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Thirty-five years have passed since the appearance of Roy P. Basler's Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln. Those nine volumes plus a supplemental volume published in 1974 as part of Greenwood Press's Contributions in American Studies series provide the most authoritative canon of Lincoln's writings. Scholars and Lincoln students immediately recognized the importance and usefulness of The Collected Works. Basler established a very high standard in historical documentary editing at a time when modern standards were still in infancy. Scholars quickly accepted Basler's texts as "definitive" transcriptions of Lincoln's writings. In an effort to locate every possible Lincoln document, a nationwide search was made of public and private collections, adding further credibility to The Collected Works as a definitive edition. [1]

The authority of Basler's effort has not diminished over time. In fact, The Collected Works remains an essential research tool for any scholar studying Abraham Lincoln or the Civil War. Most professionals refer to The Collected Works as simply "Basler," its chief editor. Although this moniker is a tribute to the tireless work that Roy Basler lavished upon the volumes, it is also a misnomer. The Abraham Lincoln Association (ALA) conceived of publishing an authoritative edition of Lincoln's writings long before Basler joined the project in Page  [End Page 19]

Roy P. Basler
Roy P. BaslerPage  [End Page 20]

1947. In 1930, Paul Angle, executive secretary for the ALA, edited an updated edition of Lincoln writings titled New Letters and Papers of Lincoln. [2] Throughout the 1930s, the ALA continued to collect photostatic copies of original Lincoln manuscripts under the expert guidance of Benjamin P. Thomas, Harry E. Pratt, and William E. Baringer. [3] The Collected Works, therefore, is more appropriately a collective effort of the ALA rather than any single individual.

Early in 1945, the association drafted outlines for the project and secured funding and expert advisors. [4] By November, preliminary editorial work had begun, but a major body of documents remained closed to the project: the Robert Todd Lincoln Collection at the Library of Congress. Contrary to the collection's title, the papers were those of Abraham Lincoln deposited by his son, Robert Todd Lincoln. Robert's restriction upon the collection closed it to the public until July 26, 1947.[5] Knowing that the papers would furnish a large number of the entries in the project, William E. Baringer, then executive secretary of the ALA, hoped to establish the editorial policies, an editorial board, and adequate funding by July 1947.

The ALA, however, was not alone in its desire to publish an authoritative edition of Lincoln's writings. The Library of Congress anxiously awaited the opening of the Lincoln Papers and embarked upon a publicity campaign to highlight the event. Apparently, news reached the ALA that the library was also contemplating an update of the Nicolay and Hay work based upon revelations in the Robert Todd Lincoln Collection. Early in April 1946, George W. Bunn, Jr., and Paul Angle met in Chicago with Librarian of Congress Luther H. Evans and David C. Mearns, renowned Lincoln scholar and director of the Department of Reference at the Library of Congress, hoping to prevent the creation of identical projects.

Only a few cryptic letters that describe the substance of the meeting survive. The minutes of the ALA board of directors meeting only indicate "the Library decided to let the Association undertake, without governmental competition, the re-editing of the Writings of Lin- Page  [End Page 21]

George W. Bunn, Jr., president, Abraham Lincoln Association;
Stanley Pargellis, librarian, Newberry Library; Paul Angle,
director, Chicago Historical Society; photo taken February 13,
1945.
George W. Bunn, Jr., president, Abraham Lincoln Association; Stanley Pargellis, librarian, Newberry Library; Paul Angle, director, Chicago Historical Society; photo taken February 13, 1945.
coln." [6] An exchange of letters between Luther Evans and George "Gib" Bunn, however, reveals that the Library of Congress retained lingering doubts about the organization of the project. Foremost among its concerns was the necessity of employing the "highest standards of historical scholarship" as well as the "most meticulous attention to the accuracy of textual transcriptions." [7] Evans was also distressed about limiting project decisons to only select members of the ALA. "A board, or committee, carefully selected and broadly representative," wrote Evans, "will not only prevent mistakes, provide information as to sources of information and ensure the widest usefulness of the product, but will also give to the enterprise a greater Page  [End Page 22] authority than a single society, however intelligent and qualified its editorial staff may be, can hope to muster by itself." [8] He suggested that the ALA consult with Julian Boyd, who was undertaking a new edition of the writings of Thomas Jefferson.

In spite of those lingering doubts, Evans and Mearns seemed convinced that the ALA project had merit. Evans indicated to Bunn that "on the basis of your assurances, the Library is now prepared to withdraw the estimate for that purpose [i.e., publication of Lincoln's writings] which is included in its budget for the next fiscal year." The librarian, however, requested that Bunn forward a prospectus so that an accurate statement on the ALA project could be given to the House Appropriations Committee. [9]

A preliminary prospectus written by Baringer and corrected by Paul Angle illustrates the project's original conception. The working title for the project was not The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln but rather The Complete Writings of Abraham Lincoln. The latter remained the preferred title until the final page proofs. [10] An editorial committee was quickly established: William E. Baringer; Paul Angle, former head of the Illinois State Historical Library and then director of the Chicago Historical Society; James Garfield Randall, the "dean" of Lincoln scholars and professor at the University of Illinois; Benjamin P. Thomas, Ph.D. in history from Johns Hopkins and former executive secretary of the ALA; and George W. Bunn, Jr., president of the ALA. That group made all of the early editorial decisions that essentially established the editorial foundation later employed by Basler.

The editorial board met on September 30, 1946, facing a full agenda of textual and procedural problems. Working notes indicate that a good many decisions were reached that determined the final Page  [End Page 23] format for the project. Decisions ranged from important questions of inclusion and exclusion to such mundane matters as the number of typed copies to be filed. But not every topic could have received adequate treatment in one meeting. The decisions surrounding questions of inclusion and exclusion, for example, were often deferred to later meetings. That is understandable when one examines the scope of the material. Twelve major categories of Lincoln writings were identified: speeches in newspapers, third-person accounts in the Congressional Globe, two or more third-person accounts that were divergent, "reports" of conversations, newspaper reports of an interview, texts in auction and dealer catalogs, questionable and spurious documents, endorsements, anonymous or pseudonymous writings, biographical documents not written by Lincoln such as his marriage certificate, and the famous Lincoln-Douglas debates. The committee's task was more onerous when one considers that the category of manuscripts had thirteen subsections consisting of items that ranged from certificates to land surveys to fee books. [11]

Although it is unclear how the committee arrived at specific decisions, certain discernible generalizations reveal the criteria used for inclusion or exclusion of items. The historical significance of the material was perhaps foremost in the board members' minds. Routine governmental papers that required only Lincoln's signature—ship papers, discharge papers, land grants, and the like—were excluded, for they failed to advance the researcher's understanding of Lincoln. Of other items, such as checks and endorsements, the editor printed "special" or "interesting" examples.[12] That guideline provided for the gold to be mined for publication, leaving the dregs for the more ambitious investigator. The ultimate test for inclusion or exclusion was whether the document "contributed something to an understanding of the man."[13]

Another consideration the board seemed to understand was the limited time and funding allotted the project. Original projections assumed that the task would take three years to complete and fill four or five volumes. Specific costs were:

Assistant editor, trained in historiography,
$2,400 per year $ 7,200
Travel 2,000
Work at a distance 1,500 Page  [End Page 24]
Photostats 1,200
Typing 2,000
Postage 500
Stenographic services 3,000
____________
TOTAL $17,400

[14]Not included in the estimates were the salary of the editor, who would also be the executive secretary of the ALA. Because the position already existed, it would not add an additional expense to the ALA budget. It was also assumed that publication costs would be the responsibility of the university press or publishing house that received the contract.

Certainly, the board had undertaken an optimistic publication schedule (as would be borne out by actual events). The board, however, apparently made decisions that would comport with the spartan budget and ambitious production timetable. Therefore, marginal materials could be excluded from consideration according to their guidelines. Moreover, a standard of brevity and clarity characterized much of the remaining editorial policy. That standard is most noticeable in the annotation format. Above all else, annotations were to be brief. They served only to clarify documents, add interesting material, and correct generally held myths or inaccuracies about Lincoln. [15]

The general thrust of the board's editorial policy was to offer an accurate transcription of all significant material written by Lincoln and to provide brief but helpful notes identifying names, places, and, when necessary, variant published accounts. To that extent, the policy surpassed every previous attempt to publish Lincoln's writings. And, curiously, it anticipated and avoided the editorial excesses that characterized the first volume of Julian Boyd's Jefferson Papers, published in 1950.[16]

Another issue that portended trouble for the project was raised at the board meeting. James G. Randall suggested that a larger group might be formed. Correspondence between board members indicates a vague understanding of what Randall envisioned. Paul Angle best summed up the board's view: "I can't see that it will do any harm to create such a committee as long as it is kept separate from the Page  [End Page 25] Editorial Committee." [17] ALA President George Bunn, Jr., raised the same point in a letter to Randall soon after the September meeting. Randall agreed that a small editorial board was preferable to a large unwieldy group. But Randall insisted that a distinction could be drawn between the function of the editorial group and the "advisory body" that would comprise "about a dozen or fifteen or even more persons who represent the Lincoln interest over the country, and thus enlist not only their cooperation but their pride and good will in the very important work that we have undertaken." Randall even enclosed a list of thirty-seven institutions and persons for consideration.[18]

James G. Randall
James G. Randall

Randall was making the same case that Luther Evans had urged earlier that year. By increasing the number of participants, Randall hoped to bring greater distinction and credibility to the undertaking. Page  [End Page 26] A powerful argument against the creation of the advisory body was the pitfall of the group's intrusion into editorial matters. In the end, that argument won out.

