21, 13. Deut. 2, 24. 47. Dibon-gad, vs. 45; now Dhiban. 48. Almon-diblathaim, vs. 46. 49. Beer (well) in the desert, Num. 21, 16. 18. 50. Mattanah, 21, 18. 51. Nahaliel, 21, 19. 52. Bamoth, 21, 19.

528 NOTES. [XL. 53. Pisgah, put for the range of Mountains of Abarim, near to Nebo, Abarim, of which Pisgah vs. 47. was part; 21, 20. 54. By the way of Bashan to the Plains of Moab by Jordan, near plains of Moab by Jordan, Jericho, vs. 48. near Jericho; Num. 21, 33. 22, 1. NOTE XL.-Page 243. ITINERARIES. In April, 1835, the Rev. E. Smith made a journey from BeirClt along the coast to YAfa, and thence to Jerusalem. There were ladies in the party, and they travelled leisurely. The following Nos. 1 and 2, are from imperfect notes of that journey. No. 3 is from the Rev. Mr Lanneau, drawn up from his own notes; and gives the usual rate between Jerusalem and Yafa. In comparing Nos. 2 and 3 the leisure travelling of one party must be taken into account; as well as the fact, that in one case the direction of the journey was up the mountain, and in the other down. 1. From'Akcka to Ydfa. H.. H. M. From'Akka River Zerka 1 40 River Na'mhn 20 Kaisariyeh 35 " el-Mukaitta' 2 15 A river 55 Haifa 30 River Abu Zabura 1 50 Convent on Carmel 1 Mikhalid 2'Athlit 3 20 A brook [Nahr Arsaf] 1 50 A village 1 40 el-Haram 2 40 Tantara 45 Nahr el-'Aujeh [or Butrus] 2 05 River Belka Y fa 2 05 2. From YBfa to Jerusalem. H. M. H. M. From YWfa KubAb, on the first hills 2 YasCur 1 Latrbn, foot of Wady'Aly 1 A village 1 Sairis, top of the mountain 2 30 Ludd 1 35 Kuryet el-'Enab, in a valley 40 er-Ramleh 45 i Jerusalem 3 30 3. From Jerusalem to YSfa. H. MI. H. M. From Jerusalem KubAb 1 K ilonieh 1 30 Ramleh 2 Kuryet el-'Enab 1 30 Slirafend 30 Saris 1 Beit Dejan 1 Bhb el-Wady 1 Yasur 30 L tron 1 Yafa 1

XLI.] EARTHQUAKE AT SAFtD. 529 NOTE XLI.-Page 423. EARTHQUAKE AT SAFED. The following is the Report of Mr Thomson mentioned in the text, so far as it relates to Safed. He reached that place on the 18th of Jan. 1837. The earthquake took place on the 1st of the same month. See Missionary Herald for Nov. 1837, p. 436 sq. " Just before we began to ascend the mountain of Safed, we met our consular agent of Sidon, returning home with his widowed sister. His brother-in-law, a rich merchant of Safed, had been buried up to his neck by the ruins of his fallen house, and in that awful condition remained several days, begging and calling for help, and at last died before any one was found to assist him! As we ascended the steep mountain, we saw several dreadful rents and cracks in the earth and rocks, giving painful indications of what might be expected above. But all anticipations were utterly confounded when the reality burst upon our sight. " Up to this moment I had refused to credit the accounts; but one frightful glance convinced me, that it was not in the power of language to overstate such a ruin. Suffice it to say that this great town, which seemed to me like a bee-hive four years ago, and was still more so only eighteen days ago, is now no more. Safed was, but is not. The Jewish portion, containing a population of five or six thousand, was built around and upon a very steep mountain; so steep, indeed, is the hill, and so compactly built was the town, that the roofs of the lower houses formed the street of the ones above, thus rising like a stairway one over another. And thus, when the tremendous shock dashed every house to the ground in a moment, the first fell upon the second, the second upon the third, that on the next, and so on to the end. And' this is the true cause of the almost unprecedented destruction of life. Some of the lower houses are covered to a great depth, with the ruins of many others which were above them. From this cause it also occurred, that a vast number who were not instantaneously killed, perished before they could be dug out; and some were taken out five, six, and one (I was told) seven days after the shock, still alive. One solitary man, who had been a husband and a father, told me, that he found his wife with one child under her arm, and the babe with the breast still in its mouth. He supposed the babe had not been killed by the falling ruins, but had died of hunger, endeavouring to draw nourishment from the breast of its lifeless mother! Parents frequently told me, that they heard'the voices of their little ones crying papa, mamma, fainter and fainter, until hushed in death; while they were either struggling in despair, to free themselves, or labouring to remove the fallen timber and rocks from their children. "' What a dismal spectacle! As far as the eye can reach, nothing is seen but one vast chaos of stones and earth, timber and boards, tables, chairs, beds, and clothing, mingled in horrible confusion. Men everywhere at work, worn out and woe-begone, uncovering their houses in search of the mangled and putrified bodies of departed friends; while here and there, I noticed companies of two or three each, clambering over the ruins, bearing a dreadful load of corruption to the narrow house appointed for all living. I covered my face and passed on through the VOL. II.-45

530 NOTES. [XLI. half-living, wretched remnants of Safed. Some were weeping in despair, and some laughing in callousness still more distressing. Here an old man sat solitary on the wreck of his once crowded house; there a child was at play, too young to realize that it had neither father nor mother, brother nor relative, in the wide world. They flocked around, us husbands that had lost their wives, wives their husbands, parents without children, children without parents, and not a few left as the solitary remnants of large connections. The people were scattered abroad, above and below the ruins, in tents of old boards, old carpets, mats, canvas, brush, and earth, and not a few dwelling in the open air; while some poor wretches, wounded and bruised, were left among the prostrate buildings, every moment exposed to death from the loose rocks around and above them. "' As soon as our tent was pitched, Mr C. and myself set off to visit the wounded. Creeping under a wretched covering, intended for a tent, the first we came to, we found an emaciated young female lying on the ground, covered with the filthiest garments I ever saw. After examining several wounds, all in a state of mortification, the poor old creature that was waiting on her lifted up the cover of her feet, when a moment's glance convinced me that she could not possibly survive another day. The foot had dropped off, and the flesh also, leaving the leg-bone altogether bare! Sending some laudanum to relieve the intolerable agony of her last hours, we went on to other but equally dreadful scenes. Not to shock the feelings by detailing iwhat we saw, I will only mention one other case; and I do it to show what immense suffering these poor people have endured, for the last eighteen days. Clambering over a heap of ruins, and entering a low vault by a hole, I found eight of the wounded crowded together under a vast pile of crumbling rocks. Some with legs broken in two or three places, others so horribly lacerated and swollen as scarcely to retain the shape of mortals; while all, left without washing, changing bandages, or dressing their wounds, were in such a deplorable state, as rendered it impossible for us to remain with them long enough to do them any good. Although protected by spirits ofcamphor, breathing through my handkerchief dipped in it, and fortified with a good share of resolution, I was obliged to retreat. Convinced, that while in such charnel-houses as this, without air but such as would be fatal to the life of a healthy person, no medicines would afford relief, we returned to our tent, resolving to erect a large temporary shed of boards, broken doors, and timber, for the accommodation of the wounded. The remainder of our first day was spent in making preparations for erecting this little hospital. " Jan. 19th. This has been a very busy day, but still our work advanced slowly. We found the greatest difficulty to get boards and timber; and when the carpenters came, they were without proper tools. In time, however, we got something in the shape of saws, axes, nails, and mattocks; and all of us labouring hard, before night the result began to appear. The governor visited and greatly praised our work, declaring that he had not thought such a thing could have been erected; and that the government had not been able to obtain half so good a place for its own accommodation. Some of the wounded were brought and laid down before us, long before any part of the slight building was ready

XLI.] EARTHQUAKE AT SAFED. 531 for their reception; and are now actually sheltered in it, although it is altogether unfinished. After dark, I accompanied the priest, to visit the remainder of the Christian population of Safed. They were never numerous, and having lost about one half of their number, are now crowded into one great tent. Several were wounded; to these we gave medicine. Some were orphans, to whom we gave clothing; and the poor people had their necessities supplied, as well as our limited means would justify. Among the survivors is a worthy man, who has long wished to be connected with us, and in whom we have felt much interest. He applied about a year ago to have his son admitted to our high school; but he was then too young. When I left Beiruit, it was my intention to bring this lad with me on my return, should he be alive; but alas! the afflicted father has to mourn not only his death, but that of his mother, and of all his beloved family but one. " The earth continues to tremble and shake. There have been many slight, and some very violent shocks, since we arrived. About three o'clock to day, while I was on the roof of our building nailing down boards, we had a tremendous shock. A cloud of dust arose above the falling ruins, and the people all rushed out from them in dismay. Many began to pray with loud and lamentable cries; and females beat their bare breasts with all their strength, and tore their garments'in despair. The workmen threw down their tools and fled. Soon, however, order was restored, and we proceeded as usual. I did not feel this shock, owing to the fact that the roof of the shed was shaking all the time. Once, however, the jerk was so sudden and violent, as to affect my chest and arms precisely like an electric shock. " Jan. 20th. Having finished our work, collected the wounded, distributed medicine and clean bandages for dressing the wounds, and hired a native physician to attend the hospital, we left Safed about half-past one o'clock P. M. and after a pleasant ride of five hours and a half, encamped before the ruins of Tiberias. " The destruction of life at Tiberias has not been so great, in proportion to the population, as at Safed; owing mainly to the fact, that Tiberias is built on a level plain, and Safed on the declivity of the mountain. Probably about seven hundred perished here, out of a population of twenty-five hundred; while at Safed, four thousand out of five thousand Christians and Jews were killed; and not far from one thousand Mussulmans."

APPENDIX I. CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF WORKS ON PALESTINE, JERUSALEM, AND MOUNT SINAI. THE following List comprises, with slight exceptions, only such works as have been consulted in the preparation of these volumes. It is, I believe, nearly if not quite complete, down to the time of Breydenbach and Felix Fabri in A. D. 1483. Of the works subsequent to that period, only the more important or more popular are given. Yet the list even of these, at the time of its preparation, was fuller than any other extant. The Royal Library at Berlin, which I had the privilege of using, is rich in this department; and contains a large number of works on Palestine, from the sixteenth century and onward, which I have not found quoted in any catalogue. True, most of them only repeat each other, and are of little value; as is also the case with many of the more modern books of travels. Yet an enumeration of them all, would certainly belong to a catalogue which should claim to be complete. —A full account of some of the earlier travellers may be seen in BEOxMANN's Literatur der dltern Reisebeschreibungen, 2 Vols. Gotting. 18081810. The works of Josephus, the chief source next to the Bible for the history and antiquities of Palestine, are in all cases cited after the edition of Havercamp, 2 Vols. fol. Amsterd. 1726. The divisions are the same in the edition of Oberthiir, 3 Vols. 8vo. Leipz. 1782-5. The portions of the geographical works of Ptolemy (fl. 250), which relate to Palestine, are given in full by Reland, Palestina p. 426 sq. The same is also the case with that part of the Tabula Peutingeriana which comprises the Holy Land; ibid. p. 421. This remarkable Table owes its name to Peutinger, a scholar and statesman of Augsburg, who was long its possessor. It is a rude chart or delineation of VoL. II. —45*

534 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. rApr. L, the military roads of the Roman empire, with the distances between the towns, constructed not later than the fourth century, and sometimes referred to the reign of Theodosius the Great, about A. D. 380. Hence it occasionally also bears the name of Tabula Theodosiana. Mannert and others place its construction under the reign of Alexander Severus, between A. D. 222 and 235. The present copy, the only one known to exist, appears to have been made in the twelfth or thirteenth century. It is a long narrow chart, wound on two rollers, one at each end; and is preserved with great care in the Imperial Library at Vienna. Scheyb first published it fully in fac simile, fol. Vienna 1753; and 3Mannert again, fol. Lips. 1829. The first of the following Lists includes only works by authors who had themselves travelled or resided in Palestine, etc. The second and third comprise geographical descriptions by other writers. The year prefixed to a work is the actual date of the journey or residence in Palestine. Where this is indefinite, c. for circa is prefixed. A star (*) is likewise put before the more important works. I. ITINERARIE S- JOURNALS, TRAVELS, ETC. By actual Residents and Travellers. * c. 330-400. EUSEBII ET HlIRONYMI Onomasticon UIrrbium et Locorum S. S. Grace et Lat. ed. J. Bonfrerio, fol. Par. 1631, 1639; also in Hieron. Opp. ed. Martianay Tom. II.-Ed. J. Clerico, fol. Amst. 1707, appended to Sanson's Geogr. Sacra. Reprinted in Ugolini Thesaur. Tom. V.-The work of Eusebius was written in Greek, and translated into Latin by Jerome with many changes and additions. See Text, Vol. I. Sec. VII. p. 254. The three following Itineraries were published together by P. Wesseling, with Notes, in 1 Vol. 4to, Amst. 1735. I. ANTOmN AUGUSTI Itinerarium; a mere list of names and distances. The date is not known; but the work is obviously later -than the Antonines. The portion relating to Palestine is given by Reland; Palmst. p. 416 sq. II. * 833. ITINERARIUM HIEROSOLYMITANUM sel6 BURDIGmALENSE; from Bourdeaux to Jerusalem. The date is known by the mention (under Constantinople) of the consuls Zenophilus and Dalmatius. Reland has given the names and distances of the places mentioned in Palestine; but not the description of Jerusalem and the vicinity, which is important; Palmst. p. 415. There are earlier editions of this Itinerary; and the text of Wesseling is reprinted in the Appendix to Chateaubriand's Itineraire. NOTE. These two Itineraries have been republished under the title Itineraritum Antonini Augusti et lierosolymitanum ed. G. Parthey et.M. Pinder, Berl. 1848. 8vo. III. HIElocoLS GnAMMAT. Synekdemus, Graece, a list of places in Palestine and elsewhere. The date is not known; but the tract is assigned by Wesseling to the early part of the reign of Justinian, o. 530; Prolegom. p.. c 8738. Amomoti Moxcm Relatio de sanctis Patribus barba'orumn in

Pm, 1.] " -BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 535 sursione in Monte Sinai- et -~Raithu- peremptis, Cr. et Lat. in'Illustrium Christi Martyrum lecti Triumphi, ed. F. Combefis,' Lut. Par. 1660. 8vo. p. 88. * C. 400. St. NILI MON. EREEMIT Narrationes quibus cedes Monachorumr lrontis Sinai describitur, Gr. et Lat. in'Sancti Patris NIi Opera quomdam nondum edita, ed. Petro Possino,' Lut. Par. 1639. 4. Lat. in Acta Sanctor. Jan. Tom. I. p. 953.1 c. 600. Itinerarium B. ANTroNIM MARTYRIS (seu PLACENTINI) exs useo Menardi, Juliomagi-Andium (Angers) 1640. 4. Printed from another manuscript in the Acta Sanctorum, Maii T. II. p. x. Ugolini Thesaur. Tom. VII.The date of this Itinerary is uncertain; but it appears to be later than the time of Justinian (ob. 565) and earlier than the Muhammedan conquests. * C. 697. ADAMNANrUS (ex ARcULFO) de Locis Sanctis Libri III, ed. Gretsero, Ingoldst. 1619; reprinted in Gretseri Opp. Tom. IV. Ratisb. 1734. Printed also in Mabillon Acta Sanctor. Ord. -Benedict. Srec. II. P. II. p. 499. English in Wright's Early Travels in Palestine, p. 1 sq.-Arculfus, a French bishop, returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, was cast away upon the island of Iona on the western coast of Scotland; where Adamnanus was then abbot of the celebrated monastery. The latter wrote down this account of Palestine from the relation of Arculfus; and presented it in A. D. 698 to Alfred, king of Northumberland. The tract of the Venerable Bede de Locis Sanctis, printed in his works, is merely an abstract of this work of Adamnanus. See Beckmann, Vol. II. p. 508 sq, C. 765. ST. WILLIBALDI Vita sen Hodeporicon, containing a notice of his pilgrimage to the Holy Land; printed in Canisii Thesaur. Monumentor. Eccl. et Hist. ed. Basnage, Tom. II. P. I. p. 99 sq. Also in Mabillon Acta Sanctor. Ord. Benedict. Saec. III. P. II. p. 365. The latter editor gives the date A. D. 786. English in Wright's Early Trav. in Pal. p. 13 sq. St. Willibald was born in England, and became bishop of Eichstadt in Germany A. D. 742. There exist two recensions of this tract, both of which are given by Mabillon. See Brocardus below. e. 870. BERNHARDI (Sapientis Monachi) Itinerarium in Loca Sancta, in Mabillon Acta Sanctor. Ord. Benedict. Sac. III. P. II. p. 523. [472]. Printed also from a MIS. in the Cotton Library in " Relations des Voyages de Guil. de Rubruk, Bernard le Sage, et Smwulf, par F. Michel et T. Wright," 4to. Paris, 1839. p. 201 sq. English in Wright's Early Trav. in Pal. p. 23 sq. Mabillon's copy contains only the very brief Itinerary of Bernard and his two companions; that of Michel and Wright gives also a more particular account of the sacred places, which is merely written out from the tract of Adamnanus, probably, by a later hand. Bernard relates, that he received the benediction of the pope Nicholas in the beginning of his journey; doubtless the first of that name, who died A. D. 867; for there was no other pope Nicholas until A. 1There exists a small tract ascribed to scriptor. Tom. I. p. 665-7. Ugolini TheEUCHERIus, bishop of Lyons in the 5th saur. Tom. VII. But Eucherius apparcentury, entitled: Epistola ad Faustinum ently was never in Palestine; and the tract de situ Judcece urbisque Hierosolymita- is drawn from Josephus, Jerome, and others, nce, printed in Labb. Biblioth. nov. Manu- and has little intrinsic value.

536 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [APPs I. D. 1059. This justifies the date of A. D. 870, which is assigned to this Itinerary by William of Malmsbury, de Regibus Anglor. cap. 2. See Beckmann, II. p. 518. The Cotton and Oxford MSS. give the date erroneously, A. D. 970. 1096-1125. F-ULCHERII CARNOTENSIS Gesta Peregrinantium Francorum cunt armis Hierusalem pergentium; in Bongars' "Gesta Dei per Francos," p. 381. More complete in Du Chesne Scriptores Francic. Tom. IV. p. 816. Paris 1641.-Fulcher of Chartres, a monk or presbyter, accompanied Robert duke of Normandy to Palestine, in the first crusade, A. D. 1096. His history extends from A. D. 1095 to A. D. 1124.l 1102-3. SEWULFI Relatio de Peregrinatione ad Hierosolymam et Terraam Sanctam; printed for the first time in Michel and Wright's " Relations des Voyages de Guil. de Rubruk, etc." Paris, 1839. 4to. p. 237 sq. English in Wright's Early Trav. in Pal. p. 31 sq. c. 1125. DANIEL (Igoumen) Journey to thei Holy Land. Daniel was a Russian abbot ('HyoeZvov) who visited Palestine in the beginning of the twelfth century. His journal is one of the earliest documents of the old Slavonic language, and was first printed in " Puteshestwia Russkich ludei w tchuja zemli," or " Travels of the Russians in foreign Lands," St. Petersburg, 1837. 8. * c. 1150. EL-EDnlSI Geographia Universalis, containing an account of Palestine about the middle of the twelfth century. Extracts in Arabic, Rome 1592. 4to. Madrid 1799. 8vo. French, Geographic d'EDRIS, par P. A. Jaubert, Tom. I. Paris 1836. 4to. The part which treats of Syria, is printed in Arabic and Latin in Rosenmiiller's Analecta Arabica, P. II. Lips. 1828.2 * 1160-73. BENJAMIN TUDELENSIS Itinerarium, Travels of Benjamin of Tudela, a Spanish Jew. Often printed e. g. Hebraice cum Vers. et notis Const. l'Empereur, Lugd. Bat. 1633. 8. French, Voyages de Rabbi Benjamin etc. par J. P. Baratier, 2 Tom. Amst. 1734. 8; also in another version in Bergeron's Voyages, Tom. I. la Haye 1735. 4. Eng. Travels of Racbbi Benjamin, Lond. 1783. 12mo. Hebrew and English, by A. Asher, with Notes, 2 vols. Berlin, 1840. This last is the best edition of all, and is the one constantly referred to in the text. Also in Wright's Early Trav. in Pal. p. 63 sq. Rabbi Benjamin has often been reproached as being full of inaccuracies and fables, and as never having visited the countries he describes. But the former faults are common to the writers of that age; and I have found his account of Palestine, so far as it goes, to be that of an eyewitness, and quite as accurate and trustworthy as any of the narratives of those days. c. 1175-80. R. PETACHII Peregrinatio etc. Heb. et Lat. in Wagenseil " Exercitationes sex Varii Argumenti," Altorf, 1687. 4. Alt. et Norimb. 1719. 4. Hebrew and French, Tour du JMonde ou Voyages du R. Pethachia, par A. E. Carmoly, Paris 1831. 8. Rabbi Petachia was a Jew of Ratisbon; his Itinerary is of far less value than the preceding work of Rabbi Benjamin. 1175. GERIARDI, Friderici I. in.Egyptam et Syriam ad Saladinum The histories of Fulcher, William of 2 It is not certain that Edrisi had him Tyre, and Jacob de Vitry, are inserted in self visited Syria; but his description is of this list on account of the many valuable too much importance not to be mentioned topographical notices contained in them. here.

APP. I.] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 537 legati, Itinelrarsium, A. D. 1175; in the "Chronica Slavonica Helmoldi et Arnoldi Abbatis Lubicensis," ed. Bangart, Lub. 1702. 4. p. 516 sq. Gerhard travelled from Egypt to Damascus by way of Sinai and the east side of the Dead Sea, passing through Bostra. The Itinerary is inserted by Arnold of Libeck in his Chronicle; it is brief and of little importance. * 1182-85. WILLERMUS (GUIL.) TY~ENSIS Historia Rerumn in partibus transmarinis gestarum etc. seu Historia Belli Sacri; printed Basel 1549. ib. 1560. ib. 1583. Also in Bongars' Gesta Dei per Francos, Hanov. 1611. fol. This writer, the chief and most important historian of the crusades, was made archbishop of Tyre in A. D. 1174. He commenced his history in A. D. 1182, (see lib. 1. 3,) and brought it down in twenty-two books from the commencement of the crusades to the raising of the siege of Kerak by Saladin, A. D. 1184. This work contains many valuable topographical notices. 1185. JOANXES PRoas de Locis Sanetis etc. Gr. et Lat. in the Symmilkta of Leo Allatius, Colon. Agr. 1653. 8. Venet. 1733. fol. The Latin version is also printed in the Acta Sanctorum, Maii Tom. II. p. i. Phocas was a Cretan by birth, and lived as a monk in Patmos. He makes no allusion to the crusaders. The above date is that assigned by L. Allatius. * e. 1190. En quel estat la Citez de Jherusalem et ii seins Lieu estoient i ee jour.-This very curious and important tract contains a topographical description of the Holy City, as it was when Saladin wrested it from the Franks in October, 1187; see the first paragraph. The tract was first published in the great work Assises de Jerusalem, edited by Count BEUGNOT, Paris 1843, fol. Tom. II. p. 531 sq. Reprinted in the App. to Schultz Jerusalem, Berlin 1845, p. 107. Williams' Holy City, 1849, Vol. I. App. p. 134. Also in App. II, of this volume, next after the present list of books. * C. 1200. BOHAEDDIN Vita et Res gesta Saladini, Arab. et Lat. ed. A. Schultens; eum Ind. Geograph. Lugd. Bat. 1735. fol. and with a new titlepage, ibid. 1755. Saladin died A. D. 1193. Bohaeddin was his secretary and companion. The Geographical Index of Schultens is valuable for the Arabic topography of Palestine and Syria. C. 1200. GAUFRID (JEFFREY) VINISATUF Iter Hierosolymitanum, Regis Angloreurm Richardi I; in Historie Anglic. Scriptores ed. Gale, Tom. II. p. 247 sq. English in Bohn's Chronicles of the Crusaders, pp. 65-339. 1210. Samuel Bar Simson, Itineraire de Palestine, in Carmoly's Itineraires de la Tere Sainte, Brux. 1847. 1211. WILLEBRANDI AB OLDENBORa Itinerarium, Terra Sanctce, printed in the Symmik7ta of Leo Allatius, Colon. Agr. 1653. 8. Venet. 1733. fol. The author was Canon at Hildesheim. 1217. THETMARI (Magistri) Iter ad Terrain Sanctam, ed. T. Tobler, 1851. -Historia de dispositione Terrce Sancte, ed. 1. M. Laurent, Hamnb. 1852. * C. 1220. JAcoBI DE VITRIAco Historia Hierosolymitana, Duaci (Douay) 1597. 8vo. Also in Bongars' Gesta Dei per Francos, Hanov. 1611. fol. and in Martini et Durand Thesaur. nov. Anecdot. Tom. III. Lut. Par. 1717. The writer, a French priest, became bishop of'Akka, and composed his history about A. D. 1220, after the first capture of Damietta in A. D1219. He died A. D. 1240. See Histoire Lit. de France, T. XVIII. p. 224.

538 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [APP. I. To the twelfth and thirteenth centuries belong also the following Itineraries and Collections, six in number: I. EuGEsIPPus de distantiis Locorum Terrce Sanctce, Gr. et Lat. in the Symmikta of Leo Allatius, Colon. Agr. 1653.8. Venet. 1733. fol. To this tract Allatius has prefixed the date A. D. 1040; but the writer on the third page speaks of the fortress Mons Regalis in Arabia Petraea as having been built up by King Baldwin I. of Jerusalem; and this took place in A. D. 1115. See Will. Tyr. 11. 26. II. EPIPHANII HAGIOPOLITTA Enarratio Syrica, Urbis Sanctae, etc. Gr. et Lat. in the Symmikta of Leo Allatius, as above. The writer was a Syrian monk. The date of the tract is uncertain; but it seems to be later than that of Phocas, and earlier than the destruction of the monasteries on Mount Tabor just after the middle of the thirteenth century. IIT. JOHANNIS WIRZBuRGIENSIS Descriptio Terrce Sanctca, in Pezii Thesaur. Anecdotor. Tom. I. P. III. p. 483. Fabricius places this writer in the early part of the 12th century; Meusel in the 13th. The tract has little value. IV. * Gesta Dei per Francos, etc. (ed. J. Bongars,) llanoviae, 1611. fol. This volume contains, besides the histories of Fulcher, William of Tyre, and Jacob de Vitry, various tracts by cotemporary authors on the history of the crusades, e. g. Raimund de Agiles, Albert Aquensis, Guibert, and others. V.* REINAUD Extraits des Historiens Arabes relatifs aux Guerres des Croisades, Paris, 1829. 8. VI. In Hakluyt's Voyages, Vol. II. Part I, are contained historical notices of many English pilgrims and crusaders to the Holy Land during the same centuries; but they afford no geographical details of any great value. c. 1247. JAcoBI PANTALEONIS Liber de Terra Sancta. This writer, a French priest, became Latin patriarch of Jerusalem in A. D. 1252. The tract here cited is mentioned by Adrichomius, p. 287; but I have found no other notice of it, and cannot learn that it was ever printed. See le Quien Oriens Christ. III. p. 1257. 1258. JACOB DE PARIs Description des Tonmbeaux Sacre's; in Carmoly's Itineraires de la Terre Sainte, Brux. 1847. * c. 1283. BROCARDI (Borcardi, Burchardi) Locorum TeG'rcr Sanctae Descriptio, Venet. 1519. 8vo. Printed also in Sim. Gryncei Novus Orbis Regionum, etc. fol. Basil. 1532. ibid. 1555. Ed. R. Reineccio, Magdeb. 1587. 41 along with the Itinerary of B. de Saligniaco. Ed. J. Clerico, appended to Euseb. et Hieron. Onomasticon, fol. Amst. 1707, after the edition of Gryo namus, and reprinted in Ugolini Thesaur. Tom. VI. A different recension is given by Canisius in Thesaur. Monumentor. Eccl. et Histor. ed. Basnage, Tom. IV.. p. 9. German in Reissbuch des heil. Landes. —This tract of Brocardus appears to have been a favourite in the convents, and was frequently transcribed. Indeed, the monks would seem to have often occupied themselves in writing out this and other like tracts in a different form and style; thus giving, as it were, a new recension of them. There are many manuscripts of Brocardus extant; and even the printed copies exhibit, according to Beckmann, not less than four such recensions. I have myself compared the edi

[APr.I. BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 539 tions of Reineccius, le Clerc, and Canisius; and although the facts and the order of them are in general the same, yet the language is different; while each has many additions and omissions as compared with the rest. Indeed, two different writers of this name have sometimes been assumed, in order to account for this discrepancy; though without sufficient ground. Compare the parallel, though less striking cases, of St. Willibald and St. Bernard above.-In like manner there is great uncertainty as to the date. All editors refer the tract to the thirteenth century; some to the early part, and some to the close; but the weight of authority seems to lean towards the latter period, or about A. D. 1280. Adrichomius assigns the year 1283; p. 287. See Beckmann 1. c. Vol. II. p. 31 sq. Brocardus himself speaks of Mount Tabor as desolated, which took place in A. D. 1263; cap. 6. p. 175.-The edition referred to in the present work is that of le Clerc. * 1300-30. ABurrFEDa Tabula Syriac, Ar'ab. et Lat. ed. J. B. YKhler, Lips. 1766. 4. Also Deseriptio Arabiae, Ar. et Lat. ed. J. Greaves, in Hudson's Geographie vet. Scriptores Minores, Tom. III. Oxon. 1712. 8.-Abulfeda was Emir of Hamah in Syria, and describes the country as an eyewitness. A complete edition of his whole geographical work in the original Arabic, was commenced in Paris in 1837 by Reinaud and Mac Guckin de Slane. * 1314-22. ESTIaORI B. MosE HA-PAROHI, Ehaftho'v a-fer'ach, in Rabbinic. Parchi was a Jewish scholar, born in Provence. He visited Egypt and was at Cairo in 1313; but soon went to Palestine, and settled down in Beisan. Here he spent seven years in exploring the country; two of which were devoted to Galilee. His work was completed in 1322; and contains, besides various other things, a list of places visited by him and many valuable topographical notices. The book was printed at Venice about 1549; and is now very rare. See Zunz in Asher's Benj. of Tud. II. p. 260-263. Most, if not all, of the topographical portions of R. Parchi's work were translated by Zunz, and are given in the same volume, pp. 397-448. This work of Parchi is by far the most important Jewish Itinerary in the Holy Land; and several ancient places, supposed to have been recently first identified, were already recognised by him; e. g. Legio (Lejjhin) as the ancient Megiddo. * 1321. MARLNus SANUTUs Liber Secretorumfidelium Crucis, etc. printed in the' Gesta Dei per Francos,' Tom. II. The author was a noble Venetian; had travelled much in the east, and apparently visited Palestine; and busied himself for many years with a plan for the recovery of that country by the Christians. The third book contains a description of the Holy Land. The year A. D. 1321 was that in which he presented his work to the pope; see p. 1. 1322-56. The Voiage and Travaile of SIn JoHN MAUNDIEVILLE KT. extant in many manuscripts and editions, in English, French, Italian, German and Latin; latest edition Lond. 1839: 8; also in Wright's Early Trayv. in Pal. p. 127 sq. German in Reissbuch des heil. Landes. —Sir John has been usually regarded as a teller of marvellous stories; but having followed his route from Egypt to Jerusalem, I must do him the justice to say, that his stories are not more marvellous than those of most other pilgrims of those days; while his book, thus far, is quite as correct as most modern travels in the same regions, and much more amusing.

