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—He is the Minister of God to thee for good.
_AS God condescends to go|vern the creation which He hath brought into existence, His dominion, though uni|versal and absolute, is to be acknowledged as being, in its whole plan and numerous operations, unexcep|tionably
wise and moral; however it may exceed our comprehension. The most immediate government of the world, if God had chosen such a method, could have afforded no degree of trouble to that mysteriously perfect Being, who is necessarily infinite in happiness: In his wisdom, however, He has chosen to use, in a great variety of instances, the media|tion of others, for carrying on the designs of his providence. Agreeably, civil rulers, in this world, are in the number of His ministers, or servants. They are constituted by Him. There is no power (says the Apostle) but of God: the powers that be, are ordained of God. It is agree|able to the will of God, that there should be civil government: He has given to mankind that reason which points to it, as useful and necessary; and, in general terms, the magistrate is raised up, and invested with his office, in the course of divine providence.
CIVIL rulers are ordained of God; but the doctrine of their being divinely appointed, rightly understood, no more
militates against the supposition that the people ought to have a voice in the elevation of those who are, in a civil sense, to rule them, than the doctrine of God's appointing gospel ministers interferes with the supposition of a right in the churches to elect their own pastors. He never designed, mediately or imme|diately, to appoint rulers over the people, in state or church, so as to debar them from the privilege of choosing their own officers (except in a few extraordinary instances of ancient date) and they, who attempt to deprive the people of such a privilege, oppose themselves equally, to the will of God, and to the rights of mankind.† 1.1
MAGISTRATES, that are lawful, are appointed of God, to be his ministers; but for what purpose?—not to manage
the affairs of the world so as to increase the felicity of the supreme Being, for He is above the possibility of being benefited, by the services of men or Angels—not to enslave mankind, and involve them in misery and ruin—not surely to enrich and aggrandize themselves and their families, prejudicially to honest industry, as if God had a partiality for them; but He appoints them to be his ministers, for good to the publick: mean while intend|ing they should have, from the people, a certain distinguishing respect and sup|port, as the just recompence of their faithful arduous important services, to the community.
THAT the civil ruler, and christian minister, should engross the wealth of the world to themselves, as they have done, in many countries and ages, and live in pride and luxury, on spoils vio|lently extorted, or slily drained from the people, is altogether foreign to the design of God, in setting them up. It is His mind that both, acting in character, should be reverenced, and honorably
provided for; but His grand view, in raising them to their places of eminence, is, that the one should do good in religi|ous, the other in civil respects, to the world.‡ 1.2
THE Apostle Paul in this letter to ro|man christians, says, He, meaning the civil magistrate, is the minister of God to thee for good. The sense of the sacred writer we judge to be, that civil magis|tracy is designed of God for good to the governed; and that rulers are, therefore, eventually, His ministers for the promo|tion of public happiness, considered as understanding, and acting up to the re|quirements of their stations, and so as to answer the end of their investiture. To suppose that the Apostle intended here, particularly to characterize Nero, who was then at the head of the Roman
Empire, and his servants, who probably partook of his spirit, and imitated his conduct, as if they were benefactors to the public, is apparently absurd (unless this epistle was written soon after his coming to the imperial crown, when he is said to have reigned well* 1.3) for Nero, except at the beginning of his reign, was a tyrannical malefactor to his sub|jects.
GOD would have His civil ministers to prove, a terror to evil works; to punish evil doers—by salutary laws, honestly and honorably executed, to save the state from foreign injurious invaders (while they are circumspectful, to leave
the people in the ample enjoyment of all rational liberties, in opposition to any temptations they may be under to in|fringe the same themselves) and to pre|vent the peoples suffering, from one another, as to life, property, or any of their rights. It is also His pleasure, that they should be a praise to them that do well—should properly honour and en|courage them. When the virtuous and the good are frowned on and disgraced, when laudable exertions for publick utility are damped and checked, when the perpetrators of wickedness noxious to society are not terrified and suppressed, but screened and promoted, there is a sorrowful, and not blameless deviation from the design of the righteous God, the father of mercies, in the institution of civil government.
