Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln. Volume 2.
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865.
highlight hits: on | off

Fragment of a Speech [1]

[c. December 28, 1857]

From time to time, ever since the Chicago ``Times'' and ``Illinois State Register'' declared their opposition to the Lecompton constitution, [2] and it began to be understood that Judge Douglas was also opposed to it, I have been accosted by friends of his with the question, ``What do you think now?'' Since the delivery of his speech in the Senate, [3] the question has been varied a little. ``Have you read Douglas's speech?'' ``Yes.'' ``Well, what do you think of it?'' In every instance the question is accompanied with an anxious inquiring stare, which asks, quite as plainly as words could, ``Can't you go for Douglas now?'' Like boys who have set a bird-trap, they are watching to see if the birds are picking at the bait and likely to go under.

I think, then, Judge Douglas knows that the Republicans wish Kansas to be a free State. He knows that they know, if the question be fairly submitted to a vote of the people of Kansas, it will be a free State; and he would not object at all if, by drawing their attention to this particular fact, and himself becoming vociferous for such fair vote, they should be induced to drop their own organization, fall into rank behind him, and form a great free-State Democratic party.

But before Republicans do this, I think they ought to require a few questions to be answered on the other side. If they so fall in with Judge Douglas, and Kansas shall be secured as a free State, there then remaining no cause of difference between him and the regular Democracy, will not the Republicans stand ready, haltered and harnessed, to be handed over by him to the regular Democracy,Page  449 to filibuster indefinitely for additional slave territory,---to carry slavery into all the States, as well as Territories, under the Dred Scott decision, construed and enlarged from time to time, according to the demands of the regular slave Democracy,---and to assist in reviving the African slave-trade in order that all may buy negroes where they can be bought cheapest, as a clear incident of that ``sacred right of property,'' now held in some quarters to be above all constitutions?

By so falling in, will we not be committed to or at least compromitted with, the Nebraska policy?

If so, we should remember that Kansas is saved, not by that policy or its authors, but in spite of both---by an effort that cannot be kept up in future cases.

Did Judge Douglas help any to get a free-State majority into Kansas? Not a bit of it---the exact contrary. Does he now express any wish that Kansas, or any other place, shall be free? Nothing like it. He tells us, in this very speech, expected to be so palatable to Republicans, that he cares not whether slavery is voted down or voted up. [4] His whole effort is devoted to clearing the ring, and giving slavery and freedom a fair fight. With one who considers slavery just as good as freedom, this is perfectly natural and consistent.

But have Republicans any sympathy with such a view? They think slavery is wrong; and that, like every other wrong which some men will commit if left alone, it ought to be prohibited by law. They consider it not only morally wrong, but a ``deadly poison'' in a government like ours, professedly based on the equality of men. Upon this radical difference of opinion with Judge Douglas, the Republican party was organized. There is all the difference between him and them now that there ever was. He will not say that he has changed; have you?

Again, we ought to be informed as to Judge Douglas's present opinion as to the inclination of Republicans to marry with negroes. By his Springfield speech we know what it was last June; [5] and by his resolution dropped at Jacksonville in September we know what it was then. [6] Perhaps we have something even later in a ChicagoPage  450 speech, in which the danger of being ``stunk out of church'' was descanted upon. [7] But what is his opinion on the point now? There is, or will be, a sure sign to judge by. If this charge shall be silently dropped by the judge and his friends, if no more resolutions on the subject shall be passed in Douglas Democratic meetings and conventions, it will be safe to swear that he is courting. Our ``witching smile'' has ``caught his youthful fancy''; and henceforth Cuffy and he are rival beaux for our gushing affections.

We also ought to insist on knowing what the judge now thinks on ``Sectionalism.'' Last year he thought it was a ``clincher'' against us on the question of Sectionalism, that we could get no support in the slave States, and could not be allowed to speak, or even breathe, south of the Ohio River.

In vain did we appeal to the justice of our principles. He would have it that the treatment we received was conclusive evidence that we deserved it. He and his friends would bring speakers from the slave States to their meetings and conventions in the free States, and parade about, arm in arm with them, breathing in every gesture and tone, ``How we national apples do swim!'' Let him cast about for this particular evidence of his own nationality now. Why, just now, he and Fremont would make the closest race imaginable in the Southern States.