540 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [AP. T. 1324-25. Travels of IBN BATUTA, translated from the Arabic by Prof. Lee, Lond. 1829. 4.-The part on Palestine occupies only four pages, pp. 19-22. 1334. ISHAK CHELOD Les chemins de Jerusalem, in Carmoly, Itineraires etc. p. 217 sq. 1336. GULIELMI DE BALDENSEL Hodporicon ad Terram Sanctam, printed in Canisii Thesaur. Monumentor. ed. Basnage, Tom. IV. p. 331. Not without merit. See Beckmann, I. p. 226. * 1336-41. LUDOLPHI (sen PETRI) DE SUCHEM Libellus de Itinere ad Terram Sanctam, Venet. sine anno, 4to. Germans RUDOLF VON SuOrmM, Vron dem gelobten Land und Weg gegen Jherusalem, sine loc. [Augsb.] 1477. 4to. Also in Reissbuch des heil. Landes. Latest and best edition by F. Deycks, Stuttg. 1851. See the Preface by Deycks.-Ludolph (German Rudolf) or Peter was vicar (Kirchherr) at Suchem in the diocese of Paderborn. His journal is written with great simplicity, and has something of the marvellous; but is decidedly the best Itinerary of the fourteenth century. 1346. RUDOLPH DE FRAMEYNSPERG, Itinerarium in Palestinam, ad Montem Sinai, etc. printed in Canisii Thesaur. Monumentor. Eccl. ed. Basnage, T. IV. p. 358.-This tract occupies only two folio pages; and would not be worth mentioning, except for the sake of completeness. c. 1349. STEPHEN of Novgorod, Journey to the Holy Land about A. D. 1349. In the Russian Travels described above under Daniel, A. D. 1125. To the 14th or 15th century belongs apparently the anonymous tract de Locis tHierosolymitanis, Gr. et Lat. in the Symmikta of Leo Allatius, Colon. Agr. 1653. 8. Venet. 1733. fol.-The tract is written almost in modern Greek; and this and the contents show it to be quite late. 1384. Viaggio di LIONARDO DI NIcOLO FEESCOBALDI in Egitto ed in Terra Santa, Roma 1818. 8. 1384. Viaggio al Monte Sinai di SIMONE SIGOLI, Milano 1841. 8. The author travelled with Frescobaldi. 1420, SosIm (Hierodiaconus) Journey to the Holy Land; in the Russian Travels cited above under Daniel, A. D. 1125. 1432-33. BERTRANDON DE LA BROcQUIERE, Travels to Palestine, etc. French in the Memoires de l'Institut, Tom. V. English by T. Johnes, Herford 1807. 8. Also in Wright's Early Trayv. in Pal. p. 283 sq. 1438. ELIAH DE TARRARE, L'amour de Sion, a Jewish Itinerary; in Carmoly, Itineraires etc. p. 324 sq. 1449. STEPH. VON GUMPENBERG (und Andere), iVahrhaftige Beschreybung der Mfeerfarth in das heil. Land, Frankf. 1561. 4. Also in Reissbuch des hell. Landes.-Of little value. 1466. BASILITrs (a merchant of Moscow) Journey to the Holy Land; in the Russian Travels cited under Daniel, A. D. 1125. 1470. JELAL ED-DIN, History of the Temple of Jerusalem. Translated from Arabic M1SS. by Rev. James -Reynolds. Lond. 1836. 8vo. A mass of Muhammedan legends with very slight notices of facts; a work very far inferior in value to that of Mejr ed-Din in 1495.-The name is more correctly Hemal ed-Di),; see von Hammer in the Wiener Jahrbiicher, LXXXI, p. 22 sq.

App. I.] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 541 1476. HANs vo1N M!ERGENTHAL, Reise und ileefahrt Herrrn Albrechts ierzog zu Sachsen in das heil. Land nach Jerusalem, Leipz. 1586. 4. Leyd. 1602. 4. 1479-80. HANS TuaclHEt's Reyssbeschreibung, Augsb. 1482. fol. Nurnb. 1482. 4. ib.: 1483. 4. Augsb. 1486. fol. Frankf. 1561. 4. Also in Reissbuch des heil. Landes. - 1481-83. Voyage van loos-van Ghistele, to Ghend 1557. 4. ib. 1572. 4. Ioost van Ghistele, a Flemish nobleman, travelled to Palestine in 1481-83, accompanied by his chaplain, Ambrose Zeebout. The latter wrote this description of the journey in the old Flemish dialect. * 1483-84. BERNH. DE BREYDEINBACH, Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum ac in Terrain Sanctam, Mogunt. 1486. fol. Spire 1490. fol. ib. 1502. fol. German, Die heiligen Reisen gen Jherusalem, etc. Maynz, 1486. fol. Augsb. 1488. fol. Also in Reissbuch des heil. Landes. Printed likewise in French and Dutch.Breydenbach was dean of the cathedral in Mayence; and travelled to Jerusalem and thence to Mount Sinai with the Count of Solms and several others. This journal has been highly esteemed; but is less exact than that of his cotemporary Felix Fabri. See the next article. * 1483-84. FELIX FABRI (Schmidt): Eigentliche Beschreybung der Hinund Wiederfarth zu dem heil. Land gen Jerusalem, sine loc. 1556. 4. Also in Reissbuch des heil. Landes. Complete edition: F. Fabri Evagatorium in Terrce Sanctae, Arabie, et 3Egypti Peregrinationem, edidit C..D. iHassler, Stuttg. 1843. 8. 3 Bde.-Felix, a Dominican friar and preacher at Ulm, first visited the Holy Land in A. D. 1480. In 1'483 he again went thither in company with Hans Werli von Zimber and others. From Jerusalem to Sinai, this party and that o~fBreydenbach travelled together. On comparing the two accounts, I find that of Fabri to be more full and accurate; and wherever there is a discrepancy, (as at Hebron,) the latter is to be preferred. There is not the slightest ground for the supposition sometimes made, that this work and that of Breydenbach were originally the same. See the preface to the edition of 1556. NOTE. Thus far the list of printed works is nearly, if not quite, complete. At least, no work of any importance is omitted. About this time pilgrimages to the Holy Land, or at least descriptions of them, seem to have become more frequent. Nobles travelled thither with a suite of attendants; and several meagre journals of this kind and at this period are contained in the JReissbuch. Such are the Itineraries of Alexander Palatine of the Rhine, and of John Lewis Count of Nassau, in 1495; and that of Bogislaus X, duke of Pomerania, in 1496.-Henceforward the list comprises only the more importat or popular works. * 1495. MEJn ED-DiN, History of Jerusalem, translated from the Arabic into French by Von Hammer in Fundgruben des Orients, Vol. II. pp. 81, 118, 375. etc. Extracts in English in Williams' Holy City, 1849, Vol. I. App. p. 143 sq. —The author speaks of writing in A. H. 900, i. e. A. D. 1495; see p. 876. This is the fullest Arabic description of the Holy City. 1507-8. MARTI A BAUMGARTEN in Braitenbach Peregrinatio in EgypVOL. II.-46

542 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [APP. L tam, A'rabiam, Palastinazm, et Syriam, Norimb. 1594. 4. English, in Churchill's Coll. of Voyages, Loend. 1704.-Brief, but evidently the remarks of an intelligent observer. 1507-8. GEoRGrc (Prioris Gemnicensis) Ephemeris, sive Diariusm Peregrinationis /Egypti, Montis Sinai, Terrae Sancta et Syric; printed in Pezii Thesaur. Anecdot. T. II. iii. p. 453. 1507-8. ANSELMI Descriptio Terra Sanctce, in Canisii Thesaur. Monumentor. Eccl. ed. Basnage, T. IV. p. 776. The author was a Franciscan monk, of the Minores de Observantia. The tract has little value. 1519. LUDWIG TscanDI von Glarus, Reyss und Pilgeifarth zumL heiligen Grab, St. Gallen 1606. 4. 1522. BARTHOL. DE SALIGNIACO Itinerarium, Hierosolymitanumn et Terrac Sanctce Descriptio, Lugd. Segus. 1526. 4. Also Magdeb. 1587. 4, appended to Brocardus.-The author divides his little work into Tomes instead of Sections. * 1546-49. PIERRE BELON du Mans, Observations de plusieurs singularitez et closes memorables trouvues en Grece, Asie, Judee, Egypte, Arabie, etc. Paris 1553. 8. Ibid. 1555. 8. Augmentez, Paris 1588. 4. Latin, Antv. 1589. 8. English, Loend. 1693. 8. Extracts in German in Paulus' Sammlung der Reisen, etc. Th. I. II. —Belon was an intelligent and accurate observer. 1552-59. BONIFACI a Ragusio Liber de perenni cultu Terrce Sanctae, Venet. 1573. 8.-Bonifacius was a Franciscan, and was Guardian of the Holy Sepulchre for nine years. He also bears the title'episcopus Stagni.' The work is often quoted by Quaresmius; but I have been able to find no other trace of it. See Quaresm. Elucid. T. I. Pref. p. xxxv. Wadding Annal. Minorum, A. D. 1342. LXXII. 1565-66. JoI. HELFFRLaCH, Bericht von der Reise ewsts IVenedig nach Hierusalerm, in Aegypten, auf den Berg Sinai, etc. Leipz. 1581. 4. Also in Reissbuch des heil. Landes. 1565-67. CHnRISTOP. FoiER. ab Haimendorf, Itinerarinm.~gypti, Arabia, Pcalestince, Syria, etc. Norimb. 1620. 4. German, Reisebeschreibung in Aegypten, Arabien, Paldistina, etc. Niirnb. 1646. 4. * 1573-76. LrEoNi. RAUWOLF, Aigentliche Beschreibung der Reyss so er ain die Morgenlinder, fjrnehmlich Syriacm, ITadiiam, etc. selbst vollbracht, 3 Theile, Augsb. 1581. 4. Frankf. 1582. 4. With a fourth or botanical part, Laugingen 1583. 4. Also in Reissbuch des heil. Landes. English, in Ray's Coll. of curious Voyages and Travels, Vol. I. Loend. 1693. 8. ib. 1705. 8.Rauwolf was a physician and botanist; and his journal is one of the most important in the sixteenth century. See Beckmann 1. c. Vol. I. p. 1. Vol. II. p. 170. 1576-81. SALOM. SCHWEIGGRn's Beschreibung der Reiss aus Tiibingen nach Constantinropel und Jerusalem, Niirnb. 1608. 4. ibid. 1614, 1619, 1639, 1664. 4. Also in Reissbuch des heil. Landes, Ed. 2.-Schweigger was a Protestant theologian of Tiibingen. His work affords little information. 1579-84. HANs JAc. BEUMnNG von und zu Buochenbach, Orientalische BReyss in der Turkey etc. benanntlich in Griechenland, Egypten, Arabien, Paldstina, fund Syrien, Strasb. 1612, fol. The author has occasionally copied Rauwolf. The book is now very rare. See Beckmann Vol. I. p 269.

APp. I.] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 543 1583-84. Nic. CHnISTOPn. (Principis) RADZIVIL Jerosolymnitana Peregrinatio, primum a Th. Tretero ex Polonico Sermone in Latinum translate, Brunsberg 1601. fol. Antv. 1614. fol. German, Hierosolymitcanische Reyse und Weggfahrt, Mainz 1602. 4. Also in Reissbuch des hell. Landes, Edit. 2. * 1586. JEAN ZUALLART (Giovanni Zuallardo) II devotissimno Viaggio di Gierusalemme, Roma 1587. 4. ib. 1595. 8. ib. 1597. 8. Afterwards in French by the author, enlarged, Tres devot Voyage dle Jerusalem, etc. Anvers 1608. 4; and with a new title, ib. 1626. 4. German under the title: Joh. Schtwallart's Delicice Hierosolymitance, oder Pilgei:fart in das heil. Land, Coln 1606. 4; also in Reissbuch des heil. Landes, Edit. 2. The Italian and French editions differ considerably. The form of the name (Zuallardo or Zuallart) shows which is referred to.-Zuallart was a Fleming by birth; and made his journey to Jerusalem after having resided at Rome. His book was first printed several times in Italian at Rome; but he afterwards returned to his native country, and published the work anew in French in an improved form at Antwerp. Both the Italian and French editions have quite a number of engravings of objects in and around Jerusalem, apparently from his own drawings; which, though having little merit, became very popular. In the sixth book are collected the prayers, hymns, etc. repeated and chanted by the monks at the various holy places. * To this period belongs the Reyssbuch des heiligen Landes, Frankf. 1584. fol. This is a collection of the Journals of various travellers in the Holy Land, in the German language, either original or translated, made by Sigismund Feyerabend, a bookseller of Frankfort, and hence sometimes known as the Feyerabendsche Sammlung, "Feyerabend's Collection." Of the authors already enumerated the original Reissbuch contains Brocardus, Maundeville, Ludolf von Suchem, Gumpenberg, Tucher, Breydenbach, Felix Fabri, Helffrich, and Rauwolf, besides nine others; in all eighteen.-Another edition, with a second part containing the journals of Schweigger, Radzivil, and Zuallart (Schwallart), somewhat abridged, appeared under the title: Bewahrtes Reissbuch des heiligen Landes, etc. Frankf. 1609. fol. Also with only a new titlepage, Frankf. 1629. Niirnb. 1659. 1589. DE VILLAMONT Voyages [en Italie et en Palestine], Paris 1600. 8. ib. 1604. 8. Arras 1605. 8. Lyon 1606. 8. Paris 1614. 8. c. 1590. PANT. D'AvEYRO Itinerario da Terra Santa et todas suas Particularidades, Lisboa 1593.4. ib. 1600 4. 1596. BERN. AMIco, Tr'attato delle piante e imagine de' sacri edifzi di Terra Santa, disegnati in Jerusalemme, Roma 1609. fol. Firenze 1620 fol.The author was Proeses (vicar) of the Holy Sepulchre in 1596. The work has been chiefly esteemed on account of the plates; which however have very little merit. 1596. GER. DANDIn, Missione Apostolica al Patriarcea e Maroniti del Monte Libano, Cesena 1656. French: Voyage du Mont Liban, traduit de l'Italien diu R. P. Jerome Dandini, par R. S. P. (Richard Simon,) Paris 1675. 18mo. * 1598-99. JOH. COTOVICUS (Kootwyk), Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum et Syriacum, Antv. 1619. 4.-Kootwyk was Doctor of Laws at Utrecht; and

544 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [APP. I. a close and judicious observer. His work is more complete and important than any other of the sixteenth or preceding centuries. Yet he seems to have made considerable use of the Voyage of Zuallart; his engravings, at least, are all exact copies of those contained in that work. He is-very full in respect to the monastic rites and ceremonies; and gives the prayers: and hymns repeated by the monks at the various holy places; but these also seem to have been copied by him from Zuallart's sixth book. 1598-99. DoN AQUILANTE ROCHETTA Peregrinatione di, Terra Santa, etc. Palermo 1630. 4. The plates are from Zuallart. 1609-27. WILL. LITHGOW, Discourse of a Peregrination froma Scotland to the most famous Kingdoms in Europe, Asia, and Africa, Lond. 1632. 4. ibid. 1646. 4. Dutch, Amst. 1652. 4.-Negligent and of little value. * 1610-11. GEORGE SANDYS' Travailes, containing a History of, the Turkish Empire, etc. a Description of the Holy Land, of Jerusalem, etc. with fifty graven Naps and Figures, fol. Lond. 1615, 1621; sixth ed. 1-658, etc. Dutch, Amst. 1654. 4. ib. 1665. 4. Germ. Frankf. 1669. 8.-The author writes with quaint simplicity and undoubted fidelity. The engravings, which refer to Jerusalem and the vicinity, are copied directly from Cotovicus, though ultimately from Zuallart. 1614-26. PIETRO DELLA VALLE Viaggi descritti da lui medesimo in letterefamigliari, 3 Tom. Roma 1650-58. French, Paris 1661. 4. ibid. 1664.4. ibid. 1745. 8. Amst. 1766. 8. etc. English, Lond. 1665. fol. Dutch, Amst. 1664-65. 4. German, Genf 1674. fol. —Easy and superficial. The author was the first to procure for Europe a copy of the Samaritan Pentateuch. c. 1615. HENRY TIMBERLAXE, A true and strange Discourse of the Travels of two English Pilgrims towards Jerusalem, Gaza, Grand Cairo, etc. Lond. 1616. Also in the Harleian Miscellany, Vol. I. p. 327. * 1616-25. FRANCIScI QUARESMII Historica, theologica et moralis Terree Sanctce Elucidatio, 2 Tom. fol. Antv. 1639.-Quaresmius was from Lodi in Italy, and resided in Jerusalem as a member of the Latin convent at two different times. In his address to the reader on the last leaf of the second volume, he tells us that the work was commenced in A.: D. 1616, and completed about 1625, in Jerusalem; comp. Tom. I. p. ix. He then returned to Italy, and endeavoured to get his manuscript printed; but without success. He was now sent out a second time to Jerusalem, as Guardian or " Terrce Sancta Prrcesul et Commissarius apostolicus," and held this office during the years 1627-29. On his subsequent return to Europe, circumstances led him to Flanders, where the printing of his work was begun in 1634, and completed in 1639. He appears afterwards to have become Procurator General of the order of the Franciscans, and their Provincial in the province of Milan. See Morone Terra Santa nuov. illustr. T. II. p. 380, 383 sq.-The work of Quaresmius is very indefinite and interminably prolix. It has very little value in a topographical respect; but is important for the history of the:Catholic establishments in the Holy Land, and as giving the state of the Latin tradition at the time when it was written. 1627. F. ANT. DEL CASTELLO, El devoto Peregrino y Viage de Tierra Santa, Madrid 1656. 4.-The plates are borrowed from Zuallart.

ApLp. I.] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 545 1635-36. GEORG CO1RISTOFF NEITZSCHITZ, Siebenjyhrige Weltbeschauung, [1630-37,] herausgegeben von Ct. Jiger, Bautzen 1666..4. Niirnb. 1673. 4. Magdeb. 1753. 4.-This work has more of pretension than of merit. 1644-47. BElNARDIN SURIUS, Le pieux Pelerin ou Voyage de Jerusalem; Brusselles 1666. 4.-The author was Praeses (Vicar) of the Holy Sepulchre. * 1646-47. BALTH. DE MONCONYS, Journal des Voyages, publi6 par son fils, 3 Tom. Lyon 1665. 4. Paris 1677. 4. ib. 1695. 12mo. 5 Tom. The first volume contains the travels in Egypt, Mount Sinai, Palestine and Syria. The author was a diligent observer, especially in what relates to the arts and sciences among the orientals. * 1651-52. J. DOUBDAN, Le Voyage de la Terre Sainte, Paris 1657. 4. 1661. 4. 1666. 4. The first edition bears only the initials J. D. The second has the name in full. The author was Canon of St. Denis; and his work exhibits learning and research. 1651-58. MARIANO MOBONEo da Maleo, Terra Santa nuovamente illustrata, 2 Parti, Piacenza 1669. 4.-The author was Vicar and acting Guardian of the Holy Sepulchre for seven years, and a particular friend and disciple of Quaresmius; see P. II. p. 381, 383 sq. 1655. IGNATIUS VoN REEINFELDEN, Neue Jerosolynmitanische Pilgeifarth, oder kurze Beschreibung des gelobten heiligen Landes, Constanz 1664. 4. Wiirzb. 1667. 4.-The author was a Capucin friar. 1655-59. JEAN DE THEVENOT, Relation d'un Foyage fait au Levant... et des Singularitez particulie'res de Z'Archipel, Constantinople, Terre Sainte, etc. Rouen et Paris 1665. 4. English, Lond. 1687. —Also, Suite du Voyage du Lerant, Paris 1674. 4. Voyage de l'Indostan, Paris 1684. 4. All reprinted under the title: Voyages tant en Efuro2e, qu'en Asie et Afrique, 5 Tomes, Paris 1689. 8. Amst. 1705. 12mo. ib. 1712. 12. ib. 1727. 8. etc. German, Reisen in Europoa, Asia, und Afrika, Frankf. 1693. 4. English, Travels in the Levant etc. Lond. 1687. fol. —-Thevenot has long had to suffer the imputation of not having himself visited the countries he describes; but of having compiled his work from the accounts of other travellers, both oral and written, and especially those of d'Arvieux. So Moreri Dict. HIistorique Tom. X. p. 138. Paris 1759. This however is now said to be an error, which arose from confounding him with rNicolas A]Ielch. de Thevenot, who about the same time published a collection of Travels by various authors under the title: Relation de divers Voyages curieux etc. 2 Tom. en 4 Part. fol. Paris 1664.' ib. 1672. ib. 1696. See the Biographie Universelle, art. THEVENOT Jean et Melchisedek. Rosenmiiller Bibl. Geogr. I. i. p. 75-77. Meusel Biblioth. Histor. II. i. p. 257. X. ii. p. 171. —D'Arvieux himself bears testimony to the fact of Thevenot's having been in Palestine, and relates his having been captured by a Maltese corsair and brought into Haifa; he speaks too of having afterwards aided Thevenot in his further journeys, and of his death in the east. See d'Arvieux M6moires, Paris 1735, Tom. I. p. 284. Tom. III. p. 849. Comp. Thevenot's Voyages, Amst. 1727. Tom. II. p. 660 sq. * 1658-65. LAUn. D'ARVIEux, Voyage dans la Palestine, vers le Grand Emir, Chef des Arabes du desert connu soius le nom de Bgdouin, etc. fait par ordre du Roi Louis XI-V. Avec la description de l'Arabieo par Abulfeda, traVOL. II.-46*

546 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. CAPr. L duite en Francais par M. de Roque,;Paris 1717. 8. Amst. 1718. 8. German by Rosenmiiller, Die Sitten der Beduinen-Araber, Leipz. 1789. 8. Dutch, Utrecht 1780. 8. English, Lond. 1718. 8. ib. 1723. 8. —D'Arvieux resided as a member of the French factory at Sidon from 1658- to 1665; and died as consul at Aleppo A. D. 1702. His account of the Bedawln is regarded as one of the best. His travels in general, including the above journey, are found in the following work: Mimoires du CHEv. D'ARvIEUX, contenant ses Voyages a Constantinople, dans l'Asie, la Syrie, la Palestine, etc. recueillis de ses originaux, par Labat, Paris 1735. 8. 6 Tomes. German, des Herrn von Arvieux hinterlassene merklwirdige NVachrichten u. s. w. Kopenh. u. Leipz. 1753. 8. 6 Bde. 1666-69. FRANZ FERD. voN TROILO, Orientalische Reisebeschreibung, etc. nach Jerusalem, in Egypten, und auf den Berg Sinai, Dresden 1676. 4. Leipz. u. Frankf. 1717. 8. Dresden u. Leipzig 17833. 8.-The author was a Silesian nobleman, well-meaning, hut credulous. 1672-83. CoRN. DE B3UYN (LE BRJTN), Reyzen door den Levant, etc. Delft 1699. fol. French, Voyage au Levant, etc. Paris 1714. fol. Paris et Rouen 1725. 4. 2 Tom.-The author was a Flemish artist; and the numerous engravings from his drawings constitute the chief merit of his work; although this is not great. He professes to have borrowed freely from Della Valle, Thevenot, Dapper, and others. * 1674. MICH. NAr, Voyage nouveau de la Terre Sainte, Paris 1679. 12. Apparently with only a new title-page, Paris 1702, 1744, 1757.-For the use of this volume I was indebted to the Library of the University of Gottingen. 1684. HMEIs. MYRIKE's Reise von Constantinopel nach Jerusalem unds dem Lande Kanaan; mit Anmerkungen von J. H. Reitz, Osnabr. 1714. 8. Itzstein 1719. 8. ib. 1789. 8. Dutch, Rotterd. 1725.-The author was chaplain of the Dutch embassy at Constantinople. 1688. DE LA ROQUE, Voyage de Syrie et du Mont Liban, 2 Tom. Paris 1722. 12. Amst. 1723. 12. * 1697. HENRY MAUNDRELL, Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter 1697. Oxford 1703. 8. ib. 1707, and often. Also in Wright's Early Trav. in Pal. p. 383 sq. French, Utrecht 1705. 12. Paris 1706. 12. German, Hamb. 1706. 8. ib. 1737. 8; also in Paulus' Sammlung Th. I. Dutch, by Miinterdam, 1705. 8; also in Halma's'Woordenboek van het H. Land,' Franeck. 1717. 4. —Maundrell was chaplain of the English factory at Aleppo. His book is the brief report of a shrewd and keen observer; and still remains perhaps the best work on those parts of the country through which he travelled. His visit to Jerusalem was a hasty one; and he there saw little more than the usual routine of sacred places pointed out by monks. 1697-98. A. MORISON, Relation historique d'un Voyage au Mlont de Sinai et a' Jerusalem, Toul 1704. 4. German, Reisebeschreibung, etc. Hamb. 1704.4. -The author styles himself'Chanoine de Bar-le-Duc.' His work is full; but not to be compared in other respects with that of his cotemporary, Maundrell. * 1'00-28. VAN EGMOND EN HEYmAN, IReizen door een gedeelte van Ewu

App. I.] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 547 ropa.... Syria, Paldstina, -Aegypten, den Berg Sinai, etc. 2 Deelen, Leyd. 1757-8. 4. English, Travels, etc. by Van Egmond and Heyman, 2 vols. Loend. 1759. 8.-John Heyman was Professor of Oriental Languages in the university of Leyden, and travelled in the east from 1700 to 1709. J. E. van Egmond van der Nyenburg was Dutch ambassador at Naples, and travelled in 1720-23. l Many years afterwards, the journals of both were reduced to the form of letters by J. W. Heyman, physician in Leyden; but in such a way that the observations of the two travellers are not distinguished. This work ranks among the best on Palestine. 1722. A Journal from Grand Cairo to Mount Sinai and back again. Translated from a Manuscript written by the [Franciscan] Prefetto -of Egypt, by Ron. CLAYTON, Bishop of'Clogher, Lond. 1753. 4. ib. 1753. 8. Reprinted in Pinkerton's Coll. of Voyages and Travels, Vol. X. Also as an Appendix to Maundrell's Journey, Lond. 1810. German, Tagereise etc. Rbersetzt von Cassel, Hannov. 1754. 8. * 1722. THoMAS SHAW's Travels, or Observations relating to several parts of Barbary and the Levant, Lound. 1738. fol. ib. 1757. 4. Edinb. 1808. 8. Also in Pinkerton's Coll. of Voyages and Travels, Vol. XV. French, Voyages, etc. 2 Tom. La Haye 1743. 4. German, Reisen u. s. w. Leipz. 1765. 4. -Dr Shaw was chaplain of the English factory at Algiers from 1720 to 1732; and travelled in Egypt and Palestine in A. D. 1722. He afterwards became Professor of Greek at Oxford; and died in 1752. His observations are judicious and valuable. 1737-38. JoNAs KORTENS Reise nach dem gelobten Lande, Aegypten, Syrien, und Mesopotamien, Altona 1741. 8. With three Supplements, Halle 1746. 8. With four Suppl. Halle 1751. 8.-Korte was a bookseller at Altona. His work shows him to have been without learning and somewhat credulous. What he saw, he describes with honest simplicity; but he also relates much on hearsay, without distrusting the accuracy of his informers. * 1737-40. RICHARID PococXE's Description of the East and some other Countries, 2 Vols. in 3 Parts, fol. Lond. 1743-48. ibid. 1770. 4. German by Windheim, Erlangen 1754. 4. 3 Bde. Revised by Breger, ibid. 1771. Dutch by Cramer, Utrecht, 1780. French, without the maps and plates, Paris, 1772. 12. 6 Tom.-Pococke was in Palestine in 1738; and died in 1765, as bishop of Meath. He was a classical scholar, but not a good biblical one; and had but a slight knowledge of the Arabic. He is not always a strictly faithful reporter; and the judgment of MAichaelis is correct, that Pococke the eyewitness is to be carefully distinguished fiom Pococke the transcriber of other travellers or of ancient authors. He not unfrequently describes in such a manner, as to leave the impression that he is telling what he himself saw; while a closer inspection shows that he has only drawn from other books. Yet his work is one of the most important on Palestine. See Michaelis Oriental. Biblioth. Th. VIII. S. 111. Rosenmiiller's Bibl. Geogr. I. i. p. 85. The plans and views which accompany this work were obviously made only from recollection, and are wretched. The plans of Sinai and Jerusalem, fbr instance, can hardly be said to have the slightest resemblance to their originals; and only serve to mislead the reader. So too the professed copies of the Sinaitic Inscriptions.

548 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [APP. I. * 1749-53. FnmD. R. ASSELQUIT, Iter PalestiTnum: e~ler Resa til Heliga landet, etc. Stockholm, 1757. 8. German, Reisen nach Paldstina von 1746 bis 1752, herausgegeben von Linnc3us, Rostock, 1762. English, Voyages and Travels in the Levant, etc. Lond. 1766. 8. French, Paris 1769.-The author was a pupil of Linnmus; to whom most of his letters are addressed. He was sent out to make collections in Natural History, and died on his way back at Smyrna. From his reports and papers, Linnueus added an Appendix on the Natural History of Palestine; which is still perhaps the most complete scientific treatise extant on the subject. 1754-55. STEPHAN SCHULZ, Leitungen des tHdchsten auf den Reisen durch Europa, Asia end Africa, etc. Halle, 1771-75. 8. 5 Bde. The Journey in Palestine is found in Vol. V.-Schulz travelled as a missionary to the Jews; and afterwards became pastor at Halle.. His journal is prolix and trivial in the extreme. An abstract (much improved) is given in Paulus' Sammlung, Th. VI, VII. 1760-68. GIov. MARITI, Viaggi per 1' Isola di Cipro e per la Soria e Palestine, etc. Luca e Firenze 1769-71. 8. 5 Tom. French, Neuwied 1791. 8. Tom. I, II. In German, abridged, Altenb. 1777. 8.-The author was a Florentine ecclesiastic, an Abate. * 1761-67. CARSTEN NIEBUHRn, Beschreibung von Arabien, Copenh. 1772. 4. French, Description de l'Arabie, Copenh. 1773. 4. Amst. 1774. 4. Paris 1779. 4.-A larger work is: Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien vund andern umliegenden LDindern, Bd. I. II. Copenh. 1774-8. 4. Bd. III. Hamb. 1837. French, Tom. I. II. Paris, 1776-80. 4. Amst. 1776-80. 4. Berne, 1770. 8. English by Heron, abridged, Travels through Arabia, etc. Lond. 1792. 4. 2 Vols. —Niebuhr is the prince of oriental travellers; exact, judicious, and persevering. His visit to Jerusalem and the Holy Land was brief and hurried; so that he saw little more than what the monks chose to show him. It is contained in the third volume, published nearly sixty years after the other two. His plan of Jerusalem is very imperfect. 1783-85. C. F. VOLNEY, Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, etc. Paris, 1787. 8. 2 Vol. 4th Ed. ibid. 1807. English, Travels, etc. 2 Vols. Lond. 1787. 8. German, 3 Bde. Jena 1788-90. The work is a series of essays, lively and imaginative, yet containing much valuable information. 1792-98. W. G. BROWNE, Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria, etc. Lond. 1799. 4. German, Leipz. u. Gera 1800. 8. 1800-2. EDw. DAN. CLARKE, Travels in various countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa, Lond. 1811, etc. 4to. 5 Vols. 4th Ed. Lond. 1816-18. 8vo. 11 Vols. —Dr Clarke was only seventeen days in Palestine, having landed at'Akka, June 29th, 1801, and embarked again at Yafa, July 15th. His work exhibits diligent research in books; the notes being often worth more than the text; but there is a great lack of sound judgment. Some of the author's extravagant hypotheses and rash assertions have been elsewhere alluded to. See Vol. I, Notes XXVI and XXVIII, at the end. 1802. LT. COL. SQUIRE, Travels through part of the ancient Cole-Syria; in R. Walpole's Travels in various Countries of the East, Lond. 1820, pp. 239352.-Mr W. Hamilton and Lt. Col. Leake were Col. Squire's companionr during this journey.