To answer the purpose of Govern|ment, it is of consequence that men should be blessed with capacity, and possessed of enlarged knowledge, res|pecting the nature of their office, the extent of their power, the state sufferings,
and dangers of the people, their interests, and what may conduce to their relief, security and happiness: but men of such greatness (like elephants in war) are not to be depended on, as persons who will steadily pursue the publick good, unless they are possessed of that publick spirit, which the charitable Gospel infuses, and so have the end of government at heart. Avarice and ambition may carry men considerable lengths, in measures which are for publick advantage, when they perceive that such measures will best gratify these passions; but if they are enriched with no higher principles, whenever it so happens, that there is an interference between the gratification of these passions, and a pursuance of the publick good, which is likely to be fre|quently the case, the happiness of mul|titudes will probably fall a sacrifice to the vile affections of a few. Whereas, publick spirit, possessed as it ought to be, predominates over every private worldly affection, and causes every pri|vate worldly interest, incompatible with the public welfare, to fall a sacrifice to
the general felicity: It carries the magi|strate, with firmness, uniformity and perseverance, through his course of duty; however environed with warping temptations: It inspires him with com|passion, forbids the appearance of oppres|sion: It quickens to vigilance and activity, renders him a father to the community, a minister of God, in event, for good, a God-like blessing.
IT has been said, that the ministers of the Gospel ought to have no concern in political matters; but, that God's civil ministers ought to stand at a distance from every thing relating to re|ligion, we do not afirm. They have a right to govern the ministers of Christ's Spiritual Kingdom. The clergy, in|stead of arrogating to themselves an in|solent papal power of deposing Kings and Emperors, are as much obliged to be in subjection to civil powers, as other ranks of men. The rights of conscience are to be treated with the greatest deli|cacy; but if people, under a pretence of conscience, conduct manifestly to the
material damage of Society, the civil arm has a right to restrain them. It is the part of civil powers to encourage and promote religion, as that is condu|cive to the benefit of Society; particu|larly, as it gives people due veneration for an Oath, which for confirmation is to them an end of all strife. Especially, it is incumbent on the civil magistrate to cultivate the sincerest piety in his own breast. A minister of God, who has no reverence for that great Being whom he is ordained to serve, is a perfect prodigy. The perpetual nourishment of godliness in the heart, is the indispensable duty of the civil governor—for the honor of God, for his own sake, and for the sake of the people. A superlative respect for Him, whose absolutely disinterested goodness brought the world into being, and who governs it so that His tender mercies are over all His works; a reverence for the authority of the christian Legis|lator, whose precepts, in favor of charity, justice and kindness, hold a distinguished place in the new testament; an engag|ing regard to His example, who went
about doing good, as He came down from heaven with the most beneficent purpose, and who condescended to die for the good of the world; together with a deeply impressed sense of Eternity—will have an happy and necessary influence into that patriotism, which is the magis|trate's indispensable qualification. Sin|cere piety fills the soul with the tenderest feelings for mankind, and so engages the heart in pursuit of that, which is the great end of government. Impiety, worldly-mindedness and sensuality render the heart flinty, and insensible to the groans of the oppressed; while godliness inspires the softest passions—inspires the brotherly kindness and charity, which will never give their possessor rest, 'till every rational method is adopted, for the relief of the distressed, and the promotion of publick happiness. Joseph, first minister of state to Pharaoh, having for several days confined his brethren, found him|self insufferably pained in heart, with the thought of longer detaining a supply from the half famished house of his father, because he feared God.
ALL the wisdom, however, religion and publick spirit, which have generally existed, or can be expected soon to take place, among the great men of the earth, are by no means a sufficient security to the people, that the end of government will be honorably answered. Rulers are so prone to have, vastly at heart, certain worldly interests, inconsistent with the publick, welfare and the duty they owe to the community, that it is incumbent on the people (whose right it is to do this, on proper consideration, and every thing else, respecting government, which they judge will be for the salvation and advantage of the whole) to fix on certain regulations, which if we please we may call a constitution, as the standing measure of the proceedings of government; so determining what powers they will invest their rulers with, and what privileges they will retain in their own hands.