In the present aspect of affairs what ought the Republicans to do? I think they ought not to oppose any measure merely because Judge Douglas proposes it. Whether the Lecompton constitution should be accepted or rejected is a question upon which, in the minds of men not committed to any of its antecedents, and controlled only by the Federal Constitution, by republican principles, and by a sound morality, it seems to me there could not be two opinions. It should be throttled and killed as hastily and as heartily as a rabid dog. What those should do who are committed to all itsPage  451 antecedents is their business, not ours. If, therefore, Judge Douglas's bill [8] secures a fair vote to the people of Kansas, without contrivance to commit any one farther, I think Republican members of Congress ought to support it. They can do so without any inconsistency. They believe Congress ought to prohibit slavery wherever it can be done without violation of the Constitution or of good faith. And having seen the noses counted, and actually knowing that a majority of the people of Kansas are against slavery, passing an act to secure them a fair vote is little else than prohibiting slavery in Kansas by act of Congress.

Congress cannot dictate a constitution to a new State. All it can do at that point is to secure the people a fair chance to form one for themselves, and then to accept or reject it when they ask admission into the Union. As I understand, Republicans claim no more than this. But they do claim that Congress can and ought to keep slavery out of a Territory, up to the time of its people forming a State constitution; and they should now be careful to not stultify themselves to any extent on that point.

I am glad Judge Douglas has, at last, distinctly told us that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up. Not so much that this is any news to me; nor yet that it may be slightly new to some of that class of his friends who delight to say that they ``are as much opposed to slavery as anybody.''

I am glad because it affords such a true and excellent definition of the Nebraska policy itself. That policy, honestly administered, is exactly that. It seeks to bring the people of the nation to not care anything about slavery. This is Nebraskaism in its abstract purity---in its very best dress.

Now, I take it, nearly everybody does care something about slavery---is either for it or against it; and that the statesmanship of a measure which conforms to the sentiments of nobody might well be doubted in advance.

But Nebraskaism did not originate as a piece of statesmanship. General Cass, in 1848, invented it, as a political manoeuver, to secure himself the Democratic nomination for the presidency. It served its purpose then, and sunk out of sight. Six years later Judge Douglas fished it up, and glozed it over with what he called, and still persists in calling, ``sacred rights of self-government.''

Well, I, too, believe in self-government as I understand it; but I do not understand that the privilege one man takes of making aPage  452 slave of another, or holding him as such, is any part of ``self-government.'' To call it so is, to my mind, simply absurd and ridiculous. I am for the people of the whole nation doing just as they please in all matters which concern the whole nation; for those of each part doing just as they choose in all matters which concern no other part; and for each individual doing just as he chooses in all matters which concern nobody else. This is the principle. Of course I am content with any exception which the Constitution, or the actually existing state of things, makes a necessity. But neither the principle nor the exception will admit the indefinite spread and perpetuity of human slavery.

I think the true magnitude of the slavery element in this nation is scarcely appreciated by any one. Four years ago the Nebraska policy was adopted, professedly, to drive the agitation of the subject into the Territories, and out of every other place, and especially out of Congress.

When Mr. Buchanan accepted the presidential nomination, he felicitated himself with the belief that the whole thing would be quieted and forgotten in about six weeks. In his inaugural, and in his Silliman letter, at their respective dates, he was just not quite in reach of the same happy consummation. And now, in his first annual message, he urges the acceptance of the Lecompton constitution (not quite satisfactory to him) on the sole ground of getting this little unimportant matter out of the way.

Meanwhile, in those four years, there has really been more angry agitation of this subject, both in and out of Congress, than ever before. And just now it is perplexing the mighty ones as no subject ever did before. Nor is it confined to politics alone. Presbyterian assemblies, Methodist conferences, Unitarian gatherings, and single churches to an indefinite extent, are wrangling, and cracking, and going to pieces on the same question. Why, Kansas is neither the whole nor a tithe of the real question.

A house divided against itself cannot stand.

I believe the government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I expressed this belief a year ago; [9] and subsequent developments have but confirmed me. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all thePage  453 other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and put it in course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new. Do you doubt it? Study the Dred Scott decision, and then see how little even now remains to be done. That decision may be reduced to three points.

The first is that a negro cannot be a citizen. That point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the benefit of that provision of the United States Constitution which declares that ``the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.''

The second point is that the United States Constitution protects slavery, as property, in all the United States territories, and that neither Congress, nor the people of the Territories, nor any other power, can prohibit it at any time prior to the formation of State constitutions.

This point is made in order that the Territories may safely be filled up with slaves, before the formation of State constitutions, thereby to embarrass the free-State sentiment, and enhance the chances of slave constitutions being adopted.

The third point decided is that the voluntary bringing of Dred Scott into Illinois by his master, and holding him here a long time as a slave, did not operate his emancipation---did not make him free.