Almost immediately after the September 1946 meeting, form letters and questionnaires were sent to eleven thousand libraries, a thousand historical societies, numerous manuscript dealers, and individual Lincoln collectors. The mailing contained a postage-paid return envelope that guaranteed its delivery if filled out and mailed.[19] While the board had optimistically estimated that photostatic copies of two-thirds of all known Lincoln documents resided in the ALA files, with the remaining one-third housed in the Robert Todd Lincoln Collection at the Library of Congress, the mass mailing was an attempt to locate "the stray and isolated pieces which might not be found through the larger and more obvious sources." [20]

Soon after the conclusion of the meeting, Earl Schenck Miers at Rutgers University Press was contacted. It had been decided that a university press would be the most likely agent to publish such a work as well as provide adequate promotion, distribution, and, most important, prevent the volumes from going out of print.[21] The ALA negotiated a contract with Rutgers for the publication and distribution of all previous and forthcoming publications of the ALA. On April 1, 1946, the arrangement went into effect.[22] To Paul Angle was delegated the task of determining what constraints would be placed on the ALA by the publisher. Specifically, questions of entry headings, format for letters and footnotes, the use of sic, and whether deletions and insertions as they appeared in the original manuscript could be reproduced in a printed transcription were presented to Miers.

The Rutgers editor decided that headings similar to those used in the Nicolay and Hay volumes were adequate. All dates, salutations, closings, and signatures would be set in the same typeface as the body of the letter. Footnotes would appear at the bottom of the manuscript page and run consecutively within each manuscript. Sic was not to be used, allowing misspellings to stand. And with the Page  [End Page 27] introduction of stricken letter type at low cost, it was possible to illustrate all deletions and insertions as they appeared in the original documents. [23]

By the end of 1946, the ALA project had made significant progress. It had established itself as the only Lincoln documentary editing project by co-opting the Library of Congress. Moreover, the ALA had recruited some of the most recognized Lincoln authorities to serve on the editorial board. An added benefit was that most of the board members, having earned academic credentials, also possessed the necessary public relations, fund raising, and historical researching and editing skills. All had written at least one book, making them familiar with the vagaries of publications. Bunn was the only exception. Although he was not an author, Bunn was an amateur printer, owning a small printing press that he used for his own enjoyment. That activity had given Bunn experience as a copy editor, a skill that was not wasted at the ALA, for he served as assistant editor of the Abraham Lincoln Quarterly.[24]

Perhaps Bunn's greatest contribution was immediate funding for the project. In October, 1945, he had solicited and received pledges of $20,000 to finance the publication of Lincoln's writings. Bunn also suggested that the trust fund established in 1929 for the operation of the ALA be dissolved and the money transferred to the working capital of the project. That action, finalized in December 1945, doubled the total from initial pledges.[25] The project, therefore, appeared to have a sound financial base.

In late spring of 1947, Baringer resigned his position as executive secretary of the ALA. His replacement, Roy Basler, was a young English professor from George Peabody College in Nashville, Tennessee. The ALA was indeed fortunate to hire an academic well versed in both editing and Lincoln's writings. Only months earlier Basler's book, Abraham Lincoln: His Speeches and Writings, had been released by the World Publishing Company. He had, in all possible instances, checked his transcriptions against the original documents. His meticulous editing and insightful preface, "Lincoln's Development as a Writer," was the best endorsement the ALA could have Page  [End Page 28] required. Moreover, Basler had written a dissertation on "Abraham Lincoln in Literature: The Growth of an American Legend." [26]

To a large extent, the ALA project was simply a continuation of Basler's 1946 book. He was well known in the Lincoln field and especially to the editorial board of the ALA because of his work with Lincoln documents. The editorial board, in fact, adopted most of Basler's punctuation standards. The areas of difference were minor, and the differences, more often than not, were mandates issued by Rutgers University Press. [27]

But Basler's problems were not with the editorial board or the policy they determined. In spite of the good public and institutional response to the ALA's request for Lincoln photostats, several major dealers and collectors refused to cooperate. Their reasons for refusal were best stated by manuscript dealer, Mary A. Benjamin. In her catalog, The Collector, Benjamin argued that publishing the text of a document reduced its value. Moreover, she maintained that a dealer's limited time and resources did not permit the forwarding of such information to any project request.[28] Collectors may have felt that publication of their holdings would be an open invitation to every intelligent thief.

Those who refused to cooperate with the ALA project were greatly outnumbered by participants. Earlier estimates of the size of the project were proven to be low, as Lincoln documents were located and a control file was established. As the initial project size grew, a $30,000 grant from the Rockefeller Foundation proved to be a godsend. Although the initial contact with the foundation was made by Evans or Mearns on behalf of the ALA, the editorial board assumed the responsibility for obtaining the final grant.[29] The money allowed Basler to hire additional staff and to meet unforeseen project expenses. Page  [End Page 29]

Unfortunately, more hidden expenses existed than were originally envisioned by anyone associated with the project. As early as 1948, research at the Library of Congress and the National Archives proved more extensive and costly than anticipated. That situation was aggravated by the inability of the Library of Congress to make the ALA project a top priority. Appropriation cutbacks and limited staff forced the ALA to reconsider its approach to mining the collections in Washington, D.C. It was decided that the best way to facilitate the location and photostating of needed materials would be to hire a Library of Congress staff member as temporary help for the ALA project. From March 1948, until September 1949, Mrs. Helen Bullock of the Manuscripts Division was "on loan" to the ALA. [30] Mrs. Bullock's salary was paid by the ALA, but her status as a staff member of the Library of Congress never lapsed.

The arrangement was fortunate indeed. Bullock possessed an extensive knowledge of the Library of Congress collections. She was a diligent, meticulous, and speedy worker. Her tasks consisted of making notecards of documents written by or to Abraham Lincoln. Those cards were then mailed to Basler. After careful inspection, Basler would return those cards of which a photostatic copy was required. The system worked well, but certain adjustments were needed. Very early in her research, Bullock found an enormous number of letters to Lincoln from office seekers. [31] By June, the photoduplication department was backlogged with orders, ALA orders having collected dust for two months.[32] Many important collections—War Records, Justice Records, House and Senate Files, Cameron Papers, Blair Papers, and the like—remained closed to inspection. Special permission was granted for most of the restricted collections in the Library of Congress and the National Archives, but a problem remained of misfiled documents, poor inventories, and stolen or damaged documents. [33]

While Bullock contended with problems in Washington, Basler Page  [End Page 30] had his staff of two editorial assistants begin the arduous task of transcribing and researching annotations for each document. Certainly, the project had grown far beyond all expectations. The number of documents was double the original estimate, placing an increased financial burden upon the ALA and delaying the production schedule by several years. The normal problems associated with the editorial process were burdensome enough. By 1949, however, several unresolved issues reached crisis proportions.

Curiously, the editorial board never obtained a written understanding with Rutgers of the publication terms for Lincoln's writings. The editorial board assumed that Rutgers would assume all publication costs. Harold N. Munger, Jr., the new director at Rutgers University Press, however, had a different understanding. Since the ALA and Rutgers continued the joint financing of other monographic publications such as William E. Baringer's Lincoln's Vandalia, Munger assumed that the same arrangement applied to the Lincoln writings project. [34] Basler wanted to begin sending copy for the first volume to Rutgers to be typeset.[35] But the possibility that Rutgers would not publish any material without a subsidy from the ALA jeopardized the entire project.

The ALA based their original decision to publish Lincoln's writings upon the assumption that publication costs would be borne entirely by the publisher. Cost overruns with research and staff were largely offset by the $30,000 grant from the Rockefeller Foundation and an additional Rockefeller outlay of $12,000.[36] But the additional burden of a publication subsidy to Rutgers seemed impossible. On October 17, 1949, Munger met with Bunn, Thomas, and Basler to discuss the differences of opinion.[37]

Apparently some oil was cast upon the rough waters at the October meeting. Discussion notes have not surfaced, but an examination of the correspondence between Munger and the ALA reflects a respectful but strained tone. Munger indicated to Bunn on November 15, 1949, that the Rutgers University Press Council retained its interest in publishing The Collected Writings of Abraham Lincoln. Rutgers, however, wanted two conditions met: that a coupon scheme be devised so ALA members could receive the volumes at a slight Page  [End Page 31] discount; and that all royalties paid to the ALA be deferred until Rutgers recovered its initial investment. [38] At the same time, Munger approached the Rockefeller Foundation for additional money to offset publication costs.[39]

Additional troubles caused Rutgers's willingness to publish the Writings to turn sour. The Rockefeller Foundation declined to finance the project any further. Basler suggested in an earlier letter to Munger that "they [the Rockefeller Foundation] count us making a nice royalty," accounting for the foundation's reluctance to fund fully an ALA grant request. [40] After a reexamination of the publication costs, and without an additional source of money, Rutgers refused to carry the entire amount. The original estimates calculated a printing cost of $30,000 for 3,000 sets. By December 1949, the total cost rose to $54,000 for 2,500 sets. Munger concluded, pessimistically, "Whether or not, in light of this, we can still take on the WRITINGS, is something that I can't tell at this moment though needless to say, I am working on it."[41]

Basler was most distraught by the turn of events. In letters to former Rutgers director Earl Schenck Miers and current Rutgers director Harold Munger, Basler cogently addressed the issues from the ALA's perspective. First, the ALA had spent more than $30,000 of its own money, as well as $42,000 of Rockefeller Foundation money, on research and a draft copy of Lincoln's writings. The ALA was in dire financial straits and could only assume additional financial burdens at the risk of going broke. Second, regardless of the original understanding between Rutgers and the ALA on publication responsibility, other benefactors had to be found. The editorial demands upon the ALA staff in producing final copy negated their assuming that responsibility. Finally, on an intensely personal note, Basler dreaded the possibility that "I shall not get through with the job of seeing it through the press before my crew here is disbanded, and for that matter before I am disbanded." [42] Page  [End Page 32]