App. L] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 549 1808-7. ALI BEY, Travels in ~Morocco, Eglypt, Arabia, Syria, etc. Lond. 1816.4. 2 Vols. —The author was a Spaniard named Domingo Badia y Leblich, who travelled as a Muhammedan. He was in Palestine in 1807. See Vol. II. pp. 140, 259. * 1803-10. ULRInH JACOB SEETZEN, Briefe, etc. in Zach's'Monatliche Correspondenz,' scattered through many volumes. The most important letters are in Vol. XVII, XVIII, XXVI, XXVII. A few less important extracts are also contained in the Fundgruben des Orients, Vol. I. pp. 43, 112. II. pp. 275, 474. III. p. 99. Some portions of these letters were translated into English under the title:- "A Brief Account of the countries adjoining the Lake of Tiberias, the Jordan, and Dead Sea," Lond. 1813. 4.-Seetzen was judicious, enterprising, and indefatigable. He died by~poison in Arabia in 1811. What we have hitherto had from him are only occasional and hasty letters. His journals have quite recently been published for the first time: Reisen durch Syrien, Palistina, etc.. 3 Bde, Berlin, 1854-55. The third volume did not come to hand in season to refer to it in this work. These volumes of Travels comprise the daily jottings of Seetzen in his journal, often in pencil; but were never arranged nor written out by him. For his well considered and final judgments, therefore, we must still look to his letters, in the collections above specified. These volumes cover all his journeys, until his arrival in Egypt. Letters describing his researches in Egypt, and his subsequent journey in the peninsula of Mount Sinai, are found in Zach 1. c. Vol. XXVI, XXVII. 1806-7. F. A. DE CIATEAUBRlIAND, Itineraire de Paris a J&rusalem, etc. Paris, 1811. 8. 3 Tomes; and often. English, Travels, etc. Lond. 1811. 8. 2 Vols. German, Leipz. 1812. 8. 3 Bde.-Eloquent and superficial. The references to authorities are for the most part worthless. See above, Vol. I. Note XXVIII, at the end. * 1809-16. JOHN LEWIS BURCKRAIADT, Travels in Syria and thei oly Land, Lond. 1822. 4. German, Reisen in Syrien,- etc. mit Anmerkungen von W. Gesenius, Weimar, 1823-4. 8. 2 Bde.-This work contains all the journeys of Burckhardt in Syria, Palestine, and Mount Sinai. H-is other travels do not belong here. As an oriental traveller, Burckhardt stands in the very highest rank; accurate, judicious, circumspect, persevering. He accomplished very much; yet all this was only preparatory to the great object he had in view, viz. to penetrate into the interior of Africa. He died suddenly in 1817, at Cairo. 1811. J. FAZAXERLEY, Journey from Cairo to Mount Sinai, and return to Cairo; in R. Walpole's Travels in various Countries of the East, Lond. 1820. p. 362.-This journey was made in company with Mr. Galley Knight. 1815. WILLIAM TuRNEn, Journal of ac Tour in the Levant, Lond. 1820. 8. 3 Vols. The account of Palestine is in Vol. II. 1815-16. OTTO Fi. vON RICHTER, Wallfahrten im M-orgenlande, herausgegeben von J. P. G. Ewoers, Berlin 1822. 8.-The narrative is brief; but marks a careful observer. The author died at Smyrna in 1816. 1816. J. S. BUIJKINGHAM, Travels in Palestine, Lond. 1821. 4. ib. 1822.

550 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [APP. I. 8. 2 Vols. —Travels among the'Arab Tribes, etc. Lond. 1825. 4. ib. Ed. 2. 8vo. 2 Vols. —Both together in German, Reisen, etc. Weimar 1827. 8. 2 Bde. 1816-18. ROB. RICHABDSON, M. D. Travels along the AMediterranean arnd parts adjacent, during the years 1816, 17, 18. Lend. 1822. 8. 2 Vols.-Well written, but often inaccurate. 1817. T. R. JOLLIFFE, Letters from Palestine, etc. 2 Vols. Lond. 1819. 8. 3d Edit. Loend. 1822. 8.-German by Bergk, Reise in Paldstina u. s. w. Leipz. 1821. 1817-18. LE COMTE DE FORBir, Voyage dans le Levant en 1817 et 1818. Paris 1819. fol. With splendid plates. Also without plates, Paris 1819. 8. The work has more value for the arts than for science. * 1817-18. IRBY AND MANGLES, Travels in Egypt and Niubia, Syria and Asia AMinor, during the years 1817 and 1818. Printed for private distribution. Lond. 1822. 8. Reprinted Lend. 1847. 12mo. The references are made to both editions. -Well written and full of accurate information. * 1818. TH. LEGH, Excursion from Jerusalem to Wady Misa, in Macmichael's " Journey from Moscow to Constantinople in the years 1817-18." Loud. 1819. 4. Chap. IV. p. 185. Reprinted in the (American) Biblical Repository, Oct. 1833. Vol. III. p. 613. 1818. F. W. SIEBER, Reise von Kairo nach Jerusalem, mit Kupfern, Prag 1823. 8.-Sieber's Plan of Jerusalem was the basis of Berggren's, and thus of Catherwood's. 1820-21. J. M. A. ScaHOLZ Reise in die Gegend zwischen Alexandria und Percetonium,... Egypten, Paldstina, und Syrien, Leipz. u. Sorau 1822. 8.The author was Catholic Professor of Theology at Bonn. His work contains good information relative to the Catholic establishments in Palestine. 1820-21. F. HENMxER, Notes during a visit to Egypt,... AMount Sinai, and Jerusalem, Loend. 1823. 8. Hasty and superficial. 1821. JOHN CARNE, Letters from the East, 2 Vols. 8vo. Lond. 3d. Edit. 1880. Also, Recollections of Travels in the East, 2 Vols. 8vo. Loend. 1830. 1821-22. J. BERGGEREN, Resor i Europa och Oesterliinderne, 3 Delen, Stockholm 1826-28. 8. German, Reisen in Europa und im Miorgenlande, aus dem Schwedischen, 3 Bde. Leipz. u. Darmst. 1828-34. 8. 1823. REV. WM. JOWETT, Christian Researches in Syria and the Holy Land, Lond. 1825. 8. Boston 1826. 12. * 1826-31. ED. ROPPELL, Reisen in Nubien, Kordofan, und dem Petrdiischen Arabien, Frankf. 1829. 8. Also, Reise in Abyssinien, 2 Bde. Frankf. 183840. 8. The latter work includes another excursion to the peninsula of Sinai in 1831, undertaken in order to determine more accurately the elevation of the mountains. See ibid. Vol. I. p. 103. * 1828. LEON DE LABORDEZ, Voyage de l'Arabie Petree, par Laborde et Linant, Paris 1830-34. fol. English, Journey through Arabia Petrcea, etc. Lend. 1836. 8. ib. 1838. 8.-The chief value of the French original consists in its splendid plates; of which the text is for the most part explanatory. The English work is a smaller compilation, containing only a portion of the plates on a reduced scale. 1829. A. PROKESCH (Ritter von Osten), Reise ins heilige Land im Jahre 1829 Wien 1831. 8.

APP. I.] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 551 1830-31. MICHAUD ET POUJOULAT, Correspondence d' Orient en 1830-31. 7 Tom. Paris 1834. 8. 1832-33. ED. HOGG, M. D. Visit to Alexandria, Damascus, and Jerusalem, during the successful campaign of Ibrahim Pasha. 2 Vols. Lond. 1835. 12. 1833. REV. SPENCE HARDY, Notices of the Holy Land, etc. Lond. 1835. 8. 1833. Rev. VERE MONBO, A Summer Ramble in Syria. 2 Vols. Lond. 1830. 8. * 1834. (MARMONT) DuO DiE RAGUSE, Voyage en Hongrie... en Syrie, en Palestine, et en Egypte. 5 Tom. Paris 1837. 8. Bruxelles 1837-39. 12.Valuable chiefly in a political and military respect. 1836. J. L. STEPHENS, Incidents of Travel in Egypt, Arabia, and the Holy Land, by an American. 2 Vols. 12mo. New York 1837. London 1837. Several editions. 1836. REV. C. B. ELLIOTT, Travels in the three great Empires of Austria, Russia, and Turkey, 2 Vols. London 1838. 8.-The Journey in Syria and Palestine is described in the second volume. 1836-38. JOSEPH RUSSEGGER, Reisen in Europa, Asien, und Afrika. Stuttg. 1841-49. 8. 4 Vols. The author travelled mainly as a geologist. His notices of Palestine are contained in the first and fourth volumes. 1837. LORD LINDSAY'S Letters on Egypt, Edom, and the Holy Land. 2 Vols. Lond. 1838. 12. Several editions. 1837. JosEPH SALZBACHEE, Erinnerungen aus meiner Pilgerreise nach Rom und Jerusalem im Jahre 1837. 2 Bde. Wien 1839. 8.-The author is "Domcapitular" or Canon of St. Stephen's Cathedral Vienna. His work contains the latest information as to the Catholic establishments in Palestine. 1837. G. H. voN SCHUBERT, Reise nach den iforgenlande, 3 Bde. Erlangen 1838-40. 8. —One main object of this journey was Natural History. The author is Professor in the University at Munich. * 1838. JOHN BOWRING, Report on the Commercial Statistics of Syria. Presented to both Houses of Parliament. Lond. 1840. fol. Dr Bowring travelled in Egypt and Syria in 1838, as the accredited agent of the British Government, for the purpose of collecting information on the trade and commerce of those countries. The Report contains a large and valuable body of facts. 1842-43. REV. SAMUEL WOLCOTT, Notices of Jerusalem; an Excursion to Hebron and Sebbeh or Miasada; and Journey from Jerusalem northwards to Beirut, etc. In Biblioth. Sacra, 1843, pp. 17-87. 1842-43. REv. GEORGE WILLIAMS, The Holy City, Lond. 1845. 8. Second edition, Lond. 1849. 8. 2 Vols.-Mr Williams stands forth as the champion of all ecclesiastical and other tradition. * 1842-47. ERNST GUSTAV SCHIULTZ, Jerusalem, esine Vorlesung. Berlin 1845.-Alittheilungen iber eine Reise durch Samarien und Galilaa [in 1847]. In Zeitschr. der morgenl. Ges. 1849, III. 46 sq.-Schultz was Prussian consul at Jerusalem, with some interruptions, from 1842 till 1851; in which latter year he died. He was not always an exact observer, and his judgments were sometimes hastily formed; but his bearing was ever kind and gentlemanly.

552 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [APP. I. 1842-52. CoL. CrUtRCHILL, Mount Lebanon, a ten years' Residence, from 1842 to 1853, etc. 3 Vols. Lond. 1853. 8vo. This work has many off hand stories and statements, which are not to be relied upon. The map of Lebanon professes to have been taken from the surveys of the English engineers; but it is full of mistakes. * 1842-53. W. H. BARTLETT, Walks about the City and Environs of Jerusalem [in 1842], Lond. 1844;: also in a second edition enlarged.- The Nile Boat, or Glimpses of the Land of Egypt [in 1845], Lond. 1849.-Forty Days in the -Desert, in the Track of the Israelites [in 1845], Lend. no date.Jerusalem Revisited [in 1853], Lond. 1855. —Mr Bartlett was an uartist; and. the main purpose of his journeys was to obtain artistic illustrations of the places visited. In this respect his works are of high value. His descriptions also are written with taste and good sense. 1843. REv. ELI SMITH, A Visit to Antipatris [in April 1843]. Also: Account of an ancient temple on Mount Lebanon [Deir el-Kiil'ah]. In Bibliotheca Sacra, 1843, pp. 478 sq. 557. * 1843. REV. JOHN WILSON, D. D. Lands of the Bible visited and described, Edinb. 1847. 8. 2 Vols. 1843-45. REV. WM. M. THOMSON, The Sources of the Jordan, etc. as visited in 1843; in Biblioth. Sacra, 1846, pp. 184 sq.-Tour from Beirut through Northern Syria to Aleppo, and back, in 1847; in Biblioth. Sacra, 1849, pp. 1, 243, 447, 663. 1845. W. KRAFFT, Die Topographie Jerusalems, Bonn 1846. * 1845-6. TITus TOBLER, M,. D. visited Jerusalem at this time, and has published the following six works relating to the Holy City and its environs: 1. Bethlehem, St. Gallen 1849. -2. Golgotha, St, Gallen 1851.-3. Die Siloahquelle und der Oelberg, St. Gallen 1852.-4. Denkbldtter aus Jerusalem, St. Gallen 1853.-5. Topographie von Jerusalem und seinen TUmgebungen, 2 Bde. Berlin 1853-54.-6. Beitrag zur medicinischen: Topographie von Jerusalem, Berlin 1855. 1847. H. GADOw, Ein Ausfiug von Jerusalem iber Jericho an den Jordan, das todte 2Leer, und nach Mt2r Siba; in Zeitschr. der morgenl. Ges. 1848, II. pp. 52 sq. —ittheilungen uber die gegenwirtigen TerrainverhAltnisse in und um Jerusalem; ibid. 1849. III. p. 35 sq. * 1848. W. F. LYNCH, Commander, Official Report of the United States' Expedition to explore the Dead Sea and the River Jordan; published at the National Observatory, Washington 1852. 4. Appended is the extensive and valuable geological report of Dr H. J. ANDERSON, Geological Reconnaissance of part of the Holy Land. —This official work was preceded by a more popular one: Narrative of the United States' Eixpedition to the River Jordan and the Dead Sea, Phila. 1849. 8. 1849-50. H. A. DE FOREST, M. D. Notes of a Tour in Mount Lebanon and to the eastern side of Lake H7l"eh; in the Journ. of the Amer. Orient. Soo. Vol. II. p. 237 sq. —Notes on. Ruins in the Bikdci'a and in the Bellad Ba'albelc; ibid. Vol. III. p. 351 sq. 1849-51. A. VON KREMER, Miittel-Syrien und Damascus, Wien 1853. 8vo.-Also, Topographie von Damascus, 2 Th. Wien 1854-55. 4to.-Of little value.

A.r. I.] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 553.: 1850. - Te true Site of Calvary; in the Museum of Classical Literature, 1853. Vol. II. p. 811-476. 1850 -51. F. DEs SAULCY, Voyage autour de la Mer Morte et dans les Terres Bibligues, 2 Vols Paris 1853. 8. -Also English: Narrative of a Journey round the Dead Sea and in the Bible Lands, 2 Vols. Loend. 1853.-The English title, at least, is a misnomer; the author travelled only around the south end of the Dead Sea. My references to this work are all to the English edition. 1851-52. C. W. M. VAN- DE VELDE, Narrative of a Journey through Syria and Palestine, 2 Vols. Edinb. and Lond. 1854. 8. 1852-54, REV. J. L. PORTER, Excursion to the Summit of Hermon; it Biblioth. Sacra, 1854, p. 41 sq.-Excursion to the Lakes east of Damascus, ibid. p. 342 sq.-Excursion from Damascus to Yahbrtd etc. ibid. p. 433 sq. -Notes of a Tour from Damascus to Ba'albek and Hums, ibid. p. 649 sq. From these papers much information has been extracted relative to the environs of Damascus; as also much-was received orally from the author during my visit to the city. To him I was also indebted, in 1852, for a copy of his map of the course of the Barada from its source in Anti-Lebanon.-The substance of the above papers, as also an account of his residence in Damascus, a journey into HaurAn, and other excursions, has been since published by Mr Porter under the title: Five years in Damascus, 2 Vols. Lond. 1855. This work reached me too late to be of service in preparing my own account of that city. 1858. ARTHUR PENRi.YN STANLEY, Sinai and Palestine in connection with/ their History, Lond. 1856. II. WORKS ON THE GEOGRAPHY OF PALESTINE, ETC.1 By writers who had not themselves visited that country. 1. PALESTINE. 1590. CHRIST. ADRICHOMIUS, Theatrum Terrce Sanctce, cum Ta1ulis geograph. Colon. Agr. 1590. fol. ibid. 1593, 1600, 1613,1628, 1682.-The author was a Dutch ecclesiastic, a native of Delft, and died at Cologne in 1585. He follows chiefly Brocardus; but gives at the end of the volume a list of many other authors consulted. 1646.... SAM. BOOHARTI Geographia:Sacra, seu Phaleg et Canaan, Cadomi (Caen) 1646. fol. Franckf. 1674. 4. Lugd. Bat. 1692. fol. ibid. ed. Villemandy, 1707. fol. 1665. NIc. SANsoN, Geographia Sacra ex V. et N. Test. desumta et in Tabulisquatuor concinnata, Paris 1665. Cum Notis Clerici, Lugd. Bat. 1704. fol.-Sanson, a celebrated French geographer, died A. D, 1667. The date here prefixed refers to the time of first publication. VOL. II.-47

554 BOOKS ON PALESTINE. [APP. I1677. OLF. DAPPER'S N2auceurige Beschrijving van gantsch Syrie, en Palestyn of H1eileige Lant, etc. Rotterd. 1677 fol. Amst. 1681. fol. German, Asia, oder Beschreibung des gantzen Syrien und Palestins oder gelobten Landes, Amst. 1681. fol. Niirnb. 1689. fol. A great mass of materials thrown together without judgment. * 1701. CHRISTOPH. CELLARIUS, Notitia Orbis Antiqui seu Geographia Plenior, 2 Tom. 4 to. Lips. 1701-5. Auxit J. C. Schwarz, ib. 1731-32. With new title, ib. 1772-73. Syria and Palestine are contained in the second volume. 1708. ED. WELLS, An HEistorical Geography of the New Test. 2'Vols. Lond. 1708. 8. ib. 1712. 8; several times reprinted. Also, An Historical Geography of the Old Test. 3 Vols. Loend. 1712. 8. etc. Both works in Germ. by Panzer, Niirnb. 1765. 8. 4 Theile. * 1714. HADp. RELAND, Palcestina ex monugnentis veteribus illustrata, Traj. Bat. 1714. 4. Norimb. 1716. 4. Reprinted in Ugolini Thesaur. Antiq. Sacr. T. VI.-This yet remains the standard classic work on Palestine, as far down as to the era of the crusades. A new edition, including the results of modern researches, would be still more valuable. 1758-68. WILL. ALB. BACIIIENE eilige Geographie, etc. 6 Deelen. Utrecht 1758-68. 8. German by G. A. Maas, Historische und Geographische Beschreibung von Palastina, etc. II Th. in 7 Bde. Cleve u. Leipz. 1766-75. 8. * 1785. ANT. FRIEDR. BiiscIING's Erdbeschreibung. Th. V, Paldstina. Arabien, etc. Altona 1785. 8. With a new title-page as Th. XI. Abth. I. Hlamb. 1792.-One of the best treatises on the modern geography of Palestine. 1790. YSBRAND VAN HAMELSVELD, Aardrijkunde des Bijbels etc. Amst. 1790. 8. 6 Deelen. German by Janischb, Biblische Geographie, Hamb. 179396. 8. 3 Bde.-The translation was never completed. 1799. CONRAD MANXERT, Geographie der Griechen uend R]mer. Th. VI. Abth. 1, Arabien, Paldstina, Syrien, Nuiirnb. 1799. 8. Edit. 2. Leipz. 1831. 1817. C. F. KL6DEN Landesk7unde von Paldstina, Berlin 1817. 8. * 1818. CARL RITTER Die Erdikunde etc. Th. II, West-Asien. Berlin 1818. 8. For the second edition see below, 1848-55. * 1820. G. B. WINER, Biblisches Realwoirterbuch, Leipz. 1820. 8. Rewritten, much enlarged, and improved, 3d edition, Leipz. 1847-8. 2 Bde.The geographical articles are written with great care. 1826. E. F. KARL ROSENMt1LLERI, Biblische Geographie, 3 Bde. Leipz. 1823-28. 8. The second volume is occupied with Palestine.-This work appears to have been compiled hastily and without extensive research. * 1835. CARL VON RAUMER, Paldistinca, Leipz. 1835. 8. Third edition, enlarged and much improved, Leipz. 1850.-The work is compiled with great diligence, and forms an excellent Manual. 1841. J. KITTO, Palestine, its Physical and Bible History, 2 Vols. Lold. 1841. 1841. S. MrN Palestine: Description G6ographique, Historique, et Archeologique, Paris 1841. This work was published before the author had access to the Biblical Researches; and, being stereotyped, all later editions remain without change.

ArPP. I.] BOOKS ON PALESTINE. 555 * 1848-55. CARL RITTER, Vergleichende Erdkunde der Sinai-Halbinsel, von PJaldstina usnd Syrien, 4 Bde. Berlin 1848-55. These volumes constitute a part of the second edition of the author's great work: Die Erdkcunde, etc. viz. Th. XIV, XV. i-ii, XVI, XVII. i-ii.-This is a vast storehouse of all that relates to the geography of Palestine and Syria. 2. JERUSALEM. * 1747. J. B. D'ANVILLE, Dissertation sur l'Etendue de l'ancienne Jgruscalem et de son Temple, Paris 1747. 8. Reprinted in the Appendix to Chateaubriand's Itineraire. 1789. J. F. PLESSING, UVeber Golgotha sund Christi Grab, Halle 1789. 1833. JuSTvuS OLSHAUSEN, Zur To0pographie des alten Jerusalem, Kiel 1833. 8. 1838. F. G. CGoME, Jerusalem, in Ersch und Gruber's Encyclopadie, Sect. II. Th. 15. p. 273-321. This is the most complete and valuable essay on the ancient and modern topography of the Holy City. 1847. JAMES FERGusoN, An Essay on the ancient Topography of Jerusaem, Lond. 1847. 1852. FALLMERAYER, Denkschrift fiber Golgotha send das Heilig-Grab, in'Abhandlungen der K. Bayer. Akademie der Wiss." III. Cl. VI. Bd. II. Abth. Published also separately, Miinich 1852. 4to.

APPENDIX II. LA CITEZ DE JHERUSALEM. The following curious and -important tract,- describing the streets and religious establishments of Jerusalem, at the time the city was captured from the Christians by Saladin in A. D.- 1187, was first published as a note by Count Beugnot, in his splendid edition of the Assises de Jerusalem, Tome 11. p. 531 sq. Paris 1843. (This work is also issued as part of -the great collection::Recaueil des Historiens des Croisades; Lois, Tome I, II.) The manuscript is in the Bibliotheque Imperiale, Fonds de Sorbonne, No. 387, fol. 804-S08. Nothing further respecting it has been made known. The first paragraph shows, that the description refers to the time of Saladin's conquest; and the tract was written probably not long after that event. —I have subjoined a few slight notes, by way of explanation. I. Enguel estat la citez de Jherusalem et li seins lieu estoient ce jour. "Pource que li plus des bons Crestiens parolent et houent parler volentiers de la seinte cite de Jherusalem, et des seins lieus oii Jhesu Cris fu mors et vis, nous dirons comment elle aroit au jour que Salhadins et li Sarrazin la conquisent sur les Crestiens. Aucunes gens porent estre qui Ie vodrent ouir; cil a qui il desplaisoit, porent trespasser ce lieu.... "Ii ot en la cite de Jherusalem IIII. maistres portes en crois, l'une endroit l'autre, entre les pourternes. Or les vous nommeray coument elles serient, Laporte David estoit vers soleil couchant et estoit a la droiture des portes Obres,' qui estoit vers soleil levant de derrieres le temple Domini. Cele porte tenoit a la porte David2. Quant on estoit devant cele porte, si tournoit on a main destre, en une rue par devant la tour David. Si poit on aler au mont de Syon par une posterne qui la estoit en cele rue a mein senestre. Ainsi comme on ilsoit hors de la posterne, un moustier monseigneur S. Jaque de Galice,3 qui frere estoit monseigneur S. Jehan evangeliste; la disoit on que S. Jaques ot la teste copee et pource fist on le moustier la. L'a grant rue qui aloit de la tour David droit aux portes Ores. La grant apeloit on la rue David,4 jusqu'au change, a mein senestre. De la tour David avoit une grant 1 This gate, written further on Ores and I Here we have the great Armenian Oires, would seem to be the Golden gate. convent with its church of St. James. 2 For' la porte David,' it should doubt- 4 This' street of David,' is the street less read'la tour David,' as in the next leading down from the Yafa gate as far as sentence. to the angle at the bazars.

APP. IL] LA CITEZ DE JHERUSALEM. 557 place oit on vendoit le ble. Et quant on avoit un pen aval6 cele rue, qui avoit non la rue David, si trouvoit on une rue A mein senestre qui avoit non la rue au Patriarche,' pource que i patriarches manoit au chief de cole rue. Li patriarches avoit une porte de Ia oti on entroit en la maison de l'Ospital. Apres si avoit une porte par oi on entroit ou moustier deu Sepucre, mais n'estoit mie la mistre. Quant on venoit au change lt oh la rue David failloit, si trouvoit on une rue qui avoit non la rue de Mont Syon. Et a l'issue du change trouvoit on une rue couverte A vote qui avoit non la rue des Herbes; 1A vendoit on toutes les herbes, et tous les fruis de la vile, et les espices. Au chief de coele rue avoit 1. lieu oth on vendoit le poisson. Et avoit une grant place A mein senestre, la oh en vendoit les fromages et les poules et les oes. A mein destre de coel marchie estoient ii lit as orfevres surieis. Et si y vendoit on les paumes que ii pomier aportent d'outremer. A mein destre de cel marchie estoient les eschepes des orfevres latins. Au chief des eschopes avoit une abaYe de nonnains, que on apeloit Seinte Marie la Grant. Apres cele abaYe de nonnains trouvoit on une abaYe de moignes noirs, que on apeloit Seinte Marie la Latine. Apres trouvoit on la meison de l'Ospital a mein destre. 11. De ce meisme. "De ia droiture de l'Ospital estoit la mestre porte du sepucre, Devant cele porte du sepucre avoit une moult bele place pavee de marbre. A mein destre de eel Sepulcre avoit 1. moustier que l'on apoelle S. Jaque des Jacopins. A mein destre, devant de cele porte du Sepulcre, avoit 1. degre par oi- en montoit ou mont de Calvaire. La sus, en son le mont, avoit une moult belle chapelle. Et si avoit 1. autre huis en cele chapelle, par oi1 en entroit on moustier du sepuchre, et y avaloit on par uns autres degrez qui la estoient. Tout ainsi c'on entroit ou moustier du Sepulcre, desouz le mont de Calvaire, si estoit Golgatas; a mein destre estoit li clochiers dn sepulcre, et si avoit une chapelle que en apeloit Seinte Trinite. Cele chapelle si estoit mout grans, car on y espousoit toutes les fames de la cite. Et la estoit ii fons oi en baptizoit touz les enfans de la cite. Et cele chapelle si estoit tenant au sepucre, si comme il y avoit une porte de dont on entroit ou moustier; a l'endroiture de cele porte estoit li monumens. En eel endroit, la oh li monumens, estoit li moustiers tons roons, et si estoit ouvres par desure, sanz couuverture. Et dedans cest le monument estoit la pierre dou sepulcrej et ii monumens couvers a voute au chavech de eel monument, ausi com au chief de l'autel par dehors, que l'on apeloit Chavec; la chantoit en chascun jour au point du jour. I1 avoit moult bele place tout entour le monument et toute pav6e, si com en aloit a pourcession tout entour le monument. Apres, vers orient, estoit li cueurs du sepucre, ]A o lIi chanoines chantoient; si estoit ions. Entre le cuer, 1V ot li chanoine estoient et le monument, avoit 1. autel la oh li Grieu chantoient. MIts 1. autre clos avoit entre r; y avoit 1. par ot on aloit de l'un A l'autre. Et en milieu du cuer au chanoines, avoit 1. letrin de marbre, que en a:peloit le compas; lassus list en l'e The'street of the Patriarch' is that kiah and above the Church of the Holy running north just below the pool of Heze- Sepulchre. VOL. II.-47*

558 LA CITEZ DE JHERUSALEIM..[A. I. pistre. A main destre du mestre autel de ce cuer estoit mons de Calvarie. Si que. quant on chantoit messe de la Resurrexion, li diacres, quantil chantoit 1'Evangile, si se tournoit vers le mont de Calvaire quant il disoit Crucifixrum; apres si se tournoit vers le monument- quant il disoit resurrexit,- non: est hic, si monstroit au doit: Ecce locus ubi posuerunt -eum; et-puis si se retournoit an livre si pardisoit son- Evangile. Au cheves dou cuer avoit une porte,:par la oh ii chanoine entroient en leur offecines, a mein destre. - Entre cele porte et mont de Calvaire avoit 1. mout parfont foss6, ou- en avaloit a degrez. La avoit une place que en apeloit Sainte Helaine. - La trouva sainte Helainne la crois et les clous et le: martel -et la,: courone. En cele foss6, ou tens que Jhesu Cris fu en terre, getoit on les cors de larrons qui estoient crucifiez, quand on les despendoit. Et quant on leur coupoit ou poing ou teste, ou en en faisoit aucune justice, on le faisoit ou mont de Calvarie; que on y faisoit les justices et ce que les lois aportoient, et que on gistoit les membres que on jugoit a pardre aus malfaiteurs. Tout ainsi que li chanoine issoient don sepulcre, A mein:senestre estoit leur dortoirs, et a mein- destre li refrotois et tenoit-au mont de Calvarie. Entre ces iI. offices estoit leur clistres et leur preaus. En un lieu du peel avoit une grant ouverture, dont on veoit en la chambre Elaine qui dessous estoit, car autrement n'i veoit on goute. III. De ce meisme. "Le changes estoit tenans a la rue des Herbes, que on apeloit Mal-quis-mat. En cele rue cuisoit on la viande au pelerins, que en vendoit, et si-lavoit on les chiez. Et si aloit on de la rue au sepulcre. Tout avant de cele rue de.Xalquimat, avoit une rue que en apeloit la rue Couverte, la oi en vendoit la draperie; et estoit toute a voute par desure.' Et par cele rue aloit on au sepulere. Cele rue dont aloit du change aus portes Oires, avoit a non la rue du Temple; pour ce l'apeloit on la porte du Temple, que en venoit ainqois au Temple que aux portes Oires. A mein senestre, si com on avaloit cele rue. a aler au Temple, 1'a estoit la Boucherie, la oh en vendoit la char de la boucherie a ceux de la vile. A mein destre avoit une autre rue par la oi on aloit A l'Ospital. Cele rue avoit non aus Alemans. A mein senestre, sur le pont,2 avoit 1. moustier de S. Gile. Au chief de cele rue trouvoit on unes portes que en apeloit portes Precieuses; que Jhesu Cris par ces portes entroit en la cit6 de Jherusalem, quant il ala par terre. Ces portes si estoient en un mur qui estoit entre la cit6 et le mur des portes Oires. IV. De ce meisme. "Entre le mur de la cite et le mur des portes Oires si etoit li Temples. Et si y avoit une grant place qui plus estoit d'une traictie de lone et loe giet d'une pierre de 1e, ain que en veigne au Temple. Cele place si estoit pav6e, dont on apeloit cele place le Pavement. A mein destre, si come en issoit.de ces portes, estoit ii Temples Salemon, 1A oh li frere du temple manoient. A la droiture des portes Precieusses et des portes Oires estoit li moustiers du Temple Domini. Et si estoit en haut, si come il monta aus degrez haus. Et quant on montoit These three streets are the three par- 2 Of this pont nothing further is known. allel streets of the bazar.

Arr.P. II.] LA:CITEZ:DE JHERUSALEM'. 559 ces degrez, si: trouvoit on moult large, et cis pavement aaloit tout entour le monstier du Temple. Li moustiers don Temple estoit tons- rons..Et A mein senestre, d haut pavement:dnTemple, estoit l'offecine de- l'abbe et des chanoines. Et de cele part avoit uns degrez par oi en montoit au Temple, du bas pavement en haut. Devers soleil levant, tenant au mostier du Temple, avoit unne chapelle de monseigneur S. Jaque l'apostre, le menor; pource estoit ilec quant cele chapele que il y fu martiriez, quant li Juis le giterent de sur le Temple aval. Dedans cele chapelle estoit ii lieus oil Jhesu -Cris delivra la pecharresse qui-on menoit martirer, pource qu'ele avoit este prise en avoultere. Au chief de: ce pavement,; par devers-soleil levant, ravaloit en uns degrez a aler ans portez Oires,. Quant on les avoit avalez, si trouvoit l'on une place grant, ains que: en venist aunportes;:1 seoit li autres que Salemons fist. Par ces portes no passoit -nus, ains estoient -murees, et se n'i- passoit nulz que Ii foiz en l'an- que on les-desmuroit; et aloit on a pourcession: le jour de Pasques Flories, pource que Jhesu Cris:y passa A cel jour, et fu recueillis a pourcessions; et lejour de la: feste, Seinte Crois. en stenbrre, pour ce que par ces portes fu raportee la crois en Jherusalem, quant li emperieres de Rome Eracles le conquesta en Perse et par cele porte la remist en la cit6 et [a] la en a pourcession encontre lui. Par ce que on n'issoit mie hors de-la vile par ces portez, yl y avoit une posterne par encoste, que en apeloit la porte de Josaphat. t Par cele posterne issoient ceulz de la cite hers de cele part. Et: cele posterne estoit A mein senestre- des portez Oires, par devers midi.: Y avoloit on du haut pavement du Temple bas, de deont on aloit au Temple Salmon. A mein senestre, si com on aloit du haut pavement en bas, la avoit 1. moustier que on apeloit le Biers. La estoit Ii bers dont Diex fu berchies en s'enfance, si que -en disoit. On moustier dou Temple avoit IIII. portes en crois; la premiere estoit devers souleil couchant; par celi entroient cil de la cite ou Temple; et par celi, devers soleil levant, entroit on en la chapelle, et. si s'enrissoit on ileques aus portes oires. Par la porte devers midi tentroit on ou temple Salemon., Et par la porte devers Aquillon entroit on en l'abaYee. V. De ce rneisme. "Or vons ai devis6 du Temple et dou Sepulcre, cement il seent, et de l'Ospital, et des rues qui estoient des porte de David de ci as portez Oires, l'une endroit l'autre. Cele devers Aquilon avoit non la porte Seinte Estiene. 2 Par cele porte entroient tout li pelerin et tout cil qui par. devers Acre venoit en Jherusalem, et par toute la terre du flunn jusqu'a la mer d'Escalone. I)ehors cele porte, ainsi com on y entroit, a mein destre avoit un moustier de meonseigneur Saint Estienes qui fu lapid6s. Devant ce moustier, A mein senstre, avoit un grant-manson que en apelloit l'Asnerie; la souloient gesir li asne et ii sommier de l'Ospital, pource avoit non l'Asnerie. Ce moustier de S. Estiene abatirent li Crestien de Jherusalem devant ce qu'il fussent assegie, pour ce quo li moustiers estoit pros des murs. L'Asnerie ne fa pas abatue, ains ot puis grant mestier aus pelerins qni par treuage venoient en Jherusalem, quant The present gate of St. Stephen, on 2 Now the gate ot Damascus. the east side of the city.