This point is made, not to be pressed immediately; but if acquiesced in for a while, then to sustain the logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred in the free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one or one hundred slaves in Illinois, or in any other free State. Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine is to educate and mold public opinion to ``not care whether slavery is voted up or voted down.'' At least Northern public opinion must cease to care anything about it. Southern public opinion may, without offense, continue to care as much as it pleases.

Welcome, [10] or unwelcome, agreeable, or disagreeable, whether this shall be an entire slave nation, is the issue before us. Every incident---every little shifting of scenes or of actors---only clears away the intervening trash, compacts and consolidates the opposing hosts, and brings them more and more distinctly face to face.

Page  454The conflict will be a severe one; and it will be fought through by those who do care for the result, and not by those who do not care---by those who are for, and those who are against a legalized national slavery. The combined charge of Nebraskaism, and Dred Scottism must be repulsed, and rolled back. The deceitful cloak of ``self-government'' wherewith ``the sum of all villanies'' seeks to protect and adorn itself, must be torn from it's hateful carcass. That burlesque upon judicial decisions, and slander and profanation upon the honored names, and sacred history of republican America, must be overruled, and expunged from the books of authority.

To give the victory to the right, not bloody bullets, but peaceful ballots only, are necessary. Thanks to our good old constitution, and organization under it, these alone are necessary. It only needs that every right thinking man, shall go to the polls, and without fear or prejudice, vote as he thinks.

Annotation

[1]   NH, IV, 225-36, and AD, NNP. Nicolay and Hay entitle this ``Fragment: Notes for Speeches [October 1, 1858?].'' The date is demonstrably several months too late by the references in the context. Obviously the piece was written prior to the House Divided Speech of June 16, 1858. The fact that Lincoln prepared and delivered a speech to the Republican County Convention at Edwardsville, Illinois, on May 18, 1858, suggests that this fragment may represent his survey of Republican political policy at that meeting, of which only a scanty newspaper report has been found (infra). It is possible, however, that the fragment was written several weeks earlier. It seems reasonably certain that the key reference and much of the argument in the identical language of the House Divided Speech was derived from this earlier speech fragment, or that the fragment was in part actually a preliminary draft of that speech. Although only one page representing the last two paragraphs of the manuscript has been located, Nicolay and Hay presumably had access to the document intact for the Complete Works.

[2]   Both papers came out against the Lecompton Constitution in November, 1857.

[3]   Douglas spoke in the Senate on December 9, 1857, the day following President Buchanan's message commending the Lecompton Constitution.

[4]   In Douglas' speech of December 9, 1857.

[5]   Douglas' speech on June 12, 1857, which Lincoln answered on June 26, 1857, supra.

[6]   Douglas was reported in the Morgan Journal to have accidentally ``dropped'' at the railway station at Jacksonville, during his visit of September 9, a resolution intended for adoption by Democratic meetings in endorsement of the Dred Scott decision and in opposition to ``Negro equality.'' The Democratic Jacksonville Sentinel (September 25) denounced the resolution as a hoax perpetrated by the Journal, but when the Morgan County Democratic Convention met, it adopted the resolution on October 10, as follows: ``Whereas certain black Republican papers of this State have published a resolution, said to have been written by Hon. S. A. Douglas . . . we adopt the resolution . . . to-wit: Resolved, That we approve of the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in determining that negroes are not citizens, and are utterly opposed to placing negroes on an equality with white men, by allowing them to vote and hold office, and serve on juries, and testify in the courts against white men, and marry white women, as advocated by those who claim that the declaration of Independence asserts that white men and negroes were created equal by the Almighty. . . .'' (Jacksonville Sentinel, October 16, 1857).

[7]   Speaking at the dedication of a new Democratic Hall at Chicago, November 11, 1857, Douglas was reported as lamenting that ``Black Republicans . . . will allow the blacks to push us from our sidewalk (Oh!) and elbow us out of car seats (Oh? Oh!) and stink us out of our places of worship. . . .'' (Chicago Daily Democratic Press, November 12, 1857).

[8]   Douglas' bill to authorize the people of Kansas to form a constitution was reported December 18, 1857. Referred to the Committee on Territories, it was dropped in favor of the Administration bill, and later the English bill.

[9]   No speech or letter of 1857 records the specific language. Probably Lincoln expressed the belief numerous times after the Dred Scott Decision was announced. The belief is implicit in his speech at Springfield on June 26, 1857, supra.

[10]   The last two paragraphs have been edited from the single page of manuscript in the Pierpont Morgan Library. See further discussion of the two pages of another fragment (c. August 21, 1858, infra) associated with this page.

highlight hits: on | off