Miers, who had since joined the staff of Alfred A. Knopf Publishers, reasserted Rutgers position: Rutgers agreed to publish a six, not ten, volume work; and Miers assumed that the costs of publication would be shared as in all previous joint publications of the press and the ALA. [43] Perhaps more distressing was his view of alternative publication choices: "For the amount of money involved, the potential of profit is not large enough to excite commercial interests; $60,000 invested in other forms of commercial publishing can promise a much quicker turnover, and for a great deal less effort. Frankly, on thinking it over, I do not believe that there is going to be a sale in the first year of more than a thousand sets, and I think that the next thousand sets are going to sell very slowly and with considerable cost to the publisher who must carry a very large overhead in inventory." [44] Given those realities, Meirs concluded that although the ALA would make a significant contribution to scholarship with the project, compromises with Rutgers—"especially of a financial nature"—were needed. [45]

Throughout 1950, the ALA undertook several studies to determine what costs remained in order to publish the volumes. The Harper publishing house was aproached as a potential press, but they respectfully declined, largely for the reasons Miers anticipated.[46] Basler and his staff were steadily producing copy for the forthcoming volumes. Without delaying the project any further, Rutgers's terms were accepted; Rutgers agreed to meet publication costs if the ALA would forego any royalties until the press recovered its costs. [47]

With the issue of publication cost behind them, Basler and Munger devoted all of their efforts to the publication of The Collected Writings. A revised production schedule quickly became obsolete. Editorial and design alterations combined with staff illness affected the revised timetable. The anticipated publication date of spring 1952, had to be rescheduled for February 12, 1953.[48] The idea of premiering the publication on Lincoln's Birthday was appealing, but the year's delay Page  [End Page 33] was accompanied by tremendous costs. Increased union wages, renegotiated vendor agreements, and extended ALA editorial staff salaries resulted.[49]

The operating expenses for the project had burgeoned far beyond the original modest budget. By January 1951, it was apparent that the project could be sustained only by liquidating all remaining ALA assets. With that prospect in sight, the board of directors directed all of its resources toward the completion of The Collected Writings. By 1952, the ALA coffers were exhausted.

Happily, only the index remained to be completed.[50] A form letter was mailed to all ALA members, briefly summarizing the problems and successful completion of what was finally titled The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln. Unfortunately, the cost had been more than the ALA could afford. The Abraham Lincoln Association ceased as an active organization by year's end.[51]

But like the phoenix that would rise from its ashes, the ALA board provided for its future revival. The ALA would continue for an indefinite time as a corporation, and an account was established to accept whatever royalties might accrue from sale of The Collected Works. [52] ALA records and research files were turned over to the Illinois State Historical Library. Roy Basler left Springfield for a job at the Library of Congress. Both of his assistants also went on to distinguished careers in library and archival work. And The Collected Works was an acknowledged critical and—ironically—financial success. Perhaps it was the caprice of goddess Fortuna that allowed the troublesome issue of publication costs to continue to haunt the ALA even after its demise as an active organization; in spite of the profits from The Collected Works, Rutgers never paid any royalties to the Abraham Lincoln Association. Page  [End Page 34]

I would like to thank James T. Hickey, Mark E. Neely, Jr., John Y. Simon, and Roger D. Bridges for their helpful comments and criticisms of early drafts of this article.

SUPPLEMENT

When the Abraham Lincoln Association undertook the publication of Lincoln's writings in 1945, they hoped to produce a work of lasting value. Without question, they succeeded in their goal. But Roy P. Basler, editor of The Collected Works, offered a caveat to any claim of the ALA project being a "definitive" edition. "Even as we go to press," Basler wrote in the foreword to The Collected Works, "five new and hitherto unknown Lincoln letters have come to light under circumstances wholly unsuspected, and they remind us that in spite of a search continuously pursued for many years and with great intensity since 1945, there are other documents at present unknown and unsuspected."[53] Indeed, enough new Lincoln material was found after 1953 to warrant the publication of a supplemental volume in 1974. The question remains before us, How many Lincoln letters remain hidden from researchers and Lincoln students?

Of course, the question will never be answered. New letters and documents will continue to surface. Scholars, moreover, have been so satisfied with the current body of printed Lincoln material that there has been no systematic or concerted effort to explore the territory beyond that described by Basler. It is clear from Basler's own admonition that more could be done, for he urged "whoever will seek it to a further pursuit." [54] In this spirit, the following thirty-eight transcriptions of documents, not found in Basler's original Collected Works or the Supplement, are offered.

In this supplement and in future volumes of this journal, we will publish Lincoln manuscripts, previously published or unpublished, that failed to gain entry into The Collected Works or Supplement. This supplement includes 38 such documents, among them an additional copy of a known document that poses interesting questions.

Those who are familiar with the format of the original Collected Works will not find significant departures in the supplemental documents. The use of sic has been avoided, allowing to stand all of Lincoln's spelling and punctuation errors. In most cases, I have tried to adhere to all editing guidelines and abbreviations described in Page  [End Page 35] the introduction to the first volume of The Collected Works and Supplement. The reader will notice, however, that I have not been entirely faithful to these strictures.

Unlike the Supplement, I have identified persons even if they have been identified in previous volumes. This decision is based upon practical necessity because most readers will not have all of the Basler volumes within reach for handy reference.

A second variation concerns inclusion policy. Most of the materials transcribed would fall well within The Collected Works' definition of Lincolniana. But a number of printed legal forms and the record of Edward Lincoln's burial plot may be legitimately questioned as proper materials if judged by Basler's standards. Some scholars may find them of use, whereas others will not. It is important, however, that people know of the existence of the documents; the decision on their inclusion or exclusion can be decided when a systematic update of Basler is undertaken.

Finally, I have avoided identifying private collectors for one very obvious reason. Lincoln documents are commanding high prices in comparison to those of most other American presidents and become targets for literate thieves. In all cases, I have obtained a photocopy of the original document or seen the original. I have avoided printing texts from auction catalogs unless a clear facsimile copy is pictured. This allows readers to decide spellings and punctuation for themselves.

It is hoped that these transcriptions will be of benefit to researchers. I encourage college and university professors to prod their graduate students to write short research pieces on the history of some of the more significant finds that follow. We intend this article to be the first of several attempts to publish new Lincoln material. Anyone who would care to provide the author with a photocopy of original, unpublished Lincoln manuscripts may write to the following address: Lincoln Collection, Illinois State Historical Library, Old State Capitol, Springfield, IL 62701. Page  [End Page 36]

Document Drawn for Crawford B. Dally[55]

[October 30, 1837]

I hereby authorize the clerk of the County Commissioner's Court of Sangamon County to issue a license authorizing any legally qualified person to marry Edward H. Tyler[56] to my daughter Hester Ann Dally.[57]

Crawford B Dally

Oct 30 1837

Attest

A. Lincoln

Bond for Charles R. Matheny [58]

[June 18, 1838]

Know all men by these presents that we Charles R. Matheny, William Butler, Abner Y. Ellis, A. Lincoln are held and firmly bound unto the County Commissioners of the County of Sangamon and State of Illinois for the use of any person or persons injured, or for the use of the said County if injured in the penal sum of one thousand dollars the payment of which will and truly to be made we bind ourselves, our heirs and assigns, jointly severally and firmly by these persons signed, sealed and dated this 18 day of June A.D. 1838.

The Condition of the above obligation is such that whereas the above bounden Charles R. Matheny has been duly elected Clerk of the said County Commissioners Court. Now if he the said Charles R. Matheny shall faithfully perform the duties of said office assigned by laws therein the above obligation to be void otherwise to remain in full force and effect.

C.R. Matheny (seal)

William Butler (seal)

Abner Y. Ellis (seal)

A. Lincoln (seal)

State of Illinois[59]

Sangamon County Page  [End Page 37]

Pay Warrant for Alfred Kitchell[60]

[October 11, 1843]

$75.00 100 No. 9229

Received of the Auditor of WARRANT on the Treasurer of the State of Illinois for Seventy five dollars and _____ cents, in full for the salary of A. Kitchell as State's Atty. of 4th. Judcl. Cirt. for yr. ending 30th Sept 1843.

A. Lincoln

Springfield,

Oct 11th 1843.

Deed of Conveyance to Mary Lincoln[61]

[March 18, 1844]

[Warranty Deed—Printed at the Office of the Sangamo Journal]

THIS INDENTURE, Made and entered into this 18th day of March A.D. 1844 between Robert Todd and Elizabeth Todd his wife of the County of Fayette and the State of Kentucky of the first part, and Mary [Lincoln] [62] daughter of said Robert and [wife of Abraham Lincoln] of the County of Sangamon and State of Illinois of the second part, WITNESSETH: That the said parties of the first part, for and in consideration of natural affection of one dollar in hand paid by the party of the second part, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have granted, bargained and sold, and by these presents do grant, bargain and sell unto said party of the second part, her heirs and assigns, a certain tract of Land, situate, lying and being in the County of Sangamon and State of Illinois, known and designated as follows, to-wit: The East half of the South East quarter of section number twelve Township fifteen north of section number six west of the third principal meridan containing eighty acres more or less.

TO HAVE AND TO HOLD the aforesaid tract or parcel of land, together with all and singular the privileges and appurtenances thereto Page  [End Page 38] belonging, or in any-wise appertaining, to the only proper use and benefit of her the said party of the second part, her heirs and assigns FOREVER. And the said party of the first part, for themselves their heirs, executors and administrators, do convenant to and with the said party of the second part, that they are lawfully seized, have full right to convey, and will forever WARRANT and DEFEND the said tract of LAND from the claim of them the said parties of the first part, their heirs and assigns, and against the claim or claims of any other person whomsoever.