560 LA CITEZ DE JHERUSALEMo [APP. II. elle estoit as Sarrasins, et que les sarrasins n'es laissoient mie hebergier dedens la cite; pour ce lor [fu] la maison de l'Asnerie gran mestier. A mein destre de la porte de Jherusalem, tenant au murs, devant a la maladrerie, avoit une posterne que on apeloit la posterne S. Ladre. Quant ii sarrasins orrent conquise la cite sur les Crestiens, par la metoient il ens les Crestiens pour aler couvertement au Sepulcre. Car ii sarrasins ne vouloient mie que li Crestien veissent la couvine de la cite; pour ce les metoie on ens par la porte le Patriarche, qui estoit en la rue dou moustier du Sepulcre, ne on ne les metoit mie ens par la mestre porte. Mais sachiez bien de voir que ii Crestien pelerin qui vouloient aler au sepucre et as autres seins lieus, que ii sarrasins en avoient d'eulz granz treus et grans leviers et grans services. Li sarrasins les prisoient bien chascun an xxtm besans. Mais en escomenia apres tons les Crestiens qui logier en donoient, par quois il ne valoit mie tant. Quant on entroit en la cite par la porte de S. Estiene, si trouvoit on Ir. rues, l'une a destre et l'autre a senestre qui aloit a la porte de mont Syon qui estoit endroit midi. Et la porte en mont si estoit a droiture, aloit a une posterne que on apele la Tanerie et aloit droi.t par dessous le pont. Cele rue qui aloit A la porte du Mont Syon, avoit a non la rue Sainte Estiene.I Desci que en venoit as changes des Suriens avoit'a mein destre qui en apeloit la'rue dou Sepucre; 2 la estoit la porte de la Meson dou Sepucre: par 1a entroient ceus du Sepucre en leur meisons et en leur manoirs. Quant en venoit devant ce change, si tournoit en a mein destre une rue couverte a voute, par o-i en aloit au moustier dou Sepucre. En cele rue vendoit Ii Surien leur draperie et si faisoit on les chandeles de cire. Devant ce change vendoit on le poison. A ces changes tenoient les IIr. rues qui tenoient aux autres chanches des Latins. Dont l'une de ces III. rues avoit non rue Couverte. La vendoient li Latin leur draperie; et l'autre rue des Herbes, et la tierce Masquismat. Par la rue des Herbes aloit on en la rue du Mont Syon, dont on aloit A la porte du Mont Syon, et tres copoit on la rue David. Par la rue Couverte aloit on en une rue par le change des Latins; cele rue apeloit on la rue de l'Arc Judas, pour ce que en disoit que Judas s'i pendi: si y avoit 1. arc de pierre. A senestre de cele rue avoit 1. moustier de S. Martin. Et pres de cele porte avoit 1. moustier de S. Pierre. La disoit on que ce fu que Jhesu Cris fist la boue que il mist es eux de celuy qui n'avoit onques veu. Hors de la porte de Mont Syon si trovoit on III. voies. Une vole a mein destre qui aloit A l'abaYe et au moustier de Mont Sion. Et entre l'abaie et les murs de la cit6 avoit 1. grant atre et 1. moustier, en milieu de la voie; a mein senestre si aloit selone les murs de la cite droit au portes Oires et d'ilec avaloit on ou val de Josaphat, et si en aloit en la fontaine de SSyloe. Et de cele porte a mein destre sur cele voie, avoit 1. moustier de S. Pierre en Galiceinte. En tel moustier avoit une parfonde, 1a oi en disoit que S. Pierres se musa, quant il ot Jhesu Cris renoie et il oi le coo chanter, et 1.a ploura il. La voie, a la droiture de cele porte, par devers midi, si aloit par desur le mont, de si que en passalareie si avaloit on le mont et aloit en par cele porte en Bethleem. 1 This is the street leading from the pre- Church of the Holy Sepulchre; forming the sent Damascus gate to the bazars. western portion of the present Via dolo2 Apparently the street leading up from rosa. the preceding one, on the north of the

App. [I.] LA_ CITEZ DE JHERUSALEM. 561 VI. De ce meisme. "Quant on avoit aval1 le mont, si trouvoit en 1. lai en la val6e, qu'en apeloit le lai Germain,' que Germains le fist faire pour recueillir les iaues qui descendoient des montaignes quant il plovoit; et lat abuvroit on les chevaus de la cit6. D'autre part la valke, a mein senestre, pres d'iluec, avoit 1. Carnier que en apeloit (haudemar. La getoit on les pelerins qui mouroient A l'Ospital de Jherusalem. Cele [valee] ou li charniers estoit fu achete des deniers dont Judas vendi la cher Jhesu Grist, si come l'Evangile temoigne. Dehors la porte avoit 1. lai par devers soleil couchant, que on apeloit le loy du Patriarche,2 -l oni on recueilloit les iaues d'iluec entour pour abeurer les chevos. Prds de cele lai avoit un charnier que en apeloit le Charnier du Lyon. II avint j'a, si com en disoit, a 1. jour qui passez estoit, qu'il avoit entre Crestiens et Sarrasins une bataille entre celle charnier et Jherusalem, oui il avoit mout de Crestiens ocis, et que li Sarrasins de la bataille les devoient tous faire lendemain ordoir pour la puor. Tant que il avint que uns lyons vint par nuit, les porta touz en cele fosse, si con en disoit; pour ce l'apeloit on le Charnier du Lyon. Et dessus ce charnier avoit 1. moustier ou en chantoit chascun jour pres d'ileques. A une lieue avoit une abeie de nonnains,3 1a oi en disoit que une des pieces de la vraie croie fu cueillue... VII. De ce meisme.' Or reveing a la porte S. Estienne,' la rue qui aloit A mein senestre, qui aloit a la posterne de la Tanerie. Quant on avoit akl une grant piece de ceste rue a mein senestre, que on apeloit /a rue de Josaphat; 4 quant en avoit 1. pou ale avant, si trovoit en 1. quarrefour d'une voie, dont la voie qui venoit devers senestre au Temple et aloit au Sepucre. Au chief de cele voie avoit une porte par devers le Temple, quo on apeloit portes Doulereuses. 5 A main destre, sur le carfor de cele voie, fu ]i ruisiaus dont l'Evangile temoigne; dont ii disoit que nostre sires le passa quant il fu menez crucifier. En eel endroit avoit un'moustier de S. Jehan l'evangelistre, et si y avoit un grant manoir. Cil manoirs et li moustiers estoit de nonnains de Bethanie; la manoient eles quant il estoit guerre de Sarrasins. Or reveing A la rue de Josaphat. Entre la rue de Josaphat et les murs de la cite, a main senestre, avoit rues, ainsi com a une vile. La manoient li plus de ceulx de Jherusalem, et ces rues apeloit on la Merie. En tel merle avoit un moustier de sainte Marie Madelaine; et prds du moustier avoit une posterne. En ne povoit mie issir de hors au chans, mais entre II. murs en aloit on. A main destre de cele rue de Josaphat avoit un moustier que en apeloit te Repons; 6 1 disoit on que Jhesu Cris se repousa quant on le mena crucifier. Et 1A estoit la prison o-i il fu mis la nuit que il I'ILe lai Germain' appears to be the 5 These'portes doulereuses' correspond Birket Sultan. So Schultz p. 119. to the present Ecce Homo. The name 2 Now the Birket Mamilla, west of the seems to contain the germ of the later city.'Via dolorosa;' which was then obviously 3 Now the convent of the Cross, Deir el- unknown. Musfllabeh.' This name,' le Repons' should read This was the street leading on the'le Repous;' as appears from the next north of the Haram to the former gate of clause. Jehoshaphat, now St. Stephen's.

562 LA CITEZ DE JHERtUSALEM. [APP. IL fu pris en Gessemani. Un pen avant en cele rue avoit este la masson Pilate. A main senestre, devant cele maison, avoit une porte par oi en aloit au Temple. Pres de la porte de Josaphat, a mein senestre, avoit une abaYe de nonnains, si avoit'a non Sainte Anne. Devant cele abeYe avoit une fontaine que en apeloit la Fontaine dessous la pecine. Cele fontaine ne quert point, ains estoit desure. En cele fontaine, au temps de Jhesu Crist, descendoit ii anges et mouvoit li aue, et li premiers malades qui y descendoit apres estoit garis de s'enfermet6. Cele fontaine avoit v. porches ou ii malades gisoient, si con on dit. De la porte de Josaphat si avaloit on en val de Josaphat. Si avoit une aceYe de noirs moigne. En cele abeYe avoit un moustier de madame Sainte Marie. En eel moustier estoit ii sepucres oh ele fu enfouie. Li Sarrasins quant il orent prise la cite abatirent cele abeie et en porterent les pierres A la cite fermer, mais le moustier n'abatirent il mie. Devant ce moustier, au pie dou mont d'Olivet, avoit 1. moustier en une roche que on apelloit Gessemani: i' fa Jhesu Cris pris; d'autre part la voie, si con l'en monte au mont d'Olivet, tant con on giteroit une pierre, avoit 1. moustier que on apeloit S. Sauveur; la Jhesu Cris aourer la nuit qu'il fu pris; et ]a li sueurs de son cors aussi corn sans. Ou val de Josaphat avoit hermites et veveles. Et s'estoit tout contreval, car je ne sai mie nommerjusqu'a de Syloe. Et sur le mont d'Olivet avoit une abeYe de blancs moignes. Pres de cele abeYe, A main destre, avoit une voie qui aloit en Betanie, toute la costiere de la montaigne. Seur le tour de cele voie avoit 1. moustier qui avoit a non Sainte Patenostre; la disoit on que Jhesu Cris fist la patenostre et l'enseigna a ses apoutres. Pres d'iluec fu li figuiers que Diex maudist quant il aloit en Jherusalem, entre le moustier qui avoit non Belfage. La vint Jhesus Cris le jour de Pasques Flories, et le jor envoia il en Jherusalem Ir. disciples pour une asnesse et d'iluec ala en Jherusalem sur l'asnesse.-Or vous ai dit et nom6 les abeYs et les moustiers de Jherusalem, par dehors Jherusalem et par dedens et les rues des Latins; mais je ne vous ai mie nomme les abeYes et les moustiers des Suriens, ne des Grejois, ne des Jacobins, ne des Boanins, ne des Nestorins, ne des Hermites, ne des autres manieres des gens qui n'estoient mie obeissant a Rome, dont il y avoit moustiers et abeies en la cit6: pour ce ne vous veil mie parler de toutes ces gens que je ici nomme, qui n'estoient mie obeissant a Romme, si con en disoit2'

ITINERARY. I. FROM CAIRO TO SUEZ. (SEC. II.) THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 470 10 a. m. 590 WITH CAMELS. 2 p. 65~ Sunset, 620 General rate of Travel, 2 G. M. the Hour. Sunset, 62~ Cloudy; then clear. Wind N. E. cold. Monzday, March 12th. Thursday, March 15th. From Cairo, Bab'en-Niisr.-General Course East. H. From W. Seil Abu Zeid,. 1. KAid Beg, 30. W. Emshash, E. by S. 2 05 2. Wady Liblbeh, 3 2. el-Muntila', E. by S. 1 05 Total 235 5. Suweis (Suez), S. E. 1 Total 9 45 Tuesday, March 13th. THEBMOM. F. Sunrise, 44~ From W. en-Nehedein.-General 10 a. m. 62~ Course East. 2 p. m. 710 1. Jurf el-Mukawa, 1 15 Sunset, 660 2. W. Abu Hailezon, 35 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. E. 3. W. Ansfry, 2 20 4. W. el-'Ankebiyeh er-Reiykneh, 1 25 Whole distance from Cairo to Suez, 321 5. W. el-'Ankeblyeh el-'Atesha.neh, 1 hurs 6. W. el-'Eshrah, 30 7. W. el-Furn, 30 8. el-Mawalih, 2 35 OTHER ROUTES FROM THE VALLEY OF Total 10 10 THE NILE TO SUEZ. 1. Ras el-Widy. 2. Abu Za'bel. THIERMOM. F. 10 a. im. 590. SUk et-Tell. el-Muntiila'. 7 p.m. 570 Rejfim el-Khail.'Ajrud, Wind N. N. E. cold. Clear. Suez. etc. 3. Cairo. 4. Cairo. Wednesday, March 14th. Birket el-Haj. el-Beshtin. Wednesday, March 14th. Dar el-Hiimra. Gandali. From el-Mawillih. —General Course W. Hufeirv, W. Seil Abu Zeid, East. etc. etc. 1. W. Jendal, 2 40 2. W. Athileh, 1 5. Cairo. 6. Tibbin. 3. W. Hufeiry, 2 55 el-Beshtin. W. Tawarik, 4. Rejium esh-ShawAghirlyeh, 1 15 Gandali. etc. 5. W. Seil Abu Zeid, 1 55 W. Tawarik. i'dheib. Total 9 45 Suez.

564 ITINERARY. I. FROM SUEZ TO MOUNT SINAI. n. m (SEC. III.) 5. W. Ghirfindel, S. S. E. 1 6. Encampment in do. S. W. 30 WITH CAMELS. Total 10 45 THiERMOM. F. Sunrise, 490 Friday, March 16th 10 a. m. 67 From Suez. 2r.. 2p. m. 720 1. Mounds of ancient Sunset, 680 Canal, N. i E. 1 35 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. 2. Point at N. E. corner of Bay, E. S. E. 25 3. Point opposite Suez, S. by E. 1 35 4. Encampment, S. by E. 35 Tuesday, March 20th. - From W. Ghuirindel, Total 4 10 1. Wady Useit, -..S. E. 2 15 From Suez direct about 1 30 2. W. Thal, S. E. by S. 2 20 3. W. Shubeikeh, S. 1 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 480 at Suez. W. et-Taiyibeh, head,...S. $0 3 10 a. m. 650 5. Sarbut el-Jemel, (S. 2 p.m. 750 E. cor.) - E. S.E. 3 10 Sunset, 700 6. Encampment in W. Clear and pleasant. Wind N. Humr. E. by N. 1 45 Total 11 Saturday, March 11th. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 590 From Encampment.-General Course 10 a. m. 760 from S. by E. to S. S. E. 2 p. m. 790 1.'Ayfin Musa, 2 10 Sunset, 760 2. W. er-Reiyhneh, 1 05 Clear and warm. Wind N. W. 3. W. el-Kirdhiyeh, 2 light; at evening strong. 4. W. el-Ahtha, 1 30 5. W. Siidr, middle, 3 05 Total 9 50. Wednesday, Marclh 21st. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 520 From Encampment, 10 a. m. 68~ 1. Head of W. Humr, S.E. 1, 2 40 2 p.m. 740. Sunset, 690 2. Top of ascent, S.E. by E. 20 SunWind N. E69 3. Debbet er-Ramleh, E.S.E. 1 25 Clear and pleasant. 4Wind N.E. 4. Point in the plain, E. S. E. 30 5. Wady Suwuk; foot of SirAbit el KhAdim, S. 2 15 Sunday, March 18th. 6. W.el-Khumleh,(Encamp.)S.E. 1 Remained encamped in Wady Sudr. Totl 8 10 THERmOM. F. Sunrise, 52~ Clear and pleasant. Wind N. E. strong. Mondavy, March 19th. From W. Siidr, ar 1. Wady Wardan, S. by E. 3 15 2. W. el-'Amarah, S. S. E. 3 30 From Encampment, 3.'Ain Hawarah, S. S. E. 2 1. Angle of W. Kh5mlleh, S. E. 1 30 4. Nukeia' el-Ffil, S. S. E. 30 2. W. Seih, open place, S. E. I

ITINERARY. 565 H. 3M. Tuesday, March 27th. 3. Head ofW.el-Birk, S. bE 2 80 2 45 THEm. F. Sunrise, 470 at el-Arba'in. 4. S. E. 15 430 in shade, top of St. 4. W..'kir2, S.S. E. 25 10 a. Ma. 480 in sun, Catharine.* 5. W. Kineh, mouth, S. E. by S. 85 Clear. Wind N. W. cold and piercing. 6. el-Lebweh, pass or plain, S. E. by S. 2 7. W. BerAh, Encamp- Wednesday, March 28th. ment, S. E. by S. 1 At the Convent. Total 9 15 TEmMoxr. F. Sunrise, 470 10 a. m. 64~ THRmOaM. F. Sunrise, 540 2 p. m. 620 10 a. m. 68c' Sunset, 580 2 p. mva. 69Clear. Wind N. W, 2 p. m. 694~ Clear and pleasant. Wind N. E. Friday, March 23& IIHI. FROM MOUNT SINAI TO'AKAFrom Encampment, BAH. (SEC. IV.) 1. Wady el-Akhdar, S. S. E. j E. 1 20 WITH CAMELS. 2. W. esh-Sheikh, IS. S. E. WITH CMELS. 3. eI-'05rf, S. E. by S. 2 3. W.SolArf, S. S. E 1 30 Thursday, March 29th. 5. Niikb Htwy, bottom, S. E. 1 From the Convent, H. M. 6. Niikb Ha'wy, top, S. by E. 1 1. Wady esh-Sheikh,N.N.W. ~ W. 25 7. Convent, S. E. by S. 2 2. W. es-Seb'iyeh, mouth, E. N. E. 50 Total 9 50 3. Tomb of Sheikh SAlih, N. N.E. 1 15 4. Encampment in W. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 48~ es-Suweiriyeh, N. E. by N. 40 10 a. m. 720 2 p. m. 730 Total 3 10 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W.. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 490 At Whole distance from Suez to the Convent, 10 a. m. 65~ 63 hours. 2 p. m. 660 Sunset, 60~ Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. Saturday and Sunday, MAarch 24th and 25th. Friday, March 30th. At the Convent. From Encampment, March 24th. 1. Top of Pass, (water-shed), Tm oM.oM. F. Sunrise, 560 N. E. by E. 45 10 a. m. 63~ 2. Wady el-'Orffn, E. by S. 30 2 p. m, 650 3. Jebel Fera', (entrance) E. 1 20 4. Wady Sa'l, plain, gen. E. 5 30 Sunarch 25th. 5.'Ojrat el-Ffiras, (ridge) N. E. 1 Sunrise,' 50 6. Encampment in branch 2 p. m. 670 of W. Mfirrah, N.E. 30 Sunset, 65~ Both days clear. Wind N. W. Total 9 35 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 38~ Monday, March 26th. 10 a.m. 72 2 p. m, 760 THER. F. Sunrise, 56~ at Convent. Clear. Sun very oppressive in Wady 10- a. m. 60~ Top of Sinai. Sa'l. Wind in the morning N. E., after2 p. m. 65~ Horeb, Basin. wards S. W. Sunset, 650 el-Arba'in. Clear. WSind N. W. 6eAt I pi. m * The Thermometer rose at first in the sun to sClear. Wo in ad N. W. At 1 p. m. a 520 Farenh. but sunk to 48~0 on being exposed to slight shower on Sinai and Horeb. the wind. VOL. II.-48

566 ITINERARY. Saturday, March 31st. i. From Encampment, 34. *5. End of et-Tih, 1 1. Wady Muirrahl, N. E. 2j5 6. Wady el-Mukubbeleh, 30 2. el-Burka', E. N. E. 40 7. Wady el-Huweimirat, 1 3. Ridhan esh-Shikh'a,Encamped. (end) N. E. 1 20 4. W. el-Ajeibeh, E. N. E. 1 15 5.'Ain el-~Hidhera, \General Course of the coast, N. N. E. (opposite) E. by N. 1 40.THERMO-n. F. Sunrise, 64~ 6. Wady Gh1zll )eh, 10 a. m. 68 head, gen. E. N. E. 1 15 2 a. m. 790 7. Wady er-Ruweihibl- Sunset, 760 yeh, Encamp. gen. N. E. 1 Clear and fine. Wind N. E. Total 7 35 strong. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 58~ 10 a. m. 800 Wednesday, April 4th. 2 p. m. 770 From Encampment, Sunset, 730 1. Wady el-HuweimirAt, 1 Clear and sultry. Wind S. S. E. (northern,) 2. Wady Merakh, mouth, 1 55 3. W. el-Kuireiyeh, or el-KfHrey, 45 Sunday, April 1st. 4 W. el-MezTrk, 30 5. W. T~ba', (fountain) 45 Remained encamped. 6. Ras el-Musry, (point) 45 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 62~ 7. N. W. corner of Gulf, 2 10 a.'m. 840 8. Castle of'Akabah, S. E. 1 20 Clear and cloudy alternately. Wind S. W. Total 9 General Course of -the western Monday, April 2d. coast N. E. From Encampment, TIERMOM. F. Sunrise, 620 1. Wady running N.E. N.E. by E. 55 T 10 a. m. 760 2. Wady running S. E. N. E. 50 Sunset, 740 3. A sde Wady esSghy, S. E. 45 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. E. 4. A side Wady, N. N. E. 1 40 strono, 5. Head of Wady es-Sa'deh, S. E. 40 tro 6. en-Nuweibi'a, fountain, gen. E. N. E. 1 55 Whole distance from the Convent to 7. el-Wasit, 1 15'Akabah, 50i hours. 8. Nuweibi'a of the Terabin, 45 9. Encampment, 45 Total 9 30 General Course along the coast, N. N. E. IV. FROM'AKABAH TO JERUSALEM. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 63~ (SEC. V.) 10 a. m. 690. m. WITH CAMELS. 2 p.m. 76~ Sunset, 740 ThWursday, April 5th. Clear and cloudy alternately. Wind N. E. strong. From the Castle of'Akabah, 1. Foot of W. Mountain, N. W. 1 25 2. Encampment, W. N. W. 1 20 Tuesday, April 3d. Total 2 45 From Encampment, 1. MbrbUit Ka'id el-WYAsileh, 1 45 THERMOM. F. 10 a. m. 700 2. Ras el-Burka', 2 45 2 p. m. 740 3. Abu Suweirah, 1 30 Sunset, 600 4. Wady el-Muhash, 3 Clear. Wind N. E. strong.

ITINERARY. 567 Friday, April 6th.- H. x From Encampment, 3.a. 3.. Abu Tin,. N.W. 2 40 1. Wady el-Musry, W. N. W. 4. W.el-nhirNizeh, N.N.W. 40 2. Gate ofPass, N. WW 15 5.. W.'Arif en-Nkah, N. N. W. 1 3. Ras en-N-ikb, W. N. 1 30 6. Ridge W. of Jebel 4. Mufarik et-Turk,'Araif, N. N. W. 30 (fork,) W. N. W~'. 55 7. Plain of W. el-Mayein, x 5. el-HumeirawAt N. W. 1 35- N. side. Encamp. N. 1 30 6. Wady el-Khumileh, N. N.W. 1 10 7. W. el-'Adhbeh. Encamp. N. N. W. 2 50 Tcamp. N.N.W. 2 T MOM. F. Sunrise, 38~ Total 9 10 a. m. 650 2 p. m. 720 THEERO1M.0 F. Sunrise, 56~ Sunset, 680 10 a. m. 56~ Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. 2p.m. 620 Sunset, 56~ Clear and cold. Wind N. and strong. Tuesday, April 10th. From Encampment, Saturday, April'qth. 1. Wady el-Lussan, N. by W. 50 P~rom Encampment, - 2. W. el-Muzeiri'ah, 1. Top of low ridge, N. N. W. 45 (bed), N. by W. 40 2. W. el-Ghaidherah, N. by W. 2 35 3. el-Jerur, N. byW. 1 45 3. Ghudhir, (Pool), N. by W. 1 45 4. Gap in a ridge, N. by W. 1 30 4. Wady el-Jerfeh, N. by W. 1 30 5. W. el-JAifeh, N. N. E. 1 20 5. W. el-Ghubey, N. by W. 1 30 6. W. el-Kfisaimeh, 6. W. Beitlihut, N. by W. 30 (wells,) N. N. E. 2 30 7. W. Ghitldhalhidh. 7. W. el-'Ain, (bed,) N. N. E. 1 10 Encamp. N. by W. 1 15 8. Encampment, N. N. E. 25 Total 9 50 1 Total 10 10 TxmnaroM. F. Sunrise, 390 THIERiMOM. F. Sunrise, 640 10 a.m. 610 10 a. m. 71 2 p. m. 560 2 p. m. 730 Sunset, 530 Hazy. Wind S. E. till 9 a. m. Clear and cloudy alternately.- then N. W. Wind S. W., at evening N. W. A smart shower at 2. o'clock, and other showers round about. _Wednesday, April 11th. From Encampment, Sunday, April 8th. 1. Wady es-SerUm, Remained:encamped.. head, N. E. by N. 1 30 2. Wady es-SerUm, THJERMOM. F. Sunrise, 35~ plain, N. E. by N. 45 10 a. m. 60~ 3.'Abdeh, or el-'Aujeh, N. 1 30 2 p. m. 630 4. Junction of road, N. E. by E. 1 30 Sunset, 590 5. W. el-Abyad, and Clear. Wind W. strong. The Sheikh el-Amry, N.E. byN. 45 coldest morning. 6. W. en-Nehlyeh, N. E. by N. 1 30 7. W. er-Ruhaibeh, N. E. by N. 1 15 Total 8 45 Mfonday, Alpril 9thb. (N. B. For other Routes from the From Encampment, - Convent of Mount Sinai to Ruhai- 1. W. el-Haikibeh, N. by W. 2 15 beh and Gaza, see Note XXIV, at 2. W. el-Kureiyeh, N. by W. 2 10 the end of Vol. I

568 ITINERARY. H. m. Whole distance from'Akabah to Jerusalem, THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 66~ 80 hours. 12 m. 88~ 2 p.m. 76~ Sunset, 66~ Wind N. E. About 11 a. m. S.A'violent Simoom till 5 p. m. with thick haze; then N. W.. FROM JERUSALEM TO BETHEL, X * thick haze; thenN.WETC. (SEC. IX.) WUITH HORSES. Thursday, April 12th. From Ruhaibeh, General rate of Travel, 2.4 G. M. or 3 Rom. 1. W. el-Kfirn, el-Khui- M. the Hour. lasah, gen. N. E. 2 50 2. W. el-Khiza'y, N. N. E. 1 30 3. W. el-Mfrtiibeh, N. N. E. 1 10 4. Bir es-Seba', Beer- From Jerusalem, N. E. corner, l I. sheba, N. N. E. 2 50 1. Ridge N. of Mount 5. Encampment, N. E. 1 of Olives, N. 250 E. 25 - 2.'Anata, (Anathoth) N. E. 50 Total 9 20 3. el-Hizmeh, N. 20~ E. 40 THERMOxM F. Sunrise, 600 4. Jeba', (Geba) N. 40 10 a. im. 72~ 5. Mfikhmas, (Michmash) N. E. 50 2 p. m. 730 6. Deir Duwan, N. by W. 30 1 05 Sunset, N. 10~ E. 85 Sunset, 660 7. et-Taiyibeh, N. N.E. 1 50 Clear and pleasant. Wind S. W. then N. W. Total 6 20 Total 6 20 Friday, April 13th. From Encampment, auray, 1. Entrance of Moun- From Taiyibeh, tains, N. E. by E. 3 20 1. Beit n, (Bethel) W. S. W. 2 2. edh-Dhoherlyeh, N. E. by E. 2 50 2. el-Bireh, (Beeroth) S. 48~ Wo 45 - 3. Rim-Allah, W. 20 Total 6 10 4. el-Jib, (Gibeon) S. byW. - W. 1 15 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 500 5. Neby Samwil, THERM.10 F a. S em. 68~0.(Mizpeh) S. 210 W. 30 2 pa. m. 660 6. Jerusalem, Damasc. Clear and pleasant. Wind S. W. Gate, 6.350 E. 1 5 Total 6 40 Saturday, April 14th. From edh-Dhoheriyeh, 1. el-Khiilil, Hebron, N. E. by E. 5 2. Ramet el-Khilil, 1 3. ed-Dirweh, 1 VII. FROM JERUSALEM TO'AIN 4.- KAfin, 1 JIDY, THE DEAD SEA, JORDAN, 5. el-Burak, (Solomon's Pools) 2 30 ETC. (SEC. X.) 6. Rachel's Tomb, 1 10 WITH HORSES. 7. MaIr Elyas, (Convent) 30 8. el-Kuds, Jerusalem, (Gate) 1 05 --— _ Tuesday, May 8th. Total 13 15 Total 13 From Jerusalem, Yafa Gate, General Course from -Hebron to 1 M YSals - S5V Jerusalem, between N. E. by N. and 1. Mr Elyls S. 250 W. 1 ~~~N. N. E. ~2. Rachel's Tomb, S. W. by S. 30 3. Beit Lahm, BethTHERnmOM. F. Sunrise, 420 lehem, S. 5~ E. 25 10 a. m. 61~ 4. el-Burak, Solomon's Clear and cold. Wind N. E. strong. Pools,, S. W.? 1 05

ITINERARY. 569 5. el-Fureidis, (Frank H. r. Saturday, May 12th. Mountain,) Base, E. S. E.? 1 50 6, Tents of the Ta'ami- From Encampment, rah, W. S. W. 40 1 Wady Ras el-Ghu- x N. weir, gen. N. N. E. 1 05 Total 5 30 2. Wady er-Rahib, or en-NAr, gen. N. N. E. 2 25 3. Ris el-Feshkhah, N. E. by E. 15 Wednesday, May 9th. 4.'Ain el-Feshkhah, N. E. by E. 40 5.'Ain Jehair, N. E. by E. 2 10 From Encampment, 6. el-Helu, (Ford of 1. Tekfi'a, (Tekoa) S. 50 E. 25 Jordan) about E. N. E. 1 10 2. Bir ez-Za'feraneh, S. 350 W. 1 40 7.'Ain Hajla, (Beth ) ) S. 700 W. 1 15 - Hoglah) N. W. ~ N. 55 3.. Beni Na'inm, 0S. 30 2 45 8. Kfisr Hajla, S. W. by W. 20 )S. 500 E. 1 9. Eriha, (Jericho) N, 38 W. 1 15 4. Zf, W. side of Tell, S. W. S. 1 15 5. Kurmul, (Carmel) S. ~ W. 1 15 Total 10 15 6. Ma'in, (Maon) S. i W. 25 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 700 Total 7 45 10 a. m. 840 Sunset, 780 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 500 Clear and hot. Wind East; in 2 p. m. 670 the afternoon S. Clear and cool. Wind W. Sunday, May 13th. Thursday, May 10th. Remained at Jericho. From Carmel, 1. Bir Selhib, E. g S. 4 10 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 700 2. Wady el-Ghar, bottom, E. i S. 40 10 a. m. 860 3. Nukb'Ain Jidy, (Pass) E. ~ S. 1 50 2 p. m. 910 4.'Ain Jidy, (En-gedi) E. S. E. 45 Sunset, 76~ Encamp. Clear and hot. Wind South; in 5. Shore of Dead Sea, E. S. E. 25 the afternoon W. Total 7 50 Monday, May 14th. THERMmOM. F. Sunrise, 51~ From Jericho, 2 p. m. 820 1.'Ain es-Sultan, diSunset, 800 rect, N. 350 W. 35 Clear and pleasant. Wind East; at 2. Ridge above Sugar evening W. Mills, N. 600 W. 15 3.'Ain Dufk, about N. N. W..50 4. Top of Pass, W. 45 Friday, May 11th. 5. High ridge, S. W. by S. 40 From Head of the Pass, 6. Arab cemetery, S. W. by W. 1 1. Wady Sudeir, 50 7 DeirDuwn, N 1 3 05 2. Wady Hisasah, 2 30 N.. 1 20 3. Wady Derejeh, (Khiireitfin) 50 8. Beitin, (Bethel) abt. N. W. by W. 1 4. Wady et-Ta'amirah, 35 5. Cliff over'Ain Terabeh,.:. 1 05 Total 8 10 Total 5 50 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 640 General Course all day about Sunset, 580 N. N. E. parallel to the shore. Clear and pleasant. Wind W. TmmoM. F. Sunrise, 680 T 2 p. m. 850 Tuesday, May 15th. Sunset, 78~ From Beitin, Clear and warm. Wind East; 1. el-Bireb, (Founin the afternoon North. tain) S. W. W. VOL. II. —48.*

$70 ITINERARY. a.M.. O.~ 2.'Atara, ruins, S. - E. 40 THEinMOM. F. Sunrise, 620 3. er-Ram, (Ramah) S. by E. j E. 45 2 p. m. 780 4. Tuleil el-FI1, S. 10~ W. 50 Sunset, 680 5. Sha'fat, (opposite) S. i W. 15 Clear and pleasant. Wind W. 6. Scopus, brow, S. i W. 20 7. Jerusalem, Damascus Gate, S. m W. 25 Saturday, May 19th. Total 4 15 From Tell es-Sifieh, 1. Summeil, S. 50~ W. - 1 20 THFERMOM. F. Sunrise, 48~ - 2. KurAftlyeh, S. 80~ W. 1 20 2 pSunse m 760 3 Bureir, 55 W. 90 2 15 Sunset, 710 S. 480 W. 45 Clear and warm. Wind W. 4. Beit Hfinun, S. 80~ W. 2 05 5. Ghuzzeh (Gaza), S. 80 W. 55 1 25 S.W. 30 Total 8 25 VII. FROM JERUSALEM TO GAZA HERMO F. Sunrise, 630 AND HEBRON. (SEC. XI.) 10 a. m. 820 2 p. m. 800 Sunset, 730 Clear, pleasant, warm. Wind S. Thursday, May 17th. W. At evening N.- W. From Jerusalem, H. M. 1. Mar Elyas, S. 25~ W. 1 2. Rachel's Tomb, S. W. by S. 35 Sunday, May 20th. 3. Beit JMla, W. by S. 30 4. Height N. W. of Beit Jhla, about N. W. 15 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 71~ 5. High point W. of 10 a. m. 750 W. Bittir abt. W. by N. 40 Sunset, 700 6. Beit Atab, N. 630 W. 2 30 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. 7. Ruined Khan, S. 17~ W. 1 Afternoon S. W. 8. Beit Nettif, S. 85~ W. 1 30 Total 8 Monday,.ay 21st, THEIRMOM. F. Sunrise, 680 From Gaza, 10 a. m. 760 N. 30 Sunset, 63~ 1. Hj, E. 80 2 35 Clear and pleasant. Wind W. E. byN. 45 2. Bureir, N. 200 E. 1 20 Total 3 55 Friday, May 18th. From lBeit Nettif, THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 64~ 1. Ridge W. of S. W. 20 15 10a. m. 75 Wady es-Suimt, W. by N. 55 Sunset, 64~ 2. Well in valley, W. by N. 30 Wind S. W. Afternoon N. W. 3. Deir DubbAn, Caverns, 35 4. Kudna, 50 5. Beit Jibriln (Eleutheropolis) 1 05 Tuesday, May 22d 6. Dhikrln, N. N. W. 1 25 7. Tell es-Sefieh, N. 10~ W. 1 05 From Bureir, 1. Um Lakis, E. S. 45 Total 6 45 2. Tell el-Hasy, S. 55~ E. 1 05 3.'Ajlafn, N. j W. 30 1 From the Well (No. 2) to Beit Jibrin, the whole distance is to be reckoned about two hours 2 The direct distance from Um LMkis to'AjlAn on a straight course. is 45 or 50 minutes.