THROUGH the misguiding arts of designing men, mistakes and freakish passions, things hurtful to society, are apt to take place in popular governments,
which might be prevented by absolute monarchy; while it ought in justice to be acknowledged, that some absolute princes have been great benefactors to the publick: But such considerations scarcely furnish a better argument in favor of yielding up to despotism, than the religious divisions in protestant countries, and the degrees of service ever done to the churches by the Popes, afford, in favor of the re-admission and establishment of the papacy.
UNLIMITED power has generally been destructive of human happiness. The people are not under such tempta|tions to thwart their own interests, as absolute government is under to abuse the people: and, that the publick interest has, generally and on the whole, succeed|ed beyond all comparison better, where the people have, by the barrier of a con|stitution, retained power in a great degree in their own hands, than it has under despotick governments, we dare appeal to all the sensible, humane, impartial examiners of universal history.
OF inestimable value and importance are such rights and privileges as are re|tained by the people, according to the English constitution particularly, and such as were once enjoyed by this pro|vince, especially under the first charter,—a charter that was inhumanly murder|ed, and over whose grave many of the people are now disposed to raise a fresh lamentation.
A CONSTITUTION being settled by the public consent, the magistrate, awed by that Sovereignty which God has been pleased to invest the people with in the case, ought ever to maintain a sacred respect to such constitution, in every instance of government legislative or executive. The community having a right to fix boundaries between rulers and people by a constitution, it is im|possible that individuals should have a right to remove them, however high the rank of such individuals may be. Rulers as well as others, have an un|doubted right to make fair, and, as they judge, rational proposals for the amend|ment
of a constitution; but by no means to attempt an alteration of it, without the publick consent: by such an attempt, they will merit a degree of blame pro|portionable to the importance of the people's fixing constitutional limits to the higher powers, in view of the common security. To forfeit any thing of a worldly nature, rather than bear a part in violating sacred compacts, is the path of honor, christian virtue, and happiness.
To have constitutions so expressed, that potentates should be incapable of putting constructions upon them, through a biassed understanding, different from their original meaning, is impossible. Magistrates, who have no direct design or willingness to infringe the people's constitutional rights, may, nevertheless, be supposed to do it, and perhaps to a great degree, through a judgment pre|judiced by worldly passions; and call that by the name of light, which the people rationally perceive to be darkness; and give that the denomination of sweetness, which the people know to be
bitter. The ruler's designed or prejudi|ced invasion of constitutions has occasi|oned innumerable evils, sorrowful to relate; besides the devastation and wretchedness brought on the world by the licentious passions of absolute Princes: and the like may be justly feared, 'till they, who are rich and great in this world, are more enriched in faith and social virtues than they have hitherto been.
How far any persons may have been charged, injuriously, with an inclination to promote the measures which are grievous to this Province and Country, we do not pretend to determine. But, if the Gentlemen, on either side of the Atlantick, who may be justly said to be engaged in pursuit of such measures, confidently judge, that they are acting the part which becomes men appointed of God to consult the publick happiness; and find their inward tranquillity, in no degree, disturbed by suspicions that they are infringing the rights of this People; may it not be excuseable, nevertheless,
in a proper and respectful manner, to recommend to them a consideration of their liableness to be mistaken? the pas|sions, as appears by a great variety of instances in human life, may have an unhappy influence on the understanding; and more especially in case of controversy, which calls for the serious attention of both rulers and people, in times of poli|tical contest. Men of eminence in life, as well as others, may have the judgment unduly influenced by the affections. In connexion with these things, it may not be amiss to consider, that communities, if they meet with treatment which is tolerably fair and good, will be generally found to be contented;—that the people of this land, who are so firmly and gene|rally perswaded, that their most impor|tant rights are infringed, and are so much disposed to complain of the measures they receive from the British Government, as endangering their most valuable blessings, if not the welfare of Britain, have been trained up, from their cradles, in a most affectionate dutiful respect to, and con|fidence in the House of Hanover,—abhor
the least idea of giving disturbance to that which they think to be constitutional government,—are not wholly destitute of religion and virtue, notwithstanding the many great sins, whereby they offend the Governor of the world,—nor con|temptible, with respect to knowledge,* 1.4 if compared with the most enlightened parts of Europe; however we may have
been considered, as little superior to In|dian Barbarians. May not such conside|rations reasonably prevail with those Gen|tlemen, to examine themselves, in refe|rence to the power of prepossession; and to supplicate the Divine Being for direction? If in consequence hereof, they shall think it proper to discontinue their present pur|suit, and heartily adopt the cause which now suffers by their means,—from worthy Patriots in Britain and the rest of Europe, as well as from this Country, they will receive all the respect and affection which can be due to men; and, if this people judge rightly, they will highly ingratiate themselves with that infinite blessed Being, who is by an inspired Apostle, justly characterized LOVE, who de|lights to see his creatures virtuous, free and happy, and takes pleasure in the wisdom and honorable integrity of those, who know how to correct themselves, in favor of the publick freedom and felicity. But if every dissuasive from the pursuance of present measures must be unprevailing, every petition and remonstrance be treated with contempt,
and the people's burdens increased, or even continued, what may the conse|quences be!