In Testimony Whereof, the said parties of the first part have hereunto set their hand and seal the day and year aforesaid.[63]

Signed, Sealed and delivered in presence of

R.S. Todd (seal)

E.L. Todd (seal)

State of Kentucky

Fayette County: SS

Before me, the undersigned, Clerk of the County Court for the County aforesaid, personally came Robert S. Todd & Elizabeth L. Todd his wife who are known to me to be the real persons by whom and in whose names the above conveyance was excuted, and by whom and in whose names said conveyance is proposed to be acknowledged, and acknowledged that of their free will, that they executed said deed for the purpose therein expressed. And the said Elizabeth L. Todd wife of the said Robert Todd being by me first examined separate and apart from her said husband and the contents of said conveyance being first make known to her acknowledged that freely and voluntarily and without any compulsion or coercion from her said husband she executed the same, and forever relinguishes all her right and claim of Dower in and to the lands and tenements in said conveyance described.

Given under my hand and seal, of mine this 19 day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eighth hundred and forty [four].[64]

Att. James C. Rodes Sec. (seal)

Page  [End Page 39]

Mortgage Deed for Seth M. Tinsley[65]

[March 21, 1844]

MORTGAGE DEED.

THIS INDENTURE, Made and entered into, this [twentyfirst] day of [March] A. D. 184[4], between [John H. Bridges and William Bridges] of the County of [Sangamon] and State of [Illinois, party] of the first part, and [Seth M. Tinsley] of the County of [Sangamon] and State of [Illinois, party] of the second part, WITNESSETH, That the said part[y] of the first part, for and in consideration of the sum of [$221.59.] Dollars, in hand paid by the said part[y] of the second part, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, ha[ve] granted, bargained and sold, and by these presents do grant bargain and sell, unto the said part[y] of the second part, [his] heirs assigns, [a] certain tract of Land situated, lying and being the County of [Sangamon] and State of [Illinois] known and designated as follows, to wit: [Part of the West half of the North West quarter of Section Thirtyfive in Township Fifteen North of Range Six West, being all of said half quarter, after deducting as follows towit, ten acres from the North East corner, as deeded to one Graham, ten acres in the South East corner, as deeded to Charles Getten, eight acres in the South West corner, as deeded to Elisha McComas, and fifteen acres from the West side, as deeded to Milton Richardson]

TO HAVE AND TO HOLD the aforesaid tract or parcel of land, together with all and singular the privileges and appurtenances thereunto belonging, or in any-wise appertaining, to the only proper use and benefit of [him] the said part[y] of the second part, [his] heirs and assigns FOREVER, And the said part[y] of the first part, for [themselves, their] heirs, executors and administrators, do convenant to and with the said party of the second part, that [they are] lawfully seized, have full right to convey, and will forever WARRANT and DEFEND the said tract of LAND from the claim of [them] the said part[y] of the first part, [their] heirs and assigns, and against the claim or claims of any other person whomsoever.

Nevertheless, upon this express condition, that [whereas the said party of the first part have executed their promissory note of even date herewith, for the sum of two hundred and twentyone dollars, Page  [End Page 40] and sixtynine cents, payable to S. M. Tinsley and Co or order before Christmas day next with twelve per cent interest per annum from date until paid. Now if said note shall be paid according to it's tend and effect, this deed is to be void and of no affect otherwise to remain in full force and virtue.]

IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF, the said part[y] of the first part have hereunto set [their] hand[s] and seals the day and year aforesaid.

signed sealed and delivered in presence of

W Lavely

William Bridges (L.S.)

John W. Bridges (L.S.)

State of Illinois

Sangamon County. ss.

Before me, the undersigned a Justice of the Peace for the County aforesaid, personally came William Bridges and John W. Bridges who are known to me to be the real persons by whom and in whose names the above conveyance was excuted and by whom and in whose names said conveyance is proposed to be acknowledged, and acknowledged that of their free will, that they executed said deed for the purposes therein expressed. Given under my hand and seal, this 21st day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-four

W. Lavely J.P. (L.S.)

Deed of Conveyance, Lincoln Home[66]

[May 2, 1844]

WARRANTEE DEED, With Relinquishment of Dower.

THIS INDENTURE, Made and entered into, this [Second] day of [May] A. D. 184[4], between [Charles Dresser & Louisa W. his wife] of the County of [Sangamon] and State of [Illinois], of the first part, and [Abraham Lincoln] of the County of [Sangamon] and State of [Illinois] of the second part, WITNESSETH, That the said part[y] of the first part, for and in consideration of the sum of [fifteen hundred] Dollars, in hand paid by the said part[y] of the second part, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have granted, bargained Page  [End Page 41] and sold, and by these presents do grant bargain and sell, unto the said part[y] of the second part, [his] heirs and assigns, [a] certain tract of Land, situate, lying and being in the County of [Sangamon] and State of [Illinois] known and designated as follows, to wit: ["Lot number Eight, and a strip ten feet in width off of the South side of Lot number Seven, being the South quarter of said Lot Seven, both in Block number Ten in E. Iles' addition to the (late town now) city of Springfield in the county and State aforesaid."]

TO HAVE AND TO HOLD the aforesaid tract or parcel of land, together with all and singular the privileges and appurtenances thereunto belonging, or in any-wise appertaining, to the only proper use and benefit of [him] the said part[y] of the second part, [his] heirs and assigns FOREVER, And the said part[y] of the first part, for [themselves, their] heirs, executors and administrators, do convenant to and with the said part[y] of the second part, that [they are] lawfully seized, have full right to convey, and will forever WARRENT and DEFEND the said tract of LAND from the claim of [them] the said part[y] of the first part, [their] heirs and assigns, and against the claim or claims of any other person whomsoever.

IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF, the said part[y] of the first part ha[ve] hereunto set [their] hand[s] and seals the day and year aforesaid.

signed sealed and delivered in presence of

W. Lavely

Charles Dresser (seal)

Louisa W. Dresser (seal)

State of Illinois,

Sangamon County. ss.

Before me, the undersigned a Justice of the Peace for the County aforesaid, personally came Charles Dresser & Louisa W. his wife who are known to me to be the real persons by whom and in whose names the above conveyance was excuted and by whom and in whose names said conveyance is proposed to be acknowledged, and acknowledged that of their free will, that they excuted said deed for the purposes therein expressed. And the said Louisa W. Dresser wife of the said Charles Dresser being by me first examined separate and apart from her said husband and the contents of said conveyance being first made known to her acknowledged that she freely and voluntarily and without any compulsion or coercion from her said husband she executed the same, and forever relinquish all her right and claim of Dower in and to the lands and tenements in said conveyance described. Page  [End Page 42]

Given under my hand and seal, this 2d day of May in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-four

W. Lavely J.P. (seal)

Bond for John M. Cabaniss [67]

[August 5, 1847]

Know all men by these presents that We John M. Cabaniss as principal and E. T. Cabaniss and Z. P. Cabaniss, and A. Lincoln, James L. Hill as his Sureties all of the County of Sangamon and State of Illinois are held and firmly bound unto the County Commissioner of the County of Sangamon and their successors in office for the use of the People of the State of Illinois in the penal Sum of One Thousand Dollars lawful money of the United States for the payment of which will and truly to be made we bind ourselves, our heirs, executors and administrators jointly and firmly by these presents. Witness our hands and seals at Springfield this 5th day of August A.D. 1847.

The Condition of the above obligation is Such that whereas the said John M. Cabaniss was on the second day of August A.D. 1847 Elected a Constable in and for Springfield District in said county for the Term of Two years from the said day of election.

Now if the said John M. Cabaniss shall faithfully discharge the duties of his office of Constable and shall Justly and fairly account for and pay over all monies that may come to his hands under any process or otherwise by virtue of his office, Then this above obligation to be void, otherwise to remain in full force and virtue.

In presence of

N. W. MathenyJ. M. Cabaniss (seal)

E. T. Cabaniss (seal)

Z. P. Cabaniss (seal)

James H. Hill (seal)

A. Lincoln (seal) Page  [End Page 43]

To J. M. McCalla [68]

[January 24, 1848]

Will Mr. McCalla please examine these papers, and inform me whether any thing, and if so, what, can be done in the case?

Jany 24. 1848

A. Lincoln. of HR.

To Thomas Ewing [69]

Washington, June 22. 1849

Hon. Secretary of the Interior

Dear Sir,

This morning, on my mention[ing to] you, I had an intimation my old friend Cyrus Edwards, [70] had placed on file something ill-natured against me, you had the kindness, as I remember, to volunteer the remark, in my defense, that but for my devotion to Mr. Edwards, manifested by withholding my own name for his benefit, I would now, in your opinion, be the Commissioner. If, in this, my memory serves me correctly, you will greatly oblige me, by saying as much on paper with anything additional to the same point, which may occur to you. It will enable me, I think, to remove from the mind of one of my most highly valued friends, a bad impression, which is now the only thing much painful to me personally, in the whole matter. Your Obt Servt

A. Lincoln

To Thomas Ewing [71]

Springfield, Ills. July 9. 1849

Hon. Secretary of the Interior

Dear Sir

The day after the appointment of Mr. Butterfield[72] as Commissioner of the General Land Office, you at my request delivered to me the Page  [End Page 44] papers on file in my favor for the same office. They were handed me in a package sealed up; and I did not open them till yesterday. I was surprised to find amongst them no letter from Hon. R. W. Thompson or Hon. Elisha Embree,[73] later whig members of Congress from two of the Wabash districts in Indiana. Both those gentlemen had informed me by letters, that they had written the President in my behalf, and had sent me copies their letters to him which copies I had at Washington and still have. I would have filed the copies only that I was told by Mr. Caffee or Mr. Anderson [74] (I forget which) that the originals were on file already. Something of the contents of one of them was mentioned by my informant which corresponding with my copy left me in no doubt that he had really seen the original. I write this to ascertain, if I can, how those originals got off the file and to have them sent me, if they can be found. I relied upon and valued, them more than any other two letters I had, because of the high standing of the writers, because of the location within the Public Land states, and because they did (what few other members could) speak of my character and standing at home. On discovering they were missing from the file, a remark of Judge Collamer [75] occurred to me. On the same afternoon [76] of the appointment he said to me that Mr. B. appeared to be better recommended from the Public Land states than I. I felt sure he was [mis]taken; yet, never disposed to wrestle with the court after the case is decided, I made no reply. If these letters were not before the Cabinet the Judge was nearer right than I supposed. With them I had the State of Indiana clearly; without them Mr. B. had it. The letter of Mr. Thompson was a recantation from Mr. B. to me; so that without it, I not only lost him, but he stood in full life, recommending Mr. B. I show the exact bearing of these letters as an excuse for my anxiety to know how they in particular happen to be missing. One other letter, which I supposed to be on file, I do not find, but I have not so great certainty it ever was filed.