ITINERARY. 571 MI. IX. FROM HEBRON TO WADY MUSA 4. es-Sukkariyeh, I E. by S. 30 AND BACK. (SEC. XIL.) 5. el-Kubeibeh, abt. E. by N. 1 30 WITH CAMELS. 6. Beit Jibrin, N. E. 1 10 S. S.E. 30 7. ed-Dawaimeh, S. 20 E. 45 1 45 Saturday May 26th S. 200 W. 30 From Hebron, H. M. 1. Tell Zif, about S. by E. 1 35 Total 7 40 2. Kurmul (Carmel), S. ~ W. 1 25 3. Top of Mountain, S. 8~ E. 1 THmRMOM. F. Sunrise, 540 4. Encampment, about S. S. E. 1 05 10 a. m. 800 12 ap.m 80~. 78Total.5 05 2 p. m. 780 Sunset, 680 THRmOM. F. Sunrise, 43~ Clear and sultry. Wind S. W. T F. Sunrise, 430 10 a. m. 690 Sunset, 660 Clear, cool, pleasant. Wind N. W. Wednesday, May 23d. Return and reckon from Beit Jibrin, Sunday, May 27th. S.S.E. 30 1. Idhna (Jedn), E. S.E. jE. 90 2 Remained encamped. 2. Teffih (Beth Tappuah), gen. E. S. E. 2 15 TROM.F.Snris, 540 I. E. 4 S. 1 10 a' m. 740 3. el-KhElil (Hebron) S E. 451 4 2 p.m. 82 Sunset, 670 Total 6 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. lTERBMOM. F. Sunrise, 640 10 a. m. 860 Monday, May 28th. 2p.m. 860 Sunset, 650 From Encampment, Mornirng clear, Wind S. W. Af- 1. Rujeim Selameh, about S. 3 20 ter 11 o'clock, violent Sirocco and 2. ez-Zuweirah elhaze. Evening, Wind N. W. clear. 3. e eirah genS. E 1 45 3. ez-Zuweirah, S. E. 4 35 4. Wady en-Nejd, S. E. 10 Total 9 50 Thursday, May 24th, and Friday, May 25th. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 520 Sunset, 80~ Remained at Hebron. Wind S. W. Towards evening N. E. from Dead Sea. May 24th. TERmaoM. F. Sunrise, 540 10 a. m. 700 10 a. m. 700 Tuesday, May 29th. Sunset, 56~ From Wady en-Nejd, ay 25th1. Khashm Usdum, S. E. 35 1' May 25th, N. end, S. S.E. 25:THERmo. F. Sunrise, 490 2. S. W. corner of 10 a. m. 68~ Dead Sea, about S. S. E. 1 40 2 p. m. 71~ 3. W. el-Fikreh, and Sunset, 590 W. end of cliffs,.gen. S.380 W. 2 30 Both days clear and fine. Wind 4.'Ain el-'Arfis, gen. S. S. E. 45 N. W. 5. Mouth of Wady el-Jeib, gen. S. 30~ E. 1 15

572 ITINERARY. H.M. L M 6. Encampment (S. S. W. 1 50 S 10 TLromEro. F. Sunrise, 670 in el-Jeib, S. 1 20 Sunset, 820 Clear and warm. Wind N. W. Total 10 20 THERMOM.'F. Sunrise, 70~ Saturday, June 2d. 2 p.m. 920 Sunset, 88~0 From Encampment, Clear and sultry. Wind variable. 1. Wady el-Jeib (E. side), abt. W. N. W. 1 45 2.'Ain el-Weibeh, W. N. W. 50 Wednesday, May 30th. 3.'Ain el-Murei- N. N. W 1 3 15 dhah, ] N. N. E. 2 From Encampment, 4. Nfkb el-KhUrar, top, N. N. W. 3 1.'Amn el-Buweiri- t 5. Nfikb es-Sifih, foot, N.N.W. 2 40 del, S. to S. IW. 7 6. Id. (Zephath), 2. W. side of por- S.S.E. 1 40 6 Id(Zehth) phyry cliffs, 1S.E. byE. 1 30 top, gen. N. N. W. 1 05 3. Nikb Nemela, S. 5o 1 7. Encampment, gen. N. N. W. 1 30 3. Nfkb Nemela; S. 0 1 15 foot, S.S.E. 25 Total 14 05 4. Niikb Nemela, top, (Encamp.) gen. S. S. E. 1 15 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 680 10 a. m. 780 Total 13 10 Clear and Warm. Wind S.:W. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 690 strong. 10 a. m, 960 12 m. 102~ 2 p. im. 960 Sunday, Jrune 3d. Sunset, 760 Wind S. W. At first pleasant, From Encampment, then a fierce Sirocco. 1. Nfikb el-Muzeikah, N. 150 W. 2 At evening N. W. 2. Kubbet el-Baul, N. N. W. 1 15 3.'Ar' rah (Aroer), { N N.N W 1 40 2 45 4. Encampment, N.E. 1 05 From Encampment, Total 7 05 1. es-Sik of Name- S. S. W. 25 2 50 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 660 la, W. end, S. E. 1 30 Sunset, 74~0 2. Sutdh Beida, S. S. E. 30 50 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. mid. of plain, S. byW. 20 3. es-Sik of Wady gen. S. 2 2 15 Musa, E. end, abt. W. 15 4. Wady Musa, gen. W. 30 Monday, June 4th. Total 6 25 From Encampment, 1. el-Milh (Malatha), N. E. 1 TIuRaMoir. F. Sunrise, 750 2. Top of mountainWarm but pleasant. WindN. W. ridge, N. 260 E. 2 05 3. Semi'a (Eshtemoa), abt. N. 20~ E. 3 Friday, June 1st. 4. Wady el-Khiil, bottom, abt. N. 200 E. 1 40 From Wady Mufsa, return, 5. el-Khflll (He1. Nfikb Nemela, top, (see May 31) 5 bron) abt. N.-20~ E.o 2 15 2. Nfikb Nemela, foot, " 40 3. W. side of porphyry cliffs, " 1 Total 10 4,. Encampment in el-'Arabah, gen. N. 550 W. 4 20 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 590 Sunset, 670 Total 11 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W.

ITINERARY. 573 Tuesdy, June 5th. Friday, June 8th. Remained at Hebron. From Beit Nettdf, n nr 1.'Ain Shems (BethTHEaoM. F. Sunrise, 610 shemesh), N. 120 W. 1 30 10 a. m. 800 2. Well in the Plain, N. N. W. 2 05 2 p. m. 800 3.'Akir (Ekron), abt. N.W.byW. 1 35 Sunset, 71~ 4. er-Ramleh, N. E. N. 1 50 Clear and warm. Wind N. W. Total 7 THERMOM. F. 3B a. m. 760 Sunrise, 830 11 a. m. 940 X. FROM HEBRON TO RAMLEH AND 12 m. 1050 JERUSALEM. (SEC. XIII.) 2 p. m. 970 Sunset, 900 WITH HORSES. Slight haze, very hot. Wind N. W. Wednesday June 6th, Wednesday, June 6th. Saturday, June 9th. From Hebron, - m uM. 1. Dira (Dora, Adora, From Ramleh, Adoraim), W. by S. 2 30 1. Ludd (Lydda) N. 570 E. 45 S. W. 1 2. Daniyal, S. 3~ E. 40 2. el-BurjW. 1 3 20 3. Jimzu (Gimzo), S. 850 E. 30 S.W. 1 4. Um Rush, abt. E. S. E. S. 2 10 S. by W, 20 5. Beit'tlr etTahta, abt. E. S. E. ~ S. 1 Total 5 50 6. Beit ltr el-F6ka, S. 60~ E. 1 7. el-Jib (Gibe- S. 65~ E. 1 40 2 30 THERMoar. F. Sunrise, 740 on), 5. 270 E. 50 10 a. m.i 880 8. Beit Hanna, 50 Clear and warm. WindS. 9. Jerusalem, 1 30 Total 10 55 T TnERMOM. F. Sunrise, 760 Thursday, June 7ltIh. Warm, but pleasant. Wind N. W. From el-Burj, 1. Um esh- { N. E. by E. 20 Shfikaf, I N. N. E. 40 2. Idhna (Jedna) N. E..- N. 2 15 (h N.NE. 25 3. Terkfmieh, N N.-E. 25 XI. FROM JERUSALEM TO NAZA(Tricomias) E. N. ERETH AND MOUNT TABOR. (SEC. 4. Beit Nisib XIV.) (Nezib) N. f E. 35 N. N. W. 30 WIT MULES. 5. Bir es-Stir, N. N. E. 20 6. BeitNettif N by E. 15 1 50 Wednesday, June 13th. N. 135 Total 7 35 From Jerusalem, 1. el-Bireh (Beeroth), gen. N. 40 E. 3 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 720 2. Jifna (Goph- N. N. E. 35 2 p.m. 970 na), N. 135 Sunset, 880 3.'Ain Snia, N. E. 25 Clear and very warm. Wind N. W. 4. Wady el-Belat, head, gen. N. 1 15

574 ITINERARY. IL M. Saturday, June 16th. 5. Jililia, gen.m N. 50 J 6. Sinjil, E. I 05 From JAn n, ".,1. Zer'in (Jezreel), N. 150 E. 2 15 Total 8 10 2.'Ain JAtlid, abt. S. E. 30 3. S61lam (Shunem), about N. 1 30 4. Foot of mountains of TmHRMo0r. F. 4 a. m. 520 Nazareth, (N. side Sunrise, 56~0 of Great Plain), abt. N. 90 W. 1 45 2 p. m. 76~ 5. en-Nasirah abt. N. 90 W. 15 Sunset, 66~ (Nazareth), circuitous. Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. Total 7 15 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 640 Thursday, June 14th. 2 p. m. 78~ Sunset, 72~ From Sinjil, Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. 1. Turmus'Aya. N. 85~ E. 30 2. Seilfn (Shiloh), N. N. E. 30 3. Lubban, the N. W. by W. 20 v3. lubban, the t W. 30 1 Sunday, June 17th. village, ) N. 10 4. Khan es-Sa_ E. by N. 20 40 Remained at Nazareth. wieh, N. N. E. 20 5. Ridge S. of the $. Ridffle S. of the THERIOM. F. Sunrise, 64~ plain M6khna, N. by W. 45 10 a. m. 88 6. Mouth of NAbulus 2p.m. 88~ valley, N. N. E. 2 25 Sunset, 740 7. Nhbulus, N. W. 30 Clear and sultry. -Wind S. Total 6 20 From NAbulus to summit of Ge. Monday, June 18th. rizim, S. W. 20 min. steep ascent; S. E. 20 min. level. From Nazareth, 1. Debufrieh (10 min. N..IERMOM. F. Sunrise, 640 of vill.) E. S. E. 1 45 2 pER. m. 780 2. Mount Tabor, summit, E. S. E. 1 Sunset, 730 Clear and pleasant. Wind N. W. _ THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 800 10 a.m.: 980 2 p.m. 950 Friday, June 15th. Sunset, 740 From Nabulus, Hazy and sultry. Wind S. E. 1. Sebiistieh (Sa- W. N. W. 1 210 Violent Sirocco. maria), N. by W. 1 10 2. Ridge N. of Sebistieh, N. by E. 1 05 3. Jeba', E. N. E. 1 4. Sianfr, E..N. E. 20 50 XII. FROM MOUNT TABOR TO SA{ E. N.E. 2 0 FED. (SEC. XV.) 5. Kiibltlyeh, abt. N. E. 1 25 6. Jenin (Ginsa), 1 30 WITH MULES. Total 8 Tuesday, June 19th. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 620 From Tabor, 2 p. m. 82~ N. N. W. 45 Sunset, 700 1. Khan et-Tujjar, abt. N. 15 1 55 Clear and warm. Wind N. W. abt. N. E. 55

ITINERARY. 575 T. M. XIII. FROM SAFED TO BEIRUT. 2. L.bieh, abt. N. N. E 1 20 (SEC. XVI) 3. Tell Hattin, abt. N. N. E. 1 WITH MULES. 4. Hattin, abt. N. circuitous, 25 5. Tfibariyeh (Tiberias), abt. S. E. by E. 2Friday, Jne 22d. From Safed, H. M. Total 6 40 1. el-Jish (Giscala), N N. W. W.W. 2 20 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 64~ 2. Hig.h Land N. Sunset, 800 N. W. of W. Clear and warm. Wind S. W. el-Mu'addamiyeh, N. by W. 1 40 3. Bint Jebeil, abt. N. i W. 1 55 Wednesday, June 20th. Total 5 55 From Tfibarlyeb, 1. el-Mejdel(Magdala), abt.N.W. 1 10 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 61~ 2. W. er-R-ibuidiyeh and 10 a. m. 870 Abu Shuisheh, N. by W. 50 Clear and pleasant. Warm. 3. Khan Minyeh (Capernaum), N. 620 E. 40 4. Tell Hum, N. E. 1 05 5. Mouth of Jordan, N. E. 1 05 Saturday, June 23d. Total 4 50 From Bint Jebeil, 1. Haddita, {N. ~ W. 1. 2 Note. —Excursion on the Plain at the N. N. W. 2 end of the Lake of Tiberias. 2. Brow of mountain, N. W. 25 3. Kana (Kanah), abt. W. N. W. 2 55 From mouth of Jordan, 4. Kabr Hairdn, abt. W. N. W. 55 1. el-Mes'adiyeh, S. 40~ E. 20 5. RAs el-'Ain, abt. W. N. W. 1 10 2. Dikah, S. 250 E. 25 6. Sir (Tyre), abt. N. N. W. 3. et-Tell (Julias), N. 50 W. 50 circuitous. 1 10 4. Encampment, S. 600 W. 40 Total 8 35 The rate of travel on this excursion was more rapid than usual. THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 650 THERMIS~IOM. F. Sunrise, 750 Clear and pleasant. 2 p. m. 950 Sunset, 850 Clear and very warm. Wind S. W. Sirocco. Sunday, June 24th. Remained at Tyre. Thursday, June 21st. From mouth of Jordan, 1. Damascus road, abt. W. N. W. 2 35 2. Safed, abt. W. N. W. 2 05 lMonday, June 25th. Total 4 40 a 1 45 1. KhAn el-K'simiyeh, 1 45 2.'A.dlfan (Ruins), 1 45 Note. —From Safed to Benit about 55 3. Khan el-Khfidr (St. George), 1 15 minutes; viz. N. 40~ E. 30 min., and N. 450 4.'Ain el-Kanterah, 25 E. 25 min. 5.'Ain el-Burak, 45 6. Nahr ez-Zaherany, 20 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 710 7. Nahr Senik, 1 15 10 a. m. 82~ 8. Saida (Sidon), 35 2 p. m. 820 Clear and pleasant. Wind W. Total 8 05

576 ITINERARY. Tuesday, J.une 26th. I. I. 7. Beirkt, grove, (Encamp i h. From Saida, -. S. of gate.) 2 1. Bridge of Nahr el-Auwaly (Bostrenus), 40 Total 9 10 2. Neby Yiinas, 2 20 3. Nahr ed-Damfar (Tamyras), 1 25 THERMOM. F. Sunrise, 68~ 4. Khan el-Musry, 40 2 p. m. 84~ B. Khan Khulda, 1 15 Sunset, 780 6. Wady Shuweifat, 50 Clear and pleasant. Warm.

INDEX I. ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS, CHIEFLY GEOGRAPHICAL. Names beginning with Ab2u, Um, Beit, and Kefr, are in every case to be sought under these words. In respect to names beginning with'Ain, Bir, Deir, BRds, Tell, and the like, the arrangement is not so uniform; and some of them will be found under the second part of the name. The particular object of this Index is, to represent the Arabic orthography of the Arabic names and words occurring in the Text and Notes; usually with the signification, where one is known. Hence the reference to pages is not always full; the more important passages only being cited, where a name appears more than once. Yet it is sufficiently full, to serve as a General Index for all the Arabic words and names of places, mentioned in the body of the work. For the pronunciation of the several consonants and vowels, the reader is referred to the specifications immediately following the Preface in Vol. I. A Abu Rashid, Ar. ii. 155. Abu Retemat, i. 189. A'aneh,'aid,' ii. 3. Abu Shebban, ii. 205.'Ababideh, Arabs, i. 111. Abu Shukheidim, i. 453. el-'Abbad, Ar. i. 571. Abu Shfisheh, ii. 401. el-'Abbadin, Ar. i. 571. Abu Shbbi.h, i. 573.'Abdeh, Gr.'Eo8la,.Eboda, i. 194. Abu Suweirah, dim.'picture,' name of'Abeithiran, i. 41, 148. fountains, i. 50, 63, 65, 146, 157. Abu el-Aswad,'the black,' ii. 474. Abu Teraifeh, ii. 198. Abu el-'Auf, ii. 266, 267, 269. Abu Tin,'father of clay,' i. 184. Abu Burlka','veil,' i. 157. Abu'Ulejan, i. 602. Abu Dis, i. 432. Abu Yamin, i. 571. Abu Ghaush, i. 247. Abu Za'bel, i. 44. Abu HailezAn, W.' of snails,' i. 39. Abu Zeitfin, ii. 146. Abu Jeradeh, ii. 177.'Abud, ii. 229. Abu Kusheibeh, ii. 139.'Abudlyeh,'service,' ii. 3. Abu Nasir, ii. 333, 394. el-Abweib, for Buweib, dim.',door,' i. 154. Abu Nujeim, i. 479, 486. el-Abyad,'white,' i. 195.-ii.`447, 473. Abu Nuseir, i. 571.'Adas,'lentiles,' i. 167. Abu Nuteighineh, i. 602. el-'Adhbeh, i. 177. Abu Madhy (with Dad), i. 146.'Adlan, ii. 474. Abu Mas'fid, i. 104. el-'Adwan, Arabs, i 548. VoL, II.-49

578 FIRST INDEX.'Adweiriban, ii. 387.'Ambek, for'Anbek, i. 603. el-'Afuleh, ii. 320, 328, 331. el-Amlr, Ar. i. 571.'Affirbala, Lat. Forbelat, ii. 328.'Amleh, ii. 27. Alibek, ii. 16.'Ammar es-Sdllimeh, i. 601. el-Ahmar,'red,' i. 569. el-'Ammarln, Ar. ii. 155. Alhmed, i. 218.'Amran, Sing.'Amrany, Arabs, i. 167,181. el-Alhsy, ii. 112, 157. el-'Amry, i. 195. el-Ah.tha, i. 63. el-'Amud,' the column,' i. 262. —ii. 402.'Aid, guide at Sinai, i. 101, 105, 108, 109;'Amuria, ii. 266. Burckhardt's guide, i. 157, 160.'Amwas, Gr.'Eu1.ao's,'AtCjaovs, Emmnats, Ailah, Heb. Elath, i. 169, 170. Nicopolis, ii. 30, 232. el-'Ain,'fountain,' i. 153.-i. 189, 190.-'Anab, Heb. Ancab, i. 494. i. 444.'Anhbeh,'Annabeh, ii. 232.'Ain Abus, ii. 273.'Anita, Heb. Anathoth, i. 437.'Ain'Arik, i. 446. el-'Anazeh, Arabs, ii. 176.'Ain el-B;lrideh,'cold spring,' ii. 336. el-'Ankebiyeh, i. 37.'Ain el-Burak, ii. 476. el-'Ankeblyeh el-'Ateshaneh,'the dry,' i.'Ain Jdldd, ii. 324. 40.'Ain Jalt,' F. of Goliath,' ii. 324. el-'AInkebiyeh er-Reivyneh,'the wet,' i.'Ain Jidy, Heb. En-gedi,'fountain of the 39. kid,' i. 508. -Ansairlyeh, vulg. for Nusairiyeh, q. v.'Ain el-Kanterah, ii. 476. el-Ansarlyeh, ii. 474.'Ain Karim, i. 458, 469. Ansufry, Wady, i. 39.'Ain Mahil, ii. 950. el-'Arabah,'rapid river;' but here from'Ain el-Meiyiteh,' dead fountain,' ii. 323. Heb. Arabah,'plain, desert,' i. 162.-'Ain el-Mudauwarah,'round- spring,' ii. ii. 186. 400.'Arad, Heb. Arad, ii. 101, 201.'Ain Shems, Beth-sliemesh, i. 25. —ii. 224.'Araif en-Nadlah, dim.'crest of a female'Ain Sinia, ii. 264. camel,' i. 179, 184.'Ain et-Tin, ii. 403. el-A'raj,' lame,' ii. 410, 411.'Ain Warkah, ii. 507.'Arak,'wine-spirit,' ii. 82.'Ain ez-Zeitmn, ii. 444.'Arlk el-Ghifir, ii. 267. el-'AjaLrimeh, Ar. i. 571.'Ara.k el-Menshlyeh, ii. 34. el-Ajeibeh, i. 150.'Arail es-Suweidan, ii. 49.'Ajeh, ii. 312.'Aruleh, ii. 316, 319.'Ajjnr, ii. 22. el-'Ar'ar,'juniper,' Heb. ~'jy, ii. 124.'Ajlun, 4Eglon, ii. 49.'Ar1'rah, Heb. Aroer, ii. 199.'Ajlun, i. x441, ii. 438. - el-Arba'in,'the forty,' i. 107. —Vill. i. 569.'Ajrae, a plant, i. 84, 499. el-Ajra, lant, i. 8, 99. Ard,' low plain,' Heb.'r, earth, ii. 369.'Ajrud, i. 45. el-'Areijeh, i. 500. el-'Akabah,'the descent, steep declivity,' i. el-'Arlsh, i. 199, 601, 602, 603. 171.'Arkuib,' defile,' ii. 17. el-Akhdar,'the green,' i. 85. Arnfitieb, a ruin, ii. 263.'Akir,'barren,' i. 83.'Arrabeh, ii. 312.'Akir, Ekron, Gr.'Atctdpwv, Lat. Accaron,'Aruib, i. 488. ii. 227. Arsnf, ii. 242.'Akka, Heb. Acco, ii. 336, 366.'Arlnbboneh, ii. 317.'Akkar, ii. 503. el-'Arus,'the bride,' ii. 117.'Akrabeh, Gr.'Aicpa~e~,6, Lat. Acrabi, ii. el-'Asas, i. 444. 280. el-Ashhab,'the gray,' M. i. 167, 174. el-Aksa,'the farthest,' mosk, i. 297.'Ashur, ii. 455. el-'Ai, Heb. Elealeh, i. 551.'Asfia, ii. 340.'Alawin, Arabs, i. 165.'AslinlLn, Heb. Askelon, ii. 33.'Aleikat, Sing.'Aleilky, Arabs, i. 134.'Asluj, ii. 201.'Alim, or Ghallm, not Heb. Elimr, i. 69. Aswkn, Syene, i. 19. See Ghuirmdel. el-'iAsy, riv. Orontes, ii. 507.'Allar el-F6oka,'the upper,' ii. 14.'Asyun, Heb. Ezion, i. 169, 170.'Aly es-Siighir, ii. 450.'Atakah, i. 43, 48. el-'Alya,'the upper,' i. 447.'Atara, Heb. Ataroth, i. 448.-ii. 265; also el-'Amarah,' building,' Wady, i. 66. i. 575. el-'Amarin, Arabs, ii. 48.'AthAl, i. 70. See Thal. Amatahb, Gr.'Auapods, Amathuis, i. 569. el-Athlleh, i. 41.

ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS. 579'Athllt, ii. 470. Beit Dirdis, ii. 44. el-'Atlyeh, 6gift,' i. 602. Beit Dukkah, i. 458.'Attarus, i. 570. Beit Ellu, ii. 255.'Attir, Jattir? i. 494. ii. 204. Beit'Enan, ii. 255. el-'Aujeh, perhaps for el-'Auja,'crooked,' Beit Far, ii. 226. i. 191, 600.-i. 568.-Riv. ii. 243, Beit Fejjar, i. 479. 248. Beit Ffurik, ii. 280. Aulad Sa'id, Ar. i. 36, 133. Beit Fusl, ii. 16. Aulad SuleimBn, Arabs, i. 135. Beit Hanina, ii. 256.'Aulam, Gr. Ovxa/dsad, Ulama, ii. 356. Beit lHanhn, ii. 35. Aurushlim, Heb. Jerusalem, i. 258. - Beit.Hebrun, see HebrAn, ii. 90. Auwaly, riv. Bostrenus, ii. 485, 486. Beit IHnuin, see Beit Hanin.'Awarimeh, Sing.'Arimy, Arabs, i. 133. Beit Iba, ii. 303.'Aweibid, dim.' worshipper,' i. 40, 42. Beit Iksa, i. 458, 460.'Awerta, ii. 274. Beit Imrin, ii. 311. el-'Ayu6n,' fountains,' Wady, ii. 447. Beit Jala, i. 218. ii. 2.'Ayun el-'Abbasy, ii. 409, 418. Beit el-Jemal,'house of camels,' ii. 224.'Ayun Mufsa,'fountains of Moses,' i. 62. Beit Jibril, Heb. Gabriel, ii. 28. el-'Azazeh, ii. 27, 30. Beit Jibrln, Gr. BalTro-cydpa, Betoyabra, ii. el-'Azzimeh, Sing.'Azzamy, Ar. i. 186. 24, 28, 51, 57. el-'Aziriyeh, Bethany, rel. adj. fern. pr. n. Beit Kad, ii. 316. Lazarus, i. 432. Beit Lahm,' house of flesh;' Heb. Bethle-'Azmut (z for Dha), ii. 279. hem,'house of bread,' i. 218, 471. Beit Lid, ii. 303. Beit Mirsim, ii. 216, 218. B Beit Miry, ii. 493. Beit el-Mnikdis, Jerusalem, i. 258. Ba'albek, ii. 394, 497. Beit Nebala, Heb. Neballat? ii. 232. B31b,'gate, door,' i. 262, and often. Beit Nettif, ii. 15, 223. Bab en-Niisr,'gate of victory,' i. 38. Beit Nuibah, ii. 254. el-BaBarat, Ar. i. 571. Belt Nisib, Nezib, ii. 17, 57, 221. el-Balr,'the sea,' i. 582. Beit er-Rush, ii. 216. Bakhshish,'a present.' Turkish. Beit Salhur, i. 469, 471, 479. Ba'lln, ii. 33. Belt Sfifafa, i. 469. el-BalU'a,'pond,' ii. 262. Belt Sbrlk, ii. 255. Banlas, Gr. raveds, Paneas, ii. 436, 437, Beit Ta'mar, i. 471. 439. Beit tla, ii. 16. el-Barid,'the cold,' ii. 319. Beit 1lia, ii. 457. el-Baruik, ii. 485. Beit Ummar, i. 216. ii. 55. Batlhah,'a low tract liable to be over- Beit tlnia, i. 453, 454. flowed by streams,' ii. 410, 411. Beit'tr, Heb. Beth-horon, ii. 250, 251. Baurin, ii. 274. Beit VTzin, ii. 303. el-Bawaty, i. 602. Beita, ii. 273. el-Beda','novelty,' i. 599. Beitin, Heb. Bethel, i. 448, 449. Bedawin, Sing. Bedawy. From collect. Belad,'district.' Bedu, properly'desert.' Belad Besharah, ii. 438, 449. Bedu,'a desert'; collect.'desert-men,' Belat.,'a flat rock,' ii. 265, 266, 271.-ii. Bedawn, ii. 112. 274, 275. el-Beduin, Ar. ii. 143, 155. Belbeis, i. 37. el-Beida,' the white,' F. ii. 115. Beled,' town, village.' Beirut, Gr. B-qpvUr's, Berjytus; not Heb. el-Belka, ii. 521. Berothah, ii. 490-497. Bellan, a plant, i. 209. BeisIn, Heb. Beth-shean, ii. 320, 328, 354. el-Benart,' the daughters,' i. 88. Beit'Affa, ii. 34. Benat Ya'kob,'daughters of Jacob,' ii. Beit'Ainuin, i. 489. 405, 414 sq. 441. Beit'Alam, ii. 57. el-Beneiyat, Ar. i. 186. Beit'Amreh, ii. 206. Beni Hamideh, Ar. i. 371. Beit'Atab, ii. 13. Beni iHasan, Ar. i. 371. Beit'Auwa, ii. 219. Beni.Hemad, ii. 103. Beit Ddra's, ii. 34. Beni Na'im, Caphar Barucha, vill. i. 489, Beit Dejan, Heb. Beth-Dagon, ii. 232.- 491.-Ar. ii. 156. ii. 280. Beni Skfihr, Ar. i. 571. ii. 156. Belt ed-Din, comm. Bttddin, ii. 485. Beni WYssel, Ar. i. 135.