WITH great respect, and equal im|portunity, it is, moreover, recommend|ed to the Honorable General Court of this Province, to cultivate a spirit of rational warm benevolence and com|passion towards this people, who greatly confide in the political Fathers of the two Houses of Assembly, in whose ap|pointment they have a more immediate concern, to be the Patrons of their rights, in their distress and danger—to cultivate that unfeigned piety, which is naturally productive of an heavenly patriotick ardor, while they are properly insensible to every worldly consideration, after the example of our self-denying Redeemer, and as becomes those whose hearts are enobled by the highest and best of principles. If publick Spirit reigns, in contempt of every inferior seducing motive, you will not fail, honored Sirs, according to the best of your judgment, to separate persons to the Seat of Counsel,
who are men of capacity and knowledge, men of principle and firmness, and hearty uniform attachment to the cause of their Country's freedom; and in all the affairs that may come before you, from time to time, you will not be bribed off from a prosecution of your duty and the peoples happiness, by all the temptations which such an ensnaring world and time as this can furnish. It is hard to say, whether this country ever has seen, or ever will see, a more important time than the pre|sent, when it seems as if the question, whether this people and all they enjoy shall be at the absolute disposal of a distant Legislature, is soon to be determined: Such a time does indeed call for wise and faithful Counsel, for uncorrupted virtue in the General Court. It is not improbable, Gentlemen, that in the circle of the year, things of greatest moment may come under your conside|ration; if it is so determined above, may God grant you grace to act the disinte|rested, noble patriotick part, that future generations, as well as the present, may rise up and call you blessed. Be pleased
to suffer the most express word of exhor|tation, to hold the intire system of cor|ruption in the highest detestation, and let it be a perfect stranger to all your proceedings. If the liableness of all mankind to an undue influence from worldly motives; if the symptoms of corruption which appear in the several parts of the country, in the election of Representatives; if the known prevalence of bribery and venality in the land from which our Ancestors fled, together with the facility wherewith we drink in the vices of that which we have been used to call by the endearing name of the Parent State; if the divine condemnation of the practice of giving and receiving a bribe, considered in connection with the importance of those things which are depending—cannot be thought sufficient to justify such freedom of speech; deign, Honored Fathers, to consider it, never|theless, as proceeding from a spirit of fidelity, and not of insolence.
THE magistrate has sufficient induce|ments, in reason, to a disengagement
from the world, so as to pursue the end of government with persevering fidelity. A desire to enjoy, besides an income, the affections and confidence of an happy people (as rulers of disinterested benevolence and tender conscience ge|nerally will) instead of incurring the publick displeasure; to have, through all the changing scenes of life, the peace arising from a favorable testimony, in|stead of being wounded with the re|proaches of conscience; and to be in a capacity of self-possession, free from horror, when exchanging this state for the world of spirits—may justly prove commanding to him in all his deportment.