Will you please write me on receipt of this? Your Obt Servt

A. Lincoln

To Thomas Ewing [77]

Springfield, Ills. July 27th, 1849

Hon. Secretary of the Interior

Dear Sir

Yours of the 18th in answer to my inquiries concerning the letters of Messrs. Thompson & Embree is received, and for which I thank you. You are deceived—to some extent at least. Mr. Caffee did not inform me at the time he gave me the bundle, or at any time, that any letters filed in my favor, had been retained. He did not give me the bundle in person; but it was sent to my lodging, accompanied by a letter from yourself, which letter, now before me, contains no indication that any of the letters had been retained. On the contrary it speaks of the papers as an unbroken series, "numbered from 75 to 183 inclusive, with a small package file at a late hour yesterday"

Again, if the letters of Mssrs. Thompson & Embree, were retained under the rule you state, then that rule was applied with a strange partially in this case, for I have now under my eye, taken from the bundle mentioned, each with a brief upon it made in your office eight letters falling completely within that rule. Five of them are addressed to the President, one to a third person, & two to yourself; all speak of Mr. B. in the same tone as Mssrs. Thompson & Embree, and none of them was ever in my possession, till they came to me in the bundle referred to. But the strangest of all is, that one of these eight letters, now before me, is the the [sic] identical letter of A.G. Henry,[78] which you expressly state in your letter, has been retained by you, or by Mr. Caffee, under the rule. Because of these things, I have ventured to say you are deceived. Your Obt. Servt

A. Lincoln

To Thomas Ewing [79]

Tremont, Illinois, Sept. 23. 1849

Hon. T. Ewing

Secretary etc.

Dear Sir

Your despatch of the 20th announcing my appointment as Governor of Oregon is just received, having reached Springfield in my absence, and been forwarded to me here by mail. I have just written Page  [End Page 46] a friend at Springfield to answer you by Telegraph that I decline the appointment, which I suppose will reach you long before this will. May I request you to express my gratitude to the President, for these repeated evidences of his kindness and confidence? Your Obt Sevt

A. Lincoln

To Thomas Ewing [80]

Springfield, Ills Oct. 13, 1849

Hon. T. Ewing Secretary etc.

Dear Sir:

I have just received a letter from a friend at Washington, from which the following is an extract. "Again _____ told me that there was a clique in Springfield determined to prevent Butterfield's confirmation; and, that Lincoln would give a thousand dollars to have it done, but, says _____, one of the company who meets with them, keeps Butterfield weekly posted etc."

This annoys me a little. I am unwilling for the Administration to believe or suspect such a thing. I write this therefore, to assure you that I am neither privy to, nor cognizant of, any such clique; and that I most potently disbelieve in the existence of any such. I opposed the appointment of Mr. B. because I believed it would be a matter of discouragement to our active, working friends here, and I opposed it for no other reason. I never did, in any true sense, want the office myself. Since Mr. B's appointment, having no personal ill-will to him, and believing it to be for the interest of the Administration and of our cause generally, I have constantly desired his confirmation. I have seen in the Newspapers but one matter of complaint against him, and in that (the matter of the Land Warrants) I believe he is right.

What I am here saying depends on my word alone; but I think Mr B. himself, if appealed to, will not say he disbelieves me. Your Obt. Servt.

A. Lincoln

Deed of Conveyance to Abraham Lincoln[81]

[October 6, 1851]

This Indenture, made this [Sixth] day of [October] in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and [fiftyone] Between [Levi Davis Page  [End Page 47] and Lucy Ann Davis wife of said Levi, of the City of Alton, in] the County of [Madison] and the State of [Illinois] of the first part, and [Abraham Lincoln, of the City of Springfield, in] the County of [Sangamon] and the State of [Illinois] of the second part, Witnesseth, That the said part[ies] of the first part for and in consideration of the sum of [three hundred and twentyfive dollars, and eight cents] ha[ve] granted, bargained, sold, remised, released, aliened and confirmed, and by these presents do grant, bargain, sell, remiss, release, alien and confirm, unto the said part[y] of the second part, and to [his] heirs and assigns forever, All [those lots or parcels of land known and described as follows, towit—Lots Eleven and Twelve in Block Two in Evans' Addition to the late town now City of Bloomington, in the County of McLean and State of Illinois aforesaid.]

Together with all and singular the hereditaments and appurtenances, thereunto belonging, or in anywise appertaining: and all the estate, right, title and interest, of the said part[ies] of the first part, either in law of equity, of, in and to the above bargained premises: TO HAVE AND TO HOLD said premises as above described, with the appurtenances unto the said part[y] of the second part, and to [his] heirs and assigns FOREVER. And the said [Levi Davis, for himself, and] for [his] heirs, executors, and administrators, do[es] convenant, grant bargain and agree, to and with the said part[y] of the second part, and [his] heirs and assigns, that at the time of the insealing and delivering these presents [he is] well seized of the premises above conveyed, as in fee simple, and ha[s] a good right, full power, and lawful authority, to grant, bargain, sell and convey the same in manner and form as aforesaid; and that the same are free and clear of all incumbrances of every kind and nature soever. And that the above bargained premises, in the quiet and peaceable possession of the said part[y] of the second part, [his] heirs and assigns, against all and every person or persons, lawfully claiming or to claim the whole or any part thereof, [he] will forever Warrant and Defend.

IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF, the said part[ies] of the first part ha[ve] hereunto set [their] hands and seals the day and year first above written.

Signed, Sealed and Delivered

in Presence of

John T. Stuart

Levi Davis (seal)

Lucy Ann Davis (seal)

[By David Davis their attorney in fact] (seal) Page  [End Page 48]

State of Illinois

Logan County, ss.

BEFORE ME, the undersigned Clerk of the Circuit Court in and for the County and State aforesaid, personally appeared [David Davis] who is personally known to me to be the real person whose name is subscribed to the forgoing deed as having excuted the same [as attorney in fact for said Levi Davis and Lucy Ann Davis,] and acknowledged the same to be his act and deed, for the purposes therein expressed.

GIVEN under my hand and seal and of office this Sixth day of October in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and fifty one.

Sam'l Emmett Clerk

Cemetery Plot for Edward Lincoln[82]

[December 2, 1851]

THIS INDENTURE, Made and entered into this 2 day of December A.D. 1851 between John Hutchinson and Mary L. Hutchinson his wife, of the County of Sangamon and State of Illinois, of the first part, and Abraham Lincoln of the County of Sangamon and State aforesaid of the second part, WITNESSETH: That the said party of the first part, for and in consideration of the sum of fifteen dollars, in hand paid by the said party of the second part, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have granted, bargained and sold, and by these presents do grant, bargain and sell, unto the said party of the second part, his heirs and assigns, a certain tract of land, situate, known and designated as follows, to wit: being lot number 490 four hundred and ninety on the plat as recorded in the office of the Recorder of the County of Sangamon by John Hutchinson for a Burying Ground, and by reference to said plat will more fully appear: TO HAVE AND TO HOLD the aforesaid tract or parcel of land, together with all and singular the priviliges and appurtenances thereunto belonging, or in any wise appertaining, to the only proper use and benefit of him the said party of the second part, his heirs and assigns forever. And the said party of the first part, for themselves their heirs, excutors and administrators, do convenant to and with the said party of the second part, that they are lawfully seized, have Page  [End Page 49] full right to convey, and will forever warrant and defend the said tract of Land from the claim of then the said party of the first part, their heirs and assigns, and against the claim or claims of any other person whomsoever.

In Witness Whereof, the party of the first part have hereunto set their hands and seals the day and year above written.

Thomas Moffet

IN THE PRESENCE OF

John Hutchinson (seal)

Mary L. Hutchinson (seal)

State of Illinois Sangamon County.

On this 3rd day of December Anno Domini, eighteen hundred and fifty one before me, the undersigned Judge of the County Court within and for the County aforesaid, came John Hutchinson & Mary L. Hutchinson his wife who are personally known to me to be the real persons by whom and in whose names the foregoing Deed is subscribed, as having executed the same, and by whom and in whose names the same is proposed to be acknowledged, who severally acknowledged that they had signed, sealed and delivered the same, as their free act and deed, for the uses and purposes therein expressed.

AND the said Mary L. Hutchinson wife of said John Hutchinson having been by me made acquainted with the contents of said Deed, and being by me examined, separate and apart from her said husband, acknowleged that she had excuted the same, and relinquished her right of dower in and to the premises therein conveyed, voluntarily, freely, and without complusion or fear of her said husband.

IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF, I have hereunto subscribed my name and affixed my seal this 3rd day of December Anno Domini, Eighteen hundred and fifty-one.

Thomas Moffett Judge Sangm. Co. (seal)

To Martin Bishop [83]

Springfield Illinois

Nov 10th 1853

Friend Bishop

We have consulted as to the propriety of your accepting the proposition made you by the Central Rail Road through Col. Mason. Page  [End Page 50]

We are both decidedly of the opinion that the proposition you made them first will be better for you than the proposition of the Central Rail Road.

This opinion of ours is founded upon the belief that it will be impossible to build up any thing like a town on your farm. That if one were laid out there the only result would be to spoil a good farm and create a nuisance. We also think that under the state of feelings existing between yourself and the Rail Road and much of which will in all probability continue to exist that the sooner you sell out and part company with them the better for you.