580 FIRST INDEX, Benlt, ii. 434, 439. D Berah,'open desert,' i. 84 Bereikut, Heb. Berachah? i. 491. Dahab, Heb. Di-Zahab, i. 147. ii. 187. Berfilya, ii. 249. ed-Daharlyeh,' the eternal,' i. 263. Berkusieh, ii. 34. ed-Dalieh,'vine,' ii. 412. el-Besatin,' the gardens,' i. 37. DAmeh, ii. 369. Besharah,'glad tidings,' i. 36, 42, 90. ed-DOamnir, Gr. Tatuupas, Aazaotpas, Tam~p Bessutm, ii. 369. ras, Damouras, ii. 488, 489. Betras, see Butrus. DaniyAl,'Daniel,' ii. 248, 249. el-Beyad.,' whiteness,' ii. 455. Dar el-Himra,' red court,' i. 41, 599. el-Beyaneh, i. 182. Dar el-.Kamar, comm. Deir el-IKamr, ii. el-Beyf h (with Dad), ii. 101. 436, 439. Biddu, i. 453, 458. ii. 255. Dar Kln6n, ii. 457. Bint Jebeil, ii. 447-449. ed-DarBn, Gr. &apc6u, Lat. Daroma, ii. 38. Bir el-Biitr,' well of detestation,' i. 41. ed-Daumeh, i. 212. Bir Kilidhia, ii. 21. Daumeh, Gr.'Eaovu/d, Eduma, ii. 280. Bir Nebala, i. 455, 458. ed-Dawaimeh, ii. 55. Bir es-Seba', Heb. Beersheba, i 204. ed-Dawti'irah, Arabs, i. 527. Blr Selhub, i. 499. Debbet en-Niisb, i. 75. Blr es-Samirlyeh, ii. 283. Debbet er-Ramleh,'plain of sand,' i 77. Blr Suweis,'well of Suez,' i. 45. Debhirieh, Heb. Daberath, Gr. Aaf8etpd, ii. Bir ez-Zeit,'well of oil,' ii. 264. 350, 363. el-Bireh, Heb. Beer or Beeroth, i. 451, ed-Deir,'convent,' M. i. 94. 452. ii. 262. Deir Abu Dha'if (dh for Dad), ii. 316. el-Birein,'two wells,' i. 192, 195. Deir Abu Mesh'al, i. 453. ii. 250, 255. Birkeh, Birket,' pool, tank,' i. 371 326-330. Deir Abu Tor, i. 276. Bittlr, W. ii. 4. Deir el-'Asal, ii. 216. el-Biyad, see el-Beyad. Deir'Atlyeh, ii. 507. Bizaria, ii. 308. Deir Bezi'a, ii. 255. Bteddin, see Beit ed-Din. Deir Dubban,'C. of a fly,' ii 23, 67. Budrus, ii. 232. Deir Duwan, i. 442, 573. Bughzlbigh,' shallow wells,' i 87, 111. Deir Esneid, ii. 35. el-3Buk'a, Hieb.,-rz e,' valley, deep plain,' Deir Ghfzal, ii. 316. ii. 437, 498. Deir el-Hatab, ii. 275, 279. el-Bik'ah,' low plain,' ii. 387. Deir el-Hawa,' C. of the air,' ii. 5i, 14, 16, Bukkar, ii. 55. Deir Ibn'Obeid, i. 471. Bfilus, Gr. rIaAos, Paul; ii. 16, 223. Deir Jerur, i. 445. el-Buradan, ii. 29. Deir Kadls, i. 453. ii. 255. el-Burak,'reservoirs,' i. 218, 474. Deir el-Kadis M6distus, i. 276. el-Burayjineh, ii. 490. Deir el-i(amr, see DAr el-Kamar. el-Bureij, dim.'tower,' ii. 30. Deir el-I.iil'ah, ii. 493. Bureir, ii. 35, 45. Deir Ma'in, ii. 2'50. el-Burj,' castle,' Gr. rnp-yos, Germ. Burg, Deir Mar SAba, i. 382, 531. ii. 216, 217.-ii. 249. Deir Samit, ii. 219. Burj el-Bur"jineh, ii. 490. Deir Sheraf, ii. 303. Burj KIeis, ii. 16. Deir es-Sidd, i. 437. BUIfil, see Baurin. Deir Tureif, ii. 232. el-Buirk,'lightning,' i. 82. Deir Yesin, i. 458. Burl3, i. 44.-ii. 311. ed-Deirat, i. 499. el-Burla,' the veil,' i. 157. Delata, ii. 440, 445. el-Burlkein, i. 602. ed-Delhemiyeh, ii. 387. Burk.in ii. 317. Denna, ii. 356. el-Busaireh, dim. of Busrah, fHeb. Bozrah, ed-Dera'ah (d for DhUl), i. 519. ii. 167. Derb,'road.' el-Butahy, ii. 129. Derb el-Ban, i. 37. Butasheh, ii. 224. Derb el-.Haj,'pilgrim road,' i. 37. Bii'li.hat, i. 181. Derejeh,'steps,' i. 528. Butm, Pistacea terebinthus, i. 208. ii. 222. Derfsich, ii. 16. Butrus, Gr. rn&poy, Peter, ii. 248, 528. ed-Derfz, Druzes; Sing. ed-Derazy, ii. 511. el-Buttauf, ii. 337, 369. edh-I)hafary (dh for I)dd), W. i. 72. el-Buweib, dim.'door,' ii. 115. Dhaher el-'Omar, ii. 393, 394. el-Buweirideb, dim.'the cold,' ii. 122. edh-Dhaiyikah (dh for.Dad),' narrowness,' Bzummar, ii. 508. i. 173.

ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS. 581 IDhaneh (dh for.Dad), Gr. Odva, Thlana, ii. Fakhr ed-Din,' glory of judgment,' ii. 168. 343. Dhiban, Heb. -Dibon, ii. 527. el-Fildijy, ii. 34, 49, 67. Dhikrin, ii. 29. el-Farah,'mouse,' i. 439, 440, 558. edh-Dhoheriyeh, abstr.' noon,' i. 209, 211, Faras el-Jundy,' soldier's horse,' i. 41. 494. ii. 216. el-Fairi'a, i. 569. ii. 279. Dhuheiry, Arabs, i. 133. Fedu,'redemption,' i. 182. edh-Dhiillim, ii. 102. -Feifeh, ii. 112. edh-.huliil (4h for Dd),' error,' i. 76, 148. Feiranu, Pharan, i. 85, 117, 126. ]Dhurah, D. esh-ShAmy,'Syrian.Dhurah,' Fella.h,'a cultivator.' Plur. Fella.hin, maize. D. es-Seify,'Summer Dhu-'cultivators,' tillers of the soil. rah,' millet, i. 561. Fendeh,'a subdivision,' i. 159. Dibs,'syrup of grapes;' IHeb..q1 honey, Fendekfimieh, Gr. reVraaccolda, Pentacoii. 81. - mia, ii. 312. Difleh, Nerium Oleander, ii. 126, 401, 474. Fera', i. 147,148. ed-Dilbeh, i. 212. el-Feranj, W. ii. 69, 220. Dimeshk esh-ShiAm, Damascus; usually Ferashat esh-Shlh, i. 602. called esh-Sham, ii. 498. el-Feruish,'the plateaus,' i. 148. Dimreh, ii. 35. el-Feshkhah, i. 531, 533. ed-Dirweh, i. 217. Fik, ii. 386, 437. Doghry, Turkish,'straight ahead,' ii. 219. el-Fikreh, W. ii. 116, 178, 180. D6m, species of palm; also the lote-tree, Firdeh, tax, i. 426. i. 161, 505. el-F6.ka,'the upper.' ed-Dihy, ii. 320, 326, 355. el-Fost.t, Old Cairo, i. 27. Duk, Gr. A&Kc, Dock, i. 571. el-Ffidhly (dh for.Dd), Ar. i. 181. Dikah, ii. 411. Fuikn, ii. 13. Dukkan,'shop,' ii. 487. Fukfi'a, ii. 316, 317. ed-.Dinniyeh, ii. 494. el-Ffleh,'a bean,' ii. 328. Dura, Heb. Adorainm, Gr.'AMwpa, A&pa, el-Furei'a, i. 94, 146. Adora, iDora, ii. 213, 214. el-Fureidis, dim. of Fardufs, Paradise, Durah, see Dhurah. Frank Mountain, i. 478. Fiirkha, ii. 266, 267. el-Furn,'W. of the oven,' i. 40. E el-Ffsail, Gr. 4,caatXAs, Phasaiils, i. 569. el-'Ebry, Heb. -i9-i Hebrew, ii. 281. Fusta.k,'Pistacia,' i. 505.'Eddis, ii. 34. el-Futeis, i. 200. Ehdeib, ii. 102. el-FfiwAr, i. 441, 558. Ehteim, Ar. i. 571. Elealeh, see el-Al. Elias, see Elyas. G Eljy, ii. 128. Elteit, i. 161, 168. Gaza, see Ghuzzeh. Elyas, or Elias, Heb. Elijah; Gr.'HAhas, Ghaflr, i. 132, 138. Elias, i. 219. el-Ghaidherah, i. 179, 180. el-Em'az, ii. 115. el-Ghamr,'aqua multa,'. F. ii. 174, 185. Emir,'prince.' el-Gh'r,'laurel,' W. i. 488, 500. Emir Beshir, ii. 486. Gharbfin, i. 37, 40. Emshash, corrupted for Meshash,'water- el-GhIrib,'camel's hump,' i. 111.-i. 208. pits,' i. 43, 45, 180, 184. ii. 179, 197. Endbr, Heb. Endor, ii. 356, 360. el-Ghaul,' evil spirit,' ii. 221. Erl.ha, i. 576. el-Ghawarineh, Sing. Ghury,'inhabitants Eriha, Jericho, i. 552. of the Gh6r,' i. 512, 552. ii. 112, 113, el-Erta, i. 177. 411, 412, 436. Esdud, Ashdod, ii. 33. el-Ghazieh, ii. 476. el-'Eshra,' W. of socialness,' i. 40.' el-Ghor,'a long valley between two mounel-'Esh-sheh, ii. 409. - tains,' i. 152. ii. 112, 113, 183. Eyfib, pr. n. Job, i. 332. el-Ghubey, i. 181. el-Ezbeklyeh, i. 28. el-Ghfibsheh, i. 95. el-GhUidhghidh (qh for.Dd),'diminuF tions,' i. 181. el-Ghi.dhAh (dh for.DAd), ii. 119. Fa.hmeh,'a coal,' ii. 312. Ghfdhir, a corruption for Ghtidr,'pool, el-Ft'iya, W. ii. 104, 196, 197. stagnum,' i. 180. VOL. IL —49*

582 FIRST INDEX. el-Ghid.hyin (dth for DCd), Heb. Ezion? UEasya, ii. 507 i. 169, 182. Hatta, ii. 34. Ghudir, ii. 490; see Ghuidhir. Hattin, ii. 378. el-GhUfr toll,' i. 427. el-Haudeh,'circuitous path,' ii. 179. el-Ghjar, ii. 436. Handela, ii. 274. el-Gh[irlb,' the raven,' i. 322. Haund Kibriyan,'Cyprian's trough,' ii. 4. el-Ghur'tbeh, ii. 266. Hauran, Heb. Hauran, Gr. A'pavTr'ts, AuGhurbeh, i. 87. ranitis, ii. 432, 439. Ghureir, Burckh. i. 180, 603. Hawfra, ii. 273. Ghirkliid, i. 676, 533. ii. 116. Hawarah,'destruction,' i. 66, 67. el-Ghfrkiideh, i. 61. el-IIawazim, Arabs, ii. 176. Ghuirndel, Gr. Apifvs8Xa, Arindela, i. 68. el-Haweit, dim.' a string,' i. 87, 111. — ii. 117, 168. IHaweitat, Sing. Haweity, rel. adj. from el-Ghuwein, dim. Heb. Anim, ii. 204.. Haweit, dim.'a string,' i. 162, 206, el-Ghuweir, dim. of el-Gh6r, ii. 121, 154, 207. ii. 155, 156. 175, 194. el-Hebahibeh, Ar. ii. 156. Ghbzaleh,'gazelle,' i. 152. HIebrfn, Heb. Hebron, ii. 90. Ghfizu,'marauding party,' ii. 110, 176. Heikal, pr. n. i. 146. Ghuzzeh, Gaza, i. 198. ii. 37. Heish, M. ii. 437. el-Gizeh (Jim hard), i. 25. el-Hej'aya, Arabs, i. 183, 530. et-Helal,'the lawful,' i. 185, 188, 190. el- elu,' sweet,' i. 535. H Hemadet, see Huimadet. el-Henady, Arabs, ii. 47. el-Habeshy,' the Abyssinian,' M. i. 147. el-Henaideh, Arabs, ii. 48. Ijabufs, i. 148. el-Henajireh, Sing. Hanjery, Ar. i. 186. el-1Hadb, ii. 216. Hend~j, ii. 446. HIadd'ta, IJaddkthah, ii. 450, 454. el-Hendis, i. 182. iaifa, Gr.'Hpd, Ephe, Sycaminum, ii. el-ienna, i. 505. 336, 340. Hesban, Heb. Heshbon, i. 551. el-Haikibeh, i. 184. IHibrAn, W. i. 87, 111. HIailezon, Hailaz6n,' snails,' i. 39. el-Hijr, ii. 522. Haira'n, pr. n. Hiram, ii. 456. el-H.ismeh, i. 174. ii. 155. ihaiwat, Sing. Haiwy, Arabs. Adj. from el-Hiizmeh, i. 439. Jaiyeh,' a snake,' having the same Hubeibeh, plant, i. 505, 535. letters as Heb. Hivite, i. 137, 160, 186. Iublin, ii. 13. el-Haj, (Heb. tq,)'a pilgrim caravan,' i. el-I.iidhera (dh for DMd), Heb. Hazeroth, i. 37ajla1,b. Beth-59ogl, 600. Hudhr, Sing. iIdhry (dh for Dad), Arabs tajla, Heb. Beth-Hoylah, i. 544. IHajr el-'Alawy,'stone of the'Alawy,' i. liv in towns and villages, i. 207. ~~~~~162.~~~ ~ ~ii. 112. Hajr er-Rukiklb,' stone of the riders,' i. 66. Idhrur (dh for IHajr Usdlun,'stone of Sodom,' i. 502. cilRufeiry ii. 121, 174. Iakl,'field,' i. 159, 172, 599. elH r, i. 194. 1alhfil, see Idhfil., ii. 4 Ilamah, Heb. ]hamath, ii. 503, 507. c A iie, 4. el-Hamam,'pigeons,' ii. 378, 398. Huhul, Heb. lhaul, i. 216, 489. el-IHam~c.l (dh for pad), i. 601. fiumidet el-'Anaz,'pebbly desert of A.' el-H~amdli (4~h for Dasd), i. 601. i. 184. ei-Ramma, ii. 370.: el-Hammadmn,.see Ri70.imm. IHumadet el-Berbery, i. 601. IIan 7weih, ii. 456. el-RHumady, Ar. i. 181. HIandhal, Cucumis colocynthus, i. 88. el-umdy, r. i. 181. el-Haram,'the holy,' i. 244. el-VIumeirAwdt,'red,' Plur. i. 158, 159. el-HIarmnilyeh,' the robbers,' ii. 265. el-iumeit, i. 148 HIaramon, Heb. Hermon, ii. 327. el-Humeiymeh, 168. arb, i 134mmam,'bath,' M. i. 70, 71. Haris, i. 454. Hummam Far'6n,'Pharaoh's bath,' i. 69, air is ii. 454i AHrfin, H eb. Aaron, i. 391. im. 125. Harel, sleb. Aaron, i. 391. ii. 125. H. ummam esh-Shefa,'bath of healing,' i. el-H. asana, i. 603. HIasb, ii. 119, 177. 343. Hab. beiy., i. 432, 433, 437, 438. el-Iummar, Heb.'Ir, asphaltum, i. 517. el-I.asy, ii. 47, 48. ii. 188, 189.

ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS. 583:ummuii, chick-pea, ii. 447. Jeb'ah, Heb. Gibeah, ii. 6, 13, 16. el-Humr, W. i. 71, 73, 75. —M. i. 95, 111. Jebhl,'mountains;' Heb. Gebal, Gr. rEH.Imra Fedan, ii. 121. GaAqvs, Gebalene, ii. 154..Iums, Gr.'E/eaoa, Emnessa, ii. 503, 507. el-Jebarat, Arabs, i. 186. ii. 44..Iursh Beirft,'grove of Beirfit,' ii. 490. Jebatha, Lat. Gabatha, ii. 344. el-Hfisn, ii. 13. Jebeil, Heb. Gebal, Gr. BvBXos, Byblos, ii. Hfisan Abu Zenneh,' horse of a monkey,' 506. i. 70. Jebeil Hasan, dim.' M. of Hasan,' i. 599. el-HI sasah, i. 506, 527, 528. Jebel,'mount, mountain.' Husein, i. 165. ii. 315. Jebeliyeh,'mountaineers,' i. 135, 598. el-Husn,'fortress,' vill. ii. 432, 438. Jedireh, i. 455. Husn el-Gh6rab,'fortress of the raven,' i. Jedbr, Heb. Gedor, ii. 13. 211. Jehair, i. 535. Husn es-Suflry, ii. 493. el-Jehalln, el-JehMllyeh, Sing. Jehaly, ArIussan, ii. 101. abs, i. 186, 499. ii. 98. HIuwara, see Hawgrah. Jehar, W. i. 488. el-Huweimirdt, i. 158, 159. Jehennam, Gr. re'yva, Gehienna, i. 269, 273. el-Jeib, W. ii. 118, 120, 174. I Jerl'd, Heb. Gilead, i. 527, 570. Jelameh, ii. 319. Ibn Ghiniim, Ar. i. 571. Jelbon, Heb. Gilboa, ii. 316, 325. Ibn Ma'an, ii. 378, 398. JemrBrah, ii. 70. Ibn'Omar, ii. 27, 215. Jenbeh, ii. 101. Ibn Shedld, see Shedid. Jendal, i. 41. Ibn Sukr, i. 74, 82. Jenin, Gr. rLvacla, Ginesa, Heb. En-yanIdhna, Gr.'IEs8v, Jedna, ii. 54, 57, 69, 219. n.im, ii. 314, 315. Ijnisnia, ii. 308. Jennabeh, ii 16. Ikhrimm, i. 184, 185. el-Jerafeh,'the gullying,' i. 180, 199. ii. Iksal, Heb. Chisloth, Chesulloth, Gr. 124, 125. EaAXdc6, Xaloth, ii. 332. Jerash, vill. ii. 16. Imam, i. 483. Jerba, ii. 314. Irbid, Heb. Arbel, Gr.'Ap,3hXa, Arbela, ii. Jerf, see Jurf. 378, 398, 399. el-Jerrah, W. ii. 104. el-'isawlyeh, rel. adj. fem. from'isa, Jesus, el-Jerfr, comp. Heb. Gerar, i. 188, 189. i. 437. el-Jesmamniyeh, Gethsemane, i. 234.'isa el-JerrAhy, i. 240. Jezirat Far'6n,'Pharaoh's island,' i. 161. Iskanderlyeh, Alexandria, i 13-17. Jezirat el-Yehuidlyeh, i. 50. Ismal,l' Ishmael, ii. 5. Jezzin, ii. 436, 439. Isma'n, Ishmel, ii. 5. el-Jib, Heb. Gibeon, i. 455. ii. 256. Isma'iliyeh, Sing. Isma'lly, ii. 512. Jibia, ii. 265. Israil, Israel, i. 330. Jifna, see Jufna. el-Ithm,'crime,' W. i. 162, 167, 174. Jil'ad, see Jel'.dl. Jiljilia, ii. 265, 266. Jiljileh, Heb. Gilyal, Gr. raXyovXi, ii. 243. J I Jimrin, ii. 16. Jimzu, Heb. Gimzo, ii. 249. Ja'deh, hyssop? i. 106, 109. el-Jish, Rabb. Gush Hialab, Gr. rl~xaxa, el-Jaifeh,'the concave,' i. 189. Giscala, ii. 445, 446. Jaihah, i. 441. el-Jisr,'the bridge.' el-Ja'ilat, Ar. ii. 156. Jisr Benat Ya'lkb,'bridge of the daugh JAlud, comp.'Ain Jlud, ii. 267.-ii. 323. ters of Jacob,' ii. 441. Jalft, Goliath, ii. 324. el-Jiyeh, ii. 487. el-JBmi'a,'place of assembly,' mosk, i 244, Jubb Jenin, ii. 484. 301. Jubb Y'suf,' Joseph's pit,' ii. 418, 419. Jamus, buffalo, ii. 412. Jufna, Gr. rdlpva, Irovpva, Gophna, Heb. el-Janieh, i. 453. ii. 255. Ophni? ii. 263, 264. Jaulan, Heb. Golan, Gr. ravxcwo,7r, Gau- el-Jgbohamileh, i. 601. lonitis, ii. 413, 416, 432, 437, 439. Juneid, ii. 303. el-Jauzeh,'walnut,' i. 104. Jurf,'gully,' or more properly'a bank el-Jawhbireh, Ar. ii 156. washed away and undermined by a el-Jazy, ii. 156. torrent,' i. 173. Jebn', Heb. Geba, i. 440, 577.-ii. 312. Jurf el-Munk1wa,' gully of M.' i. 39.

584 FIRST INDEX. Jurfa, ii. 16. Kerak,'castle,' i. 236, 502, 507, 519. ii. Juseir, dim.' bridge,' ii. 34. 85, 166, 524.-Tarichoea, ii. 387. Kerazeh, ii. 405. el-Kerr, Burckh. ii. 166. <K -Kersenna, vetches, ii. 83. Kesla, Heb. Chesalon, ii. 30. el-Kesrawan, ii. 507. el-IKA'a,'plain, i. 73, 111, l0. Khaibar, Arabs, i. 207. Ka'a el-Barnik, i. 603. el-Khait, ii. 435. KaL'a en-Nfikb, i. 176. Khalifeb, comm. Khalif. el-Ka'hbineh, Arabs, i. 499, 527. ii. 155. el-Khamis, i. 469. Kabr,' tomb,' ii. 90.-ii. 370. Khan,'lodging-place, inn.' lKabr Hairan,'tomb of Hiram,' ii. 456. Khan el-Minyeh, ii. 403, 404. el-.Kabu,' vault,' ii. 5. Khan et-TuUjjr,'Khan of the merchants,' Kadlta, ii. 444. ii 368 sq. el-K(dy,'judge,' ii. 454.-Riv. and bridge, hanzreh, ii. 117, 157. ii. 488. Kharaj, toleration tax, i. 426. el-KAhirah,'the conquering,' Cairo, i. 23. Kharas, ii. 16. Kaid Beg (g for Kaf), i. 38.b, crob,!(aisariyeh, Gr. KawctpeLa, Ucesarea, ii. 241 Khashm Usdum, ii. 107. /K.alwufin, ii. 237. Khatib,'orator,' i. 483. Kana, Heb. Kanah, W. ii. 273. —Vill ii. el-Kheishtum, dim.' cartilage of the nose,' 455, 456. ii. 16, 30, 232. Kana el-Jelil, Heb. Kanah, Gr. Kaa r Khirbeh, see Khrbeh. rrCof lKhirbehi see Khurbeh. raxaa6 as, Cana of Galilee, ii. 340, el-Khubarah, i. 202.-i. 498, 501. 346. Khudeir, pr. n. i. 139. Kaneitar, i. 88. el-Khfidr, St. George, i. 217. ii. 4.-ii., 474. kIanobln, Gr. KoivJ48ov, Ctonobium, ii. 506. ii. 492. Kashbeya, see Kuzheiya. i Aashheya, see Kuzheiya. -el-Kh5lasah, Gr.'EAovoa, Elusa, i. 201. el-l(ashury,' sterilis, infaustus,' ii. 281. hlda, huldeh, ii. 226.-Kha, i.2489. Khulda, Khuldeb, ii. 226.-Khan, ii. 489. el-lkaisimiyeh, ii. 472. el-KhUlll (Hebron),' friend,' as an epithet Katherin, Catharine, i. 95, 109. of Abraham, i. 213. ii. 90. Kaukab,'meteor,' ii. 340. el-Khiilus, i. 202. Kaukab el-Hawa,'meteor of the air,' ii. el-Khiimileh,'low ground,' i. 80, 81, 177. 328, 356, 361. Khuneifis, or Ukhneifis, ii. 323. el-Kans,' arrow,' ii. 221. el-Khuneifit, ii. 101. el-Kebir,'the great,' ii. 473. A ii 1 el-Keblr,' the great,' ii. 473. Khuraib er-Ram,' ruins of er-Ram,' i. 577. Kedes, Heb. Kedesh of Naphtali, ii. 439. el-Khbraizeh, i. 184. el-Keferein,' the villages,' i. 569. el-Khrar, ii. 177. lKeflyeh, i. 64, 162. Khurbata, ii 255 Kefr Adan, ii. 319. Khurbeh,' ruin.' lKefr'Aiab, i. 576. Khiirbet en-Niusarah,'ruins of the ChrisKefr Kenna, ii. 347, 369. tians,' i. 215. Kefr IK(d, Gr. KanrapIdCTa, Caparcotia, ii. Khurbet en-NMsrany,'ruins of the Chris317. tian,' ii. 216. Kefr Ki iin, ii. 274. IKhireitfin, i 481, 486, 487. Kefr el-Lebad, ii. 303, 308. el-Khureity, i. 176. Kefr Menda, ii. 340. Kefr MendI, ii. 340r. 452. 262 Khurmet el-Jurf,'rupture of the gully,' i Kefr Murr,' bitter,' i. 452. ii. 262. 173 Kefr Musr, ii. 356. hbrsah, i. 216 Kefr Saba, Gr. KapapoaaSd, Antipatris, i. el-Khuweilifeh, i. 207. ii. 217. 242, 243. el-Khiza'y, i. 203. Kefr Sabt, ii. 369. el-Khizneh,'treasure,' ii. 132, 145. Kefr Selw'n, Heb. Shiloah, Gr., ibleh, Kibl, i.241 Siloam, i. 232, 342. iibrln, W. i. 111. Kefr.m,'fasting,' ii. 6. K Kefr om,'fasting,' ii. 63. I(Kidron, Heb. Kidronz, i. 257, 269, 531. Kefrah, ii. 356. Kineh, town, i. 23.-W. i. 83. Keis, Ieislyeh, ii. 17. Kirdhy (dh for Dad), plant, i 84. el-Kelb,' the dog,' ii. 492, 498. iKir(is, ii. 206. el-Kelt, Heb. Cherith? i. 441, 557, 558. el-Kiymeh,'the resurrection,' i. 377. Kemenjeh, ii. 205.' Kolzum, Gr. KX6"oua, Klysmza, i. 47.. eniseh, Chald. M452 1 a synagogue, eKubab, ii. 232. church,' ii. 281. Khbalan, ii. 272.

ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS. 585 K1aibktyeh,.Kibatieh, ii. 314..Kiisabeh, ii. 48. Iubbeh,' dome.' el- Kfstineh, ii. 30. 1Kubbet el-Baul, ii. 198. el-iKisistl, Lat. Castellum, ii. 6..Kubbet Rahil,' dome of Rachel,' i. 218, 469..(fit, bird, ii. 200. el-Kubeibeh, dim.' dome,' ii. 50, 255. Kitrah, ii. 227. el-K1deirah, i. 440. el-Kuweiseh, dim.'bow,' W. i. 70. el-lKudeirat, i. 189. ii. 200. Kuiza, ii. 273. Kudna, ii. 24. Kuzheiya (i.? h?), Burck. Kashheya, ii. el-I(uds,'the Holy,' Jerusalem, i. 258. 507. el-Ki.(Ufflyeh, ii. 177. Kuieir, dim.'village,' ii. 314. Kfffln, i. 217. L el-Kuihal, antimony, i. 80. el-I.il'ah,'the castle,' ii. 278, 493. el-Ladikiyeh, Gr. AaoIScaia, Laodicea, ii. Kfl'at er-Ribhd, i. 445. 503. Ku(leh, ii. 232. Lanteh, Gr. AEJh'ros wro'raus, Leontes, ii. Kuleib Hauran, dim.' dog of Haurdn,' ii. 472, 473. 432. Latr6n, Lat. Latro, ii 232..K1l6nieh, Kil16nia, Gr. KovXdv, i. 461. Leben, soured milk. Kulfindia, i. 455, 458, 576. el-Lebweh,'the lioness,' W. i. 83. el-Kuly, ashes,' alkali,' i. 505. el-Le. yneh, W. i. 180. Kulzum, see Kolzum. el-Leimon,'lemon,' ii. 402. n. Kumieh, ii. 323, 356. el-Leja,' asylum,' W. i. 89, 112. el-Kuneitirah, i. 545. ii. 394, 439. el-Lejah, distr. i. 394. el-Kura, ii. 522. el-Lejjun, Gr. AeyecES, Leyio, KJegiddo, ii. el-Kirah, ii. 494. 316, 323, 328. el-Kiurahy, ii. 104, 112. Liblabeh,'convolvulus,' W. i. 38. Kuratiyeh, ii. 34. LibnAn, Heb. ]:i=, ii. 437, 493..Kurawa, ii. 266. Lifta, vill. i. 458. ii. 2. Kurdhy, see Iirdhy. el-Litany, Leontes, ii. 437, 438, 472. el-.Kirdhlyeh (dh for Dad), W. i. 63. el-Liyathineh, Ar. ii. 156. el-Kureikireh,'the callous spot on a cam- el-Lubban, Heb. Lebonah, ii. 271, 272. el's breast,' i 175. el-Lfbieh,'bean,' ii. 370. el-Kureis, i. 599. Ludd, Heb. Lod, Gr. AMa, Lydda, ii. el-Kureiyeh, W. i. 184. 244. el-Kurey, and el-.Kureiyeh,'village, ruin,' el-Luhham, ii. 14. i. 160, 161. el-Lussan, Gr. AMosa, Lysa, i. 187. Kuriet, see Kuryet. Kiiriyut, Gr. Kopeat, Corece? ii. 267. Kurmul, Heb. Carmel, i 494, 495, 496. M ii. 97.-M. ii. 337. el-.Kurn,'horn,' i. 200-202. Ma'an, Heb. Maon, iMaonites, ii. 168. Kurnub, Thamara, ii. 197, 202. el-Ma'az, Ar. ii. 143, 153. K(irrashy, Arabs, i. 133, 138. Ma'Azeh, Ar. i. 139..Kfirfun Hattin,'horns of Hattin,' ii. 370. el-Mab' k, wells, i. 49..Kiirntil, Quarantana, i. 567. Ma'dad, i. 440. I(uryet el-'Enab, Heb. Kirjath-Jearim, ii. Ma'derah, ii. 356. 11. Madsus, M. i. 111. 1Kuryet Jit, Gr. rS-Ta, ii. 308. Madurah, ii. 179. 1Kuryet es-Sa'ideh, ii. 6. el-M'lein,'two wsters,' i. 185. el-(uryetein, Heb. Kerioth? ii. 101. Ma'in, Heb. iAlacon, i. 493, 494. ii. 97. el-cfisaby, i. 602. Makam, see Mukam. el-.Kusaimeh, i. 190. el-Mabul, i. 181. Kusb.ur, ii. 55. Makhrun, i. 448. el-Kuseib, ii. 118. el-Mak-ul, ii. 203. el-Kuseifeh, see Tell el-Kuseifeh. el-Malih,'the salt,' F. i. 77. el-Kuseir, dim.'castle,' ii. 198. el-Malbh,'salt, brackish,' well, ii. 155. Kusr,' castle.' el-Maihah, i. 469. Kusr'Antar, i. 486. el-Mamilla, i. 326. I.usr el-Bedawy, i. 168, 174. el-Mandhur (dh for.Dad), i. 537. Knsr Um el-Leimbn,' lemon,' i. 486. el-Mansmlr,'the conqueror,' ii. 156. kIsr el-Yehud,' castle of the Jews,' i. 536, el-Mans'irah,' the victorious,' ii. 226. —ii 545. 371.