IT will not be justifiable to forbear an express assertion, that as magistrates are the ministers of God, they ought to act under a perpetual sense of their accoun|tableness to Him—to Him, from whom none of their counsels can be secreted. Gods they are; but not immortal: they must die like men, and, like other men, make an indispensable personal appea|rance before the Judgment-Seat of Christ.
Small and great, without a trace of any former civil distinctions, must stand before God, to receive according to the deeds done in the body, and their principles of action, whether they have been good or bad. May the minister of God be raised from more inconsiderable objects, so as to give all due attention to that grand decision, when the unprofitable servant shall be cast into outer darkness, where shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth—misery parallel to his demerit, considering the advantages he had, the nature of his trust, and the degree in which he abused it; and when, the wise, faithful, gracious Medi|ator shall adjudge an eminent crown and recompence to him, who, from christian principles, in a superior station, has done eminent service to the world; and to him shall say, well done, thou good and faithful servant, thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.
THE people ought to have the end of government, the publick good, at heart,
as well as the magistrate; and therefore, to yield all loyal subjection to well regu|lated government, in opposition to every thing of a factious nature and complexi|on: and, for the same reason, it is not only their privilege, but it is also their duty, properly to assert their freedom, and take all rational and necessary me|thods for the publick security and hap|piness, when constitutional boundaries are broken over, and so their rights are invaded. This affirmation supposes, the People have a right to judge of the conduct of government, and its tendency; and this again supposes them capable of judging in things of such a nature.
To have incomprehensible mysteries in government is the Divine prerogative. Profound secrets in human governments, inaccessible by society, are too liable to become insufferable mysteries of iniquity. It would be safest, if the people in gene|ral could keep a very constant sight of all the proceedings of civil administration; but as that is scarcely to be expected, whenever there appears any thing, in
the conduct of magistracy, justly alarm|ing, it is the duty of those in society, who have the best advantages for full and seasonable information, to commu|nicate what they can learn of the state, and course of things, to others: and mysteries in government, which the ge|nerality of the people, after obtaining such assistance, and using laudable appli|cation, must remain incapable of com|prehending, ought to have no existence.
RULERS are, at once, ministers of God, and servants of society; as Gospel minis|ters are servants of Christ, and of the Churches. And, if God has given to the community a right to appoint its servants, it is but rational and consistent to suppose, that the community should have a right to take effectual care, that their servants should not counteract and disappoint the great purpose for which they were distinguished from their fellow-creatures; and if, in any cases, it may be seen necessary for the publick salvati|on, to give the servants of society a dis|mission. That servants of the publick,
should not be responsible to the publick, is popery, either in religion, or politicks.
IF the establishment of a constitution, together with the religion and virtue rulers may be supposed to be possessed of, appears insufficient, it is the people's duty to take those further steps, which may be seen proper and needful, that the publick may not suffer. The peo|ple's duty, in this respect, arises from the regard they owe to the great immu|table Law of Self-preservation, and from the indebtments every person in society is under to all the rest, and to posterity, by the laws of Christian Charity.
THESE are principles, we firmly be|lieve perfectly consonant to right reason, and to the word of God; they are cer|tainly such principles as were adopted, and acted upon, at the Revolution, and which cannot be consistently called into question by those, who pretend the least regard to the continuation of our present Royal Family in the government. The advancement of every thing of an oppo|site
tenor, is a virtual, secret, and treason|able undermining the Throne of the present Chief Magistrate, in the British Dominions.* 1.5
THE Apostle, in this thirteenth chap|ter of his Epistle to the Romans, charges every soul to be subject to the higher powers; and, the argument whereby he enforces this exhortation, and dissuades from re|sistance, is, that these civil powers are ordained of God, and ordained by Him, ministerially to convey blessings from Him to the People. So long, therefore, and so far, as civil powers act agreeably to the design of their ordination, and do good in their stations, the people are obli|ged to subjection, and resistance will be blameable; but if these powers forsake
their proper sphere, thwart God's design in ordaining them, disserve the people, and take measures which tend to ruin them, the Apostle's ground of the people's subjection ceases; and, indeed, sub|mission becomes a fault, and resistance a virtue. If the people ought to obey well conducting rulers, out of a regard to the publick good, it must be as much their duty, still governed by a regard to the publick good, to oppose them, when pursuing destructive me|thods. To suppose it belongs to the Apostle's meaning, that it is a damnable sin to resist civil powers, because ordained of God, though they act entirely out of character, and thwart every kind pur|pose God had in ordaining them, is in the class of most palpable grating absur|dities. A pretence to ground such ideas, as those of indefeasible right, passive obedience, and non-resistance, on the Bible, is criminal—an high abusive scandal to the Christian Religion, and it's Divinely inspired Promulgators. If God had given up mankind to the will of oppressors, not permitting the people,
on pain of damnation, to attempt their own relief, it would not, indeed, have exceeded the demerit of a sinful world; but would have been disagreeable to the general analogy of kind providence.