Had you not better refer them to us to conclude this negotiation for you especially if they begin to make you new propositions.

write to us soon Yours etc.

John T. Stuart

A. Lincoln

To Lyman Trumbull [84]

Springfield, June 27, 1856

Hon. L. Trumbull

Dear Sir:

Yours of the 15th was received a few days ago. It would have been easier for us here, I think, had we got McLean; but as it is, I am not without high hopes for the state. I think we shall electe Bissell, at all events—and, if we can get rid of the Fillmore ticket, we shall carry the state for Fremont also.

Yesterday the Buchanan State ratification came off here. I do not think it proves much; but it really was a failure. There were not fifty—I think not thirty—persons, from other counties; and of the citizens of Sangamon, there were not more in town than there usually are on Saturdays. At night they spoke the State-House; and they had no greater crowd than could be gathered any night on an hour's notice.

Great effort had b[een] from a distance, an[d] from our ranks. Of th got Charley Constable, John Hogan from [St.] Louis, and no body Page  [End Page 51] else. Linder, and Singleton, and Webb, and Don Morrison, all missing. The old democratic speakes were old uncle Jimmy Barret, Moulton of Shelby, Vandeveer of Christian, and McClernand, all told.

Give my respects to Mrs. T. and believe

To Jesse A. Pickrell [85]

Springfield, Sept. 15, 1856

Jesse A. Pickrell Esq. My dear Sir:

Will you please make out and send me, as soon as you can, a list of fifteen or twenty names of good steady Fillmore men, round about you. Let them be scattered about in the neighborhoods, with the Post-Office of each indicated. I want to send letters to them. Please do this quietly, and say nothing about it. Your friend as ever

A. Lincoln

P.S. Send to Springfield

To Newton Deming and George P. Strong[86]

Springfield, May 25, 1857.

Messrs. N.D. & G.P. Strong

Gentlemen

Yours of the 22nd is just received. The admiralty case now stands on appeal to the circuit court and consequently, can only be tried by Judge McLean; and I understand he will remain here only one week, commencing that first Monday of June. Of course, the other side will press for a hearing during that week.

I have just been to see Stuart & Edwards and they suggest that you see the plantiffs lawyer in St. Louis (I forget his name) and make an arrangement with him as to a day of taking up the case, and notify us.

I do not think any defence has been presented based on the fact of Messrs Page & Bacon [87] having purchased under the Deed of Trust. Page  [End Page 52] Quere. Does not the Libellants right, attach to the specific thing—this case—regardless of who may own them?

There is no longer any difficult question of jurisdiction in the Federal courts; they have jurisdiction in all possible cases except such as might redound to the benefit of a "nigger" in some way.

Seriously, I wish you to prepare, on the question jurisdiction as well as you can; for I fear the later decisions are against us. I understand they have some new Admiralty Books here, but I have not examined them. Yours truly

A. Lincoln

Note of Payment by Clarkson Freeman[88]

[January 1, 1858]

Sixty dollars of the within was paid by C. Freeman[89] & credited on his note of Jany 1. 1858

To James A. Briggs [90]

Exeter N.H. March 4, 1860

James A. Briggs, Esq.

My dear Sir:

Yours of the 29th ult. covering check for $200. was received here yesterday. Since I left New York I have spoken at Providence R.I. and at Concord, Manchester, Dover, & Exeter, in this state; and I still am to speak at Hartford, Meriden, and New Haven, in Conn. and at Woonsocket in R.I. Then I close, and start for home. I suppose I shall get away from Woonsocket Friday morning and go directly to New York. Much as I appreciate your kindness allow me to beg that you will make no arrangement to detain me. Having overstaid my allotted time so greatly, I must hurry home. Yours very truly

A. Lincoln

To David Davis [91]

Springfield, May 26, 1860

Dear Judge

Herewith I return Mr. Spaulding's letter, as you request. He wrote me very encouraging news from Buffalo. Before receiving this which I now return, I had written the sketch or draft you wish, and mailed it to you. I suppose you received it. T.W.[92] asked nothing of me at all. He merely seemed to desire a chance of looking at me, keeping up a show of talk while he was at it. I believe he went away satisfied: of which, however, Swett, who was present all the while, can judge better than I. Yours as ever

A. Lincoln

To Dr. M. Langenschwartz [93]

Springfield, Ills. May 28. 1860

Dr. M. Langenschwartz

Dear Sir

Yours of the 21st was duely received. You refer to Hon. Wm H. Seward; and if it be your pleasure to call on me with a letter of introduction from him, I shall be happy to see, and converse with you at any time. Very respectfully

A. Lincoln

To Samuel B. Burwell [94]

Springfield, Ills. Dec. 10 1860

Samuel B. Burwell, Esq.

Dear Sir

At the request of Mrs. Lincoln, I answer your letter to her, of Nov. 15th by saying that her christian name is "Mary". Yours truly

A. Lincoln

To Simon Cameron [95]

Executive Mansion

Dec. 13, 1861

Hon. Sec. of War

My dear Sir,

John N. King, raised in the country of my residence, while yet a boy, served in the Mexican War; and, on his return, was selected by me, then in Congress, to send to West-Point, in which I was frustrated by his then having become just a few days too old. He has since been much in government service, in the far West, on surveys and like, generally with troops, though never an officer or soldier of the regular Army. He now wishes to be a first Lieut. and I feel a more than ordinary interest for him, which he tells me can not now be found. Please give him a place if you can. Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

To Edwin Stanton [96]

[March 22, 1862]

Let this Brigade be armed, and assigned to Gen. John M. Palmer, unless Gen. Halleck knows some reason why it should not be so assigned.

A. Lincoln

March 22, 1862

Memorandum [97]

[March 26, 1862]

The handwriting on this scrap is that of Col. Ellsworth, who fell at Alexandria, Va. last May.

March 26, 1862.

A. Lincoln

To Valentine B. Horton [98]

Executive Mansion

May 16. 1862.

Hon V.B. Horton

My dear Sir:

Herewith is a copy of your letter, with a copy of my endorsement upon it. You perceive I did exacly what you requested. Neither more nor less. Yours truly

A. Lincoln

To Peleg and Mary Clarke [99]

May 23, 1862

Gen. McDowell's HeadQuarters.

Thanks of the President and Secretary to the Misses Clarke and family for the beautiful flowers, and more for the sentiments they feel authorized to infer are held by them.

May 23, 1862

A. Lincoln

Edwin M. Stanton

To Edwin M. Stanton [100]

Executive Mansion

Washington, Aug. 18, 1862

Hon. Sec. of War

Sir,

Louis McLane Hamilton, grand-son of the first Secretary of the Treasury, on the fathers side, and also grandson of one who at different times was Sec. of Treasury and Sec. of State, on his mother's side, has served a three month's term as a private; and now wishes at the end of his term, near by, to have a Commission in the regular Army. Let him have a Lieutenancy if there be a vacancy. Yours truly

A. Lincoln

Page  [End Page 56]

To Major General Henry Halleck[101]

Executive Mansion

Washington, Dec. 4, 1862

Major General Halleck

Sir:

You see by the encosed letter what is sought for Capt. Thaddeus P. Mott. I personally remember seeing him in the Artillery service, in the Autumn of 1861. and hearing him spoken of in terms of great praises by several high officers, including; I think, Gen. McClellan. If he can consistently be assigned a position suitable to him, I shall be gratified. Yours truly

A. Lincoln

To Edwin M. Stanton [102]

Executive Mansion,

Washington, January 9, 1863

Hon. Sec. of War

Dear Sir:

It is said that William S. Pryor, of New-Castle, Henry Co. Ky. and J. O'Hara, of Covington, Ky. were imprisoned for a while, at Camp Chase, and are now at Cincinnati, on parole, without permission to leave the State of Ohio. Let their parole stand, but allow them to go at large generally. When you shall have done this, notify me of it. Yours truly

A. Lincoln.

To Stephen A. Hurlbut [103]

Executive Mansion

Washington, July 31, 1863.

My dear General Hurlbut:

Your letter by Mr. Dana was duly received. I now learn that your resignation has reached the War Department. I also learn that an Page  [End Page 57] active command has been assigned you by Gen. Grant. The Secretary of War and Gen. Halleck are very partial to you, as you know I also am. We all wish you to reconsider the question of resigning; not that we would wish to retain you greatly against your wish and interest, but that your decision may be at least a very well considered one.

I understand that Senator Sebastian of Arkansas thinks of offering to resume his place in the Senate. Of course the Senate, and not I, would decide whether to admit or reject him. Still I should feel great interest in the question. It may be so presented as to be one of the very greatest national importance; and it may be otherwise so presented, as to be of no more than temporary personal consequence to him.

The emancipation proclamation applies to Arkansas. I think it is valid in law, and will be so held by the courts. [I think I shall not retract or repudiate it.] Those who shall have tested actual freedom I believe can never be slaves, or quasi slaves again. For the rest, I believe some plan, substantially being gradual emancipation, would be better for both white and black. The Missouri plan, recently adopted, I do not object to on account of the time for ending the institution; but I am sorry the beginning should have been postponed for seven years, leaving all that time to agitate for the repeal of the whole thing. It should begin at once, giving at least the new-born, a vested interest in freedom, which could not be taken away. If Senator Sebastian could come with something of this sort from Arkansas, I at least should take great interest in his case; and I believe a single individual will have scarcely done the world so great [a] service. See him, if you can, and read this to him; but charge him to not make it public for the present. Write me again. Yours very truly.

A. Lincoln

Page  [End Page 58]

To Edwin M. Stanton [104]

[December 22, 1863]

Submitted to the Sec. of War and Gen-in-Chief

A. Lincoln

Dec. 22, 1863.

To Edwin M. Stanton [105]

[January 26, 1864]

Submitted to Sec. of War.