586 FIRST INDEX. Mar,'lord,' a title. el-Mojib, Heb. Arinon, i. 502, 507. Mar Saba, see Deir MAr Saba. Monn,'manna,' Heb., i. 75, 115. Mdir6n, ii. 447, 449. el-Morak, ii. 219. el-Ma'slhuk, ii. 460, 472. el-Mu'addamiyeh, W. ii. 446. el-Mas'udy, Ar. i. 571. el-Mu'aAdh-dhem, pr. n. i. 317. ii. 426. Masyad, castle, ii. 512. el-Mu'allakah,'suspended,' ii. 489. Ma.yaf, el-Mudareij, i. 158. el-Matartyeh, i. 25. Mudha'in (qh for Dad), M. i. 80. Mawlihi, Plur.' salt places,' i. 40, 172. el-Mudhaiyat (dh for Dad), i. 603. Mawarid el-H.ldhera (jh for Dad),'paths Mudhebbih Sa'id'Obeideh, i. 527. to HIudhera,' i. 151. Mudlr, i. 482. ii. 315. Ma'yan,'fountain,' i. 102, 109. Mufitrik et-Turk,'fork of roads,' i. 175. el-Mayein,'two waters,' W. i. 185. el-Mughar, ii 227.-ii. 371. el-Mebrik,'kneeling-place' for camels, el-Mugh&ribeh,'western Africans,' i. 43, W. i. 159. 164, 263. Medlfeh,'place of entertainment,' i. 445. el-Mughtillis, ii. 30. ii 19. el-Mu\ilsh, i. 157. el-Medineh,' the city,' ii. 370; el-Mulauwat, W. ii. 104, 107. MeirSn, Meirum, ii. 430, 444.- el-Muhdy,'the Guide,' ii. 278. Meithel6n, ii. 312, 314. Muheirid el-Kinas, i. 111. Mej mi'a, i. 538. 1 11. Mejid elB'a, i. 53494. eii-Muhelleh, ii. 176. WMejd el-M'a, i. 494. ii. 205, 206. Mukam,' station, tomb of a saint,' ii. 16. el-Mejdel, Heb. XMigdal, Gr. Md3y5aXa,l MVag- Mukary, Plur. Mukariyeh,'camel driver, dala, ii. 396, 397.-ii. 232. muleteer,' i. 436, 461, 580. el-Melahin, Ar. ii. 156. el-Mukatteb,'the written,' i. 73, 128. el-Melilvy, ii. 125. el-Mukattem,'the concealed,' i. 37, 38. el-Melli^ah, F. ii. 435. el-Mfikberah,'burying-place,' i. 81. Menf, Heb. i e, llemphis, i. 27. Mukeibil, pr. n. ii. 146. Menzil,'guest-chamber,' ii. 19. el-Mulkeibileh, ii. 319. el-Merakh, W. i. 159, 160. el-Mukhafeh,'fear,' i. 44. Merj,'meadow.' el-Mhtkhlefeh,'disagreement,' W. i. 146. Merj'Ayun, Heb.'i%-!, ijon, ii. 438. Milkhmas, Heb. Michmash, i. 441, 442. Merj el-Ghirik,'meadow of sinking or Mukhna, i. 273, 279. drowning,' ii. 313. Mukhsheib, i. 45. Merj Ibn'Amir, plain of Esdraelon, ii. 324, Mhkhshikeh ii. 455. 362. el-MhikrAh, i. 179, 186, 199. Merj Ibn'Omeir, ii. 253. el-Mukrih, i. 40, 154. el-Mersed, i. 506. 1 Mulkrih el-Ibna, i. 602. el-Mes'adiyeh, ii. 411. Mukrih el-Weberah, i. 40. MesA'ld, Sing. Mas'udy, rel. adj. from Mas- el-Muktadir, ii. 237.'Ad, pr. n. i. 159. Mi.ktiil edh-Dhuleim,'place of the killing Mes-hed, ii. 356. of the oppressed,' i. 602. Meshghirah, ii. 484. el-Muklibbeleh,' the kissed,' W. i. 158. el-MeshOlad, ii. 350. el-Mulysitta','ford,' riv. Kislhon, ii. 363, el-Mesjid,'place of adoration,' temple, 36. mosk, i. 301. Mul.tta' et-Twrk, W.. 177. el-Mesmiyeh, ii. 30. el-Muneiderah, M. i. 148. Metawileh, Sing. MutawAly, ii. 448, 511. el-Munettisheh, i. 478. el-Metn, distr. ii. 506. el-Muntr, ii. 39. el-Mlez-irik, i. 159, 161. el-Muntilla','the ascent,' i. 44. el-Mezra'ah, i. 520. —ii. 331.-ii. 455.. 77. MihrAb,'niche of prayer,' i. 241. Mirbhht Ka'id el-WVsileh, i. 156. el-Milh,'salt,' Moladah, Malatha, ii. 200, el-Mereidhah (dh for D&d);' the sick,' ii. 201. 177. Min'in, ii. 26. el-Mureikhy, dim. of el-Muirkhdh, pass, i. el-Minyav, i. 602. 76, 191, 198, 601. el-Minyeh, Khan, ii. 403, 404. el-Mirkh~th,'relaxed?' i. 72, 73. Mird, i. 545. Mur.kus, Gr. MdpWcos, Marcus, ii. 229. Miry, tribute, ii. 98. Mfirrah, W. i. 149, 150. el-Mirzaba, ii. 125, 176. el-Mhrt.beh, W. i. 203. Misilya, ii. 312, 314. el-Murussits, ii. 356. Misr, see Musr. Musa, Moses.

ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS. 587 el-Museik, ii. 102. Nfiba, ii. 70. el-MushMlikhah, Ar. i. 571. Nibkl,' lote-tree,' i. 505, 560. ii. 388. el-Musheh-hem, i. 602, 603. NihhAlin, ii. 13. el-Muslim,'Muhammedan.' Niikb,'pass, defile.' Mfusr, Egypt, usual name for Cairo, i. 23. Nuikb Hawy,' windy pass,' i. 87. el-Mnusry, el-Musrlyeh,'Egyptian,' i. 161, Nukei'a el-Fil, dim.' plain of beans,' i. 68. 162, 171, 174. en-Nukeirah, dim.'cavity,' M. i. 174. el-Mustlllabeh,' the Cross,' convent, i. 424. Nikhl,' palm trees,' i. 172, 176, 198, 602. ii. 3. Nun.kur, ii. 214. el-Mustirr, W. ii. 5, 13, 20. Nufris, ii. 323, 340. Mutawly, see Metawileh. en-Nusairiyeh, comm. Ansairiyeh, which Muteir, pr. n. i. 139. see, ii. 436, 512. el-Mutesellim, el-Mutsellimi,'governor,' i. Nfsra, Nisarah, Christians; Sing. Nus246. rany, ii. 341. el-Miityah,'descent,' i. 444, 575. en-Nisb,'erection, pillar?' i. 75, 76, 77; Muweilih, dim. of MawAlih, prob. Leuke 105, 110, 147. Kome, i. 172, 599. ii. 160. —F. i. 190. Nfislb, Heb..I,2 Nezib, ii 17, 57, 220. el-Muzeinlah, ii. 197. Nuss Ijbeil, ii. 308. Muzeiny, Ar. i. 134. Nttr Abu Sumar, i. 601. el-Muzeiri'ah, dim.'plantation,' i. 188. N attr el-L reh,' watchman of a thing'plantati N r el-L'.lyeh,'watchman of a thing el-Muzeiri'ut, Plur. dim.'pla ions, found,' i. 208. 191. en-Nuweibi'a, dim.'springing up like a fountain,' i. 155, 156. Niba', F. i. 61. Naiblus, comm. fbr Nabulus. Nabulus, Gr. NednromAs, Neapolis, ii. 275, el-'ibeidiyeh, ii. 387. 287. el-'Odha (dh for Dad), i. 111. en-Na.hl,'bees,' ii. 224.'Odheib,' sweet water,' i. 50. Nahr,'river.' el-'Ojmeh, i. 76, 179. en-N,'imeh, ii. 489.'Ojrat el-Feras,'hillock of the horses,' i. en-Nakirah, ii. 304. 149. Nakfis,'sounding-board,' i. 111.'Omar, pr. n. ii. 27, 215. Na'lin, ii. 232. el-'Orf,' crest,' i. 87. en-Nar,'fire,' i. 273, 531. el-'OrfAn, i. 147. NAsir, ii. 237.'Oreis Themman, dim.'bride of T.' i. 71. en-N';sirah, Gr. Na'apge, Nazareth, ii. 333-'6sh, bird's nest,' W. i. 85. 343.'O'sheh, ii. 355. Nawa'imeh, W. i. 569, 571, 572. Osha' i. 527. en-Nawatir,'watchmen,' i. 599. el-'Osher, tree, i. 505, 522. Ndzir (z for Dha),'warden,' i. 452. el-'Ozeiz, i. 455. ii. 256. Neba, Heb. Nebo, i. 509, 510. en-Nebk, ii. 507. Neby Bfulus,'prophet Paul,' i. e. St. Paul, R ii. 16, 223. en-Neby Daud,' the prophet David,' i. 262. Rabba, Heb. Pabbah, ii. 166, 524. Neby Hirfin,' prophet Aaron,' ii. 152, 519- Rafat, i. 453, 454.-ii. 226. 521. Rafldia, ii. 303. Neby Ni'h,'prophet Noah,' ii. 55, 214. Neby N,'p et Noah,' ii., 214 er-Raihah, i. 45, 48, 61; 89, 95, 107. Neby Samwil,'prophet Samuel,' i. 457- Ralamy, Arabs, i. 134. 460. er-RMhib,'monk,' W. i. 273, 531. Neby Yfinas,'prophet Jonah,' i. 216.-i. er-Rahmeh,' mercy,' i. 322. 489.-ii. 487. er-Rakib,'rider,' i. 208. en-Nehedein,'two teats,' W. i. 38. er-Raklm, Rem, Rekem, ii. 521. Nein, Gr. Nail, fNain, ii. 356, 861. er-R.kineh,'the painted,' i. 76, 198, 601. en-Nejd, ii. 105, 106. - er-R: m Heb. Rnah, i. 576. Nemela, ii. 123, 125, 152. Ram-Allah, i. 453. Netsh, a plant, i. 493. er-Rameh, i. 569. Nijid, ii. 35. Ramet, i. 2165 Nimrin, Heb. Nimrah, Nimrim, i. 445, Ramin, ii. 303, 308. 551. Raml el-Miirak, i. 77. N6rej, Heb. lqri,'threshing sledge,'i. 550. er-Ramleh,' sand,' ii. 229, 234.

588 FIRST INDEX. er-Ramliyeh,' the sandy,' i. 585. es —Sa'deh, i. 154. Ra'na, ii. 24. Safed, ii. 420-432. Ras el-Alhmar,'the red,' ii. 447, n. es-Safieh,'the clear,' Heb. Zephathah? Ras el-'Ain,' fountain-head,' ii. 457-459. Tell, ii. 29, 31.-Ghor, ii. 112. Ras el-Burlka','veil cape,' i. 155, 157. Safiriyeh, ii. 232. Ra's Kerker, or lRas Kerka', i. 453. ii. 250, es-Saherah, i. 269. 253. Sahil,'plain,' ii. 378. R1as en-Nh.kb,' head of the pass,' i. 175,,Sahyfin, Heb. Zion, i. 323. 599. Sa'id, proper name. Ras esh-Shuiraf,'head of the height,' i.,Saida, Heb. Zidon, Gr. [Wcowv, Sidon, ii. 599. 476-485. Ras Um Ilaiyeh,' Cape mother of ser- Saidanaya, ii. 503. pents,' i. 157, 158. es-Sa'idat, W. i., 189. Ras el-Wady,'head of the Wady,' i. 50. es-Sa'idin, Sing. es-Sa'idy, Ar. i. 186. Rashaideh, Sing. Rashidy, Ar. i. 491, 506, es-Sa'idlyeh, Ar. i. 133, 186. 527..Said6n, ii. 226. Rasheiya, ii. 433, 437, 438. Sa'ir, i. 488. Raudh el-HImarah (dh for pDad),'brook S.kieh,' a water-machine,' i. 19, 581, 582. of the she ass,' i. 183 Sakieh teduir bir-rijl, i. 582. Raujlb, ii. 274, 280. Sa'l, W. i. 147-149. er-Rawajifeh, Ar. ii. 156. es-Sa'l er-Reiyany,'the wet,' i. 148. er-Rawak,'portico,' i 602, 603. Salah ed-Din, Saladin. er-Refdi'a, Ar. ii. 156. Stli, pr. n. i. 83, 133, 142. er-Reineh, ii. 349. Silim, Heb. Shalem, ii. 275, 279. er-Reiyaneh,'the wet,' i. 39, 148. es-Salt, i. 527, 537. er-Rejim, i. 601. Samary, Plur. Semarah, Heb. Samaritan, Rejum,'throwings,' i. 42. ii. 282. Rejum el-Khail,'throwings of the horses,' Sanik, see Senik. i. 50. Santa Hanneh, St. Anne, ii. 26, 28, 51. Retiameh, i. 84. Sanur, ii. 312, 313. Retem, Heb..n>,'broom-plant,' i. 84, Sarbut el-Jemel, i. 74. 203, 20S, 500. Sa'sa', ii. 445, 446. Rib0lh, Wady, i. 273. es-Sa'Mdiyeh, Ar. ii. 156. Ribba, ii. 70. ~ 273. Saulam, see SOlam. Ribleh, Heb. Riblah, ii. 507, n. es-Sawafir, Heb. Saphir, ii. 34. er-Riddadeh,' the repulsing,' W. i. 175. Sawalihah, Sing. Slihy, Arabs, i. 133. Ridhn (dh for Dad),'brooks,' Plur. of a a Riqban (Kb for Dad),'brooks,' Plur. of es-Sawarikeh, Sing. Sariky, Ar. i. 186. ii. Raudh, i. 183. 48. Ridhan esh-Shuka'a (dh for.Dad),' brooks es-Sawieh, ii. 272. of S.' i. 150. es-Seba','lion,' also'seven,' i. 204. ii. Rilia, for Erliha, which see, i. 552. 199, 200. Rishrash, Agnus castus, i. 535, 544. Seba' Biyar,'seven wells,' i. 50, 585, 587. er-Rizkah, W. i. 174. es-Seba'iyeh, W. i. 104, 105, 145. er-Ribi'y, ii. 122, 139, 175. Sebbeh, Masada, i. 502, 525. Ruibin, Reuben, ii. 5, 227. Sebiistieh, Gr. 2ejdaOT, Sebaste, Samaria, er-Ribf'y, Ar. i. 181. ii. 303, 311. er-R dbidAiyeh, W. ii. 401, 402. Seffairieh, Gr. E7r4copfs, Sepphoris, ii. 337, er-Ruhaibeh,'the spacious,' comp. Heb. 344. RBehoboth, i. 196, 197, 202. es-Seheb,' open desert,' i 86. Rujeirm Selameh, ii. 102. Seif ed-Din, pr. n. ii. 79, 237. Riikhama, ii. 201. es-Seih, i. 81, 82. er-Runamny, ii. 14. Seih en-Nfisb,' flowing of N.' i. 77. Rurmeish, ii. 447, 450. Seil Abu Zeid,' torrent of A. Z.' W. i. 42. Rumeilet Hamid, dim.'place of sand,' i. Seilun, Heb. Shiloh, Joseph. 4Ac$,:Aoiv, 203. ii. 267-271. Rummaneh, Heb. Rimmon, ii. 340. Sekakeh, ii. 267. Rumm6n, Heb. Rimmon, i. 440, 444, 445. es-Selm,'peace,' i. 437, 439. er-Ruweihiblyeh, rel. adj. fern. from dim. Selwa, quail, ii. 200.'monk' or'lion,' i. 152, 153. Selwad, ii. 265. Selwin, Heb. Siloah, Gr. Xaodiu, Siloam, i. 232, 333, 342. Semak, W. ii. 386. Shba, see Deir Mar Shba. Semakh, ii. 387.

ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS. 589 es-Semeklyeh, Arabs, ii. 402, 408. Shuweifit, ii. 490. Semermer, locust-bird, ii. 340, 379. esh-Shuweikeh, dim. of Shaukeh, Heb. Semmaneh, a bird, i 62. Socoh, i. 494, 495.-ii. 1'6, 21. Semr, a tree, i. 505. esh-Shuweir, ii. 505. es-Semi'a, Heb. _Eshtemoa, i. 211, 494. ii. es-Sidr, lote-tree, i. 437.-i. 505. 204. es.Sifla,' the lower,' ii. 14. Semfnieh, Gr. qcuIv'Yds, Simonias, ii. 344. es-Slk, ii. 126, 130. Semfi'y, ii. 432, n. es-Sikakin,'knives,' ii. 153. Senik, ii. 476. Sileh, ii. 312.-ii. 319, 323. Serab,' mirage,' i. 42. Sflet ed-Dahr,' S. of the summit,' ii. 312. es-Seram, i. 191, 192. Silleh, plant, i. 84. Serbal,'cloak? M. i. 70, 77, 86, 111, 117, Simsim,' sesame,' ii. 29, 35, 45, 46. 118, 590. Sindian,'ilex,' ii. 72, 81. es-Seru,' cypress,' M. i. 95. Sinjil, ii. 266. Seyal,' acacia,' i. 68, 75, 82, 149. Sirlan, W. ii. 204. Sha'fat, i. 579. ii. 261. Sirin, ii. 356. esh-Shafi'y, pr. n. ii. 42. Sirs, ii. 314. esh-Sha'feh,'summit,' M. i. 174. Sitty Meryam,'my Lady Mary,' i. 262. esh-Shaoghir, ii. 371. S6ba, Heb. Zusph, Zophim? ii. 6-10. esh-Shahiblyeh, F. ii. 193. Solaf, i. 87. Shahrur, W. ii. 490. S6lam, Heb. Shunem, Gr. Zovvc/a,:ovaXh, esh-Sha'ib, i. 182, 537, 551, 569. Lat. Sulem, ii. 324, 325. esh-Shajerah, ii. 356. Soleif, i. 86. Sha'leh, ii. 308. es-Silbat,'the tribes,' gate, i. 262. esh-Sham, Syria, usual name for Damas- es-Subeibeh, ii. 437. cus, ii. 498. See Dimeshk. Sudeid, ii. 102. esh-Shawaghirlyeh, Ar. i. 42. Sudeir, dim. of Sudr, i. 527. Shedid, i. 140. ii. 156. Suidr,'breast,' W. i. 63. Shehab, ii. 506. Sfidfid, Heb. Zedad, ii. 507, n. esh-Shehabeh, esh-ShehAbiyeh, i. 179. ii. eus-Sifa, W. ii. 412. 193. See also esh-Shahiblyeh. es-SifAh, Heb. Zephath, ii. 178, 181. esh-Sheikh,'the aged, elder,' W. i. 85, 89, es-.Sufey, dim. of es-Sifah, ii. 178, 181. 96, 121, 146. Suffa, ii. 250. Sheikh el-Beled,' Sheikh of the village,' i. es-Sfifra,' the yellow,' i. 500. 447. es-SiUfsfeh,' willow,' i. 104, 106, 107. ShellAl, W. i. 72. es-Sfihau, W. i. 80. esh-SherAfAt,'i. 469. Sik et-Tujjar,'mart of the merchants,' ii. Sherafeh, M. i. 158. 369. esh-Sherah,'tract, region,' ii. 155. el-Sukeirat, Sing. Sukeiry, Ar. i. 186. esh-Sherarat, Ar. ii. 204. es-Sukhrah,'the rock,' i. 244, 300. esh-Sheri'ah,'watering-place,' W. i. 203. es-Sukkariyeh,' the sugary,' ii. 49. ii. 44, 48. The Jordan, i. 537. es-Suleim, i. 437. esh-Sherif,' the noble,' i. 244. Suleiman,'Solomon,' W. ii. 249, 252, 253, esh-Sherm, i. 105, 110. 256. esh-Shi'ah,' Shlites,' ii. 448, 511, 512. es-Suleisil, dim.'chain,' ii. 115. Shib, artemisia Judaica, i. 84. es-Sillt, Arabs, ii. 99. esh-Shiyukh, Plur. of Sheikh, i. 486, 488. Suilsfil Zeit, i. 95. esh-Sh6bek, ii. 123, 154, 164, 168. es-Sultan, i. 554.. Shubeikeh,'net,' i. 71. es-Siimghy,' the gummy,' i. 152-154. Shubra, i. 18. Summeil, ii. 33, 513. Shu'eib, Jethro, i. 89, 95. Sfumr et-Tinia, i. 101. Shi.kk Musa,' rent of Moses,' i. 109. es-Simrah, ii. 387, n. Shuikaf, i. 527. es-Simt, for es-Stnt, which see, ii. 5, 15, esh-Shuikeirah, i. 148, 149. 20, 21, 226. esh-ShUklf, castle, ii. 450, 453. es-Sunam, ii. 412. esh-Shunnar,'partridge,' F. i. 109. Siunain, ii. 6, 14. esh-Shureif, dim.' eminence,' i. 601. Siundela, ii. 319. esh-Shrsrldyeh, fem.' the eastern,' i. 37, 52. Sunir, Heb. Senir, ii. 440. esh-Shfirky, masc.'the eastern,' Anti-Le- Sinnin, ii. 437, 492. banon, ii. 437. Stunt, also Siint, Forsk. Sint, acacia vera, esh-Shurm, see Sherm. ii. 21. esh-Shutein, W. i. 200. es-Suiny, i. 203, 204. Shitta, Heb. Beth-Shittah? ii. 356. Sur, Heb. Tyre, ii 459-471. VOL. II. 50

590 FIRST INDEX. es-Str, W. ii. 221. Tell el-Kuseifeh, ii. 200. Sur Bhil, i. 486. Tell es-Safieh,'the clear,' Blanchegarde, SirAbitt el-IMhAdim, i. 73, 77-79. ii. 29-32. Sfirafend, Heb. Zarephath, Gr.:dcpe7rTa, Tell et-Turmnus,'hill of lupines,' ii. 30. Sarepta, ii. 474, 475. Tell et-Tawaneh, ii. 104; comp. i. 498. Siirafend, Gr. 2apucdala, Sariphcea? ii. Tell el-Yehud,'hill of the Jews,' i. 25. 242. Temsa.h,'crocodile,' i. 50. Sir'ah, Heb. t,:, Zorah, ii. 14, 16, 31 Terabeh,'Ain, i. 528, 529. 224. i Terabin, Sing. Terb'ny, Arabs, i. 63, 68, es-Siirar, ii. 5, 15, 224, 226, 227. 137, 156, 186. es-Surey, dim.'cypress,' i. 95. Terkumieh, Gr.TpLCLs, Tricias, ii. 54, 220. Sfirra, ii. 303. Suirtabeh, i. 536, 558, 569. ii. 280. Tershhah,ii. 450. Susieh, i. 494. ii. 205. Teydhah, see Tiyahah. Sutfh Beida,' white terraces,' ii. 139. Thil, W. 70. Sutuh Hrfin,'Aaron's terrace,' ii. 127, eth-Thelj,'snow,' ii. 440. 139. Then ail,'water-pits,' i. 203. ii. 197, 199. es-Suweikeh, dim.'market,' M. i. 179.- Themail Um es-Saideh, i. 601. i. 575. eth-Themed, i. 176, 198, 602.-ii. 226. Themileh,' water-pits,' i. 181. es-Suweinlit, i. 441. es-Suweinmt, i. 441. Tibneh, Heb. Timnah, Timneth, ii. 16, 17, es-Suweiryeh, rel. adj. fem. i. 146. Snweis, Suez, i. 46. Tibnin, castle, ii. 450-453. Swul.A-, S. 7, 8. 4 et-Tih,'wandering,' M. i. 68, 75, 111, 150, Suwuk, i. 77, 80. 151, 157, 158, 180, 198. Desert, i. 177, 178, 186. Wady, i. 585. T et-Tin,'fig tree,' ii. 403. T. inia, M. i. 95, 105, 111. Ta'amirah, Sing. Ta'mary, Arabs, i. 467, et-Tn, i. 105, 110. et-Tir~n, i. 105 110 482-485; Wady, i. 470, 474, 528. et-Tireh, ii 450. Ta'annuk, Heb. Taanceh, ii. 316, 318. TiyAhah, Sing. Tihy, rel. adj. from et-Tih, Taba', i. 160, 161. Arabs, i. 137, 186. ii. 99, 156. et-Thbighah, ii. 405, 406. Tfibariyeh, Gr. TLepLdS, Tiberias, ii. 380. et-Tahta,'the lower.' et-Taihtyib,' the goodwer. Tibs, Heb. Thebez, ii. 317. et-iyibthe good,' ii. 101. el-TTibhkah, Gr. TdcyaBa? ii. 47, 517. e V-Taiyibeh, fem.' te good,' Wady, i; 71. et.-Ttfileh, Heb. Tophel, ii. 156, 167, 187. Vill. i. 444-447, 550.-4i. 70, 71, 72. et-Tubeishimeh, i. 217, 474. Tannir, Heb.'I,'oven, furnace,' ii. et-Tujjar,'the merchants,' ii. 368, 369. 406. Tul Keram, ii. 308. Tarabulus, Tripolis, ii. 503. Ttll.u, thorny tree, W. i. 95, 111, 113. T.set Siidr,'cup of Siudr,' M. i. 62, 63. Tuleil el-Ful, dimin. of Tell el-FPl,'hill Tauran, i. 150. of beans,' Gibeah of Saul, i. 439, 577et-Tawal,' the long,' i. 603. 579. et-Tawaneh, i. 498. ii. 104. Tillh, acacia, i. 68, 75, 149. Tawarah, Sing. Try,' Arabs of Tur' or Tilluza, Tuilluzah (z for Dha), Heb. Tirzah, Sinai, i. 133, 135, 137. ii. 317. Tawfrif el-Belal,'curtains of a tent,' i. Tumilkt, i. 50. 176. Timrah, ii. 356. Tawarik, i. 48, 62, 585. finniir, ii. 48. Tebbin, i. 50. Tur,'mountain,' i. 95, 120.-i. 274.-ii. Tebfk, ii. 522. 276.-ii. 351.-Town, i. 73. Tefffih, Heb. Tappueah, ii. 71. Tfir Sina,'Mount Sinai,' i. 95. et-Teim, ii. 437, 438. et-Tuiraibeh, ii. 196. Teitebeh, ii. 445, n. Tur'an, ii. 369. et-Tekiyeh, hospit. i. 385.. ii. 3. Tirf er-Rukn,' end of the foundation,' i. Tekf'a, Heb. Tekoa, i. 486, 487. 176, 179, 180. et-Tell,'hill,' Bethsaida, Julias, ii. 410, T-irfa, tamarisk, i. 68, 115, 149. 412, 413. Turmus'Aya, ii. 266, 268. Tell'Arad, Heb. Arad, ii. 101, 201. T.ry, see Tawarah. Tell'Asur, Heb. Hazor? i. 448. ii. 264. Tuweileb, dim.' a seeker,' i. 116, 146, 149, Tell el-Ful, see Tuleil el-Fil. 210. Tell Hattin, see Kl(irun Hattin. et-Tuweimeh, ii. 14. Tell IHuim, ii. 406, 408.

ARABIC NAMES AND WORDS. 591 U Ya'k6b, Jacob, ii. 405. Y.lo, F. i. 326, 469. Ukhneifis, see Khuneifis, ii. 323. Ylo,. i. 326, 469. 253. Um'Alawy, i. 104, 111, 147. Y'lo, Heb. Aijalon, ii. 232, 253. Um el-'Amad,' mother of columns,' i. 493. e-Yaron, ii., -ii. 206. Yarmfik, Heb. Jarmuth, Euseb.'IepIcvX$s, Um ed-Derjmother of stepsF. i. Jerome Jarmucha, ii. 16, 17i 21. Ur dD3 jt7.ep, Yar6n, ii. 447, 449. Y~sfir, ileb. Hazor? ii. 34. Um Eshteiyeh, ii. 16. Yebna, Heb. abneh, ii. 227. Um el-Fahlm, ii. 319, 325, 340. Yebrd, ii. 264. URLL Hf2tsh, i. 156. Yebrufd, ii. 264. Um -H sh, i. 5 16~ Yeh6shaffit, Heb. Jehoshaphat, i. 269. Um el-.Hammam, i. 528. Um JAma, ii. i24. el-Yehuidlyeh,'Jewish,' Heb. Jehud? ii. Ur Jina, ii. 224. 242. Umr Judei'a, ii. 52, 65. ele white'. 185 188. ~Urnm~~ Kidra~f~ BYelek,' white,' i. 185, 188. Yemameh, ii. 522. Um Lakis,'mother of a reproacher,' not Yemen, emenii. 17. Heb. Lachish,.iii 46, 47. Yemen, Yemeniyehi ii. 17. Il~eb. Lachish~~, iel-Yemen, Pass, ii. 178, 179, 182, 196. Um Lauz,'almond,' i. 104, 147. rmk, se YrIk. Um er-Riimammn,'mother of pomegra- Yetma, ii. 272. nates,' ii. 218. Yana, ohannes. Y6hanna, Johannes. Urn er-Atis, ii. 16. Ykiln,'certainty' i. 491. ii. 85. Um Rush, ii. 249. Umr Shaurmer, i. 110, 200. Yiitta, Juttah, i. 491, 494, 495. ii. 206. Um esh-Shi.lkaf, ii. 219. Um Suweili.h, dim.'good,' i. 70. Um Z6ghal, ii. 107. Um ez-Zuweibin, i. 74. ez-Za'feraneh, saffron,' i. 488. el-Urdun, Heb. Jordan, i. 537. ii. 414, n. ez-Za'feraneh,'safron,' i. 488. ltrtASi 474 477. ez-Zahary,'the flowery,' i. 262..ars, i. 474, 477. ez-Zaherany, ii. 476. el-Tvsbany, Ar. i; 181. Zahleh, ii. 494, n. el-Usbat,'the tribes,' i. 322. Za'.k, ii. 218. ITsdaikah, Zodocatha, ii. 168, 172. Zakarlya, ii. 16, 17, 21. Usdum, Heb. Sodom, i. 502. ii. 107-110. Zaknan, plant, ii. 126. Useit, see Wuseit. i. 70. Zini'a, Heb. Zanoah, ii. 16, 17, 224. U~Jsts, ii. 30. Za'nutah, ii. 204. W Za'rur,' hawthorn?' i. 109. Wiady. Za'ter, ocymum zatarhendi, i. 110, 213, Wady Mfsa, ii. 127 sq. 444. el-Wahadineh, i. 569. Zawata, ii. 303. el-Wahaideh, Arabs, ii. 44, 48. ez-Zebir, i. 84, 88, 111. el-Wa'rah,'rocky place,' W. i. 104. ez-Zeit, i. 111. Waran, lacerta Nilotica, i. 534. Zeita, ii. 302. Wardin, i. 65. Zeituin, mount of Olives, i. 274. el-Wasit.,'middle division,' i. 156. Zer'in, Heb. Jezreel, Gr.'Ea1pakAa, Esdrae. el-Wastiyeh, ii. 438. la, Stradela, ii. 319-323. el-Weibeh,' hole with water,' ii. 173-176, ez-Zerlka, see ez-Zuirka. 194. ez-Zeyaddt, Arabs, ii. 48. Wekaleh, ii. 479. Zif, Heb. Ziph, i. 492, 495, 498. el-Welejeh, ii. 5. Zo'ara, see Zu'ara. Wely,' one beloved of God;' also a saint's Zoghar, Heb. Zoar, ii. 106, 517, 518. tomb. Zu'ara, Edrhsi for Zoar, ii. 517. el-Werd,'roses,' i. 219, 469. ii. 4. Zub el-Babry, i. 83. Wetir, i. 153, 155. ez-Zugherah, W. i. 147. Wezar, ii. 316, 319, 323. ez-Zuk, ii. 436. Wudey, dim. of Wady, ii. 178. Zukkufm, tree, i. 559, 560. el-Wirsah, i. 76. ez-Zulakah,'the slipping,' i. 148, 153. Wuseit, dim.'middle,' i. 70. ez-Ztramnlk, i. 148. Wfitaih,'treading,' i. 69, 76. ez-Zirka,' the blue,' i. 444. ii. 441. ez-Zurka Ma'in, i. 502, 529, 532.. Zirtut, i. 499. Yafa, Heb. Japho, Gr.'Idmrqt, Joppa, i. ez-Zuweirah, not Zoar, ii. 103, 104, 106. 249. ii. 233. ez-Zuweirah el-F6ka,'Upper Z.' ii 103. Yafa,:Ieb. Japlhia, ii. 332, 343. ez-Zuweitln, dim.' olive,' WV. i. 111.