IT has been thought, with great good judgment, the Apostle Paul de|clined handling, particularly, real or supposed cases, of rulers departing from their line; and giving particular direc|tions how to conduct, in such cases, for a very special reason; and that was, the imprudence in running the risk of exposing the Church, in it's infant state, to the vengeance of an heathen govern|ment.
THE people ought to be in subjection to higher powers ruling honorably, not only through fear of human wrath, in case of disobedience; but also for con|science sake: and, for conscience sake, they should also maintain the assaulted blessings of freedom; as being thereto obliged, by our Saviour's enjoinment of that Charity, which is the bond of per|fectness.
He that resisteth the faithful well-behaving magistrate, disobeys God, violates the laws of love, clashes with the general good, the end of government, and shall receive to himself damnation—con|demnation to eternal misery, in a future stare, unless repentance be preventive; as well as the displeasure of civil govern|ment, in this world. But the man who holds the reins of government too laxly, the tyrant and the rebel, and the people who are negligent of their rights, as they all, in their several ways, counteract, disappoint, or neglect, that which is the great purpose of government, the publick good; so they may all be sup|posed to be equally guilty in the sight of God—to merit an equal weight of Divine displeasure. If any persons dis|pute, whether mere negligence can be thought so culpable, let them recollect, of what kind the sins are, which, accor|ding to the Evangelist Matthew, will be expressly mentioned, in the illustration of the rectitude of the sentence of con|demnation on the wicked, at the great Day of God.
How distressing the thought of being slaves, how charming that of being free! While liberty is fruitful, in trade, in|dustry, wealth, learning, religion and noblest virtue, all that is great and good and happy; slavery clogs every sublimer movement of the soul, prevents every thing excellent, and introduces poverty, ignorance, vice and universal misery a|mong a people. But if a few general terms can give no tolerable idea of the blessings of freedom, let them be learnt from the story of the world, let their richness be estimated, by the price that has been paid for them, in lands that have been favovred with them, and par|ticularly by our Progenitors. Heaven grant, that the present generation may come by a just sense of the excellency of their civil and sacred immunities, as may be necessary for the security of the same, at a cheaper rate, than by experience of such sufferings as our Ancestors under|went!
THAT the people should be divided, and some of them disengaged from such a
cause as that of their countries freedom, by small private piques and prejudicing contentions; or influenced by little hopes and fears about worldly promotions and interests, should treat it in a nugatory manner, is intirely astonishing! But our surprize abates, when we consider how capable human nature is of trifling, in the most immediate concerns of religion—in reference to eternal life, and everlasting misery.
It concerns men of every order, sta|tion and employment, to be advocates for their country's rights. The minister of the Gospel, in protestant lands, where the doctrine which forbids clergymen's marrying, is not adopted, may have a family—posterity to be concerned for; of whose welfare, he cannot be regard|less without denying the faith, and being worse than an infidel. As a man, and a christian, he is bound to befriend the liberties of the land; nor is there any thing, in the special nature of his office, incompatible herewith, more than in the several other occupation, men are par|ticularly
engaged in. On the contrary, such are the connections of things, that, in the due and full execution of his office, he must have a reference to political matters; and as a friend to liberty. The scriptures cannot be rightly expounded, without explaining them in a manner friendly to the cause of freedom, as well as of loyalty. He ought to bear against a factious molestation of well conducted government, and publickly to recom|mend all orderly rational submission; while a constant reference is to be had to the King, and to all that are in authority, in the prayers of the Church. Put them in mind, says Paul to Titus, to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates. But that the christian mini|ster ought to appear an advocate for loyalty, and not for liberty—to frown upon rebellion, and not bear against op|pression, by reasoning of righteousness, and judgment to come, are mysteries too deep to be fathomed.