A. Lincoln

Jan. 26, 1864

To Gideon Welles [106]

Executive Mansion,

Washington, June 10, 1864.

Hon. Sec. of Navy

My dear Sir

Please see Mr. Brandegee, [107] and if one of my Naval School appointments is still open, without changing the direction I gave the other day, let him have it for T.T. Wood. Yours truly

A. Lincoln

Pass for James M. Ashley [108]

[July 9, 1864]

Allow Hon. J. M. Ashley to pass to, and visit Gen. Grant's Head Quarters.

A. Lincoln

July 9, 1864.

Page  [End Page 60]

To Edwin M. Stanton [109]

Oct. 4, 1864

Will the Sec. of War please see & hear the bearer?

A. Lincoln

Oct. 4, 1864

To Amos Tuck [110]

EXECUTIVE MANSION

WASHINGTON, DEC. 16, 1864

Hon. Amos Tuck

My dear Sir,

I desire not to interfer with things not belonging to me; but I am so far impressed in favor of Charles C. Woodman as to say that if there shall be a change in the office of Deputy Naval Officer, I would be pleased with his appointment provided always it would be agreeable to the Sec. of the Treasury and to you. Yours truly

A. Lincoln

Page  [End Page 61]

Notes

  1. Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1953–55; hereafter cited as Collected Works); and Roy P. Basler, ed., Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln: Supplement 1832–1864 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1974; hereafter cited as Collected Works Supplement). For a background history of historical documentary editing projects in the United States, see Mary-Jo Kline, A Guide to Documentary Editing (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), 1–24. For reviews that placed the "definitive" imprimatur on The Collected Works, see the reviews by David Herbert Donald, "The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln," The American Historical Review 59 (Oct. 1953): 142–49; and Harlan Hoyt Horner and Donald W. Riddle "Comments," The Lincoln Herald 55 (Spring 1953): 13–16.return to text
  2. Paul Angle, ed., New Letters and Papers of Lincoln (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930). return to text
  3. "Preliminary Prospectus: The Writings of Abraham Lincoln," working draft, 1, Abraham Lincoln Association Papers (hereafter cited as ALA Papers), Box 65, Illinois State Historical Library (hereafter cited ISHL).return to text
  4. ALA Papers, ISHL.return to text
  5. The most detailed story of the Lincoln Papers is found in David C. Mearns, The Lincoln Papers: The Story of the Collection with Selections to July 4, 1861 (New York: Kraus Reprint, 1969), 3–136.return to text
  6. Minutes, "Meeting of the Board of Directors of the Abraham Lincoln Association," ALA Papers, ISHL. return to text
  7. Luther H. Evans to George W. Bunn, Jr., April 19(?), 1946, ALA Papers, Box 65, ISHL.return to text
  8. Evans to Bunn.return to text
  9. Ibid., and George W. Bunn, Jr. to Luther H. Evans, April 24, 1946, ALA Papers, Box 65, ISHL. return to text
  10. Several different working titles appeared in the course of editing Collected Works. The Preliminary Prospectus and the initial published description referred to the project as "The Writings of Abraham Lincoln." See Preliminary Prospectus and William E. Baringer and Marion Dolores Bonzi, "The Writings of Lincoln" The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly 4 (March 1946): 3–17. A revised draft, "Prospectus and Working Plan" refers to the project as "Complete Writings of Abraham Lincoln," which was the title that appeared on the first page proofs. See ALA Papers, Box 65, ISHL. In a 1949 letter (see note 38), the project was referred to as The Collected Writings of Abraham Lincoln. The title that was finally decided upon came at the suggestion of James G. Randall. See Roy P. Basler, "An Acquaintance with Abraham Lincoln," A Touchstone for Greatness (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973), 3–52.return to text
  11. Working notes, Sept. 30, 1946, ALA Papers, Box 65, ISHL.return to text
  12. Working notes.return to text
  13. Ibid.return to text
  14. "Prospectus and Working Plan," 6. return to text
  15. Working notes, 2.return to text
  16. For a discussion of Boyd's annotation methods see Kline, A Guide to Documentary Editing, 187. return to text
  17. Paul M. Angle to William E. Baringer, Oct. 22, 1946, ALA Papers, Box 65, ISHL.return to text
  18. James G. Randall to George W. Bunn, Jr., Oct. 14, 1946, ALA Papers, Box 65, ISHL.return to text
  19. Working notes, 1-passim. return to text
  20. George W. Bunn, Jr. to James G. Randall, Oct. 7, 1946, ALA Papers, Box 65, ISHL.return to text
  21. "Prospectus and Working Plan," 6. return to text
  22. "News and Comment," The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly 4 (June 1946): 96.return to text
  23. Paul M. Angle to William E. Baringer, Oct. 3, 1946, ALA Papers, Box 65, ISHL.return to text
  24. For an example of Bunn's editorial and publishing skill, see The Story of the Old Chatterton Being a Brief History of a Famous Old Opera House (Springfield, Ill.: Hobby Horse Press, 1942).return to text
  25. ALA Minutes, May 19 and Oct. 10, 1945, and April 26, 1946, ALA Papers, ISHL.return to text
  26. For information on Basler, see Carl Sandburg's introduction to Roy P. Basler, ed., Abraham Lincoln: His Speeches and Writings (Cleveland: World Publishing, 1946), xvii–xxi; and "News and Comment," The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly 4 (March 1947): 247. Basler provides his own autobiographical account in "An Acquaintance with Abraham Lincoln." return to text
  27. Compare the "Working notes" with Basler's introduction to Abraham Lincoln: His Speeches and Writings, xxiii–xxx. Rutgers's initial editorial mandates are found in note 23.return to text
  28. Mary Benjamin, "Shall the Dealer Permit His Manuscripts to Be Copied?" The Collector: A Magazine for Autograph and Historical Collectors 60 (March 1947): 49–54.return to text
  29. ALA minutes, April 7, 1947, ALA Papers, ISHL.return to text
  30. Roy P. Basler to C. Percy Powell, March 17, 1948, ALA Papers, Box 59, ISHL; and "Report of the Executive Secretary for 1948," The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly 5 (March 1949): 293–99.return to text
  31. While this problem is mentioned throughout the correspondence between Bullock and Basler, it is most clearly stated in Helen Bullock to Roy P. Basler, June 18, 1948, Basler to Bullock, July 2, 1948, and Bullock to Basler, July 16, 1948, ALA Papers, Box 58, ISHL.return to text
  32. Bullock to Basler, April 22, 1948, and Basler to Bullock, April 26, 1948, ALA Papers, Box 58, ISHL. return to text
  33. Bullock to Basler, June 15, 1948, Basler to Bullock, June 18, 1948, Bullock to Basler, Aug. 10, 1948, and Bullock to Basler, Oct. 4, 1948, ALA Papers, Box 58, ISHL. return to text
  34. Harold N. Munger, Jr., to Basler, Sept. 7, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL.return to text
  35. Basler to Munger, July 30 and Oct. 26, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL.return to text
  36. "Report to the Directors of the Abraham Lincoln Association," entered in the ALA minutes Jan. 31, 1951, ALA Papers, ISHL.return to text
  37. Basler to Munger, Sept. 9, 1949, and Munger to Basler, Sept. 14, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL. return to text
  38. Munger to Bunn, Nov. 15, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL.return to text
  39. David Stevens to Munger, Dec. 2, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL.return to text
  40. Basler to Munger, Oct. 26, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL.return to text
  41. Munger to Bunn, Dec. 5, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL.return to text
  42. Basler to Munger, Dec. 8, 1949; and Basler to Miers, Dec. 8, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL. In fact, the ALA minutes of May 29, 1945, specifically stated "a tentative budget was presented indicating that a fund of $20,000 would doubtless be enough to finance preparation of the Ms., while publication costs would be borne by the tentative publisher." Obviously, that decision became confused with the ALA's other publication activities in which "publication costs and profits will be shared" with Rutgers. See "News and Comment," The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly 4 (June 1946): 96; and ALA minutes, Jan. 24, 1946, ALA Papers, ISHL.return to text
  43. Miers to Basler, Dec. 6, 1949, ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL.return to text
  44. Miers to Basler.return to text
  45. Ibid.return to text
  46. Draft study proposal, May 25, 1950(?), ALA Papers, Box 62, ISHL.return to text
  47. Draft study proposal, May 25. See also Basler, "An Acquaintance with Abraham Lincoln," and form letter to members of the ALA, May 8, 1952, copy contained in ALA minutes, ALA Papers, ISHL.return to text
  48. Munger to Basler, Jan. 25, 1952, and Basler to Munger, Jan. 28, 1952, ALA Papers, Box 63, ISHL. return to text
  49. Munger to Basler, Jan. 25, 1952, and Basler to Munger, Jan. 28, 1952.return to text
  50. The index was not published until 1955. return to text
  51. ALA minutes, April 30, 1952, ALA Papers, ISHL.return to text
  52. ALA minutes, April 30, 1952. return to text
  53. Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1953–55), 1: xi.return to text
  54. Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln: Supplement 1832–1865 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1974), vii.return to text
  55. ADS, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. Crawford Dally was born about 1795 in Pennsylvania, moving to Sangamon County, Illinois in the spring of 1835. return to text
  56. Tyler was one of three husbands to Hester. return to text
  57. Hester Ann Dally was one of five children of Crawford and Susan Sanders Dally.return to text
  58. DS, Private Collector, photocopy IHi. Charles R. Matheny arrived in Springfield, Illinois in the spring of 1821. He was a preacher as well as a lawyer, serving as county clerk. William Butler was a lawyer from Kentucky. He purchased a farm in Sangamon County in 1828, later serving as clerk of the Circuit Court from March 19, 1836 until March 22, 1841. Abner Y. Ellis was a New Salem merchant who later moved to Springfield.return to text
  59. Verso has filing note "C. R. Matheny Bond Clerk Co. Court."return to text
  60. DS, I-Ar. Kitchell was a lawyer and county judge in Richland County.return to text