INDEX II. ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETO. Modern Arabic Names will be found in the preceding Index. For more general matters, the reader is referred to the very full Table of Contents prefixed to each volume. Ancient Names of Places, and the like, are here printed in Italic. Ancient places now first visited or identified, are marked by an asterisk (*). A Arabia Petrcea, ii. 159-166. Arabia Prima, Secunda, Tertia, ii. 163. Acco, Ptolemais, ii. 336, 366. Araed,* ii. 101, 194, 201. Aceldama, i. 354. Arbela* of Galilee, ii. 379, 398, 399. Its Acrabi,* Acrabatene, ii. 280. fortified caverns, ii. 398, 399. Adoraim,* Adora, ii. 214, 215. Arbela beyond Jordan, ii. 399. Adrian rebuilds Jerusalem, i. 367-371. Arch of ancient Bridge from temple, i. 287, Adullam, i. 481, 482. 606. E/lia, i. e. Jerusalem, i. 370. Archelais, i. 569. Ai,* i. 443, 574. Areopagus, i. 7. Aijalon,* ii. 253, 254. Areopolis, ii. 166. Ailah, i. 163, 170. Diploma Securitatis, Arimathea, not at Ramleh, ii. 239-241. ii. 162. Arindela, ii. 117.'Ain, a Heb. letter, rarely dropped, i. 255, Arnon, now el-M6jib, i. 502, 507. ii. 166, 456. ii. 316, 344, 361. 440. Akra, i. 265, 605. Aroer* of Judah, ii. 199. Akrabbim, ascent of, ii. 120. Arsinoe, i. 48, 588. Albus Pageus, ii. 160. Ashdod, ii. 33. Alexandria, i. 13-17. ii. 498. Askelon, ii. 33. Amathus, i. 569. Asphaltum, see Dead Sea. Ammauas, Hammath, ii. 385. Atabyrion, i. q. Tabor, ii. 357. Anab,* i. 494, 495. Ataroth* in Benjamin, i. 575. Anathoth,* i. 438. Ataroth* of Ephraim, ii. 265. Anim of Judah, ii. 204. Athens, i. 6-11. Anne, see St. Anne. Aulon, i. 508, 537, 569. Anti-Lebanon, ii. 437, 438. Azotus, see Ashdod. Antipatris,* ii. 242. Antonia, fortress, i. 292-295. Its trench now called Bethesda, i. 293. B Apollonia, now Arsfif, ii. 242. Apples of Sodom, see Sodom. Baal-Zephon, i. 56. Aqueduct from Solomon's pools, i. 347, Babylon in Egypt, i. 24. 470, 473, 476. Aqueduct near Tyre, Bahurim, i. 433. ii. 457, 458, 460, 472. Baking bread, i. 485. ii. 117, 262. Ar of Moab, ii. 166. Barucha,* see Caphar Barucha.'Arabah, Heb.' plain,' i. 169. ii. 186, 187. Basilica, see Holy Sepulchre. VOL. II. —50*

ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETC. 593 Beer, i. 452. Canal, ancient, from the Nile to the Red Beeroth, i. 452. Sea, i. 586. Mounds of, i. 60. Beersheba,* i. 204. Canea in Crete, i. 10. Belvoir, castle, ii. 328. Caparcotia, ii. 317. Berachbh,* valley, i. 491. Capernaum, ii. 401, 403-405. Not at Tell Berothai, not Berytus, ii. 494. Hum, ii. 408. Berytus, ii. 491497. Caphar Barucha,* i. 490. Betagabaxorum vicus,* ii. 516. Capharcotia, see Caparcotia. Beth reappears in Arabic as Beit, i. 464. Capharnaum, fountain, ii. 401. Bethany, i. 431. Caphar Sabs,* ii. 42. Beth-Arbel,* ii. 399. Car el, of Judah, i. 493, 495-498. ii. 97. Beth-Dagon, ii. 232.-ii. 280. Carmel, Mount, ii. 319, 336. Bethel, i. 448-450, 575. Cedars of Lebanon, ii. 493. Bethesda, not the deep pool N. of the ternm- Cedron, see Kidron. ple, i. 293, 330. Perhaps the F. of Charac Moab, ii. 166. the Virgin, i. 342 sq. Cherith,* brook, i. 558. Beth-Hoglah,* i. 544. Chesalon,* ii. 30. Beth-horon, Upper and Nether, ii. 250-253. Chesulloth, see Chisloth. Ascent and descent of Beth-boron, ii. Chisloth-Tabor, ii. 332. 251. Chorazin, Kerazeh? ii. 405. Bethlehem, i. 470-473. Church of the Holy Sepulchre, see Holy Beth-Meron,* Talm. ii 431. Sepulchre. Beth Nimrah, i. 551. Churning, Arab mode of, i. 485. ii. 418. Bethphage, i. 433. Cisterns, ancient, i. 324, 573. Bethsaida of Galilee, ii. 405, 406. Not at Cleopatris, 48. Irbid, ii. 378, 379. Climate of Jerusalem, i. 428. Betheaida of Gaulonitis, ii. 413. Cale-Syria, ii. 437. Beth-shean, Scythopolis, ii. 174, 175. Caenaculum on Zion, i. 241 sq. Beth-shemesh,* ii. 14, 16. 223-225. Constantine builds churches, i. 373, 876. Beth-shemesh in Egypt, i. 25. Constantinople, ii. 499. Beth-Shittah? * ii. 356. Corece,* ii. 267. Beth-Tapuah,* ii. 71. Crater, near Safed, ii. 444, 445. Bethulia, not at the Frank mountain, i. 479. Crete, i. 12. Not at Safed, ii. 425. Crypts, see Vaults. Beth-Zur, i. 217. ii. 222. Betogabra,* ii. 27, 60. Bevelled stones, i. 286. Bezetha, i. 234, 266. Bitumen, see -Dead Sea. Daberath, Dabira, Dabaritta, ii. 351. Blanche-garde,* ii. 31, 32. Damascus, ii. 498. Books on Palestine, i. 32. ii. 533 sq. On Damouras, see Tamyras. Egypt, i. 583. 1Dan,* ii. 439. Bostra, ii. 167. Daroma, ii. 38. Bostrenus,* river el-Auwaly, ii. 485, 486. - ead Sea, first view of, i. 501-504. Bathe Bozrah" of Edom, ii. 167. in it, i. 506. ii. 110. Length and Bozrah in Hauran, ii. 167. breadth, i. 509. Its environs, etc. i. Bread, ii 82, 210. Unleavened, i. 223, 510. Analyses of its waters, i. 513491. Ordinary, ii. 117, 118, 262. 515. Contains no animal nor vegeBridge from the temple, i. 287-289, 606. table life, i. 516, 517. Asphaltum, i. Butter, i. 449. See Churning. 517. Peninsula, i. 518. Ford, i 521. Apples of Sodom, i. 522. Birds, i. 524. Scenery, i. 525. Was originally smaller, ii. 188. Causes of the C catastrophe of the plain, pits of bitumen, volcanic action, etc. ii. 187-192. Ccesarea, ii. 241. Letter of L. von Buch, ii. 524, 525. Cairo, i. 17, 23 sq. 583. Desert near Gaza, ii. 41, 514. Calcalia? ii. 253, n. Diiocesarea, see Sepphoris. Calvary i. 376.: See Holy Sepulchre. Diospolis, i. q. Lydda, which- see. Camel, its habits and character, ii. 208- Doch,* i. 572. 210. Dora,* ii. 215. See Adoraim. Cana of Galilee, ii. 346-349. Dothaim, not at Jubb Yisuf, ii. 419. Cana* in Asher, see Kanah. Dragon fountain, i. 347.

594 SECOND INDEX. E Gath, ii. 66. Gath-Heipher? ii. 350. Earthquake at Safed, etc. ii. 422, 423, 529- Gatkh-Rimmon,* ii. 67. 531. Gaulonitis, Golan, now Jaulan, ii. 432. Ebal, Mount, ii. 275, 276, 279. Gaza, ii. 36 sq. Eboda,* i. 194, 600. Geba* of Benjamin, i. 440. Edom, its mountains, etc. ii. 154. Geba*- of Euseb. ii. 265. Edomites, in Palestine, ii. 68, 158. His- Gedor,* ii. 13. torical notices, ii. 157-159. Gennesareth, tract, ii. 400, 402, 404. Edumia, ~ ii. 280. Gennesareth, Lake of, see Tiberias. Eglon,* ii. 49. George, see St. George. Ekron,* ii. 227-229. Gerar, i. 189. ii. 43, 44. Elah,* valley, ii. 21. Gerasa, see Rasa, i. 187. Elealeh, i. 551. Gerizim, Mount, ii. 275-280. Elath, i. 163, 169-171. Geth of Jerome, ii. 350. Eleutheropolis,'- ii. 19, 27, 53, 57-66. Gethsemane, i. 234, 270. Eleutherus, river, not the KAsimiyeh, ii. 473. Gibeah* of Saul, i. 577-579. Elim, i. 69, 72. Gibeah* of Judah, ii. 6, 16. Elusa,* i. 201 sq. Gibeah* of Phinehas, ii. 265. Emesa, i. 190. ii. 503. Gibeon, i. 455, 456. Pool, i. 456. Emmaus, Nicepolts, city, ii. 30, 225, 232, Gihon, fountain, i. 239, 345. 255. GisWo,* ii. 249. Emmaus, village, not at Kubeibeh, ii. 255. Gilboa,* mountains, ii. 316, 317, 325. Endor, ii. 356, 360. Gilead, mount, i. 236. ii. 354. En-Gannim, i. q. Ginmea, Jenin, ii. 315. Gilgal, i. 557. Near the coast, ii. 243. En-gedi,* wilderness, i. 500. Fountain, i. Gincea, ii. 315. 504. Site, i. 506, 508. Giscala,* ii. 446. En-Rogel,: i. 240, 331-333. Gitta, * ii. 308. Ephraim,* i. 447. Golan, see Gaulonitis. Lphron,* i. 447. Golden Gate, i. 233, 263, 296, 322. Esdraelon, Plain of, ii. 318, 320, 330, 352, Golgotha, i. 376. See Holy Sepulchre. 353. Water-shed, ii. 320, 356. Scene Gomorrah, see Sodom. of battles, ii. 366. Gophna,* ii. 263, 264. Eshcol, i. 214. Goshen, Land of, i. 52. Eshtemoa, i i. 494. ii. 205. Grinding, see Hand-mill. Etam, i. 348, 477. Gush Halab, see Giscala. Etham, i. 55. Gypsaria, i. 187. Exodus of the Israelites, i. 51-59. Route, i. 55. Passage of the Red Sea, i. 56 sq. Ezion-geber, i. 169, 170. H Halhul,* i. 216. ii. 489. F Hammath, 385. Hand-mills described, i. 485. Grinding, i, Flocks, usually of both sheep and goats, i. 485. ii. 45, 100. 477. Waiting at wells, ii. 26, 35, el-Haram, the Grand Mosk, i. 244, 298, 226, 378. 300, 301. Fountains at Jerusalem; see Siloam, Vir- Harvest, various tines, i. 431. gin's Fountain, Well of Nehemiah or Hauran, ii. 432. Job, Gihon, Dragon, Samson, and the Hazeroth, i. 151. next article. Hazor* of Judah, ii. 34. Fountain near the Haram, i. 343 sq. IHebron, i. 213. ii. 73-94. Fountains near Tyre, Ras el-'Ain, ii. 457- Heldua, ii. 489. 459. Helena, her visit to Palestine, i. 372. Finds the Holy Sepulchre, the true cross, etc. i. 372-375. Erects only three G churches in Palestine, i. 375. Heliopolis, i. 24, 25. Gabata,* ii. 344. Hermon, Mount, ii. 266, 337, 354, 437, 440. Gabe,* Gibeah, ii. 312. Little Hermon, ii. 326, 327. Galgula,* ii. 243. Herodiumn, at Frank mountain, i. 480. Gateway, subterranean, under el-Aksa, i. Heroopolis, i. 54, 588. 304. Heshbon, i. 551.

ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETC. 595 ieromax, river, i. 537. Jerusalem, el-Kuds, i. 221 sq. See ConHinnom, Valley of, i. 239, 273. tents, Vol. I. Sec. VI, VII, VIII.-ToHijipicus, tower, i. 306-309. pography of Josephus, i. 277-281. Hiram's Tomb, ii. 456. Geogr. position, i. 259. CircumferHoly Sepulchre fixed, i. 372-375. Church ence, i. 268, 315. Destruction by Tierected, i. 376. Destroyed by the tus not total, i. 366. Rebuilt by Persians, i. 387. By the Khalif Ha- Adrian, i. 367. Made a Patriarchate, kim, i. 395. Built anew by the cru- i. 380. Taken by the Persians, i. saders, i. 405. Burned, i. 406. Gen- 387; by the Muhammedans, i. 388, eral question as to the identity of the 389; by the Crusaders, i. 405. Staspot, i. 407-418. tistics, i. 418. Climate, i. 428. Shut Honey, perhaps Dibs, syrup of grapes, ii. up with the plague, ii. 1, 258-260. 81. Farewell, ii. 261. Descr. of, in 12th 1or, mount, ii. 104, 119, 125, 144, 152, century, in old French, ii. 556-562. 519 sq. Jews' place of wailing, i. 237. Synagogue, Horeb, see Sinai. i. 243. Cemetery, i. 349. Number Hormtsh? * ii. 198 of Jews, i. 421, 422. War under Hospitality, Arab, i. 81, 445, 571. ii. 18, Adrian, i. 367. Attempt to rebuild 19, 70, 268. the temple, i. 377. Jews in Hebron, Husks of Scripture, ii. 250. ii. 83. At Tiberias, ii. 381, 391 sq. At Safed, ii. 421, 428 sq. Jezreel, ii. 321-323. Valley of, ii. 319, I 1 320, 327. Fountain, ii. 320, 323. Joppa, now Yafa, ii. 233. dumcea, see Edomites. Later Idumuea, ii. Jordan, the lower, i. 535-544. Upper Jor68, 158. dan, ii. 409, 414, 415. jonl,* ii.438, n. Josephus, his topography of Jerusalem, i. Inscriptions at Sinai, i. 74, 81, 82, 84, 88, 277-281. Descr. of the Temple, i. 109, 113. Their character, contents, 281-283. Not always trustworthy, i. etc. i. 127, 128. Deciphered by Pro- 277. fessor Beer, i. 593-595. Later inves- Julias, see Bethsaida of Gaulonitis, ii. 413. tigations, results, 595, 596. Inscrip- Juniper, put for the Retem or broom-plant, tions at Beit Jibrin, ii. 52, 515, 516. i. 203, 205. ii. 124. Irrigation in Efypt, i. 581. Justinian erects a convent at Sinai, i. 124 Ir-shemesh,* i. q. Bethshemesh, ii. 225. sq. 556; and a church at Jerusalem, Israelites, their exodus, etc. i. 51-59. Their i. 296 sq. His orthodoxy, i. 382. A route along the Dead Sea and to Si- builder of churches, i. 384. Subdues nai, i. 61, 67, 69, 70, 72, 73, 119, 120. the Samaritans, ii. 294 sq. From Sinai, i. 151, 187. Through Juttah,* i. 494. ii. 206. the'Arabah to Kadesh, ii 192-195. Stations, ii. 526-528. rItbyrion, i. q. Tabor, ii. 357. K Ithaca, Theaki, i. 4, 5. Kadesh,5 ii. 175, 194. Kanah,* ii. 456. J I Kedesh of Naphtali, ii. 439. Kerioth,* ii. 101. Jabbok, now Zerka, i. 444. ii. 441, n. Kidron, Valley of, i. 231, 268-273, 541. Jabneh, now Yebna, ii. 227. Brook, i. 232, 273. Jacob's Well, ii. 285, 286. Kir Alocab, ii. 166. Jamnia, Jabneh, now Yebna, ii. 66, 227. Kirjath-Jearim,* ii. 11. Japhia, ii. 343. Kishon, river, ii. 363-366. Not permaJapho, Joppa, now Y~fa, ii. 233 nent throughout the plain, ii. 363Jarmuth,* ii. 17. 365. Permanent sources, ii. 365. Jattir,* i. 494. ii. 204. Klysma, Kolzum, i. 47. Jedna,* ii. 54, 69-71, 219. Kolzum, i. 47. Jehoslphap, Valley of, i. 231 sq. 239, 268273, 531. Jehud,* ii. 242. L Jericho, i. 547-568; see Contents of Vol. I. Sec. X.-Fountain of Elisha, i. 554, Lachish, not at Um LAkis, ii. 47. 555. Ancient site, i. 563-565. Laish,* see Dan. Jerome at Bethlehem, ii. 378. Laodicea of Syria, ii. 503.

596 SECOND INDEX. Laurme in Palestine, i. 378. Nain, ii. 356, 361. Lebanan, Mount, ii. 437, 439, 486, 493. Nazareth, ii. 333-343. Cedars, ii. 493. Neapolis, Shechem, ii. 275, 287-302. Leben, soured milk, i. 571, ii. 70, 211. Neballat,* ii. 232. Lebonak, ii. 272. Nebo, i. 569, 570. Legio, ii. 316, 321 sq. Probably Megqidco, Netopha, not Beit Nettif, ii. 17. ii. 328-330, 364. Nezib,* ii. 54, 221. Lentiles, i. 167. ii. 83. Nile, the river, i. 16 sq. 18, 19.Leontes, riv. ii. 437, 472, 473. Nicopolis, ii. 232, 255. Leontopolis, ii. 473, n. Nimrah, i. 551. Leontopolis in Egypt, i. 25. Nob,*, i. 464. Lepers, i. 243. ii. 287. Nobe,* now Beit NObah, ii. 254. Leuke Kome, ii. 160. NoYph, Memphis, i. 27. Locusts, ii. 204, 340. Bird which follows them, ii. 340, 379. Lod, see Lydda. O Lydda, ii. 244-248. Lysa,* i. 188. Oboda,* see Eboda. Olives, Mount of, i. 235, 274 sq. 604. M On, Heliopolis, i 25. Onomasticon, i. 254. Jfabortha, former name of Neapolis, ii. 291. Ophel, i. 231, 267. Maceharus, i. 570. Ophni,* ii. 264. Magdala, ii. 397. Ophrah,* i. 447. Magoras, riv. ii. 492. Ornithonpolis? ii. 474. Maina, i. 5. Orontes, riv. ii. 507, n. Malatha,* ii. 201. Mamre, i. 216. ii. 89. Mamortha, see Mabortha. Manna, i. 75, 115, 590. Palestina Prima, Secunda, Tertia, -i. 161, Maon,* i. 493-495. ii. 97. 162. 162. Maonites, ii. 168.i. 471. Marah, bitter fountain, i. 67. Payrus, ii. 471. Maresha,* Maresa, ii. 7. Paresa, ii. 43679. Mars' -Hill, i. 7, 8. Para, see Phran. Marsada'W, i.,525. Paula at Bethlehem, i. 378. Masada,* i. 525. /eara~h? ii. 474. Pelusiac Nile, i. 52, 587. Megiddo,* prob. Legio, ii. 329. Waters of Pentacorzia, i. 312. Megiddo, ii. 330, 364. Petra, ii. 168-173, 521-524; comp. 127Mehunims, ii. 168. Memphuis, ii. 168. Peutinger Tables, ii. 533, 534. Merorn, lake, ii. 440; comp. 435, 436. Pharan, of Sinai, i. 126 sq. 592. M1eron,*M see Beth Meron. Pharaoh buys the Egyptians, i. 29. Messaloth,* see Arbela, ii. 398. Ph saels, i. 569. Michmash,* i. 440, 442. Passage of Mich- Pistacia Terebinthus, Butm, ii: 222. mash, i. 441. Plague in Jerusalem, i. 248 sq. The city m2a/sro, i. 463. shut up, ii. 258-260. Milestones, Roman, ii. 161, 476, 488. Platanun,* Platana, ii. 488. Mill, see Hand-mill. Pools; Upper, i. 238, 326. Lower, i. 327, 3iRzpeh,* i. 460. - Hezekiah's, i. 329. Sheep-pool, see Modin, ii. 6, 7. Bethesda. Pools of Hebron, ii. 74, 75. Mohaila, Muweileh, ii. 160, 161. Porphyreon, i. 487. Moladah,* ii. 201. Psephinos, tower, i. 309, 314. Monasteries in Palestine, i. 378. Ptoleais, see Acco. Moph, Memphis, i. 27. Mloresheth-Gath,* ii. 68. Q Moriab, i. 266 sq. Mount Gilead, see Gilead. Quails, not the IKit, ii. 200. Mount of Olives, see Olives. N R Nabathteans, ii. 158, 159. Rabbath Ammon, see Ammosn

ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETC. 597 Rabbath Moab, ii. 166. Sinai, plain, i. 89, 94-96, 107. Present Rachel's Tomb, i. 218, 469. extent of the name, i. 95. Place of Rainy season, early and latter rains, i. the giving of the law, 107, 119. 429, 430. Names Sinai and Horeb, i. 120, 590 Ramnah in Benjamin, i. 576. Sinaitic Inscriptions, see Inscriptions. Ramah of Samuel, not at Neby Samwll, i. Sirocco, etymology, i. 207, n. 458. Not at Ramleh, ii. 239. Its Smyrna, ii. 499. possible site, ii. 8-10. Socoh* of the mountains, i. 494. Ramatha, Ramathem, ii. 239, 240. Socoh* of the plain, ii. 16, 21. Rameses, i. 54, 55. Sodom, apples of, i. 522. Site and overRasa, Gerasa, i. 187. throw, ii. 187-192. Reem (unicorn,) prob. the oriental buf- Solomon's Pools, i. 218, 474-476. falo, ii. 412. Song of Moses, i. 61. Rehoboth, not at Ruhaibeh, i. 197. South of Judah, ii. 98, 203 Rephain, plain, i. 219, 469. St. Anne's church, i. 233. Rephidim, i. 120, 121. St. George and his church, ii. 244-246. Reservoirs, see Pools. St. Sabas, his activity, etc. i. 382, 383. Riblah, ii. 507, n. Succoth, i. 55. Rimrmon,* rock, i. 440, 443. Suez, i. 46-50, 584. Rimmon of Zebulun, ii. 340. Sycameinum, ii. 340. Roads, Roman, i. 187, 554. ii. 161, 262, Sychar, ii. 290-292. 487. Syra, i. 11. Robooth, i. 197, n. Syria Sobal, ii. 163. Royel, see En-Robge. Roman Roads, see Roads T Taanach, ii. 316, 329, 330. S Tabor, Mount, ii. 351-360. Not the place of the Transfiguration, ii. 358. Site Sabas, see St. Sabas. of a fortified city, ii. 357-359. Salem, see Shalem. Tabula Peutingeriana, ii. 533, 534. Salt, Valley of, ii. 109. City of, ib. Tayabceorum vicus,* ii. 516, 517. Salt, mountain of, i. 502. ii. 107-110. Tamyras, Damouras, riv. ii. 488. Saemaria, see Sebaste. Tarichea, ii. 387. Samaritans, visit to, ii. 276-283. Hist. Tehoa, i. 486, 487. and Literature, ii. 288-301. Temple, according to Josephus, i. 281-283. Samson's fountain, ii. 64. Temple-area; immense stones, i. 232, 285; Sandals of fish-skin, i 116. bevelled, i. 286. Arch of bridge, i. Saphir,* ii. 34. 287, 288, 606. Identity, 287-290. Sarepta, see Zarephath. General description, i. 283-290. Sariphea, ii. 242. Height of-the ancient porticos, i. 290. Scopes, i. 276. ii. 261. Extent of the area, i. 291-295. SubScythopolis, see Beth-shean. sequent history, i. 295. Sebaste, Samaria, ii. 303, 308-311. Temples at Wady Musa, ii. 142, 145. Sepphoris, Dioccsarea, ii. 337, 344-346. Temples on Mount Lebanon, ii. 493. Sepulchres, see Tombs. Holy Sepulchre, Tents, i. 485, 499,571. see Holy. Terebinth, i. 208. ii. 222. Serfs of the convent at Sinai, i. 135, 598. Thamar, * Thamara, ii. 198, 202. Shaelen,* ii. 279. Thamna, ii. 239, 240. Sharon, plain of, ii. 233 Thana, or Thoana, ii. 168. Shechem, see Neapolis. Thebes in Egypt, i. 19-23. Sheep, all broad-tailed, and usually min- Thebez*, ii. 317. gled with goats, i. 477, 485. Thoana, see Thana. Shiloh,* ii. 267, 269-271. Thola,* i. 113. Shishak on Theban temple, i. 22 Threshing, by treading out, i. 550. ii. 35, Shittim-wood, ii. 20. 83. By a sledge, ii. 306 sq. Shuznem, ii. 325. Tiberias, Lake of, its scenery, ii. 380. Fish, Sichem, see Neapolis. ii. 386. Extent, stones, volcanic reSidon, ii. 477-485. gion, ii. 415-417. S. end of the Siloam, i. 231, 333, 338-341. Irregular lake, ii. 387. Depression, i. 613. ii. flow, i. 341. 183, 388. Simonias,* ii. 344. Tiberias, city, ii. 380-394. The Jews, ii. Sin, desert of, i. 73, 120. 381, 391 sq. Ancient site, ii. 383.

598 SECOND INDEX. Hot springs and baths, ii. 383-385. W Celebrated Jewish school, ii. 391 sq. Mishnah and Talmuds, ibid. Water, scarcity around Sinai, i. 73. No Timnah,* ii. 17. running streams, i. 87, n. Supply for Tinrza2,* ii. 317. Jerusalem, i. 323. For Tyre, ii. 467. Tombs; of Absalom, Zechariah, etc. i. 236, Well of Jacob, ii. 283-286. 349-352. South of Hinnom, i.'353, Well of Nehemiah or Job, i. 240, 272, 331. 609. Of the Judges, i. 241, 355. Of' Wells, see Flocks. Helena, called Tombs of the Kings, i. Wheel-carriages, never practicable on the 240, 336-364, 610. Of the prophets, mountains of Judah, i. 214 sq. i. 364.-Tomb of Abraham at He- Winnowing, i. 550. ii. 35, 83. bron, ii. 77. Tombs at Petra, ii. 129143. Tomb of Hiram, ii. 456. Tophel,* ii. 107, 187. Tower of Hippicus, i. 306-309. Of Phasaelis, Mariamne, Psephinos, 309. X ostus i 310 312 Tradition, monastic, often legendary -and of no value, i. 251-255. Native tradition, i. 255, 256. Z Tricomias,* ii. 220. Tyre, ii. 461-471. Fountains, MRs el-'Ain, Zanoahj* ii. 16. ii. 457-459. Zarephath, Sarepta, ii. 474-476, Tyropoeon, i. 231, 260, 263, 265, 267, 333. Zedad,* ii. 507. Zezah, ii. 10. Zephath,* ii. 181, 198. U Zephathah,* valley, ii. 31. Zered, brook, ii. 157.:U/amah,* ii. 356. Zidon, see Sidon. Unicorn, see Reem. Zion, cemeteries, i. 229-231. Buildings, i. Upper Room, ii. 229, 477. 241-243. Described, i. 263 sq. Theory of Dr Clarke, i. 605. Ziph,* i. 492, 495. V. Ziz, cliff, i. 508. Zoar, not Zuweirah, ii. p. 106, 519. Its Vaults beneath the Temple-area, i. 302- site east of-the Dead Sea, ii. 107, 517306. 519. Via dolorosa, i. 233, n. Zophim, see Zuph. Virgin's Fountain, i. 232, 336, 337 sq. 342. Zorah,* ii. 14, 16, 17, 31 224. Virgin's Tomb, i. 234. Zuph, Zophim, ii. 8.

INDEX III, PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE ILLUSTRATED. GENESI. RUTH. xviii. 4. Washing the feet, ii. 230. ii. 8. Field of reapers and gleaners, ii. 50. xxi. 14. IHagar's bottle of water on her ii. 14. Parched corn, ii. 50. shoulder, i. 232, 473, 549. ii. 17. Beating out gleanings, ii. 45. xxii. 3. He "arose and saddled his ass," iii. 2-14. Watching the threshing-floors at ii. 219. night, ii 83. xxv. 34. Lentiles and pottage, i. 167. xxvii. 9 sq. Isaac's savoury meat, i. 206.. 1 SAMUEL. xxix. 2, 3. Great stone upon the well's mouth, i. 490. xii. 17. Rain in harvest, i. 430. xxxiii. 4. Shalem, now SAlim, ii. 279. xiv. 4, 5. Jonathan's adventure with the xlvii. 18-26. Pharaoh buys the Egyptians, Philistines, i. 441. i. 29. xvii. 1 sq. David and Goliath, ii. 21. xxii. 2. David and his outlaws, ii. 498. ExoDUS. xxv. 8, 9. David's message to Nabal, ii. viii. 27, 28. [23, 24.] Israelitish Haj, 498. i. 79. xiv. 1-31.- Passage of the Red Sea, 66 1 KINGs. ~~~59.. ~~~xiii. 37. See Gen. xxii. 3. ii. 219. xv. 25. Sweetening bad water. i. 67. xiv. 372 ShishakG x. 23. xvii. A8. malekites fight with Israel, i. xix. 4, 5. Elijah sleeping under a juniper, i. 203, 205. 2 KINGS. xi. 5. Food in Egypt, i. 53. xxii. 21. See Gen. xxii. 3. i. 219. iii. 11. Pouring water on the hands, i. 87. Comp. iii. 26. DEUTERONOMY. xviii. 17. Conduit of the upper pool, L 327, 345 sq. i. 1. The Red Sea, Tophel, etc. ii. 187. xi. 10. Watering with the foot, i. 581,582. 1 CHRON. ii. 22, 226. xi. 14. Early and latter rain, i. 429, 430. xii. 15. See Josh. iii. 15. i. 540, 54 1. xxv. 4. Muzzling the ox, i. 550. ii. 216. 2 CHRON. JOSHUA. xii. 2-9.. See 1 Kings xiv. 25. i. 22. iii. 15. Overflowing of Jordan, i. 540, 541. x. 11. Going down of Beth-horon, ii. 251. NEHEMIAH. x. 12. Standing still of the sun and moon on Gibeon and Aijalon, ii. 253, 254. ii. 13-15. Night-excursion, i. 320.

600 THIRD INDEX. JOB xxi. 7. Garments in place of a saddle, ii %:tx. 4. Juniper roots, i. 203. 219. xxxix. 9 10. Unicorn, i. 412. xxi. 8. Strewing garments in the way, i. 473. xxiv. 1, 2. Destruction of the Temple, i. PSALMS. 295. lxv. 13. Pastures clothed with flocks, ii. xxiv. 41. Grinding at themill, i. 485. ii. 216. 45. cxx. 4. Coals of juniper, i. 203. MAREK. PROVERBS. ii. 23. See Matt. xii. 1. i. 433, 499. xvi. 15. See Deut. xi. 14. i. 429, 430. xi. 7. See Matt. xxi. 7 ii. 119. xxv. 1. See 1 Sam. xii. 17. i. 430. xi. 8. See Matt. xxi. 8. i. 473. xiii. 1, 2. See Matt. xxiv. 1, 2. i. 295. ISAIAH. LUKE. vii. 3. See 2 K. xviii. 17. i. 327, 345 sq. i. 39. A cty of Judah, ii. 206. ix. 1. Way of the sea, ii. 405. *iv. 28-30. Brow of the hill in Nazareth, x. 28-32. Approach of Sennacherib, i. ii. 335. 463.... * vi. 1. See Matt. xii. 1. i. 493, 499. xxxvi. 2. See 2 K. xviii. 17. i. 327, vi. 48 Digging deep to lay foundations, 345 sq. v 8. Digging deep to lay foundations ii. 338. JEHEMIALI. xii. 54. Cloud out of the west, i. 429. xv. 16. Husks, ii. 250. v. 24. See Deut. xi. 14. i. 429, 430. xvii. 35. See Matt. xxiv. 41. i. 485. ii. xxv. 10. Sound of the mill-stones, i. 485. 45. xlviii. 6. Heath, i. e. juniper, ii. 124. xix. 35. See Matt. xxi. 7. ii. 219. xlix. 16. Dwelling in the cleft of the rock, xix. 36. See Matt. xxi. 8. i. 473. ii. 142. JOHN. EZEKIEL iv. 5 sq. Jacob's well and the woman of Samaria, ii. 283-286. viii 8-10. Tombs, i. 21. AcTs. HOSEA. vii. 16. Patriarchs buried at Shechem, ii. vi 3. See Deut. xi. 14. i. 429, 430. 283. viii. 26. The "desert " near Gaza, ii. 41, JOEL. 514. ii 23. See Deut. xi. 14. i. 429, 430. ix. 39. xx. 8. Upper chamber, ii. 229, 1 477. xxi. 31-40. " Castle" in Jerusalem, i. 292. NAHUM. iii. 8. The "sea" for the Nile, i. 20, 582. 2 CORINTrHIANS. xi. 32. Ethnarch of Aretas in Damascus, ZECBHARLATI. - ii. 160. x. 1. See Deut. xi. 14. 429, 430. JAMES. MATTHEW. v. 7. See Deut. xi. 14. i. 429, 430. iv. 13. Border of Zebulun and Naphtali, REVELATION. ii. 404. xii. 1. Plucking the ears of grain, i 493, iv. 7. Locusts as horses, i. 41. 499. xviii. 22, 23. See Jer. xxv. 10. i. 485. END OF VOL. II.