WHEN the civil rights of a country receive a shock, lit may justly render the
ministers of religion deeply thoughtful for the safety of sacred privileges; and dispose them to all proper sollicitude for the security of the former, as necessary to the preservation of the latter: for religious liberty is so blended with civil, that if one falls it is not to be expected that the other will continue. May not such a connection be, in some measure, illustrated by present appearances? While our civil privileges are in their present wounded and perilous circumstances, let men soberly consider—how dormant and unexecuted, the Laws of England against popery, are known to remain—a roman-catholick bishop at Canada—a popish priest at Nova-Scotia, as we sup|pose publickly supported, and Counsellors in a British American Island, of the same religious complexion—together with the late zealous application, for an English-American Episcopate; and judge the reli|gious privileges of this country to be in no degree of danger, if they are able.
IT is greatly to be desired that, for the future, the ministers of our benevo|lent
impartial Lord, may pay a due re|gard to liberty, as well as subjection to principalities; as a kind of atonement for the dishonour that has been reflected on the Gospel, and the immense damages done to an enslaved world by clergy|men's excessive complaisance to men in power.
THE ministers of our Lord Jesus Christ will think it their duty to assist the people, at this time of peculiar dif|ficulty and danger, in a due religious acknowledgement of the Governor of the world. Our adversity is to be con|sidered as the effect of providential agen|cy, or permission—as a righteous paren|tal chastisement of Heaven, for our many provocations; and a loud call for uni|versal repentance and reformation, ac|cording to the Gospel of Christ.
THOUGH greatly distant, we are sor|rowfully infected with the irreligion and vices, which are predominant in England; and which reign there to such a degree, that we can scarcely forbear applying,
such language as that in the Revelation; Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues; for her sins have reached unto heaven, and God hath remembered her iniquities. A worldly spirit, discovering itself, in numerous immoral effects of avarice, in many instances of preferring private temporal interests before the good of the Country, and, as to some, in an easy declension from the dissenting cause, and coincidence with a certain more worldly, and less reformed ecclesiastical Establishment; The immoral practice of gaming with lucrative purposes, chiefly among persons in that which they call high life; A great neglect of publick religious Ordinances, in almost all parts of the Land; Amazing profanity, espe|cially in maritime places; Widely pre|vailing and highly excessive use of spirituous liquors, together with a variety of high-strained modes of extravagance and luxury, more especially in our larger and more wealthy trading Towns,—Things which appear at such a day as this, exceeding sinful absurd and aggra|vated,
are in the number of those sins wherewith our times are marked; while some persons run off into the wildest excesses of sentiment, some concerning Faith have made shipwreck, and others are tinctured with the spirit of scepticism. And such irreligion and vice, whereby we offend our God and the God of our Fathers, and merit our misery at his hands, are, in a great measure borrowed (with unaccountably fond embraces) of the very people from whom our suffer|ings proceed.—The reflection is suffici|ently painful and confounding, without proceeding to observe that, persons may possibly be found, degenerate enough to spread vice and wickedness among us, from a principle of Balaami••is•• policy, or to render us an easier prey, by means of the venality, carelesness and timidity which are the natural effects of luxury.
BUT whatever may be justly said of their origination, certain it is, that by numerous offences against God, we merit a much deeper plunge of adver|sity, than we are now involved in; and
we are called upon, by the monitory language of Divine Providence, to con|sider our ways, and turn our feet unto his testimonies, and so to give glory to the Lord our God, before our feet stumble upon the dark mountains; and while we look for light, he turn it into the shadow of death, and make it GROSS darkness.