  61. AD, IH. This printed form shows Lincoln's interlineations within brackets. Probably Lincoln sent an Illinois form to his father-in-law to complete. When it was returned, Lincoln made minor corrections. This land was later sold to pay for the 1856 addition to their home on 8th and Jackson. return to text
  62. The name "Todd" deleted and replaced with "Lincoln."return to text
  63. The name "Illinois" deleted and replaced with Kentucky.return to text
  64. Verso has filing notes: "Deed to Mary Lincoln. Filed for Record at 11 o'clock AM April 26th 1844. Fee $1.00 paid." Another note reads: "State of Illinois Sangamon County Recorders Office of Springfield April 26th 18[44] I Benjamine Talbott Recorder for said Co. do Certify that the written Deed of Conveyance is Record in my office in Book V. pages 289 & 290. Benjamin Talbott R.S.C."return to text
  65. AD, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. The bracketed areas indicate where Lincoln filled in information on the printed form. The remainder is in another hand save for signatures of William and John Bridges. Tinsley was a Springfield merchant. return to text
  66. ADS, IHi. Printed form with Lincoln's interlineations within brackets. This conveyance gave Lincoln title to the Dresser cottage. Filing note and Recorder certification on verso.return to text
  67. DS, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. Only Lincoln's signature is in his hand. Filing note on verso. No further information has been found about John M. Cabaniss. return to text
  68. ALS, IHi. McCalla was the second auditor in the Treasury Department. No clue exists as to the case Lincoln mentions.return to text
  69. Facsimile in Sale Catalog, Paul Richards Autograph Catalogue 84 (April 1978): 10–11. The next five letters all refer to Lincoln's bid for Commissioner of the General Land Office. The incident is most recently discussed by Thomas F. Schwartz, "'An Egregious Political Blunder': Justin Butterfield, Lincoln and Illinois Whiggery," Papers of the Abraham Lincoln Association 8 (1986): 9–19. return to text
  70. Cyrus Edwards was the brother of Ninian Wirt Edwards, Mary Todd Lincoln's brother-in-law. He also was a lawyer in the area of Alton, Illinois.return to text
  71. Facsimile in Sale Catalog, Paul Richards Autograph Catalogue 84 (April 1978): 12–13. With filing note "Answered July 18, 1849" in Ewing's hand. Reply not found.return to text
  72. Justin Butterfield was a leading jurist from Chicago.return to text
  73. Richard Wigginton Thompson and Elisha Embree served as Representatives from Indiana in the Thirtieth Congress (March 4, 1847–March 3, 1849) with Lincoln. return to text
  74. Caffee and Anderson were probably clerks in the Interior Department.return to text
  75. Jacob Collamer served as a judge to the superior court in Vermont before being elected as a U.S. Representative (March 4, 1843–March 3, 1849). return to text
  76. The word "evening" deleted and the word "afternoon" written above it.return to text
  77. ALS, IHi.return to text
  78. Anson G. Henry was a physician, Illinois Whig, and personal friend of Lincoln.return to text
  79. Facsimile in Sale Catalog, Paul Richards Autograph Catalogue 84 (April 1978):15. return to text
  80. ALS, IHi.return to text
  81. DS, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. Printed form with Lincoln interlineations bracketed. Davis was a lawyer and, under Governor Duncan, state auditor. Filing note and Recorder certification on verso.return to text
  82. D, IHi. Printed form filled in by hand other than Lincoln. Eddie remained buried in Hutchinson's cemetery until 1865, when his body was exhumed and placed in the family vault at Oakridge Cemetery.return to text
  83. LS, IHi. Letter is in Stuart's hand. The difference of opinion resulted in the case of Bishop v. Illinois Central Railroad. Lincoln eventually won the case as a lawyer for the railroad.return to text
  84. AL, IHi. The letter is described in detail by William E. Geinapp, "The Election of 1856: An Unpublished Lincoln Letter," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 70 (Feb. 1977): 18–21.return to text
  85. ALS, IU. The history of this letter is contained in Thomas F. Schwartz, "Lincoln, Fillmore, and Form Letters," Illinois Historical Journal 78 (Spring 1985): 65–70.return to text
  86. ALS, IHi. Newton D. Strong married Matilda R. Edwards, eldest daughter of Hon. Cyrus Edwards, Alton, Illinois. Strong later moved to St. Louis and set up a law practice. return to text
  87. Daniel D. Page and Henry D. Bacon were bankers and merchants in St. Louis.return to text
  88. AD, IHi. Appears on verso of a check. return to text
  89. Clarkson Freeman was a Springfield merchant.return to text
  90. ALS, IHi. CW, 3: 554 provides a partial text of this letter from an auction catalog. return to text
  91. ALS, Private Collection. This letter appears to be in reply to the judge's letter of May 24, 1860. See CW, Supp., 54–55.return to text
  92. The initials refer to Thurlow Weed, a New York political boss in the Republican party. return to text
  93. ALS, IHi. No further information has been found on Langenschwartz.return to text
  94. ALS, IHi. Burwell was a resident of Phillipsburg, New Jersey.return to text
  95. Facsimile in Sale Catalog, Sotheby's, October 31, 1985, item 121. King was given the rank of captain on February 3, 1862.return to text
  96. AES, PHi, F. J. Dreer Collection. This endorsement is described in Joseph George, Jr., "Lincoln Family Documents in the F. J. Dreer Collection," Illinois Historical Journal 79 (Summer 1986): 139–42. return to text
  97. ADS, PHi, F. J. Dreer Collection. This memorandum is written on a note by Ellsworth. Both items are fully examined in Joseph George, Jr., "Lincoln Family Documents in the F. J. Dreer Collection," Illinois Historical Journal 79 (Summer 1986): 139–42.return to text
  98. ALS, Private Collector. Basler did not see an original of this letter. This copy differs from the Tracy text that appears in CW, 5: 218.return to text
  99. ALS, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. The Clarkes lived in Fredericksburg, Virginia at the time of the Civil War and later moved to Westerly, Rhode Island. return to text
  100. Facsimile in Sale Catalog, Sotheby's, October 31, 1985, item 128. Hamilton became a 2nd Lieutenant of the 3rd Infantry on September 27, 1862.return to text
  101. Facsimile in Sale Catalog, Sotheby's, October 31, 1985, item 134. Thaddeus Phelps Mott was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel of the 14th New York Cavalry on February 26, 1863.return to text
  102. ALS, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. With filing note by Stanton "will execute the foregoing order." This letter was the result of a meeting between Lincoln and Senator Lazarus Whitehead Powell of Kentucky. See "Memorandum Concerning William S. Pryor, J. O'Hara, and Thomas L. Jones," CW, 6:50. return to text
  103. DfS, IHi, This is entirely in John Hay's hand save for two bracketed interlineations by Lincoln and signature. Compared to copy in CW, 6:358–59. return to text
  104. AES, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. The following letter is on the recto:
    Head Quarters 3d Division
    17th Army Corp
    Vicksburg Miss Oct 29.1863
    Hon E.M. Stanton
    Sec of War
    Washington D.C.
    Sir
    Having had a long acquaintence with Col. M.M. Bane of the 50th Ills Vol Infty, and knowing his faithful service in the field, do most earnestly recommend him as a capable and brave officer for promotion, believing that he has well earned it in service of his countryz
    Very Respectfully
    Your Obt Servt
    John A. Logan
    Maj Genl
    return to text
  105. AES, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. The following letter is on recto:
    Portland 6th Jan 1864
    Hon Leonard Swett
    Dear Sir
    I was in Washington some eight days ago and wanted to have seen you very much, I had an application for Mr. William Courtenary to be appointed Paymaster in the U.S. Vols with good recommendations and got the President to ask the Sec. of the War if possible to grant the request. I took the papers to him and he had them put on file and they will remain there I suppose a long time until some one calls them up. I have no doubt but more Paymasters will be appointed, and he is a firstrate man been in the service and has had a good deal of experience and I cant see any reason why he could not have the place. and if the President would tell the Sec of War to make the appointment he would of course do it at once, as I know Mr. Lincoln is Chief in Command and I trust he will be for four more years after that term expires. Since he has been President I have not asked for the appointment of any man to office not to the smallest one, and I do not think I should be gratified in this. no I want you to attend to this for, me and see the President and have that done at once. and when I come to Washington I will well satisfy you for all your trouble please write soon and reply. Remain, Your etc.
    G. H. Laurence
    return to text
  106. ALS, Private Collection, photocopy IHi. Theodore Talbot Wood entered Annapolis Naval Academy in fall of 1864.return to text
  107. Augustus Brandegee was a Republican Representative from Connecticut and Chairman of the House Naval Committee.return to text
  108. Facsimile in Sale Catalog, Robert F. Batchelder, Catalog 58, November 1986, item 214. Batchelder speculates: "Grant was presently laying siege to Petersburg with his head quarters a few miles away at City Point, Va., about 105 miles south of Washington. James M. Ashley was a congressman from Ohio, and his visit to Grant might have been for several purposes. First of all, Ashley was the proposer of a Constitutional amendment to abolish slavery, and the previous day Lincoln had announced his backing of the amendment. Also, there were vague rumors that Jefferson Davis might want to begin a move towards negotiations, and two other men had been allowed by Lincoln to visit Grant to ascertain his thoughts and possibly to see Davis just 3 days before this."return to text
  109. Sale Catalog, Robert Batchelder, Catalog 58, item 215. No further information contained in catalog. return to text
  110. ALS, Dartmouth College. For a complete account of this letter and all correspondence between Lincoln and Tuck see Franklin Brooks, "The Lincoln Years in the Papers of Amos and Edward Tuck," Dartmouth College Library Bulletin 21 (April 1981): 62–75.return to text