IT is hoped that this People will unitedly exert themselves, in the me|thods justifiable in the sight of God, for their deliverance; and so with humblest confidence, commit their cause to the God of all grace, and mercy, and wisdom; putting up fervent prayers, in the name of Christ, to that Being who is able to save; and, in the mean time, practically consi|dering the indispensable importance of joining repentance unfeigned with sup|plications, as they would rationally expect audience with Him, who loveth righteousness, and hateth iniquity: And that all persons, in any places of public trust, will exert themselves, according to the requirements of their several stations, to put a stop to the growing infidelity and
immorality, whereby we provoke the Holy One of Israel to anger. And may the God of our Fathers make bare his holy Arm, for our salvation!
WHILE the dispensations of Provi|dence instruct the people, in that fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wis|dom; we trust they will continue to pay a due regard to the Divine Law for ho|nouring the King; and none of them slide, under their trials, into an habit of despising all government. To spurn at well-conducted civil administration, because of the wrong steps of particular rulers, is behaviour as ineffably perverse and unm••nly, as it is to despise well-behaving ministers of Christ, and deisti|cally to reproach the excellent well-attested religion of our Lord, because of the failings of particular clergymen, and the false irrational doctrines which, in pretence, have been deduced from Scripture, by the wickedness of design|ing, or weakness of honest men.
FINALLY, may God grant, that, henceforth, our Government may attain the end of magistracy, the general hap|piness; that our officers may be peace, our exactors righteousness; that judgement (and not innocent blood) may run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream; that this people, (the branch of the Lord's planting) may be all righteous, and inherit the land, in the uninterrupted enjoyment of freedom, civil and religi|ous, and all the blessings of goodness, forever.
The People may, by a constitution, make an office hereditary in a Family, or leave it to particular persons to appoint rulers, agreeably to a constitution establish|ed by the whole society, when, so far, and so long as they think it best; but still they have an unaliena|ble right to alter such constitution at pleasure, and to interpose immediately in the election of their officers, whenever they judge it proper.
The condescention of God, in the number of ministers ordained for the relief and benefit of this sinful un|happy world, is remarkable—JESUS, a minister of the sanctuary, and of the true tabernacle, which the Lord pitched, and not man—civil ministers, and minis|ters of the Gospel; and the whole number of virtuous Angels, are they not all ministring spirits, sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation?
HARWOOD, in his liberal Translation of the New-Testament, at the beginning of this 13th Chapter to the Romans, has the following Note,—
When this epistle was written Nero had the character of an excellent prince. The first years of this tyrant's reign were distinguished for his moderation and clemency. Being once desired to sign the execution of a criminal, he did it with great reluctance, wishing, he had never learned a letter. Quam vellem, inquit, nescire literas! He declared he would make the administration of Augustus the model of his own, and embraced every opportunity of shewing his liberality, clemency, and courteousness. Vid. Sueton, lib. 6. cap. 20. p. 581. Variorum.
Some Persons may smile at such a representation of America, as a seat of knowledge, and, perhaps, divert themselves on the occasion, with a reflection on the following lines of the Roman Poet:
Urbem, quam dicunt Romam, Meliboee, putavi Stultus ego huic nostrae similem, quo saepe solemus Pastores ovium teneros depellere soetus. Sic canibus catulos fimiles, sic matribus hoedos Noram: Sic parvis componere magna solebam. Verum haec tantum alias inter caput extulit urbes, Quantum lenta solent inter viburna cupressi. Virg. Ecl. I.
The author is not so infatuated as to imagine, that he has any considerable degree of learning himself; nor does he suppose that we have men here, equal in literature to a number in several other Countries, though we have many persons who have had a liberal education; but begs leave to think, nevertheless, at least '••ill he receives further information, that the common people in this land have had such advantages, and have so improved them, that they know as much as a like number of the common people, taken together, in any other part of the world, if not more.
If it be particularly enquired, whether this Province, or the English American Colonies, being but a part of the British Empire, may be justified in exercising all the rights of a Society, for securing their privileges, in the present dispute; the determination may be assisted by asking, whether the People of Great-Britain, being but a part of the British Empire, might be justified in securing themselves, if the Parliaments of the Colonies should lay taxes on them, and claim a right to make laws binding them in all cases whatsoever.